ft^+lA-a Stat'i .w!' .i HlftiSii -1 ^' ¦^lii^X). M-X'Mif-wiWfU't. HISTORY NEW LONDON CONNECTICUT. FROM THE FIRST SURVEY OF THE COAST IN 1612, TO 1852. BY FRANCES MANWARING CAULKINS. ' I have considered the days of old, the years of ancient timas." Ta. Lxxvir. 5. The Seal of New London, adopted in 1784. Second. Elditiou. Conlinued to 18GO. NE"\V LONDON: PUBLISHEO BY THE AUTHOR. 1860. I.:nlercd according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by F. M. CAULlvINS, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Connecticut. C\^'^.C-)3>0b PRESS OF CASE, LOCKWOOD AXD 005IPAXY, HAP.TFORD CT. PREFACE. This work has not been hastily written, but is the result of several years of patient research. It originated in the first place, from a deep interest in the subject — a fondness for lingering in the avenues of the past, and of linking places, persons and events in historic association. The pleasure connected with the occupation has thus lightened the toil ; yet it is not pretended that the work was undertaken with no view to its being pubhshed. It has been from the first, the aim and hope of the author to produce a work worthy of publication — a history that would be honorable to her native place, and to those neighboring towns that were connected with it in their origin. New London county is a locaUty no way inferior in interest to any part of the state. Its early history is fuU of life and vivid anecdote. Here the white and the red race flourished for a time side by side ; while hard ships, reverses and adventures of various kinds marked its subse quent progress. A conviction of the fertihty of this unexplored field of research, connected with the sentiment of veneration for a region that had' been the refuge and home of her ancestors, in aU their branches, led to a design, early formed and perseveringly cherished by the author, to write the history both of Norwich and of New Lon don. Taste, leisure, opportunity, and above all the kind permission of a benignant providence, have concurred in allowing this design to be accomplished. The divine command to "remember the days of old, and consider the years of many generations," so often repeated in varying terms in Holy Writ, is an imperative argument for the preservation of memo rials ofthe past. The hand of God is seen in the history of towns as well as in that of nations. The purest and noblest love of the olden time is that which draws from its annals, motives of gratitude and thanksgiving for the past — counsels and warnings for the future. It is the ardent desire of the writer to engage the present generation IV PREFACE. in this ennobling study of their past history, and to awaken a sen i- ment of deeper and more affectionate sympathy with our ancestors, than has hitherto been felt. In the first place we find a band of ex iles, far from their native land, and in great part strangers to each other, collecting together, acting together, and amid trials and embar rassments cheerfully encountered and bravely overcome, effectmg a settlement upon this rugged coast ; and following the course of years, we meet with generation after generation, who endured great and manifold fluctuations of fortune, as they successively labored to im prove and enlarge their inheritance into those ample accommodations and facilities for future progress which we now enjoy. The work is extended into a larger volume than was at first anti cipated ; yet such is the affluence of materials, that a second of equal size might easily have been prepared, had the author chosen to wan der at large into the paths of family genealogy and indi-vidual biogra phy. A prevalent object in view, was to illustrate the gradual prog ress of society, from the commencement of the township among the huts of the Indians, where the first planters found shelter, to its pres ent maturity of two centuries. Many simple and homely traits, and slight incidents, are therefore admitted, whicii by themselves would seem trivial and below the dignity of history. " Posterity," said John Quincy Adams, "delights in details.'' This is true ; but details are great incumbrances to the easy flow of narrative writing. Less precision on minor points, fewer dates and names, and greater license of description and imaginative sketching, would have rendered the work more uniform and interesting, yet it might have diminished its value for local reference. In the spelling of Indian names entire uniformity has not been pre served. These names have not yet been reduced to any common standard, and the variations are innumerable. The point most per plexing to an historian is the transmutation that gradually takes place in the course of a series of records in the same name as in Nayhantick or Naihanticut, now Niantic, anS in Naywayonck now Noank. There appears to be an absurdity in writing Niantic and Noank, when treating of the early history, and a species of affecta tion in obtruding the old name against the popular orthography of the present day. In these words, therefore, and some others, a common uniform system of spelling has not been preserved. CONTENTS. Inti'oduotion and outline map of the harbor, PAGE- 13-lT CHAPTER I.— BEFORE THE SETTLEMENT. Pequots, Mohegans and Nahantics, 19-21 Block's survey of Ihe coast, - 21-24 Dutch map, 1616, - - 23 Chart of the coast by R. Williams, 24 Outline map of the coast, - 25 English settlements on the Connecticut, 26 Winthrop's contract for Nahantiok, 27 Stone and Norton, killed by Pequots, 2-8 Oldham, kflled at Block Island, 29 Endicot's expedition, - 29 Ravage of Block Island, Visit to Pequot Harbor, Skirmish on the Groton side, Skirmish ou the New London side. Why Uucas joined the Euglish, Mason's expedition, - His march to Pequot Harbor, Stoughton's encampment. Prisoners of the O-wl's Nest, End of the Pequot War, 303032 - 33 34,35 35 37 CHAPTER II.— FOUNDATION OF THE TOWN. Winthrop family sketch, 39 Grant of Fisher's Island, 40 First grant at Pequot, - - 41 Stoughton's recommendation, 42 Peters, the coadjutor of Winthrop, 43 Proofs of a beginning in 1645, - 44 First European female at N. London, 44 Natal day of New London, - 44 Commission of Winthrop and Peters, 45 Contest for the jurisdiction, - 46 Winthrop brings his family, 47 Bride Brook marriage, - 48, 49 Indian name of Bride Brook, 49 Outline map of the vicinity, 49 CHAPTER in.— INDIAN NEIGHBORS. Cochikuak, - 51 Uncas arrogant and surly, - 51, 52 The Nameaugs timid and friendly, 62 Indian hunt, - - - - 52 Uncas favored by the commissioners, 53 Winthrop favors the Nameaugs, - 53 Waweequaw the most troublesome Ind., 63 Foxen the wisest Indian, 54 Counsel of the elder Winthrop, - 54 Horror of the Pequot name, - 55 CHAPTER IV.— EARLIEST TOWN ACTS. Town officers. By-laws of Nameaug, Alewife Brook, Foxen's Hai, Poqnanuck, Quittapeag, Nameaug caJled Pequot, First thirty-six grantees, Mamacock^ Upper and Lower, Land division east of the river, - General sketch of the town plot. Court orders respecting Pequot, - 56 57,58 57 58 68 59,60 6061 Name " Fair Harbor" proposed. Bounds of the town enlarged, - Soldier grant, - _ _ Deed of IJncas to Brewster, The town mill. Grantees of 1650 and 1651, Anival of the minister. Grantees from Cape Ann, New, or Cape Ann Street opened. Earliest births, 64 6466 67,68 6970 7172 VI CONTENTS CHAPTER v.— GRANTEES AND TOWN AFFAIRS. Preservation of records. Moderator's minutes. At work on the mill dam. Green Harbor. Robm Hood's Bay, Ballot for Deputies, The name " London" proposed, Various gi'antees, - - - Grant of the present Parade, Mason's grant at Mystic, - Chesebrough versus LeightoUj Chippachau^. Pequot-sepos, Indians of Nawayonk, - - Autographs of Mason and Gallop, Presei-vation of trees. 73 - 74 74 75 75 - 76 75-78 77 78 7878 7979 79 Grant of the Mystic Islands, Division of the 'Neck. Uhuhioh, 80 81 Cowkeeper's agreement, - =-82 Salt-marsh. Wears. Qnaganapoxet, 82 Earliest deaths, - - - 82 The blacksmith. The lientenant, 83 Measures of defense against Indians, 84 Grantees. Harris legend, 85, 86 Bream Cove. Lake's Lake, 87 Innkeepers. Feiry lease, 89 Wintlirop's removal to Hartford, 90 His homestead and mill, 91 Duties ofthe townsmen, (selectmen,) 92 Additional residents to 1660, - 93 CHAPTER VI.— FARM GRANTS. Winthrop's Ferry fai-m, 94 Kahantick and Neck gi-ants, - 95 Poquiogh. Bi-uen's Neck. Fog Plain, 95 Cohanzie. The Mountain, - - 95 Fai-ms onthe river, (west side,) - 95,96 Poqnanuck, and IMystic Fort Hill, 96 Groton Bank, and Pocketannuck, - 97 Ma-shantucket. Lantern Hill, 97 Grants at Mystic, ¦ - 98 Wampassok. Mistuxet. Qnonaduclv, 99 Beginnings at Pawkatuck, - - 99 Chesebrough at Wickutequock, 99 100 Stanton on the Pawkatuck, 101 Minor's grant at Tagwourcke, 102 Grant to Gov. Haynes, - 102- Sold to Walter Palmer, - 102 Controversy for the jurisdiction, 103 Pawkatuck assigned to Mass., - - 104 Made a town and nam^d Southerton, 104 The decision reviewed and confirmed, 105,6 Annulled by the charter of Chas. II., 106 Southerton named " Mistick," 106 " Mistick" named Stonington, - 106 Border difficulties, - - 107 CHAPTER vn— ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. The Bai-n meeting-house, - - 108 First regular meeting-house, - 109 The Sabbath drum and drummer, 109, 110 The cupola a watch-tower, 110 Ancient burial-gi-ound, - - 111 Early notices of Mr. Bhnman, 111, 112 Who composed the Welsh party, - 113 Of what class were the pilgrims, 113 Mr. Blinman at Green Harbor, - - 113 At Gloucester. At New London, 114, 115 His departure and autograph, - 116 At Newfoundland and Bristol, 116, 117 CHAPTER Vin.— LOCAL NAMES. Derivation of Nameauc;& Tawaw-wog,118 Sanction of the name "New London," 119 What was tlie Indian name of the Thames? - 119 Mashantuck suggested, - 120 Original local names, - 121 List of Indian names, - 122-126 CHAPTER IX.— INDIAN NEIGHBORS. Committee to conciliate Uncas, - 126 Narragansetts overrun Mohegan, 127 Uncas besieged and relieved, - - 127 Invaded bv Pocomtioks and NaiTagan- setts, - - - 127 Brewster's complaints, - 128 Unc.is and Foxen, wanderers, - 128 Appointment of a Pequot missionary 128 Youths educated for Indian teachers, 129 The two Pequot bauds, - 129 Where settled, _ 23Q Contract with a new minister, Parentage of Mr. Bulkley, - Moderator's minutes, - CHAPTER X.— TOWN AFFAIRS TO 1670. 131 Fort Hill. Sandy Point. The Spring 138 182 Tongue's rocks, and the Bank, - 134 132,133 TheT)ookoflaws. Town erievi 1 own grievance, 135 CONTENTS. Vll Allusion to whaling, - - - 136 " Nahantick way-side," named Jordan, 136 Various minutes. Pawcatuck rates, 136, 7 Guns from Saybrook, - - 137 Mr. Bulkley's ministry terminates, - 137 Applications for a minister, - 138 Mr. Bradstreet engaged, - - 139 Parsonage built, - - 140 Autographs of town-clerks, - 141 Scrivener or attorney. Jail, - - 141 Wolves. Highways laid out, 142, 143 Mr. Bradstreet's ordination, - 143 Members of his church, - - 144 New inhabitants to 1670, 144-146 CHAPTER XL— DIGRESSIONS. Court on bankruptcy, - - 147 Affiiirs of Addis and ReveU, - 147, 148 Mr. Tinker's popularity, - - 149 The constable's protest, - - 149 Thomson's deposition and autograph, 160 Lieutenant Smith absconds, - 151 Rate lists and assessments, - 161, 152 Deceased and non-resident proprietors, 152 Richard Lord's decease and epitaph, 152, 3 Removals before 1670, - - - 154 Doubts respecting Mr. Lake, - - 154 Biography of those who removed, 155-60 CHAPTER XII.— BOUNDARIES. Committees and reports on bounds, 161, 2 Claim of Uncas disputed, - - 163 Winthrop's letter to James Rogers, 164 Treaty made and Uncas paid, 166 Contest with Lyme, - - 165-168 Mowing skirmish at Black Point, 168 Winthrop's testimony at the trial, 169 Indians of Black Point, - 170 The Hammonassets, and the giant, 170 The soldier grant. Obed land, 171 A glance at Lyme, - - 172 Tomb of Lady Fenwick, - 173, 174 Lyme organized into a town, - 175 First settlers of Lyme, • 176, 176 Black Hall. Mesopotamia, 17'6, 177 Meeting-house arbitration, 177 CHAPTER XIIL— TOWN OFFICERS TO 1690. Characteristics of the inhabitants, 179 Original plan of the town, - 180 Breaking out of Philip's War, 181 Wait Winthrop's expedition, 182 Six houses fortified, 183 Major Treat's expedition, 184 Swamp fight, - 184 Indian auxiliaries, - - - 184 Wounded men brought to N. London, 185 Three expeditions of Major Talcott, 185, 6 The ten border raids, - - 187 Men killed in Connecticut, - 188 Death of Winthrop, the founder, 188 His family and estate, - - - 189 Second meeting-house built, 190-192 What became of tlie old one, ^ 192 Ilhiess and death of Mr. Bradstreet, 193 His church record, - 194 Ministry of Mr. Oakes and Mr. Bamet, 195 Mr. Saltonstall ordained, - 197 " A large brass bell" procured, - 197 Saltonstall Sunday procession, 198 Epidemic fever and its victims, - 198 iMfeeting-house burnt and anotiier built,200 CHAPTER XIV.— THE ROGERENES. James Rogers and his family, 201, 202 Founder of the Rogerene sect, - - 203 First Sabbatarians of New London, 203 Baptism in Winthrop's Cove, - 204 Rogerene principles, ¦ 204, 205 Penalties of the law, - 205, 206 Will of James Rogers, - 207 Elizabeth Rogers divorced from John, 208 Her subsequent marriages, - 208, 9 Peter Pratt's book against Rogers, 209 Rejoinder of John Rogers, Jr., - 210 Persecution on both sides, - 210, 211 The periwig contribution, 211 The prison proclamation, 212 Mittimus against Rogers, - - - 212 Long imprisonment in Hartford, 213 Suit of Mr. Saltonstall against Rogers, 213 Apology for both sides, - 214, 215 Self-perfonned marriage rite, - - 216 Voluntary separation of the parties, 217 WaiTant against Rogers as insane, 218 He escapes to New York, - 219 His last outbreak, - - 219 His death, burial and writings, 220, 221 CHAPTER XV.— THE LIVEEN LEGACY. History of John Liveen, His will and executors. 222 I Mrs. Liveen's death and will, - 223 I The Hallams contest the first will. 224224 Vlll CONTENTS. Its validity established by the courts, 225 Appeal ofthe Hallams to England, 225 The will sustained, - 226 Appeal of Major Palmes, Sketch of the Liveen legacy, CHAPTER XVI Petition of the colony that New Lon don might be made a free port. Duties imposed on liquors. First vessels and their builders. Coasters and skippers, 231, Protests of Mr. Loveland, Trade with Newfoundland, Trade with Barbadoes, Vessels, builders, owners and masters, 236-238 ,— EARLY COMMERCE. Colt's building yard, i^ewspaper notices, English offlcers of the customs. Marine list in 1711, Commercial memoranda, - Jeffl-ey's large ships, 227, 226 - 228 - 238 239 - 239 - 240 • 240, 241 242 The society of trade and commerce, 243 Dissolution of the society, - - 244 Marine items and fleet of 1749, 244, 246 CHAPTER XVIL— COURT RECORDS. General remarks, - - 246, 247 Cases before the justices' court, 248 Cases before the assistants' court, - 248 Capt. Denison's difficulties, 248 County court. Its officers. Cases before the county court. Prerogative or probate court. Courts for trial of horse-coursers. - 249 250, 253 - 253 264-55 CHAPTER XVHL— EVENTS TO 1700. Winthrop's campaign in New Y-ork, 256 Capt. Livingston's exUe and marriage, 257 Petition to Sie mother country for aid in fortifying New London, 257 Fort buUt on the Parade, 258 Guns brought from Saybrook, - 258 The Province galley, 258 Act of addition to the town, - 269 The patent and patentees, 269, 262 The town commons, - - - 263 liank lots sold and court-house built, 263 New inhabitants to 1700, 264-266 CHAPTER ,XIX.— OBITUARIES. Customs at funerals. Tools and furniture. Ancient men living in 1700, ¦ 267 268 268 Catalogue of the dead, - 268-374 See Index of Names at the close of the volume.* CHAPTER XX.— EVENTS TO 1750. Post-offices and postage in 1710, 375 Scraps fi-om the Boston News Letter, 375 Death of Gov. Fitz^ohn Winthrop, 376 Mr. Saltonstall chosen governor, 376 Summary of his character and muiistry, 376 Mr. Adams ordained his successor, 379 Seatmg the people. Pew rivalry. 379 Briefs and contributions, - 380 List and census for 1708 and 1709, 380 Incidents of the French War, - 381 Superior court first held in N. London, 382 Death of Gov. Saltonstall. - 382 ni4 His family, - - - - 384 Strife with Norwich respecting the courts, - - 384 Memorial to the governor ou fortifica tion, - - 385 Appeal to the king thretitened, - 387 War with France and Spain, - 387, 388 Second memorial rejected, - Petition to the king drafted. Expedition against Louisburg, Glimpse of D' Anville's fleet, - 389 - 390 391, 92 *The ancient apple-tree which is depicted in this chapter, (p. 284,) supposed to have been nearly coeval with tlie town, and to have borne fruit for one hundred aud fifty years, was blown do-wn in a high wind Sept. 11th, 1862, shortly after tlie pao-e on which it appears was printed, and while the latter part of the work was yet in the press. CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XXL— MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS. Children's manners, Bartlet's legacy to the to-wn school, Grammar-school established. First school-house, A free school among the farmers, Grammar-school in the Nortii Parish, Rope fen-y established. Account of the FeiTy farm, Winthrop's rail). 395 I Jordan mill. Other mills, 403,404- 396 Wolves continue troublesome, 404 397 I The great snow and snow sermon, 405. 398 I The moving rock at Jordan Cove, - 406 399 Various amusements, 406-499 400 Memoranda, 409 402 Fh-st execution, - 410 402 Severe season of 1740-41, 411 - 403 Death of Wintlurop in England, 412, 413 CHAPTER XXn.— GROTON. Groton incorporated, - 414 Account of Su- John Da-vie, - 415 Packer's visit to Creedy, 417 Autograph of Davie, - 417 Ministers of Groton, 418, 421 Baptist church of Groton, 422, 423 CHAPTER XXm.— THE NORTH PARISH. First white settler in Mohegan, 425 Death of Uncas and Owaneco, - 426 Meaning of their names, - 426, 427 Early grantees of Indian lands, 427, 428 Great purchase at Mohegan, 428 Deed of feoffment, - 428 Cesar's deed to New London, 430 Protest of Gov. Saltonstall, - - 430 Committee to settle the North Parish, 431 Ministry of Mr. HiUhouse, 432 Ordination of Jewett, 435 Deacons of the church, 436 CHAPTER XXIV.— BAPTIST CHURCH. Fu-st regular Baptists, - - 436 Church built at Fort Hill, on the Neck, , by First and Seventh Day Baptists united, - - - - 436 Ministry of Elder Gorton, 437 The Rowe legacy, - 437 Gorton driven from the pulpit, 438 Dissolution of the church, - 438 Baptist church organized in Lyme, 439 CHAPTER XXV.— EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Formation of an Episcopal society, 440 Subscribers to buUd a church, - 440 Church erected on the Paa-ade, 441 Anecdote concerning the steeple, 442 Seabury family, - - - - 443 Ministry of Mr. Seabury in N. London, 443 Glebe house bmlt, 445 Ministry of Mr. Graves, 445 Difficulty during the Revolution, 446 Compelled to relinquish the pulpit, 446 Retires to New York. His death, 447 Church destroyed in 1781, 481 CHAPTER XXVI.— THE GREAT AWAKENING. Preaching of Mr. Tennent, - 449 Of Mr. Parsons and Mr. Davenport, 460 Council at Killingworth, 450 Brainerd's letter to Dr. Bellamy, - 452 Members withdraw from the cliurch, 452 The Shepherd's Tent society formed, 453 Davenport's last visit, - 454 Burning of the books and garments, 456 Trial or those concei'ned in it, - 456 Accounts of it by Trumbull and Peters, 458 Whitefield's visits to New London, 459, 460 Notice of Rev. Jonathan Barber, - 461 CHAPTER XXVn.— EVENTS TO 1774. New Style, - 462 A Spanish vessel arrives in distress, 462 The cargo landed and partly stolen, 463, 4 Conclave in Cedar Swamp, 465 Escape of the culprits, - - 466 Conclusion of the affau-, 467, 468 I Execution of Sarah Bramble, - 468 Visit of Col. Washington, 469 Arrival of French neutrals, ¦ 470 News paragraphs, - 470, 471 First newspaper established, - 472 Pubhc events, - - - 473 CONTENTS. Lotteries. Light-house, Alms-house. Ferry wharf. Bridge, -Fire engine. Business sketch. Shipping and custom-house, - Second newspaper commenced. 474 Anecdotes ofthe Cygnet, 475 Edict against barberry bushes, 476 Celebration of the Sth of Nov., 477 Effects ofthe Stamp Act, 478 I Sketch ofthe trade ofthe port. 479 480 481,2 482,3 483-85 CHAPTER XXVin.- ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. Ministry of Rev. Mr. Adams, 486,7 Meeting-house struck by lightning, 487 Ministry of Rev. Mather Byles, - 489 Outbreak of the Bogerenes, 490-494 Tan-ing and feathering, - 494' Mr. Byles relinquishes his office, 495-98 Settlement of Mr. Woodbridge, 498 His ministry and death, - 499, 500 CHAPTER XXIX.— REVOLUTIONARY TOPICS. Townships in 1774, - 501 Various committees and delegations, 602, 3 Records removed, - - 503 Vote on the confederation, - 604 Early advocates of freedom, 505, 6 What was done in respect to tea, &07 Shaw's purchases of powder, 508 Expedition of Commodore Hopkins, 509, 10 English collectors, - 511 The Shaw family, 512 CHAPTER XXX.— MILITARY AFFAIRS. DetaUs of militia, - 513, 14 Companies at Bunker HiU, 614 Nathan Hale at New London, 615 Attack on Stonington, - 516 First alarm at New London, - 517 Reports on fortification, 517-519 BuUduig Fort TrumbuU, 620, 521 The garrison, MiMtia in service, - 621 Marauders. Long Islaud traders, 522, 23 A year of alarms, - 523-526 Army detaUs, - 626 Exciianges of prisoners, 527,28 Further alarm and distress, 529-631 Various worthy soldiers named, 531-34 CHAPTER XXXL— NAVAL AFFAIRS. Privateering,State armed vessels. Continental vessels, French ships in port. 535-542 538 639, 40 542 Severe ivinter of 1779-80, 543 Account of the ship Putnam, - 543 Combat between the TrumbuU and Watt, 643 CHAPTER XXXIL— ARNOLD'S INVASION. British expedition agaiust the town, 545 Debarkation of the troops, 54B Flight of the mhabitants, - 547 March of the troops over Town HiU, 549 Fort Trumbull evacuated, 54!) March of Upham's division, - 551 Destruction of the town and incidents connected with it, 652-557 Landing on tlie Groton side, 557 Storming of the fort and massacre of the garrison, 557-564 Incident of the wagon, 565 Bm-ningof Groton viUage, - 565 Train laid to blow up the fort, 566 Fire extinguished by Major Peters, 566 Loss on both sides, - - 557 570 Compensation by fire lands, ' 570 What records were burnt, 671 Anniversary celebrations, 571 Groton monument, - g^. CHAPTER XXXUL— EVENTS TO 1800. - Morals and manners. Various seamen commemorated. The plank' vessel built, Execution of Hannah Okkuish, Death of Capt. John Chapman, Custom-house officers, 573 AUen's marine Ust, 574, 75 ¦ French emigi-auts, 676 676 677577 578 579 Loss of seamen m the West India sev vice, ciRi Account of the yeUow fever, 583-85 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXIV.— CHURCHES. Transient ministers, - 686 Death by lightning, - - 687 " Congregational cliurch of 1786, 588 Ministry of Rev. Henry Channing, 589 Settlement of Rev. Abel McEwen, 590 The Granite church buUt, - - 591 Second Cong. Church established, 591 Church of St. James re-erected, 692 Bishop Seabury's ministry. His successors. The Gothic church built, History of the Methodist society, HistOi-y of the Baptist churches, Universaiist church, Roman Catholics, Epitaph on Bishop Seabury, XI 693 594 694 696 599- 599 600 600 CHAPTER XXXV.— THE ANCIENT TOWN RE-VIEWED. Groton churches, 601, 2 Groton vUlage, - 602 Sketch of Ledyard, - - 603 Present condition of the Pequots, 604 - MontvUIe organized, - 606 Its ecclesiastical history, - 606-609 Meeting-house struck by lightning, 606 Establishment of various churches, 607, 8 Waterford incorporated, - 609 Niantic Bay and River, 610 Ancient Baptist church, 611 - Elder Darrow's ministry, - 612 Other Baptist churches, 613, 14 Sketch of East Lyme, - - 614, 15 The old Synagogue, the stone church, 616 Black Point and Niantic Indians, 617 CHAPTER XXX-yt.- EVENTS TO 1815. City of New London incorporated, 619 Succession of mayors, - 620 • The town grammar-school, - 621 The Union school, - 622 . Female academies, - 623 The BuUdey bequest, - 623 The fort land, - - - - 624 The second burial ground, - 625 Alms-house built, - - - 626 General survey of streets, 626-629 Execution of Pequot Harry, Second war with Great Britain, Decatur's squadron chased into the port. Blockade by the British fleet. The torpedo attempt. Gen. Burbeck takes command, The Hue light excitement, Trips of the Juno, Peace and festivity, 629 630 631631632 633635 636 637 CHAPTEE XXXVIL— WHALING. First whaling edict in Connecticut, 638 Progress of American whaling, 639 Its commencement at Sagharbor, 640 The business commenced atN. London, 640 And pursued from 1806 to 1808, 641 Revival in 1819, - - 641 The earUest whale ships employed, 642 Snccessfiil voyages and noted cap tains, - - - 643,4 Statistics of the whaling busuiess, 645 And of the California trade, - 646 Whaling merchants in 1852, and num ber of ships o-wned by each firm, 647 CHAPTER XXXVin.— SUMMARY TO 1862. CoUectors of the port from 1789, 648 Commercial memoranda, - 649, 650 Light-houses of New London district, 660 Dangers on the coast, 651 Fort TrumbuU, - 652 First steam navigation, 652 Voyage of the steam-ship Savannah ; its captain and sailing master from New London, - 663 Newspapers pubUshed in 1862, - 654 Ee-riew of newspaper history, 665-658 Fire companies, turnpike companies, 658 Ferry to Groton, - - - 669 Severe -winters and -width of the river, 660 Funeral of the Walton family, 661 Interment ofthe remains of Commodore G. W. Rodgers, - 661 Banks and other incorporations, 662, 63 Eaikoads. .Cedar Grove Cemetery, 664 Population at diiferent periods, - 665, 6 Various catalogues, - 667-672 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. INTRODUCTION. Ix the eastern part of Connecticut is a river, named in honor of the Thames of England, which, about two miles from its mwith, forms the harbor of New London. " Here fond remembrance stampt her much loved names ; Here boasts the soil its London and its Thames,"' The mouth of the river lies directly open to Long Island Sound. It has no intricate channel, no extensive shoals or chains of islands, to obstruct the passage, but presents to view a fair, open port, inviting every passing sail, by the facility of entrance and security of anchor age, to drop in and enjoy her accommodations. The harbor is a deep, spacious and convenient basin ; abounding in choice fish, and its margin furnished w-ith sandy beaches, finely situated for the enjoy ment of sea air and sea bathing. In the lowest spring tides the harbor has twenty-five feet of water, and this depth extends several miles above New London. Ships of the line may therefore enter at all times of the tide and ascend as far as Gale-town, seven miles from the mouth of the river. To this place there is usually in the channel a depth of twenty-seven feet, and vessels drawing eight feet of water find no difficulty in reaching Nor- w-ich, twelve miles from the mouth. New London harbor is the key of Long Island Sound and the only naval station of importance between Newport and New York. In its capacious bosom a large fieet may find anchorage and ride out a tempest ; nor is there any port on the coast more advantageously situated for the reception of a squadron pursued by an overmastering 1 Philip Freneau. 14 HISTOKY OF NEW LONDON. enemy. This was proved in the last war with Great Britain, when the United States, Macedonian and Hornet, closely pursued by a superior British force, put into the harbor and found a secure shelter. Commodore John Eodgers, who wintered here with his squadron m 1811, said it was the best ship harbor he had ever visited, except one : the exception was understood to be in Europe. It is seldom closed by ice ; remaining open through the whole whi ter, except in seasons of intense frost, which occur at intervals, some times of many years. Nor is it ever troubled with floating ice, for that which is made within the harbor or comes down the stream, owing to the course of currents off' the mouth of the river, drifts directly out to sea. The township of New London originally extended on the Sound from Pawkatuck River to Bride Brook, in Lyme, and on the north to the present bounds of Bozrah, Norwich and Preston. "Within these limits there are noWj east of the river Thames, Groton, Ledyard and Stonington, and west of the river, New London, Montville, Waterford and East Lyme. At the present day, in superficial extent, it is the smallest town in the state — less than four miles in length and only three-fourths of a mile in width. The city boundaries coincide with those of the town. The compact portion of the city is built upon an elevated semicircle, projecting from the western bank of the river, between two and three miles from the Sound. Latitude of New London hght-house, 41° 18' 55". Longitude west of Greenwich, 72° 5' 44".' The outward appearance of New London, down to a period consid erably within the precincts of the present century, was homely and uninviting. The old town burnt by Arnold, could boast of very little elegance ; many of the buildings, through long acquaintance with time, were tottering on the verge of decay; and the houses that replaced them, hastily built by an impoverished people, were in gen eral plain, clumsy and of moderate dimensions. Neatness, elegance and taste were limited to a few conspicuous exceptions. Moreover the town had this disadvantage, that in approaching it, either by land or water, its best houses were not seen. It was therefore generally regarded by travelers as a mean and contemptible place. Within the period in which steamboats have traversed the Sound, a passen ger, standing by the captain on deck, as the boat came up the harbor exclaimed with ennrgy, "If I only hadthe money.'" "What would 1 United States Coast Surve3|^1846. HISTORYOFNEWLONDON. 15 you do?" inquired the commander. "iJuy that town and burn it," he quickly replied. Since the utterance of this dire threat great improvements have been made. The city now contains ten structures for public worship, two of them new and elegant stone churches, in the Gothic style of architecture ; a custom-house and county prison, both of granite ; several extensive manufacturing establishments, two of which employ engines of great power and several hundred men ; several blocks of stately brick buildings, in one of which is a spacious hall for public exhibitions ; and many elegant private mansions. A railway, start ing from the city and running nearly seventy miles north to the great Western road of Massachusetts, furnishes an eligible route to Boston and to Albany. A second railway, extending to New Haven along the margin of the Sound, completes the land communication with New York. And in the forefront of the town, admirably situated for the de fense of the harbor, stands Fort Trumbull, a fine specimen of mural ar chitecture, complete in design and finish, massive, new, and in perfect order. Groton Monument overlooking the harbor is another impressive feature of the scene. Under its shadow lie the ruins of old Fort Griswold, from whose battlements a fine view is obtained of the town and the river. From the summit of the monument, the prospect to the south, of the Sound, its coasts and its islands, is absolutely peer less and magnificent. Here lie Connecticut and Long Island, forever looking at each other from their white shores, with loving eyes, linked as they are by the ties of a common origin, congenial character and similar institu tions ; and guarding with watchful care that inland sea, which, won from the ocean, lies like a noble captive between them, subdued to their service and inclosed by their protecting arms. How changed is this whole scene, landward and seaward, since the period when we may suppose the young, ambitious Winthrop, with knapsack and musket, under the guidance of some Indian chief, struggled through the wilderness from Saybrook, and pausing per chance on the summit of Town Hill, looked down upon the wild and solitary landscape ! How his heart would beat, could he now stand upon that spot in the garb of mortality, with earthly feehngs still yearning in his bosom, and survey the fair town which he first began to hew out of the wilderness ! The Sound which he had navigated and admired ; the harbor, whose commercial aptitude he must have discovered at a glance ; the heights on the other side of the river, since named from his own birth-place ; the Neck, where afterward, 16 ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. in the infancy of the town, he built his house of rough stone and planted his orchard with English trees — all these enduring features remain the same as when they first broke upon his vision. But where he then saw only a confused mass of sterile rocks and stunted trees, or swamps and thickets, relieved only by a few Indian smokes that rose from their depths, there are now wharves, and spires, and fortresses ; trains of cars gliding over iron tracks ; hills furrowed w-ith the cemeteries of the dead, and streets crowded with the mansions of the living. How populous likewise have these waters become ! Then, perhaps a sohtary canoe appeared on the horizon, or was seen dimly gliding along the weedy shores. Now, an ever changeful scene is presented to the eye. Barges and boats, -whose oars drip liquid silver ; the light-keeled smack, with its slant sheet bearing up before the wind ; sloops and schooners, which, though built for use and deep with freight, display only ease and grace in form and motion ; the stout whale-ship, familiar with the high latitudes and counting her voyage by years, bound out or in, with hope in the one case and gladness in the other, paramount upon her deck ; and lines of steamers, the mediums of harmonious intercourse, making friends of strangers and neighborhood of distance, under whose canvas shades beauty reclines and childhood pursues its gambols with the comfort and security of land — are objects which, in the genial seasons, give a pleasing v.iriety to the surface of the Sound. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 17 Long. W. from Greenwich, 72° 5' 41", NEW LONDON HAKBOB. CHAPTER I. Historical Sketch of the Pequots, and of their Country, previous to the Settle ment of tlie English. When the English commenced their settlements upon Connecticut River, they found residing upon the sea-coast, in a south-easterly Course from their plantations, a tribe of Indians, exceedingly fierce, warhke and crafty. These Were the Pequots. Their immediate territory extended from Connecticut River to Wekapaug Creek, about four miles east of the Pawkatuck, and back into the country indefinitely, covering what is now New London county. On the southern coast, bordering upon Long Island Sound, they had their villages and fishing stations. Far and -wide in the rear extended the hunting fields, the deer tracks, the war-paths of the tribe, and a shadowy depth of swamps and thickets, inhabited only by beasts of prey, or perchance a few rebels and outcasts, that had escaped from the tyranny of the sachem or from the fierce avenger of blood. But the power of the Pequots was felt beyond these bounds. Other tribes had been overrun by their war parties, a tribute imposed, and a paramount dominion estabhshed. Prince, in his introduction to Mason's Pequot War, says that this tribe extended westward to Connecticut River, and over it as far as Branford, if not to Quinnipi- ack (New Haven.) Gookin, in his account of the New England Indians, states that the sachem of the Pequots held dominion over a part of Long Island ; over the Mohegans, the Quinnipiaks ; " Yea, over aU the people tliat dwell upon Connecticut River, and over some of the most southerly inhabi-tants of the Nipmuck country." The central seat of the tribe was between the two rivers now known as the Thames and the Mystic. Their principal villages or hamlets were in tbe neighborhood of the latter, and were overlooked and guarded by two fortifications — one near the head of the river, on 20 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. a height still called Pequot Hill ; and the other on a ^^f l^'^'jjj^^^ Sound, known as Fort Hill; both in the eastern part ot tne p town of Groton. These posts were fortified vUlages, rather than torts , each consisting of a cluster of cabins, surrounded by a strong ence built of stakes, logs and interwoven trees. , M I, On the west bank of the river now the Thames, were the mone- gans,with Uncas for their sachem; the southern border of whose territory was about six miles from the mouth of the river Gov Winthrop the elder, says that Uncas dwelt "in the twist of Pequod River ;" meaning the bow-like portion of the river lymg south of Trading Cove.' The chiefs of this tribe were of the royal family of the Pequots. South of the Mohegans, down to the river's mouth, the natives were caUed by some early writers Mohegans, and by others Pequots, Subsequent to the Pequot War, the remnant that was left took the name of the place where they dwelt, and were distinguished as Nam- e-augs. They were undoubtedly of the true Pequot race. About the mouth of Pawkatuck River and eastward of it, -was a tribe called the Eastern Nahanticks, over whom the Pequots clauned authority, but who were sometimes m alliance with the Narragan- setts. Around Nahantick Bay (m Waterford and East Lyme) were the Western Nahanticks.^ They had a fort or look-out post directly at the head of Nahantick River, and another on the summit ridge of Black Point, overlooking the Sound. Their hunting lands and fish ing grounds extended west to Connecticut River. These are all the aborigines of New London county of whom any account has been preserved. They aU belonged to the wide-spread Delaware or Algonquin race, and used the same language, but with considerable variety of intonation and emphasis. The fact is now well established, that the diff'erence in the aboriginal dialects of New 1 Winthrop's Journal, sub ann. 1638. " Unkus, alias Okoco, the Monahegan Sachem in the twist of Pequod Eiver, came to Boston with 37 men." Okoco is doubtless a misprint for Okacc, one of the names of Uiicas, or rather, a slow, reverential way of pronouncing his name. Sassacus was likewise pronounced, at times, Sassaco-us and Sassa-qu6-as. Pequot also with the o long, Peko-ot, Pequo-odt. Unkus as in the above extract from Wmthrop, or Onkos, as in Mason's account of the Pequot War would be better orthography for the sachem's name than Uncas ; but where the sound is so nearly the same, it is needless to alter the current spelUng. 2 Mason says : "About midway between Pequot Harbor and Saybrook, we feU unon a people called Nayanticks, belonging to the Pequods." Mass. Hist. CoU. vol 18 p. 144. ' ¦ ' HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 21 England was not so great but that the tribes easily undei-stood each other. With respect to the clans in the vicinity of New London, no material difference could be discerned in their physical conformation, their character or their customs. In government they formed a con federacy, and their chief sachem at this period was the powerful Sassacus. Uncas, the Mohegan chief, was his kinsman by blood, and probably also his son-in-law ; for it is said that he had married, about ten years before the Pequot War, the daughter of Tatobam, the Pequot sachem : Tatob.am was one of the names of Sassacus. It is generally conceded by historians, that the Pequots were ori ginally an inland tribe, dwelling north-east of the Hudson River, and belonging to that class of the aborigines termed Mohickans or Mohick- anders ; and that they reached the sea-coast by successive stages, conquering or driving away the older tribes that came in their way. It may be that the Nahanticks, on the east and west, were a people found upon the coast, subdued at first, and afterward intermingled with the conquerors. This would account for their readiness to throw off" the Pequot yoke whenever an opportunity offered. But the Mohegans do not appear to have been in any way distinguished from the Pequots, except in name, and in this respect they were the older people,' retaining the original name. The designation of Pe quots was no older than the father of Sassacus, from whom it was derived ; he being called Wo-pequoit, or Wo-pequand, and sometimes Pekoath.2 The coast of New London county was first explored by the Dutch navigators, beginning with Capt. Adrian Block in 1614. This com mander, in a small vessel constructed upon the banks of the Hud son — a yacht called the Restless,^ forty-four feet and a half long, and •eleven and a half wide — passed through Hell-gate into the Sound, and examined the coast as far eastward as Cape Cod. He appears to have entered the principal harbors and ascended the rivers to some distance. Montauk Point he called Fisher's Hook, from the employ ment of the natives, who gained their chief subsistence from the sea. 1 This agrees with the tradition of the Mohegans. The ancient burial-place of the sachems was in their domain, on the banks of the Yantiok ; now in Norwich. The sachems' graves at that place were mentioned on the first settlement of the town, many years before Uncas was buried there. 2 The elder Winthrop, in his first notice of the tribe, in 1634, caUs them Pequims ; but the Dutch, who visited them twenty years before, noticed them as Pequatoos, and in the map drawn by these first explorers, they are laid down as Pequats. Winthrop's Journal, vol. 1 ; New York Hist. CoU., new series, vol. 1, p. 295. 3 O'CaUaghan's New Netherlands, p. 72. 22 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Fisher's Island probably received its name on the same account, or from its being a good position for fishing, but at a later period than Block's survey.' To Block Island he gave his own name, and it is accordingly laid down on the old Dutch maps as "Adrian's Eyland" and "Ad. Block's Eyland." This enterprising navigator so thorough ly explored the beautiful inland basin known as Long Island Sound, laying open its bays, rivers and islands to the view of the Old World, ¦ that we can not but wish it had obtained, in honor of him, the name of Adrian's Sea. We should then have a western Adriatic, appro priately so named, and not a servile imitation, as many of our names are, from the geography of Europe. De Laet, an early Dutch geographer, and the first who has de scribed with any minuteness the coast of Connecticut, compiled his account from the journals and charts of Adrian Block. His descrip tion of the coast of New London county is as follows :' " -Within tlie Great Bay [Long Island Sound] there lies a crooked point, [the Latin edition says, " in tlie shape of a sickle,"] behind -whicli there is a smaU stream or inlet, which was called by our people East River, since it extends toward the east." No one can doubt but that Watch Hill Point and Pawkatuck Riyer are here indicated : the sickle form of the sandy cape and the easterly course of the river, identify them with precision. " Ttiere is another small river toward the west where the coast bends, which our countrymen called the river of Siccanemos, after the name of the Sagimos [Sachem.] Here is a good harbor or roadstead behind a sand point about half a mile from the western shore, in two and a half fathoms water. The river comes for the most part from the north-east, and is in some places very shallow, having but nine feet of water at the confluence of a small stream, and in other places only six feet. Then there are kills or creeks with full five fathoms water, but navigation for ships extends only fifteen or eighteen miles. Salmon are found there. The people who dwell on this river, according to the state ments of our people, are called Pequatoos, and are the enemies of the Wapa- noos" [Wampanoogs or Narragansetts.] 1 Thompson (History of Long Island, p. 248) says that Fisher's Island was originally caUed Vissher's Island, and was so named by Block, probably after one of his com panions. The same assertion has been made by other historians, but it does not ap pear on what authority. Its position is noted by the Dutch geographer De Laet and It IS laid down on the early Dutch maps, but no name is given to it. ' 2 De Laet wrote his work both in Dutch and Latin : the latter, not being a tr ] tion of the former, but composed anew, varies from the other in some points -r"^ *" lations from both works, of those parts which relate to the coast of New Yo i™"!l New England, are given in N. Y. Hist. CoU., new series, vol. 1; from which th' tracts in the text are taken. *fc ® ^^" HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 23 DUTCH MAP OF 1616. The river here described was probably the Mystic. The variation of the soundings, the sand points, shoals and creeks, all apply to that neighborhood.' The Mystic, also, was peculiarly the river of the Pequots, although the name Pequot River was afterward given to the Thames, that being the largest river of the Pequot territory and the one principally visited by the Enghsh and Dutch traders. The tribe, however, was most numerous in the vicinity of the Mystic and their fortresses commanded its whole extent. In some particulars the account is not precisely accurate ; nor could we reasonably expect that the flrst rude survey of a coast em barrassed as this is, with creeks, coves and islands, should exactly correspond with charts made two or three centuries later. In a part of the description, it is evident that the Mystic is confounded with the river next surveyed. When it is said, "navigation extends fifteen or eighteen miles," we can not doubt but that the geographer has misplaced a fact which, in the original surveys, referred to the Thames. The writer proceeds : "A small island lies to the south-west by south from this river as the coast runs [Fisher's Island ;] near the west end of it, a north-west by west mooh 1 " Mistick Eiver, or Harbor, is an arm of the sea navigable for vessels drawing six teen feet of water, about two miles from its mouth : at that point obsti-ucted by a bar of hard sand, about fifteen rods in width, aUowing only thirteen feet depth at high water, with a channel above the bar, sixteen feet deep, up to the wharves. The nav igation is impeded, also, in consequence of its channel being very crooked." [Asa Fish, Esq., MS.] 24 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. causes low water. We next find on the main. . small stream to ^^^"'"^ °"' people gave the name of the Little Fresh River, where some trade is carried on with the natives, who are called Morhicans." Here we have the first glimpse of our own fair stream, with the name given it, probably by Capt. Block himself, m 1614. The ad junct Little was necessary to distinguish it from the Connecticut, which had been previously named by the Dutch, Fresh River. De Laet's Latin edition,' which was written later than the other, does not name the Little Fresh River, but notices what is evidently the same stream, under another name : " From thence the coast turns a little to the south, and a smaU river is seen, which our people named Frisius, where a trade is carried on with the Morhi cans." From all this it appears that the rivers on the coast of New Lon don county, discovered and partially explored by the Dutch, were : 1. East River, or the Pawkatuck. 2. Siccanemos, or the river of the Sachem, now Mystic. 3. Little Fresh River, or the Frisius, now Thames. i Roger Williams, in a letter to Governor Winthrop, ot Massachu setts, written in 1636, sketches a rude chart of the following geo graphical points on the Pequot coast passing from Connecticut River eastward by land •? 1. River Qunnihticut. 2. A fort of Nayantaquit men, confederate with the Pequts. [Head of Ni- antick Bay.] 3. Mohiganic River. [The Thames.] 4. -Weinshauks, where Sassacous the. chief sachem is. [Probably the royal fortress in Groton.] 5. Mistick Fort and River, where is Mamoho, another chief sachem. [The fort afterward taken by Capt. Mason.] 6. Nayantaquit, [Fort and River.] 1 In these Dutch accounts there are in fact four streams, instead of three obscurely indicated ; but Uiis must be ascribed to the confusion produced by comparing different journals, since there is no such fourth stream between Connecticut River and Nan-a- ganset, except the Xiantick, aud on the charts made by these discoverers of the coast Niautick Kiver and Bay are wholly omitted, which is presumptive proof that thev were not explored. See N. Y. Hist. CoU., vol. 1, pp. 295, 307; also the Dutch map of 1616, in O'CaUaghan. The original of this map was obtained in Holland 1841 bv J. Romeyn Broadliead. 2 Jlass. Hist. CoU., 2d scries, vol. 1, p. 161. Oi 'atchEill Ft. O > ford. Ehzabeth Abbot was prebably a daughter * Robert Abbot, of Branford. HISTORYOFNEW LONDON. 87 to kmd. The house lots of. Robert Hempstead and James Bemas reached to the cove, with the highway (now Coit Street) separating them into two divisions. In December, 1653, the remainder of the land on the east side of the cove, was divided equally between three other B's, Beckwith, Bruen and Blatchford. About the same time, also, Mr. Blinman removed to the lower part of the town and had his house lot on the west side of the same cove, where it is supposed that he dwelt until he left the place.' His house stood near where the old bridge crossed the cove. " Dec. 19. Mrs. Lake hath given her in the woods west from the town at a plaine, by a pond called Plaine lake, 300 acres of upland with the meado by the pond and the pond." The beautiful sheet of water here called Plain Lake has since been called Lake's Lake, or Lake's Pond, and is now included in Chesterfield society, Montville. The farm laid out to Mrs. Lake, nominally three hundred acres, being measured with the generous amplitude so common in that day, was twice the size of the Uteral grant. It was of a seven-cornered figure, inclosing the beautiful oval lake. Within the area were hill-sides and glens, wood-lands and swamps alinost impenetrable. This estate was bequeathed by Mrs. Lake to the children of her daughter Gallop, by whom it was sold to the Prentis brothers, sons of John Prentis. The new inhabitants of 1654 were John Lockwood, William Roberts, WilUam Collins, Sergeant Richard Hartley and Peter Bradley. Hartley appears to have come from England with a stock of English goods, which he opened in a shop on Mill Cove. Peter Bradley was a seaman, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Jon athan Brewster, and bought the house lot of John Gallop. John Chynnery, of Watertown,^ at the same period bought Capt. Denison's homestead, the latter having previously removed to Mystic. April 9th. The order was reenacted enforcing attendance upon town meeting and a fine of one shUUng imposed upon absentees when lawfully warned. " The aforesaid fyne also they shaU pay if they come not within halfe an howre after the beating of the drum and stay the whole day or untill they be dismissed by a publick voate.'' 1 This swarm of B's appears to have been unconsciously gathered around the cove. Peter Harris afterward buUt on the spot occupied by Mr. BUnman. 2 Perhaps this was the John Chenary, who was one of sixteen men, slain by the Indians Sept. 4th, 1675, at Squakeag. Coffin's Newbury, p. 389. 88 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. The order for a town meeting was given by the townsmen to the constable, who gave notice to the warner and drummer. The Warn er left a summons at every house : the drum began to beat half an hour before the time for business, and if a constable, two townsmen and fifteen inhabitants appeared, it was a legal meeting. " June 2. Goodman Harries is chosen by the Towne ordinary keeper. " June 20. Capt. Denison is chosen Commissioner and to him is chosen Mr. Brewster Mr. Stanton and Hugh Calkin to make a list of the state of the towne and the inhabitants and to make the Country rate of Twenty pounds.'' Augnst 28th. The former law granting a tax of sixpence from every family for the kiUing of a wolf, was repealed, and a bounty of twenty shilUngs substituted. " The Towne having nominated and chosen Goodman Cheesebrooke, Oba diah Bruen and Hugh Calkin whom to present to the Court desire that they may have power together with Mr. Winthrop and Captin Denison or any three- of them for the ending of small causes in the town." This petition was not granted and the inhabitants were obliged for some time longer to carry their law cases to Hartford for adjudication, " Nov. 6. " John Elderkin was chosen Ordinary Keeper. " An order from the Court forbidding the sale of strong liquors by any but persons lycensed by the Court was published. " Widdo Harris was granted by voat also to keep an ordinary if she will." Walter Harris died-'^the day this vote was taken, and Elderkin was chosen as his successor, who was confirmed in his office and _ licensed by the General Court. At the northern extremity of the town, on Foxen's Hill, another inn was established about this pei-iod, by Humphrey Clay and his wife Katherine. How far it was sanc tioned by the town we can not learn, as the note-books of Mr. Brnen from the early part of 1655, to September, 1661, are lost and the; regular town book is s'canty in its record. The inn of Mr. Clay continued to be a place of notoriety until 1 664, when it was broken up and its landlord banished from the place for breaches of law and order. " At a General Town meeting Sept. 1, 1656. "George Tongue is chosen to keep an ordinary in the town of Pequot for the space of 5 years, who is to allow all inhabitants that live abroad tbe same privilege that strangers have, and all other inhabitanis the like privilege ex cepting lodging. He is also to keep good order and sufficient accommodation according to Coun Order being not to lay it down under 0 months warning, unto which I hereunto set my hand " George Tonge." HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 89 George Tongue about this period bought the house and lot of Thomas Stanton on the Bank, north-east of the Picket lot ; and here he opened the house of entertainment which he kept during his Ufe, and which, being continued by his family, was the most noted inn of the town for sixty years. The estabUshment of a regular ferry over the river was an object of prime importance to the inhabitants, all of whom had shares of land in two or three parcels on the east side. The waters at this spot may be technicaUy termed rugged. There is no bar, as at Say brook, to mitigate the vehemence of the swell, and the mouth of the river lying open to the Sound, it sometimes rolls like the sea. The width across in the narrowest part opposite the town, is a little less than half a mile, but it spreads both above and below this point to nearly three-quarters of a mile. November 6th, 1651, arti cles were drawn to lease the ferry to Edward Messenger for twenty- one years. This arrangement lasted two or three years, and then Messenger gave up his lease and removed to Windsor. In 1654 the disposal of the ferry was left to Mr. Winthrop and the townsmen, who entered into "articles of agreement" with Cary Latham, granting him a lease and monopoly of " The ferry over Pequot river, at the town of Pequot, for fifty years — from the twenty-fifth of March,' 1655. The said Cary to take 3d. of every passenger for his fare, 6rf. for every horse or great beast, and 3d. for a calf or swine : — and to have liberty to keep some provisions and some strong liquors or wine for the refreshment of passengers. — No English or Indian are to pass over any near the ferry place that they take pay for, — if they do the said Cary may re quire it." Mr. Latham, on his part, bound himself to attend the service im mediately with a good canoe and to provide, within a year's time, a sufficient boat to convey man and beast. He also, engaged to buUd a house on the ferry lot east of the river before the next October, to dweU there and to keep the ferry carefully, or cause it to be so kept, for the whole term of years. In October, 1654, the first levy of soldiers was made in the plan tation. The New England confederacy had decided to raise an army of two hundred and seventy men and send them into the Narragan sett country to overawe the Indians. Connecticut was to furnish forty-five men, with tbe necessary equipments ; and of this force the 1 This was the first day of the civU year. 8* 90 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. quota of Pequot was "four men, one drum, and one pair of cuUers." The expedition was a fruitless one : the soldiers sufiered many hard ships, but had Uttle fighting to do. In May, 1657, Mr. Brewster was made an assistant and Mr. Win throp chosen governor of the colony. This last act caused the re moval from town of its friend and patron. The varied information of Mr. Winthrop ; his occasional practice as a physician ; his econom ical science ; his readiness to enter into new paths of enterprise ; his charity, kindness and afiability, made him extremely popular. His residence in the town was a privilege, although pubUc afi'airs ferr two or three years, had kept him much of the time away. But it was manifestly inconvenient for the chief magistrate to reside at Pequot, which was then in a comer of the colony, with a wilderness to be traversed in order to reach any other settlement. At the solicitation of the General Court, he removed with his family and goewis to Hartford. " 12 Aug : 1657 — This Court orders that Mr. Winthrop, being chosen Gov ernor of this Colony, shall be again desired to come and live in Hartford, with his family, while he governs, they grant him the yearly use or profits of the housing and lands in Hartford belonging to Mr. John Haynes, whieh shall be yearly discharged out of the public treasury.'' " Oct. 1. The Court doth appoint the Treasurer to provide horses and men to send for Mr. Winthrop, in case he is minded to come to dwell with us."' Before Mr. Winthrop's removal to Hartford he leased the town mill to James Rogers, a baker from MUford, who had traded much in the place, and in 1657 or 1658 became an inhabitant. As an accom modation to Mr. Rogers in point of residence, he also alienated ta him a building spot from the north end of his home-lot, next to the mill; on which Mr. Rogers erected a dweUing-house and bakery, both of stone. Mr. Winthrop's own homestead, in 1660 or 1661, passed into the occupancy of Edward Palmes, who had married his daughter Lucy. Mr. Palmes was of New Haven, but after his marriage transferred his residence to the Winthrop homestead; which, with the farm at Nahantick, the governor subsequently confirmed to him by wiU. In that document this estate is thus described : " The Stone-house, formerly my dweUing house in New London with gar den and orchard as formerly conveyed to said Palmes and in his use and pos session, with the yard or land lying to the north of the said house to join with 1 Col. Rec, vol. 1, ^f^ 301, 306. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 91 James Rogers :" — " also a lot of 6 acres lying east of the house bounded north by the oxe-pasture and east by the Great River, and having two great oak trees near the south line." This stone house, built in 1648, stood near the head of the cove on the east side, between the street (since laid out and appropriately named Winthrop Street) and the water. The ox pasture to -v^^hich the will refers was inclosed the same year. Samuel Beeby, in a deposition of 1708, testified that he and his brother made the fence to it "sixty years since," and that "Mr. Winthrop's goats and cattle were kept therein as well as his oxen." The " old stone house" is mentioned in the will of Major Palmes, in 1712, who bequeathed it to his daughter Lucy, the only child of his first wife ; who, having no children, left it to her brothers, Guy and Bryan Palmes. This home stead is supposed to have been for more than a century the only dwelling on the neck, which was then a rugged point, lying mostly in its natural state and finely shaded with forest trees. It was sold about 1740 to John Plumbe. The mill, being a monopoly, could not fail to become a source of grievance. One mill was manifestly insufficient for a growing com munity, and the lessee could not satisfy the inhabitants. Governor Winthrop subsequently had a long suit with Mr. Rogers for breach of contract in regard to the mill, but recovered no damages. The town likewise uttered their complaints to the General Court, that they were not "duely served in the grinding of their com," and were thereby " much damnified ;" upon which the Court ordered, that Mr. Rogers, to prevent " disturbance of the peace," should give " a daily attendance at the mill." After 1662, the sons of the goveraor, Fitz John and Wait Still Winthrop, returned to the plantation and became regular inhabitants. Between the latter and Mr. Rogers a long and troublesome Utigation was maintained in regard to bounds and trespasses, notices of which are scattered over the records of the County Court for several years. In 1669, Capt. Wait Winthrop set up a bolting miU on land claimed by Mr. Rogers, who, as an offset, immediately began to erect a build ing, on his own land, but in such a position as wholly to obstruct the only convenient passage to the said bolting mill. This brought mat ters to a crisis. Richard Lord, of Hartford, and Amos Richardson, of Stonington, were chosen umpires, and the parties interchangeably signed an agreement as a final issue to aU disputes, suits at law and controversies, from the beginning of the world to the date thereof. 92 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Winthrop paid for the land on which the miU stood ; Rogers took- down his building frame, and threw the land into the highway, and aU other differences were arranged in the Uke amicable manner.' In March, 1658-9 the General Court appointed John Smith com missioner of the customs at New London. This was the first regular, custom-house officer in the town, and probably in the colony. May, 1660, the General Court granted New London to have an assistant and three commissioners with full power to issue smaU causes. For the year ensuing Mr. John Tinker was chosen assist ant ; Mr. Bruen, James Rogers and John Smith, commissioners. Feb. 25th, 1669-60. At this annual town meeting a paper of instruction and advice was prepared for the use of the townsmen and sanctioned by the public voice, which furnishes a clear summary of the various duties of those unsalaried officers called townsmen or selectmen, so essential in the organization of our New England towns. This document appears to have been drawn up in answer to a previous application of the townsmen, " to know of the town what their duties were." In substance as follows : 1. To keep up the town bounds, and see that the fence-viewers discharge their duty with respect to individual property. x/ 2. To take care that children are educated, servants well ordered and in structed, and no person suffered to live in idleness. 3. That the laws of the jurisdiction be maintained; — no inmates harbored above two or three weeks without consent of the town ; and the magazine kept supplied with arms and ammunition. 4. That the streets, lanes, highways and commons be preserved free from all encroachments and that they appoint some equal way for the clearing of the streets in the town from trees, shrubs, bushes and underwood, and call fortli the inhabitants in convenient time and manner for effecting the same. 5. That they take care of the meeting-house and provide glass windows for it, with aU convenient speed. 6. " That they consider of some absolute and perfect way and course to be taken for a perfect platforrae of settling and maintaining of the recordes respect' ing the towne, that they be fully clearly and fairly kept, for the use, beneflt and peaceful state of the town, and after posterity.'' 7. That they consult together and with the moderator, of all matters to be propounded at town meetings, so as better to effect needful things and prevent needless questions and cogitations. 8. That they determine all matters concerning the Indians that inhabit amongst us. 1 The Eogers homestead was purchased by Madam Winthrop in 1713, and reunited to the original estate. John Winthrop, Esq., the son of Wait Winthrop, about that period removed to New London, and fixed his residence on this spot. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 93 9. That they regulate the felling, sawing and transporting of timber ; masts, boards, planks, pipe-staves, &c. 10. That they see the ferries well kept. 11. That they determine all complaints respecting land grants ; except the difficult and doubtful cases, which must be referred to the town. 12. That they have regular meetings for business and give notice of the time and place thereof, by a paper upon the meeting-house. Signed by John Tinker, Moderator. Before, quitting this period it will be proper to gather up the names (not yet mentioned) of residents that came in during the in terval for which Mr. Bruen's minutes are lost. Addis, William : came from Boston 165a or 59. Bartlet, Robert: brother of William, first mentioned 1657. Bloomfield, William, from Hartford, 1659 : removed in 1663 to Newtown, L.I. Bowen, Thomas, 1657: removed to Rehoboth, and there died in 1663 Brooks, Thomas, 1659 and '60 : afterwards removed. Chapman William, 1657 : bought the house and lot that had been Capt. Denison's of Mr. Blinman, agent of John Chynnery. Cowdall, John, a trader who became b-ankrupt in ]C)59, and left the place. Crocker, Thomas : bought house in New Street, 1660. Douglas, William ; from Boston, 1659. Lenard, Thomas, 1657 : house lot at Foxen's — removed in 1663. Loveland, Robert : mariner and trader from Boston, 1658. Moore, Milss : from Millbrd, 1057 : purchased the homestead and other allotments of John Gager. Raymond, Joshua, 165S. Richards, John. The first notice of him is in 1660, but he may have been in the plantation two or three years. He purchased, on what is now State Street — the south side — two houselots originally given to Waterhouse and liru- en. He built his house at the corner of the present Huntinglon Street, aud this remained for more than a century the homestead of the family. Koyce, Robert, 16.-J7. Shaw, Thomas, 1656; was afterward of Pawkatuck. Smith, Edward, 106U: nephew of Nehemiah and John Smith. Tinker, John : a grave and able man, from the Massachusetts colony. Wetherell, Daniel : from Scituate, 1659. ' Wood, John, 1660. CHAPTER VI. General sketch of grants, — west and east ofthe river, — at Mystic and Pawka tuck. — Early grantees east of the Mystic. — Contention for the jurisdiction. — The plantation named Stonington. The first grants had been made on a limited scale, and with refer ence to immediate occupation and improvement. But after 1651, the ideas ofthe planters expanded ; there was an eagerness, for the,, spoils, a thirsting after large domains, and a lavish division of farms both east and west of the river — at Nahantick — up the river toward Mohegan — three miles out of town, if it he there — four or five miles, if he can find it — at Mystic — at Pawkatuck : — a little meadow here, a little marsh there, — the islands, the swamps, and the ledges, — till we might fancy the town was playing at that ancient game called Give away. Divisions to old settlers and grants to new ones, follow in rapid succession, and the clerk and moderator record little else. A brief survey of the most prominent grants, is all that will be here attempted. The first farm taken up at Nahantick was by Mr. Winthrop. It is not found recorded, but is mentioned as the farm which Mr. Win throp chose. It consisted of 6 or 700 acres, east of the bar and Gut of Nahantick, including what is now Millstone Point, and extending north to the country road. In October, 1 660, the General Court added to this farm the privilege of keeping the ferry near it, which caused it to be known as the Ferry farm. It was a part of the por tion bestowed by Mr. Winthrop on his daughter Lucy, the wife of Edward Palmes. Adjoining the Ferry farm was that of John Prentis, and north of these, on the bay, Hugh Caulkins and WilUam Keeny ; at Pine Neck, Mr. BUnman ; " rounding the head of the river," Isaac Willey ; and yet farther west, Matthew Beckwith ; whose land, on the adjustment of the boundary with Lyme, was found to Ue mostly within the HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 95 bounds of that town, though his house was on the portion belonging to New London. Mr. Bruen had an early grant on the west side of Jordan Cove, which is still known as Bruen's Neck: George Harwood's land joined Bruen's. This locaUty was designated as " old ground that had been planted by Indians." Robert Parke had a valuable gi-ant at Poquiogh' — the Indian name of the tract east of the cove — and next to him, smaller portions were laid out to the Beeby brothers. " The three Beebys" had also divisions at Fog Plain, a name which is still in famiUar use. Many of the smaU grants on this plain were bought up by William Hough. In the course of a few years, James Rogers, by purchasing the divisions of Robert ¦ Hempstead and Robert Parke, caUed Goshen, and various smaUer shares of proprietors, became the largest land holder on the neck. Himself, three sons, and son-in-law, Samuel Beeby, all had farms in this quarter. The Harbor's Mouth farm, -' was an original grant to Mr. Blinman, but was afterward the prop erty of John Tinker. Andrew Lester was another early resident upon the neck. In the district now called Cohanzie, north-w-est of the town plot, was Mr. Winthrop's Mill-pond farm, which was probably a grant attached to liis privilege of the mill stream. His right to a portion of it, being afterward contest«d, the witnesses produced in court tes tified that Mr. Winthrop occupied this farm " before Cape Ann men came to the town." Not far from the town plot, on the north side of the miU brook, was a swampy meadow called Little Owl Meadow : this was given to James Avery. Advancing stiU to the northward we meet^with a tract of high ridgy land, often called the Mountain. Here Edward Palmes, and Samuel and Nathaniel Royce had grants, which were caUed Mountain farms.' This was a rough and barren region. Nortii of the town on the west bank of the river, was a long array of grants : the most extensive were those of Winthrop, Stebbins, BUnman, Lothrop, Bartlet and Waterhouse. Mr. BUnman's farm included " Upper Mamoquack Neck." The grant of Waterhouse covered " the Neck at the Straits' Mouth." Winthrop had other important grants in this quarter. April 14th, 1 An EngUsh emigrant at a later day settled on one of these farms; and the witti cism -was current that he selected the spot on the supposition that/;-pm tU top of the roch he could see England. 96 HISTORYOF NEW LONDON. 1653, the whole water-course of Alewife Brook was granted him, with ample privileges of erecting mills, making dams and ponds, cutting down timber, and taking up land on its banks. He erected a house near the saw-miU in 1653, probably the first on the west side of the river, so far north as this. This was followed a few months later by a grant of land, and saw-mill privileges stiU farther north, on the Saw-miU Brook, near the present Uncasville factory. On the same Saw-miU Brook, John Elderkin, in the course of a few years, accu mulated 770 acres, which he sold April 22d, 1662, to Mr. Antipaa Newman, of Wenham, son-in-law to Mr. Winthrop.' Daniel Comstock, who was the son-in-law of Elderkin, was an early resident in this vicinity. A farm on Saw-mill Brook, origin ally given to Lieut. Samuel Smith, was purchased by Comstock, in 1664, and has remained ever since in the occupation of his descend ants. The earUest grants in the southern part of Groton or Poquonock, have been already mentioned. They were highly valued, as the soU ¦ could be brought into immediate use. Some of it was meadow and marsh, and a considerable portion of the upland had been formerly cultivated by the Indians. Allusions in the boundaries of grants, are made to the Indian paths and the Indian fort. Many of the original small grants were afterward bought up by merchants for speculation. Major Pyncheon, of Springfield, and his partner James Rogers, en grossed more than 2,000 acres. In December, 1652, a highway was laid out running directly through the narrow lots, above the head of Poquonock Cove to Mystic River. This answers to the present main road to Mystic Bridge. The earliest settlers on the west side of the Mystic, were Robert Burrows, John Packer, and Robert Parke. Burrows had a grant of " a parcel of land between the west side of the river and a high mountain of rocks," dated April 3d, 1651. It is not probable that houses were built and actual settle ments effected before 1653. Aaron Starke and John Fish were said to be of Mystic, in 1655 ; John Bennet, in 1660 ; Edmund Fanning, in 1662, and Edward Culver, in 1664. Edward Culver's farm was called by the Indians Chepadaso. WiUiam Meades, James Morgan, James Avery, Nehemiah and John Smith, were early resident farmers in South Groton. They 1 A tripartite division of this land was made in 1703, among Mr. Newman's heirs, Zk '7° Newman physician of Gloucester, Elizabeth Newman, spinster, and Sybil; wifeof John Edwards, of Boston. HISTORY OF NEAV LONDON. 97 received their grants in 1652 and '53, but continued to reside in the town plot with their families till about 1655. Between this and 1660, they transferred their residence to the other side of the river. Cary Latham, as lessee of the ferry, was the first to be domiciUated upon Groton Bank. Thomas Bayley settled north of Winthrop's land on the river. The Chesters, Lesters, Starrs, were somewhat later upon the ground — not settlers till after 1660. Andrew Les ter, Jun., settled upon land given to his father. Proceeding up the river to that division of the township which is now Ledyard, we find a series of farms laid out on the northern boundary, adjoining Brewster's land, early in 1653, to Allyn, Avery, Coite, Isbell,' Picket, and others, which were called the Pocketan- nock grants. Some of these were found to be beyond the town bounds. Robert AUyn and John Gager removed to this quarter about 1656. The country in the rear of these hardy pioneers was desolate and wild in the extreme. It was here that the Indian reservation Ma- shantucket was laid out, and the remnant of the Pequots settled in 1667. Allyn and Gager were so far removed from the town plot as to be scarcely able to take part in its concerns, or share in its privi leges. The General Court at their May session in 1658, consider ately released them from their fines for not attending the town train ing.^ They appear, however, still to have attended the Sabbath meeting, probably coming down the river in canoes. George Geer married a daughter of Robert Allyn, in 1659, and settled in the neighborhood. A grant to Mr. Winthrop, May 6th, 1656, would probably fall within the present bounds of Ledyard. " Mr, Winthrop hatb given him the stone quarry, south-east of Pockatannock River, near the footpath from Mohegan to Mistick." Near the eastern boundary of the township, toward the present town of North Stonington, is an elevation that from the earliest set tlement has been called Lantern Hill. The name is said to be deri ved from a large naked rock not far from the summit, which, seen from a distance, in a certain position, or at a certain hour of the day, shines Uke a light. The Indians had probably named it from this peculiarity, and the EngUsh adopted the idea. East of this hill is a great pond, and a chain of ponds, — sources of the Mystic — which 1 IsbeU's farm was bought, 1665, by George Geer. 2 Col. Eec, vol. 1, p. 317. 98 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. at first was regarded as "our outmost bounds" in that direction. In 1652 and 1663, Mr. Winthrop obtained grants of " Lanthorne Hill," the swamps and meadows between the hill and the great pond, with water and timber privileges at his pleasure, and also a strip of land twenty poles wide on each side of the Mystic, "from the place where the tide flows to the end of our bounds up the river." Capt. Mason's grant east of the Mystic has been noticed. A series of other grants on that side commenced Dee. 30th, 1652, with 200 acres to Capt. Denison, whose eastern boundary was the Pequot- sepos, mentioned in Mason's grant ; and 260 to Mr. Blinman, to be laid out in the same form as Denison's, viz., 100 poles in breadth upon the river. Other grantees of nearly the same date were James Morgan, Mr. Winthrop, John Gallop, Mrs. Lake,' Mr. Parke and the Beeby brothers, (now increased to four.) Mr. Blinman after a year or two relinquished his Mystic farm to Thomas Parke, in exchange for the accommodations of the latter in the town plot. Denison, Gallop, Robert and Thomas Parke, and Nathaniel Beeby, probably removed to their farms in 1654. Denison sold what he styles "my new dwelling-house," in the town plot, to John Chynnery, of Water- town, early in that year. The grants to John Gallop are recorded as follows : " Feb. 9, 1652-3. " John Gallop in consideration and with respect unto the services his father hath done for the country, hath given him up the river of Mistick, which side he will, 300 acres of upland." " Feb. 6, 1653-4. "John GaUop hath given him a further addition to his land at Mistick, 150 acres ; which he accepts of and acknowledgeth him^elfe satisfyde for what land he formerly laide claime unto upon the General Neck, as a gift of his father's, which as he saith, was given to his father by General Stoughton, after the Pequot warr."2 Between Capt. Mason's farm and Chesebrough's, were several necks of land, extending into the Sound and separated by creeks. The neck east of Mason was allotted to Cary Latham, who in a short time sold it to Thomas Minor. Beyond this were two points or 1 The wife of John GaUop inherited the land given to her mother, Mrs. Lake. 2 This second John GaUop, as weU as his father, had perfoi-med service against the Pequots. In 1671, the General Court gave bounties of land to various persons -ivho had been engaged mthe Pequot War:— amongthem were three names belonging to New London,-^Iohn GaUop, granted 100 acres,-James Eogers, 50,— Peter Blatcli ford's heirs, 50. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 99 necks, one of them called " a pyne neck," with a broad cove between them : these were granted to Isaac Willey, and sold by him to Amos Richardson. Another still larger neck, caUed Wampassock, and containing 550 acres of upland, with a smaller neck adjoining, was given to Hugh Caulkins. This was subsequently sold to Winthrop. Next beyond CauUcins, and separated from him by a brook caUed Mistuxet, was a tract of several hundred acres allotted to Amos Richardson and his brother. A part of this division was known by the Indian name of Quonaduck. The number and value of the grants made at various times to Mr. Winthrop, afford conclusive proof that the town was not ungrateful to its founder. It has been seen that at Fisher's Island, at Pequot Harbor, at Alewife Cove and Saw-miU Brook, (north of the Harbor,) at Nahantick, at Groton and at Mystic, he was not only the first and largest proprietor, but apparently the first operator and occupant. It was probably the same on the Pawkatuck River. Roger WilUams writing to him in March, 1649, says : " I am exceedingly glad of your beginnings at Pwokatock." It was about this time that Winthrop, assisted by Thomas Stanton, held a conference with Ninigret, the Narragansett sachem at We- quatucket, with a view to conciliate his Indian neighbors, and have a fair understanding in regard to bounds. Probably at the same period, or very soon afterward, William Chesebrough, encouraged by Winthrop, and under a pledge from him of assistance and accom modation, erected his first lodge in the wilderness, on the borders of the Wickutequock' Creek. Winthrop was then acting under a com mission from Massachusetts, and Chesebrough regarded himself as under the jurisdiction of that colony. But in November, 1649, the magistrates of Connecticut took cognizance of the proceedings of Chesebrough, who had engaged in trade with the Indians of Long Island, and sent a warrant to the constable of Pequot, ordering him to desist. This order was disregarded, on the plea that he belonged to another jurisdiction. Subsequently a greater degree of severity was manifested toward him, and he was commanded to leave the tez-ritory, or appear before the court and make good his defense. Mr. Chesebrough was by trade a smith, and the magistrates were apprehensive that he might aid the Indians in obtaining those tools 1 A cove and creek, east of Stonington Point ; perhaps the same as -Wequatucket, before mentioned. 100 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. and fire-arms which would render them more dangerous as enemies. He appeared at Hartford in March, 1650-51, and made a statement of the facts in his case. He had sold, he said, house and lands at Re hoboth, and aU the appurtenances of his trade, not reserving tools even to repair a gun-lock or make a screw pin, and had come with his farming stock to Pequot, with the expectation of settling among the planters there ; but not finding accommodations that suited him, he had estabUshed himself upon the salt marsh at Pawkatuck, which could be mowed immediately, and would furnish provision for his cattle. In so doing he had been encouraged by Mr. Winthrop, whose commission from Massachusetts was supposed to extend over Pawkatuck. He had not wandered, he said, into the wilderness to enjoy in savage solitude any strange heretical opinions, for his reli gious beUef was in entire harmony with the churches of Christ estab Ushed in the colonies : moreover, he did not expect to remain long alone, as he had grounds to hope that others would settle around him, if permission from the court might be obtained.' The court were undoubtedly right in disapproving of the lonely life he led at Wickutequock. The tendency of man among savages, without the watch of his equals and the check of society, is to de generate ; to decline from the standard of morals, and graduaUy to relinquish all Christian observances. Yet under the circumstances of the case, they were certainly rigorous in their censure of Chese brough. The record says, "they expressed themselves altogether unsatisfied." They were no further conciUated than to decree that if he would enter into a bond of £100 not to prosecute any unlawful trade with the Indians, and before the next court would give in the names of " a considerable company'' of acceptable persons, who would engage to settle at Pawkatuck before the next winter, " they would not compel him to remove." In September, 1651, Mr. Chesebrough was again at Hartford, en deavoring to obtain a legal title to the land he occupied. Mr. Win throp and the deputies from Pequot engaged that if he would place himself on the footing of an inhabitant of Pequot, he should have his- land confirmed to him by grant of the town. To this he acceded. In November, a house-lot was given him, which, however, he never occupied. His other lands were confirmed to him by the town, January Sth, 1651-2. The grant is recorded with the following preamble : 1 Col. Pioc, vol. 1, Pi* 200, 216. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 101 " Whereas Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor were appointed by the towns men of Pequot to view and agree with, and bound out unto William Chese brough and his two sons, Samuel and Nathaniel, according to a covenant for merly made by Mr, Winthrop, Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor, with William Chesebrough, at Hartford, to allow them a comfortable, convenient subsistence of land, we do aU 'agree as foUoweth : — We Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor have bounded out 300 acres more or less," &c. After describing the bounds of the tract, which lay on the salt water, covering what is now Stonington Borough, it is added, " the said land doth fully satisfy William Chesebrough and his sons." This grant was, nevertheless, liberally enlarged afterward. In the town book is a memorandum of the full amount given him before the separation ofthe towns — " uplands, 2,299 acres ; — meadows, 63]." On the Pawkatuck River the first white inhabitant was Thomas Stanton. His trading establishment was probably coeval with the farming operations of Chesebrough, but as a fixed resident, with a fireside and a family, he was later upon the ground. He him self appears to have been always upon the wing, yet always within call. As interpreter to the colony, wherever a court, a conference or a treaty was to be held, or a sale made, in which the Indians were a party, he was required to be present. Never, perhaps, did the acquisition of a barbarous language give to a man such immediate, wide-spread and lasting importance. From the year 1636, when he was Winthrop's interpreter with the Nahantick sachem, to 1670, when Uncas visited him with a train of warriors and captains to get him to write his will, his name is connected with almost every Indian transaction on record. In February, 1649-50, the General Court gave permission to Stanton to erect a trading-house at Pawkatuck and to have " six acres of planting ground and liberty of feed and mowing according to his present occasions ;" adding to these grants a monopoly of the Indian trade of the river for three years. These privileges probably induced him to bring his family to Pequot, where he estabUshed himself in 1651 and continued to reside, taking part in the various business of the town, until he sold out to George Tongue in 1656. His first town grant at Pawkatuck was in March, 1652 — three hundred acres in quantity, laid out in a square upon the river, next to his grant from the Coiirt. The whole of Pawkatuck Neck and the Hommocks (i. e , small islands) that lay near to it were subse quently given him. Other farms were also granted on the Pawka tuck, in the neighborhood of Stanton; and April 4th, 1653, a Uberal 9* 102 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. grant was made to Mr. Winthrop of the water-course of the river, with liberty to erect dams and mills on any part of it or on any of its branches, and to cut timber on any common land near it, together with a landing-place, and a clause of general privilege annexed, viz. " Liberty to dig up and make use of any Iron-stone or other stone or earth in any ]>lace within the land of this town.'' Thomas Minor, one of the first settlers of Pequot, was one of the first to remove to that part of the plantation called Pawkatuck. His homestead, at the head of Close Cove, was one of the best tene ments in the place. The bUl of sale mentions bouse, bam, fences, orchard, garden, yards, apple and pear-trees, and gooseberry -trees. Minor reserved the privilege of removing a part of tbe fruit-trees. Price £50 and possession given the 15th of October, 1652.' The next year we find Thomas Minor east of the Mystic, where he bought Latham's Neck, and in December had a town grant, " Joining his father's land [father-in law, Walter Palmer] at Pockatuck upon the norward side of the path that goes to Mr. Stanton's. "^ Of his subsequent grants, the following are the most considerable. "June 19, 1655. Thomas Mynor hath given him by consent of the Court held at Pequot and by the townsmen of Pequot 200 acres in a place called Tagwourcke bounded on the south with the foot-path that runs from the head of Mistick river to Pockatuck wading place, and by Chesebrough's land." " 1657 — Granted to Thomas Miner, and his son Clement — from Stony brook easterly, 1 08 pole joining his former grant, — thenee north one mile and 60 pole, thence east 108 pole to his son Clement's grant, — Clement's land to run on an easterly line from this to Walter Palmer's land, whose land bounds it south," &e. April 5th, 1652, the townsmen made a grant of three hundred acres at Pawkatuck, lying east and south-east of Chesebrough's land, to Hon. John Haynes, then governor of the colony. The grantee sold it to Walter Palmer, of Rehoboth. The contract was witnessed by Thomas Minor and his son John : possession given July 15th, 1653. The price, one hundred pounds "in such cattle, mares, oxen, and cowes," as Mr. Haynes should select out of Palmer's stock, and ten pounds to be paid the next year. This transaction indicates with sufficient accuracy the period of Palmer's settlement on the Sound. His first grant from the town 1 It went into the occupation first of Thomas Parke and next of Richard Haughton. The latter bought it in November, 1655. 2 Referrmg, probably, to Stanton's trading-houH. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 103 was in February, 1653-4 — one hundred acres "near to the land he bought of Mr. Haines." The next year he had five hundred acres, and so on to May, 1655, when a note is made — "All his land bought and given, 1190 acres : 56 meadow." These were the first and most considerable planters at Pawka tuck, but numerous other grants were made coincident with these. The farms laid out by the townsmen of Pequot were not, indeed, numerous, but the marsh or meadow was allotted in small parcels to some twenty-five or thirty individuals, to supply deficiencies in ear Uer grants nearer home. The whole territory, from Nahantick east to Nahantick west, con tinued to be regarded as one township, acting together in town meet ings, in the choice of deputies and in voting for magistrates of the colony. They formed also but one ecclesiastical society, Mr. BUn man's rates being levied over the whole tract until 1657.' The early planters at Mystic continued to attend the Sabbath ser vice at Pequot, and were as often consulted about tbe meeting-house and house for the minister, and other parish business, as before their removal. Occasionally, they were accommodated with lectures in their own neighborhood. After 1057, when Mr. William Thompson was appointed missionary to the Pequots, it is probable that many of the farmers attended the Indian meeting, and that the Minors and Stantons, who were noted proficients in the Indian language, acted as the preacher's interpreters with the Indians. At a town meeting, August 28th, 1654, an interesting movement Was made in regard to Pawcatuck. " It was voated and agreed that three or foure men should be chosen unto three of Pockatueke and Misticke to debate, reason and conclude whether Misticke and Pockatueke shall be a town and upon what termes; and to de termine the case in no other way, but in a way of love and reason, and not by voate : To which end these Seaven, Mr. Winthrop, Goodman Calkin, Cary Latham, Goodman Elderkin, Mr. Robert Parke, Goodman Cheesebrooke and Captain George Denison were chosen by the major part of the towne and soe to act." No separation of these sister settlements from Pequot was at this time effected ; but their struggles to break loose and form an inde pendent township were henceforth unremitted. Many of the inha,b- l"This Court doth order that the inhabitants of Mistick, and Paucatuck shaU pay to Mr. Blmman that which was due to him for the last yeaa-e, scil: to March last." Order of General Court, May, 1657. 104 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. itants west of the river likewise regarded a separation as desirable.' It might tend to heal the distractions then existing among the set tlers at Pawkatuck, who were experiencing the usual calamities of a •border land and disputed title. Disunion and misrule were preva lent : neighbor was at variance with neighbor, not only in regard to town rights, but with respect to colonial jurisdiction, the removal of the Indians and the territorial claims of Rhode Island. In 1 657 the caU for a separation became too strong to be neglect ed. The General Court appointed Messrs. Winthrop, Mason, Tal cott and Allyn, (the secretary,) to meet at Pequot and compose the diff'erences between that plantation and the inhabitants of Mystic and Pawkatuck ; or if not able to effect this, to make a retum of the situation of aff'airs to the next Court. The contention between Massachusetts and Connecticut for the jurisdiction of Pawkatuck was adverse to her municipal interests. Massachusetts, notwithstanding her distance and the inconsiderable advantage that could accrue to her from the connection, was reluc tant to yield her claim to a portion of the Pequot territory, and in September, 1658, the court of commissioners decided that the whole territory should be separated into two plantations ; all east of the Mystic to be under the direction of Massachusetts and all west of it to belong to Connecticut : " Finding that the Pequot country, which extended frora Naihantick to a place called Wetapauge about tenn myles eastward, frora Mistick river, may conveniently accommodate two plantations or townships, wee therefore (re specting things as they now stand) doe conclude that Mistick river be the bounds betweene them as to propriety and jurisdiction,'' &;c. Pawkatuck by this decision being adjudged to Massachusetts, that colony without delay extended her sway over it and in October con ferred upon the inhabitants the privileges of a town, with the name of Southerton. It was annexed to Suffolk county. Walter Palmer was appointed constable ; Capt. Denison was to solemnize marriages, and the prudential affairs until a choice of townsmen should be made, were confided to Capt. Denison, Robert Parke, WilUam Chesebrough and Thomas Minor.^ 1 Mr. Blinman appears at this time to have supported the separation party, though he. afterward gave his influence to the other side of the question. This accounts for an unguarded remark of Capt. Denison, " that Mr. Blmman did preach for Pawcatuck and Mystick being a town before he sold his land at Mystick ;" for which he afterward apologized before the General Court. Col. Rec, vol. l,p. 299. 2 In K. I. Hist. CoU., pp. 53, 269, John Minor is substituted for Thomas Minor. This is an error. % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 105 At the next session of the Court, Major Mason as the advocate of Connecticut, called for a 're-view of the decision. He claimed the territory in question, in behalf of the colony, first, as compre hended within the patent of the lord-proprietors of Saybrook fort, who had expended at least £6,000, not for that small tract alone, but expecting therewith the country round about, as other colonies had done. Second, from possession before the Pequot war — as by hold ing Saybrook fort, none protesting against it, a right to the country was impUed and understood. He also claimed that the tacit allow ance of the commissioners for some ten years past confirmed the claim ; and finally he asserted that Connecticut had a full and indis putable right by conquest ; the overthrow of the Pequots having been achieved by her people, " God succeeding the undertaking," without any charge, assistance or advice from Massachusetts. The agents of Massachusetts were as positive and explicit. They claimed at least an equal right by conquest, as having had their forces two or three months in the field, at an expense treble that of Connecticut : they were partners and confederates, and ought to share as such. In point of possession they claimed as having first occupied the country, by building houses in Mr. Stoughton's time, and then by Mr. Winthrop's settUng on the west side of the river, with a commission from their Court, " himself being most desirous to continue under that government." Major Mason rejoined : " you mention a possession house ; which house was not in the Pequot country, being on the yfest side of the river and again deserted and most of it carried away by yourselves before any English again possessed it." In the warmth of his argument he here denies that the Pequots had any right to the territory west of the river. As the guardian and advocate of the Mohegans, he probably challenged it all for them. The claim of Massachusetts from partnership in the Pequot w-ar, he disposes of in the following manner : " If the English should have beaten the Flemings out of Flanders and they fly into another domain :-if the French should there meet the English and join with them to pursue the Flemings, would that give the French a right to Flanders ?" There is fallacy in this comparison. There can be no doubt but that the two colonies were joint conquerors and as far as conquest gives right, joint proprietors of the Pequot territory. The argument from possession also was nearly equal. Connecticut had in a man- 106 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. ner possessed the country by publicly challenging it, by ordering a commission to survey it, and granting lands there to Mason and his soldiers soon after the war. On the other side, Mr. Stoughton, by order of the magistrates of Boston, had selected the place for a plan tation, and Mr. Winthrop had commenced his operations under a commission from that colony. One side of the river was as truly conquered country as the other ; for the Nameaugs, if not Pequots proper, were virtual members of the confederacy. The commissioners refused to vary the decision they had made in 1658, andthe new township was regarded as an appendage of the Bay colony some four or five years longer. The charter of Connecticut, obtained in 1662, extended the jurisdiction of the colony to the Pawkatuck River. Measures were then taken by the General Court to establish its authority over the premises. The title of Connecticut could not now be fairly disputed, but it was not recog nized by aU parties and quiet and harmony established, until about 1665. In October, 1664, the General Court passed an act of oblivion for all past off'enses implying a contempt of their authority, to all inhab itants of Mystic and Pawkatuck, " Capt. Denison only except." His offense was more aggravated than that of others, for he had con tinued to exercise his office as a magistrate commissioned by Massa chusetts, after the charter was in operation and he had been warned by the authorities to desist. The records qf the town are extant from 1664. John Stanton was the first recorder ; Mr. James Noyes the first minister. A country rate was first collected in 1666. All grants made by the town of Pequot before the separation, were received as legitimate and confirmed by the new authorities. Orders of the General Court. "October, 1665. " Southerton is by this Court named Mistick in raeinory of that victory God was pleased to give this people of Connecticut over the Pequot Indians." " May, 1666. " The town of Mistick is by this Court named Stonington. The court doth grant to the plantation to extend the bounds thereof ten miles from the sea up into the country northward : and eastwards to the river called Paukatuck. " This Court doth pass an act of indemnity to Capt. George Denison upon the same grounds as was formerly granted to other inhabitants of Stonington." ^ Notwithstanding this act of grace Capt. Denison and the author ities at Hartford were not on terms of mutual good-wUl until the HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 107 path of reconciliation was made smooth by the gallant conduct of Denison in the Indian war of 1676. Another serious cause of disturbance in this young town arose from the unsettled state of the eastern boundary. The plantation had been designed to extend as far east as Wekapaug, the limit of the Pequot country ; and this included Sqummacutt, or Westerly, now in Rhode Island. Charles' charter extended the colony to " Narragansett River." No such river being known, Connecticut claimed that Narragansett Bay and the river flowing into it from the north-west were the boundary assigned. . Rhode Island, on the other hand, asserted that Westerly had belonged to the Nahanticks, not to the Pequots, and that Pawkatuck River was the true Narra gansett of the Connecticut charter. Moreover, the country between Narragansett Bay and the Pawkatuck had been included in both her charters, that obtained by Roger Williams in 1644 and that granted by Charles II. in 1663. Mr. WiUiams observes : " From Pawkatuck river hitherward being but a patch of ground, full of troublesome iiihabitants, I did, as 1 judge inoffensively, draw our poor and in considerable line." Both colonies extended their jurisdiction over this disputed tract and made grants of thi^ land : the inhabitants consequently adhered some to one side and some to the other. The contest was long and arduous, and had all the incidents usually attendant upon border hos tiUties, such as overlapping deeds, disputed claims, suits at law, ar rests, distrains, imprisonments, scuflSes and violent ejectments. The warfare was bloodless, but well seasoned with blows, bruises and abu sive language. It was natural that New London should take a lively interest in these struggles. United in their origin ; not rivals, but members of the same famUy ; the two plantations, though separated in municipal government, remained bound in fraternal amity. Most of the original inhabitants of Stonington had first been inhabitants of New London, and their names are as familiar to the records of the one place as of the other. In June, 1670, commissioners appointed by the two colonies to adjust the difficulties between them, met in New London, at the inn of George Tongue; but no compromise could be eff'ected. Capt. Fitz John Winthrop was a member of this committee, and also of another court of commissioners appointed on the same business in 1672. CHAPTER VII. The Barn Meeting-house.— First regular Meeting-house. — The Sabbath drum. Barial-place. — Some account of Mr. Blinman and his removals. — The Welsh party. — Mr. BUnman's return to England. The first house of worship in the plantation was a large barn, which stood in a noble and conspicuous situation, on what was then called Meeting-house Hill. On all sides the planters with their fam ilies ascended to the Sabbath service ; and the armed watchmen that guarded their worship, might be so placed as to overlook aU their habitations. The rude simplicity of these accommodations gives a peculiar interest to the sublimity of the scene. The barn was on the house-lot of Robert Parke, (Hempstead Street, south corner of Granite Street.') The watch was probably stationed a little north, on the StiU higher ground, above the burial-place.^ "August 29,1651. " For Mr. Parke's barn ethe towne doe agree for the use of it until midsummer next, to give him a day's work a peece for a meeting-house, — to be redy by the Saboth come a moneth. " Mem. Mr. Parke is willing to accept of SI." " [Same date.] Goodman Elderkin doth undertake to build a meeting-house about the sarae demention of Mr. Parke's his barne, and clapboard it for the sura of eight pounds, provided the towne cary the tymber to the place and flnd nales. And for his pay he requires a cow and 50s. in peage." In 1652, Mr. Parke sold his house-lot to WilUam Rogers, from Boston. The barn had been fitted up for comfortable worship, and is spoken of as the meeting-house in the folio-wing item. 1 On or near the spot where is now the house of Mr. WUUam Albertson. After the decay of these first old tenements built by Mr. Parke, no dweUing-house was erected on this lot tUl Mr. Albertson buUt in 1845. 2 -Where is now the house of Capt. John, Rice, which stands at the south-east cor ner ofthe Blinman lot, and on higher ground than any other habitation in the com pact part of New London. _ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 109 " 30 June, '52. Wee the townsmen of Pequot have agreed with Goodman Rogers for the meeting-house for two years from the date hereof, for the summe of 31. per annum. If we build a leantoo he is to allow for it in the rent, and i^ it corae to raore he is to allow it, and for flooring and what charges the town is at, he is wiUing to allow when the tirae is expired." In the nieantime a rate of £14 was levied to build a new meeting house, and the site fixed 'by a town vote, December 16th, 1652, which Mr. Bruen thus records : " The place for the new raeeting-house was concluded on by the meeting to be in the highwaie, taking a corner of my lot to supply the highwaie." The highway here referred to, with the north part of Mr. Bruen's lot reUnquished for the purpose, formed the area now known as the Town Square, and this first meeting-house is supposed to have stood precisely upon the site of the present alms-house.' It was undoubt edly a building of the simplest and plainest style of construction, yet full three years were consumed in its erection. Capt. Denison and Lieutenant Smith were the building committee, and collected the rate for it. They were discharged from duty in February, 1655, at which time we may suppose it to have been in a fit condition for service. The inhabitants had so much to do — each on his own homestead — the struggle to obtain the comforts and conveniences of life was so continual and earnest, that public works were long in completion. No man worked at a trade or profession except at intervals ; John Elderkin, the meeting-house contractor and miU-wright, had other irons in the fire ; a considerable proportion of the work was per formed by the inhabitants themselves, in turn, and iu this way the progress must be slow. The house was perhaps raised and covered the first year, fioored and glazed the next, pulpit and seats made the third — a gaUery, it may be, the fourth, and by that time it needed a new covering, or the bounds were too straight, and a lean-to must be added. At this period the time for service was made known by beat of drum. What was the peculiar beat of the instrument that signified a summons to divine worship, we do not learn ; but undoubtedly some diff'erence of stroke and tune distinguished the Sabbath drum from the drum military or civic. 1 The site -was eonsiderably higher than at present, a large quantity of earth and stone having been since taken from this hiU to assist in fiUing up the pond and marsh to form the present Water Street.10 110 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " March 22, 1651-2. " The towne have agreed with Peter Blatchford to beat the drum aU saboth dayes, training dayes and town publique meetings for the sume of 3/6. , to be paid him in a towne rate." Blatchford continued several years in this office. The custom of denoting the hour for pubUc worship by beat of dram, may have con tinued until a bell was procured, but no aUusion to it has been noticed later than 1675. Though this first meeting-house had no bell, we can not doubt but that it was crowned with that appendage which our ancestors vener ated under the name of steeple, and which they regarded as an indis pensable part of a completed house of worship. The cupola now became the look-out post of the watchman, and this rendered it a use ful as well as an ornamental adjunct to the church. The sentinel from this elevated tower commanded a prospect in which the solemnity of the vast wilderness was broken and relieved by touches of great beau ty. From the north, came flowing down between wood-land banks, the fair river, which, after spreading into a noble harbor, swept gracefully into the Sound. Following its course outward, the eye glanced easily over a long extent of Long Island, whUe every sail that passed between that coast and the Connecticut shore, up or down the Sound, might be distinctly seen. Directly beneath lay the young settlement, a rugged, half-cleared promontory, but enlivened with pleasant habitations, and bordered, even then, with those Ught canvas wings that foreshadowed a thriving commerce. As a. finale to the history of the barn so long used for a church, we may here notice a fact gleaned from the county court records of some fifteen or eighteen years' later date. WiUiam Rogers, the owner of the building had returned to Boston, and on his death, the heirs of his estate claimed that the rent had not been fully paid ; and Hugh Caulkins, who had been the town's surety, then a proprietor in Nor wich, finds himself suddenly served with a writ from Mr. Leake, a Boston attorney, for £3, 10s., the amount of the debt. He accord ingly satisfied the demand, and then applied to the town for redress. The obligation was acknowledged, and a vote passed to indemnify the surety. " Feb. 27, '7-2-3. " Upon demand made by Hugh Calkin for money due to Mr. Leake, of Bos ton, for improvement of a barn of Goodman Rogers, which said Calkin stood engaged for to pay, this town doth promise to pay one barrel of pork to said Cal kin some time the next winter." HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Ill On the north of the meeting-house was the lot reserved for pur poses of sepulture. The ordinance which describes its bounds, and legally sets it apart for this use, is dated June 6th, 1053, and declares, "It shall evfcbee for a Common Buriall place, and never be impro priated by any." This is the oldest grave-yard in New London county. " March 26, 1655. " Goodman Curastock is chosen to be grave-maker for the town, and he shall have "Is. for men and women's graves, and for all children's graves, 3s. for every grave lie makes." " Feb. 25, 1661-2. Old Goodman Cumstock is chosen sexton, whose -works is to order youth in the meeting-house, sweep the meeting-house, and beat out dogs, for which he is to have 40s. a year: he is also to ra'ake all graves; for a man or woman he is to have 4s., for children, 2s. a, grave, to be paid by sur vivors.'' In the rear of Meeting-house Hill, was the town pound. The in sufficient fencing, and the number of strays, made a pound a very necessary appurtenance. Yet it is curious to observe the quantity of legislation which was expended in procuring one. The subject was regularly brought up several times a year, a rate perhaps voted, a person appointed to build the pound and to keep it ; yet there was no pound completed tiU 1663 or 1664. It was then erected "be tween Goodman Cumstock's and Goodman Waller's," (on WilUams Street, comer of VauxhaU,) and here it remained for at least 150 years. The place is stiU called by the aged. Pound corner. On Meeting-house Hill also, the first accommodations were provided for prisoners. " March 10, 1661-2. " Goodman Longdon is chosen to be the prison-keeper, and his house for the town prison till the town take further order, provision is to be provided by the town, the prisoner being to pay for it with aU other charges before he be set free."' The earliest notice of Mr. BUnman in this country is from the records of Plymouth colony, March 2d, 1640. This, according to present reckoning, was 1641 , but earlier than any vessel could arrive that season, which makes it probable that he came over in 1640. "Mr. Richard BUndman, Mr. Hugh Prychard, Mr. Obadiah Brewen, John Sadler, Hugh Cauken, Walter Tibbott, propounded for freemanship." 1 Longdon's house stood near the intersection of Broad and Hempstead streets. 112 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Gov. Winthrop mentions Mr. BUnman's arrival and settlement, without giving the date. " One Mr Blinraan, a minister in Wales, a godly and able man, came over with some friends of his, and being invited to Green's Harbour? [since Marsh field,] near Plymouth, they went thither, but ere the year was expired there fell out some difference among them, which by no means conld be reconciled, so as they agreed to part, and he came with his company and sat down at Cape Anne, which at this court, [May, 164-2,] was established to be a plantation, and called Gloucester."' The diff'erences alluded to above, between the former settlers and the new comers at Marshfield, appear to have been wholly of a theo logical nature, and regarded minor points of discipUne. From the account given of this aflTair in the Ecclesiastical History of Massa chusetts,^ we gather that the main topics on which the two parties disagreed were, the importance of a learned ministry, and how far lay brethren should be encouraged to exercise their gifts in the church. The historian says : -' Mr, Blinman, n gentleman of Wales, and a preacher of the gospel, was one who expected to find a welcorae reception. Being invited to Green's Har bour, near Plymouth, he and his friends meant there to settle, but the influence of a few gifted brethren made learning or prudence of little avail. They com pared him ' to a piece of new cloth in an old garment,' and thought they could do better without patching. The old and new planters, to speak .^ more modern style, could not agree and parted." The church record of Plymouth in speaking of Marshfield, has this remark: " This church of Marshfield was begun and afterward carried on by the help and assistance, under God, of Mr. Edward Winslow, who at the first procured several Welsh gentlemen of good note thither, with Mr. Blinman, a godly, able minister."^ Another origmal notice of this divine is in Lechford's Plain Deal ing, written in 1641. It has a savor, as might be expected, ofthe bitterness of that author. "Master Wilson did lately ride to Green's Harbour, in Plymouth patent, to appease a broyle betweene one master Thomas, as I take it his name is, and master Blindman, where master Blindman went by the worst."* 1 Sav. -Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 6d. 2 Mass. Hist. CoU., 1st series, vol. 9, p. 39. 3 Davis, Morton's Memorial, p. 416. 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. 3, p. 106. % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 113 It is an inquiry of some interest to the genealogist, who composed that Welsh party which came over with Mr. Blinman. It is fair to presume that a considerable number of his fellow-passengers settled with him at Green Harbor, and subsequently removed with him in a body to Cape Ann. Thither therefore we must follow them. On that billowy mass of rocks, that promontory so singularly bold in position and outline, and so picturesque in appearance, they fixed their second encampment in this new world. The following slip from the town records of Gloucester may indi cate several of the Welsh party. " 2 May, '42. On the first ordering and disposing of the affairs of Glou cester by Mr. Endicott and Mr. Downing, these eight were chosen to manage the prudential alfairs. Wm. Steevens, Mr. Bruen, Wm. Addis, Mr. Norton, Mr. Milwood, Mr. Fryer, Mr. Saddler, Walter Tybbot." It is not necessary to suppose that aU the names of Mr. BUnman's party should be of Welsh origin. They came from Chepstow, in Monmouthshire ; a county which is now considered a part of Eng land proper, though it lies upon the border of Wales, and formerly was reckoned to belong to that country. The Welsh language is said to prevail among the common people of that shire, but it is cer tain that Mr. BUnman's party spoke good EngUsh, though sprinkled of course with some provincialisms. This fact affords sufiicieut proof, either that they were not Welshmen in the accurate sense of the term, or that they belonged to that more enlightened portion of the inhabitants who used the English language. In point of fact, it was not the peasantry of Great Britain, nor her paupers, nor her fortune-hunters, that founded New England. It was her staunch yeomanry, her intelligent mechanics, her merchants, her farmers, her middle classes — and of devout women not a few — whose enlarged vision beheld a realm of freedom beyond the ocean, and whose independent spirits disdained the yoke of oppression, were it to be imposed either on the soul or the body. The character of our country might have been very diff'erent had her pioneer settlersj or even their patrons and directors, been the younger sons of the gentry, or disappointed placemen, importunate suitors, and their ser vile followers. An active husbandman fearing God, or a sturdy 10* 114 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. blacksmith, honest and independent, exercising at once his reason, his electoral right, and his sledge hammer, is better than a hundred pensioned lords to be the founder of a town, or the father of a race. _ Mr. BUnman may have been himself a native of Gloucestershire, which joins Monmouth where he had preached. The settlement at Cape Ann was probably named Gloucester in compliment to him. When he finally left America, and returned to England, it was to Bristol (which is in the county of Gloucester) that he retired, as to an ancient home which in aU his wanderings had never been for gotten. People are often found returning to the scenes of early days to die. There is a natural attachment in man to his birth-place, which in most cases renders it pleasing to him to lie down in his grave near the place where his cradle was rocked. That Mr. BUnman was a native of Gloucester, England, rests, however, only on supposition and probability. In the new Glouces ter he resided about eight years. The records of the town give no particular account of his ministry, nor of the causes which led him to remove to New London. He was probably unmarried when he came to America. In the registry of births in Gloucester is the fol lowing record. " ChUdren of Mr. Richard BUnman and his wife Mary : Jeremiah born 20 July, 1642. Ezekiel " 10 Nov. 1643. Azarikam " 2 Jan. 1646."' Johnson, in his Wonder-working Providence, which was -written apparently while Mr. Blinman was at Gloucester, has this account of him and the origin of the church at that place. " There was another town and church of Christ erected in the Mattachuset Government upon the northern Cape of the Bay, called Cape Ann, a place of fishing, being peopled with fishermen, tUl the reverend Mr. Richard Blindman, came from a place in Plimouth Patten, called Green Harbour, with some few people of his acquaintance and settled down with them, named the town Glou cester, and gathered into a Church, being but a small number, about 50 per sons, they called to oflice this godly reverend man, whose gifts and abilities to handle the word, is not inferior to many others, laboring much against the er rors ofthe times, of a sweet, humble, heaven Ij carriage.''^ 1 In this name there is a. superfluous letter. Azrikam is a proper Hebrew name, found iu Scripture, and signifying, " A help agaiust the enemy." 2 Mass. Hist. CoU., 2d series, vo-1. 7, p. 32. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 115 In the verse that follows, he probably alludes to Mr. BUnman's proposed removal to Pequot. " Blinman be blith in him, who thee hath taken To feed his flock, a few poor scattered sheep, Why should they be of thee at all forsaken, Thy honor's high, that any thou niay'st keep." The first notice of Mr. BUnman's arrival at New London, (then Pequot) is his appearance at a town meeting in November, 1650. Several of his ancient fiock accompanied or followed him in this new emigration. Obadiah Bruen, Hugh Caulkins, William Hough and James Morgan were perhaps of this number. Robert Parke, Wil liam Addis, and several others, who settled in the place at a later date, are conjectured to have belonged originally to the same party. Of- Mr. BUnman's ministerial labors here, no record has been pre served ; not a single contemporaneous allusion can be found to his capacity, or to the result of Ids labors in that department. We have reason to infer however, that he was acceptable to the people, and that his intercourse with them was entirely harmonious. His grants of land were almost innumerable ; and his applications for grants either for himself or others, were responded to with liberality. Yet his disposition was evidently generous, not grasping. A proof of this is exhibited in his voluntary release of the town from their engage ment to increase his salary annually : " Feb. 25, 1653. Forasmuch as the town was ingaged to Mr. Blynman for a set stypend and soe to increase it yeerly Mr. Blynman is freely willing to free the towne henceforward from that ingadgement." It is not known that Mr. Blinman was ever inducted into office, or that any church organization took place under his ministry. Yet he is uniformly styled " pastor of the church," which is strong evidence that a church association of some kjnd had been formed in the town. His reasons for leaving the church and the country are entirely un known. Not a word of dispi-aise uttered against him from any indi vidual is preserved, except the hasty insinuation of Capt. Denison heretofore mentioned, which he publicly recalled. The period when he relinquished his charge can be very nearly ascertained, for in Jan., 1657-8, he uses the customary formula, "I, Richard Blinman of Pequot," and in March of the same year, " I, R. B., at present of New Haven." Proofs of his liberality and kindness of heart occasionally gleam 116 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. upon US, showing that a free and loving intercourse was kept up be tween him and friends left behind. April 27th, 1658, he writes from New Haven : " Loving friend, Mr. Morton— I do approve of my wife's sale of that lot," &c. April 26th„ he executes a deed of gift of two pieces of land : " To the honored John Winthrop Esq. Governor upon Connecticut, in trust for the use of Mrs. Elizabeth Winthrop, the wife of the said John Winthrop and her heirs." Most of his land on the General Neck, and at Upper Mamacock, he sold to James Rogers and to the biU of sale he adds : " I do hope it may be a blessing to you and yours." He also conveyed a piece of land as a gift to Samuel Beeby, and another to Mr. WilUam Thomson, the Indian teacher ; the latter in the following terms : " Loving friend Mr. Thomson. " I was bold by brother Parkes formerly to tender a small gift to you, viz. a piece of land and swamp which was given me for a wood lot lying towards the west side of WiUiam Cumstock's hill, which if you please to accept as a token of my love I do freely give and confirm it to you. " Your loving friend. j^^ $U^ New Haven, AprU 11, 1659.' Soon after this last date, Mr. Blinman came to New London to settle some remaining aff'airs, and to embark with his family for Eng land, by way of Newfoundland. His house and house lot he sold to WilUam Addis, and his farm at Harbor's Mouth to John Tinker. The witnesses 'to this last deed were Samuel Rogers and Ezekiel BUnman. This is the only glimpse we obtain of Mr. BUnman's sec ond son in this country. In this deed the form used, is, " I, Richard Blinman, late pastor of the church of Christ, at New London." A deed to Andrew Lester, and settlement of accounts with James Rogers, were dated 12th of July. He sailed shortly afterward. The Rev. John Davenport, of New Haven, in writing to Mr. Win throp, mentions that he had received from Mr. Blinman " a large letter," dated at Newfoundland, August 22d, 1659, and adds : " Whereby I understand that God hath brought him and his to Newfound land, in safety and health, and inaketh his ministry acceptable to aU the peo ple there, except some Quakers, and much desired and flocked unto, and he HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 117 hath made choice of a ship for Barnstaple, to his content, the master being godly." The farms of Mr. Blinman at Fine Neck and Fort Hill were not sold when he left the country. They were afterward purchased by Christopher Christophers, and the deed of conveyance is from " I, Richard Blinman, with Mary my wife, now dweUing in the castle, in the city of Bristol, England." "10 Jan. 1670-1." Mr. Blinman's successor at Green's Harbor, Marshfield, was Mr. Edward Bulkley : at New London, Mr. Gershom Bulkley. There is this coincidence in the annals of the two places, that the first min isters of each were BUnman and Bulkley. Mr. Blinman's oldest son, Jeremiah, or Jeremy, did not leave the country with his father. His name occurs occasionally for several years afterward. In 1663 he was plaintiff" in an action of debt, versus John Raymond ; and about that period incurred, by judgment of the county court, the penalty of £5, which was the usual fine for a violation of the laws of purity. CHAPTER VIII. A CHAPTER OF NAMES ENGLISH AND ABORIGINAL. " The Indian name of New London," says Trumbull, " was Na meaug, alias Towawog." The first was undoubtedly the prevalent name : it was used, with many variations in the spelling, to designate both the site of the town and the natives found upon it. The Indian names are all descriptive, and this is supposed to mean a fishing place, being compounded of Namas^ fish, and eag, aug, eah, termina tions which signify land. The other name, Tawaw-wog, is not often found on record : it occurs however, as an alias, in several deeds,^ about the date of 1654. It is probable that this also has a reference to fish ; and may be de rived from Tataug'ox Tatau-og, hlack-fish, for which the neighboi-ing waters are still renowned. The minutes heretofore quoted show conclusively that it -was the wish of the flrst settlers, the fathers of the plantation, that their adopted home should bear the name of London. This was no sug gestion of vainglory, the result of a high-wrought expectation of ri valing the metropolitan splendor of Great Britain ; but a very nat ural mode of expressing their deep-rooted aff'ection for the land of their birth. The General Court hesitated in regai-d to this name, and proposed Fair Harbor, as a more appropriate term. But the inhabitants declined the proposition, and resolved to adhere to the old Indian name, until they could obtain the one of their choice. The Legislature at length yielded to their wishes, and legalized 1 Namau-us, fish, E. WUliams. ¦3 A fe-w examples, aU from the hand-writing of Mr. Bruen, -will show the variations of orthography in these names: " Thomas Parke of the towne of Pequott otherwisS' caUed Nameeg or Tawaw-wag." (1653.) " SamueU Lothrop of the towne of Pequot (aUas Nameeag and Tawaw-og." (1654.) " Eichard Blinman, pastor of the church 'at Pequot, (otherwise caUed Nameeug and Ta-iva-w-woc.") HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 119 the favorite name of the inhabitants, by an act of March 24tli, 1658, expressed in the following gracious and acceptable terms : " -Whereas it hath been a commendable practice of the inhabitants of all the colonies of these parts, that as this country hath its denomination frora our dear native country of England, and thence is caUed New England ; so the planters, in their first settling of most new plantations, have given names to those plant ations of sorae cities and towns in England, thereby intending to keep up and leave to posterity the memorial of several places of note there, as Boston, Hart ford, Windsor, 'York, Ipswich, Braintree, Exeter. This court considering, that there hath yet no place in any of the colonies, been named in memory of the city of London, there being a, new plantation within this jurisdiction of Con necticut, settled upon the fair river of Monhegin, in the Pequot country, it be ing an excellent harbour and a fit and convenient place for future trade, it being also the only place which the English of these parts have possessed by con quest, and that by a very just war, upon that great and warlike people, the Pequots, that therefore, they miglit thereby leave to posterity the memory of that renowned city of London, from whence we had our transportation, have thought fit, in honor to that famous city, to call the said plantation New London."' At what period " the fair river of Monhegin," received its present designation, the Thames, is uncertain. Neither the colonial records, nor those of the town, enable us to fix the period. The proper name given by the Indians to this river, has unfortunately been lost. The English settlers caUed it from the tribes on its banks, " the Mohi ganic River," or river of Mohegan ; the Pequot, or river of the Pe quots. We have seen that the Dutch explorers conferred' upon it the names of Frisius, and Little Fresh River. In singular opposition to this name, the early planters of the town called it the Great River. This term, ut,ed as a proper name, is found on a large numjjer of grants and deeds. It was used by Winthrop and others in the be ginning of the plantation, and for many years afterward. Jonathan Brewster, the town-clerk of 1650, called it "the Great River of Pe quett." The reason is not obvious ; for persons acquainted with the Connecticut and the Hudson, would never have termed it Great, in the absolute sense, and there was no stream near, of larger size than brooks and rivulets, to suggest a comparison. May it not have been Uke other? of our names, a translation of the aboriginal term ? Sava ges are ever boastful ; and to the Pequots and Mohegans, here was 1 Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 1, p. 313. The name sometunes appears m old records with out the prefix of JVew. A gi-ant of the Legislature m 1659, mentions " the plantation of London." 120 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. ,the one great river — the river of a great people — of the god Sassa cous and his unconquerable warriors. Allowing probability to this suggestion, we are next led to inquire, what was that native term which implied Great River. Pleasant indeed would it be to recover the aboriginal name of our beloved Thames. The western branch of the river was called by the natives Yantuck or Yantic, a word which is supposed to mean a rapid, roar ing stream.' This signification is peculiarly appropriate ; for the river, though small, is swift and noisy, and near its mouth, being com pressed between high cliff's, and obstructed by a rugged ledge of gran ite, it works its way through the fissures, tumbling with noise and foam, into a smooth estuary or basin, by the side of which was a fa mous Indian landing, or canoe-place. This fall, the distinguishing feature of the river and of its neighborhood, would be the first to at tract the notice of the savage, the first object to be named, and its name the one to which others might be referred and compared. Thus the river took the name of the water-fall and was caUed the Yan tuck ; then the larger river into which it flowed, would be the Mishi * (great) or Masha-yantuck, euphonized into Mashantuck, and signify ing the Great Yantuck. This, we venture to propose as the aborig inal name of the Thames. But it is offered as a suggestion, not an assertion. As all Indian names are significant, and we have scarcely anything else to remind us of this vanishing race, the older children ofthe land- we inhabit, it can not be deemed idle or impertinent to preserve what we have, and to recover all we can, of these fading memorials. This word Mashantuck, with the syllable kuk, added, which in the Indian language designates a hill-top, or headland, might naturaUy be applied to the rugged, hilly country upon the river. For, among the Indians, as well as among civiUzed nations, it was no strange thing for the name of a river to be extended over the adjacent coun try, or on the other hand, for the name of the country to overshadow the river. In point of fact the name Mashantakuk, with its varia tions, Mashantucket^ and Mishantuxet, was appUed by the natives to the western bank of the river, or certain portions of it. In a deed from Uncas and his sons to John Mason jn 1671, Mashantakuk is used as a general name for the whole Mohegan reservation. Shan- 1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 2 The sufiSx et appears to be a terminal sound without signification. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 121 tok, a name still given to a portion of Mohegan, bordering on the river, is probably an abbreviation of the same word. Most of the local names adopted at the first settlement, have been preserved with remarkable pertinacity. Trading Cove, Long Cove, Little Cove, the Straits' Mouth, Massapeag and Mamacock — all in the river ; Fog Plain, Mile Plain, X Plain, Flat Rock, Great HiU, Ridge Hill, Mullein Hill, Pine Neck, Wigwamps, Log-bridge HiU, (now Loggy Hill,) west of the town ; Winthrop's Neck and Cove, Bream Cove, Green Harbor, Goshen Neck, Alewife Cove — are names that were all in use before 1660, and most of them in 1652. What is now Niantic Bridge was at first known as " Gutt Ferry," and after 1790, as Rope Ferry, w-hich is still in use. Gardiner's Island was Isle of Wight, and Plum Island (rather later) Isle of Patmos. Nassau Island, as a name for Long Island, appears on deeds between 1690 and 1700. Great and Little Gull Islands were undoubtedly so named on account of the sea-gulls that here had their haunts, and whitened the shore with the abundance of their eggs. The Indians had probably named them from the same striking circumstance, and this Indian name, it is conjectured, was identical with that given to a point on the Stonington coast — Wampassok or Wampashok — a name supposed to signify a white land, or a land frequented by white birds.' One of the islets in the river just below Fort Trumbull was very early known as Nicholl's Cod, perhaps from William Nicholls an early settler : the other at a later period was called Powder Island. Bartlet's Reef, south-west of the mouth of the river, may have had its name from WiUiam or Robert Bartlet, who were coasters or skip pers on the coast before 1660. This however is not certainly known. Bachelor's Cove and Jupiter Point, on the Groton shore, were names used in 1653, but can not now be located. Latham's Chair, a cluster of rocks, in the mouth of the river, near Eastern Point, is laid down on charts. Cohanzie (a district in Waterford) is not on record before 1750, but may have been famUiarly used at an earUer date. Its origin is not known, but in aU probability it is a modification of some Indian name. According to tradition it is derived from an old Pequot who 1 -Wampi, white ; Wampasft, a species of wUd goose, iind probably applied to other bhds of wHte plumage. Wompessacnch, " -white head birds,"-a name given to the eagle. See Mass. Hist. CoU., 2d series, vol. 4, p. 275. 11 122 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. had a wigwam in a dense swamp in the district, where he dwelt and made brooms and baskets for his neighbors, long after aU others of his race had disappeared from- the neighborhood. Cedar Swamp, Ash Swamp, Owl Swamp, and other swamps of the neighborhood, aU at different periods have enjoyed the reputation of being haunted — not generaUy, however, by ghosts of the dead, but by living bugbears — such as old Indians, deserters from EngUsh ships, witches, and trampers. That species of tradition which is founded upon deeds of murder and violence, has never gained much of a foothold in this vicinity. The Ash Swamp ghost w-as perhaps an exception, though the legend appears to have faded from memo ry : it was the apparition of a woman that always appeared with a white apron over her head, so that her face was never seen. A ghost was at one time in the last century said to haunt the vicinity of Mile Brook, where belated travelers were sure to find an old woman em ployed in letting down bars that constantly replaced themselves, as they fell from her hand. The following Indian names belong to the original Pequot or Mo hegan territory. A part of them are still in use : the others have been gleaned from records or tradition. ¦Oow-waus, a rugged tract of land lying west of the Mohegan or Norwich road. It is the Indian word for pine-tree and designated a locality where pines were found. Gowassit, the Indian name of Blackwell's Brook, that flows into the Quinebaug in Canterbury, and Gowissatuck, in the north-east part of Stonington, are wprds of the same origin. Gungewamps, a high, rugged hill three and a half miles north east of Groton Ferry. Magunk, a locality on the Great Neck, formerly so caUed. It may mean a large tree. Magunkahquog, the Indian name of Hop- kinton, Mass., is said to signify, a place of great trees. Mamacock, the neck of land on which Fort TrumbuU is situated; also a neck of land two miles higher up the river. R. Williams de fines Maumacock " a point of land bending like a hook." Mashapaug, now Gardiner's Lake. It was in the north-west cor ner of the ancient bounds of New London and the south-west comer of ancient Norwich. The English called it at first, " 20-mUe-pond." It appears to mean pimply Great Pond. Other sheets of water in New England bore the same name. Massa-peag ; probably a word of the same origin and significa tion as the foregoing. It is the name o&ta large cove running into HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 123 Mohegan from the river, six miles north of New London and so in closed by the land as to resemble a pond. The banks of the cove bear the same name. It was sometimes written Mashpeage. Massa-wamasog, a brook and cove in Mohegan, north of Massa peag. Manatuck, a high, bold hill-top, in Waterford, commanding a fine view of the Sound. The word may perhaps be of the same origin as Montauk. Mistuckset, a brook in Stonington forming a boundary of land at Quonaduck, granted to Amos Richardson in 1653. Mystic : this name is similar to the foregoing. It is undoubtedly the true aboriginal name of the river, and not brought, as some have supposed, by the English settlers, from the Mystick which flows into Boston Bay. Roger Williams calls it Mistick before the Pequot War. There is probably some natural feature common to the two rivers which suggested the name. It is now usuaUy written without the k — Mystic. Namucksuck. Samuel Lathrop's farm, on the west bank of Pe quot River, four or five miles from New London, was said to be at Namucksuck. Nantneag. Winthrop sent to Sir Hans Sloane a specimen of a new mineral, which he says was found " at Nantneag, three miles from New London." The mineral received the name of Colum- bium. No place in the -vicinity is now known as Nantneag. Naiwayonk or Nowayunck, now abbreviated to Noank, a peninsula at the mouth of Mystic River, on the west side. Cassasinamon's party of Pequot Indians was collected on this peninsula very soon after the settlement of New London, and remained here till about 1667, when they were removed to Mashantucket. A thriving and picturesque village is now spread over the rugged ledges of Noank. Nayantick or Nahantick: Roger Williams wrote Nayantaquit; other variations are numerous. It is now commonly written Niantic. The bar at Rope Ferry (south-west extremity of Waterford) was probably the original western Nahantick, and Watch HiU Neck, or the south-west part of Westerly, the eastern Nahantick. Nahantick is the same word as Nahant and apparently designates a long, sandy point or beach : the syUable ick is probably expletive. Oxo-paug-suek. This rugged Indian word has been transmuted by custom into one much more barbarous, viz., Oxy-boxy. It desig nated a small pond in the north parish of New London (now Mont ville) and a wild, dashing brook which issued from it and flowed 124 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. south-east into the Thames. In the lower part of its course the stream was called by the Indians Cochikuack and by the EngUsh Saw-miU Brook. Its banks are in many places very bold and ro mantic. A series of mills and factories (twelve in number) now occupy the choice positions on its course, and a vUlage remarkably picturesque and umbrageous has grown up near its mouth, whieh is called Uncasville. Poquetannuck, a river and cove on the east side of the Thames, where Brewster's trading-house was situated. The name is still re tained and designates also a pleasant village through which, the stream flows. Two definitions, of directly opposite import, may be suggested for this word : a fact which illustrates the difficulty of fixing the signification of Indian names. Poqua, it is said, signifies an oak, and Poqua-tannock is, then, a place where there are many oak-trees, a forest of oaks. Again, poqua signifies open, and places with that prefix denote open fields or cleared grounds. Poquetannuck, then, means a place free from all trees. Poquaug, or more properly Poquyogh, a smaU bay or cove, be tween two and three miles west of the mouth of the Thames. The word may be derived from Pequaw-hock or Quaw-haug, the name of the large round clam, which was vei-y abundant in this vicinity. The English at first called it Robin Hood's Bay, but this name was soon dropped and that of Jordan substituted ; which name now des ignates the cove, the brook flowing into it, and the adjoining district. It was probably bestowed by some devout proprietor in honor of the Jordan of Palestine. Shinicosset, in Groton, east side of the harbor's mouth. Sepos-tamesuck, a cove and brook in Mohegan, west side of the river. Swichichog, a rocky point in Mohegan, west side of the river. Swegotchy, west side of Niantic Bay : perhaps both have some ref erence to saquish, saquishog, clams. Tauha-konomok, a high hiU in the western part of Waterford, overlooking Lake's Pond : now abridged to Konom'ok. It is men tioned in a town act of March 14th, 1693-4. " Then voted that the land lying between Popple-swamp and Taba-oono- mock hill shaU be and remain for the town's use forever common." Uhuhioh, written also Uhuoigh, Whoohyoh, and sometimes the last letter k. This name was applied to Jordan Brook where it faUs into the cove and to the swampy thickets on its borders. The sound HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 125 SO much resembles the hooting of an owl as to suggest the idea that the name was derived from that bird. The Mohegan word for owl was, however, Kookoo-ky~om ; and we hazard, as a more pleasing con jecture, that it was the Indian word for the whippowil, and so named on account of the woods and brakes in the vicinity having been no ted retreats of this interesting night-warbler. Using what is called in the notation of Indian languages the whistled w, it would be written Wuhioh} May not the name of the fair river of the west, Ohio, have a similar origin ? Wikopasset or Weekopeesuck, a small island at the north-east end of Fisher's Island. Wee-powaug, a place north of Brewster's farm at Poquetannuck, where Uncas gave to John Picket six or seven hundred acres of land. It fell to his son-in-law Charles Hill.^ 1 Heckwelder and Duponceau would probably have given it this orthography. 2 Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 2, p. 142. 11* CHAPTER IX. Uncas at variance with the English. — Repeatedly invaded by the Narragan setts. — Incident at Brewster's Neck. — Eflbrts to instruct the Indians by Blin man, Thompson, Minor and Stanton. — Removal and settlement of the two bands of Pequots. The Mohegans and the planters at Pequot continued to be for several years troublesome neighbors to each other. The sachem was ever complaining of encroachments upon his royalties and the English farmers of Indian aggressions upon their property. In March, 1653-4, the planters, apparently in some sudden burst of indignation, made an irruption into the Indian territory' and took pos session of " Uncas his fort, and many of his wigwams at Monheag,"' The sachem, as usual, carried his grievances to Hartford ; and the General Court ordered a letter of inquiry and remonstrance to be written to the town. This was followed by the appointment of a committee. Major Mason, Matthew Griswold and Mr. Winthrop, to review the boundary line between the plantation and the Indians and to " endeavor to compose differences between Pequett and Uncas in love and peace."^ This appears to have quieted the present un easiness, and for several succeeding years the enmity of the Nar ragansetts furnished the sachem with a motive to conciUate the Eng lish. Between 1640 and 1660 he was repeatedly invaded by hostile bands of his own race, that sw-ept over him like the gust of a whirl- -wind and drove him for refuge into some stone fort or gloomy Cappa- 1 Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 1, p. 251. 2 C( supra, p. 257. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 127 cummock.' It is wonderful that he should always have escaped from an enmity so deadly and unremitting, and that he should have increased in numbers and strength while so frequently engaged in hostilities. In 1657, the Narragansetts, taking their usual route through the wilderness, and crossing the fords of the Shetucket and Yantic, pour ed down upon Mohegan, marking their course with slaughter and devastation.^ Uncas fled before them, and took refuge in a fort at the head of Nahantick River, where his enemies closely besieged him. It is probable that he would soon have been obUged to submit to terms, had not his EngUsh neighbors hastened to his relief. Lieut. James Avery, Mr. Brewster, Richard Haughton, Samuel Lothrop and others weU armed, succeeded in throwing themselves into the fort ; and the Narragansetts, fearing to engage in a conflict with the EngUsh, broke up the siege and returned home. Major Mason, the patron of Uncas, hastened to lay before the General Court an ac count of the danger to which he had been exposed.' The Legisla ture approved of the measures that had been taken for his protec tion, and requested Mr. Brewster to leave a few men in the fortress with Uncas, to defend him, if again he should be assaulted, and to keep a strict watch over the Narragansetts. The commissioners who met at Boston in* September, took a dif ferent view of the case. They had come to the determination of leaving the Indians to fight their own battles, and therefore disap proved of the interference of the English in favor of Uncas. A letter was forthwith dispatched to Pequot directing Mr. Brewster and the others, in Nahantick fort, to retire immediately to their own dwellings, and leave Uncas to manage his aff'airs himself. For the time to come, they prohibited any interference in the quarrels of In dians with one another, either by colonies or individuals, except in cases of necessary self-defense. The next year Uncas was again invaded by the Narragansetts, and -with them — united against their common enemy — came the Po- komticks and other tribes belonging to Connecticut River. The Eng lish did not always escape annoyance from these marauding ptf ties. 1 This name probably refers to an islet in a swamp. 2 " The Narragansetts kiUed and took captive diverse of his men and seized much of his goods." Hazard, vol. 2. 3 Conn. Col. Eec, vol. 1, pp. 301, 302. 128 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Mr. Brewster preferred a complaint to the commissioners at theu- next meeting, that the invaders " Killed an Indian employed in his service, and flying to Mistress Brewster for succor ; yet they violently took him from her, and shot him by her side to her great afi-rightment."' This mcident undoubtedly occurred on Brewster's Neck at Poque tannuck. The Indians in their defense said that the Mohegans, their enemies, took shelter in Mr. Brewster's house and -were there pro tected ; that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Thompson suppUed them with guns, powder and shot ; that being on the west side of the river, they were shot at by two men from the east side, whereupon their young warriors crossed the stream, and not finding the off'enders, concluded they had taken shelter in the house, and pursued them thither. This defense had but Uttle weight with the commissioners ; w-ho amerced the off'ending Indians in 120 fathoms of wampum. The repeated invasion of his enemies drove Uncas for a time from his residence in Mohegan proper. He sheltered himself for two or three years within the circle of the EngUsh settlements, and dwelt at Nahantick, at Black Point, and even west of Saybrook, on lands claimed by him at Killingworth and Branford. It was not tiU after the settlement of Norwich in 1660, that he once more estabUshed himself in his old home. The migratory habits of the India,ns, -who seldom spent summer and winter in the same place, will account in some degree for their wide-spread claims of possession. Foxen, the friend and counselor of Uncas has left his name indelibly impressed in the neighborhood of New London and on the plains of East Haven.^ This fact alone would show the extent of the Mohegan right of dominion ; or rather of the Pequot right, to which the Mohegans succeeded. In 1657, the court of commissioners, acting as agents to the " Society for propagating the Gospel in New England," proposed to Mr. Blinman to become the missionary of the Pequots and Mohe gans, offering a salary of £20 per annum, and pay for an interpreter. Mr. Blinman declined ; and the same year Mr. WilUam Thomson,' a graduate of Harvard College, and son of the first minister of Braintree, Mass., was engaged for the office. His salary from the 1 Eecords of the Commissioners, in Hazard, vol. 2. 2 East Haven Eegister, p. 18. 3 This is his o-wn orthography: Farmer in his Redster -writes it Tompsou. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 129 commissioners was £10 per annum, for the first two years, and £20 per annum, for the next two ; but after 1661 the stipend was with held, with the remark, that he had " neglected the business." His services were confined entirely to the Pequots at Mystic and Paw katuck.' Uncas uniformly declined all off'ers of introducing reUgious instruction among his people. Mr. Thomson left New London in feeble health in 1663, and in September, 1664, w-as m Surry county, Virginia. The commissioners made many praiseworthy attempts to obtain regular reUgious instruction for the Pequots, but met with only par tial success. In 1654, they selected John the son of Thomas Minor and proposed to educate him for an Indian teacher. John the son of Thomas Stanton was also received by them for the same purpose. They were both kept at school and college for two or three years.; but the young men ultimately left their studies and devoted them selves to other pursuits. The remnant of the Pequots not amalgamated with the Mohegans were principally collected into two bands : one of them lived on or near the Mystic, having Cassasinamon (called by the EngUsh Robin) for their chief; the other, on or near the Pawkatuck, under Casha- wasset (or Harmon Garrett.) These miserable fragments of a tribe for many years annuaUy sent their plea to the court of commission ers askmg for more land. Their situation was indeed pitiable. The EngUsh crowded them on every side. Their corn was often ruined by the breaking in of wild horses, and loose cattle and swine ; and they were not allowed to fish, or hunt, or trespass in any manner upon lands claimed either by Uncas or by the English. Toward these people, the commissioners in 1658 and onward appear to have been kindly disposed. They repeatedly granted them certain tracts of land and appointed persons to see to their removal and accommo dation. In 1663, they wrote letters to the towns of New London and Southerton requiring them immediately to lay out those lands which had been granted to the Indians, " anno 58." Even this imper ative proceeding led to no immediate result. It was the favorite plan of the Connecticut authorities, to settle the Pequots at Mohe gan, under the sway of Uncas, and they consented with reluc tance that they should remain a distinct community. Mr. Winthrop, 1 Mr. Thomson had a farm at Mystic, but his residence -was in the to-wn plot, ou -what is now Manwaring's HiU. His house was sold when he left the to-wn, to OUver Manwaring. 130 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. Capt. Denison, Capt. James Avery, and some other men of influence, dissented from these views and labored for the accommodation of the Pequots. In 1664, the commissioners referred the charge and responsibiUty of removing the Indians to the Connecticut delegation. After a further struggle of three years with various contending parties, the object was accomplished. The Connecticut committee report in 1 667 : •' As for the Pequot Indians tbey are settled on a large tract of land for their planting and subsistence, M'hich we wish had been sooner attended, but being now effected, we hope will satisfy our confederates." This refers to the Mystic Indians, who were removed to the inte rior of the northern part of the plantation, and settled on a reserva tion of two thousand acres, called Mashantucket, a name probably transferred from the Mohegan reserved lands west of the river,' to which it had been previously applied. Cassasinamon^ remained the ruler or governor of this party until his death in 1692. Other nominal chiefs of their own people followed, but the actual direction of their affairs, down to the present day, has been intrusted to agents, appointed by the legislature. The removal and settlement of Harmon Garrett's company was attended with yet more difficulty." They were ultimately settled, and probably about 1670, on a reservation a few miles east of Mashantucket, in what is now North Stonington. Harmon Garret, otherwise called Wequash-kook, and sometimes Cashawasset, died in 1675 or 1676. Momoho succeeded and died in 1695. Both of these Pequot bands remained faithful to the EngUsh in PhiUp's War and performed good service. 1 In like manner the name Nameug, or Nameak, had been appUed to the place where they dwelt at Mystic 2 One would like to know whether the wit of this tawny chieftain were as qncy as his name. Cassia-cinnamon — how pungent and aromatic ! 3 See Mass. Hist. CoU., 3d series, vol. 10, pp. 64:-69, where are letters to Gov. Win throp on the Pequot business, from Capt. Denison and Mr. James Noyes, which show that even candid and honest men may take different views of the same subject Denison pleads for the Indians with an eloquence and ardor highly honorable to him. CHAPTER X. Town affairs, civil and ecclesiastical, from 1661 to 1671. — Extracts from the Moderator's minutes, with explanations and comments. — Ministry of Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Bradstreet. — First church formed. — First ordination. The year 1661 presents us with a new minister. Mr. Gershom Bulkley, of Concord, in the Bay colony, having preached several months in the place, entered into a contract to become the minister of the town. This was merely an engagement for a term of years, and contained no reference to a settlement or ordination. The town pledged a salary of £80 yearly for three years, and afterward more, if the people found themselves able to give more, or " as much more as God shall move their hearts to give, and they do flnd it needful to be paid." It was to be reckoned in provisions or EngUsh goods ; and for the first three years he was to have " all such silver as is weekly contributed by strangers, to help towards the buying of books." The town was to pay for the transportation of himself, family and eff'ects from Concord ; provide him with a dwelling-house, orchard, garden and pasture, and with upland and meadow for a small farm'; supply him yearly with fire-wood for the use of his family, and " do their endeavor to suit him with a servant-man or youth, and a maid, he paying for their time." Finally, if Mr. Bulk- ley should die during the continuance of his ministry, his wife and children should receive fronj the town " the full and just sum of £60 SterUng." This contract was afterward modified. To obviate some difficul ty which occurred in building the parsonage, Mr. Bulkley proposed to provide himself with a house, and free the town from the engage ment to pay £60 to his family in case of his decease, for the sum of £80 in hand. To this the town consented on condition that he re mained with them seven years, but they added this clause. "In.case he remove before the 7 yeer, he is to return the SOI. agen, but if he stay the 7 yeere out, the 80/. is wholly given him, or if God take him away be fore this tyme of 7 yeeres, the whole is given his wife and children.'' 132 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Mr. Bulkley was a son of the Rev. Peter Bulkley, first minister of Concord, Mass. His mother, the second wife of his father, was Grace, daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood. It has been often rela ted concerning this lady, that she apparently died on her passage to this country. Her husband supposing land to be near, and unwilling ,to consign the beloved form to a watery grave, urgently entreated the captain that the body might be kept one day more, and yet another and another day ; to which, as no signs of decay had appeared, he consented. On the third day symptoms of vitality were observed, and before they reached the land, animation, so long suspended, was restored ; and though carried from the vessel an invalid, she recovered and Uved to old age. Her son, Gershom, was born soon after their arrival, Dec. 26th, 1 635. He graduated at Harvard CoUege, in 1 655, and married, Oct. 26th, 1659, Sarah Chauncey, daughter ofthe presi dent of that institution. His father died in 1659. His widowed mother, Mrs. Grace Bulkley, followed her son to New London, where she purchased the homestead of WilUam Hough, " hard below the meeting-house that now is," and dwelt in the town, a householder, so long as her son remained its minister. Mr. Bulkley, after having freed the town from their engagement to build a parsonage, purchased the homestead of Samuel Lothrop, who was about removing to the new settlement of Norwich. The house is said to have stood beyond the bridge, over the miU brook, on the east side of the highway toward Mohegan. Here Mr. Bulk- ley dwelt during his residence in New London.' , Minutes from the Moderator's hook. , " Mr. Thomson to be cleered" — (freed frora paying rates.) " Mr. Tinker, Jaraes Morgan, and Obadiah Bruen, are chosen to seat the people in the meeting-house, which, they doing, the inhabitants are to rest silent." " Deo. 1, 1661. The towne have agreed with Goodman Elderkin and Good man WaUer to repare the turret of the meeting-house, and to pay them what they shall demand in reason." " To know what allowance Mr. Tinker shall have for his tyme spent in exer cising in publique, " To return an account of contributions. " May 5, 166-2. Thomas Bowen hath given hira by the towne forty shillings of the contribution wompum." 1 Probably where is now the HaUam house, late ^e residence of the aged sisters, Mrs. Thomas Poole and Mrs. Eobert Hallam. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 133 Why Thomas Bowen should receive a part of the money given for ecclesiastical purposes is not explained. He had dwelt but a short time in the place, and very soon removed to Rehoboth, where he diedin 1663. Mr. Tinker is supposed to have led the public worship before Mr. Bulkley's arrival. The town voted him a compensation of £6. He was rate-maker, collector and commissioner for the year 1662, and also an assistant of the colony. « Jan. 6, 1661-2. " The highway to the water by Mr, Morton's is voated to be 4 pole wide." [Now Blinraan street.] " All the military offisers are to lay out fort hill by the next meeting.'' Fort HiU was an elevated upland ridge on the eastern border of the present Parade, with an abrupt projecting slope to the water side, which caused it to be caUed also a point. In the course of time it has been graded and rounded, so as to be no longer either a hill or a point. It was expressly reserved on the first laying out of the town, for the purpose of fortification. " Sept. '61. " Mr. Thomsons request of 3 pole of land by the water side upon Mill Cove." " Oct. 24. Mr. Lords request in writing. " Mr. Savages request in writing. "Mr. Lovelands request in writing. " A Dutchman and his -wile request of the towne." "Dec. 1. Three men, (Morgan, Latham, Avery,) chosen by the town to vew the poynt of land and confirme it to Mr. Loveland, Mr. Tinker, Mr. Lane, and Mr. Stallon, in the best way they can, leaving sufHsient way to the Spring for all neighbors." "Sept. 24,- '62. " Mr. Pinsions request for a place for wharfage and building and outland. " Hugh Moles request for a place by the water side to build vessels on, and a wharfe. " Consider to do something about the townes landing place." " Jan. 25, '62-3. Mr. Pinsions request per Mr. James Rogers, — the towne doe give him three pole out of yt sixe pole yt is allowed for the towne a landing place, neere Sandie poynt, provided he build and wharfe within one yeere after this grant; the landing place to be but three pole wide." The above extracts give evidence of an increasmg trade, which was brmging the beaches and sandy border of tbe to-wn into use- Mr. Thomson was the Indian missionary, whose engagements with his simple flock do not appear to have interfered with his attention to civil affairs. Richard Lord was of Hartford ; Habijah Savage and Robert Loveland, of Boston ; " the Dutchman" was probably Jacob SkilUnger, of New Haven. AU these persons were more or 12 134 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. less interested in the commerce of the port, and made appUcation for small grants of land for the erection of warehouses. Sandy Point was the sweU or circlet of the shore, just at the head of the present Water Street. Here was the town landing place, and the ferry stairs, where passengers from the east side of the river landed. The spring, which was to be kept free for the accommodation of the pub Uc, was on the north side of the present Federal Street, east of the head of Bradley Street, gushing out of the side hiU, and flowmg into the river. It was famous in the early history of the town for its pure, cold, abundant waters, but from the gradual elevation of the ground near the water side, it has of late years entirely disappeared. Capt, John Pyncheon, of Springfield, very eariy entered into corres pondence, in the way of trade, with the plantation, first with Win throp and afterward with James Rogers, sending cattle and produce hither to be shipped for other markets. " The path to Pequot," trav eled by his droves, is mentioned in the early records of Springfield. The site for a warehouse granted him out of the landing-place, re verted afterward to the town. Hugh Mould, a son-in-law of John Coite, was allowed a sufficient quantity of land at Sandy Point, for a carpenter's yard, provided it could be obtained and not " hinder the careening of vessels," Another person who was at this time a resi dent trader, though not mentioned so early in the minutes, was Sam uel Hackburn, or Hagborn, from the Bay colony. He was received as an inhabitant, but meeting with some reverses, left the town in 1665. In Feb., 1661-2, George Tongue was granted four poles of land before his house-lot on the bank. This was the origin of the names. Tongue's Bank, Tongue's Rocks, and Tongue's Cliff", which contin ued to be appUed to that portion of the water side now covered with the wharves and buildings of Capt. A. Bassett and the Brown broth ers, long after the name had otherwise become extinct in the town.* At the same time, grants were made of small portions of the water side, next south of the fort land, to John Culver,' William Douglas, and Joshua Raymond. The remainder of the Bank, -with the excep tion of a building yard granted to John Coite, in 1699, was left com mon until the next century. " 25 Feb,, '61-2. Mr. Adilis granted toseU beere." " 5 May, '6-2. Goodman Culver is chosen and allowed of by the towne for the making of bread and bruing of beere for the publicke good." 1 Eldest son of Edward Wilver. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 135 " The towne desire Mr. Tinker to be by ye court confermed assistant for this yeer, and Oba: Bruen for the taking of oathos and making of warrants and attachments." " The Book of Lawes is voated to be called for by the constable, Peter Blatchford, and to be delivered to O. Bruen, recorder, for the use ofthe towne." This Book of Laws must have been a manuscript copy of the principal enactments of the General Court : every town within the jurisdiction being required to possess one such copy. The colony had no book of printed laws until 1673. The most prominent orders of the General Court, were usuaUy brought home by the deputies, and read or published, as it was called, in the next town meeting, and the most important were engrossed in the town book. " 31 March, 1663. " Jaraes Rogers, James Morgan, John Prentis, and Peter Blatchford, are chosen to draw a petition to the Court respecting the grievances of the town. " Whereas Cary Latliam and Mr. Douglas are by the Court fined for not fully presenting the town list, anno 1662, the town see cause to petition the Court as a grievance, not flnding wherein they have failed except in some few houses. Voted, also about the rate of £35, 8s. Qd. as over-rated j£l,500, by the Court in March, '62-3." From the Colonial Records we learn that the court had severely rebuked the Usters of the town for the low valuation they had given to estates, observing, " they have not attended any rule of righteous ness in their work, but have acted very corruptly therein." The fines were remitted in May, 1663. " 16 April. " The town agree with Robert Bartlet for the making of a pair of Stocks with 9 holes fitted to put on the irons for 13s. Ad." " May 7. John Culver is chosen for this next yeere to drumm Saboth days and as formerly for meetings, " Francis Hall' hath given him two pole of land by the water side, if it be there.'' "June 9. Cary Latham, Mr. Douglas and Ralph Parker were to make the Country ratg by the list thay made of the Town Rate in '62. Our rate accord ing to our list being about 291. 3s. Sd. Court say 35/. 8s. 9rf, Cary Latham, with myself, 0. B. voted to speake with the coramitty from Court sent to heare the Case, depending, (as the Court expresseth it,) betwixt Uncas and the Inhabitants of New London." " July 20. Order from the Court to make the rate 311. 5s., and to be sent by October next." ",16 Sept. " Mr. Witherell, Lieut. Smith, Jaraes Morgan and Oba. Bruen chosen to 1 HaU was of Stratford, but had commercial deaUngs in New London. 136 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. hear the grievances ofthe inhabitants of wrong done by the Indians, and draw a petition in the to-wn's behalf." " 26 Oct. This being the town raeeting, James Bemas should have ac knowledged his olfence against the Major — he came not to it. " Mr. SkilUnger propounded the sale of his land and house this day, — none ofl'ered any thing." SkilUnger in 1668 and '69 w-as of Southampton, L. I., and one of a company associated for the purpose of whaling in boats along the coast.' " Dec. 14. " ]Vlr. Winthrop hath all his land at Naihantick given him rate free for tyme to come. Also he hath given him a pond of water betwixt his land at nai hantick and the land now in possession of John Printice. John Printice ob jects against tliis towne grant of ye pond. "George Chappie hath given him 6 acres of land for a house-lot betwixt the neck fence and Jordan river, part of it buting on Jordan river." This is the earliest notice found ofthe name Jordan, applied to the stream that has ever since borne the designation. Chappell had sold his house-lot in town to the Indian missionary, WilUam Thomson, and soon removed to this new grant "by Naihantick way-side." The September following, Clement Minor applied for a house-lot next to George Chappell, where it is said "he hath now built." These were the first settlers in the Jordan district. "15 Jan: '63-4. James Rogers, Levt. Smith, Cary Latham, John Smith, and William Hough, are appoynted to goe to Mr. Buckley for the settling him amongst us." " 25 Feb. Old Mrs, Buckleys request to be read. " Mr. Buckley for enlarging maintenance yt he may keep a man and also take the geting of wood into his owne handes — if not let 101. more be aded to our town rate for wood cutting and carting, and 41. for raising the pulpet, " Inhabitants not to entertane strange young men. Vide country order, read. "The order of cardes and order of shufHebords :— I read. "It is agreed by the towne that henceforward Mr. Buckley shall have sixe score pound a yeere, in provision pay, good and marchandable, he freeing the towne from all other ingagements." "AprU 18. " A Country rate sent to us from Hartford, — this day was the flrst day I herd of it; 29/. 18s. 9d. "3 or 4 Listers to be chosen, one of them a Commissioner ; Mr. WethereU, Commissioner," "Sept. 21. " To determine a more certain way for the ministry to be upheld amongst us. 1 Thompson's Long IslandjD. 191, HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 137 " The Towne have agreed that there shall be a petition drawn in the behalf ofthe Towne, .Mr. James Rogers, Ensigne Avery and Mr. Wetherell are chosen to see it be done with reference to Pockatuck pay of rates to our towne as for merly they did." "Nov. 21. " At this towne meeting it was voated that there should be an Atturnye for the towne to see to the coming in of the ministers rate and other towne rates. Peter Blatchford chosen Atturney.'' '¦ Jan: 9, 1664-5. "Peter Blatchford to be paid for a voyage to the River's Mouth, about the gunns, 12s." The General Court, in May, 1660, had ordered that two great guns, with shot convenient, then at Saybrook, should be lent to New London. The above charge was doubtless connected with the remo val of these pieces. Under the same date is noticed a debt of 15«. to Richard Hartley, for providing a " seat for the guard in the meet ing-house," an item showing' that men still went armed to the house of worship, and that the fear of sudden attacks from Indians had not subsided. " Goodman Burrose chosen ferryman for Mistick river, to ferry a horse and a man for a groat. " Goodman Culver is allowed by the towne to sell liquors, provided he shall brew also, ells not : provided also the court aUow of it, ingaging always to have good beere and good dyet and lodging for man and horse, to attende alsoe to good order.'' "At a town meeting Feb. 25, 1664 [1665.] " The towne being desired to declare there myndes concerning Mr, Bulkley, it was propounded whether they were willing to leave Mr, Bulkley to the lib- ertye of his conscience without compelling him or enforcing him to anything in the execution of his place and offlce contrarye to his light according to the laws ofthe commonwelth. " Voated to be there myndes." This is the first intimation on record of any uneasiness existing between Mr. Bulkley and the people. There are no church records that reach back to this period, and his reasons for leaving are but ob scurely intimated. He had not been settled and no great formaUty was necessary to his departure. " At a towne meeting, June 10. " The Towne understanding Mr. Buckleys intention to goe into the Bay have sent James Morgan and Mr. Douglas to desire him to stay mitill seacond day com seventnight which day the Towne have agreed to ask againe Mr. Fitch to speake with him in order to know Mr. Buckleys mynde fuUye whether he will continue with us or no to preach the gospell." 12* 138 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. That this overture was unsuccessful is evident from a subsequent entry : " July 10 — '65. In towne meeting. " If it be your myndes yt Mr. Jaraes Rogers shall goe in the behalfe of the towne to Mr. Brewster to give hira a call and to know whether he will come to us to be our minister, and yt he shall intercead to Mr. Pell first to be helpful to us herein, manifest it by lifting up your hands. Voted," The person to whom this application was made is supposed to have been Rev. Nathaniel Brewster, of Brookhaven, L. I. No further allusion is made to him. " 24 July. John Packer desires that Leiftenant Avery and James Morgan may issue the busines yt is now in contest betwixt him and the Indians at Nai- wayuncke and to compound with them in the best way they can with land to satisfaction ofthe Indians and Goodman Packer. Voted." " 9 October. Mr. Donglas by a full voate none manifesting themselves to the central y, was chosen to goe to Mr. Wilson and Mr, Elliot to desire there advise and help for the prooureinge of a minister for the towne." " Nov. 24. A town nreeting concerning what Mr. Douglas hath done about a minister. " " Nov. 24, 1665. It is agreed at this town meeting that a letter be writ and sent from the town to Deacon Parke of Roxburye to treat with Mr. Broadstreet in the behalfe of the towne to come to us for this end to supply the towne in the worke of the ministry, in which letter sent full powre be given to Mr. Parke to act in our behalf, the towne expressing themselves w^illing to give 601b and rather than that the work seas, to proceed to ten pound more, giving our trusty friend liberty to treat with others in case our desire of Mr, Broadstreet faile," " A Court order for a brand-mark and horses to be branded, this day read. " Mr. Douglas confermed in his place for the Townes packer of meat. And also he was voted and chosen to brand mark all horses with L ou the left shoul der and is to record all horses soe branded." " Jan: r2, 1665 ['66.] " The return of Mr. Brodstreet's letter to be read. " Thomas Robinson to propound [for an inhabitant.] " A rate to underpin the meeting-house, " Concerning raessengers to goe for Mr, Bradstreet, " Also for a place where he shall be when he comes. Also for provision for the messengers, — some course to be taken for 5 lb for them, " The Town rate for Nihantick part . . . £26 6s. 6d. " The East side ye River . , , . £35 6s. lOii." " Feb. 26. It is voated that Left'. Avery and James Morgan be chosen mes sengers to fetch up Mr. Bradstreet as soon as moderate weather presents," " John Smith and goodraan Nicholls shaU receive Contribution every Lords daye and preserve it for ye publick good, "It is voated and agreed that the townsmen shall have power to provide what is needful for the Messengers that are sent to Mr, Bradstreet and allso to provide for him a place to reside in at his coming. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 139 " Mr, Douglas and goodman Hough are voted by ye Towne to demand the , 80 pound of Mr. Buckley which he stands ingaged to pay to ye towne. " Voted by ye Towne that Leift't. Avery and James Morgan have power to agree with any person that hath a serviceable horse to be emploied in fetching up Mr, Bradstreet and what agreement they make the towne to allowe and make good the same." [In the Town accounts of the next year appears due " To Goodman Prentice for his horse, 10s. To Goodman Royce for ye ministers dyet, 15lb,"] " Voted that a Towne rate of 401b. be made imediately for ye payment of Towne depts and providing to acoraadate a minister and repareing tire meeting house." At the same date with the foregoing arrangements in regard to Mr. Bradstreet, a vote was passed, which shows that no embittered feel ing had grown up between Mr. Bulkley and the people. Though he had ceased to be considered as their minister, he remained in the town, and occupied the pulpit with acceptance until a successor was obtained. " It is voated and agreed that Mr. Buckley for his time and paines taken in preaching the word of God to us since the time of his yeere was expired shall have thirty pounds to be gathered by a rate." Mr. Bulkley is supposed to have removed from New London to Wethersfield in the early part ofthe year 1667. The thirty pounds voted him by the town, was reUnquished, in part payment of the eighty pounds for which he stood indebted. The town was inveter ate and persevering in its attempts to recover the remaining fifty pounds, and kept up the dunning process untU Mr. Bulkley, in 1668, mortgaged his house and lot to Samuel Shrimpton of Boston, and ob tained means to liquidate the debt. Mr. Bulkley was minister of the church in Wethersfield, for a number of years, but finally gave up preaching for the practice of medicine, on account it is said ofthe weakness of his voice. He was a man of learning and added to his theological attainments no inconsiderable knowledge of medicine and surgery. The house lot lying south of the meeting , house, originally Mr. Bruen's, was now purchased for the ministry, of Mr. Douglas, and Mrs. Grace Bulkley. "June 1, 1666. " Voted by a Vnaniraous consent that Mr. Bradstreet is acepted in ye worke of ye ministry amongst vs, and that he have 80 lb, pr yeare to encourage hira in the worke, to be gathered by way of rate, " Voted by the Towne that there shaU be a house imediately built for ye min- 140 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ' istry, the dimensions to be 36 foote in length and 25 in breadth and 13 studd betwixt ye joynts with a stack of stone chimneys in the midst. The house to be a girt house, " The towne are free to give for ye building of the house one hundred pound and allso to farther paye ye masons for building a stone chimney and glaze ye house windowes, " Voted by the towne that the house now agreed upon to be buildt for the ministry, and allso the house and land bought of Mr, Douglass together with ye land whieh hitherto hath been reserved for the ministry shall so remaine both houses and lands for the ministry, both to us and our succeeding generations never to be sold or alienated to any other vse forever," For the immediate accommodation of Mr. Bradstreet, the house vacated by Mr. Bulkley was hired for one year from April 1, 1667 ; house, orchard and six acre lot for ten pounds provision pay. In the mean time spirited exertions were made to build "the Towne's house," or parsonage, and to have it completed during the year. It was the business of the whole town to erect this house, and the inhab itants at large were called together to give directions concerning the different parts. Distinct votes were taken about the stone work, iron work and wood work, — " the bigness of the seller," the carting, the digging, the lime and the nails. " Griswell and Parkes" must do the iron-work — Nathaniel Royce dig the cellar the size of one room and seven feet deep. When it was completed, a committee was cho sen to view the work and determine if it was well done — the masons in jjarticular were not to be paid until it was ascertained that the chimneys were sufficient. The cost appears to have come very nearly within the one hundred pounds granted for the purpose. Mr. Bradstreet's salary was increased to ninety pounds per an num, and a committee appointed in December, 1667, to endeavor to effect an immediate settlement, but from causes not explained a delay of three years occurred before this was accompUshed. The hand writing of Obadiah Bruen in the minutes, ceases with the year 1665. William Douglas and Daniel Wetherell were after ward moderators alternately, and continued the minutes to 1670. Mr. Bruen held the office of Recorder another year, and then re moved to Newark, New Jersey. Mr. Douglas was Recorder for the year 1667. Mr. WethereU for 1668 and 1669. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 141 First Town Clerks, " 25 Feb, 66-7, " Robert Rice [Royce] voated and chosen by the towne to keep ye Ordi nary." Mr. Royce Uved on Post-hiU. The town had granted him the house lot of Richard Post, to which he added by purchase the Blin man and Mudge house lots. "15 Aug. 67. Myselfe [Douglas] chosen to hold the box for the contribu tions and this to be propounded to Mr. Bradstreet to have his advise therein. William Nickols is also chosen for that worke. " It is voated that the men chosen to call the coUectors to account shall have a letter of aturney to impower them to do their work, and that Mr. Meryt shall write it," This is the earliest notice of Thomas Meritt, or Maritt, who was often afterwards employed as writer or scrivener for the town. " 30, October, John Prentis chosen Townes attorney, " 9, December. It is voted that the prison house shall stand by ye meeting house," This vote intimates that the inhabitants were about to erect a town jaU ; it was probably placed according to the vote on the open square, near the meeting house. This was the jail so much used for Indians in the time of PhUip's war, and was the first erected in the town. Petty crimmals had hitherto been kept under ward in a private house ; state criminals transported to Hartford, and there was no im prisonment for debt. The code of laws enacted in the colony in 1650, exempted debtors from imprisonment, except in cases of fraud or concealment of property. The words are : 142 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " No man's person shall be kept in prison for debt but when there appears some estate which he wiU not produce." [See Code of 1650 in Col, Rec, vol, 1, "1. July 1669, " Alexander Piggin hath given hira some land at the head of Mill Cove enough to make three or four pitts for dressing of leather amongst the springs." Mr, Pygan was from Norwich, England, and an inhabitant of some three years standing. He was not the first person to practise "the art and mystery of tanning," in the place ; Hugh Roberts was a tan ner, and had his pits or vats in a meadow near the entrance of Cape Ann Lane. His estabUshment was purchased about 1670, by Joseph Truman. " It is voted and agreed that Clement Miner have sold him sixe acors upland over against his house upon the north side the highway that goes to Niantiok, and 8 acora of swampy land near Goodman Houghs which land is for consid eration of 8 wolves by him killed. And the towne doth order the Townesman to give hira a deed of sale for the sarae," The swamps around New London were infested to an unusual de gree with these perilous animals. Though an act of tbe General Court had ordered every town to pay a bounty of fifteen shillings for the kiUing of a wolf within its bounds. New London had always paid twenty shilUngs. On every side of the plantation these aniinals abounded. The bounty had been demanded by Edmund Fanning, James Morgan, James Avery, — these were killed east of the river ; by Daniel Comstock, towards Mohegan ; WUUam Peake, in Cedar Swamp, and Hugh Caulkins, were paid four pounds for kiUing four wolves in the year 1660, at Nahantick. After 1667, the bounty was sixteen shiUings, paid half by the towns, and half by the country treas ury. In 1 673, this bounty was claimed by Nehemiah Smith, and Sam uel and Nathaniel Royce for kiUing each five wolves ; Matthew Beck with two, and Aaron Starke two ; making nineteen howling tenants of the forest destroyed within the Umits of the town that year. The havoc made by wild beasts was a great drawback on the wool-grow ing interest which was then of more importance to the farmers than at the present day. " Sept. 9. 1669. In answer to Mr. Broadstreet's proposition for easeing him in the chardge of his wood the Towne doe freely consent to help him therein, and some with carts and some for cutting and that next traineing daye a tyme be apoynted for accomplishment thereof and that Leift"" Avery be deputed to nominate ye daye." HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 143 " Nov, 29, " Left, Avery, Mr. Rogers, James Morgan Sen, and John Morgan chosen to lay out the King's highway between Norwich and Mystick. " Wm. Hough, John Stebbins, Clement Miner and Isaac WiUey to lay out the King's highway between New London and the head of Niantick river. " John Keeny is appointed to sell powder, shot and lead to any Indian or Indians, he having purchased his liberty therein at 33s. to be paid to the town." " Feb. 28. 1669 [70.] " Charles Hill chosen Recorder. " Manasse Minor is admitted an Inhabitant in this Towne." Manasseh Minor is supposed to have been the first born male of New London, and the first son of the town admitted to the privileges of an inhabitant.' Others of the second generation, Clement Minor, brother of Manasseh, Daniel Comstock, Isaac Willey, Jr., Robert Douglas, Gabriel Harris, Joseph Coite, Samuel Rogers, Jonathan Royce, had arrived at maturity, and been received as men among the fathers ; but they looked to other places, and some of them across the waters for their nativity. Manasseh Minor was the child of the soil. This simple fact, more than any array of words, sets before us the lapse of time, and the age and progress of the town. "16 Jan,, 1670-1. Mr. Edward Palmes hath liberty granted to make a seate for himself and relations at ye north end of ye pulpitt. " Voted that there be 2 GaUeryes made ou each side ye meeting house, — [the width of two seats."] Here terminate those original memoranda which have hitherto been -so faithfully foUowed. We sbaU no longer have the guidance of the moderator's Uttle note-books. The records for the next forty years were very loosely kept, the entries being made in a hasty manner, and with Uttle regard to the order of occurrence. Mr. Bradstreet's ordination was delayed four years after he be came the minister of the town. His salary was at first £90 per an num, in current country pay, with fire wood furnished, and the par sonage kept in repair. This was soon increased to £100, wluch was equal to the salary of some of the most noted ministers in New Eng land at that period. In 1681, after his health began to fail, it was further enlarged to £120. The church record kept by Mr. Bradstreet, commences Oct. 5, IMr, Mmor continued in New London ten or twelve years; he then retm-ned to Stonington where he died March 22d, 1728-9, Most of his children were born m New London, 144 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 1670, which, according to TrumbuU, the historian of Connecticut, was the day of his ordination, but that fact is not noticed in the re cord. It begins with the following Ust : " The Members of the Church. Lieutenant James Avery, and wife, Thomas Miner, and wife, James Morgan, senior, and wife. WiUiam Meades, and wife. Mr. Williara Douglas, and wife. John Smith, and wife. Mr. Ralph Parker, and wife. WiUiam Hough, and wife. Williara Nichols, Robert Royce, John Prentice, Mrs. Rogers, Goodwife GaUop, of Mystick, Goodwife Keeny, Goodwife Coyte, Goodwife Lewis. " Mr. James Rogers not long after owned a member here, being a member in full communion in MUford church." This ordination was the first in town : no previous minister had been regularly settled. Whether the church was formed at this, or some former period, is left doubtful, as neither the church nor the town records allude to any organization. It would seem strange, if during the twenty years that had elapsed since the gathering of the congregation under Mr. Blinman's oversight, there had been no em bodiment into church estate, — no covenant or bond of union agreed upon by the church members. Trumbull, however, supposes that the church was not formed until Mr. Bradstreet's ordination. According to the laws of the colony, no persons could embody into church estate " without the consent of the General Court, and approbation of the neighboring elders.'' There is no account on record of appUcation made by the town for this privilege, either at this or any preceding period. Before closing the chapter, the new names that appear between 1661 and 1671, must be collected. Several of those contained in the following Ust have been aheady mentioned incidentally. In 1661, Robert Lattemore (Latimer) is first mentioned. He was a mariner. William Cotter had a house-lot grant of six acres ; his wife was Elinor, but no other famUy has been traced. In October, " Goodman Hansell, the smith," was received as an inhabitant. This was the person elsewhere caUed George Halsall, the blacksmith. In Jan. 1661-2, John Borden was admitted to the privUeges of an in habitant. He had recently married the daughter of WiUiam Hough, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 145 and w-as probably a son of the John Borden of 1 650. After a few years he removed to Lyme. At the same time permission was given to " John Ells, the glover," to Uve in the town. Ells is probably a mistake for Ellis. In 1662, we first meet with the names of Abraham Dea, William Peake or Pike, Edmund Fanning, (east side of the river,) Josiah Read, Thomas Stafford, John Terrall. In 1663, John Daniel, Samuel C%e«?er, and WiUiam Coraify appear. The two last were from Boston, and engaged in the West India trade, as commanders, owners and factors. They had a warehouse and landing place on Close Cove. Condy, after a few years, returned to Boston. Early in 1 664, court orders were published prohibiting the use of " cardes and shuffiebords," and warning the inhabitants " not to entertane strange young men." Transient residents, who were not grantees and householders, were the persons aff'ected by this order, and it aroused them to the necessity of applying for per mission to remain. The roll of appUcants consisted of Abraham Daynes, WiUiam Chapell, William Collins, George Codner, William Cooley, John Eice, (Ellis,) Charles Haynes, Thomas Marshall, Wil liam Measure, John Siillaven, William Terrall, Samuel Tubbs. Most of these were allowed to remain, and a general permit was added: " All other sojourners not mentioned, carrying themselves well, are allowed to live in the towne, else lyable upon warning to begone,'' The same year we find notices of Richard Dart, who bought (Sept. 12th, 1664) the house and lot of WilUam AYelman,' Benjamin Grant, afterward of Lyme, OUver Manwaring, son-in-law of Joshua Raymond, Thomas Martin, Samuel Starr, son-in-law of Jonathan Brewster, WiUiam Williams, a grantee on the east side of the river, and Captain John and Wait Winthrop, the sons of the governor. In 1665, Charles Hill and Christopher Christophers appear on the roll of inhabitants. They were traders in partnership, and made their first purchases on MUl Cove, of warehouses and wharfage, where Richard Hartley and John Tinker had previously traded. The firm of HUl and Christophers was probably the first regular co partnership in the town. Mr. Christophers was a mariner, and en gaged in trade with Barbadoes : he had an older brother, Jeffrey Christophers, also a mariner, who probably settled in the place at the 1 Wehnan removed to KiUmgworth, -(vherg he died m 1670, 1? 146 HISTORYOF NEW LOND'ON. same time, though his name does not occur so early. They both brought famUies with them. In 1666, persons who are mentioned as inhabitants, but -without any reference to date of arrival or settlement, are Benjamin Atwell, Thomas Forster, commanding a vessel in the Barbadoes trade, George Sharswood, Thomas Robinson, Peter Spicer, (living east of the river,) and Gabriel Woodmancy. In 1667, appear John Baldwin, Peter Treby, Joseph Truman, and John Wheeler. About 1668, Philip Bill came from Ipswich, and set tled east of the river, near Robert Allyn and George Geer. Thomas BoUes, supposed to have come from Wells, in Maine, settled in the town plot. In 1 670, or near that time, we first meet with Thomas Dymond and Benjamin Shapley, both mariners, the former from Fairfield, and the latter from Charlestown, in the neighborhood of Boston. To these we may add John Gard, George Garmand, Joseph Elliot, Henry Philips, and Nicholas Towson, names that are on the rate Ust of 1667, but are not mentioned elsewhere upon the records. CHAPTER XI. Bankruptcy of William Addis. — Sorae account of Thomas ReaveU.— BroUs and lawsuits. — Tinker versus Morton, Haughton and Thomson. — The constable's protest. — Thomson's deposition. — Lieut. Sraith absconds and settles in Vir ginia. — Names and estates from rate lists. — Epitaph on Richard Lord. — Brief notices of removed persons, Lake, Bruen, Blatchford, Lane, Allyn, Caulkins, Gager, Lothrop. The history of this decade of years (from 1660 to 1670) wiU not be complete without taking up some points to which no reference is made in the moderator's minutes, hitherto followed. Governor Winthrop issued an order, April 25th, 1661, for a court of investigation to sit at New London, and examine the affairs of WU Uam Addis, on complaint of Mr. Thomas ReaveU, the principal cred- , itor of Mr. Addis. The court sat in May, and consisted of Deputy Governor Mason and the assistant and commissioners of New Lon don, viz., Mr. Tinker, Mr. Bruen, and Mr. Rogers. It appeared that Mr. Addis had been intrusted by Mr. ReaveU and his friends in London, with a cargo of merchandise and several sums of money amounting to £760 sterUng, to trade with and improve for the said ReaveU and his friends, in New England. He had made no re turns : he acknowledged the trust, but said the capital had nearly all disappeared ; he could not tell how, except that he had lost £300 by flre, and somewhat by a defect in meat, which he had sent to Barba does, consigned to Mr. ReaveU. No dishonesty was proved agamst him ; he freely resigned all that he had remaining ; expressed great sorrow for the result and threw himself on the charity of Mr. Rea veU to be aUowed to remain in his house and pursue his caUing for a subsistence and livelihood in his old age. WilUam Addis had been an early resident at Gloucester, Mass., where he was one of the townsmen in 1642, but he is not mentioned on the records of that place after 1649, and there is no evidence that 148 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. he was ever a land owner there.' The years that intervened between his disappearance from Gloucester, and his first grant in New Lon don, (Dec. 19th, 1658,) may have been spent in England, where he obtained the credit and embarked in the enterprise which in the end proved ruinous to him.^ We are unable to say who Mr. ReaveU was. In 1658, he was said to be " merchant of London ;" in 1 660, of Barbadoes ; and a letter of attorney to Nathaniel Sylvester, of Shelter Island, in 1662,' styles hun vaguely " Thomas ReveU, of New England." The governor's commission mentions no residence. By means of the house and land conveyed to him, he was for a number of years, a proprietor in New London, and his name appears on the rate lists. There can be little doubt but that he was one of the supporters of the Commonwealth, who was proscribed at the restoration, and obliged to remain in some degree of concealment and obscurity. Perhaps he may be identified as the same Thomas Revel that Uved for many years the life of a hermit in the woods of Quincy.* His decease must have been anterior to 1667, as Charles Hill that year brought an action of debt against his estate for freight of horses, at some for mer period, to Barbadoes. Recovered £155 and costs. In 1672, Alexander Bryan, of MUford, brought a similar action against the estate, and recovered £95. To satisfy, in part, these creditors, Mr. Reavell's house and land wet-e taken. It was the same tenement that Mr. Blinman conveyed to WiUiam AddiS, on his departure for England, and stood at the west end of the old bridge over Bream Cove. The years 1661 and 1662 were noted for strife and turbulence among the inhabitants. Cases of calumny and riot were common. 1 J, G, Babson, Esq., of Gloucester, (MS.) 2 His daughter, MiUicent, the only child of whom we have obtained information, married, flrst, -WiUiam Southmead, and by him had two sons, -William and John Sonth- mead. Her second husband was WUliam Ash, of Gloucester, and her third, Thomas Beebee, of New London, 3 This letter was for the recovery of certain goods belonging to Mr. ReaveU, in the hands of Eichard Hartley, deceased. 4 ' -When he died the Governor of the Province and other distinguished men camo out of Boston and were his pall-bearers. From which circumstance his true charac ter -H-as brought to Ught." See note in -Whitney's Hist, of Quincy. He is there called " a regicide of the reign of Charies L" This must be a mistake, as no one of that name was member of the parUament that pronaanced sentence on Charles I. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 149 The disorderly elements of society were in motion, and the influence of the wise and good was scarcely sufficient to keep them in subjec tion. No clear account of any one case can be given, as they ap pear before us only in the form of depositions, protests, suits at law, fines and complaints. Several of the inhabitants accused Mr. Tinker, the assistant and first magistrate in town, of speaking treasonable words, and of using dishonorable means to obtain testimony against his adversaries ; and Mr. Tinker brought suits for defamation against Messrs. Haughton, Morton and Thomson, the Indian missionary- The trials were in the Particular Court, and the issue may be gath ered from a passage in the records of the General Court. " This Court upon consideration of Mr, Tinker's encouragement in his place and employment, do order £12 to be paid to him by the treasurer out of the fines imposed on Morton, Haughton, and Mr. Thomson."' Mr. Tinker was popular both with the town authorities and the General Court, and had been chosen townsman, list and rate-maker, deputy and assistant. He had established a distiUery in the town, and was not only licensed by the court to distill and retail liquors, but empowered to suppress all others who sold by retail in the township. It was with Uttle chance of success that accusations against a char acter so highly respected were carried before the magistrates at Hartford. That venerable body doubtless regarded with apprehen sive forebodings the new and boisterous community that was growing up under their shadow. We can at least imagine them to have had some misgivings when William Morton, the constable, led off with the foUowing pompous protest : " To all whome it may concerne. " You may please to take notice that I WilUam Morton of New London be ing chosen by the Towne of New London to be a Constable and by oath being bound to execute that place faithfully as also being a free Denison of that most fames country of England and have taken an oath of tiiat Land to be true to his RoyaU Maiesty o' now Gracious King Charles the Seacond of Glorious re- nowne, I count that I cannot be faithfuU unto my oath nor to his maiestie, nei ther should I be faithfuU to the Country wch lyes under reproaches for such manor of speeches and cariages already wherefore having evidences that M'^ John Tinker, who is lookt at as one that should e.xsicute Justice and sworne by oath soe to doe, espetially to studdie the bono'' of o'^ Royall King and of his Life and happie being, yet notwithstanding the saide Tinker aUthough it was notoriously knowne unto him that some had spoaken Treason against the king 1 Conn, Col. Bee, vol. 1, p. i 13* 150 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. in a high degree to the greate dishonor of his Royall maiestie and farther some pressed hira againe and againe to doe Justice for the king yet although they declared what and what was to be testifled by one there' preasent, he flung away the testimony, wherefore in the name of his maiesty whose deputy I am I doe protest against the said Tinker, that he has consealed treason against the king contrary to the Lawes of England, so as I conceive has brought himselfe under treason. And as I doe protest against him I desire all that reade this or heare of it to be my witnesses — published by me, 20, March: 1662, " William Moetom, " In New London in New England, " Constable," A writ of attachment was issued by the Court, at their May ses sion, against WiUiam Morton and Richard Haughton, bringing them under a bond of £500 to appear and answer to the suit of Mr. John Tinker, before his majesty's court of justice in Hartford, the next September. In October of the same year, before any accommoda tion or decision had taken place, Mr. Tinker died suddenly in Hart ford, and was honored with a funeral at the public expense. Though the principal party was thus removed from all participation in the suit, it was prolonged for several years. It was finally referred to a committee of the Legislature in May, 1666.' A curious reference to what took place in the trial of the case in Sept., 1662, is found in a deposition of Mr. Thomson, recorded in New London. " I Williara Thomson, Clarke, being present when Mr. Morion had a tryall in Hartford in New England in tbe year of our Lord God 1662 about treason spoken against his sacred Majestic when Mr. Mathew Alliii being the modera tor in the Governor's absence did deny to try the said cause by the laws of Old England when it was required by the said Morton tliat he would doe justice for the king, he answered tauntingly to the said Morton — he should have justice, if it were to hang half a duseu of you. — Further saith not. CVi^ 'CT^yyf^ " Jurator coram me, George Jordan, Aprill 26, 1664. "Test Georgius Wilkins, Clericus County Surry, Virginia.' Lieutenant Samuel Smith, from his first settlement in the town was much trusted in pubUc affairs, nor is it manifest that in any in stance he performed the duties of office otherwise than with discre- 1 Conn, Colonial Records, vol, 2, p, 27, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 151 tion and honor. The last time that his name appears on the town record as an inhabitant, was Jan. 15th, 1663-4, when he was appointed one of a committee to treat with Mr. Bulkley concerning his ordina tion. On the 28th of March, 1664, his wife Rebecca Smith, in his behalf, conveys his farm, at Upper Alewife Cove, to Robert Love land in payment of debts due to him. From other sources we learn that the lieutenant had left wife, home and friends, and gone to Vir ginia without any intention of returning. No reason is assigned for the act : though somewhat involved in debt, he had sufficient estate to satisfy his creditors. Copies of the letters written to him by the Rev. Mr. Bulkley, with other papers relating to this singular affair, have been preserved.' Mr. Bulkley exhorted him in moving terms to return to the path of duty, setting before him his former station and infiuence in society, and his reUgious profession, depicting also the grief of his wife and aged mother. The lieutenant's own let ters are dated at Roanoke ¦? he addresses his wife in terms plausible and affectionate f sends love to father, mother, brothers and sisters, and is solicitous to be remembered in the prayers of his friends. AU this had no meaning : it was soon apparent that the lieutenant had absconded and that his wife was deserted. In August, 1665, some gentlemen of Hartford wrote to him, making one more attempt to re claim the wanderer, but it is not known that he took any notice of it- Lieut. Smith is supposed to have been the son of that Lieut. Sam uel Smith, Sen., of Wethersfield, who removed about the year 1660, to Hadley." His wife was a daughter of Rev. Henry Smith, of Weth ersfield. After her desertion, she returned to her former home, and having obtained a divorce from her delinquent husband, was in 1669 the wife of Nathaniel Bowman of Wethersfield. Lieut. Smith had no children by this wife, but it is supposed that he married at the south and left descendants there. Rate Usts for the ministry tax are extant for the years 1664, 1666 and 1667. After this period no rate list can be found tiU 1708. In the 1 Among the State Eecords at Hartford; m a volume of an-anged documents, la beled Divorces. 2 His residence is sometimes said to be in Virgmia, and again in Carolma. He says ui one of his letters, " lUve at the house of one Samuel Stevens, in the province of Carolina," 3 CaUs her " sweetheart," and subscribes himself " your lovmg husband tUl death," 4 Judd, of Northampton, (MS,) 152 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Ust of 1664, the number of names is one hundred and five. This m^ eludes non-residents who owned property in the town. In this hst, the amount of each man's taxable property is given and the rate lev ied upon it is carried out. The assessment of James Rogers is nearly double that of any other inhabitant. He is estimated at £548, and his rate £7 19s. lOd. " John Winthrop Squire," -who heads the Ust, is set down at £185, and his rate £2 14«. He was at this time a non-resident. Mr. Pahnes, £224. John Picket, who is next high est to James Rogers, £299 10s. James Morgan, £252. Robert Bur rows, £246. James Avery, £236. Cary Latham, £217. George Tongue, £182. John Prentis, £176. Andrew Lester, Sen., £170. Edward StalUon, £169. Robert Royce, £163. These are all the es tates over £150. Between £75 and £150 are thirty-two. It must be remembered that land at this period was of little value, and estimated low. In the list of 1666, the number of names is 116, and in that of the next year 127. Of the whole number, four are referred to as deceased, viz., Sergt. Richard Hartley, Thomas Hungerford, WUliam Morton, and Mr. Robert Parke. About seventeen may be marked as non-residents, consisting principally of persons who bad removed, or merchants of other places who had an interest in the trade of the port. Mr. Blinman, the ex-minister, Mr. Thomson, the former In dian missionary, and Mr. Newman, minister of Wenham, are on the list. Mr. James Richards, of Hartford, is among the number : he was probably a land-owner by inheritance from Wm. Gibbons, who was his father-in-law, and had bought land at Pequonnuck. Mr. Fitch, (probably Samuel, of Hartford,) Samuel Hackburne, from Roxbury, and Robert Lay, (of Lyme) are enrolled ; as also Lord, Savage, Stillinger, ReveU, Richardson, who have been heretofore noticed. Richard Lord. Both father and son of this name, merchaiits of Hartford, had commercial dealings in New London. The senior Mr. Lord, died in the place and was interred in the old burial ground. A table of red sandstone covers his grave. It is now sunk a little below the surface of the turf, and has a gaping fracture through it, but the inscription is legible. It is probably the oldest inscribed tombstone east of Connecticut River. A copy wiU be given as near to a fac-simile as can be executed in type. AN EPITAPH ON CAPTAINE RICHARD LORD DECEASED. MAY 17 1662 .ETATIS SV.E 51 THE BRIGHT STARRE OF OVR CAVALLRIE LYES HERE VNTO THE STATE A COVNSELOVR FVLL DEARe AND TO y TRVTH A FRIEND OF SWEETE CONTEat. TO HARTFORD TOWNE A SILVER ORNAMENT. 5 WHO CAN DENY TO POORe he WAS RELEIFE AND IN COMPOSING PAROXYSMES WAS CHEIFE. S TO MARCHANTES AS A PATTERNE HE MIGHT STAND ADVENTRING DANGERS NEW BY SEA AND*LAND. en 154 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Richard Lord was captain of a troop of horsemen estabUshed in Connecticut in 1658— the first cavalry of the colony. This explains « the bright star of our cavalry," in the first Une. The expression " composing paroxysms," is obscure, but it may aUude to a happy fac ulty of reconciUng parties at variance. Mr, Lord's name is found on several arbitrations for accommodating difficulties. The removals before 1670 of persons who had lived from five to eighteen years in the plantation amounted to a dozen or more. Mr. Winthrop, as already mentioned, went to Hartford ; Mrs. Lake to Ipswich ; Obadiah Bruen and Hugh Roberts to Newark ; Peter Blatchford to Haddam ; Daniel Lane to Setauket, Long Island ; and the settlement of Norwich took away Robert Allyn, Hugh CauUsins, with his son John, and son-in-law Jonathan Royce, John Elderkin, Samuel Lothrop, and John Gager. Who was Mrs. Margaret Lake ? No satisfactory answer can be given to this question. Her birth, parentage, husband, and the pe riod of her coming to this country are alike unknown. The sugges tion has been made in a former- chapter, that she was sister to Mr. Winthrop's wife. That she was in some way intimately connected with the Winthrop family of New London, is placed beyond doubt by documents in which she is represented as sister to the parents, and near of kin to the children. Fitz John and Wait Winthrop in a deed of 1681 to Mrs. Hannah Gallop, the daughter of Mrs. Lake, say of her — " the said Hannah being a person related to and beloved of both our honored father and ourselves." Mrs. Lake, as well as the Winthrops, was also connected with the two families of Epes and Symonds, of Ipswich, but the degree of relationship between these several famiUes has not been positively ascertained. The farm at Lake's Pond and other lands of Mrs. Lake in New London were inherited by her daughter Gallop. The signature to several documents of hers, recorded in New London, consists of her initials only, in printed form, M L., which are attested as her mark. She died in Ipswich in 1 672,' leaving two children — Hannah, wife of John GaUop, of New London, and Martha, wife of Thomas Harris, of Ipswich. 1 Felt's History of Ipswich, p. 160. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 155 Obadiah Bruen. During the sixteen years in which Mr. Bruen dwelt in the young plantation, he wa's perhaps more intimately iden tified with its public concerns than any other man. He was chosen a townsman for fifteen years in succession, and except the first year, uniformly first townsman and moderator. He was usually on all committees for granting lands, building meeting-houses and accom modating differences. He was clerk or recorder of the town all the time he was an inhabitant ; and in 1661, on the first organization of the County Court, he was chosen clerk of that body. In the char ter of Connecticut granted by Charles II., his name appears as one of the patentees of the colony, and the only one from the town, which is proof that he was then considered its most prominent inhab itant. He appears to have been a persevering, plodding, able and discreet man, who accompUshed a large amount of business, was help ful to every body, and left every thing which he undertook, the bet ter for his management. Mr. Bruen was entered a freeman of Plymouth colony, March 2d, 1640-41, being then a resident at Green Harbor, . (Marshfield.) In May, 1642, he was of Gloucester, and the first town-clerk of that place who has left any records. Before 1650, he was chosen seven times deputy to the General Court.' The births of two chUdren are entered at Gloucester in his own hand : " Hannah, daughter of Obadiah Bruen by Sarae, his -wife, was born 9th day of January, 1643, "John, son of do. 2. June 1646." Only two other children, Mary and Rebecca, both probably older than these, have been traced. Mr. Bruen's emigration from Cape Ann to Pequot Harbor, and his usefulness here, have been noticed in the preceding pages. He hade fareweU to New London in 1667, having joined a company of planters from several towns on the Sound, who had formed an asso ciation to purchase and settle a township on the Passaic River in New Jersey. The settlement had been commenced by a portion of the company the year before. The deed of purchase from the In dians is dated July 11th, 1667, and signed by Obadiah Bruen, Michael Tompkms, Samuel KetcheU, John Browne, and Robert Denison, in behalf of their associates, amounting to about forty persons.^ An ad ditional party of twenty-three joined them the same year, and aU uni- 1 Babson, of Gloucester, (MS.) 2 Whitehead's East Jersey under the Proprietors, 156 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ted in forming one township, which received the name of Newark,, in compliment, it is said, to their -pastor, the Rev. Abraham Pierson, who had preached at Newark in Nottinghamshire, England. Of the sixty-three persons whose names are given as the first set tlers of Newark, two certainly were from New London, Obadiah Bruen and Hugh Roberts, the son-in-law of Hugh Caulkins. Mr. Roberts was living at Newark in 1670, but our records furnish no later reference to him.' Two others on the list of settlers, though not from New London, were intimately connected with Mr: Bruen, and doubtless main links in the chain which drew him away from New London. These were John Baldwin, Sen., and John Baldwin, Jun., of Milford, father and son, who married sisters, the daughters of Mr. Bruen : the elder Baldwin married the elder sister, Mary, in 1653 ; and the younger Baldwin, son by a former wife, and born in 1640, married the younger sister, Hannah Bruen, in 1663. Mr. Bruen's other daughter married Thomas Post, of Norwich. Mr. Bruen does not appear on the records of Newark, as an office holder. The period of his death is uncertain, and his grave unknown. The latest information respecting him is derived from a letter written by him in 1680, to his son-in-law, Thomas Post of Norwich, which is recorded at New London as voucher to a sale of land, which it au thorized. In that letter he refers to himself and wife, his son John and daughter Hannah, with their respective partners, as all in health. " It hath pleased God," he observes, " hitherto to continue our Uves and liberties, though it hath pleased him to embitter our comforts by taking to himself our Reverend pastor, Mr. Pierson, Aug. 9th, 1679." He proceeds to state that the loss had been in some measure sup plied. They had caUed and ordained Mr. Abraham Pierson, the son of their former pastor, " who follows the steps of his ancient father in godliness, praise to our God." Peter Blatchford. Mr. Blatchford had been for eighteen years an inhabitant of New London, and always a servant of the town, as drummer, tax-gatherer, committee man, constable, Ust and rate maker, or town's attorney. In 1668, John Elderkin transferred to him a contract that he had made to build a grist-mill at Thirty-mile Island, in Connecticut River. To this settlement, which, in October of that year, the General Court made a plantation by the name of 1 Samuel, son of Hugh Roberts, -was afterward of Norwich, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 157 Haddam, he removed. His homestead hi New London, he aUena ted, June 15th, 1668, to Charles HUl, for £2 in hand, and £90 to be paid the fall ensuing. This proviso is added : " If P, B, is not able to despatch his affairs so as to carry a-way his family," he is to have the liberty of the house and barn tiU the spring of '69," i It is probable that he effected his removal before the next spring, as in May, 1669, he was chosen deputy to the General Court from Haddam, and again in May, 1670. He died in 1671, aged forty-six. His wife was Hannah, daughter of Isaac WiUey, and their children, Peter, Hannah and Joanna. No dates of marriage or of births have been found. The relict married Samuel Spencer, of Haddam, whose former wife was the widow of Thomas Hungerford, of New London. Daniel Lane. Mr. Lane removed from New London in 1662: he had been ten years an inhabitant, having married in 1652, Catha rine, reUct of Thomas Doxey. In 1666, he was one of the patentees to whom Governor NichoUs confirmed the grant of the town of Brookhaven, Long Island. Of his family there is no account in New London. The Doxey or Lane homestead was sold to Christopher Christophers, 1665.^ Robert Allyn, before coming to New London, had resided at least twelve- years in Salem: he w-as there in 1637, a member of the church in 1642, and had three children baptized there, John, Sarah and Mary. After the settlement of Norwich, he had a house-lot in that plantation, was constable in 1669, and in deeds is styled "for merly of New London, but now of New Norridge." After a time, reUnquishing his house-lot to his son John, he returned to his farm, and at the time of his death was once more an inhabitant of New London. He died m 1683, being probably about seventy-five years of age. He was freed fr^m training in 1668, an immunity not usually grafted to men under sixty. The heirs to his estate were five chU dren, viz., John ; Sarah, wife of George Geer ; Mary, wife of Thomas 1 Blatchford's house-lot, afterward the HiU lot, and stUl later the Erving lot, fronted on State Street, and extended from the present Union to Huntington Street, mcluding the site ofthe Fh-st Soe. Cong, Church, 2 The house stood on the site of the old Wheat house, in Mam street, taken do w in 1851, and was perhaps a part of the same house, 14 158 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Parke ; Hannah, wife of Thomas Rose ; and Deborah, then unmar- "'john, the only son of Robert Allyn, married, Dec. 24th, 1668, EUzabeth, daughter of John Gager. After the death of his father, he left Norwich and returned to the paternal farm, where he bmlt a house and warehouse near the river, at a place since known as AUyn's Point. Hugh Caulkins^ was one of the party that came with Mr. BUn man, in 1640, from Monmouthshire, on the borders of Wales. He brought with him wife Ann and several chUdren, and settled with others ofthe party, first at Marshfield, and then at Gloucester. At the latter place he was one of the selectmen from 1643 to 1648 in elusive, a commissioner for the trial of smaU causes m 1645, aiid deputy to the General Court in 1650 and 1651.^ In an account extant at Gloucester, reference is made to the time " when Hugh Caulkin went with the cattle to Pequot." This was doubtless in 1651, and it seems to intimate that in h^s removal he took the land route through the wilderness, and had charge of the stock belonging to the emigrant company. He dwelt at New Lon don about ten years, and during that period was twelve times chosen deputy to the General Court, the elections being semi-annual. He was one of the townsmen from 1652 to 1661 inclusive. In 1660 he united with a company of proprietors associated to settle Norwich, and a church being organized at Saybrook previous to the removal, he was chosen one of its deacons. In 1663 and 1664, he was deputy to the court from Norwich. He died in 1690, aged ninety years. He is supposed to be the progenitor of most, if not of all, who bear the name in the United States. •<«- He left two sons, John and David ; ages unknown. John was one of the proprietors of Norwich ; David, the youngest, remained at New London, and inherited his father's farm, at Nahantick, which is now owned by his descendants in a right line of the sixth generation. John Elderkin was a miU-wright, ship-wright, and house-carpen ter, and the general contractor for the buUding of mills, bridges and 1 This name on the early records is most frequently written Calkin, but sometimes Caulkin: the s is never used. The latter mode of speUing the name is preferable, aa indicating better the pronunciation, 2 Babson, of Gloucester, MS. _ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 159 meeting-houses, in New London, Norwich and the settlements in their vicinity, for a period of thirty-five years. He had been enga ged in the same Une in Massachusetts, before he came to Pequot ; and can be traced as a resident in various places, pursuing these oc cupations. In a deposition of 1672, he states his age to be fifty-six, and that he came to New London the same year that Mr. Blinman's company came. This was early in 1651, when the town mill was built. Mr. Winthrop had solicited his ser-vices two years before, and had engaged Roger Williams to mediate in his favor, from which it may be inferred that Elderkin was then at Providence.' He built not only the first meeting-hou'se in New London, but the second, which was erected in Mr. Bradstreet's time. Mr. Elderkin was apparently a married man when he came to New London : he was at least a householder, and this supposes a family. But of this wife or of children by her there is no account on record. He married, after 1657, Widow Elizabeth Gay lord, of Windsor, and by her had several children. She had also two children by her first husband. Mr. Elderkin died at Norwich, June 23d, 1687 ; EUza beth, his reUct, June Sth, 1716, aged ninety-five.^ John Gager. At the time of Mr. Gager's death in 1703, he had been more than forty years an inhabitant of Norwich. His oldest son, John, born September, 1647, died in 1690, without issue. He was then of New London, as an occupant of the farm given by the town to his father. This farm lay on the river, south of AUyn's land, and was sold in 1696, to Ralph Stoddard, and has ever since been Stoddard land. John Gager, senior, left one son, Samuel, and six daughters, the -wives of John Allyn, Daniel Brewster, Jeremiah Rip ley, Simon Huntington, Joshua Abell, and Caleb Forbes. Samuel Lothrop. Though Mr. Lothrop removed to Norwich about the year 1668, his farm " at Namucksuck, on the west side of the Great River," remained in the family untU 1735, when his grandson, Nathaniel, having cleared the knd of other claims, sold out to Joseph Powers,^ (260 acres, with house and barn, for £2,30.0, old tenor.) 1 Mass. Hist. CoU., 3d series, vol, 10, p, 280, 2 In Hist, of Norwich, p, 117, the age and death of Elderkin's imfe are given as his age and date of death. The error appears to have been caused by the omission of a line in printing, 3 Now Browning farm. 160 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. The two oldest chUdren of Samuel Lothrop intermarried -with the family of Robert Royce. John Lothrop (born December, 1646) married Ruth Royce ; Isaac Royce married EUzabeth Lothrop, (bom March, 1648,) December 15th, 1669; the double ceremony being performed by Daniel WethereU, commissioner. Both couple re moved to WalUngford, Conn. Samuel Lothrop died at Norwich, February 19th, 1700. " Mrs, Abigail Lathrop died at Norwich, Jan, 23d, 1735, in her 104th year. Her father, John Done, and his wife, came to Plymouth, in 1630, and there she was born the next year. She lived single till sixty years old, and then mar ried Mr. John Lathrop, of Norwich, [mistake for Samuel] who lived ten years and then died. Mr. Lathrop's descendants at her decease were 365."' 2 New England 'Weekly Journal: Boston, 1736. CHAPTER XII. Commissions and reports on the northern and western boundary. — Claims of Uncas long contested. — Indian deed of New London, 1669. — Prolonged con test with Lyme. — Contention at Black Point — Bride Brook boundary. — Sold ier grant. — Black Point Indians. — Traditions of a combat and a race. — Digression in regard to Lyme, Lady Fenwick's tomb and the graves of the fathers. The court grant of territory to Pequot, in May, 1650, fixed the extent on the north, at eight miles from the sea. This northern Une, on the east side of the river, was determined by a town committee, in 1652. They began at a point on the Sound, four miles east of the river, and struck a Une eight miles north, which ended at the head of the great pond a mile and a half north of Lantern HiU,' leaving the pond wholly within the bounds : from thence a west Une crossed the head of Poquetannuck Cove, and came upon Mohegan River, opposite Fort HiU, at Trading Cove, a quarter of a mile above Brewster's trading-house. In May, 1661, the General Court appointed a committee of three, Matthew Griswold, Thomas Tracy, and James Morgan, to try, that is, rectify the bounds of New London. " New London people," says the order, "have liberty to procure the ablest person they can to assist in this matter." The town appointed Daniel Lane and Ralph Par ker. This committee reported October 28th. " We began at the broad bay at Naihantik and soe upon a northeriy lyne 8 miles up into the country, and then upon a due east lyne, and fell in upon the Mohegan country above, upon the side of the 'great plaJne, where we marked a white oake tree on a, hill, and another on the east side of the path that goes to New Norwige."^ 1 This, instead of eight mUes, must have been ten, from the southern shore, 2 This was at least eleven miles from the Sound, The north-west comer bound was in the present town of Salem. 14* 162 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Upon the boundary Une east of the river, no report was made ; and the ampUtude of the measurement on the other side, offended the court. A note was sent to the town authorities, (Dec. Sth, 1661,) censuring them for not attending to their order in regard to the east- em Une, adding : " And you may hereby take notice that what hath been done in extending the bounds on the west side is directly cross to the expressed direction in the said order, respecting the bounds of the plantation,'' The committee was hereupon sent to ascertain once more the northern line east ofthe river, which reported January 22d, 1661-2, declaring that they had measured " according to the best art of 8 myles by the chaine upon the ground as the land laye," and had fixed upon a bound-mark tree, at the cove near Mr. Brewster's, which stood upon an east and west line, from the north end of the hill on which Uncas had his fort. This varied but little from the measure ment of 1652. In October, 1663, the court issued a new commission on the west ern boundary, which was contested by Saybrook. " Matthew Griswold, WiUiam Waller and Thomas Miner, are appointed to state the west bounds of New London, and Ensign Tracy and James Morgan or any other whom the two towns of New London and Norwich do appoint, are to see it done. They are to begin at some suitable place as they shall judge in different, that they may have as muchland without as there is sea within."' The same committee or any two of them were empowered to settle with Uncas, and determine what compensation he should have for so much of his land as fell within the bounds of New London, and issue the case fully " Monday come 4 weeks, or as soon as may be." This order was obeyed without delay. The report says : " We find that the end of the 8 miles into the Country faUs right with the south side of the Trading Cove's Mouth upon New London river, by a direct east line from the corner tree of the west bounds. " Secondly, Unkus his planting lands cometh on the south side, bounded with Cokichiwoke river,2 from the footpath that leads to Mr. Brewster's eastward. And from the footpath west it goes away W, N, W, to the west bounds of N. L, " Thirdly, we do determine that for Unkus his right from Cokichiwoke river south and so as the W. N. W. line runs, as also his whole right on the east side 1 New London Eecords, book 6. , It is to be hoped that the order was better under stood then than it is now. 2 Saw-mUl Brook; Pequotice, Cooliickuwock. ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 163 ofthe Great river within the bounds of New London, he the said Unkus or his assigns shaU receive the fuU and just sura of fifteen pounds in some current pay." The claim of Uncas is obscurely expressed in the above report. The sachem had been encouraged to look up his ancient rights, and now brought forward claims that had been heretofore both tacitly and expressly reUnquished. He maintained that the land between the bound-mark tree on Cochikuwock brook, south to Mamacock, " was his father's land and so his," and that on the east side the town had taken in three miles of his land for which he had received no com pensation ; for all wliich his demand was now £20 in current pay, which the committee reduced to £15. This report, assenting to these claims, exasperated the town. The inhabitants rose as one man against it. They had repeatedly satis fied Uncas for his lands west of the river, and to the Pequot country on the east side, they would not aUow that he had any right whatever. A town meeting was caUed October 26th, which passed the following vote: " Cary Latham and .Hugh Roberts are chosen by the towne to meet the men chosen by Court order to settle our towne boundes (Oct. 8. 62) whoe are from the towne to disalow any proceedings in laying out of any boundes for us by them." Dec. 14th, a meeting was held in which more pacific counsels pre- vailed. It was agreed that the £15 should be raised by a town rate and paid to Uncas, on condition that he would give a quit-claim deed for all land within the bounds of New London. But pubUc opinion in the town would not sustain this vote, and the rate could not be levied. The inhabitants refused also to pay the expenses of the court committee, Messrs. Griswold, Waller and Minor, until enforced by an order of the court.' In May, 1666, the complaint of Uncas was carried before a com mittee of the Legislature, which sanctioned his claims, and approved of his demand of twenty pounds. " And [we] do advise the towne to pay him the said sum for the establish ment of a clearer title, preservation of peace and preventing further trouble and charge to themselves or the country," The town however would not immediately yield the point, and the 1 Colonial Eecords, vol, 1, p, 419, 164 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. case was brought before the Particular Court, held at New London in June. Mr. Winthrop, the governor of the colony appears to have favored one party, and Major Mason, the deputy governor, the other. To the town agents, Cary Latham and James Rogers, Gov ernor Winthrop forwarded from Hartford a copy of the agreement with Uncas in 1654, and also gave his testimony in respect to the covenant made with the Indians on the first laying out of the town. In writing to Cary Latham, he says : " You know that atthe first beginning when we had all the Indians together, and challenged the Pequot bounds to Mohegan, Uncas then had no pretence to any lying on this side the Great Cove, and much less to any of the Pequot coun try on the east side the Great River,"t Governor Winthrop's Letter to Mr. James Rogers. " Loving friend " Since you went home I found a writeing which I tould the Court I was sure there was such a writing which I could not then finde which doth clearly show that the business which now Uncas doth again contend for was with his owne consent issued 12 yeers since, and that then Uncas did not so much as challenge anything towards New London farther than the brooke called Co- chichuack which is at the Great Coave between the Saw Mill and Monhegan. I send herewith a coppie of that writeing. I have the original of the Majors owne hand and Uncas his hand is also to it, as you will see. I keepe the orig inal writeing and this is certain that at that time Uncas had not the least pre tence to any part of the east side of the river, within New London bounds. For if he had he would then have challenged when we agreed a'bout the bounds at Cochiehuack that Uncas was contented should be as far as he could ch'dl- lenge for Mohegan lands. Neither did that take away the boundes ofthe towne further towards Monhegan if tliey should agree with Uncas for any part or the whole of it, to the fuU extent of the bounde, but there was not the least claime to any parte of the east side of the river within the Pequot country where the boundes do goe of N L. I hope it wiU not be possible to be seen that Uncas should againe have cause to make a new claime within the towne boundes after such an issue, under his owne hand mark in testimony of his satisfaction therein. Not else at present but my loving remembrance to yourself and aU yours and rest your loving friend l^^hO^^du " Hartford, June 4th, 1666. " I sent this copy by my sonn Palmes and desired him to leave it if he went into the Bay." 1 Records of Cotmty C«irt. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 165 The document forwarded was an agreement made with Uncas, June 10th, 1654, by John Winthrop, John Mason and Matthew Gris wold, fixing the northern boundary of Nameug at Cochickuwock Brook, " where the foot path to Monhegon now goeth over the brook or cove," and from thence it was to run upon a west-north-west Une indefinitely into the wilderness. These papers were exhibited in court and recorded, but the diflS- ciilty with Uncas was left unsettled. In June, 1668, James Avery and Cary Latham were appointed by the town to treat with the sa chem, and make a final settlement of the boundary line. Tbis re sulted in the payment to Uncas of fifteen pounds,' and in procuring from him a formal deed, which confirmed the bounds of the town as already laid out both east and west of the river. We learn from tradition, that at the signing of this deed, the whole Mohegan tribe was assembled ; that Uncas and his son Owaneco ap peared in barbaric splendor, arrayed in a motley garb of native cos tume and EngUsh regimentals ; that the whites fiocked in from the neighborhood, either as curious witnesses of the sport, or sharers in it, and two or three days were spent in feasting, frolicking and games. On the east side of the river, Poquetannuck Cove was the com mencing point of the northern boundary Une. The General Court subsequently ordered that the land near this boundary line which had not been granted to particular persons, should for the present Ue com mon to the towns of New London and Norwich. Mr. Benjamin Brewster, then the principal resident on this tract, was left at Uberty to connect himself with either of the two that suited his convenience. He preferred to belong to Norwich. The town was agitated by a controversy still more unhappy in re gard to its western boundary. Winthrop had originally fixed upon Bride Brook as the limit of his plantation, and the General Court had aUowed of this extent, provided it did not come within the territory of Saybrook ; that is, within five miles east of Connecticut River. The inhabitants were, perhaps, too ready to assume that this bound ary did not entrench upon their neighbors. Relying upon the court grant, they regarded the land between Nahantick Bay and Bride Brook, which included Black Point and Giant's Neck, as their own. 1 The payment of this gratuity was assumed by James Avery, Daniel -Wetherell aud Joshua Raymond, who were indemnified by the town with each two hundred acres of land. 166 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. and freely scattered their grants in that direction. The people of Saybrook, after a time, advancing -with their claims toward the east, asserted that the Bride Brook boundary included a mUe or more of their territory, and they also disposed of lands in the disputed tract. A new township was about to be formed out of that part of Saybrook which lay east of the river, (to be called Lyme,) and the bounds be ing considered narrow, they were eager to extend it east as far as possible, and would gladly have had it reach Nahantick Bay. Com mittees were appointed by the two parties from year to year, but without any approach toward a settlement of the question. New London sustained the contest with warmth and energy. " At a towne meeting Nov. 21. 1664. " Will you join as one man to beare all charges in seeking our right of that land that lyes in suspense betwixt us and Seabrooke. *' Agreed upon and voated yt they would. " James Morgan, Ralph Parker and James Bemas are desired to make a lyne for tryall of what land lyes betwixt us and Seabrooke boundes. " James Rogers and Ensigne Averye are desired to manage the business be twixt us and Seabrooke." "Jan. 9,1664-5, " Captin Winthrop' and Mr. Edward Palmes are chosen by the Towne to manage the business betwixt us and Seabrook about the land in suspense — al lowing them liberty to make choyce of one Atturnaye or more to assist them and to take such of the inhabitants also along with them as they shaU see most needful to assist." In 1667, the town authorized Mr. John Allyn of Hartford, Mr. Palmes, Mr. Wetherell, and the partners. Hill and Christophers, of New London, to recover the rights of the town and settle the bound ary " according to ancient grants of the court," at their own charge ; engaging, in case of success, to remunerate them with three hundred acres each, at Black Point. They also pledged two hundred acres for the use of the ministry, and two hundred as a personal gift to Mr. Bradstreet. This commission led to no result ; and the town subsequently in trusted the business lo their deputies, who were to obtain the assist ance of an attorney. Sergeant Thomas Minor was also requested " to be helpful to them." These agents entered into an agreement 1 This was Fitz-John Wuithrop, eldest son of the governor. He had spent some time in England, and was tliere captaui of a troop of horse. About this time Wait- StiU Winthrop was chosen captaui of the tram-band m New London, so that both brothers had the title of captain. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 167 with those, of Lyme at Hartford, in which they not only relinquished all claim to the disputed mile, but gave up also a certain portion of Black Point, which had always been regarded as legitimately within the bounds of New London. This document, interchangeably signed and attested, was presented to the Legislature, and sanctioned by that body, before it was exhibited to the town of New London. When the deputies came home and reported what they had done, a storm ensued. The inhabitants indignantly refused to ratify the agreement. " In towne meeting June 26, 1668, " The towne by voat have protested against the agreement made by our dep uties Leftenant Avery and Cary Latham with the men of lime, Mathew Gris well and Wiliam Waller about the land at our west bounds as being wholly un satisfied with that agreement that they made which was in a paper read to the towne or any other agreement by them made or yt they shall make for the towne to abridge theire former bounds, as granted by the Court formerly as apears by record," After this period, the town intrusted the management of the busi ness to Mr. Pahnes, Mr. Condy and Mr. Prentis ; prohibting them however from any settlement of the boundary line, that did not conform- to " the ancient grant of the court," and particularly directing them to recover Black Point, of which, they say, " we have been wrong fully deprived by the inhabitants of Seabrooke." In May, 1671, the town annuUed all former gi-ants made by them of land at Black Point, except a farm to Mr. Bradstreet, a farm to Mr. John Allyn and three hundred and twenty -five acres to the min istry of the town. This last tract, which they declared to be seques tered for the use of the ministry forever, is said to Ue at " our west bounds at Black Point." It was in fact the same land that in the agreement of 1668, had been reserved for the use of the ministry in Lyme. A committee of eight resolute men, two of them ofiicers of the train-bands, were appointed to survey and lay out this farm. These measures intimate that the agitation on both sides was advan cing toward a crisis. Accordingly, an explosion took place in Au gust, ludicrous and grotesque in its features, but in its consequences salutary. It cooled the air, and satisfied those on both sides who were disposed to resort to force, leaving the way clear for a more ra tional issue of the disislite. This outbreak calls for especial notice, since it came about as near to a civil war as the inhabitants of the steady-habited land have ever been known to advance. The people of New London and Lyme were both determined to 168 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. mow the grass on a portion of the debatable land — the twenty-five acres of meadow belonging to the ministry farm. Large parties went out from both towns for the purpose, and having probably some secret intimation of each other's design, they met on the ground at the same time. The conflict that ensued of tongues, rakes, scythes, clubs, and fisticuffs, though the actors were in good earnest, and thor oughly enraged, appears to have been more clownish and comic, than fearful or subUme. The account we have of it is taken from the tes timony of witnesses on the trial of the rioters in March, 1661-2. No evidence appears to have been more dispassionate than that of Mr. Palmes. He was then living on his farm at Nahantick Bar, and when the New London party came along on their way to mow the marsh, he joined them, for no other purpose, he said, than to act as a pacificator if any struggle should take place. The Lyme men, under their usual leaders, Matthew Griswold and William Waller, were in possession of the ground when the other party advanced, led on by Clement Minor and supported by Mr. Palmes, the peace-maker. Constables were in attendance on either side, and Messrs. Griswold and Palmes were in the commission of the peace and could authorize warrants of apprehension on the spot. As the New London men ap proached, and swinging their sythes began to mow, the Lyme con stable drew nigh, with a warrant for the apprehension of Ensign Minor, which, beginning to read. Sergeant Beeby interrupted him, crying out, " We care not a straw for your paper." Others of the company added contemptuous expressions and mockeries, on which the constable, shouting to his party, demanded their aid in arresting Clement Minor. The Lyme men on the instant came rushing for ward, waving their weapons, while the New London party brandish ing theirs, threatened to mow down ^ny one that should touch their leader. The constable, however, had grasped his man, and a general tumult of shouts, revilings, wrestlings, kicks and blows followed. The weapons seem to have been pretty generaUy abandoned ; though one of the Lyme company, Richard Smith, was knocked down with a pitchfork, and John Baldwin, of New London, was accused of bruising another person with a cudgel. Major Palmes, in retaUation of the arrest of Minor, furnished a warrant for the apprehension of Griswold, but he was not captured. The noisy encounter was ter minated, without any serious injury on either side. The cooler heads among them succeeded in pacifying the rest. Ensign Minor, the only captive taken, was released on the spot. Messrs. Palmes, Gris wold and WaUer, havmg agreed to let tMe law decide the controversy, HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 169 " drank a dram of seeming friendship together," and all retired qui etly from the field. Each party subsequently indicted the other for assault, violence and riotous practices, and on account of the difficulty of finding an im partial and uninterested court and jury in New London county, they were tried — twenty-one men of New London and fifteen of Lyme — at Hartford. A penalty of nine pounds was imposed upon New London, and five pounds upon Lyme, but both fines were afterward remitted by the clemency of the General Court.' It was at the trial of this case, March 12th, 1671-2, that Governor Winthrop's deposition was produced, in which he referred to the ro mantic nuptials at Bride Brook, in the infancy of the plantation, as heretofore related. With respect to the original western boundary, he makes, in substance, the following statement : " When we began a plantation in the Pequot country, now called New Lon don, I had a commission from the Massachusetts, and the ordering of matters was left to myself. Not finding meadow sufficient for even a small plantation, unless the meadows and marshes west of Nayantick river were adjoined, I de termined the bounds of the plantation should be to the brook, now called Bride brook, which was looked upon as certainly without Saybrook bounds. This was an encouragement to proceed with the plantation which otherwise could not have gone on, there being no suitable accommodation near the place." The tract of land so long controverted, was about two miles in width, and now forms a part of East Lyme. The General Court or dered five miles to be measured east from Connecticut River, anfl four miles west from Pequot River, and tbe space between to be di vided between the rival towns. This brought Black Point within the bounds of New London. An order on the town book, April 8th, 1672, directs the ministry farm at Black Point to be immediately laid out, " the rights of the town being recovered." This is the first aUu sion to the difficulty on the town books since May, 1671, no mention being there made of the mowing riot. The grantees of New London, whose lands fell within the bounds assigned to Lyme, were indemni fied elsewhere. A great part of the tract thus freed from claims and suits had been occupied by the Indians. Some of these were now accommodated with lands by Lyme in the northern part of their plantation on Eight Mile River. Those residing on Black Point were allowed by New 1 This affair at Black Point has been caUed a riot ; it was rather a fracas, or hub bub. . 15 170 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. London to remain, and to occupy, on lease, 240 acres of upland, at an annual rent of three bushels of Indian com per acre. For a number of years afterward, this little Indian community, contrary to most others when overshadowed by a higher degree of civiUzation, prospered and increased in numbers. About the year 1740 they were estimated at forty famiUes. They have since been constantly diminishing, and are now tottering on the verge of extinction. The difficulties with Lyme continuefl several years longer in the form of a series of vexatious lawsuits. In 1685, the town granted to Major Pahnes 850 acres of land in remuneration " for the charges 4nd disbursements of many years, particularly in sustaining a course of law with the town of Lyme concerning the west bounds." John Prentis had 200 acres for similar services. Among individual claim ants to the debatable land the longest and most energetic contest was maintained between Christopher Christophers and Thomas Lee. Both towns became partizans in this protracted suit. The rival claimants came to an agreement June 3d, 1686, by which Lee reUn quished his claim to " the land on Black Point possessed by the Nahanticks, Hammonassetts and Mejuarnes," which is said to lie " next to the Giant's land." The Hammonassetts were a clan of eight families who had ex changed their lands in the neighborhood of GuUford for a settlement on Black Point. The Giant's land was a lot on the point laid out several years before by Matthew Griswold and Thomas BUss, agents of the town of Saybrook, to an Indian surnamed the Giant, and hon ored with the gigantic name of Mamaraka-gurgana. It is probable that Mejuarnes was another name for this formidable personage. He is supposed to have resided originally at Giant's Neck, and to have exchanged this place for the land on the point. The two sons of the Giant were Paguran and Tatto-bitton. The latter, after the decease of his brother, sold what was left of the Giant's land to Christopher Christophers, July 1st, 1 687.' North of Black Point, on Nahantick Bay, was the soldier grant. This was a tract given to five of Capt. Mason's companions in the Pequot War, in lieu of a grant.made to them in 1642, of " 500 acres in the Pequot country ;" by which vague phrase, the vicinity of Pequot Harbor appears to have been understood. The grant being 1 The Christophers land on Black Point was sufficient for two or three moderate farms, A considerable part of it feU by inheritance to the chUdren of Thomas Man waring, whose wife was a Christophers, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 171 neglected and the land otherwise occupied, the General Court in 1650, transferred the gratuity of the soldiers to Niantecutt. The town record says : " The land granted to Lieutenant Thomas Bull and other well deserving soldiers lyeth at a place called Sargent's Head," Sergeant's Head, called by the Indians Pataquonk, was a hill of moderate elevation above the sand-bar, on the bay. From thence the soldier land extended west to a fresh pond, to which the name of Soldier's Reward was given. On the south-west of this, a tract of 100 acres had been secured to the Hammonassetts, and was called, from the name of their chief, Obed land. The soldier grant. Having been laid out so as to include the Obed land, an exchange was effected by the General Court, and 200 acres added to the grant on the north side as a compensation for the 100 reUnquished on the south. The Hammonassetts, however, sold their reservation to the proprietors of the grant, March 9th, 1691-2.' Three days later, (March 12th, 1692,) Joseph and Jonathan Bull of Hartford, who appear at this time to have been the sole proprietors of the tract, conveyed the Obed land and 700 acres north of it to Nehemiah Smith, of New London.^ Before leaving the subject of these border difficulties it may be weU to notice the manner in which, according to time-honored legends,' the question was settled. Tradition asserts that the issue was brought about, not by committees, courts, or legislative enactments, but by a trial of skiU and strength between champions selected for the pur pose, which was regarded as leaving it to the Lord to decide. The account given by Dr. Dwight in his travels, who regards it as authentic history; is as foUows : " The inhabitants of both townships agreed to settle their respective titles to the land in controversy, by a combat between two champions to be chosen by each for that purpose. New London selected two men of the names of Picket and Latimer: Lyme committed its cause to two others, named Griswold and Ely, On a day mutually appointed, the champions appeared in the field, and fought with their fists, till victory declared in favor of each of the Lyme combatants, Lyme then quietly took possession of the controverted tract, and has held it undisputed, to the present day. This it is presumed, is the only instance, in which a public controversy has been decided in New England by pugilism," 1 It is probable that the Hammonassetts emigrated elsewhere, but then- subsequent history has not been traced, 2 Thomas Bradford, the brother-in-law of Mr, Smith, was his partner in the purchase. 172 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Another version of the story is, that the line was settled by a race instead of a pugiUstic contest. The champions are said to have started at the same moment from either side of the disputed tract, and the line was run north and south from the point where they met. The Lyme men being the swiftest of foot obtained the largest portion. It ought to be observed that all written accounts of this judicial combat, are of comparatively recent origin, and there is no allusion to any such contest on the records of either town. It can not there fore have any weight as historic trath. As a matter of curiosity or superstition, among individuals, some such ordeal may have been tried, but it is quite improbable that the two towns decided their boundary question in this manner. New London always insisted that it should be determined " according to ancient grants of the court," referring to Bride Brook, where the god Terminus had been set up. A short digression respecting the early inhabitants of Lyme may not be inappropriate in this connection. Lyme was originally a part of Saybrook ; the first grantees were the inhabitants of Saybrook town plot, and among the earUest proprietors names are found be longing to that company from Saybrook, which removed in 1659 and 1660, to Norwich : viz., Thomas Adgate ; Thomas BUss, (whose Lyme land was sold to Richard Smith ;) Morgan Bowers ; Francis Griswold, (an early proprietor on " Bride Plaine ;") John Holmsted ; Simon and Christopher Huntington, (the latter sold to John Borden ;) Captain John Mason ; John Reynolds, (who sold Dec. 3d, 1659, to Wolston Brockway,) and Richard Wallis. These original proprie tors of Lyme were all afterward of Norwich.' Their places in Lyme were mostly filled by settlers of a later generation. According to tradition the first actual occupant in Lyme was Matthew Griswold. His title must have emanated from Col. George Fenwick, but the grant can not now be found on record. It consisted of a fine segment of land, washed by the Sound and the river, at the south-west extremity of the present town, and is said to have been a fief or feudal grant, held upon the tenure of keeping the monument of Lady Fenwick,^ the deceased wife of the colonel, in good repair. 1 President Styles in his Itinerary mentions a curious tradition respecting the pro prietors of Norwich — that they were driven from their ancient habitations in Lyme and Saybrook by black-birds. 2 Lady AUce Fenwick was the daughter of Sir Edward Apsley Knight; her first husband was Sir John Botler, (or Butler,) and as a matter of courtesy she retained her title, after her marriage to Col, Fenwick. HISTORY Of new LONDON. 173 Of this there is no proof. Yet certain it is that the Griswold home stead was favorably situated for the pious office of keeping watch over the Fenwick tomb. No calamity could happen to it, which might not be observed from various parts of the Black-Hall domain. Lady Fenwick died in Saybrook about the year 1648. The pre cise date has not been ascertained ; nor is there any cotemporary record, that speaks directly of her death. She was buried on the brow of the river bank, in a spot supposed to have been within the inclosure of the old wooden fort constructed by Lion Gardiner in 1635, and destroyed by fire in 1647. The fort was rebuilt of earth and stone, on another knoll of the bank, but time has reduced this also to a level with the surface, and nothing remains of it but some sUght traces of a ditch and embankments. The monument of Lady Fenwick is constructed of a greyish red sandstone — the color of the Portland quarries. The scroll or table-piece is entire, but the sup porters are dilapidated, and the inscription, if it ever had any, is effaced. This tomb is supposed to have been the workmanship of Matthew Griswold, to whose skill other monumental tablets of that day have been attributed. It may have been bespoken by Col. Fenwick, be fore he returned to England, but not completed at the time of his decease in 1657. A receipt is registered at Saybrook, dated April 1st, 1679, wherein Matthew Griswold, Senior, acknowledges having received " The full and just sum of seven pounds sterling, from the agent of Benja min Batten, Esq., of London, in payment for the tomb-stone ofthe Lady Alice Botler, late of Saybrook." Had this monument been completed before the death of Col. Fen wick, his wealth, his high and honorable character, and the large estate he had in Connecticut, forbid the supposition that payment would have been so long delayed. Was it, in point of fact, ever completed ? Is there any proof that it ever contained any inscrip tion? Mr. Griswold perhaps expected an inscription to be sent from England, which never arrived.' The general opinion has in- 1 In the ancient burial place at New London, some of the stones were set before the inscription was cut, as is ascertained from notes made by the graver at the time, in his journal or diary. There are two sandstone tables which it is presumed he left unfinished at the tune of his death. On one the inscription is just commenced, and the other is left Uke the Fenwick tomb, enthely void of a record, 15* 174 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. deed been, that the tomb once exhibited a record, but that time has effaced the letters. Dr. Dwight said of it in 1810 : " The sandstone of which it is built, is of so perishable a nature, that the inscription has been obliterated, beyond the remembrance of the oldest exist ing inhabitants," If this statement be correct, the letters were entirely worn out with in seventy or eighty years from the time they were cut. Yet the red sandstone of the country, instead of perishing so readily, is found in other cases to grow harder by exposure, and to preserve inscriptions with tenacity. To the handiwork of Matthew Griswold, is also at tributed the monument which covers the remains of his father-in-laW) Henry Wolcot, in the burial ground at Windsor, which is of similar stone with the Fenwick table, and probably quite as old — Wolcot died in 1655 — but the inscription is entirely legible. If the Fen wick epitaph was worn out in eighty years, would this be entire at the end of two centuries ? One would indeed wish to believe that something commemorative and appropriate, had been inscribed on the tomb of Lady Alice. It is adding sorrow to desolation, when we assume that it was left un finished, uninscribed, erected by stranger hands on a distant shore. The solitude, the stern and dreary simplicity of the monument; present a vivid contrast to the history of the gentle lady it was de signed to commemorate — nobly born and deUeately nurtured in the bosom of English refinement, and under the shadow of English oaks. A dark stone tablet, with a heavy scroll half-broken do-wn ; without ornament, without inclosure ; nothing over, or around, but the hill, the vaulted heavens, and tbe waters murmuring along the shore ; lying bleak and lonely on the river's brink, looking out toward the melancholy sea, and suggesting the thought that the fair exile had died longing to behold once more her island home — such is the Fen wick tomb. When a town is to be organized, the preUminary step is the choice of a constable. It is the first act of self-government — an unfurling of the banner of independence by a subordinate district. Accord ingly, when Saybrook was to be divided, and the east side prepared to set up for itself, an order authorizing them to choose and qualify such an officer, was issued by a court of assistants held at New Lon don May 31st, 1664— Deputy Governor Mason, and Messrs. Tal cott, Bruen and Avery on the bench. HISTORY- OF NEW LONDON. 175 " This Court apprehending a necessity of government on the east side of the river of Seabrooke do order that the inhabitants of Seabrooke meet forthwith and make choice of a Constable for the use of the Country and the inhabitants on the said east side, and the oath to be administered by Mr, Chapman. " Also that the people at such times and seasons as they cannot go to the pub lic ordinance in the town on the other side, that they agree to meet together at one place every Lord's day at a house agreed upon by them, for the sanctifica- tion of the Sabbath in a public way, according to [the command of] God. " And this Court desires the selectmen of Seabrook to see that children and servants through these limits be catechised and instructed according to order of Court." On the 13th of Feb., 1665-6, articles of agreement were entered into between the two divisions of Saybrook, preparatory to what they style " a loving parting." The preamble states that — " The inhabitants east of the river desiring to be a plantation by themselves do declare that they have a competency of lands to entertain tliirty families." The Lyme committee that signed the parting covenant were : " Matthew Griswold, WiUiam Waller, Reinold Marvin, John Lay Senr., Richard Smith, John Comstock," The new township was called Lyme, a name derived from Lyme Regis on the coast of Dorsetshire, a small port, from whence prob ably Mr. Griswold, if not others of the planters, took his departure from England. This name was sanctioned by the Legislature in May, 1667. The first land records, after the town was organized, are attested by Matthew Griswold and Reinold Marvin. The latter died in 1676 at the early age of forty-two, and the name of Thomas Lee succeeds as the land comissioner. The first settlers of Lyme were mostly of the second generation of emigrants from Europe. Matthew Griswold must be excepted, the patriarch, and for a long term of years the principal magistrate of the town. Thomas Lee, Henry Champion and John Lay must also be reckoned of the first generation. Henry Champion died in 1708, verging toward the age of one hundred years. John Lay died in 1675 ; in his last will and testament he says, "being grown aged." His son John Lay, Jun., was bom in 1633, prbbably on the other side of the water. By a second wife he had a second son John, — both of them Uving at their father's decease. Thomas Lee 176 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. came to America in the family of his father, in 1640 or 1641, prob ably then a youth.' Mr. Griswold died in Dec, 1698, or in Jan., 1698-9, and was over eighty years of age. No memorial of his grave has been found. It would be satisfactory could we discover but a rade stone, and a few letters to note the death-day and the resting-place of one whose chisel had so often carved memorials for others. There is always' satisfaction in finding a stone with its record at the head of a grave, even when we feel no special interest in the tenant that Ues beneath. It seems to say that love and respect followed the departed one to his narrow bome, and did not suddenly terminate there. But in the first era of our country, the absence of an inscribed stone is no evidence of neglect or indigence. Men who are skUlful to work in stone are seldom found in a new country, and labor is engrossed with occupations necessary to the Uving. Thomas Lee died in 1705 :^ his burial place is also shrouded in obscurity. These are not mentioned as soUtary instances. Every where in our country we miss the graves of the fathers. The first generation and many of the second seem to have dropped silently and unnoticed into the bosom of the earth. It is indeed of slight importance, since we have other memorials more honorable and last ing than those of stone, to attest the character of those much endur ing men. Tradition relates that the meadows and corn-fields along the river in southern Lyme, were first cultivated by armed men, who came over from Saybrook, with guns and pikes, as well as agricultural im plements, to mow the marshes and to plant and gather the harvest. Mr. Griswold, it is said, was the first to build a habitation on that side, and this being occupied for several years solely by his negro servants, was familiarly called Black-Hall, a name which was at first retained to designate the Griswold lands, but is now the sectional term for the district in which they lie. The location of Black-Hall Point is very beautiful; the land slopes to the Sound and projects so far into it that in winter the sun rises and sets over the water. Every 1 A manuscript account of the Lee family says : " In 1641 came Mr, Brown from England with Thomas Lee and wife and three children ; the wife of Lee was Brown's daughter, Lee died on the passage with small-pox ; his wife and children came to Saybrook," 2 The wUl of Ensign Thomas Lee, Senior, was proved Feb, 19th, 1704-5. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 177 saU that passes through the Sound is in fuU view, and often on a fine day fifty or more may be seen at one time.' North of Black-Hall, " between the rivers," as it is locaUy called, that is, between Black-HaU Creek and Duck Creek, both emptying into Connecticut River, John Lay and Isaac Waterhouse were proba bly the earUest settlers. The latter was the oldest son of Jacob Wa terhouse, of New London; he purchased in 1667, all the lands of Major Mason, in Lyme. In this district, on a high bleak hiU, three meeting-houses were built in succession. A bold position for a church, high and solitary, towering almost over Saybrook itself, saluting every passing sail within a wide sweep of vision, and indica ting even to the inhabitants of Long Island, with its heaven-pointed finger, the region of happiness. The first meeting-house on this breezy height was erected about 1670. In a new plantation the buildings are necessarily rude and in complete ; destined soon to give place to others. This first church arrived at old age in fifteen years. The inhabitants could not agree on the site for its successor, and were obliged to call in magistrates from abroad to compose their differences and settle the disputed point. The report of these arbitrators is so honorably characteristic of the magistracy of that age, that it well deserves to be quoted entire. It is the spirit of Puritanism, condensed into an example. " The Agreement about the Meeting-House. " Whereas by the General Court May last we were appointed to hear and determine a controversy between the inhabitants of Lyme concerning the place where the next meeting-house shall stand, and having seen the places desired by the several inhabitants, and having heard their several allegations and rea sons why they would have the raeeting-house stand iu the places by them de sired, and the returns they have been pleased to make one unto another there upon, and seriously considered of the premises, in order to the putting of a flnal issue to the case, we saw reason to pitch upon two places where to set the meeting-house, and with the consent of the greatest part of the people of Lyme, we, after calling upon the Lord, commended the decision of the ease to a lot, which lot fell upon the southermost we had appointed, which is upon the hill where the now meeting-house stands, more northerly in the very place where we shall stake it out, aud we do order and appoint the said meeting-house to be erected; and now, worthy and much respected friends, we have according to our best judgment led you to an issue of your controversy ; we request aud ad vise you to lay aside all former dissatisfaction that has risen amongst you in the management of this affair hitherto, and that lillegible'] be buried and for- 1 Mr, Matthew Griswold, the present occupant of Black-HaU, informed the author that on a fair, calm mornmg he had counted one hundred sail of vessels within sight. 178 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. gotten by you and never more revived by any amongst you, and that you do forthwith in the best time and manner you can, join heart and hand in the building and erecting a meeting-house in the place by the special providence of God stated and laid out to you for that purpose, and desire the favorable ac ceptance of our desires and endeavors to promote your peace, and that the God of peace may direct you into ways of peace and good agreement, that his pres ence and blessing may be your portion, which is the heart's desire of your friends, " John Talcott, " John Allin," " This day in Lyme, June 4th, 1686," [From Lyme Records, Book 1.] CHAPTER XIII. From 1670 to 1690.— General View,— Indian War. — Account of the expedi tions from New London county, — Death of Governor Winthrop. — Erection of the second meeting-house. — Illness and death of Mr. Bradstreet. — Transient ministers. — Popularity of Mr. Saltonstall.— His ordination.— Heat and dis ease —Sir Edmund Andross. — Meeting-house burnt. — The third or Salton stall meeting-house built. Evert glimpse that is now obtained of the plantation exhibits en terprise, and a slowly growing prosperity. But the growth of towns in that day was gradual, a struggle for life, bearing no resemblance to the rapid expansion of American settlements in later days. In 1670, the Ust of the town was but £8,506, and seven years later, (after the Indian war,) it was less, £8,206. Hartford, Windsor, Wethersfield, New Haven, and even Fairfield and Milford were before New London. Property was here more uncertain than in most other towns. The comers and goers were many, and names incidentally appear upon the records which are never heard of after ward. New London had pecuUar characteristics for that day, a floating, wavering, self-confident populace, inured to the hardships of the sea, to artisan labor, and the tillage of a stubborn soil, but easily drawn aside to recreation, and we infer from the complaints against them, noisy and litigious. The character of the town long refiected these peculiar features ; but amid the changeful elements, a substan tial class of worthy citizens were always to be found ; men who were neither fickle, nor contentious, nor irreligious, but of th6 genuine, New England stamp ; felling the forest and subduing the reluctant fearth ; toiUng in the work-shop, or pulUng at the oar ; now gather ing with right merry heart in the social circle, now governing the town, or with lowly veneration engaged in the worship of God. It appears to have been the original plan of the town that the first line of dwelling-houses bordering the semi-circular shore, from the 180 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. head of Winthrop's Cove to the end of the point now known as Shaw's Neck, a distance of more than a mile and a half, should, as far as practicable, face the water, with an open street or quay in front of them. Had this design been carried out, a noble promenade would have been left along the shore, girdling the city with beauty, and pre senting a fine picture seaward. All the first houses in Main and Bank Streets, were buUt on the west side of the street, while the east side, the shore, beach or marsh, that bordered the to-wn, was left in common. From the eastern part of the Parade, where is nowthe Ferry wharf, the coast originaUy turned to the west, more abruptly than at present, and was bordered by a strip of sand-beach, incl osing a narrow, salt-water pond or marsh, which having been fiUed in and protected by a wall, forms the present Water Street. At the head of this beach were the ferry stairs and the old town landing-place, where in 1703, was built the town wharf. This site had been early chosen for town purposes, on account of its affording the easiest ascent to the area or platform of the town. Almost every street below this point, leading to the water, had an abrupt pitch to the shore, which time and highway labor have worn away. After 1670, the border of the cove running up to the mill, began to be occupied. The water-craft of that day being mostly sloops, or decked boats, found no difficulty in ascending neariy to the head of the cove, and shops or warehouses were soon erected along the western side, filling this part of the town with the hum of business. On the shore side of Bank Street, very few grants were made until about 1720. The town mainly consisted of two ends. Hence a distinction was early made and long continued between up-towners and down-towners. In later days, and no doubt immemoriaUy, rivalry and feuds, chaUenges at playing ball, snow- baUing, and occasional fights, took place between the boys of the two ends. After 1666, for fifteen or twenty years, the commissioners (jus tices) for New London were almost invariably Messrs. Avery, Weth ereU and Palmes. In 1674, Blr. Palmes was invested by the Gen eral Court with the superior power of a magistrate, through New London county and the Narragansett country. In miUtary affairs, after the decease of Major Mason, Fitz-John Winthrop took the lead, and next to him were Palmes and Avery. In 1672, a company of troopers was raised, forty in number, of which Edward Palmes was appointed captain, John Mason, of Norwich, lieutenant,' and Joshua 1 Son to Major Maifci. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 181 Raymond, cornet.' This was the first organized company of horse men in the county. The year 1 675 brought with it the gloom and terror of an Indian war. After near forty years of quiet, following the vindictive strug gle with the Pequots, the whole country was terror-struck with the news that a wide-spread combination of Wampanoags, Narragansetts, and other tribes had been formed, with the design and desperate hope of exterminating the white race from the land. Suddenly, before any effectual measures of defense had been concerted, Philip, with his fierce horde of warriors, burst out of the dark cloud like a thunder bolt. Connecticut, as well as the neighboring colonies, lay exposed to an immediate assault. Her eastern frontier was open to the Narragan setts ; Norwich and Stonington were particularly in danger. With in her limits were bands of Indians, who might perhaps be induced to join the enemy, and one of these bands, the Mohegans, was at no time more powerful than at this juncture. Patronized by the Ma sons, and having his frontier protected by Norwich, Uncas had been for fifteen years increasing in numbers and strength. This wary sachem kept his neighbors for some time in doubt which party ho would join in the contest. Messi-^. Wetherell and Avery made him a visit on the 28th of June, to ascertain, if possible, how he stood affected to Philip's designs, and returned, apprehensive that he was leagued with the enemy. In Mr. Wetherell's letter to the governor, he says : " We have reason to believe that most of his men are gone that way, for he hath very few men at home," — " tis certain he hath lately had a great corres pondence with Philip, and many presents have passed."" On Sunday, June 24th, the first overt act of hostUity was commit ted by Philip. Several houses were burned and men slaughtered at Swansey. It does not appear that the news reached New London tiU June 29th, when it was brought by a messenger on his way to Hartford, dispatched by Mr. Stanton to carry the fearful tidings to the governor. A thrill of horror ran through the community. Mr. WethereU wrote urgently to Governor Winthrop, June 29th and 30th, for assistance. 1 It was much the custom then to address people by their titles of office. Cornet Eaymond is mentioned on the town books by his title, as naturally as Captain Pahnes by his, 2 Mass. Hist. CoU,, 3d series, vol, 10, p. 118. 16 182 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. "Itis reported that PhUip is very near us and expects further assistance from Uncas." . "We have great reason to believe that there is an universal combmation of the Indians, and fear you cannot aid us timely. We are calling in all our out livers, and shall by God's assistance, do our best for our defence, but hope that your Honor, with the rest ofthe honorable Council wiU despatch present sup plies for our aid,"' Major John Winthrop, the highest miUtary commander in the county, was then dangerously ill, and this was calculated to increase the panic of the three eastern towns. The Council of War immedi ately dispatched forty men to their aid, and Captain Wait Winthrop being authorized to act both as a mUitary commander and a conunis- sioner, raised a considerable force, and marched directly into the In dian territory. Here he met the troops and commissioner sent from Massachusetts, and assisted m concluding a treaty with the Narra gansetts, which quieted for a time the alarm of the eastern towns. The Mohegans, after some little hesitation, and the Pequots and Na hanticks, with acceptable readiness, joined the EngUsh ; and both eventually performed essential service. During the summer the principal seat of the war was in the inte rior of Massachusetts, and the towns on Connecticut River were the sufferers. But as winter approached, the hostUe Indians concentra ted their forces in the Narragansett territory, in dangerous proximity to the Connecticut frontier. The military regulations enforced by the General Court in October were of a stern and vigorous cast, and embodied in terms of anxious solemnity. They were in fact equivalent to putting the whole colony under the ban of martial law. The most important enactments were these : sixty soldiers to be raised in every county — the Pequots to be assigned to the charge of Capt. Avery, and the Mohegans to Capt. Mason — places of defense and refuge to be immediately fortified in every plantation — neglect of orders in time of assault to be punished with death — no provisions allowed to be carried out of the colony without special license — and no male between the ages of fourteen and seventy, suffered to leave the colony without special permission from the council, or from four assistants, under penalty of £100.^ 1 Mass, Hist. CoU., 3d series vol. 10, p. 119. 2 These orders are recorded at New London with the foUowing indorsement : "To y= Constable ot Norwitch, N. London, Stonington, Lyme, Kenilworth and Saybrooke, to be posted from Constable to Constable forthwith and published and recorded, and then to be retm-ned to the Clarke of the County."^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 183 In compliance with the order respecting fortifications, a committee of seven persons was appointed in New London, Fitz-John Winthrop, James Rogers, William Douglas, WilUam Hough, Christopher Chris tophers, Samuel Rogers and Thomas Beeby, who issued an order (October 28th) for six points to be immediately fortified, viz. : 1. The stone house at the miU, near Major Palmes and Samuel Rogers, for defense of that end of the town. 2. The houses of Mr. Christophers and Mr. Edgecombe, for de fense of that neighborhood. (On Main Street, each side of Federal Street.) 3. Mr. Bradstreet's and the town house. (By the town house, probably the meeting-house was meant, which was near Mr. Brad street's.) 4. Mr. Charles HiU's. (On State Street, probably comer of Me ridian.) 5. Mr. Joshua Raymond's. (Corner of Parade and Bank Streets.) 6. Mr. Ralph Parker's. (At the head of Close Cove, in the lower part of the town.) New London, Norwich and Stonington were aU partiaUy fortified in this manner, and a constant guard was maintained. In the bel fries of the meeting-houses, and on the high hiUs, watchmen were kept on the look-out, with sentry-boxes erected for their accommoda tion.' The United Colonies seem to have been pervaded with the idea that a crisis in their existence had arrived which demanded bold and immediate measures. To meet this crisis, they determined on a win ter campaign, in which an overpowering force should be sent into the thickets of Narragansett, to attack the lion in his den. An army was raised of one thousand men. The proportion of Connecticut was three hundred and fifteen, who were placed under the command of Major Robert Treat, of Milford, and ordered to rendezvous at New London. A town always suffers from being made a gathering-place for sold iers. New London was soon in a state of bustle and excitement, and, during the remainder ofthe war, continued to be a camp for the troops, a store-house for supplies, and a hospital for the sick — fuU of disturbance, discomfort and complaints. The troops began to collect the latter part of November. Those 1 A height overlooking Norwich green, is stUl known as Sentry HiU, from this cir cums tance. 184 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. from Fairfield and New Haven counties came mostly by water ; those from other counties by land. New London county raised seventy men under Capt. John Mason, of Norwich, beside Pequots and Mohegans under Capt. GaUop. Of the seventy men, Norwich contributed eighteen ; New London, Stonington and Lyme, forty ; Saybrook, eight ; KiUingworth, four. The whole force was to be at New London Dec. 10th. Great, exertions were made to obtain the requisite quantity of provisions and all the apparatus of war. Mr. Wetherell was the active magistrate, Joshua Raymond the commis sary. Wheat was sent from other parts of the colony, here to he ground and baked. Indians were to be fitted with caps and stock ings. The town also furnished a quantity of powder, bullets and flints, and ten stands of arms. At length there was an impressment of beef, pork, corn and rum, horses and carts, and the army marched.' These troops, forming a junction with those of the other colonies, were engaged in the fearful swamp fight at Nan-agansett,^ Dec. 19th, 1675. A complete victory was here obtained over the savage foe, but at great expense of life on both sides. The number of Indians killed on the side of the enemy, was estimated at nearly a thousand. Of the English army, two hundred were killed and wounded, of whom eighty were of the Connecticut line — a large proportion out of three hundred and fifteen. The loss sustained by the friendly Indians (if any) is not included in this number. The Mohegans in this fight were under the command of Capt. John Gallop, of Stonington, who was numbered among the slain. Capt. Avery had charge of the Pequots. It was afterward reported by some, that the Connecticut Indians would not fight in this battle, but discharged their guns into the air. This must be an error. Capt. Gallop, their gallant leader, was slain in the fury of the onset. No charge of cowardice or insubordination was brought against them after their return home ; while on the contrary, rewards for faithful service were bestowed on several. In the accounts of the county treasurer, are notices of cloth and provisions dealt out to various indi viduals, after they came from the battle. Among these are the names of Momoho, Nanasquee, Tomquash and his brother — "corn delivered Cassasinamon's squaw," and " blew cloth for stockings to Ninnicraft's daughter's Captayne and his brother." Capt. John Ma son, of Norwich, received a wound, with which he languished till the 1 Those particulars are gathered from accounts afterward presented for payment. 2 Within the Umits of the present town of Sou^ Kingston, E, I, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 185 next September, and then died. The wounded men were mostly brought to New London to be healed, and were attended by Mr. Gershom Bulkley, the former minister of the town, who had accom panied the expedition in the capacity of surgeon. In January, 1675-6, another army of one thousand men was raised. The Connecticut quota was again three hundred and fifteen ; their leader Major Treat, and their rendezvous. New London. They be gan their march on the 26th, passed through Stonington into the Narragansett country, and from thence north-westerly into the Nip- muck region, clearing away the Indians in their course, but meeting with no opportunity to strike a heavy blow. Uncas himself accom panied this expedition ; and the Council of War wrote to Mr. Bulkley to retum thanks for their good service, to Uncas and Owaneco of the Mohegans, and to Robin Cassasinamon and Momoho of the Pequots.' During the winter. New London suffered exceedingly from the quartering of soldiers upon the inhabitants, and the great scarcity of provisions. In May, the General Court authorized the enlistment of three hundred and fifty men, as a standing army, to be in readiness for any service. This force, which was under the command of Ma jor John Talcott, was almost immediately ordered into the field, Nor wich at this time being designated as the gathering place. Mr. Wetherell and Mr. Douglas were the commissaries, and New Lon don, for the third time, was a depot for suppUes. The number of Indian auxUiaries engaged at this time was unusually large. Major Talcott left Norwich June 2d, and entering the wilderness marched directly toward the upper towns on Connecticut River, where the opportune arrival of so large a force, is supposed to have saved Had ley from Indian devastation.^ Capt. George Denison had command of the company raiseS in New London county ; Lieut. Thomas Lef- fingwell, of Norw-ich, and Ensign John Beeby, of New London, w-ere with him. This company went up the river by water to Northamp ton, and from thence joined Major Talcott with suppUes, of which the army was in pressing need. They had sufiered so much on their route, that the soldiers gave it the name of the long and hungry march.^ Mr. Fitch, of Norwich, went with them as chaplain, and Mr. 1 Conn, Colonial Eecords, vol, 2, p, 406, 2 TrumbuU's History of Connecticut, 3 Ibid, ^ MajorTaUcottcomplained that the bread they had with them was aU cov ered with blue mold, and adds expressively, " Bread made for this wUdeniess work had need be well dried," Conn, Colonial Eecords, vol, 2, p, 453, 16* 186 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Bulkley as surgeon. This army returned to Connecticut about June 10th, having scoured the country far up the river, but met with very few of the enemy. The Council of War ordered a coat to be given to every Indian out in this long march, " in regard (they observe) the service was tedious and little or no plunder gained.'" After a few days' refreshment, this spirited army again entered the hostUe districts, and marching first to the north-west of Providence, then turning to the south-east, explored the forests and necks down to Point Judith. From thence they returned through Westerly to Stonington and New London. In this expedition great havoc was made among the Narragansetts. Magnus, the old queen or sunk- squaw, was slain, and in two engagements, two hundred and thirty- eight Indians were kiUed and captured. Major Talcott, whUe at Warwick Neck, " having advice that PhUip was beat down toward Mount Hope," would have pursued him to this haunt, if his Indian auxiUaries had not positively refused to accompany him.^ Major Talcott's Uttle army, after a short dispersion and rest, was ordered to re-assemble at New London on the 18th of July. They marched again about the 20th, and made their way this time iato the very heart of Plymouth colony. July Slst, they were at Taunton. From thence they returned homeward, but hearing that a large party of Indians who were takuig their flight westward, into the wilder ness, had committed some depredations on cattle and corn near West- field, they immediately took the route thither, and pursuing the trail of the now forlorn and famished savages, they had a sharp and final struggle with them, beyond the Ilousatonick, in the route to Albany.' The troops then returned to Connecticut, and on the 18th of August were ordered by the council to repair to their respective counjies, and disband their men. Philip had been hunted down and slain (August 12th) bythe Plymouth men, and the war was at an end. Returning to an early period of the contest, we find that in Feb ruary, 1675-6, commenced that series of forays, into the Indian terri tory, which issuing at short intervals from New London county, and led by those noted Indian-fighters, Denison and Avery, contributed in no small degree to the favorable result. These pai-tisan bands were composed of volunteers, regular soldiers, Pequots, Mohegans, 1 Conn. Colonial Eecords, vol. 2, p. 466. 2 Letter of Talcott, ui Colonial Eecords, vol. 2, p. 458, 3 hi the present town of Stockbridge, (See Hubbard's Indian Wars.) HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 187 and Nahanticks— disorderly among themselves, but condensed against the foe — the Indians usuaUy double the number of the whites, and more useful as scouts and plunderers, than in direct attack. It was in the third of these roving excursions, begun March 28th, and ended AprU 10th, 1676, that the brave Narragansett chieftain, Canonchet, was taken prisoner. This was one of the great exploits of the war. The unfortunate captive was brought to Stonington, and there put to death, after the Indian mode of execution, being shot by Owaneco, and two Pequot sachems, the nearest to his own rank among the con querors.' This was done by the captors, without any waiting for ad vice, or reference to superior authority.^ The Indians taken in arms during this war, were generaUy execu ted. As far as those called warriors were concerned, it was a war of extermination. Quarter was seldom conceded, and death followed close upon capture and submission. This was the customary and le gaUzed mode of proceeding in wars with savages, and regarded as the only safe course, the dictate of stern necessity. The women and children were saved, and either amalgamated with the Mohegans or distributed among the English for servants. The signal service performed by these partisan bands, is thus ac knowledged by Hubbard, the early historian of the Indian wars. " The inhabitants of New London, Norwich and Stonington, apprehensive of their danger, by reason of the near bordering ofthe enemy, and upon other pru dent considerations, voluntarily listed themselves under sorae able gentlemen, and resolute soldiers among themselves. Major Palmes, Capt. George Denison, Capt. Avery, with whom, or under whom, within the compass of 167G, they made ten or more several expeditions, in all which, at those several times, they killed andtook two hundred and thirty-nine ofthe enemy, by the help and as sistance ofthe Pequots, Mohegans, and a few friendly Narragansetts; besides thirty taken in their long inarch homeward, after the fort fight, December 10th, "IS ; and besides sixteen captivated in the second expedition, not reckoned within the compass of the said number ; together with fifty guns, and spoiling the enemy of an hundred bushels of corn." These expeditions had very much the character of marauding par ties, or border raids. The EngUsh were generally mounted, and the 1 Hubbard. The Pequot sachems were probably Cassasinamon and Momoho, 2 Major Palmes, m a letter to the CouncU of War, dated April Sth, 1676, alluding to the death ofthe N.-u-ragansett sachem, says: " Might my opinion pass when there is no help, I apprehend it might have proved more for the public beneflt if his execution had been deferred till your Honors had the inteUigence first of his being seized." (CouncU Eecords,) 188 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Indians on foot. The latter had no wages, but were recompensed with the plunder they obtained, a portion of the prisoners for servants, and various presents from the government. In most instances, the sol diers retained the booty and the captives that they brought home. Capt. Denison was the most conspicuous soldier of New London county. Captains Avery and Minor were also prominent in these excursions. Major Palmes, though active in tbe forwarding depart ment, took the field but once, and that was in one of the flitting in roads into the Narragansett territory.' The statement has been sometimes made, that Connecticut lost no men on her own soU in Philip's War. This is an error. Five men, at least, within her Umits, were sacrificed by sudden shot from a lurk ing foe. 1. Two men belonging to Norwich, Josiah Rockwell and John Reynolds, were slain on the 27th or 28th of January, 1675-6, on the east side of Shetucket River, which they had crossed for the purpose of spreading flax. Tbeir bodies were found thrown down the river bank, with the usual Indian trophy taken from their heads. A young lad, the son of RockweU, who was with them, could not be found, and was supposed to have been carried away as a prisoner, but he was never heard of afterward.^ 2., John Kirby, of Middletown, was killed between Middletown and Wethersfield. 3. Edward Elmore, or Elmer, was slain in East Windsor. 4. Henry Denslow, slain in Windsor. 5. WilUam Hill, of East Hartford, wounded but not kiUed.-* These were all in 1676. John Winthrop, Esq., the patron and founder of New London, and governor of Connecticut for nearly eighteen years, died in Boston, 1 The summary given above, of the part taken by Connecticut in the contest irith PhiUp, is partly drawn from the journal of the Council of War, from 1675 to 1678, preserved among the records of the colony, and recently printed in vol, 2, of the Colo nial Records of Connecticut, (Hartford, 1852,) 2 An account of tliis b-agedy was sent by Major Palmes to the governor and coun cU, in a letter dated Jan. 29th. He calls EockweU's name Joseph, and gives fifteen or sixteen years as the age of the son. The author has ascertained that it was Josiah EockweU that was slain, and his son Joseph, who was with him, was born in March, 1665, 3 The last four instances are mentioned in the examination of an Indian, named Menowniet, taken captive near Farmington, (Colonial Eecords, vol, 2, p, 471,) The name of John Kirby, not mentioned in the examination, is suppUed by Mr, Judd, at whose msttince, also, Edward Ehnore is substitute^g-or G. Elmore. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 189 April Sth, 1676." He had been called to Boston to attend the meeting of the commissioners, to which he was the delegate from Connecti cut. His remains were deposited in the tomb of his father,^ iu the cemetery of King's Chapel, where afterward his two sons were gath ered to his side. His wife, who deceased not long before him, is sup posed to have been buried in Hartford.^ Governor Winthrop's family consisted of the two sons so often mentioned, Fitz-John and Wait-Still,'' and five daughters. The sons were residents in New London at the time of their father's decease. Wait-Still succeeded his brother as major of the county regiment,* but at a period ten or twelve years later, removed to Boston. Lucy, the second daughter, the wife of Edward Palmes, belongs to New London ; but her death is not on record, neither is there any stone to her memory in the old burial-ground, by the side of her husband. It is therefore probable that she died abroad, and from other circum stances it is inferred that this event took place in Boston, after the death of her father, in 1676." She left a daughter, Lucy, who was her only child, and this daughter, though twice married, left no issue. Her Une is therefore extinct.'' The very extensive landed estate of Governor Winthrop, which fell to his two sons, was possessed by them conjointly, and undivided during their lives, Fitz-John, having no sons, it was understood between the brothers, that the principal part of the land grants, should be kept in the name, and to this end be reserved for John, the only son of Wait Winthrop. These possessions, briefly enumerated, were Winthrop's Neck, 200 acres ; MiU-pond farm, 300 ; land north of the town on Alewife Brook and in its vicinity, 1,500 ; land at Pequonuck, (Groton) 6,000 ; Little-cove farm half a mile square on 1 His wiU may be found in the registry of Suffolk county, Mass. It is also recorded in Hartford. 2 ElUot's Biographical Dictionary. 3 She was Uvmg in March, 1670. Mass, Hist. CoU., 3d series, vol. 10, p. 79. 4 The adjuncts Fitz and Still, are very seldom used on the New London records. 5 This regiment, in 1680, consisted of 509 men. 6 The famUy of Major Palmes -was in Boston during the Indian troubles. Mrs. Palmes was living, at the date of her father's wUl, AprU 3d, 1676, but in November, 1678, the minister of New London records the baptism of a child of Major Pahnes, by a second wife. 7 The first husband of Lucy Palmes was S.ainuel Gray, a goldsmith, of New Lon don— originaUy from Boston— who died in 1713. She afterward man-led Samuel Lynde, of Saybrook, being liis second wife. 190 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. the east side of the river — these were within the bounds of New London. On Mystic River, five or six hundred acres ; at Lanthom HiU and its vicinity, 3,000 ; and on the coast, Fisher's Island and its Hommocks, and Goat Island. Governor Winthrop had also an undis puted title from court grants to large tracts in Voluntown, Plainfield, Canterbury, Woodstock and Saybrook, amounting to ten or twelve thousand acres. He also claimed the whole of what was called Black-lead-mine Hill in the province of Massachusetts Bay, computed to be ten miles in circumference. Magnificent as was this estate in point of extent, the value, in regard to present income, was moderate. By the provisions of his will, his daughters were to have half as much estate as his sons, and he mentions that Lucy and Elizabeth had aheady been portioned with farms. The above sketch of his landed property comprises only that which remained inviolate as it passed through the hands of his sons, and his grandson John, the son of Wait, and was bequeathed by the latter to his son, John, John StiU Winthrop, Still Winthrop, in 1747.' April 11th, 1678. At this date was exhibited in town meeting a list of the proper, or accepted inhabitants of the to-wn, and their names registered. The list comprises 104 names. Only household ers or heads of families are supposed to be included. The number of freemen that had been recorded at this time was fortj-five, and only twenty more are added before 1700. On the last Thursday, in Feb., 1677-8, a town meeting was held to deliberate respecting a new meeting-house. The old, or Blinman house, had stood twenty or twenty-five years ; it was not only decay ing, but the town had outgrown its dimensions. It was resolved to build a new one by the side of the old, the latter to be kept for use until the other should be completed. The building committee were Capt, Avery, Charles Hill and Thomas Beeby, who procured the timber and made preparations to build. But now a strong party ap peared in favor of an entirely new site — viz., the corner of an un improved lot that had been reserved for the ministry.^ 1 The wUl enumerating these possessions, is on record in New London, 2 On Hempstead Street at the south-west corner of Broad Street, just where the Edgecombe house now stands. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 191 A vote was obtained to build upon this spot, but the dissatisfaction was so great, especially among the people east of the river, that a meeting to reconsider the subject was called April 19th, 1679, which passed the foUowing conciliatory resolution. " The town sees cause, for the avoiding of future animosities, and for satisfac tion of our loving neighbors on the east side of the river to condescend that the new meeting-house shall be built near the old, Mr. Bradstreet having spared part of his lot to be made him good on the other side, for the accommodation of this work ; but that the vote above [i. e., before taken] was and is, good in law, and irrevocable, but by the loving consent of neighbors is altered, which shall be no precedent for future altering any town vote," The second or Bradstreet meeting-house, was therefore built near the old one, on the south-west corner of what was called the meeting house green (now Town Square.) It is not strange that the inhab itants east of the river should have mui-mured at any aggravation of their Sabbath-day journeys, which at the best, were of a wearisome length, crossing the river and ascending from the ferry stairs to the town street, and from thence up the hiU through the present Richards Street to the place of worship. We are disposed to ask, why under such circumstances the house was built on a hill at all ? why not on a level near the water's edge ? The answer is ready — the early church of New England was not only a church, but a tower, and a beacon : its turret must serve as a look-out post, affording tunely notice should any danger threaten the dwelUngs of those who were engaged in the service of the sanctuary. Moreover, the people of New England seem to have had a natural taste for a church set on a hiU. It was to them the position of beauty, propriety, and adapta tion. The contract for building the meeting-house was made with John Elderkin and Samuel Lothrop. It was to be forty feet square ; the studs twenty feet high with a turret answerable ; two gaUeries, four teen windows, three doors; and to set up on all the four gables of the house, pyramids comely and fit for the work, and as many Ughts in each window as direction should be given : a year and a hatf allowed for its completion : £240 to be paid in provision, viz., in wheat, pease, pork and beef, in quantity proportional : the town to find naUs, glass, iron-work, and ropes for rearing; also to boat and cart the timber to the place and provide sufficient help to rear the work. This meeting-house, instead of being completed as the contract specifies, in October, 1 680, lingered several years in the road to com pletion. Repeated orders were enacted concerning it; the pulpit 192 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. from the old house was removed to it; the carpenters were accused of violating their contract, and the work not satisfying the committee, two of the craft from other towns-John Frink, of Stonington, and Edward DeWolf, of Lyme— were caUed in to view the work, and arbitrate between builders and people. Sept. 6th, 1682, the town came to this emphatic decision : " Voted : that the meeting-houso shall be completed and finished to worship God in ; according to conformity of duty of Church and Town, and Town and Church.'' The old BUnman edifice— the unadorned church and watch-tower of the wilderness — decayed and dismantled, was sold to Capt. Avery, in June, 1684, for £6, with the condition annexed, that he should remove it in one month's time. According to tradition, he took it down and transporting the materials across the river used them m building his own house at Pequonuck. Retaining through this pro cess something of its sacred predilections, it was again used as a house of worship about a century after its removal, by Elder Parke Avery, a leader of the separatists. The same timbers, the same boards, joyfully resounded once more to the ancient but well remem bered voices of exhortation and praise. This house is still extant, and with its later but yet antique additions, and its charming situa tion, exhibits one of the most interesting and picturesque farm-houses in the county. While the meeting-house was building the parsonage was to be repaired. This, though called a parsonage and the town house, and kept in repair by the town, had been given to Mr. Bradstreet and was his property in fee-simple. It stood on the south side of the present Town Square. " March 2-2d, 1080-1. " Voted, that Mr, Thomas Parkes, Senior, hath given him one hundred acres of land in one entire piece adjoining his own land, in consideration of providing good cedar clapboards, for the parsonage house, and nails and workmanship and all other charge about the same, to be finished by the last of August next ensuing." In 1680, Mr. Bradstreet's health began to decline. In August, 1681, being no longer able to preach, he proposed to the town to re sign his charge, but the people requested him to remain with them adding : " The town is willing to aUow him a comfortable maintenance as God shall enable them, and they will wait God's provyence in respect of his health. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 193 "Voted, to allow him £120 a year in provision pay, and also to flnd him his fire-wood, ninety loads for the ensuing year." The baptism of a child is recorded August 12th, 1683, in Mr. Bradstreet's hand : this is the last token of him living. On the 19th of November, a rate was voted to pay Mrs. Bradstreet the arrears due to her deceased husband. His death is not registered, neither is there any memorial stone bearing his name in the burial-ground. Rev, Simon Bradstreet was the oldest son of Hon. Simon Bradstreet who was governor of Mass. from May, 1079, to May, 1692, with the exception of two years, '87, and '8S, which belong to the iron rule of Sir Edmund Andross. The son died at the age of forty-five, while the father, though venerable in age, was in the mid career of usefulness.' The mother of llev. Simon Bradstreet was Ann, d. of Gov. Thomas Dudley. He was born in 1638; grad, at H. C. in 1660 ; began to preach in N. L. jn 1606 ; was ordained in 1670 and died in 1683. " Children of Simon Bradstreet and his wife Lucy. "Simon b. 7. March 1670-1, baptized 12. March. "Anne b. 31. Dec, 1672, bap. 5. Jan. 1672-3,died 2. Oct. 1681. " John b. 3. Nov. 1676, bap. 5. Nov. "Lucy b. 24. Oct. 1080, bap 31. Oct." Mrs. Lucy, relict of Rev. Simon Bradstreet, afterward married Daniel Epes, of Ipswich, whom she likewise survived. In 1697, the Bradstreet house-lot in New London, was sold to Nicholas HaUam, and the deed of sale signed by Mrs, Epes and her oldest son, " Symon Bradstreet of Medford, clerk." ^ It has been mentioned that the church at Mr. Bradstreet's ordina tion, in 1670, consisted of twenty-four members. During his min istry forty-four were added, four only by dismission from other churches. " Mrs. Ann Latimer from the old church at Boston. " Widow Lester from the church at Concord. " Old Goodman Moore and his wife from the ch. at Milford." Mr, Bradstreet's record of baptisms comprises seventeen belong ing to other churches, and 438 of his oWn church : of these last a con siderable number were adults ; some parents being baptized them- 1 Gov. Bradstreet died iu Salem March 27th, 1697, at the age of ninety-four, 2 This younger Simon Bradstreet, a native of New London, was aftei-ward minister of Charlestown, Mass,, and a man of great classical attainments, but of an infirm constitution and desponding temperament. His son of the same name, the fourth that had bome it in lineal succession, was ordained ^t Marblehead, January 4th, 1738, (Mass. Hist. CoU,, 1st series, Vol, 8, p, 75.) X7 194 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. selves, at the time that they owned the covenant, and presented their children for baptism. Baptisms followed close upon births ; numerous instances may be found where the child was but one, two or three days old ; children of ministers, deacons, &c., were usually less than a week old. To renew, or own the covenant of baptism, entitled a parent to the priv ilege of presenting liis or her children for baptism. And not only children, but grandchildren, children bound to the person as ap prentices, and slaves, might be presented by giving a pledge for their Christian education. There is no account of any marriage performed by Mr. Bradstreet. Throughout aU New England, previous to 1 680, the marriage rite was performed by magistrates, or by persons specially empowered by the colonial authorities. Hutchinson, supposes that in Massachusetts there was no instance of a marriage by a clergyman during the exis tence of their first charter — that is, previous to 1684.' It is singu lar, that in a country and at a period of time when the clergy were so much venerated, the privUege of solemnizing the marriage con tract should not have been assigned to them. When also the im portance of the act is considered, the sacredness of its associations, and the propriety of regarding it as a holy rite, we are surprised that our devout ancestors should not have connected the sanctions of reUgion with this most important of their social compacts. Yet even when a clergyman was present, the ordinance was made valid by a magis trate. The first marriages in town were by Mr. Winthrop : none of these are recorded. Wm. Chesebrough, Capt. George Denison and Mr. Bruen ofiiciated in these services being commissioners ; but by far the greater number of marriages between 1670 and 1700 were by Dan iel Wetherell, Esq. The appointment of deacons is not registered. William Douglas may have been the first person that held the office after Mr. Brad street's ordination. He was at least active in the church economy, and held the box at the door for contributions. He died in 1682. In 1683, WilUam Hough and Joseph Coite were deacons ; the for mer died August 10 th, of that year, before Mr. Bradstreet's decease. 1 " AU marriages in New England were formerly performed by the civil magistrate, but of late they are more frequently solemnized by the clergy." Neal's New Eng. land, vol. 2, p. 253. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 195 and no other deacon except Coite, is mentioned during the next ten years. "At a Towne meeting November ye 19, 1083. "Voted that Major John Winthrop, Major Edward Palmes, Capt. James Avery, Mr. Daniel Wetherell, Mr. Christo, Christophers, Tho; Beebee, Joseph Coite, John Prentis Sen', Clement Miner, Charles HiU, are appointed a Comit- tee in behalf of the towne to send a letter by Capt, Wayte Winthrop to the reverend Mr. Mather and Mr. Woollard [WiUard] ministers at boston for there advice and counsell in attayneing a minister for the town to supply the place of Mr. Bradstreet deceased, and that the sd Capt. Winthrop shall have instruc tions from the sd Comittee to manadge that affaire w^** them.'' No minister was obtained until the next June, when the commit tee gave notice that they had applied to Mr. Edward Oakes, of Cam bridge, and received a favorable answer. The town declared their approbation, and voted Mr. Oakes a salary equal to £100 per annum, for so long a time as he and they could agree together. Mr. Oakes is presumed to be the Edward Oakes that graduated at Cambridge, in the class of 1679. He preached in New London about a year, and some preparatory steps to a settlement were taken. But the inhabitants were not unanimous in his favor, and he left the place.' In September, 1685, the committee of supply obtained the ser-vices of Mr. Thomas Barnet, who arrived in town soon afterward with his family, and entered upon the duties of a pastor. These he performed to such entire satisfaction, that in November a vote was passed by the town in acceptance of his ministry. Again, Dec. 26th, " Mr. Thomas Bamett by full consent none contradicting was accepted by the inhabitants to be their minister." " Major John Winthrop is chosen to ap pear as the mouth of the Town to declare their acceptance of Mr. Bamett." "The time for ye solemnity of Mr. Barnetts admittance to all ministerial olBces is left to the direction of Mr. Bamett and the townsmen to appoint the day." It is a fact, but an unaccountable one, that after this date, Mr, Bar- net's name disappears from the records. No hint has been found to explain why the arrangement with him failed, and the connection was dissolved. He is never again mentioned except in the town ac counts, where Jonathan Prentis exhibits a debt of 16«. "for going with Mr. Bamet to Swanzea.'' Mr. Barnett was an EngUsh clergyman, ejected from his living for non-conformity, and driven from England by the rigorous church 1 Fai-mer, m his Genealogical Eegister, says he died young. His decease, therefore, probably took place soon after leaving New London. ]^96 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. measures which followed the restoration ofthe house of Stuart to the throne,' that is, after 1662. His history after leaving New London, has not been traced.'^ On the 22d of June, 1687, the inhabitants were again assembled in solemn deliberation upon that oftrecurrmg and momentous ques tion—What are "the best ways and means for procuring an able minister of the gospel ?" A committee of seven, with Colonel John Winthrop at the head, was appointed to act for the town, which after a few months' delay was so fortunate as to secure the services of the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall. He preached during the winter and in a short time engaged aU hearts and votes in his favor. In May, 1688, the inhabitants passed a unanimous vote of acceptance of his mmis- try, requesting his continuance among them, promising to give him due encouragement, and adding, " on his return from Boston, whither he is shortly going, they wiU proceed to have him ordained." The ordination, however, did not take place, though the cause of delay is not mentioned. Another vote of acceptance was passed the 7th of June, 1689. In the mean time an attempt was made, as had been done once be fore, to dispense with the odious system of minister's rates, and to raise the salary by voluntary subscriptions of an annual sum. A paper was accordingly circulated, a copy of which is extant. The number of subscribers is 105, embracing names that were scattered over the township from Nahantic Bay to Mystic, and from Poquetan nuck to the Sound. The amount pledged was £57, which being in sufficient, the project faUed, and the rates continued to be levied as formerly. In 1690, a rate was levied for the purpose of finishing the interior of the meeting-house, which to this time had not been furnished with regular seats. This being completed, the townsmen, with the assist ance of Ensign Clement Minor and Sergeant Thomas Beeby, assigned seats to the inhabitants. This was always an affair of magnitude, and the town had frequently been obliged to interfere to adjust doubt ful cases of precedence and compel satisfaction. At this time only one case is reported for their decision. " Joseph Beckwith having paid 40s. towards finishing the meeting-house, is 1 Mather's Magnalia, vol. 1, p. 216, (Hartford edition.) 2 Perhaps he was unexpectedly recalled to England. This would account for his sudden departure ft-om New London. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 197 allowed a seat in the 4th seat, and his wife also in the 4th seat, on the woman's side," These proceedings in regard to the meetmg-house were tokens fore showing that the ordination was at hand. At a town meeting on the 25th of August, 1691— "number of persons present, heads of fami Ues, 65"— the votes of 1688 and 1689 respecting the acceptance of Mr. SaltonstaU for the ministry, were read and confirmed, and the townsmen empowered to make arrangements with him for his ordina tion. " Voted that the Hon'« Major General John Winthrop Is to appear as the mouth ofthe Town at Mr. Saltonstall's ordination, to declare the town's accept ance of him to the ministry." ' The solemnity took place November 25th, 1691. The assisting ministers were Mr. Elliot and Mr. Woodbridge, probable Rev. Joseph Elliot, of Guilford, and Rev. Timothy Wood- bridge, of Hartford. No additions to the church and no baptisms had been recorded since Mr. Bradstreet's death, that is, between August, 1683, and November, 1691. Previous to his ordmation (November 19th) Mr. SaltonstaU was received as a member of the church. This was then the customary mode of proceeding. It ap pears to have been regarded as requisite, and a matter of course, that a minister should belong to the church over which he ofiiciated. The number of members enrolled was thirty-five. To signalize the entrance of Mr. Saltonstall on his oflicial duties, a beU was procured, " a lar^e brass bell," the first in the town and in New London county. It cost £25 in current money,' and for ringing it, WUliam Chapman, sexton, was to have forty shiUings added to his annual salary of £3. It may be inferred from the boisterous reputa tion of the town, that this bell met with no very gentle usage, and that it poured forth some lively explosions of alarm or triumph, from its elevated post, before it was involved in the destruction of the building to which it was attached. Mr. SaltonstaU, assisted by a gratuity from the town, purchased a lot, and built a house for himself. This lot was in the upper part of the town, on both sides of the street. The house stood high and con spicuous on the town hill,^ and for his accommodation the Codner 1 The receipt for payment is from "Eichard Jones, attorney to George Makeensie, merchant ofthe Citty of Yorke." 2 On the spot now occupied by the house of Capt. Andrew Mather, 17* 198 HISTORY OF' NEW LONDON- highway, or " old pathway from the meeting-house to the miU," in the rear of his house, which had been shut up, was re-opened and laid out, twenty-five feet wide. This path was then a mere bed of loose stones, and bristUng rocks, and such in a great measure it stiU re mains,' being better known as Stony-HiU Lane, than as Huntington Street, of which it forms the north end. By a gate from the orchard in the rear of his house, Mr. Saltonstall was brought within a few rods of tbe church, and the worst part of the declivity, in ascending to the house of worship, was avoided. At a later period, when Mr. SaUonstaU had become governor of the colony, it is retained by tradition, that he might be seen on a Sunday morning, issuing from this orchard gate, and moving with a slow, majestic step to the meeting-house, accompanied by his wife, and foUowed by his children, four sons and four daughters, marshaled in order, and the servants of the family in the rear. The same usage was maintained by his son. General Gurdon Saltonstall, whose family furnished a procession of fourteen sons and daughters, when all were present, which might often have happened between 1758 and 1762, as then all were Uving, and all of an age to attend meeting. The summer of 1689 was noted for extreme heat; this was fol lowed by a virulent epidemic, which visited almost every family, either in a qualified or mortal form, and proved fatal in more than twenty cases. Most of these occurred in July and August. Mr. Wetherell, then the recorder, inserted in the town book a Ust of the dead, under the following caption : "An account of several persons deceased by the present distemper of sore throat and fever, which distemper hath passed through most families, and proved very mortal with many, especially to those who now have it in this more thau ordinary extremity of hot weather, the like having not been known in the memory of man." Those who perished by this epidemic, above the age of chUdhood, were PhiUp Bill, senior ; Walter Bodington ; Edward Smith and his wife, and their son, John, fifteen years of age ; Widow NichoUs, and the wives of Ensign Morgan, Samuel Fox, John Picket, and Mr. Holmes. About the same period, Christopher Jeffers, a ferryman, was drowned, and Abel Moore, the constable, died on the road, as he was returning from a journey to Boston, and was buried at Dedham. A disease so malignant would naturally cast a paU of gloom over a 1 Its condition has been greatly ameUorated the present year, 1852. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 199 population so sparse and intimately connected. At the same time the whole country was full of anxiety and apprehension in regard to their liberties. No direct allusion is made in the re^rds of the town to the baneful transit of Sir Edmund Andros, athwart the prosperity of New England. His administration caused a general interruption of the laws of the colony for eighteen months. He assumed the gov ernment and abrogated the charter at Hartford, October Slst, 1687. One of his regulations was that no town meetings should be held ex cept once a year, in the month of May, for the choice of town officers. Agreeably to this law, the annual town meeting was held in New London, May 21st, and no other is recorded until after the fall ofthe royal delegate. On the 18th of April, 1689, the inhabitants of Bos ton rose in arms, seized and imprisoned Andros, and persuaded the old governor and council to resume the government. This example was foUowed by Connecticut. The General Court was speedily as sembled, and an order restoring the former laws was pubUshed on the 9th of May. Tbe charter now came out from its thick-ribbed hiding- place in the renowned oak, and re-assumed its former supremacy. The court order was enrolled and published at New London, and the annual meeting for the choice of town officers called on the 7th of June. In point of fact it was convened by officers whose authority had expired on the 21st of May, and the minutes of the meeting say ; " Upon some dispute that happened whether this town meeting was Legally warned, it was put to voate, and by a Generall Voate passed to be Legall, and then proceeded to Choice of Towne officers." This was a summary mode of deciding a question of law, but it sat isfied the majority, and the decision was not afterward disturbed. "11. July 1694. " Voted that a new meeting-house shall be forthwith built, and that a rate of 12 pence on the pound be made for it, Capt, Wetherell, Mr. Pygan, Capt, James Morgan, Lt, James Avery, Mr, John Davie, Serg' Nehemiah Smith, Ensign John Hough, and Richard Christophers, are chosen a committee to agree with workmen lor building the house, and managing the whole conern about it." The regular registry of the town leaves us whoUy in the dark as to the cause of this sudden movement in respect to a meeting-house ; but from incidental testimony it is ascertained that the Bradstreet meeting-house was destroyed by fire, probably in June of this year. It was supposed to be an act of mcendiarism, and public fame attrib uted it to the followers of John Rogers, a new sect that had lately 200 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. arisen in the town, of which an account wiU be given m a future chapter. Several of these people were arrested and tried for the crime, but it ccmld not be proved against them, and they may now without hesitation be pronounced innocent. For they were at that time obnoxious to the community ; public sentiment was enlisted on the other side, and had they committed a deed which was then es teemed a high degree of sacrilege, it is difficult to believe that they could have escaped exposure and penalty. Unwonted energy was displayed in replacing the lost edifice. In four years' time, the third, which we may caU the Saltonstall meeting house, was so far completed as to be used for divine service. It stood on the same height of ground that had been hallowed by its ' predecessors. " July 18, 1698. " Voted that the town accepts the gifl of the BeU given by Governor Win throp for the meeting house with great thankfulness and desire that their thanks may be given to his Honor for the same. " Voted that the beU be forthwith hanged and placed on the top of the meeting house at charge of the town, the townsmen to procure it to be done. " Voted whether the town will finish the meeting house this summer. " Voted — that it shall be done." The house was soon after finished, and the people seated : Uberty was however given to certain individuals to build their own pews, under regulations in respect to " place and bigness," and they paying no less in the rates for finishing the house. Lastly, the sexton was appointed. " Voted that William Hallsy is chosen sexton to sweep and deane the meeting house every weeke and to open the dores upon all publique meetings and to ring the bell upon the Sabbath day and all other publique days of meeting and allso to ring the bell every night at nine of the clock winter and sumer,' for which service the towne hath voated to give him five pounds in money and ten shiUings yearly." How small these arrangements ; how simple such accommodations appear by the side of the costly structures for worship that are now spread over the land. Yet if the glory of the temple depends on the divine presence, upon humble service and fervent aspirations, who wiU say that the stupendous piles of latter days are more honored than their lowly predecessors ! 1 This ourfew-beU, with the sUght alteration of ringing it at eight o'clock mstead of nine, on Saturday night, has been regularly continued down to 1851. CHAPTER XIV. THE ROGERS FAMILY, AND THE SECT OF ROGERENES. The unity of religious worship in New London, was first inter rupted by James Rogers and his sons. A brief account of the family wiU lead to the history of their reUgious doctrines. James Rogers is supposed to be the James Roger, who came to America, in the Increase, 1635, aged 20.' As James Rogers, he is first known to us at Stratford, where he married Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Rowland,^ and is afterward found at Milford, where his wife united with Mr. Prudden's church in 1645, and himself in 1652. Their chUdren were, Samuel, whose birth has not been found on rec ord, but his wUl, dated Feb. 12th, 1712-13, states his age to be "72 and upwards," which will place it in 1640 ; Joseph, baptized in Mil ford, 1646; John, in 1648 ; Bathsheba, in 1650; James, not record ed, but next in order : Jonathan, born Dec. Slst, 1655 ; Elizabeth, 1658. Mr. Rogers had dealings in New London in 1656, and between that time and 1660, fixed himself permanently in the plantation. Here he soon acquired property and influence, and was much em ployed both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. He was six times rep resentative to the General Court. Mr. Winthrop had encouraged his settlement in the place, and had accommodated him with a portion of his own house lot, next the mill, on which Rogers built a dwelling- house of stone. ^ He was a baker on a large scale, often furnishing biscuit for seamen, and for colonial troops, and between 1660 and 1 Gleanings. Mass. Hist. CoU., 2d series, vol. 8, p. 161. 2 Samuel Rowland left his farm to Samuel Eogers, his grandson, which leads to the supposition that EUzabeth was his only child. 3 This spot was afterward re-purchased by the Winthrop family, and was the site ofthe house built by John Still Winthrop, and now owned by C. A. Lewis, Esq. 202 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 1 670 had a greater interest in the trade of the port than any other person in the place. His landed possessions were very extensive, consisting of several hundred acres on the Great Neck, the fine tract of land at Mohegan called the Pamechaug farm, several house-lots in town, and twenty-four hundred acres east of the river, which he held in partnership with Col. Pyncheon, of Springfleld. Perhaps no one of the early settlers of New London, numbers at the present day so great a throng of descendants as James Rogers. His five sons are the progenitors of as many distinct lines, each trac ing to its immediate founder, and seldom cognizant of their common ancestor. His daughters were women of great energy of character. Elizabeth married Samuel Beeby ; Bathsheba married flrst Richard Smith, and second Samuel Fox. She was an early seceder from the church, courting persecution and much persecuted. Samuel Rogers married, Nov. 17th, 1664, Mary, daughter of Thomas Stanton ; the parents of the two parties, entering into a formal con tract, and each pledging £200 as a marriage portion to the couple. Mr. Rogers, in fulflUment of his bond, conveyed to his son his stone house and bakery, at the head of Winthrop's (or MUl) Cove, where the latter commenced his housekeeping and dwelt for fifteen or twenty years. He then removed to the out-lands of the town, near the Mohegan tribe, and became the flrst English settler within the limits of the present town of Montville. Joseph, James and Jonathan Rogers, though livmg at first in the town plot, removed to farms upon the Great Neck, given them by their father. Like most aetive men of that time, they had a variety of occupations, each and aU operating as tradesmen, mechanics, boatmen, seamen and farmers. James, the fourth son, married, November Sth, 1674, Mary, daugh ter of Jeffrey Jordan, of Ireland. Accor,ding to tradition, he com manded a vessel which brought over from Ireland, a number of re- demptioners, and among them a famUy of the name of Jordan. On their arrival he became the purchaser of the oldest daughter, Mary, and married her. In after life he was accustomed to say, sportively, that it was the richest cargo he ever shipped, and the best bargain he ever made. Several of his descendants of the same name in a right line, were sea-captains. John Rogers, the third son of James, having become conspicuous as the founder of a sect, which, though small in point of numbers, has been of considerably local notoriety, requires a more extended notice. No man in New London county was at one time more no- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 203 ted than he ; no one suflfered so heavily from theiarm of the law, the tongue of rumor, and the pen of contemporary writers. His follow ers StiU exist, a handful indeed, but yet a distinct people, venerating the name of their founder, and esteeming him a man eminent for piety and fiUed with the love of God and his neighbor. His oppo nents, on the other hand, have left us an image of the man that ex cites not only indignation and pity, but profound disgust. Ample materials exist on both sides for his history, but the two faces of Janus could not be more unlike. Rogers himself produced tracts and treatises in abundance, which often refer to his own experience ; and his followers have been, to a considerable degree, a print-loving peo ple. His son, John Rogers the second, was a ready writer. John BoUes, a noted disciple, was fluent with the pen, and adroit in argu ment ; and the family of Watrous, the more recent leaders of the sect, have issued various pamphlets, to vindicate their course and record their sufferings. This is not therefore a one-sided case, in which the arraigned have had no one to speak for them. It may be said, how ever, with truth, that the accounts on one side have been but Uttle consulted, and that the statements which have had the widest circu lation, come from the opponents of the Rogerenes. This may be re garded as a sufficient reason for entering more at large upon their origin and history. John Rogers was married, Oct. 17th, 1670, at Black Hall, in Lyme, to Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold. The rite was per formed by the father of the bride, and accompanied with the formal ity of a written contract and dowry ; the husband settling his farm at Upper Mamacock, on the wife, in case of his death, or separation from her, during her Ufe. On this farm, two mUes north of New London, after their marriage, they dwelt, and had two childi-en : Elizabeth, born Nov. Sth, 1671. John, born March 20th, 1074, James Rogers and his wife and children, and those connected with the latter as partners in marriage, with the exception of Samuel Eogers and wife, aU became dissenters in some sort from the estab lished Congregational church, which was then the only one recog nized by the laws of the land. The origin of- this dissent may be traced to an intercourse which began in the way of trade, with the Sabbatarians, or Seventh-day Baptists of Rhode Island. John and James Rogers, Jun., first embraced the Sabbatarian principles, and were baptized in 1674; Jonathan, in 1675; James Rogers, Sen., 204 HISTORYOF NEW LONDON. with his wife and daughter Bathsheba, in 1676, and these were re ceived as members of the Seventh-day church at Newport. Jona than Rogers stUl further cemented his union with the Seventh-day community, by marriage with Naomi Burdick, a daughter of one of the elders of the church. Of the baptism of Joseph Rogers we have no account. His wife went down into the water on Sunday, Nov, 24th, 1677, near the house of Samuel Rogers, at the head of Win throp's Cove. Elders Hubbard and Hiscox, from Rhode Island, were present, and it was expected that one of them would perform the rite ; but the town authorities having interfered and requested them to do it elsewhere, on account of the noise and tumult that might ensue, they acquiesced in the reasonableness of the proposal, and decUned acting on the occasion. But John Rogers would assent to no compromise, and assuming on the spot the authority of an elder, and the responsibility of the act, he led the candidate into the v water, and performed the baptism.' * From this time forth, John Rogers began to draw off" from the Sabbatarians, and to broach certain pecuUar notions of his own. He assumed the ministerial offices of baptizing and preaching, and hav ing gained a few disciples, originated a new sect, forming a church or society, which were called Rogerenes, or Rogerene Quakers, and sometimes Rogerene Baptists. A great and predominant trait of the founder of the sect, and of his immediate foUowers, was their determination to be persecuted. They were aggressive, and never better pleased than when by shak ing the pillars, they had brought down the edifice upon their own heads. They esteemed it a matter of duty, not only to suffer fines, distrainment, degradation, imprisonment and felonious penalties with patience, but to obtrude themselves upon the law, and chaUenge its power, and in fact to persecute others, by interrupting their worship, and vehemently denouncing what they esteemed sacred. This point the followers of Rogers have abrogated. At the present day they . never molest the worship of others, and are themselves unmolested. V In respect to the most important articles of Christianity, Rogers was strenuously orthodox. He held to salvation by faith in Christ, the Trinity, the new birth, the resurrection of the just and unjust, and an eternal judgment. He maintained also obedience to the ci-ril government, except in matters of conscience and religion. A town or 1 A more particular account of this affau- may be found in Backus' Church History and in Benedict's History of tli6 Baptists, vol. 2, ^ 422, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 205 country rate the Rogerenes always considered themselves bound to pay, but the minister's rate they abhorred — denouncing as unscrip- tural aU interference of the civil power in the worship of God. Of their peculiar characteristics a brief summary must here suffice. In respect to baptism, and the rejection of the first day Sabbath, they agree with the Sabbatarians, but they diverge from them on other points. They consider all days alike in respect to sanctity, and though they meet for reUgious purposes on the first day of the week, when the exercise is over, they regard themselves as free to labor as on any other day. They have no houses set apart for public worship, and regard a steeple, a pulpit, a cushion, a church, and a salaried minister in a black suit of clothes, as utter abominations. They hold that a public oath is Uke any other swearing, a profana tion of the Holy Name, and plainly forbidden in Scripture. They make no prayers in puLlic worship or in the family : John Rogers conceived that all prayers should be mental and not vocal, except on special occasions when the Spirit of God moving within, prompted the use of the voice. They use no means for the recovery of health, except care, kindness and attention, considering all resort to drugs, medicines and physicians, as sinful. The entire rejection of the Sabbath, and of a resident ministry , were opinions exceedingly repugnant to the community at large, and were rendered more so by the violent and obtrusive manner in which they were propagated. Their author went boldly forth, exhorting and testifying in streets, disturbing public worship, and courting per secution with an eagerness that seemed akin to an aspiration after martyrdom. His creed was also exceedingly distasteful to the reg ular Seventh-day people. It was probably in opposition to them, that having his choice of days, as regarding them equal in point of sanctity, he held his meetings for religious purposes on the first rather than on the seventh day. In 1676, the fines and imprisonments of James Rogers and his sons, for profanation of the Sabbath, commenced. For this, and for neglect of worship, they and some of their followers were usuaUy arraigned at every session of court, for a long course of years. The fine was at first five shUlings, then ten shillings, then fifteen shilUngs. Atthe June court m 1677, the following persons were arraigned, and each fined £5. James Rogers, senior, for high-handed, presumptuous profanation of the Sabbath, by attending to his work ; Elizabeth Rogers, his wife, and James and Jonathan Rogers, for the same. 18 206 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON, John Rogers, on examination, said he had been hard at work making shoes on the first day of the week, and he would have done the same had the shop stood' under the window of Mr. WethereU's house ; yea, under the window of the meeting-house. Bathshua Smith, for fixing a ^scandalous paper on the meeting house. Mary, wife of James Rogers, junior, for absence from public wor ship. Again in September, 1677, the court ordered that John Rogers should be called to account once a month, and fined £5 each time ; others ofthe famUy were amerced to the same amount for blasphemy against the Sabbath, calling it an idol, and for stigmatizing the rev erend ministers as hirelings. After this, sitting in the stocks and whipping were added. In May, 1678, (says Backus,) Joseph Clarke wrote to his father Hubbard, from Westerly, that John and James Rogers, with their father, were in prison ; having previously excommunicated Jonathan, chiefly because he did not retain their judgment of the unlawfulness of using medicine, nor accuse himself before authority of working on the first day of the week. Jonathan Rogers now stood alone among the brothers, adhering steadfastly to the Sabbatarian principles, from -\vhich be never swerved. His family became the nucleus of a small society of this denomina tion on the Great Neck, which has ever since existed. From gener ation to generation they connected themselves with churches of their own faith in Rhode Island, at first with that of Newport, and after ward with that of Hopkinton and Westerly, until in the year 1784, 109 years after the baptism of their founder, Jonathan Rogers, they were organized into a distinct church and society. A further ac count of the Seventh-day community on the Neck wiU be given in the sequel of our history. In 1680, the magistrates of Connecticut, giving an account of the colony to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, say : " Our people in this colony, are some strict Congregational men,- others more large Congregational men, and some moderate Presbyterians, &c, there are four or six seventh-day men, and about so many more Quakers,"' These Quakers and Seventh-day men were probably aU in New London, and nearly all in the Rogers family. The elder James 1 Hinman's Antiquitie^. 142, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 207 Rogers was an upright, circumspect man. There is no account of any dealings with him and his wife on account of their secession from Mr. Bradstreet's church. No vote of expulsion or censure is recorded. Of his latter years little is known. Elder Hubbard, of Newport, is quoted by Backus as stating that Mr. Rogers had one of his limbs severely bruised by the wheel of a loaded cart that passed over it, and that he himself saw him when be had remained for six weeks in a most deplorable condition, strenuously refusing the use of means to alleviate his sufferings, but patiently waiting in accordance with his principles, to be reUeved by faith. Whether he recovered from this injury or not is unknown. His death occurred in February, 1687-8, when the government of Sir Edmund Andross was para mount in New England. His will was therefore proved in Boston. The flrst settlement of the estate was entirely harmonious. The children in accordance with the earnest request of their father, made an amicable division of the estate, which was sanctioned by the Gen eral Court, May 12th, 1692. The original -wiU of Mr. Rogers is on file in the probate office of New London. It is in the handwriting of his son John, and remark able for the simple solemnity of its preamble. " The Last Will and Testament of James Rogers, Sen', being in perfect memory and understanding but under the hand of God by sickness : — this I leave with my wife and children, sons and daughters, I being old and knowing that the time of my departure is at hand. " What I have of this world I leave among you, desiring you not to fall out or contend about it ; but let your love one to another appear more than to the estate I leave with you, which is bufof this world. " And for your comfort I signify to you that I have a perfect assurance of an ' interest in Jesus Christ and an eternal happy state in the world to come, and do know and see that my name is written in the book of life, and therefore mourn not for me, as they that are without hope," In a subsequent part of the document he says : "If any difference should arise, &c., my wiU is, that there shaU be no law- ing among my chUdren before earthly judges, but that the coniroversy be ended by lot, and so I refer to the judgment of God, and as the lot comes forth, so shall it be.'' In this respect unfortunately the will of the father was never ac compUshed : his children, notwithstanding their first pacific arrange ment, engaged afterward in long and acrimonious contention, respect ing boundaries, in the course of which earthly judges were often obliged to interfere and enforce a settlement. 208 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON, Soon after John Rogers connected himself with the Sabbatarians, his wife left him and returned to her father. In May, 1675, she ap pUed to the legislature for a divorce, grounding her plea not only up on the heterodoxy of her husband, but upon certain alleged immoral ities. The court, after tbe delay of nearly a year and a half, granted her petition. At a session of the General Court, held at Hartford, October 12th, 1676: " The Court having considered the petition of Elizabeth Rogers, the wife of John Rogers, for a release from her conjugal bond to her husband, with all the allegations and proofs presented, to clear the righteousness of her desires, do find just cause to grant her desire, and do free her from her conjugal bond to the said John Rogers." By a subsequent act of Assembly, (October, 1 677,) she was allowed to retain her two children wholly under her own charge ; the court giving as a reason the heterodoxy of Rogers, both in opinion and practice, he having declared in open court that he utterly renounced the visible worship of New England, and regarded the Christian Sabbath as a mere invention. Rogers was incensed at these decisions of the court. The bill of divorce did not specify any ofiTense on his part, as the base upon which it was granted, and he ever afterward maintained that they had taken away his wife without rendering to him, or to the pubUc, any reason why they had done it. He seems to have long cherished the hope that she would repent of her desertion, and retum to him ; but in less than two years she married again. , " Peter Pratt was married unto Elisabeth Griswold, that was divorced from John Rogers, Sth of August, 1079. "i The children of Rogers remained with their mother during their ' childhood, but both when they became old enough to act for them selves, preferred to live with their father. EUzabeth was sent to him by her mother, of her own free will, when she was about fourteen years of age, and resided with him till 1689 or 1690, when she was married to Stephen Prentis, of Bruen's Neck. At her wedding, her brother John, then about fifteen years of age, came also to his father, by permission of his mother, to stay as long as he pleased. She after ward sent a constable forcibly to reclaim him, and he was seized and carried back to Lyme ; yet he soon returned to his father, embraced 1 Recorded in Ijpme. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON, 209 his doctrines,' and pursued a similar course of itmerant testimony against the public worship of the land. An agreement was signed in 1687, by which EUzabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold, senior, engages to reUnquish all claim to the Mamacock farm, " provided John Rogers wiU pay her £30 and never trouble her father about the farm again." By this arrangement the farm reverted to Rogers, and his son, John Rogers, junior, marrying his cousin, Bathsheba Smith, settled at Mamacock. There, not withstanding his long testimony and his many weary trials and im prisonments, he reared to maturity a family of eighteen children, most of them like their parents, sturdy Rogerenes.^ Mamacock, and the neighboring highland over which they spread, has ever since been known as Quaker Hill. Peter Pratt, the second husband of Elizabeth Griswold, died March 24th, 1688. Shortly afterward she contracted a third mar riage with Matthew Beckwith, 2d.^ By the second marriage with Mr. Pratt, she had a son, Peter, who while a young man, studying for the profession of the law, in New London, very naturally renewed his youthful intimacy with his half-brother, John Rogers, junior, of Mamacock. This brought him often into the company of the elder Rogers, to whose exhortations he Ustened complacently, till at length embracing his dogmas and becoming his disciple, he received bap tism at his hands, and endured fines, imprisonment and public abuse, on account of his Quakerism. But after a time, leaving New Lon don, and entering upon other associations, he relinquished the Roger ene cause, and made a pubUc acknowledgment that he had labored under a delusion. Still further to manifest the sincerity of his re cantation, he wrote an account of his lapse and recovery, entitled : " The Prey taken from the Strong, or an Historical Account of the Recovery of one from the dangerous errors of Quakerism." In this narrative, Rogers is drawn, not only as an obstinate, heter odox enthusiast, but many revolting circumstances are added, which would justify the greatest odium ever cast upon him. It was not published till 1724, three years after the death of Rogers. He could not therefore answer for himself, but the indignation of the son was 1 In the phraseology of the sect, he discipled in ¦with him immediately. 2 John Rogers, 2d, by his two wives had twenty chUdren : two died in infancy, 3 By this third marriage she had one daughter, Griswold Beckwith, afterward the -wife of EUakim Cooley, junior, of Springfield, 18* 210 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. roused, and in defense of his father, he entered into controversy with his brother, and pubUshed a rejoinder, from which portions of the pre ceding narrative have been taken. He meets the charges against the moral and domestic character of his father, with a bold denial of their truth ; but his erratic course in matters of faith and religious practice, he makes no attempt to paUiate, these being points in which he himself, and the whole sect, gloried. He denies, however, that his father was properly classed among Quakers, observing : " In his lifetime he was the only man in Conn, colony, I have ever heard of, that did publicly in print oppose the Quakers in those main principles wherein they ditFer from other sects.'' But the term Quaker had been firmly fixed upon them by their opponents, and they were customarily confounded with the Ranters, or Ranting Quakers, known in the early days of the colony. Yet they never came under the severe excision of the law enacted against those people in 1656 and 1658 ; that is, they were never for cibly transported out of the colony, nor were others prohibited from intercourse with them. Yet John Rogers states that under the pro visions of this law, his books were condemned and burnt as heretical. The law itself was disallowed and made void by an act of the Queen in Council, October 11th, 1705. There were other laws, however, by which the Rogerenes were convicted. By the early code of Con necticut, absence from public worship was to be visited by a penalty of five shillings ; labor on the Sabbath, twenty shilUngs ; and the per formance of church ordinances by any otber person than an approved minister of the colony, or an attendance thereupon, £5. Though in most of the cases of arrest and punishment, the Roger enes were the aggressors, and drew down the arm of the law on their own heads, it must be acknowledged that they encountered a vigorous and determined opposition. OfiTense was promptly met by penalty. Attempts were made to weary them out, and break them up by a series of fines, imposed upon presentments of the grand jury. These fines were many times repeated, and the estates of the ofifenders melted under the seizures of the constable, as snow melts before the sun. The course was a cruel one, and by no means popular. At length the magistrates could scarcely find an officer wilUng to per form the irksome task of distraining. And it is probable that all penalties would have been silently dropped, had they not kept up the aggressive system of testifying, as it was called ; that is, presenting themselves in the religious assembUes of theu- neighbors, to utter HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 211 their testimony against the worship. In this line, John Rogers, and the elder sister, were the principal ofifenders ; often carrying their work into meeting, and interrupting the service with exclamations and protests against what was said or done. *J?he records of the county court abound with instances to verify these statements. Only a sample will be given : "April 14tli, 1085, Judges upon the bench. Fitch, Avery and Wetherell. John Rogers, James Rogers, Jr., Samuel Beebee, Jr., and Joanna Way, are complained of for profaning God's holy day by servile work, and are grown to that height of impiety as to come at several times into the town to re-baptize several persons ; and when God's people were met together on the Lord's day to worship God, several of them came and made great disturbance, behaving themselves in such a frantic manner as if possessed with a diabolical spirit, so affrighting and amazing that several women swooned and fainted away, John Rogers to be whipped fifteen lashes, and for unlawfully re-baptizing to pay £5, The others to be whipped." One of the most notorious instances of contempt exhibited by Rogers against the religious worship of his fellow-townsmen, was the sending of a wig to a contribution made in aid of the ministry. This was in derision of the full-bottomed wigs then worn by the clergy. It was sent by some one who deposited it in his name in the contri bution box that was passed around in meeting. Rogers relished a joke, and was often represented by his opponents as shaking his sides with laughter at the confusion into which they were thrown by his inroads upon them. What course was pursued by the authorities in regard to the wig is not known, but the following candid apology is found on the town book, subscribed by the offender's own hand. " Whereas I John Rogers of New London did rashly and unadvisedly send a perewigg to the contribution of New London, which did reflectt dishonor up on that which my neighbours ye inhabitants of New London account the ways and ordinances of God and ministry of the word to the greate offence of them, I doe herebye declare that I am sorry for the sayde action and doe desire all those whom I have offended to accept this my publique acknowledgement as fuU satisfaction, 27th, 1 : 91.' John Rogers." The regret here expressed must have been but a temporary emo tion, as he resumed immediately the same career of offense. In Nov., 1692, besides his customary fines for workmg on the Sabbath, and for baptizing, he was amerced £4 for entertaining Banks and Case 1 New London Town Eec, Ub, 4, folio 46. 212 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON, (itinerant exhorters) for a month or more at his house. In 1693 and 1694, he and others of his family were particularly eager to win the notice of the law. Samuel Fox, presented for catching eels on Sunday, said that he made no difference of days ; his wife Bathshua Fox went openly to the meeting-house to proclaim that she had been doing servile work on their Sabbath ; John Rogers accompanied her, interrupting the minister, and proclaiming a similar offense. James Rogers and his wife assaulted the constable as he was rolUng away a barrel of beef that he had distrained for the minister's rate, threw scalding water upon him, and recaptured the beef.' To various offenses of this nature, Rogers added the greater one of trundling a wheelbarrow into the porch of the meeting-house during the time of service ; for which after being set in the stocks he was put into prison, and there kept for a considerable time. While thus held in durance, he hung out of the window a board with the following proclamation attached : " I, John Rogers, a servant of Jesus Christ, doth here make an open decla ration of war againstthe great red dragon, and against the beast to which he gives power ; and against the false church that rides upon the beast ; and against the false prophets who are established by the dragon and the beast; and also a proclamation of derision against the sword of the devil's spirit, which is prisons, stocks, whips, fines and revilings, all which is to defend the doctrines of devils,"^ On the next Sunday after this writing was hung out, Rogers being allowed the privilege of the prison limits on that day, rushed into the meeting-house during service, and with great noise and vehemence interrupted the minister, and denounced the worship. This led to the issuing of a w-arrant to remove him to Hartford gaol. The mittimus, dated March 28th, 1 694, and signed by James Fitch, assist ant, sets forth : "Whereas John Rodgers of New London hath of late set himself ina furious way in direct opposition to the true worship and pure ordinances, and holy in stitutions of God, as also on the Lord's Day passing out of prison in the time of public worship, running into the meeting-house in a railing and raging man ner, as being guilty of blasphemy," &c. 1 Records of County Court, 2 Eogers himself in one of his pamphlets gives a copy of this -writing. It is also in Benedict's Hist,, vol, 2, p. 423, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 213 At Hartford he was tried and fined £5, and required to give a bond of £50 not to disturb the churches hereafter, and seated upon the gallows a quarter of an hour with a halter about his neck. Re fusing as usual to pay the fine and give the security, he was remand ed to prison and kept there from his first commitment three years and eight months. During this imprisonment, according to the account of his son, he was treated with great severity, and at one time taken out and cruelly scourged.' While Rogers w-as in prison an attack upon the government and colony appeared, signed by Richard Steer, Samuel Beebe, Jr., Jona than and James Rogers, accusing them of persecution of dissenters, narrow principles, self-interest, spirit of domineering ; and that to compel people to pay for a Presbyterian minister, is against the laws of England, is rapine, robbery and oppression. A special court was held at New London, Jan. 24th, 1 694-5, to consider this Ubelous paper. The subscribers were fined £5 each, whereupon they appealed to the Court of Assistants at Hartford, which confirming the first decision, they threatened an appeal to Cesar, that is to the throne of England. In all probability this was never prosecuted. Rogers had not been long released from prison before he threw himself into the very jaws of the lion, as it were, by provoking a personal collision with Mr. SaltonstaU, the minister of the town. "At a session of the county court held at New London, Sept. 20th, 1098, Members of the Court, Capt, Daniel WethereU Esq. and justices William Ely and Natheniel Lynde. Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall minister of the gospel plf. pr contra John Rogers Sen% deft in an action of the case for defamation. Whereas you the said John Rogers did sometime in the month of June last past, raise a lying, false and scandalous report against him the said Mr. Gurdon SaltonstaU and did publish the same in the hearing of diverse persons, that is to say — did in their hearing openly declare that the said Saltonstall hav ing promised to dispute with you publicly on the holy scriptures did contrary to his said engagement shift or wave the said dispute which he had promised you, which said false report he the said Saltonstall complaineth of as to his great scandall and to his damage unto such value as shall to the said court be made to appear. In this action the jury finds for the plaintiff six hundred pounds, and costs of court, £1, 10." ^ It would be wearisome and useless to enumerate aU the instances 1 Answer of John Eogers, Jr., to Peter Pratt, 2 County Court Eecords, 214 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. of collision between Rogers and the authorities of the land, which even at this distance of time might be coUected. It is stated by his foUowers that after his conversion he was near one-third of his life time confined in prisons. " I have," he observes, writing in 1706, "been sentenced to pay hundreds of pounds, laid in iron chains, crueUy scourged, endured long imprisonments, set in the stocks many hours together," &c. John, the younger, states that his father's suf ferings continued for more than forty-five years, and adds, " I suppose the like has not been known in the kingdom of England for some ages past." It was certainly a great error in the early planters of New Eng land to endeavor to produce uniformity in doctrine by the strong arm of physical force. Was ever religious dissent subdued either by petty annoyance or actual cruelty ? Is it possible ever to make a true convert by persecution ? The principle of toleration was, how ever, then less clearly understood, and the offenses of the Rogerenes were multiplied and exaggerated both by prejudice and rumor. The crime of blasphemy was one that was often hurled against them. Doubtless a sober mind would not now give so harsh a name, to ex pressions which our ancestors deemed blasphemous. In reviewing this controversy we can not avoid acknowledging that there was great blame on both sides, and our sympathies pass alter nately from one to the other. The course pursued by the Rogerenes was exceedingly vexatious. The provoking assurance with which they would enter a church, attack a minister, or challenge an argu ment, is said to have been quite intolerable. Suppose, at the pres ent day, a man Uke Rogers of a bold spirit, ready tongue, and loud voice, should rise up in a worshiping assembly, and tell the people they were entangled in the net of Antichrist, and sunk deep in the mire of idolatry ; then turning to the preacher, call him ajiireling shepherd, making merchandise of his fiock, and declaring that the rites he administered, viz., baptism by sprinkling — the baptism of infants — and the celebration of the sacrament at any time but at night — were antichristian fopperies; accompanying all this with violent, contortions, coarse expletives and foaming at the mouth : would it not require great forbearance on the part of the congrega tion not to call a constable, and forcibly remove the offender ? Yet the Rogerenes frequently used more aggressive language than this, and went to greater lengths in their testimony against the idol Sabbath. Their own narratives and controversial writings prove this ; nor do HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 215 they off'er any palliation of their course in this respect, but regard it as a duty they must perform, a cross they must bear. Viewing the estabUshed order of the colony, only on the dark and frowning side, they considered it a righteous act to treat it with defi ance and aggression. The demands of collectors, the brief of the constable, were ever molesting their habitations. It was now a cow, then a few sheep, the oxen at the plow, the standing corn, the stack of hay, the thrashed wheat, and anon, piece after piece of land, all taken from them to uphold a system which they denounced. Yet our sympathy with these sufferers is unavoidably lessened by the fact that they courted persecution and gloried in it ; often informing agauist themselves, and compelUng the violated law to bring down its arm upon them. Says John BoUes : " God gave me such a cheerful spirit in this warfare, that when I liad not the knowledge that the grand-juryman saw me at work on the flrst day, I would inform against myself before witness, till they gave out, and let me plow and cart and do whatsoever I have occasion to on this day." What should a magistrate do? Often in despite of himself he was forced into severity. He had sworn to enforce the laws ; he might shut his eyes and ears and refuse to know that such things were done, but here was a race who would not allow of such conniv ance ; they obtruded their violations of the law upon his notice ; and he felt obUged to convict and condemn. The authorities were not in the first place incUned to rigor : they were not a persecuting people. New London county more than any other part of Connecticut, per haps from its vicmity to Rhode Island, has ever been a stage whereon varied opinions might exhibit themselves freely, and a dif ference of worship. was early tolerated. Governor SaltonstaU was perhaps more uniformly rigorous than any other magistrate in re pressing the Rogerene disturbances. Nevertheless, while sitting as chief judge of the superior court, he used his utmost endeavors, by argument and conciUation, to persuade them to refrain from molestmg the worship of their neighbors. "He gave his word [says John BoUes] that to persuade us to forbear, if we would be quiet, and worship God in our own way according to our consciences, he would punish any of their people that should disturb us in our worship." Here was an opportunity for a compact which might have led to a lasting peace. But the prmciples of the Rogerenes would not aUow of compromise. It is somewhat smgular that in the midst of so much obloquy, John 216 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Rogers should have continued to take part in public affairs. He was never disfranchised ; when out of prison he was always ready with his vote ; was a warm partisan and frequently chosen to some inferior town office, such as sealer of leather, surveyor of highways, &c. Crimes, such as the code of the present day would define them, were seldom or never proved against the Rogprenes, but it must be allowed that coarseness, vulgarity, and impertinent obtrusiveness, come near to crimes, in the estimation of pure minds. In the year 1700 Rogers having lived single, from the desertion of his wife twenty-five years, married himself to Mary Ransford. She is said to have been a maid-servant whom he had bought ; probably one of that class of persons called Redemptioners. The spirit and temper of this new wife may be inferred from the fact that she had already been arraigned before the court, for throwing scalding water out of the window upon the head of the constable who came to col lect the minister's rate. As Rogers would not be married by any minister or magistrate of Connecticut, he was in a dilemma how to have the rite solemnized. His mode of proceeding is thus described by his son : " They agreed to go into the County Court, and there declare their marriage; and accordingly they did so ; he leading his bride by the hand into court, where the judges were sitting, and a multitude of spectators present, and then desired the whole assembly to take notice, that he took that woman to be his wife ; his bride also assenting to what he said. Whereupon the judge (Weth ereU) offered to marry them in their form, whieh he refused, telling them that he had once been married by their authority and by their authority they had taken away his wife again, and rendered him no reason why they did it. Up on which account he looked upon their form of marriage to be of no value, and therefore he would be married by their form no more. And from the court he went to the governor's house, (Fitz-John Winthrop's) with his bride and declared their marriage to the governor, who seemed to like it weU enough, and wished them much joy, which is the usual compliment." This ceremony thus publicly performed, John Rogers, Jr., supposes " every unprejudiced person will judge as authentic as any marriage that was ever made in Connecticut colony." The authorities did not look upon it in this Ught. Rogers herein set at defiance the common law, which in matters of civU concernment, his own principles bound him to obey. A story has been currently reported that this self-married couple presented themselves also before Mr. Saltonstall, the mmister, and that he wittily contrived to make the marriage legal, against their wiU. Assuming an air of doubt and si%)rise, he says. Do you really, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 217 John, take this your servant-maid, bought with your money, for your wife ? Do you, Mary, take this man so much older than yourself for your husband ? and receiving from both an affirmative answer, he exclaimed : Then I pronounce you, according to the laws of this colony, man and wife. Upon this Rogers, after a pause, shook his head, and observed, Ah, Gurdon ! thou art a cunning creature. This anecdote, or something Uke it, may be true of some other Rogerene marriage, but not of this, for then no doubt would have arisen respecting the validity of the union. The connection was an unhappy one ; violent family quarrels en sued, between the reputed wife, and John Rogers the younger and his famUy, in the course of which the law was several times invoked to preserve peace, and the elder Rogers himself was forced to apply to the court for assistance in queUing these domestic broils. The complaint of John Rogers against his son, and " the woman which the court caUs Mary Ransford, which I have taken' for my wife, seeing my lawful wife is kept from me by this government," is extant in his own handwriting, dated 27th of 4th month, 1700. In 1703, on the presentment of the grand-jury, the county court summoned Mary Ransford, the reputed wife of John Rogers, before them, declared her marriage invalid, sentenced her to pay a fine of 40s. or receive ten stripes, and prohibited her return to Rogers under still heavier penalties. TJpon this she came round to the side of the court, acknowledged her marriage iUegal, cast off" the protection and authority of Rogers, and refused to regard him as her husband. Soon after this she escaped from confinement and fled to Block Island, leaving her two children with their father. Rogers appears to have renounced her as heartily and as publicly as she did him ; so that actuaUy they both married and unmarried themselves. They had never afterward any connection with each other. About this time Rogers made a rash and almost insane attempt to regain his divorced wife, then united to Matthew Beckwith. A writ was issued against him in January, 1702-3, on complaint of Beck with, charging him with laying hands on her, declaring she was his wife, and threatening Beckwith that he would have her in spite of him— aU which Rogers confessed to be true, but defended, on the plea that she was reaUy his wife. "In County Court, June, 1703.— Matthew Beckwith Sen' appeared in court and swore his Majesty's peace against John Rogers, for that he was in fear of his life from him."' 1 County Court Records. 19 218 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. In 1710, Mary Ransford was married to Robert Jones, of Block Island ; and in 1714, Rogers married the widow Sarah Coles, of Oyster Bay, L. I., the ceremony being performed within the jurisdic tion of Rhode Island, by a magistrate of that colony.' With this con nection there was never any interference. The troubles of Rogers did not cease with old age. His sea was never smooth. His bold, aggressive spirit knew not how to keep the peace. In 1711, he was fined and imprisoned for misdemeanor in court, contempt of its authority, and vituperation of the judges. He himself states that his offense consisted in charging the court with injustice for trying a case of life and death without a jury. This was in the case of one John Jackson, for whom Rogers took up the battle- ax. Instead of retracting his words, he defends them and reiterates the charge. Refusing to give bonds for his good behavior until the next term of court, he was imprisoned in New London jaU. This was in the winter season, and he thus describes his condition : " My son was wont in cold nights to come to the grates of the window to see how I did, and contrived privately to help me to some fire, &c. But he coming in a very cold night called to me and perceiving that I was not in my right senses, was in a fright, and ran along the street, crying, ' The authority hath killed my father,' and cryed at the Sheriff's, ' You have killed my father' — upon which the town was raised and forthwith the prison doors -were opened and fire brought in and hot stones wrapt in cloth laid at my feet and about me, and the minister Adams sent me a bottle of spirits and his wife a cordial, whose kind ness I must acknowledge. " But when those of you in authority saw that I recovered, you had up my son and fined him for making o. riot in the night, and took for the fine and charge, three ofthe best cows I had." His confinement continued until the time was out for wliich the bond was demanded. He was then released, but the very next day he was arrested on the following warrant : " By special order of his Majesty's Superior Court, now holden in New Lon don, you are hereby required in her Majesty's name, to take John Rogers, Senior, of New London, who to the view of said Court appears to be under an high de gree of distraction, and him secure in her Majesty's Gaol for the County afore said, in some dark room or apartment thereof, that proper means may be used for his cure, and till he be recovered from his madness and you receive order for his release. Signed by order of said Court, March 20, 1712. " Jonathan Law, Clerk. " Test, John Prentis, Sheriff." 1 Narrative of John Eogers, Jr. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 219 This order was immediately executed. Rogers was removed to an inner prison and aU Ught excluded. But the town was soon in an uproar ; the populace interfered and tore away the plank that had been nailed over the window. Some English officers then in town also made application to the authorities to mitigate his treatment, and he was carried to the sheriff"'s house and there kept. Two days afterward, he received, he said, a private warning that it was deter mined to convey him to Hartford, shave his head, and deliver him over to a French doctor to be medically treated for insanity. Where upon by the aid of his son and the neighbors, he escaped in the night, and was rowed in a boat over to Long Island. Thither he was fol lowed by the constable, and pursued by the " hue and cry," from town to town, as he traveled with all possible secrecy and dispatch to New York, where at length arriving safely, he hastened to the fort, and threw himself upon the protection of Governor Hunter, by whom he was kindly received and sheltered. Here he remained three months, and then returned home, where probably he would not have been molested, if he had remained quiet. But no sooner was he recruited, than he returned to the very position he had taken with so much hazard before his imprisonment, resuming the prosecution of the judges ofthe inferior court before the General Court, forjudging upon Ufe and death without a jury in the aforesaid case of John Jackson. He was nonsuited, had all the charges to pay, and another heavy fine. The next outbreak, and the last during the life of the elder Rogers, is thus related by the son : " John Rogers and divers of his Society having as good a right to New Lon don meeting-house as any of the inhabitants of the town, it being built by a public rate, every one paying their proportion according to their estate,' did propose to hold his meetings there at noon time, between the Presbyterian meet ings, so as not to disturb them in either of their meetings. And accordingly, we came to the meeting-house and finding their meeting was not finished, we stood without the door till they had ended and were come out ; and then John Rogers told the people that our coming was to hold our meeting, between their meetings, and that we had no design to make any disturbance, but would break up our meeting as soon as they were ready for their afternoon raeeting. Whereupon several of the neighbors manifested their freedom in the matter ; yet the Constable came in the time of our meeting with an order to break it 1 " The buUdmg of the meeting-house cost me three of the best fat cattle I had that year, and as many shoes as was sold for thurty shiUuigs m sUver money,"— John Bogers, Sen. 220 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. up, and with his attendants violently laid hands on several of us, hauling men and women out ofthe meeting, like as Sanl did in his unconverted state, and for no other crime than what I have here truly related, " John Rogers was had to Court and charged with a riot, &c. If myself had been the Judge, as I was not, I should have thought the constable to have been guilty of the riot, and not John Rogers, However, he was fined I Os., for which the officer first took ten sheep, and then complained they were not sufficient to answer the fine and charges, whereupon he came a second time and took a milch-cow out of the pasture, and so we heard no more about it, by which I suppose the cow and ten sheep satisfied the fine and charges. This was the last fine that was laid on him, for he soon after died," Joseph Backus, Esq., of Norwich, writing in the year 1726, gives this account of the death of the Rogerene leader : " John Rogers pretended that he was proof against all infection of body as well as of mind, which the wicked only (he said) were susceptible of, and to put the matter upon trial, daringly ventured into Boston in the time of the Small Pox; but received the infection and dyed of it, with several of his family taking it from him," In answer to this statement, John Rogers the second observes : " It is well known that it had been his practice for more than forty years past, to visit all sick persons as often as he had opportunity, and particularly those who had the Small Pox ; when in the height of their distemper he has sat on their bed-side several hours at a time, discoursing of the things of God ; so that his going to Boston the last time, was no other than his constant practice had been ever since he made a profession of religion. " Now let every unprejudiced reader take notice ho-w little cause J. Backus has to reflect John Rogers's manner of death upon him who lived to the age of seventy-three years, and then died, in his own house, and on his own bed, hav ing his reason continued to the last and manifesting his peace with God, and perfect assurance of a better life.'' " Oct. 17, 1721 died John Rogers Sen. " Nov. 6, " " John Rogers 3rd, aged 21 years and 0 days. "Nov. 13, " " Fathsheba, wife of John Rogers 2nd. " All of small pox,"i Rogers was buried directly upon tbe bank of the Thames, within the bounds of his Mamacock farm. Here he had set aside a place of family sepulture, which his son John, in 1751, secured to his de scendants by deed for a burial place. It is still occasionally used for that purpose, and it is supposed that in all, sixty or eighty interments have here been made : but the wearing away of the bank is graduaUy intruding upon them. As the Rogerenes do not approve of monu- 1 Town Record of New London. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 221 ments to the memory of the dead, only two or three inscribed stones mark the spot. Rogers was a prolific writer. In the introduction to his " Midnight Cry," he observes : " This is the sixth book printed for me in single volumes." He argued upon theological subjects with considerable skill and perspicuity. The inventory of his estate was £410. Among the articles enumerated are : Several chests and packages of his o-wn books. Seven Bibles : Powel's and Clarke's Concordances. 19* CHAPTER XV. HISTORY OF THE LIVEEN LEGACY — YAEIOUS APPEALS TO ENG LAND. John Liveen, a considerable merchant of New London, died October 19th, 1689. He was of English birth, but carried when young to Barbadoes, and knew not that he had father, or mother, or any kindred upon earth. Before emigrating to New London, he had married Alice HaUam, the widow of a Barbadoes trader, who had an estate of about £200, which with the business accommodations of her former husband, passed into the hands of Liveen. She had two sons, John and Nicholas, who when the family came to New London, in 1676, were about twelve and fifteen years of age — John being the oldest. By the will of Mr. Liveen, executed the day of his death, the bulk of his estate, after subtracting some trifling legacies, was be queathed " to the ministry of New London" — his wife, however, to have the use of one-third of it during her Ufe. It had been expected that her sons, for whom he had always man ifested a becoming aff'ection, would be his heirs, but they were cut off" with insignificant legacies. What rendered the will still more extraordinary, was the fact, that Mr. Liveen was, in religion, what was then called an Anabaptist, and had never been known to at tend any religious meeting in the town, during the twelve years of his inhabitancy. His business sometimes led him to Boston, and when there, he went to hear Mr, Milburne preach, at the Anabaptist house of worship, and this was his only attendance at meeting jp America. He had scruples about taking an oath, and when chosen to the office of constable, would not be sworn in the customary way. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 223 but pledged himself to perform the duty on penalty of perjury. The wiU was written by Daniel Taylor, of Saybrook, then living with Liveen; the executors appointed were General Fitz-John Winthrop, and Major Edward , Palmes. It was proved at a special court in New London, at which Governor Treat presided ; but the authority of this court was challenged — Sir Edmund Andross having at that time annulled the charter government of the colony, and declared no testaments valid, that were not carried to Boston for probate. The will was therefore kept back, until Connecticut, in 1690, resumed her former government. It was then demanded by the county court for probate. But the colony having restored her ancient system with out waiting for instructions from the crown. Major Palmes, who had home office under Andross, refused to acknowledge the legality of the court, or to produce the will ; and General Winthrop, the other executor, was absent with the army, on the northern frontier. In October, 1690, Mrs. Liveen, in her own name, and the town by its deputies, petitioned the General Court to devise measures for the speedy probate of the will and the settlement of the estate. The widow stated that Major Palmes kept the will, and a ship was then ready for sea, by which " he intended to send to his own country," for orders respecting it. It will be observed that this petition of Mrs. Liveen, impUes that she considered the will valid and acqui esced in its provisions. The affair was again referred to the county court. Before that body, the town brought an action against the executors for not deliv ering that portion of the estate bequeathed to the ministry. Major Pahnes being cited to appear, sent a written refusal, denying the au thority of the court as not derived from the crown, and accusing them of arbitrary and star-chamber measures, to which he said freehorn subjects could not submit. The dourt, however, proceeded to settle the estate upon a recorded copy of the wUl. The amount of the personal property devised, was estimated at something more than £2,000, but this amount could not be realized. A provision of the wiU prohibited the sueing of debtors at^law, so thatthe outstanding debts, amounting to some hundreds of pounds, could not be coUected, the ground being taken that the testa- ior uitended to make his debtors, legatees. ?imong the assets, was a vessel called the Liveen, burden one hun dred tons, which was sold to John HaUam and Alexander Pygan, for £600— Nicholas Hallam being one of the witnesses to the biU of 224 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. sale. This act was virtuaUy an acceptance on the part of the sons of Mrs. Liveen, of the will. Here the case rested, the estate remaining in the hands of the ex ecutors, and the town receiving an annual dividend, until the death of Mrs. Liveen, in 1698. By her wiU she bequeathed the whole es tate, which had been kept in a measure mtegral, to her sons. This will was utterly inconsistent with that of her husband, and therefore the Hallams, before it was exhibited for probate, that is, in October, 1698, applied to the Court of Assistants for liberty to contest the Li veen wiU, which was refused them. The young men protested, and a special court was appointed to try the case. This court sat in New London, Nov., 1698, and again in 1699. Many -witnesses were examined, and great labor expended. The ground taken by the contestors was, first, the vagueness of the terms used in the wiU. What does he mean by the ministry ; he names no person, no sect, no community ; the word ministry is in definite and has no construction in law. Again, if the bequest be good to any community, it must be to the ministry appointed and al lowed by the laws of England. On the other hand it was argued that the terms ministers and min istry, in the laws of the colony, and in common speech, had a partic ular application to persons exercising the sacred office, under the authority of the government of the colony. Neither could the terms in the wUl apply to a ministry that had no existence in the town. Moreover, Mr, Liveen knew well what was understood by those terms, and in 1688, had voluntarily subscribed to a fund for the support of ' the minister of New London, Mr. SaltonstaU. The second plea advanced by the contestors was, that Mr. Liveen was not in a condition to make a will, and unconscious of what he did when he signed it. Several witnesses testified that he was confused in mind, in great pain, and overpersuaded by Mr. Taylor to sign the writing. But the most remarkable witness on this side was Major Palmes, who was placed in the singular position of defending the wiU as one of its executors, and testifying against its validity as a witness for the Hallams. He bore witness to the aff'ection of Mr. Liveen for his sons-in-law — to his often expressed intention of lea-ving his estate to them — and to his entire dissent from the established ministry of the town. He also asserted that Mr. Taylor had previously written the wiU, but did not produce it to the view of Mr. Liveen, tiU the day of his decease, at which time he kept constantly with him, allow ing no one to speak to him but in his presence. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 225 On the other side, the testimony was no less ample. Several neighbors, friends and attendants who were all with the sick man, a greater or less part of the day on which he died, testified that his reason, judgment and memory were perfect, till within an hour of his death. He was not then supposed to be near his end ; being able to sit up and to move about with help. He was led to the table to sign the will, and as he did it, he said, " I write my name John Liveen." He afterward spoke complacently of what he had done for the town, and Major Wait Winthrop coming in, he showed him the will, and desired him to read it, asking him how he Uked it. Major Winthrop then said, " Is this your wiU, Mr. Liveen ?" to which he replied, " It is my last will and testament." Subsequently he observed, " Many will say I am not in my right senses, but I am." To Mrs. Pygan he spoke also of what he had done, saying, " I would not have you troubled that my brother is not an executor of the will ; I had a rea son for it."' The court decided that the case was not sustained, and the will was valid. The brothers appealed to the Court of Assistants, and the case was carried to Hartford. Here the decision of the lower court was confirmed May 2d, 1700. Upon which the contestors de manded permission to appeal to the king and queen, (William and Mary,^ in council. This they were prohibited from doing, the right of appeal in such cases being denied by the colonial government, and thus a new element of discord was brought into the conflict. The brothers entered their protest and declared their intention of contest ing the right of the colony to forbid an appeal before the English courts. At this juncture one of the appellants was suddenly removed from the scene. John HaUam died at Stonington, Nov. 20th, 1700. The labor of prosecuting the question of appeal, and of contesting the wUl, now devolved solely upon Nicholas HaUam, whose determi nation increased with every difficulty, and rendered him superior to emergencies. He proceeded to England, to manage his interests in person, and was there detained for nearly two years. The question of appeal came within the scope of authority committed to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations. It was accordingly ar gued before that body. Sir Henry Ashurst,- agent of the colony, en deavored to prove that Connecticut, by its charter, had a right to 1 According to a custom in those days, Liveen caUs Mr, Pygan his brother, because their children were united in marriage: Nicholas HaUam, the step-sou of Liveen, had married Sarah Pygan, 226 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. hear, determine, and bring to a final issue, all causes and controver sies arising within that colony, without any appeal elsewhere. But the lords decided otherwise ; the king approved their decision, and Mr. HaUam was allowed to bring his case before the council. Here, the action seemed to remove the settlement of the business to a stiU greater distance. An order in council of March 1 Sth, 1 701-2, set forth that the examinations had not been taken in due form of law, the witnesses not having been interchangeably examined, and therefore the parties should be sent back to Connecticut to correct the error, and all documents must be transmitted under the broad seal of the colony. The examinations were now to be renewed from the beginning, and scattered witnesses to be reassembled. Major Palmes withdrew his name from the defense of the will, in which he had never heartUy concurred, and Fitz-John Winthrop was left the nominal respondent in the case, though it was regarded as an aflTair of the colony. A court of probate was held in New London in Jan., 1702-3, in which the witnesses were examined by both parties, and subjected to a te dious interrogatory detail. The documents were officially sealed and transmitted to her majesty in council: (King WilUam had died while the case was pending, and Anne was now the sovereign of England.) The case was heard in June or July, 1704 ; at first it was confidently expected that Hallam would gain his cause, but the respondents hav ing exhibited, in council, the original bill of sale of the Liveen, to which the appellant was a witness, it was regarded as an acknowl edgment on his part of the validity of the will, and the decision of the colonial courts was thereupon approved and confirmed. The defense of the will cost the colony £60. Mr. Hallam is sup posed to have expended £800 in contesting it.' He made several voyages to England on this business, and when there, used his influ ence against the colonial government, not only in this question of ap peals, but also in the Mason controversy, uniting with the Masons and the Indian party who were then carrying their complaints to the throne. Major Palmes was also in England at the same time, with grievances of his own to cast into the scale against the colony. He had become involved in a lawsuit with his brothers-in-law, Fitz- John and Wait-Still Winthrop, respecting the portion of his wife. 1 He esthnated the expenses of his last voyage and suit in England at £179 1«, 6d,, one-half of which ho charged, probably with justice, to the heu-s of his brother John. They refused to pay it, and on his return from England he was involved ui a lawsuit with them for its recovery. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 227 Judgment being pronounced against him in the colonial courts, he also appealed to the king in council, and proceeded to England to prosecute his case. The council, on examination, found no occasion for reversing the decision already made. It is highly honorable to Connecticut, that the judgments of her courts should have been thus repeatedly confirmed bythe highest court of judicature in the British nation. Major Palmes entered warmly into the Indian controversy, de nouncing the poUcy that had been pursued toward the natives, and joining with Mason, Hallam and others, in accusing the colony of having unjustly dispossessed the Mohegans from their lands. Queen Anne appointed a court of commission to issue and determine this case between the colony and the Masons and Mohegans, and Major Palmes was nominated as one of the commissioners. This court sat at Stonington, in 1704. New London appears to be rather undesirably distinguished for her rash and injudicious appeals and threatenings to appeal, to the laws and authority of the mother country for the settlement of con troversies. This was undoubtedly owing to the commercial inter course which she then enjoyed, direct with England, the number of her people born there, and the influence of her name, w-hich had in duced a habit of regarding herself as a New London — a portion of the old country lodged on this side of the water. England was nearer to her than to other towns in the colony. The Liveen property recovered by the town, consisted of two dwelling-houses, a large lot attached to one of the houses, now form ing the north side of Richards Street, and extending from the old burial ground to the cove; and in money, £300 steriing, equal to 780 ounces of sUver, which was left in the h.ands of the executor, and afterward of his brother. Wait Winthrop, of Boston, on lease or loan. After the death of the two brothers, it was loaned to other persons, the care of it being invested, by the General Court, in a committee of three persons, viz., Robert Latimer, Joshua Hempstead and James Rogers, (third of that name.) In 1735, Hempstead, the only survivor of the committee, refused to deliver up the papers, or give a letter of attorney to enable tbe town to recover the money. On application to the General Court, a new committee was appomt- ed, to continue in office Uke the former, during Itfe, but aU vacancies to be filled by nomination of the town. The interest of this money, and the rent of the other Liveen estate, formed a part of the regular salary of the muiister, whUe there was but one recognized church m 228 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. town, and was afterward expressly allotted by government, to the Congregational or ancient church. To avoid the necessity of again taking up the subject of the Liveen legacy, its further history wiU be sketched here. In the year 1738, there was a general sale ofthe parsonage or glebe lands of the town, and the Liveen landed estate was disposed of Uke the rest at auction.' It produced nearly £800, and the other glebe lots upward of £500. The Liveen money at interest was then estimated at £600, the whole making an aggregate fund of nearly £1,900 ; but it must be understood that this was reckoned in the new tenor, or deprecia ted currency. But even with that allowance, the interest was nearly sufficient to pay the salary of the minister, to which purpose it was without doubt appUed for many years. The whole fund has, in the course of time, melted away, and seems to have left no record of its loss behind. We may suppose that the rapid depreciation of the cur rency, the great commercial losses before the Revolution, and the mis eries that the town suff'ered during the war, aff'ected this as weU as all other interests, and reduced it to insignificance. What remained of it after the Revolution, was loaned out in small sums to several indi viduals, and has probably dwindled away in the bankruptcies of the holders. 1 One of the Liveen houses, stood on Main Street, at the south-east corner of Eich ards Street, This was bought aud taken down by George Eichards, who owned the land next to it. The other Liveen house stood opposite on the north-east comer of Eichards Street, and was purchased by Daniel ColUns, The large lot adjoinmg was sold in five parcels or house lots ; one was bought by Eobert Latuner, and has since been a parsonage lot once more. CHAPTER XVI. CHRONICLE OF THE EARLY COMMERCE OF NEW LONDON — FROM 1660 TO 1750. New London was settled with the hope and prospect of making it a place of trade. Commerce was expected to become its presiding genius, under whose fostering care it was to grow and prosper. In a letter from the colonial government to the commissioners appointed by Charles II. to inquire into the Duke of HamiUon's claim in 1665, is the foUowing passage : " Whereas this colony is at a very low ebb in respect to trafSck, and although out of a respect to our relation to the EngUsh nation, and that we might be ac counted a people under the Sovereignty and protection of his Majestic the King of England, we presumed to put the name or appellation of iYetu-iondon, upon one of our towns, -which nature hath furnished with a safe and commodious harbour, though but a poor people, and discapacitated in several respects to promote traffique ; we humbly crave of our gracious Sovreigne, that he would be pleased out of his Princely bounty, to grant it to be a place of free trade, for 7, 10, or 12 years, as his Royall heart shall encline to conferr, as a boon upon his poor yett loyal subjects."' Again, in a letter of 1 680, to the lords of the privy council, they entreat that " New London or some other of our ports might be made free ports for 20, or 15, or 10 yeares ;" and in describing the harbor they say, " a ship of 500 tunns may go up to the Town and come so near the shoar, that they may toss a biskitt on shoar."^ No royal privileges were, however, conferred upon the port, nor did it need them ; the dowry of nature was rich and ample, and the en terprise and sagacity of the inhabitants were soon on the alert, to profit by their advantages. 1 Huunan's Antiquities, p, 61, 2 Ut supra, p, 144, 20 280 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. With respect to the eariy commerce of New London, aU that can be given wiU form but a series of fragments. In the entire absence of aU custom-house records or shipping lists, the utmost a historian can do, is to seize and transfix those gleams and shadows that flit occasionally across the view, in the investigation of other subjects. In 1660, wheat was 4s. per bushel ; pease, 3s.; Indian corn, 2s. 6d.; beef, 50*. per barrel ; pork, 70s. These articles, with wampum, which was famUiarly called peag, constituted the common currency, and were termed merchantable, or country pay. In March, 1659, the General Court appointed nine persons, one for each of the small ports in tbe colony, to enter and record such goods as were subject to custom. John Smith was appointed custom- master for New London. The office was unimportant in point of fees, for wine and liquors were the only goods upon which duties were imposed. Under the term liquors, the spirit called rum, which was then a recent product of the English West India Islands,' was not included ; for an order of 1654 expressly prohibited the import ation of that article into the colony. " It is ordered that whatsoever Barbadoes liquors, commonly called Rum, kill-devil, or the like shall be landed in any place in this jurisdiction, drawne or sould in any vessel lying in any harbor or roade in this commonwealth, shall be all forfeted and confiscate to this commonwealth,"2 This law was subsequently modified so as to allow Barbadoes rum to be landed for transportation elsewhere ; but several years elapsed before it could be la-wfuUy imported and vended within the jmisdic- tion of» Connecticut. In 1668 Thomas Marritt was custom-master for the port of New London. Daniel Wetherell was the last that held the office by colonial authority, and the first that received it by appointment from the treasury board of the mother country. By commission from William Dyer, surveyor general of the plantations, he was made deputy collector and searcher for Connecticut, March 9 th, 1685. The whole colony was thus thrown into one district for the coUection of customs. Mr. Wetherell held his office into the next century. The first shipwright in the place was John Coit (Coite.) His building yard was on Close Cove, where the depth of water was suf- 1 The sugar-cane was introduced into Barbadoes from BrazU, in 1646, Douglas' Summary, vol, 1, p, 132. 2 This act is recorded in New London, fib. 3. It is not known when this la-vv was repealed, but probably before 1680. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 231 ficient for the pinnaces and shaUops then in use, which were little more than decked boats. Joseph Coit, Hugh Mould and John Ste vens — sbn and sons-in-law of John Coit — aU pursued the same busi ness. Mould was undoubtedly the master builder, as the vessels con structed by the partners were usually called Mould's vessels. Several of them can be traced by name. Between 1660 and '64, Mould and Coit constructed the Speedwell, Hopewell and Endeavour, which were called barques ; ranging in burden from twelve to twenty tuns, and in value from £50 to £82. They were buUt respectively for Thomas Beeby, William Keeny> and Matthew Beckwith, but like other movable property of that day, often changed owners. The Endeavour made several voyages to the West Indies, Robert Gerrard and Samuel Chester, commanders* and was sold in Barbadoes (April 10th, 1666) for 2,000 pounds of sugar. In 1661 a vessel was built by John Elderkin, on the account of WilUam Brenton, of Newport, and Daniel Lane, of New London, which cost, exclusive of iron-work,' spikes and nails, about £200. The burden is not mentioned. It was caUed the New London Tryall and was subsequently owned by Welman, Parker and Chester, all of New London. The building of this vessel was regarded as a great undertaking. It was the first actual merchant vessel owned in the place. We can not trace it beyond 1664, and probably it was lost at sea. In 1662 Robert Latimer and Robert Chanell were joint owners and commanders of the Hopewell, and had made several voyages as far south as Virginia. On the 19 th of May, while the barque* was anchored in the harbor, Chanell died suddenly, having been well in the morning and at 2 o'clock, P. M., he lay dead. The verdict of the jury was rendered in accordance with the opinion of "John North, professor of Physick," who being summoned on the occasion, declared that his death was occasioned by " unseasonable bathing after immoderate drinking." This is the first notice of any physician in town, and the only time that this one is mentioned.^ He was probably the Dr. John North that died in Wethersfield in 1682. 1 The iron-work was by George HallsaU, then the most noted blacksmith in town. He was of Boston in 1643. See Hist, and Gen. Eeg. 2 We employ this term as it appears to have been used at the time, for any small vessel above the size of a boat. 3 After an interval of precisely 150 years, the name of -North is again found among the inhabitants of the town, and in the same profession as in the first instance. Dr, 232 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. The aff'airs of Robert ChaneU were settled by the townsmen ; Rob ert Latuner purchased the whole vessel, and aU that remained after paying the debts, was remitted to Chanell's wife and children in England.' The eariy coasting trade was principaUy with Boston. From thence clothing and household goods, implements of husbandry, miU tary accouterments, powder and lead, were obtained. The returns were in peltries and wampum. A petty traffick was also kept up with Rhode Island and Long Island, by boats and smaU sloops. Very soon the coasting trade was extended to the Manhadoes, (New York,) and occasionally to Virginia. In 1662, there was some trade with the latter place for dry hides, and buck-skins.^ With the south, however, the traffick was very Umited. " We have no need of Virginia trade," say the magistrates in 1680, "most people planting so much tobacco as they need." Tobacco and wheat were then common articles of culture ; not for export, but to the fuU extent of domestic consumption. These articles of produce are now rare in the state, and in New London county are almost entirely unknown. The master of a vessel was generally part owner of both craft and cargo, and not unfrequently was his own factor, agent and tra,des- man. In the small coasters, especiaUy, the master or skipper was entirely independent of orders. He went from place to place, chaf fering and bartering, often changing his course, and prolonging his stay on his own responsibUity. His boy was under his command ; but his man if he had one, frequently brought a venture with him, and miglit trade on bis own account. New London before 1700 was as much noted for these coasting vessels and skippers, as of late years for her fine fieet of smacks and smack-men. Among the early planters, WUUam Bartlett, Mathew Beckwith, Thomas Doxey, Peter Bradley, Thomas Skidmore, Edward Stallion, Thomas Stedman, Thomas Dymond, and many others, were of this class. Elisha North, a distinguished physician from Litchfield county, settled in New London in 1812 and pursued his professional practice in the to-wn for thirty years. He died Dec. 29th, 1843, aged 73. 1 Among the debts owing him was i£15 by Mr. Cornelius Stinwicke at the Munna- tos (Manhattan) and a hogshead of tobacco " at Kirkatan in -Virginia." 2 The least buck-skin was to weigh four pounds and a half. A pound and half of hides was equal in value to a pound of buck-skin — one pound of hides equaled two pounds of old iron — two pounds of hides equaled one pound of old pewter. Here are old iron and old pewter, having a fixed value, as articles of barter and merchandise ! HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 233 In May, 1660, "the ship Hope," from Malaga in Spain, with a cargo of wine, raisins and almonds, came into the harbor, storm-beaten and in want of provisions. The master was Robert Warner ; and the supercargo Robert Loveland,' who had chartered the vessel for Virginia, there to take in a fresh cargo and return to Spain, discharg ing at Alicant. The voyage had been long and tempestuous, the cargo was damaged, the ship leaky, and information received on their arrival, of the state of aff'airs in Virginia, induced them to reUnquish the intended voyage thither. The supercargo then proposed to dis charge the freight and have the vessel " sheathed and trimmed" at New London ; after this to take in provisions for Newfoundland, and there obtain a cargo of fish for AUcant, the original destination. The commander refusing imperatively to concur in these measures, Mr- Loveland entered a protest, charging him with having violated his engagements in various particulars. The difficulty was finally set tled by arbitration ; the cargo was landed and sold at New London,^ Capt. Warner paid, and he and his ship dismissed. From this period Mr. Loveland became a resident in the town, entering so fully into commercial concerns, as to make a sketch of his subsequent history appropriate in this chapter. In 1661 he pre sents himself as prosecuting a voyage to Newfoundland, and enters a protest against George Tongue, ordinary-keeper, that being indebted to him a considerable sum, which he had promised to pay in such articles as were proper for the intended voyage, which, says the pro test, " are only wheat, pease and pork" — when the time arrived and the protester demanded bis due, he was told that he must take "horses and pipe-staves," or he would pay him nothing ; and these articles were not marketable in Newfoundland. Mr. Loveland appears to have been often disquieted ; and to find repeated occasions for protests and manifestoes. He purchased of Daniel Lane a considerable tract of land at Green Harbor with the idea of building wharves and warehouses and making it a port of entry for the town. When he found it unsuitable for the purpose, he entered a protest against Mr. Lane for seUing it to him under false pretenses, chargmg the said Lane with asserting " that it was a good harbor for shipping to enter and ride, by reason it is defended by a 1 Eobert Loveland was of Boston, 1645, Sav, -Win., vol. 2, p. 262. 2 Capt, James Oliver, Mr, Eobert Gibbs and Mr. Lake, merchants of Boston, appear to have had an mterest in the cargo. Among the lading was a quantity of Malaga wme-lees and molasses, for distUlation. These commodities were purchased and dis- tJUed into Uquors, by persons who had recently set up " a stUl and worm," in the place. 20* 234 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ledge of rocks lying off", and y' there is 12 feete at low water, be twixt the said ledge and the shore, and within 2 J rod of the shore," whereas he, the said Loveland had sounded and found only shoal water.' The title of Mr. accorded to Mr. Loveland, probably indicates that he had been made a freeman. " Oct. 27. 1662. The magistrates have freed Mr. Robert Loveland from watching, warding and training."* At this immunity was not often granted before sixty years of age, it may be inferred that he was advanced in Ufe. A few more years and we find him on the brink of the grave. On the 27th of Novem ber, 1668, he assigned all bis estate, whether lands, houses, horses, cattle, debts due by book, biU or bond, either in New England, Vir ginia or elsewhere, to Alexander Pygan. This bequest was of the same nature as a will and probably indicates the period of his death. It is signed with a mark, instead of his name. Mr. Bradstreet, who was one of the witnesses, testified that Mr. Loveland was sound in mind and judgment, but unable through great weakness to write his name. A commercial intercourse was very early opened between New London and Newfoundland. Silly Cove, Petty Harbor and Reynolds on that island, as weU as St. Johns, were frequented by our vessels. Pork, beef, and -other provisions were carried there,' and not only dry fish, but West India produce brought back. It is strange that a cir cuitous trade, involving reshipments and enhanced prices, should have been pursued at a tii^e, when direct voyages from New London to the West Indies were of common occurrence. The trade with Newfoundland was continued till after 1700. With the island of Barbadoes the commercial relations were more intimate than with any other distant port. Two voyages were made by a vessel yearly. Horses, cattle, beef, pork, and sometimes pipe- staves were exchanged for sugar and molasses and at a later period rum. An interchange of mhabitants occasionally took place. Agen cies from New London were established there, and several persons emigrating from Barbadoes, became permanent inhabitants of New London. The Barbadoes trade was the most lucrative business of the period. Merchants of Hartford, Middletown and Wethersfield 1 This land was received back by Mr, Lane, 2 Eecorded on the Town Book. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 235 made shipments from New London, Capt. GUes Hamlin, Capt. John Chester and other commanders from the river towns, often took in their cargoes here.' In April, 1669, an EngUsh vessel, probably built and sent to New England purposely for sale, and called the America, was sold by "John Prout, of Plymouth, county of Devon, in Great Britain mariner" ^ — who appears to have been both commander and owner — to Richard Lord and John Blackleach, of Hartford, for £230. She was seventy tuns burden, and was then " riding at anchor in the harbor of New London." Several vessels were built by Mould and Coit, for the partners HiU and Christophers. Among them w-ere the New London, seventy tuns, delivered to the owners, June 25th, 1G66, and called a ship; the barque Regard, 1668 ; and the sloop Charles, twenty tuns, 1672. The New London was larger than any vessel heretofore constructed in the place, and was employed in European voyages. Thomas Forster, John Prout and John Prentis (second of the name) were successively her commanders. In 1689, her invoice registered " two large brass bells with wheels," consigned to George Mackenzie, mer chant of New York.^ One of these beUs was imported for the town of New London, and was soon after suspended " in the turret of the meeting-house," apparently to the great satisfaction of the inhabit ants. It was the first beU that ever vibrated in the eastern part of Connecticut. The John and Hester, stated variously at ninety and one hundred tuns burden, was undoubtedly the largest of Mould's vessels. It was built " for the proper account of John Prentis, Senior," and delivered to him October 14th, 1678. One-half was sold to William Darrall of New York for £222, 10s.* The sons of John Prentis, John and 1 The following receipt shows the comparative value of two prime articles of ex change. " Barbadoes : — I underwrit do hereby ackowledge to have received of Mr, Jeflrey Christophers one bl, of pork pr. account of Mr. Benjamin Brewster, the which I have sold for 300 lbs. of sugar. Elisha Sanford. Aug. 18th, leri, " True copy of the receipt which was sent back to Barbadoes by Mr. GUes IlamUn in the Ship John and James. Oct. 29th, 1671. Charles HiU, Eecorder." 2 This probably notes the first arrival in this country of Capt. John Prout, after ward of New Haven. 3 See ante, chapter 13. 4 Payment to be made in New York floiir at los. per ow-t. aud pork at 50s. per barrel. 236 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Jonathan, both of whom became noted sea-captains, made several voyages in this vessel. Another vessel owned at this time in New London, and probably built by Mould, was the Success, a ketch, rated at fifty-four tuns. A captain, mate, boatswain and one saUor, formed a full complement of men for a vessel like this. The coasters had seldom more than two men and a boy. Sept. 6th, 1677, the Success, John Leeds com mander, saUed for Nevis, with stock, and in lat. 36° north, encountered " a violent storm of wind and tempest of sea that continued from the Sabbath day to the Fryday following," — in which they lost twenty- six horses overboard, and sprung a leak, whereupon they bore up helm, returned home and entered protest. The Success belonged to John Liveen ; and in several voyages to Barbadoes, was commanded by his son-in-law, Capt. John HaUam, of Stonington. In 1688 she was sold by Mr. Liveen, for £114, to Ralph Townsend, late of New Haven, but then resident in New London — who changed her name to Ralph's Adventure. She was afterward in command of Capt. Benjamin Shapley. The little fieet of New London was often thinned by disasters. The barque Providence, coming in from sea, was lost with her cargo on the rocks at Fisher's Island Point in the night of Nov. 28th, 1679. The master Thomas Dymond, and bis two assistants John Mayhew and Ezekiel Turner, were barely saved. This is not the first in stance recorded of wreck upon this dangerous point. ' The John and Lucy, an EngUsh merchant vessel, was here totally lost in 1671, and it is probable that her crew also perished.' , It is not easy to determine the character of a vessel from the nomenclature used at that period. The terms ship and barque were nearly as general in their signification as vessel. Boat, sloop, snow, ketch and brigantine were all of vague import. The Endeavour, twenty tuns, of 1660, is called a barque, and another Endeavour of fifty-two tuns, built in 1690, by James Bennet for Adam Picket, is also a barque. The Speedwell of 1660, fourteen tuns, is a boat or barque; but another Speedwell of 1684, Daniel Shapley, master, is styled a ship. To what description of vessel they belonged can not be determined. Probably no three-masted vessel was owned in the port tiU after 1700. 1 The guns of the ship were recovered by New London seamen and deUvered to the order of Francis Brinley, merchant of Newport, who had been appointed attorney for the owners. The rocks on Fisher's Island Point have lately acquired a fearful notoriety by the loss of the steamer Atlantic, wrecked upon them Nov. 27th, 1846. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 237 The Ust of vessels belonging to New London, as returned by the magistrates at Hartford to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, in 1680, was : " Two ships, one 70 tons, the other 90 ; three ketches, about 50 tons each; two sloops, 15 tons each." This was about one-third of the tonnage of the colony. Shortly afterward the Liveen, which is called a ship, and the brigantine Re covery, were added to the shipping of the port. The former was owned by John Liveen, and sold after his death, in 1689, for £600. The Recovery was from Southampton, Long Island, and purchased by Alexander Pygan. The last vessel built by Hugh Mould, that can be mentioned by name, was the Edward and Margaret, a sloop of thirty tons burden, constructed for Edward StaUion, in 1681. Mr. Mould is supposed to have come from Barnstable, near Cape Cod. He can be traced in New London, from June 11th, 1662, the date of his marriage with Martha, daughter of John Coite, to June, 1691. He is thiai con cealed from our view, probably by the shadow of death.' Another noted ship-builder of this coast, coming next in the order of time, was Joseph Wells, of Westerly, on the Pawkatuck River. Of his vessels we can only mention with certainty as belonging to this port, the Alexander and Martha, built by contract in 1681, for Alexander Pygan, Samuel Rogers and Daniel Stanton. The dimen sions but not the tunnage are stated. " The length to be 40 and one foot by the keel from the after part of the post to the breaking afore at the gardboard, 12 foot rake forward under her load mark and at least 16 foot wide upon the midship beam, to have 11 flat tim bers and 9 foot floor, and the swoop at the cuttock 9 foot, and by the transom 12 foot, the main deck to have a faU by the main mast, with a cabin, and also a cook room with a forecastle," For payment, the buUder was to receive one-eighth of the vessel and £165, of which £16 was to be in silver money, and the rest in merchantable goods. The spikes, nails, bolts and iron work were at the charge ofthe owners. John Leeds was another ship-wright contemporary with those already mentioned. He constructed a smaU brigantine, of eighteen or 1 He left a son bearing his own name, Hugh, and six daughters, Martha, one of the daughters, married the second Clement Miner, of New London; bnt the remainder of the family removed frora the town, and most or all of them were afterward of Mid dletown, 238 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. twenty tuns, called the Tryall, and sold in 1683, by John Plumbe, for £80 in pieces of eight, paid down, and the Swallow, a sloop con tracted for by Peter Bradley, 2d, in 1687, but not finished untU after Bradley's death. Almost every merchant that sent out vessels at this period made an occasional voyage himself, either as master or supercargo. Ralph Parker, Samuel Chester, Richard and John Christophers, John and Jonathan Prentis, John and Adam Picket, and the two Hallams, were at the same time merchants and practical seamen. In 1686, the Prosperous, a brigantine, thirty tuns burden; was owned by the Prentis brothers, and the Hopewell, a ketch, by the Pickets. After 1680, John Wheeler took a prominent position in the mari time business of the town. A vessel was built for him in 1689 and 1690, for the European trade, and sent out under the command of Capt. Samuel Chester. The owner died before the first voyage was completed, and the vessel was assigned to his creditors, merchants in London, Tw» brigantines, styled also ships, the Adventure^ and the Society, of sixty-five and sixty-eight tuns burden, both built in Great Britain, were owned in 1698, by Picket and Christophers. The value of such a vessel when new, was about £500. In 1699, a new building yard was given by the town to John Coit, son of Joseph. This was on the bank, by the side of the Point of Rocks, where vessels of the largest draught might be built. This point was a bold, projecting ledge opposite the Picket lot, and was used for a landing place. Iron rings were Unked into the rock, for ¦ the convenience of fastening vessels.^ The ferry-boat often touched here to land passengers for the lower end of the town, and in 1729, when Mr. Coit built a wharf by the Point of Rocks, the ferry right was reserved. From the " Boston News Letter," which began to be issued in April, 1704, and was the first newspaper published in North Ameri ca, a few notices may be gathered relating to New London. 1 Some of the communion plate of the First Cong, Church bears the inscription, "Presented by the owners ofthe ship Adventure, in 1699," 2 The day New London was burnt. Sept, 6th, 1781, the Lady Spencer, a successful privateer, lay fastened to this rock. All the projecting points have since been leveled and the site is now covered by the wharves and buildings of the Brown brothers. The mansion ofthe famUy standing near, was c~onstructed from the stone blasted from the ancient Point of Eocks, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 239 " New London, May 11, 1704. Capt. Edward Parry, in the Adventure, is beginning to load for London, and will sail in about 3 weeks.'' "May 18. Capt. Parry, in the brigantine Adventure, being dead, the own ers design Samuel Chester, master, who is to go with the -Virginia fleet, Mr. Shapley is preparing to go to Barbadoes," " June 1, Capt. Chester, from New London, and Capt. Davison, from New York, will sail in 10 days for London, with the Virginia Convoy.'' These notes show that it was an enterprise of considerable magni tude, and of slow accomplishment, to fit out a vessel for Europe. By further search we find that Capt. Chester sailed on the 12th of June, a month after the vessel began to take in her cargo, and probably missed the convoy, as he was taken by the French. Capt. Davison arrived safe in London. " New London, Aug. 3, 1704. " Yesterday, his Honor our Governor, went in his pinnace to Hartford. We are much alarmed by reason of a very great ship and two sloops said to be seen at Block Island, and supposed to be French." In October, 1707, John Shackmaple, an Englishman, was commis sioned by Robert Quarry, surveyor general, to be collector, surveyor, and searcher for Connecticut. He was confirmed in ofldce by a new commission, issued May 3d, 1718, by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations. His district included Connecticut, Fisher's Island, Gardiner's Island, and the east end of Long Island, The office of surveyor and searcher was afterward separated from that of collector, and the appointment given to John Shackmaple, Jun,, in 1728, by James Stevens, surveyor general. Mr. Shackmaple, the elder, is supposed to have died about 1730. His son succeeded him in the coUectorship, and the ofiice of surveyor was given to Richard Durfey, of Newport. The residence of these English families in the town was not without influence on the manners of the inhabitants, and their style of Uving. Major Peter Buor, from the island of St. Christophers, was at the same time a resident, having purchased the Bentworth farm at Nahantick, of the heirs of Edward Palmes, in 1723.' These foreign residents, gradually gathered around them a circle of society more gay, more in the EngUsh style, than had before been known m the place, and led to the formation and establishment of an Episcopal church. 1 Before Major Buor's decease, this farm passed into the hands of his creditors, and was purchased by Capt. Durfey, m 1740, which brought it back to the Pahnes famUy, into which Durfey had married. 240 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. There was yet another oflSicer connected with the customs, who was styled the naval oflicer of the district. Christopher Christo phers held this office from the year 1715 to his death in 1728. The following brief notices, coUected from a private diary, and arranged as a marine list, wiU show that a large proportion of the coasting trade centered in Boston, fourteen sloops arriving from thence in six weeks. The year is 1711. " Sept. 8. Braddick arrived from Albany. Skolinks sailed for Long Island. "12. Manwaring arrived. A sloop was launched by Mr. Coit. "Oct. 13. Wilson and Lothrop arrived from Boston, and 2 sloops raore; also a brig from R. I. for Barbadoes, was forced in by the storm, ran on the rocks and was damaged. Capt. TiUeness, (Tillinghast.) " 14. E. Christophers arrived from Barbadoes. " 20. The R. I. brig sailed, and a sloop. " 22. Harris sailed for Norwich. " 20, Tudor and Ray arrived from Boston, Saw a sloop at anchor near Watch Point ; thought her a French privateer, but she proved.to be Plaisted, of Boston, from the Wine Islands, " ¦28, Ray .sailed for Boston. " Nov. 9. Hamlin arrived from Boston ; also Elton, " 2S, Two sloops arrived from Boston. " 30. Four sloops in from Boston." In 1712, what was called the Connecticut Fleet sailed for Boston, 8tli of May, under convoy of an armed vessel which had been sent round for its guard, on account of the rumors of French privateers on the coast. A French brig, with 150 men, was soon afterward re ported as hovering along the coast, near the entrance to the Sound. It was apprehended that she might turn suddenly into the harbor and fire ujjon the town. On the 25th of the month, a watch was set at Harbor's Mouth to give notice if an enemy approached. The passage from Barbadoes usually varied from eighteen to thirty days. Thomas Prentis and Richard Christophers were veterans in this trade. One of the vessels of Capt. Christophers bore the happy names of two of his daughters, " The Grace and Ruth." Madeira, Saltertudas, the Bermudas and Turks Islands, were also visited by our traders. John Mayhew, for more than forty years, sailed from this port. Jolm Hutton, John Picket, third of that name, Peter Manwaring and James Rogers, were well known commanders. The boys of the town were early familiarized with marine terms and hand icraft. Most of the young men, earlier or later, made a few voyages to sea, and many a promising son of a good family was cut off' un timely by storm, or wreck, or West India fever. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 24l The vessels bmlt at New London had hitherto been principally sloops ; now and then a brigantine, a snow, and perhaps a brig had been launched. In April, 1714, Capt. Hutton, who had a buUding- yard in the lower part of the town, launched a snow, and in January, 1716, a ship. In 1715, Samuel Edgecombe built a brig. In 1719, one was built at Coite's ship-yard for Capt. Joseph Gardiner, Sloops had been bmlt not only at New London, but at Pequonuck and at James Rogers' Cove, (Poquayogh,) In March, 1717, a piratical vessel came into the Sound, and several coasters were overhauled and robbed. On the 7th of June, 1717, Prentis, Christophers and Picket, in their several vessels arrived from Barbadoes. It was noticed that they had left the harbor together, arrived out the same day, sailed again on their return voyage the same day, and made Montauk Point together. On the 12th of July, 1723, a Rhode Island sloop, in which Capt. Peter Manwaring and John Christophers, of New London, were passengers, homeward bound, was wrecked on tbe south side of Mon tauk, and all on board perished. The surge, heaving the dead bodies and pieces of the wreck on shore, gave the only notice of the event. Manwaring was a seaman of more than twenty years' service. His vessel had been seized and condemned at Martinico, and he was re turning home in this sloop. In May, 1723, a brigantine from New London, called the Isle of Wight, Richard Christophers master, was lost near Sandy Hook, on her homeward passage from Barbadoes. She was owned by Benja min Starr, John Gardiner, Jr., and others. A prominent article of export to the West Indies was horses. On the 26th of June, 1724, six vessels left the harbor together, all freighted with horses for the West Indies. The craft that carried these animals, from the first commencement of the trade, have been known familiarly as Horse-jockeys. August 16th, 1716, Capt. Hut ton sailed for Barbadoes, with forty-five horses on board. This was an unusually large number ; probably he was in the ship that was constructed under his own direction. About the year 1720, Capt. John Jeff'rey, who had been a master ship-buUder in Portsmouth, England, emigrated to America, with his family. He came first to New London, but regarding the opposite side of the river as offering pecuUar faciUties for ship-buUding, he 21 242 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. fixed his residence on Groton Bank. In 1723, he contracted to build for Capt. James Sterling, the largest ship that bad been constructed this side the Atlantic ; and that a favorable position for his work might be obtained, the following petition was presented : " Petition of James Stirling and John Jeffrey to the town of Groton : " That whereas by the encouragement we have met and the situation of the place, we are desirous to promote the building of ships on the east side ofthe river, we request of the town that they will grant us the liberty of a building- yard at the ferry, viz,, all the land betwixt the ferry wharf and land granted to Deacon John Seabury, of said Groton, on the south of his land, for twelve years, " Granted Feb. 12, 1723-4. Provided that they build the Great Ship that is now designed to be built by said petitioners in said building-yard." Jeff'rey's great ship was launched Oct. 12th, 1725. Its burden was 700 tuns. A throng of people (says a contemporary diarist) lined both sides of the river, to see it propelled into the water. It went off' easy, graceful and erect. Capt. Jeff'rey built a number of small vessels, and one other large ship, burden 570 tuns. It was named the Don Carlos, and sailed for Lisbon under the command of Capt. Hope, Nov. 29th, 1733. The capacity of JeflTrey's vessels is reported so large, that the inquiry is suggested whether the tunnage was estimated as at the present time. Nothing appears, however, to countenance a doubt on that point. New London had the reputation, at that period, of building large ships. Douglas, in his History of the British Settlements — a work written before 1750 — has the fol lowing passage : " In Connecticut are eight convenient shipping ports for small craft, but aU masters enter and clear at the port of New London, a good harbor five miles within land [probably an error in printing for three miles,'] and deep water ; here they buUd large ships, but their timber is spungy and not durable," The first reference to a schooner,^ that has been noticed, is in 1730. Two at that time sailed from the port, one belonging to New London and the other to Norwich. In the latter, Nathaniel Shaw, in 1732, went master in a voyage to Ireland. He arrived in port Nov. 7th, having lost on his passage out, five out of fifteen men by the small-pox. In 1730, an association was formed, called " The New London So- 1 This denomination of vessel is supposed to be of recent origin. See Mass, Hist, CoU,, 1st series, vol, 9, p, 234, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 243 ciety of Trade and Commerce," which being legalized and patroni zed by the colonial government, went into immediate operation. Loans upon mortgage were obtained from the public treasury, and the capital employed in trade. It had about eighty members, scat tered over the whole colony. John Curtiss, of Wethersfield, being chosen treasurer, removed to New London. The society built or purchased several vessels, and embarked in new channels of enter prise. For a couple of years it promised well, giving a great impe tus to business. Public opinion was however behind it ; and its misfortunes increased its unpopularity. A schooner sent out by the society for whales, returned unsuccessful, Nov. 13th, 1733. The same schooner was then put into the southern coasting trade. Returning from North Carolina with pitch and tar, she disposed of her cargo in Rhode Island, and coming from thence through Fisher's Island Sound, Jan. 19th, 1734-5, encountered a violent storm of wind, snow and rain, in the midst of which she struck a rock near Mason's Isl and, and almost instantly filled and sunk. Three out of the five per sons on board perished, viz., Elisha Turner the master. Job Taber passenger, and John Gove, This sad calamity, so near home, and after a prosperous voyage, filled the town with solemnity. Mr, Ad ams preached an admonitory sermon on the occasion, and the body of young Taber, being carried to the Baptist meeting-house, on Fort Hill, after a similar address from the pastor there, was interred with every demonstration of sympathy and respect. To faciUtate its operations, the New London society emitted biUs of credit or society notes, to run twelve years from the day of date, Oct. 25th, 1732, to Oat 25th, 1744. These bills were hailed b/ the bus iness part of the community with delight. They went into immediate circulation. But the government was alarmed ; wise men declared the whole fabric to be made of paper ; and having no solid support, it must soon be destroyed. Very soon the whole colony was in com motion. The governor and council issued an order denouncing " the new money," and an extra session of the assembly was convened to consider the bold position of the society. This was in Feb., 1733. The legislature dissolved the association, and the mortgages were as sumed by the governor and company, and the biUs aUowed to run, till they could be called in, and the affairs of the society settled. But the association was not so easily put down, although according to their own statement, " a great part of their block had been con sumed by losses at sea, and disappointments at home," and they were 244 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. now assailed by legislative hostiUty and public odium, the managers determined to hold on, and threatened an appeal to England. Nov. 21st, 1733, they had a meeting and Wm, Goddard, from Ma deira, having made them a present of a quarter-cask of wine, they knocked out the head, and invited those who had been their enemies to drink ; and they themselves drank to the health of the king, queen and Mr. Goddard, and to the prosperity of the society. The great guns were fired, and the sky rung with huzzas.' This mode of scat tering present trouble was somewhat characteristic of the town. When soberer thoughts came, they retraced their steps, and by their own consent ceased to exist. At a meeting held June 5th, 1735, they unanimously dissolved themselves. The distress to which the society had given birth could not be disposed of so easily. The members were impoverished, and hampered with obligations which they could not discharge. The evils produced by the association could only be effaced by time. " Sept. 1738. — A Sloop from N L. is lost at Nevis, being upset in a hurri cane ; all on board perished. John Walsworth of Groton owned both sloop and cargo. John Mumford was her captain and Thomas Comstock mate."^ " 26 Oct. — John Ledyard of Groton sailed for England in a new Snow built by Capt, Jeffrey." [This was the father of Ledyard the traveler,] " 16 Jan., 1741-2 — James Rogers sailed for Bristol in the new ship." " May 12, 42. — A large snow in the harbor ; said to be a Moravian : many passengers of both sexes." " 17 Jan. — 1748 — A large ship of 200 or 300 tons came in : a prize taken from the French by a N York privateer." " May 2, 1750 — This day 3 brigs from the West Indies arrived together in the harbor. Their commanders were Nath' Coit, Jeremiah MUler, and Capt. Grose." " Dec. 7, 1750. — In the morning more than 20 sail of vessels lay in the har bor, mostly bound to the West Indies, Several sailed during the day." In the year 1751, a brig belonging to Col. Saltonstall, was upset, in a hurricane, on her outward passage. Gurdon Miller, John Hal lam and four others were lost. Capt. Leeds and one man were saved. " Foreign vessels entered and cleared in the Port of New London from 25th 1 New England Weekly Journal. 2 Some of these items are from the diary of Joshua Hempstead, Esq.; others from newspapers. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 245 of March 1748 to the 25th of March 1749, scarce any registered more than 80 tons and generally are West India traders. Entered inwards Cleared outwards Brigantines 3 Brigantines 20 Schooners 4 Schooners 5 Sloops 30 Sloops 37 37 62" 1 A fair proportion of this fleet was owned in Norwich, which had become a fiourishing to-wn, of six parishes, fast increasing in trade and agriculture, and paid at that time the highest tax of any town ship in the colony. 1 Douglas, vol. 2, p. 162. Afterward he says, (p. 180:) " Connecticut uses scarce any foreigu trade ; lately they send some smaU craft to the W. Indies ; they vent their produce in the neighboring colonies, viz., wheat, Indian com, beaver, pork, butter, horses and flax." This author certainly underrated the exports of the colony. In the article of horses, especiaUy, more were brought from other colonies here to be shipped for a southern market, than were sent from hence to our neighbors. 21* CHAPTER XVII. GLEANINGS FROM THE COURT RECORDS. It was remarked by the inhabitants of other towns that something bold, uncommon and startling was always going on at New London. This was the effect of its commerce, its enterprise, its trains of com ers and goers, its compact, busy streets. It was easy to raise a mob here ; easy to get up a feast, a frolick, or a fracas. The activity of men's minds outstripped their learning and their refiection ; and this led them into vagaries. Men who had long been rovers, and unac customed to restraint, gathered here, and sought tbeir own interest and pleasure, with too little regard to the laws. The Puritan magistrates of the town were obUged to maintain a continual confiict with the corrupting infiuences from without. A changeful, seafaring popu lace can not be expected to have the stability and serenity of a quiet inland town. Education in the second generation was necessarily much neglected, and on this account many of the sons stood lower in the scale than their fathers. An examination of the court records, fixes upon the mind an impression that this second stage of the set tlement was one marked with more coarseness, ignorance and vice, than the one before or after it. We may hazard the remark that re ligion, law, and the principles of virtue, had less sway for the thirty years preceding 1700, than at an earlier period, or for the next thirty years after 1700. This opinion is given with some hesitation, for offenses change character with the progress of time, and it is easy to mistake the decrease of this or that species of vice, for a radical im provement in moraUty. The depravity may be as great, yet exist in some new shape ; or the particular off'ense may be as frequent, only kept more out of sight. With respect to the era of which we are speaking, it may be ob served that the rigor of the law was S(^ great, that aU the impurities HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 247 of the community were made manifest by it. We see what iniquity there was, in its whole length and breadth. Drunkenness was perhaps more prevalent here than in other towns of the colony, simply on account of the importation of liquors into the port. Selling liquor to the Indians was another off'ense growing out of position. This, though illegal, was not then regarded as dis graceful ; some good men, and even women, were fined for doing it. Another class of off'enses heavily amerced, were those which viola ted religious order ; such as swearing, blasphemy, labor, traveling and sailing on the Sabbath, and non-attendance at the customary place of worship. In these particulars, the laws themselves were stringent ; they were also rigidly enforced and strictly interpreted. Swearing included expressions which might now be regarded as mere vulgarity ; blasphemy and profanity took a wide range, and covered denunciations of the system of worship as established in the colony, or of its oflSciating organs, whether ministers or magistrates. Cases of defamation, quarrels and sudden assaults were numerous. Violations of modesty and purity before marriage, were but too fre quent, and this in the face of a stern magistracy and strict Puritan usage. Robbery and theft, with the single exception of horse-steal ing, were very uncommon. It is gratifying to know, that many of the off'enses committed were by persons who afterward reformed. Men who came into the com munity with free principles and irregular habits, were soon broken in by the restraints of society, and became, in the end, firm supporters of law and reUgion. Tbe sons of the fathers also, after having dashed about awhUe in defiance of the pulpit and the bench, settled down into industrious and peaceable citizens. In 1663, the commissioners' court was ordered to be held in New London quarterly : Obadiah Bruen and James Avery, commission ers. Charges in trial of actions were — entrance of the action. Is. M.; trial, 2s. &d.; warrant, 6d.; attachment. Is.; witnesses, by the day. Is. &d.; secretary's fee, 2s. 6d.; jury, Gd. Constable's fee not mentioned. Before this court came numerous actions for small debts, and com plaints of evil speaking and disorderiy conduct. WiUs were proved and marriages performed in this court, as weU as in the higher courts. A few examples of cases may serve to iUustrate the manners and customs of the age. The following, before the justices or commis sioners' court, are abridged and given in substance. June 30, 1604. Mrs. Houghton summons Mrs. SkiUinger before the Commis sioners to answer for abusing her daughter in the meeting-house : we not finding 248 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. lagal proofs hereof, judge it meet that Mrs. Houghton tutor her daughter better and not occasion disturbance in the meel ing-house, by any unmeet carriage to her betters hereafter, and this being the first time we enforce no farther. Complaint entered against Mrs. Katharine Clay for keeping an inmate con trary to order. Also against Thomas Marshall for abiding at Mr. Humphrey Clay's contrary to order — (i. e., contrary to an order ofthe Gen. Court forbidding tavern keep ers to harbor inmates beyond a certain time.) Humphrey Clay for entertaining a young man at his house fined 40s. and costs. Thomas MarshaU for remaining at Mr. Clay's, fined 5s. Katharine Clay presented for selling liquors at her house, selling lead to the Indians, profanation of the Sabbath, card-playing and entertaining strange men, &c, Humphrey Clay was bound over to the court of assistants, to answer for these off'enses of his wife. Following the case to this court, we find that Mr. Clay and wife were convicted of keeping a disorderly house, and fined £40, or to leave the colony within sis months, in which case half the fine was remitted. Mr. Clay chose the latter course, and sold his land and two dwelling-houses (situated on what was then called Foxen's HiU) to Mr. Bulkley, stipulating to, vacate them before Michaelmas. Minutes of cases before Court of Assistants, 1664, 1665 and 1666. " Isaac Waterhouse indicted for throwing the cart and stocks into the Cove. " Several persons fined for pulling down Mrs. Tinker's house. A person be longing to Seabrook, for uttering contumelious speeches against his Majesty when in liquor ; to be whipt immediately at New London, and a quarter of a year hence at Seabrook ; Mr. Chapman to see it done. " Uncas versus Matthew Beckworth, Jun., for burning a wigwam of his, " Cases of defamation, — Samuel Chester vs, Goodwife Chappie, — Thomas Beeby vs, Hugh Williams, a stranger, for defaming his wife, — Matthew Gris- wall vs. Wolston Brockway and wife, — Wolston Brockway and wife vs. Mat thew Griswall, — Capt. Denison vs, Thomas Shaw, — Capt, Denison vs, EUsha and William Cheesebrook " Wolston Brockway complained of by Matthew Griswall for entertaining a runa-u'ay at his house," Before this court Capt. Denison brought various charges against a young man at Mystic, by the name of John Carr, accusing him of engaging the aff'ections of his daughter Anne without leave — of pro posing to her to leave her father's house and marry him — of taking a cap and belt and silver spoon from his house, and finaUy of defaming his daughter. Carr retracted all that he had said against the young lady, but was fined on the other counts £34, 7s. M. John Carr appears to have had an extra quantity of wild oats to HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 249 SOW ; the next year he w-as again arraigned, together with John Ash craft, for various misdemeanors, endeavoring to entice women from their husbands, concealing themselves in houses, writing letters which had been intercepted, &c. They were fined, and the wives of sev eral men solemnly warned and ordered to take care. (John Carr died 1675.) Capt. Denison was himself presented at the same session of the court, (1664,) by the constable of Southerton, for marrying WilUam Measure and Alice Tinker, and put under bond of £100 to appear at Hartford, in October, and answer to the presentment, and likewise for such other misdemeanors as shall there be charged against him. By referring to the records of the General Court, it is ascertained that Capt. Denison forfeited this recognizance ; being three times called he did not appear. His off'ense probably consisted in the com mission under which he acted, which was derived from Massachu setts ; Capt. Denison having hitherto refused to submit to the author ity of Connecticut. But in .May, 1666, the difficulty was accommo dated, and he was included in the indemnity granted to other inhab itants of Stonington. County courts were constituted by the General Assembly in May, 1666. New London county extended from Pawkatuck River to the wes^t bounds of Hammonasset plantation, (Killingworth,) including aU the eastern part of the colony, and the courts were to be held an nually, in June and September, at New London. The first court assembled September 20th, 1666. Major Mason, Thomas Stanton and Lieutenant Pratt, of Saybrook, occupied the bench; Obadiah Bruen, clerk. In June, 1667, Daniel WethereU was appointed clerk and treasurer. After this period Major Mason's health began to decline, and he was seldom able to attend on the court ; as there was no other magistrate in the county,' the General Court, after 1670, nominated assistants to hold the court in New London annually. In 1676, Capt. John Mason, oldest son of Major Mason, was chosen assistant, but the same year in December, re ceived his death wound. Capt. James Fitch was the next assistant from New London county. He came in about 1680, and Samuel Mason, of Stonington, soon afterward. County MarshaUs. Thomas Marritt (or Merritt) appointed m December, 1668 ; resigned, 1674. 1 In May, 16r4, Major Palmes w^ invested with the authority of a magistrate for New London county, but was never chosen an assistant, though often nominated. 250 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Samuel Starr appointed 1674; resigned, 1682. Stephen Merrick, appointed 1682. John Plumbe, appointed 1690. Minutes of cases, chiefly before the County Court. " 1667. Alexander Pygan complained of by Widow Rebecca Redfin, [Red- field,] for enticing away her daughter's affections contrary to the laWs of this corporation. " Goodwife WiUey presented for not attending public worship, and bringing her children thither ; fined 5s. " Matthew WaUer for the same offence, do. " George Tongue and wife were solemnly reprimanded for their many ofi-ences against God and man and each other. On their submission and prom ise of reformation, and engaging to keep np the solemn duty of prayer and the service of God in the family, they w-ere released by paying a fine of £3. " Hugh Mould, Jo.seph Coit and John Stephens, all tliree being ship carpen ters, are at their liberty and freed frora common training. " Wait Winthrop, as attorney to Governor Winthrop vs. James Rogers, Both parties claimed a certain pair of stiUyards ; Rogers had recovered judg ment; it was now ordered ihat the stillyards should be kept by Daniel Weth erell till Richard Arey should see them.' "1670. Unchas brought undrr a bond of £100 for appearance of his son, Foxen,2 and two Indians, Jumpe and Towtukhag, and S Indians more for breaking open a warehouse. He was fined 50 bushels of Indian corn for his son, 5 pound in wampum to Mr. Samuel Clarke and 20 pound in wampum to the country treasury. " Major Mason vs. Amos Richardson, for defamation, calling him a traitor, and saying that he had damnified the colony £1,000.3 Defendant fined £100 and co.sts of court. " John Lewis presented by the grand jury for absenting himself at unseason able hours ofthe night, to the great grief of his parents. " John Lewis and Sarah Chapman presented for sitting together on the Lord's day, under an apple tree, in Goodman Chapman's orchard. " William Billings and Philip BiU fined for neglect of training. " 167-2. Edward Palmes, clerk of the court, "Richard Ely, in right of his wife, Elizabeth, [Seller,] versus John CuUiek, as adm'r on estate of George Fenwick. This was an action for recovery of a legacy left said Elizabeth, by the w-iU of Fenwick. Recovered £915 and costs. "John Pease complained of by the townsmen of Norwich, for living alone, for idleness, and not attending public worship ; this court orders that the said townsmen do provide that Pease be entertained into some suitable family, he 1 For the purpose of ascertaining if they were the same steelyards that the said Aery sold to James Rogers. 2 Not Foxen, the counselor of Uncas, 3 Major Mason also carried this complaint against Mr, Eichardson, before the Gen eral Court, See Coun, Col, Eec, vol. 2, p. 168. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 251 paying for his board and accommodation, and that he employ himself in some lawful caUing, " A negro servant of Charles HiU presented for shooting at and wounding a child of Charles Haynes. " 1673. John Birchwood, of Norwich, appointed clerk. " Widowi^Bradley presented for a second ofi-ence, in having a child born out of wedlock, the father of both being Christopher Christophers, a married man ; sentenced to pay the usual fine of £5, and also to wear on her cap a paper whereon her offence is written, as a warning to others, or else to pay £15. Samuel Starr became her bondsman for £15 i " Ann Latimer brought suit against Alexander Pygan for shooting her horse ; damages laid at 30s. Defendant fined and bound over to good behaviour for presumptuous and illegal carriage in shooting Mistress Latimer's horse. " James Rogers, Jr., for sailing in a vessel on the Lord's day, fined 20s. " Edward Stallion for saiUng his vessel from New London to Norwich on the Sabbath, 40s. "Steven Chalker, for driving cattle on the Sabbath day, 20s. " Sept. 1674. Complaint entered against Stonington for want of convenient highways to the meeting-house. The court ordered that there shall be four principal highways according as they shall agree among themselves to the four angles, and one also to the Landing-place, to be stated by James Avery and James Morgan, within two months. " Sept. 1676. James Rogers, Sen., John, James and Jonathan, his sons, presented for profanation ofthe Sabbath, which is the first day of the week, and said persons boldly in the presence of this court asserting that they have not, and for the future will not refrain attending to any servile occasions on said day, they are fined 10s. each, and put under a bond of £10 each, or to continue in prison, " Matthew Griswold and his dr. EUzabeth versus John Rogers, (husband of said Elizabeth,) for breach of covenant and neglect of duty ; referred to the Court of Assistants, " John Rogers ordered to appear at Hartford Court, and released frora prison a few days to prepare hirasell to go.^ " 1677. Thomas Duiike for neglecting to teach his servant to read is fined 10s. " Major John Winthrop vs. Major Edward Palmes, for detaining a certain copper furnace and the cover to it ; damages laid at £5. " William Gibson owned working on the first day of the week ; fined 5s. " 16S0. Capt. John Nash, presiding judge. " Thomas Dymond vs. barque Providence, stranded on Fisher's Island, for salvage of goods.' , 1 Christopher Christophers and the Widow Bradley were afterward married, prob ably in 1676. Offenses of this nature were often presented by the grand-jurors. This one is noticed on account of its pecuUar penalty, 2 This was the commencement of the dealmgs with the Eogers family. As the subject is amply treated in a foregoing chapter, the subsequent cases respecting them wUl be omitted in these extracts, 3 This and simUar cases that occur show that the county court had cognizance of marine affairs and custom-house duties. 252 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " 1681, Unchas complains of much damage in his corn by English horses this year. u i j: j " 1682. New London presented for not having a grammar school, fined £10 ; also for not having an English school for reading and writing, £5, " -W-illiara Gibson and WUliam Chapell fined for fishing on the Sabbath, " Elizabeth Way presented for not Uving with her husband. The court orders her to go to her hu.-band or to be imprisoned." Her husband resided in Saybrook, and she persisted in remainmg with her mother, at New London. She was the only daughter of John and Joanna Smith. A remonstrance of her husband against her desertion of him is on record at Saybrook. The order of court was disregarded. " Capt, George Denison and John Wheeler fined 15s. for not attending public worship, " 1686. Chr. Christophers vs. Thomas Lee, for trespass on his land at Black Point, The jury find that a north line from Reynold Marvin's N. E. corner to come to the Gyant's land, takes in a part of the land plowed by Thomas Lee, by which they find said Lee a trespasser, and that he surrender to C. C. all west of said north line. " 1687. Mr. Joseph Hadley, of Youngers, in the government of New York, enters complaint against WiUiam WiUoughby and Mary Wedge, formerly so called, yt the said woman and WiUoughby are run from Yorke, and she is a runaway from her husband Ak" Peeterson, and is now at Mr. Elyes. " This court grants liberty unto Mr. Charles Bulkley to practise physick in this county, and grants him license according to what power is in them so to do. " Oliver Manwaring licensed to keep a house of publique entertainment and retail drink, 40s. pr. year. " Mr. Plumbe foe his license to pay £3 pr. year. " Complaint being made to this court by John Prentice against WiUiam Beebe for keeping company with his daughter Mercy, and endeavoring to gain her affections in order to a raarringe, without acquainting her parents, which is contrary to law, the said Wm, Beebe is ordered to pay a flne to the County Treasury of £5. " At a County Court held at New London, June 4, 1689. Whereas' the Governor and Company in this colony of Connecticut have re-assumed the government. May the 9th last past, and an order of the General Assembly that all laws of this Colony formerly made according to Charter, and Courts constituted in this Colony for administration of justice, as before the late inter ruption, shall be of full force and virtue for the future, until further order, &o. " Sept, 1689, By reason of theatUicting hand of God upon us with sore and general sickness, that we are incapacitated to serve the King and Country at this time, we see cause to adjourn tlris Court until the first Tuesday in Novem ber next, " 1690, June, John Prentice, Jun,, m-a'ster of the ship [vessel] New Lon don, action of debt against said ship for wages in navigating said ship to Eu rope and back. HISTORY OF NKW LONDON. 253 " Nicholas Hallam brings a similar action, being assistant [mate] on board said ship, " The Court adjourned to first Tuesday in August, on account of the conta gious distemper in town, "July 3, 1690. Special Court called by petition of Mrs, Alice Living, to settle the estate of her husband. Major Palmes refusing to produce the wUl, administration was granted to Mrs, Living, " Jonathan Hall, of Saybrook, for setting sail on the Sabbath, July 27, fined 40s, " 1693, June, George Denison,' grandson of Capt. G, Denison, a. student of Harvard College, prosecuted for an assault on the constable, while in the exe cution of his duty. " Sept, John Chapell, Israel Richards, John Crocker and Thomas Atwell, presented for nightwalking on the Sabbath night, Sept. 17, and committing various misdemeanors, as pulling up bridges and fences, cutting the manes and tails of horses, and setting up logs against people's doors ; sentenced to pay 10s. each, and sit two hours in the stocks." The first prerogative court in the county was held at Lyme, AprU 13th, 1699. The next at New London, August 28th. Daniel WethereU, Esq., judge. This court henceforward reUeved the county court from the onerous burden of probate of wUls and settlement of estates. The justices of peace in New London, in 1700, were Richard Christophers and Nehemiah Smith. The former was judge of pro bate in 1716. In 1700, Lebanon was included in New London county, and in 1702, Plainfield. The otber towns were New London, Norwich, Stonington, Preston, Lyme, Saybrook and KUlingworth. " Complaints ofthe Grand Jury to the Court holden at New London, June 4, 1700. " New London for want of a Grammar School ; also want of a Pound, and deficiency of Stocks. " Stonington for having no Stocks according to law ; also no sworn brander of horses. " Norwich for want of a School to instruct children, " Preston for want of Stocks, aud not having a Guard on the Sabbath and other public days," "June 4, 1701, New London County was presented by the Grand Jury as deficient in her County prison, and for not providing a County standard of weights and measures ; also for great neglect in the perambulating of bounds betwixt town and town. t;ihis was probably George, son of John Denison, of Stonmgton, and the same per son that in June, 1698, was chosen clerk of the county court. He was son-in-law of Mr. -WethereU, who was then chief judge. 22 254 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " New London and Lebanon presented for a deficiency in their town stock of ammunition." Note on Horse-coursing. — In the trade with Barbadoes, Surinam, and other southern ports, no article of export was more profitable than horses. A law was enacted in 1660, requiring that every horse sent out of the colony should be registered, with its marks, age and owner. Accordingly, in 1661, we find recorded : " Mr, Clay's gray mare sshipt for Barbadoes in the Roebuck ; also four mares delivered by Harlakenden Symonds, and one sliipt by Mr, Tinker." As the trade increased from year to year, the raising of horses be came an important business, and many farmers entered into it largely. Lands at that time being in a great degree uninclosed, the animals were let loose in the woods, with the mark of the owner carefully branded upon them. The ease with which they could be inveigled and carried oflT, and the stamp of the owner obliterated or concealed, en couraged an illicit trade in these animals, which soon filled the courts with cases of theft and robbery. A bold rover in the woods might entrap half a dozen horses with ease, and shooting ofi" through In dian paths by night, reach some port in a neighboring colony where himself and the mark upon his horses were alike unknown ; and be fore the right owner could get track of them, they were afar on the ocean, out of reach of proof. Many persons, otherw-ise respectable, entered into this business or connived at it. Men who would scorn to pocket a sixpence that belonged to another, seemed to think it no crime to throw a noose over the head of a horse running loose upon the common, and nulUfy the signet of the owner, or engraft upon it the mark that designated their own property. Those who traded in horses, that is, who went round the country, buying them up, gathering them into pounds ready for sale, or driv ing them to the ports frotn whence they were to be shipped, were called Horse-coursers. Of these, very few escaped the suspicion of having at one time or another enlarged a drove by gathering into it some to whicii they had no just or legal claim. Courts were several times held at New London, Norwich and Stonington, for the trial of persons accused of taking up and appro priating stray horses, and the developments were such as to throw a dark shade upon the habits of horse-coursers. The punishments in flicted were fines and w-hippings. At Stonington, Jan. 12th, 1683-4, a court was held for the trial of horse-courser? ; it is the first of which any aceount has been found, '^vo persons were convicted ; illSTORY OF NEW LONDON. 255 one was sentenced to pay £10, or to have fifteen lashes; the other £5, or to have ten lashes. Other persons who knew of the offense, which the court calls a crying evil, against which they are bound to bear testimony, and concealed it, were also fined. Similar instances occurred from year to year ; but the delinquency was not upon a large scale. A stray colt was concealed, a mare sur reptitiously obtained, a pacer ferreted away, or perhaps three or four horses at a swoop carried out of the colony. But as we approach the end of the century, the disclosures become more alarming. In dividuals in all parts of the county, from Lebanon to Stonington, became impUcated ; some were convicted ; others declared " suspi ciously guilty." In June, 1700, an adjourned court was held at New London pur posely for the trial of horse-coursers. The penalty for a first offense was a fine of £10 and to be whipped ten lashes ; for a second, £20 and twenty lashes ; for a third, £30 and thirty lashes, and so on. One notorious offender was convicted three times, but by the clemency 01 the court, the lashes were each time remitted. CHAPTER XVIII. t Campaign of General Winthrop on the northern frontier.-Fort buUt on the Parade,— Province Galley.-Bringing the guns from Saybrook.— Patent,— Proprietors.— Commons,— Court-House.— New inhabitants. In the year 1690, New York and the New England colonies uni ted in sending an expedition against Canada, from which province the French and Indians had issued and destroyed Schenectafly, Feb. Sth, 1690. The command of the land forces was given to Fitz- John Winthrop, who had the rank of major-general and commander- in-chief. Sir WilUam Phipps commanded the fieet. Winthrop marched with his forces to Lake Champlain, but could go no further. The Indian auxUiaries faUed ; provisions were scarce, and be was obUged to retreat to Albany for subsistence. The fieet was no less unfortunate ; it sailed too late, and on arriving at Quebec, found the place too strong for them. After an abortive attempt upon the town, in which they received more injury than they infiicted, tbe fieet re turned home and the whole enterprise utterly failed. The government of New York was greatly exasperated at General Winthrop's retreat, attributing the failure of tbe expedition entirely to him. If he had pressed onward they said, to Montreal and kept the French troops occupied in that quarter, Quebec, left defenseless, would have surrendered at the first summons. So great was their dissatisfaction, that on Winthrop's arrival at Albany they procured his arrest, and he was only saved from a disgraceful trial before pre judiced judges, by the bold and adventurous friendship of the Mohawks under his command. They crossed the river, freed tbeir general from restraint, and gallantly conducted him back to the camp.' 1 TrumbuU's Hist, of Conn.,^h. 16. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 257 The reputation of Winthrop in his native colony was not dimin ished by the disastrous issue of the enterprise. After the strictest scrutiny the Legislature approved of his conduct, and in view of the diflOiculties that he encountered, deemed that he had acted the part of a wise and discreet commander. But in New York he was regarded with bitter animosity ; and the ofiicers belonging to his council, who had concurred in his measures, were obliged to retire with Mm to Connecticut, there to wait till the fury of the storm was spent. Among these exUes was Captain, (afterward Colonel) John Livings ton, who accompanied Winthrop to Hartford and subsequently to New London, where he became a landholder and an inhabitant. He married Mary the only chUd of General Winthrop, and continued to make New London his bome, until November, 1718, when he went to England on some business, and there died. While the troops of the colony were absent on tbe Canadian fron tier, several French privateers entering Long Island Sound, captured a number of vessels, and with hostile demonstrations greatly alarmed Stonington, New London and Saybrook. The militia from the inte rior were summoned to the defense of the seaboard, and for a few days great excitement prevaUed. But the enemy were not in sufii cieut force to hazard a confiict, and they contented themselves with a descent upon Block Island, where they took several of the inhabit ants prisoners and a considerable booty. Danger at tbis time came so near New London that the inhabit ants were aroused to the necessity of fortifying the town. Notwith standing the site for a fort had been so early marked out, nothing in this line had as yet been commenced. Both the town and the colony appear to bave reUed on the mother country for assistance in fortify ing New London. In 1680 the government, in reply to certain questions proposed by the Lords of Trade and Plantations, speak thus of the town and harbor : " The Harbor lyeth about a league up the river, where the town is ; ships of great burden may come up to town, and lye secure in any winds ; where is great need of fortification, but we want estate to make fortification and pur chase artiUery for it, and we should thankfuUy acknowledge the favor of any benefactors, that would contribute towards the doing of something towards the good w^ork,"! But while they were waiting for aid from abroad, the town might 1 Hinman's Antiquities, p, 137. 22* 258 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. be ruined by a single bold stroke of piracy. The General Court therefore assumed the business, and in the course of the year 1691 a fort or battery was constructed, and furnished the same season, with " six great guns from Seabrook" — probably four or six-pounders. This fortification stood on the point or eastern border of the present Parade, where is now the Ferry wharf. On the higher ground to the west were the magazine and guard-house. The Province galley was at this time commanded by Capt. John Prentis, (second of that name ;) its rendezvous was at New London. In May, 1695, he was suddenly ordered to equip for an expedition — which was to last only three weeks. Men, arms and provisions were impressed for immediate service ; May 27th, Mr. WethereU notes, " Ten soldiers arrived from New Haven and Fairfield Co., impressed for the Province sloop." The object of this cruise has not been ascertained. After this period for several years Capt. Prentis had a general charge and oversight of the fort, by commission from the governor, but no regular garrison was maintained, and the works hastily built, soon decayed. The warfare on the northern frontier continued, until the mother nations were pacified at the peace of Ryswick in 1697. The exhibits of debt and credit, dry and trivial as the entries may seem, are often illustrative of the history and manners of the times. A few items from the accounts of the town and county treasurer may be cited as examples. " 1691, To Sam" Raymond 5 dayes for fetching ye gunns— he went by land w'"" his horse, 16s. "To Capt. WethereU, 5 dayes do.-w"' expense for himself and Raymond and provision for those yt went by water £2. 45. 3d. " To John Prentis, Jeremy Chapman, Oliver Manwaring, Nath' ChappeU, WiU" Miner, Thomas Crocker, Thomas Daniels,-for fetching ye gunns from Seabrook, (from 15 to 18s. each.) " To Mr. Plumbe for his horse boat to fetch ye gunns &o, £1, 10s, 6d. " To Jonathan Hall pr himself and sloop for ye gunns £3 "To widow Mary Haris for 15 gls rum and 6'^ sugar when the guns w-ere fetcht, £1, 2s, lOd. " To John Richards for searching ye gunns" &o. The same year bounty money was claimed for killing twenty-four wolves-of which number Lieut. James Avery kiUed nine, and John Morgan five.' In the accounts of this year we obtain the first inti- 1 Mr. -ft'etherell notes, July SOth, 1695: "Paid^n Indian for kUUng a wolf this mornmg up by Mr. -VVheeler's four shiUmgs cash." * ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 259 mation of a town's poor. Various expenses are paid for Mr. Loyden, a name that appears no where else in tbe town's history, and Capt. Morgan is remunerated for "keeping doctor Marret 14 weekes — Is. pr. weeke." By act of Assembly, May 13th, 1703, an addition was made to the bounds of New Londort, of a tract between the north bounds of the town and the southern bounds of Norwich, extending from the north east boundary line of Lyme to Trading Cove, and by the cove to the Great River. This included the Indian lands or Mohegan reservation, which had long been claimed by the town, but not legally included in their bounds. " Patent of New London sanctioned by the Governor and Company, 14. Oct. 1704. " To all persons to whom these presents shall corae, — The Governor and Com pany of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut in General Court assembled send greeting : — Whereas we the said Gov' and Comp^ by virtue of Letters Patent to us granted by his Royal Maj' Charles the Second of England &c. king, bearing date the 23d day of April, in the 14th year of his reign, A. D. 1663, have formerly by certain acts and grants passed in Gen. Assembly given and granted to John Winthrop Esq. Waite Winthrop Esq. Daniel Wetherell Esq, Richard Christophers Esq, Mr, Nehemiah Sraith Capt, James Morgan John AUyn William Douglas - Joseph Latham Capt, John Avery David Calkins Capt, John Prentis Liev' John Hough John Stubbin John Keeney Robert Douglas John Burrows Samuel Fish Thomas Crocker » Richard Dart Samuel Rogers Sen' John Rogers Sen'^ Jaraes Rogers John Lewis Daniel Stubbin George Geares Thomas BoUes Benjamin Shapley John Edgecombe Jonathan Prentis Peter Harris Samuel Avery Robert Lattimore Lawrence Codner John TurreU John Richards Peter Strickland Stephen Prentis John Plumbe Samuel Rogers Jun : John Fox Samuel Beebee Oliver Manwaring John Coit George Chappell Joseph Miner John Beckwith Philip BiU Thomas Starr John Davie 260 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. James Morgan Jun : Peter Crary Charles Hill Joshua Wheeler Joshua Hempsted Richard WiUiams Jonas Greene Richard Morgan Joseph Truman Abel More Thomas Way Adam Picket Jeremiah Chapman James Avery Thomas Bayley John Daniels Daniel Comstock Christopher Darrow Joshua Baker Andrew Lester JohuWickwire John Chapel Benjamin AtweU Daniel Lester Thomas Williams Samuel Rogers (Joseph's son) Samuel Waller with divers other persons and to their Heirs or Assigns or such as shaU legaUy succeed or represent them, or either of them forever, a just and legal propriety in a certain tract of land now commonly called and known by the name of New London, lying and being within the Colony aforesaid, to us by the said Letters Patent granted to be disposed of as in the said Letters Patent is direct ed, and bounded as hereafter foUowelh, and the said John Winthrop, Waite Winthrop, ^c. — [here the names are all repeated] — with such other persons as are at this present tirae by virtue of the aforesaid acts and grants proprietors ofthe said tract of land, having made application to us for a more ample con firmation of their propriety in the said tract of land which they are now in pos session of, by a good and sufficient instrument signed and sealed with the seal of this Corporation, therefore Kaow Ye, that the said Gov' and Comp? in Gen' Court assembled, by virtue of the aforesaid Letters Patent and for divers good causes and considerations pursuant to the end of said Letters Pattent, us hereunto moving. Have given, granted and confirmed and by these presents do further fully, clearly and amply, give grant and confirm to the aforesaid John Wmthrop Esq. Waite Winthrop Esq. Daniel WethereU Esq. Richard Christo phers Esq. Mr. Nehemiah Smith, Capt. James Morgan, with all the other above named persons, and aU other persons at this present time proprietors with them of the said tract of land, now being in their full and peaceable possession and seisin, and to their Heirs and Assigns or such as shall legally succeed or represent them or either of them forever, the aforesaid tract of land commonly caUed and known by the name of New London, lying in the colony afore said, and bounded as foUoweth— that is to say,— on the West by a ditch and two heaps of stones on the west side of Nayhantick Bay, on the land formerly caUed The Soldier's Farm, about 40 rods eastward ofthe house of Mr. Thomas Bradford, and frora thence North by a line that goes three rods to y= west of y« falls iu Nayhantick river and from thence North to a black oak tree 8 miles from the ditch aforesaid, which tree hath a heap of stones about it, and is marked on the west side WE, and on y« east side IP, being an antient bound mark between New London and Lyme, and from that tree East half a mUe and 16 rods to a black oak tree with a heap of stones about it, marked with the let ter L and from thence north to the northeast corner of the bounds of the town of Lyme and from the said N, E, corner bounds of Lyme upon a straight line HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 26L to the Southwest corner of the south bounds of the to-wn of Norwich : — On y" North by the south bounds of the aforesaid Norwich, as the said bounds are stated from the aforesaid S. W corner down to a Cove commonly called Trad ing Cove, and from thence by the sd Cove to y« Great River, commonly called New London river and from the place where y° said Cove joins to the said river by a line crossing the river obliquely eastward to the mouth of a Cove commonly called Paukatannuk Cove, and frora thence by the said Paukatan- nuk to the head thereof, and from thence upon a direct line to an oak tree marked and standing near the dwelling house of Thomas Rose, which tree is y S. E. corner of the bounds of y» aforesaid Norwich, and from thence by an East line to the bounds of the town of Stonington, which line divides betwixt New London and Preston. — On the east by a line which runneth south from the place where the above mentioned north bounds of New London aforesaid meets with the said bounds of Stonington till it comes to the place where the Pond by Lanthom HiU empties itself into the Brook, and from thence by y" main stream of sd brook till it falls into y^ river called Mistick River and from thence by y" said Mistick River till it falls into the Sea or Sound to y' nortii of Fisher's Island : — On the South by the Sea or Sound frora the mouth of the aforesaid Mistick River to the west side of Nayhantick Bay to the aforesaid ditch and two heaps of stones about it, — Together with all and singular the Messuages, Tenements, meadowes, pastures, comraons, woods, underwoods, waters, fishings, sraall islands •or islets, and hereditaments whatsoever, being parcel belonging or anyways appertaining to the tract aforesaid, and do hereby grant and confirm to the said Proprietors, their Heirs, -or Assigns, or such as shaU legally succeed or represent thera, his or their several particular respective proprieties in y' said premises given and confirmed according to such allot ments or divisions as they the said present Proprietors have already made, or shall hereafter make of the same — " To have and to hold the said tract of land with the premises aforesaid, to them the said John Winthrop Esq, Waite Winthrop Esq, Daniel Witherell Esq, Richard Christophers Esq, M', Nehemiah Smith, Capt, James Morgan, and all y= rest of the above mentioned persons, and all other the present Pro prietors of y= said tract and premises, their Heirs or Assigns, or such as shall legally succeed and represent thera forever, as a good, sure, right, full, perfect, absolute and lawful estate in fee simple, and according to' y= aforesaid Letters Patent after the most free tenor of her Majesty Manor of East-Greenwich in the County of Kent, — " To the sole, only and proper use and behoof of the said John Winthrop Esq, with aU the above naraed persons and all others the present Proprietors of said tract and premises, their Heirs and Assigns, or such as shall legally succeed and represent them forever, as a good, sure, rightful estate in manner as afore said,— Reserving only to her present Majesty, our sovereign Lady Ann of Eng land &c. Queen, and her successors forever one fifth part of all gold or silver mines or ore that hath been or shall be found within the premises so granted and confirmed. "Always provided that whatsoeverland within the aforesaid tract which for merly did and now doth belong unto, and is the just and proper right of XJnoas late Sachem of Mohegan, or Owaneco his son or any other Indian Sachem whatsoever, and hath not yet been lawfuUy purchased of the said Sachems, or 262 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. acquired by the English, doth and shall still remain y« right and property of y" said Indian Sachems or their Heirs, and shall not be entered upon, or im proved, or claimed as property by the aforesaid persons to whora the said tract is hereby confirmed, or any of thera by virtue of this instrument, nor shall any thing herein contained be at any tirae deeraed, taken or constructed to the preju dice of any of the said Sacberas or their Heirs right to the said land within the said tract aforesaid which hath not yet been sold or alienated by them, but their said right shall be and remain good and fi-ee to thera to all intents and purposes in the Law, and the said land which they -have right in aforesaid shall be and remain as free for their own proper occupation and improvement as if it had not been included in the bounds of the aforesaid New London, as specified in this instrument — " And further, we the said Gov' and Compi- y'^ aforesaid tract of land and premises and every part and parcel thereof hereby granted and confirmed to the said John Winthrop, Waite Winthrop, Daniel Wetherell ^c. — [here all the names are again repeated] — and the rest of the present proprietors thereof, their Heirs and Assigns, or such as shaU legally succeed and represent thera to their own proper use and uses in the manner and under the limitation above ex pressed against us and all and every other person or persons lawfully claiming by, from or under us, shall and will warrant and forever defend by these presents — " In witness whereof we have ordered the ^jresent instrument to be signed by the Deputy Gov' of this Corporation and by y» Secretary of the same as also that the seal of this Corporation be affixed hereunto this 14th day of October in ys third year of her Maj« Reign A. D. 1704. ^ , " Robert Treat Dep. Gov'. Eleazer Kimberlt Sec' " Though only seventy-seven names are registered in the patent, the whole number of full-grown men having a right in the town was perhaps at that time one hundred and sixty or one hundred and seventy. A man might have three or four sons of mature age, yet generally in the patent, only the father, or the father and eldest son were mentioned.. Other names were also omitted which ought to have been enrolled, and which were added to the list of patentees afterward. These were Lieut. John Beeby, Thomas, son of Sergt. Thomas Beeby, Samuel Fox, Samuel Chapman, WiUiam Gibson, Nicholas and Amos Hallam, Sampson Haughton, Jonathan Haynes, Wilham Hatch, Alexander Pygan, Joshua Raymond and Hon. Gur- don Saltonstall. " 13 Decr 1703. thrtllUltir! '':,«^°75-'™*.be forthwith drawn upon parchment and red 1 1* i^lt!" °' *'^ *°-" ^^'^^ -^ <^--°- 'o 1-ve their names en tered theiein, shall brmg them to the Moderator within a month." This vote was never carried into efl'ect. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 263 The commons of the town were a source of great agitation and discord. The inhabitants could not agree upon a principle according to which they should be divided. One party would bave had them distributed equally to the whole body of voters ; another, with Gov ernor Saltonstall at the head, was for restricting them to proprietors. The contention was protracted and acrimonious. In 1724, the proprietors were regularly enrolled, and henceforward held their meetings distinct from the freeholders. Divisions of land were Umited to patentees, and no person was a patentee, who was not a lawful proprietor before the date of _the patent. May 10th, 1708. The whole commonage was arranged in three great divisions : 1. The inner or grass commons, in and near the town. 2. The middle or wood commons. 3. Outside commons ; included in the north parish, and divided from the town by " a Une running from New London N. W. corner tree, to white rock in Mohegan River." The first meeting of the proprietors -was held Jan. 21st, 1723-4 ; John Richards clerk, who held the office till near the period of his death in 1765. No meeting is entered on record between April 15th, 1740, and March Sth, 1762. Later than this they occurred generally at intervals of four or five years. It has been heretofore observed, that the river border ofthe town, in the line of Water and Bank Streets, had been left unappropria ted — a common belonging to the town. On the bank a few lots were sold in 1714, but afterward resumed, and the whole, with reser vations here and there of a common w-ay to the water, were disposed of between 1722 and 1724. Each lot was about three rods in breadth upon the water, and the average price £3. The proceeds of the sales were appropriated to the building of a house for town meet ings and the accommodation of the courts. This court-house, the first in the eastern part of Connecticut, stood at the south-east corner of the meeting-house square, or green, front- mg west. It was raised April 20th, 1724. The length was forty- eight feet ; half as wide, and twenty feet between joints : the builder John Hough ; the cost £48. When finished, the arms and ammu nition of the town were lodged in the garret, and " Solomon Coit was chosen to keep the town magazine gratis." This house, with repairs, continued in use till 1767. 264 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. New Inhabitants that appear between 1670 and 1700. CThe exact period of settlement can not ^^-jJ-^^^'X^^;^^^^: dates are merely an ^PP-^^-'- " *„« ^^^ "l;' ^le ildicatL ; by the ^°V Tnbn and David ; probably brothers, and it is conjectured frora Ando- veJXJ^-sredlst of L rivir about 1696. The name is often written Earns and Emms. Ashby, Anthony ; at Mystic 1688, and perhaps earlier. Baker, Joshua; from Boston, not long after 1070, Blake, Jeremiah ; bought land In July, 1681-on the lis of 1688, &c. Bodington, or Buddington, Walter ; east ofthe nver in 1679. Brookes, Henry ; living at Nahantick in 1699, Bucknall or Buckland, Samuel; cattle-mark recorded m 1674 He married. (1) the widow of Matthew Beckwith, Sen,; (2) the widow of Phihp Bill. Sen Bulkley, Dr. Charles; son of Rev. Gershom-licensed by the Co, Court to practice physic, and settled in the town 1687, Butler, Thomas and John ; before 1690, and perhaps much earlier. Button, Peter; in the North Parish, probably before 1700, Camp, William ; in the Jordan District, before 1690. Cannon, Robert ; accepted as an inhabitant in town meeting. 1678, Carder, Richard ; east ofthe river, about 1700, Carpenter, David ; at Nahantick ferry, 1680. Chandler, John; licensed to keep a house of entertainment, 1698. Cherry, John ; a transient inhabitant about 1680. Crary, Peter ; east of the river ; cattle-mark is recorded in 1680. Darrow, George; between 1675 and 1680, Davis, Andrew; east ofthe river about 16S0, Davie, John ; bought farm at Pequonuck, (Groton,) 1692, Denison, George; son of John of Stonington ; of New London. 1694, Dennis, George; from Long Island, about 1680, Dodge, Israel; on a farm in the North Parish, 1694, EUis, Christopher ; admitted inliabitant 1682, Edgecombe, John ; about 1673. Fargo, Moses ; house lot granted 1680. Fountain, Aaron ; son-in-law of Samuel Beeby. His house on the Great Neck,js mentioned in 1683. Foote, Pasco ; 1678 — son-in-law of Edward StaUion, Fosdick, Samuel; from Charlestown, Mass,, 1680, Fox, two brothers, Samuel and John, about 1675, Gibson, Roger, and his son William ; living on the Great Neck in 1680. Gilbert, Samuel, in Nortii Parish; on a list subscribing for the ministry of New London, in 1688. Green, Jonas ; probably of the Cambridge family of Greens — commanded a coasting vessel, and fixed his residence in New London, in 1694, lived on Mill Cove, in a house sold by his descendants to John Colfax, Haekley, Peter ; erected a fulling-mill at Jordan, 1694, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 265 Hall, Jonathan ; in 1676 or 1677. ho exchanged his accommodations in New Haven, for those of John Stevens in Newr London. Halsey, WiUiam; 1689. Harvey. John ; at Nahantick, 1682. Hatch, William; about 1690. "Hawke, or Hawkes, John ; a serge-maker, 1698. Haynes, Josiah; at Pequonuck, (Groton,) 1696. HoUoway, Jacob ; about 1700. Holmes, Thomas ; he had wife, Lucretia. Their son- John was born March 11th, 1686. Holt. Nathaniel ; .1673. Hubbard, Hugh; about 1670; from Derbyshire, Eng. HubbeU, Ebenezer; from Stratfield, Fairfield Co., after 1690. Hurlbut, Stephen ; about 1695, probably from Windsor, Hutchinson, George; about 1680. His wife Margaret, obtained a divorce from him in 1686. on the plea of three years' absence and desertion, Jennihgs. Richard ; from Barbadoes, 1677. Johnson, Thomas and Charles ; before 1690, Jones. Thomas; 1677. probably from Gloucester. Mass, Leach, or Leech, Thomas ; about 1680, Leeds. John ; from Kent Co,. Eng.. 1574. Loonier, Stephen ; 1687, Mayhew, John; from Devonshire, Eng., 1676, Maynard, Zachariah ; " formerly living at Marlborough ;" settled east of the river, beyond Robert Allyn. 1697. McCarty, Owen ; 1693. Minter. Tobias ; son of Ezer, of Newfoundland, married 1672. died 1673. Minter. Tristram ; his relict in 1674 married Joshua Baker. Mitchel, or MighiU, Thomas; a ship-wright, had his building-yard in 1696, near the Fort land. Mortimer, Thomas; often Maltimore; a constable in 1680, MunseU, or Munson, Thomas ; on the Great Neck. 1683, Mynard. or Maynard. WiUiara ; about 1690, from Hampshire. Eng, Nest, Joseph ; 1678, Pember, Thomas ; 1686, Pemberton, Joseph; from Westerly, after 1680, PendaU, WiUiain; mariner and ship-wright, 1676. Persey, Robert ; a transient inhabitant ; bought a house 1678, sold it 1679. Plimpton, Robert ; 1681, Plumbe, John ; before 1680. Potts. WiUiam ; from Newcastle. Eng., 1678 ; married a daughter of James Avery ; was constable east ofthe river 1684. Rice, Gershom; east of the river, before 1700, Rose-Morgan. Richard ; 1683, RusseU. Daniel. 1675. Satterly. Benedict ; after 1650, Seabury, John; east ofthe river before 1700, Scarritt. Richard, 1695, Singleton. Richard; east ofthe river ; cattle-mark recorded 1686. 23 266 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Springer, Dennis; land granted him east of the river in 1696. Steer, Richard ; 1690. Strickland, Peter; probably about 1670, Swaddel. WiUiam ; east of the river ; cattle-mark 1689. Thome. WiUiam ; from Dorsetshire. Eng, He married in 1676, Lydia, relict of Thomas Bayley, East of the river. Turner. Ezekiel ; son of John, of Situate, 1678. Walker. Richard ; 1695, Walworth. William; east ofthe river, about 1690. Way. Thomas ; about 1687, Weeks. John ; east of the river before 1700 ; probablyfrom Portsmouth, N, H. Wickwire, John ; 1676. Willett. James; accepted inhabitant, 1681, He was from Swanzea, and bought the farm of Wm, Meades, east of the river. WiUett, John ; 1682. WiUiams. Thomas ; 1670. WUliams, John ; east of the river ; his name is on the ministry subscription Ust of 1688. WiUoughby, WiUiam ; about 1697. Young, Thomas ; from Southold, 1693, married Mary, relict of Peter Brad ley, 2d. CHAPTER XIX. Obituaeies of the Early Settlers. Taking our position on the high ground at the beginning of a new century, let us pause and review the band of early settlers, who sit ting down among these barren rocks, erected these buUdings, planted these gardens, manned these decks, and from Sabbath to Sabbath led their chUdren up these winding paths to worship God in that single church — that decent and comely building, plain in appearance, but beautified by praise, which sate on the hiU-top, side by side with the lowly mansions of the dead. From those sUent chambers let us evoke the shades of the fathers, and record some few fragments of their history, not irrecoverably buried with them in the darkness of obUvion. There is an interest lingering about these early dead which belongs to no later race. The minutest details seem vivid and important. A death in that small community was a great event. The magis trate, the minister, and the fathers of the town, came to the bed of the dying to witness his testament and gather up his last words. It was soon known to every individual of the plantation that one of their number had been cut down. AU were eager once more to gaze upon the face they had known so well ; they 'flocked to the funeral ; the near neighbors and coevals of the dead bore him on their shoulders to the grave ; the whole community with solemn step and downcast eyes, followed him to his long home. Riding at funerals was not then in vogue ; and a hearse was un known. A horse litter may in some cases have been used ; but the usual mode of carrying the dead was on a shoulder bier. In this way persons were sometimes brought into town for interment even from a distance of five or six mUes. Frequent rests or haUs were made, and the bearers often changed. These funeral customs con tinued down to the period of the Revolution. 268 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. Our ancestors do not often appear to us in aU the homeliness of their true portraiture. Imagination colors the truth, and we over look the sunplicity of their attire and the poverty of their accommo dations. Estates before 1700 were small; conveniences few, and the stock of furniture and garments extremely Umited. Many of the large estates of modern times have been buUt up from very small beginnings. Each man was in a great measure his own mechanic and artisan, and he wrought with imperfect tools. Most of these toools were made of Taunton iron ; a coarse bog ore, which could produce only a duU edge, and was easily broken. The value of iron may be in ferred from the fact that old iron was of sufficient importance to be estimated among movables. In the early inventories very few chairs are mentioned. Stools, benches and forms, took their place ; joint- stoojs came next, and still later, many famiUes were provided with the high-backed settle, a cumbersome piece of furniture, but of great com fort in a farmer's kitchen. A broad box-like cupboard, with shelves above, where the pewter was arranged, and called the dresser, was another appendage ofthe kitchen. The houses were cheaply, rudely built, with many apertures for the entrance of -wind and frost ; the outside door frequently opening directly into the family room, where the fire-place was wide enough to admit an eight feet log, and had a draught almost equal to a constant bellows. The most finished tim bers in the house, even those that protruded as sUls and cross-beams in the best rooms, were hatchet-hacked, and the wainscoting unplaned. One of the first objects with every thrifty householder, was to get apple-trees in growth. Most of the homesteads consisted of a house, garden and orchard. Cider was the most common beverage of the country. Some beer was drank. They had no tea 'nor coff'ee, and at first very little sugar or. molasses. When the trade with Barba does commenced, which was about 1660, sugar and molasses became common. The latter was often distUled after importation. Broth, porridge, hasty-pudding, johnny-cake and samp, were articles of daUy consumption. They had no potatoes, but beans and pumpkins in great abundance. Ofthe first-comers, 1650 or before, John Stebbins, George Chap- pel, Thomas Parke, Thomas Roach, and three of the Beeby broth ers, lived into the eighteenth century : Thomas Beeby, the other brother, died but a short time previous. John Gager was living, but in another settlement. Alexander Pygan, Oliver Manwaring, and sorae others who had settled in the tow* before 1660, were yerupon HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 269 the stage of Ufe. The deaths that strew the way, are thinly scattered, showing that Ufe and health were here as secure from disease, except ing only one or two seasons of epidemic sickness, as in the most favored portions of New England. Jarvis Mudge and Thomas Doxey. Mention has already been made of the decease of these two per sons in the year 1652, the first deaths in the plantation. Jarvis Mudge had married at Wethersfield, in 1649, the reUct of Abraham Eising. His wife had two daughters by her former husband, and Mr. Mudge left two sons, Moses and Micah ; but of ages unknown, and it cannot therefore be decided whether they were the children of this of some former wife. Moses Mudge, in 1696, was of Sharon, and Micah, in 1698, of Lebanon. Thomas Doxey left a son Thomas, who in 1673, sold some estate that had belonged to his father, "with consent of my mother, Katherine, wife of Daniel Lane." No other chUd is mentioned. The removal of Daniel Lane, after a few years, to Long Island, carried the whole family from New London. Walter Harris, died November 6th, 1 654. A vessel called the WilUam and Francis, came to America in 1632, bringing among its passengers, Walter Harris,' who settled in Weymouth, where he remained about twenty years, and then came to Pequot Harbor. On his first application for a house-lot, he is styled of Dorchester, which makes it probable that his last temporary abiding place had been in that town. He had two sons, Gabriel and Thomas. His wife, whose maiden name was Mary Fry,^ survived him less than three months ; one inventory and settlement of estate sufficed for both. The nuncupative wiU of Mrs. Harris wiU be given at large, omit ting only the customary formula at the commencement. It is one of the oldest wiUs extant in the county, and is rich in allusions to cos tume and furniture. From a clause in this will it may be inferred that Thomas Harris had been betrothed to Rebecca, daughter of Obadiah Bruen. This young man, according to tradition, had been sent to England to recover some property tbat had faUen to the fam- 1 Savage, (MS,) 2 See wUl of WiUiam Fry, m Hist, and Gen. Reg,, vol, 2, p, 385. 23* . 270 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ily, and was supposed to have been lost at sea, as he was never heard of afterward. " The last Will and Testament of Mary Harries, taken frorh her owne mouth this 19th of Jan., 1655. " I give to ray eldest daughter. Sarah Lane, the bigest brass pan. and to her daughter Mary, a silver spoone. And to her daughter Sarah, the bigest pewter dish and one silken riben. Likewise I give to her daughter Mary, a pewter oandlesticke, " I give to my daughter, Mary Lawrence, my blew mohere peticote and my straw halt and a fether boulster. And to her eldest sonne I give a .silver spoone. To hor second sonne a silver whissle. I give more to my daughter Mary, my next brasst pann and a thrum cushion. And to her yongest sonne I give a pewter bassen. " I give to ray yongest daughter, Elizabeth Weekes, a peece of red broad cloth, being about two yards, alsoe a damask livery cloth, a gold rijig. a silver spoone, a fether bed and a boulster. Alsoe. I give to my daughter Elizabeth. my beft halt, my gowne, a brass kettle, and a woolen jacket for her husband. Alsoe, 1 give to my daughter Elizabeth, thirty shillings, alsoe a red whittle,' a white apron and a new white neck-cloth. Alsoe, I give to my three daughters aforesaid, a quarter part to each of them, of the dyaper table cloth and tenn shiUings apeece. " I give to my sister Migges, a red peticoat, a cloth jacket, a silke hud. a qiioift',2 a cross-cloth, and a neck-cloth. "I give to my cosen CaUb Rawlyns ten shiUinges, •' I give to my two cosens. Mary and Elizabeth ITry, each of them five slul- linges, " I give to Mary Barnet a red stuff wascote. " 1 give to ray daughter, Elizabeth, my great chest. To my daughter, Mary, a cifi-er3 and a white neck-cloth. To ray sister, Hannah Rawlin, my best cross cloth. To my brother, Rawlin, a lased band. To my two kinswomen. Elizabeth Hubbard and Mary Steevens. five shiUinges a peece, . " I give to my brother, Migges, his three youngest children, two shiUinges sixe pence a peece. " I give to my sonne Thomas, ten shiUmges, if he doe come home or be alive. " I give to Rebekah Bruen, a pynt pott of pewter, a new petticoate and was cote wch she is to spin lierselfe ; alsoe an old byble. and a hatt wch was my sonn Thomas his hatt. ¦' I give to my sonne Gabriell, ray house, land, cattle and swine, with all other goodes reall and psonall in Pequet or any other place, and doe make him ray sole e-xecutor to this my wiU, Witness my hand " Witney hearunto. The mark of O M.rv Hakhls, John Winthrop, " Obadiah Bruen, " Willm NyccoUs."' 1 A kind of short cloak. 2 A cap. '' "^ co*r' """" "'"'' "¦¦'^^'''"''¦"•'- «-'f-d -ff» -'¦« fr°™ the French coiffe and ''"^'"'- 4 N^ London Records, Ub, S. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 271 The Harris family ranked in point of comfort and accommoda tions with the well-to-do portion of the community. They had a bet ter supply of pewter than is found in many early inventories, and such articles of convenience as a gridiron, chopping-knife, brewing tub, smoothing-iron, " four silver spoons and two cushions." The house consisted of a front-room, lean-to, shop-room and two chambers. Gabriel Harris died in 1684 ; EUzabeth, his relict, August 17th, 1702. The inventory of Gabriel Harris, compared with that of his father, Ulustrates the rapid march of improvement in the plantation. The homestead, consisting of a new house, orchard, cider-miU and smith's shop, valued together at £200, was assigned to Thomas, the eldest son, for his double portion. The inheritance of the other childi-en, six in number, was £100 each. Among the wearing apparel are: " A broad-cloth coat with red lining. " Two Castors, [beaver hats,] " A white serge coat : a Kersey coat. *' A serge coat and doublet : a wash-leather doublet. '* Two red wescotes — a stuff coat and breeches, " Four looms and tackling : a silk loom, " An Indian maid-servant, valued at £15, " Three Canoes," &c, Thomas Harris, oldest son of Gabriel, died in Barbadoes, June 9th, 1691, leaving an estate estimated at £927. His relict, Mary, (a daughter of Daniel WethereU,) married George Denison, grandson of George the first, of Stonington. His only child, Mary, born Nov. 4th, 1690, was regarded as the richest heiress in the settlement. About 1712, she became the wife of Walter Butler. Peter Collins, died in May or June, 1655. He is generally styled Mr. Collins. His wiU and inventory are almost aU that is known of him. Apparently he had no family and Uved alone. He distributes his effects, appraised at £57, among his neighbors and friends ; the house and land to Richard Poole. The simpUcity of the age is shown in the small number of articles with which he accomplished his house-keeping: a bed and one pillow; a blanket, a sheet and a green coveriet; one chair, three forms, two barrels, three brass kettles, one iron pot, one frying-pan, a butter-tub and a quart pot. These were all the accommodations sufficiently important to be noticed, of a man who seems to have been respected 272 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. and respectable,— who had house and lands and three cows ; a val uable article at that period— with some other stock. The milk-keel- ers, trenchers, and wooden spoons, whittled out, or bought of Indians, were probably considered of too little value to be appraised. Robert Isbell, died about 1655. He may have been the Robert IsabeU who had land granted him in Salem 1637.' He left, reUct Ann, (who married WUUam Nich oUs,) and two children Eleazar and Hannah. Eleazar married Nov. 1st, 1668, EUzabeth French and removed to KUlingworth, where he died, 1677. Hannah IsbeU married first Thomas Stedman, August 6th, 1668, and second John Fox, both of New London. Robert Hempstead, died in June, 1655. The following memorandum is appended to his will : " The ages of my 3 children. Mary Hempsted was borne March 26th, 1647. Joshua Hempsted my Sonne was borne June 16, 1619. Hannah Hempsted was borne April 11, 1032. This I Robert Hempsted testifie under rny hand," The name of Robert Hempstead has not been traced in New Eng land previous to its appearance on our records. It is probable that when he came to Pequot with Winthrop in 1645, he had recently arrived in the country and was a young, unmarried man. A report has obtained currency that he was a knight and entitled to the ad dress of Sir. This idea is not countenanced by anything that ap pears on record. It originated probably from the rude handwriting of the recorder, in which an unskillful reader might easily mistake the title of Mr. for that of Sir. I In regard to Mary Hempstead, the first-born of New London, we may allow fancy, so long as she does not falsify history, to fiU up the brief outUne that we find on record, with warm and vivid pictures. We may caU her the first fair flower that sprang out of the dreary wilderness ; the blessed token that famiUes would be multipUed on these desolate shores, and homes made cheerful and happy with the presence of chUdren. We may think of ber as beautiful and good ; 1 Felt's History of Salem^, 169. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 273 pure Uke the lily ; fresh and blooming like the rose : yet not a crea ture of romance, too etherial for earthly fellowship, floating a few years through bower and hall, and then exhaled to Eden — but a noble-hearted, much-enduring woman; prudent, cheerful and reli gious ; working diUgently with her hands, living to a goodly age, and rearing to maturity a family of ten chUdren, two sons and eight daughters, an apt and beautiful symbol for the young country. Mary Hempstead was united in marriage with Robert Douglas, Sept. 28th, 1665. She had eleven children, one' of whom died in infancy. Having lived to see the other ten all settled in families of their own, she fell asleep, December 26th, 1711. Her husband was gathered by her side January 15th, 1715-6. Hannah Hempstead married first, Abel Moore, and second, Sam uel WaUer. Joanna, the relict of Robert Hempstead, married An drew Lester. Joshua, the only son of Robert Hempstead, married Elizabeth, daughter of Greenfield Larrabee. This couple had a family of eight daughters and an only son, Joshua, who was born Sept. 1st, 1678, and with him the male line of the famUy again com mences. This person — Joshua Hempstead, 2d — took an active part in the aff'airs of the town for a period of fifty years, reckoning from 1708. The " Hempstead Diary," repeatedly quoted in this history, was a private journal kept by him, from the year 1711 to his death in 1758. A portion of the manuscript has been lost, but the larger part is still preserved. Its contents are chiefly of a personal and domestic character, but it contains brief notices of town aflTairs and references to the public transactions of the country. Its author was a remarkable man — one that might serve to repre sent, or at least illustrate, the age, country and society in which he lived. The diversity of his occupations marks a custom of the day : he was at once farmer, surveyor, house and ship carpenter, attorney, stone-cutter, sailor and trader. He generally held three or four town offices ; was justice of the peace, judge of probate, executor of vari ous wills, overseer to widows, guardian to orphans, member of all eommittees, every body's helper and adviser, and cousin to half of the community. Of the Winthrop family he was a friend and con fidential agent, managing their business concerns whenever the head of the family was absent. The original homestead of Robert Hempstead remains in the pos session of one branch of his descendants. The house now standing on the spot, is undoubtedly the most ancient building in New London. It is nevertheless a house of the second generation from the settle- 274 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ment. The first houses, rude and hastily buUt, passed away with the first generation. The age of the Hempstead house is determined by the Hempstead diary. The writer occupied the dwelUng, and writ ing in 1748, says it had been built sixty-five years. Other items from the diary that may be interesting in tbis con nection are the following. " April 26. 1729 my aunt WaUer died, aged 77, youngest daughter of mJ grand-father Hempstead and born near this house, in the old one built by my grandfather.'' " Mary, wife of Robert Douglas was my father's eldest sister and born in New London in Jan: 1646-7,— the first child of English parents born in this town." (Mistake in the month, compared with the dale in her father's wiU.) 21 Jan; 1738-9— Cut down one half of the great yellow apple tree, east from the house, which was planted by my grandfather 90 years agone. William Roberts, died in April or May, 1657. Little is known of him. He had been in the service of Mr. Stan ton and had settled but recently in Pequot. He lived alone ; in half a house owned in partnership with George Harwood, to whose wife and son he left his whole property, which was valued at only £26. A bear-skin and a chest are mentioned in the inventory, but no bed, table or chair. He had two cows and some other stock, plenty of land, decent apparel, a razor, a pewter porringer, three spoons and a glass bottle ; but nothing else except tubs, trays, bags, and Indian baskets. This may be regarded as the inventory of a hermit of the woods — a settler of the simplest class, who had built a lodge in the thicket, on the outskirts of the plantation. William Bartlett, died in 1658. This person is sometimes called a ship--wright ; and again a sea man. He was a lame man, engaged in the boating trade along the coast of the Sound. A deed is recorded, executed by him in March, 1 658, but he soon after appears to us for the last time at Southold, L. I., in company with George Tongue, WiUiam Cooley, and his brother Rob ert Bartlett. He there traded with a Dutchman named Sanders Len- nison, of whom he purchased a quantity of rum, in value £7, 10s., and paid for it in " wompum and inions." In 1664 Lennison brought an action against Bartlett's estate for this sum, affirming that it had never been paid. From the depositions in this case and other cir cumstances, it is inferred that Bartlett died on the voyage, or soon HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 275 after reaching home. The date is not mentioned. He had probably no children, as his property passed into the hands of his widow and his brother Robert. In 1664 the former assigns all her interest in the estate to the latter in consideration of a " maintenance for six years past by his industrious care," and his engagement to provide for her future wants.' This intimates that she had been a widow during that time. John Coit, died August 29 th, 1659. Mrs. Mary Coit died Jan. 2d, 1676, aged eighty. This may be regarded as almost a solitary instance of protracted widowhood for that day — our ancestors, at whatever age bereaved, having been much addicted to second and even third and fourth marriages. If the age of Mr. Coit equaled that of his wife, they were more advanced in years than most of the early settlers of the town ; a couple — to be Tanked -with Jonathan Brewster and wife 'and Walter Harris and wife — for whose birth we look back into the shadow of the six teenth century. The wiU of John Coit (Aug. 1st, 1659) provides for his son Joseph and two daughters, Mary and Martha ; but he re fers to four other children, two sons and two daughters absent from him, and leaves them a triflmg legacy " in case they be living." Of these four absent children, the only one that has been identified is John Coit the younger, who came to the plantation with his father in 1651 and had a house-lot laid out to him, but soon returned to Gloucester, where he fixed his residence. The other three children had perhaps been left in England. The two young daughters at New London, married John Stevens and Hugh Mould. Joseph, the youngest son of John Coit, is the ancestor of aU the Connecticut stock of Coits, and perhaps of aU who bear the name in the United States.^ He married (July 13th, 1667) Martha, daughter of Wil Uam Harris, of Windsor or Wethersfield— was chosen deacon of the church about 1680, and died March 27th, 1704.= Joseph the second son of Joseph and Martha Coit, was the first native of New London 1 In the above mstrument she is caUed Susan BarUett, bnt elsewhere Sarah. Her age, given in 1662, was seventy. 2 An emigrant from New London planted the name m Saco, Mame, before the Revo lution; others have smce carried it to New York and the Western States. 3 Neiflier the date of his birth, nor his age at the time of his decease, has been as- certained. 276 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. graduates of the ^^minary ^^^^ ^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ . utervt im. Pll^^^^^^^^^^ as her first minister; and S: drenVa^tfLe supposed to be more numerous than any other branch of the famUy. Jonathan Brewster, died in 1661.' No probate papers relating to his estate have been found; but biUs of sale are recorded, dated in 1658, conveying aU his property m the town plot, and his house and land at Poquetannuck,^ with his mov ables, cattle and swine-" to wit 4 oxen, 12 cows, 8 yearlings and 20 swine" to his son, Benjamin Brewster, and bis son-m-law John Picket. Feb. 14th, 1661-2, Mr. Picket relinquishes his interest in the assignment to his brother-in-law, stipulating only "That my mother-in-law, Mrs. Brewster, the late wife of my father Mr. Jonathan Brewster, shaU have a full and competent means out of his estate during her life, from the said B. B. at her own dispose freely and fully to com mand at her own pleasure." The same trustees, Brewster and Picket, also conveyed certain lands to their sisters Grace and Hannah, but in the settlement ofthe estate, no allusion is made to other children. Mrs. Lucretia Brewster, the wife of Jonathan, was evidently a woman of note and respectabiUty among her compeers. She has always the prefix of honor (Mrs. or Mistress) and is usuaUy present ed to view in some useful capacity — an attendant upon the sick and dying as nurse, doctress. Or midwife — or a witness to wiUs and other important transactions. She was one of the first band of pilgrims that arrived at Plymouth in the Mayfiower, December, 1620, being a member of the family of her father-in-law, elder William Brewster and havino- one child, WiUiam, with her.= Her husband came over in the Fortune, which arrived Nov. 10th, 1621.'' 1 He was living in March, 1660-1. See Col. Eec., vol. 1, p. 362. 2 The orthography of this name is variable ; that used in the text is perhaps the most prevalent, but Pocketannuck is nearest the proumiciation. 3 Shurtleff s list in Hist, and Gen. Eeg., vol, 1, p. 50. ^ Davis on Morton's Memorial p, 378. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 277 Jonathan Brewster settled first in Duxbury and was several times representative from that place. Subsequently he engaged in the coasting trade, and was master and probably owner of a small vessel plying from Plymouth along the coast to Virginia. In this way he became acquainted with Pequot Harbor, and entered the river to trade with the natives. In the spring of 1649 we find him over whelmed with pecuniary disasters. Mr. Williams of Providence gives this notice of his misfortunes to Mr. Winthrop : " Sir (though Mr, Brewster -write me not word of it) yet in private I am bold to tell you that I hear it hath pleased God greatly to afflict him in the thorns of this life : He was intended for Virginia, his creditors in the Bay came to Ports mouth and unhung his rudder, carried hira to the Bay where he was forced to make over house, land, cattle, and part with all to his chest. Oh how sweet is a dry morsel and an handful, with quietness from earth and Heaven,"' At the time of this misfortune, Mr. Brewster was purposing a change of residence and probably removed to Mr. Winthrop's planta tion as soon as he could arrange his affairs with his creditors. He was " Clarke of the Towne of Pequitt" in Sept., 1649. Part of his family came with him ; but several children remained behind. He had two sons, WiUiam and Jonathan, on the military roll in Dux- bury, in 1643 ; the latter only sixteen years of age.^ WiUiam was in the Narragansett war of 1645, after which his name is not found on the old colony records.^ Jonathan disappears from Duxbury about 1 649, and it may be assumed that these two sdns died without issue. Two daughters are traced in the old colony — Lucretia mentioned at the early date of 1627," and Mary, who married John Turner of Situate. At New London we find one son and four daughters. Benjamin, married, 1659, Anna Dart, and settled at Brewster's Neck, on the farm of his father. Elizabeth, married, first, Peter Bradley, and second. Christopher Christo phers. She was aged forty-two in 1680. Ruth, married John Picket, probably about 1652. Grace, married, August 4th, 1659, Daniel WethereU, Hannah, married, Dec, 25th. 1664, Samuel Starr, She was aged thirty- seven in 1680, 1 Mass. Hist, CoU,, 2d series, vol. 9, p. 281. 2 Maroia Thomas, of Marshfield, (MS.) 3 Ut supra. 4 Ut supra. 24 278 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Ezekiel Turner, a grandson of Mr. Brewster, from Situate, set tled in New London, about the year 1675. Richard Poole, died April 2&th, 1662.' No grant to this person is on record, nor does he appear on any Ust of inhabitants, but his name is often mentioned. He is some times called Mr. Poole, and after his death is referred to as old Poole. He Uved alone, near the union of what are now Ashcraft and Wil liams Streets. His estate, estimated at about £58, he left wholly to the wife and children of George Tongue. Peter Bradley,^ died in June, 1662. The wife of Bradley was EUzabeth, daughter of Jonathan Brews- fr, but- of the marriage, no record has been found. He was a mar iner, and after his settlement in New London, plied a sloop or sail boat through the Sound. His death is supposed to have 'occurred while absent on a cruise, as in the list of his eff'ects is mentioned — " His boat and sea-clothing inventoried at Flushen." Between the families of Bradley and Christophers, three intermarriages took place. Children of Peter and Elizabeth Bradley. 1. EUzabeth, b, March 16th, 1654-5. m. Sept. 22d, 1570, Thomas Dymond. 2, Peter b, Sept. 7th, 165S, ra. Mary Christophers, May 9th, 1678. 3. Lucretia b. 1660. m. Jan. 16th, 1681-2, Richard Christophers. EUza beth, relict of Peter Bradley, m. Christopher Christophers," Peter Bradley, 2d, and his brother-in-law, Thomas Dymond, both died in 1687, as did also their father-in-law, Christopher Christophers. Bradley deceased August 1st, eight days after Mr. Christophers ; leaving but one child, Christopher, born July 11th, 1679. The county court summarily settled the estate, giving to the widow, £300, and to the son, £590. Mary, relict of Peter Bradley, married Thomas Youngs, of Southold, and this event in the end transplanted the Bradley family to Long Island. The Bradley lot, originnUy John Gallop's, lying east side ofthe Town street, between the present State and Federal, and sloping 1 Walter Palmer probably died about the same period, m Stonington, The probate action on his wUl was nth of May, Savage, (MS,) ^neprooaie niSZl: '^--»^^-'^f™^-%-"ten Brawley; and somethnes B.a<^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 279 down to the marsh, where is now Water Street, was appraised in the inventory of Peter Bradley, 1st, at only £30. The Bradley house was near the north end, with a lane to it from the Town Street. In more recent times it was known as the Shackmaple house. North of it, and originally a piece of the lot, was the homestead of Daniel Wetherell, (where is now the Pool property.) Some other smaU portions were sold by Peter Bradley, 2d, but after his death it re mained unimproved and integral, until 1730, when it was sold by Jonathan Bradley, of Southold, son of Christopher, deceased, to Dan iel Tuthill, for £500. It was then caUed eight acres. TuthUl had it laid out in streets and blocks, and subdivided into small house-lots, which were put immediately into the market. There are now nearly two hundred buildings on this lot. Thomas Dymond, who married EUzabeth Bradley, was a mariner from Fairfield, and probably brother of John Dymond, heretofore mentioned. He was a constable in 1679. His children were, Eliz abeth, born 1672 ; Thomas, 1675; Moses, 1677 ; Ruth, 1680; John, 1686. The name and family passed away from New London. The house and wharf of Thomas Dymond, on Bream Cove, were pur chased in 1702, by Benjamin Starr. The Dymond heirs continued to be proprietors ofthe Inner Commons till 1719. William Redfield,^ died in 1662. The earUest notice of him is in a deed of gift from Jonathan Brewster, of " ten acres of arable land at Monhegan, whereon the said Redfyne hath built a house," (May 29th, 1654,) He had a son James, who in April, 1662, bound himself apprentice to Hugh Rob erts, tanner, with consent, he says, of father and mother. Gershom Bulkley and Lucretia Brewster were witnesses of the indenture, being then probably in attendance upon the dying father. The widow Eebecca Redfield is often mentioned. She had two daughters, Re becca, wife of Thomas Roach, and Judith, wife of Alexander Pygan, Thomas Bayley married, (Jan, 10th, 1655-6,) Lydia, daughter of James Redfield. It is probable that this was a sister of WilUam. James Redfield, probably the apprentice before-mentioned, is on the rate list of 1666, but his history from this point, is not clearly as certained. A James Redfield married EUzabeth How, at New Ha ven, in 1669, and had a daughter, EUzabeth, born in 1670. A per- 1 This name, on the early records, is often strangely corrupted into Bedfin. 280 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. son Of the same name, a weaver by trade, was a resident of Saybrook in 1676 ' One or both of these may be identical with James, son of William, of New London ; and as Redfield was not a very common name, it would not be strange if aU the three might be reduced to one. Sergeant Richard Hartley, died Aug. 1th, 1662. The title of Sergeant, is derived from office held before he came to New London. He was an Englishman, and acted as agent to merchants in England, who consigned goods to him to seU. His wiU was written down from his mouth, Aug. 5th, " Witnesses, Gershom Bulkley, mmister, Obadiah Bruen, Recorder, Lucresia Brewster, midwife, Wm. Hough, constable." His inventory amounted to £281, 6«. 9d; one chest of his goods was afterward claimed by Thomas ReaveU. He left his property to his wife and only child in England. In 1673, his house-lot, warehouse and wharf, were sold by James Avery, as attorney to Mary Wadsworth, formerly wU'e to Richard Hartley, and Martha Hartley, daughter of the same, both of Stanfield, in the county of York, England. Isaac Willey, Jr., died in Aug., 1662. He was a young man, probably not long married. His inventory, though slender, contains a few articles not very common, viz., " tynen pans ; a tynen quart pot ; cotton yam," &c., together with one so common as to be almost universal — a dram cup, which appears in nearly every inventory for a century or more after the settlement. Isaac Willey, Jr., left no chUdren ; his relict, Frances, married Clement Minor. John Tinker, died at Hartford, in Oct., 1662. The General Court ordered that the expenses of his sickness and funeral, amounting to £8, 6s. 4c?., should be paid out of the pubUc treasury. " Children of John and Alice Tinker. " 1. Mary born 2 July 1653 4. Samuel born 1 April, 1659 " 2. John " 4 Aug 55 5. Rhoda " 23 Feb. 1661-2." " 3. Amos " 28 Oct. 57 1 Conn. Col. liec, vol, 2, p, 468. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 281 Alice, relict of John Tinker, married, in 1664, Wm. Measure, a scrivener or attorney, who subsequently removed with the family to Lyme. Mr. Measure died during the administration of Sir Edmund Andross, and his inventory, dated July 27th, 1688, is recorded in Boston. His relict, AUce, died Nov. 20th, 1714, aged eighty-five years to a day. Thomas Hungerford, died 1663. Estate, £100. Children, three — "Thomas, aged about fifteen; Sarah, nine ; Hannah, four years old, this first of May, 1663." The reUct of Thomas Hungerford, married Samuel Spencer, of East Had dam ; one of the daughters married Lewis Hughes, of Lyme. On the road leading from New London to the Nahantick bar, (Rope Ferry) nearly in the parallel of Bruen's Neck, is a large sin gle rock of granite, that in former times was popularly known as Hungerford's Fort. It is also mentioned on the proprietary records in describing the pathway to Bruen's Neck, as " the great rock called Hungerfort's Fort." We must refer to tradition for the origin of the name. It is said that a young daughter of the Hunger ford family, (Hannah ?) being alone on this road, on her way to school, found herself watched and pursued by a hungry wolf. He made his approaches cautiously, and she had time to secure some weapon of defense, and to retreat to this rock before he actually made his attack. And here she succeeded in beating him off", though he made several leaps up the rock, and his fearful bark almost bewil dered her senses, till assistance came. We can not account for the name and the tradition, without allow ing that some strange incident occurred in connection with the rock, and that a wolf and a member of the Hungerford family were involv ed in it; but the above account may not be a correct version ofthe story. Thomas Hungerford, 2d, had a grant of land in 1673, " four miles from town," and his name occurs, as an inhabitant, for ten or twelve years, though he was afterward of Lyme. The heroine of the rock is more likely to have been a member of his famUy, than of that of his father, whose residence was in the town plot, on the bank. 24* 282 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. RobeH Parked died 1665. Mr. Parke was caUed an aged man, in 1662. His wiU is on the town book, dated May 14th, 1660 ; proved in March, 1664-5. He names only three chUdren, WilUam, Samuel and Thomas. Of the second son, Samuel, we have no information, except what may be inferred from the clause relating to him in the wiU. The oldest son, Deacon WUliam Parke, of Roxbury, executor ofthe wUl, is directed to pay to Samuel, £50. " Provided my said son Samuel, shall first come and demand the same in Roxbury within the time and space of seven years next and iraraediately after the date hereof." Mr. Parke was of Wethersfield, in 1640, and made freeman ofthe colony in April, of that year. He was deputy to the General Court in Sept., 1641, and again in Sept., 1642 ¦? but removed to Pequot in 1649 ; was a resident in the town plot about six years, and then es tablished himself on the banks of the Mystic. Thomas Parke, son of Robert, was also of Wethersfield, and had two chUdren born there — Martha, in 1646, and Thomas, in 1648. His wife, Dorothy, is supposed to have been sister to Mrs. BUnman ; the family name has not been recovered. Thomas Parke, after resi ding a number of years at Mystic, within the bounds of Stonington, removed with his son, Thomas Parke, Jr., to lands belonging to them in the northern part of New London, and, in 1680, they were both reckoned as inhabitants of the latter place. They were afterward included in Preston, and Thomas Parke, Sen,, was the first deacon of Mr, Treat's church, organized in that town in 1698. He died July SOth, 1709. Beside the children before mentioned, he had sons, Rob ert, Nathaniel, William and John, and daughters, Alice and Dorothy, of whom no dates of birth have been found.^ AUce Parke became the wife of Greenfield Larrabee, (second of the name,) and Dorothy Parke, of Joseph Morgan. 1 Often written Parks. 2 Conn, Ool, Eec, vol, 1, pp. 46, 66, 74. 3 The name of AUce Parke is found as a witness to deeds executed m 1658, which makes it probable that she was older than those born in Wethersfield, otherwise she could not have been more than eight or nme years of age. The law had not probably determuied the age necessary to constitute a legal witness, but this was quite too young. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 283 James Bemas, died in July, 1665. This date is obtained by inference. James Bemas had been cho sen constable for the year 1665 ; but on the 24th of July, Joseph Coit was appointed in his place, and his wife was soon after mentioned as the widow Bemas. She married in 1 672 or 1 678, Edward Griswold, of KUlingworth. Two daughters of the widow Bemas were baptized in 1671, Rebecca and Mary; but of the last-named, nothing further is known. Rebecca, daughter of James Bemas, married, April 3d, 1672, Tobias Minter, an emigrant from Newfoundland, and had a son Tobias born Feb. 26th, 1673-4. Her husband soon died, probably at sea, and she married, June 17th, 1674, John Dymond, another seaman, and had children, John, born in 1675, Sarah, in 1676, and Jonathan, 1678. The period of Dymond's death is not ascertained; but the widow was united to a third sailor husband, as per record : " Benedict Shatterly, son of WiUiam Shatterly of Devonshire, Old England, near Exon, was raarryed unto Rebecca the widow of John Dymond, August 2. 1682." Shatterly (or Satterly) is supposed to haVe died about 1689. He left two daughters, Sarah and Rebecca, and probably a son. Sarah Satterly married Joseph Wickham, of Killingworth. A late notice of Rebecca is obtained from Hempstead's Journal, under date of 1749- He is recording a visit that he had made to Long Island, and says : " I called to see Joseph Sweezy and Rebekah his wife, formerly of Occubauk in Southold. She was a New London woman ; her maiden name was Sat terly, born in an old house that belonged to her mother in old Mr. Coit's lot that joins to mine." The Bemas house-lot, lying next to Robert Hempstead's, with a run of water between, was purchased of the heirs of John Coit, the deed of confirmation being signed by Tobias Minter, grandson of James Bemas, June 8th, 1694. It then comprised seven acres, and included the hollow lot, through which Cottage Street was opened in 1845, and a landing-place on the cove, where the old Bocage house now stands. Mr. Coit built a new house on the lot, which escaped the burning brand of the invader in 1781, and with the well-ordered grounds that surround it, stUl forms one of the choice homesteads of the town. The old Bemas house stood west of this, near the rivulet, with an orchard in the rear, upon the sloping land beneath the ledge of rocks. Of this orchard, one reiiresentative, an ancient apple-tree, is yet standing — a relic of a family that entirely passed away from the place, one hundred and sixty years ago. We can scarcely point 284 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. to any memorial of the founders of the town, more venerable than that apple-tree; and though it may not have been one of those nurs ery plants, of which it is said, Winthrop obtained a large number, and distributed as a bonus to the first settlers, there can be Uttle doubt but that it was a fruit-bearing tree before 1700.' Ancient Apple Tree, on the ground of Jonathan Coit, Esq, Andrew Longdon. This person was an early settler in Wethersfield. He was on the jury ofthe Particular Court, at Hartford, in Sept., 1643.^ In 1649, came to Pequot Harbor. In 1660, was appointed prison-keeper, and his house to be used as the town-prison. In July, 1665, Margaret, widow of Andrew Longdon, conveys her land, cattle and goods, to 1 The trunk of this apple-tree, measured a little above the surface of the ground, is fourteen or fifteen feet in circumference ; the hollow witliin, about nine feet. Throe or four persons can stand together in the trmik, which is a mere sheU, although the tree has yet several thrifty Umbs, which have blossomed profusely the present year, (1852,) It Is several years since it has produced any fruit. 2 Conn. Col, Eec, vol, 1, p, 92. _ HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 285 Wm. Douglas, on condition that he maintain her during life, give her a decent burial, and discharge her husband's debts. This is the only allusion to his death. The relict was living in 1667. No children are mentioned. The name is identical with Langdon. William Chesebrough, died June 9th, 1667. Though living at Pawkatuck, Mr. Chesebrough was chosen deputy From New London to the General Court, five times between 1653 and 1657. No fact shows more clearly the identity of the two settle ments at that time. The name of Mr. Chesebrough's wife is said by family tradition to have been Deborah. No daughter is mentioned. He had five sons, Nathaniel, EUhu, Samuel, Elisha and Joseph. The last mentioned was born at Braintree, July 18th, 1640. This Joseph was probably the one that according to tradition died sud denly, soon after the removal of the family to Pawkatuck. It is said that one of the sons, a young lad, while mowing on the marsh, cut himself with the scythe so severely that he bled to death. He was interred on the banks of Wicketequack Creek, which flowed past their lonely residence. The spot thus early consecrated by receiving the dead into its bosom, became the common burial-ground of the family and the neighborhood. Here, undoubtedly, Mr. Chesebrough and all his sons were buried. Here, probably, lies the first Walter Palmer, in the midst of an untold throng of descendants. Here we may suppose Thomas Stanton to have been garnered, near the stones bearing the names of his sons Robert and Thomas. Here, also, were laid to rest the remains of Thomas Minor, and of his son. Deacon Manasseh Minor, the first-born male of New London, The Rev. Mr. James Noyes, HaUam, Searle, Thomson, Breed, and other an cients of Stonington, repose in this haUowed ground. John Picket, died August l&th, 1667. It is much to be regretted that a fuU record of the early marriages, which were undoubtedly by Mr. Winthrop, was not preserved. The marriage of John Picket and Ruth Brewster belongs to the unre corded list. Their children were : 1. Mary, who married Benjamin Shapley. 2. Ruth, who married Mr. Moses Noyes, first minister of Lyme. 3, Williara, who died about 1690, 4. John, born July 25th. 1656, 286 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 5. Adam, born November 15th, 1653. 6. Mercy, born January 16th, 16G0-1 ; married Samuel Fosdick. Mr. Picket's estate was appraised at £1,140. This was sufficient to rank him, at that period, as one of the wealthiest merchants of the place. Ruth, reUctof John Picket, married, July 18th, 1668, Charles Hijl. The three sons of Mr. Picket died young, and at sea; two of them, and perhaps all, in the island of Barbadoes. John and WUliam were unmarried. Adam Picket married. May 16th, 1680, Hannah, daughter of Daniel WethereU. He died in 1691, leaving two sons ; Adam, born in 1681 ; John, in 1685. Theformer died in 1709, without issue, so that the family genealogy recommences with a unit. The Picket house-lot, at the south-western extremity of the bank, descended nearly integral' to the fourth John Picket, among whose children it was divided, and sold by them in small house plots, between 1740 and 1750. Brewer Street was opened on the western border of this lot in 1745, and at first called Picket Street. John Picket, the fifth of the name, removed from New London, and with him, the male branch ofthe family passed away from the place. Descendants may be traced in the line of Peter Latimer, whose wife was Hannah Picket, and of Richard Christophers, who married Mary Picket, daughters of John Picket the fourth. Andrew Lester died June Ith, 1669. The births of four chUdren of Andrew and Barbara Lester are re corded at Gloucester, viz.: 1. Daniel, born AprU 15th, 1642. 3. Mary, born December 26th, 1647, 2. Andrew, born Dep. 26th, 1614. 4. Anne, born March 21st. 1651. Andrew Lester was licensed to keep a house of entertainment at Gloucester, by the county court, 26th of second month, 1648. He removed to Pequot in 1651 ; was constable and coUector in 1668. 1 One exceptii>n must be made; n, portion of the lot had been given by the first John Picket to his daughter, Mercy, the wife of Samuel Fosdick, by whom it was sold to -William Rogers, and by him to George Denison, ship-wright of Westerly, and by the latter, in 1734, to Capt. Nathaniel Shaw. Capt. Shaw blasted away the rocks to obtain a convenient site, and out of the materials erected the stone house, now the residence of one of his descendants, N, S, Perkins, M, D, It has been enlarged by the present possessor, in the same way that it was first buUt— with materials uprooted from the foundation on which it stands, * HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 287 His wife Barbara, died February 2d, 1653-4, the first death of a woman on record in the plantation. His second wife was Joanna, reUct of Robert Hempstead, who died before 1660 ; no children men tioned. By a third wife, Ann, he had : 5. Timothy, born July 4th, 1662; 6. Joseph, born June 15th, 1664; 7. Benjamin. His reUct married Isaac Willey. "Widow Anna Willey, sometime wife to Andrew Lester, Sen., deceased," died in 1692. Sergeant Daniel Lester, oldest son of Andrew, lived upon the Great Neck, where he died January 1 6th, 171 6-17. He was brought into town and buried under arms. Joseph and Benjamin Lester also settled on farms in the vicinity of the town plot. The descendants of the latter are very numerous. By his first wife, Ann Stedman, he had nine sons and two daughters, and probably other childjeen by a second wife. No descendants of Timothy, son of Andrew Lester have been traced. Andrew Lester, Jr., settled east of the river ; was constable for that side in 1669, and is supposed to have been the first deacon of the Groton church. He diedin 1708. William Morton, died 1669, A native of London and proud of his birthplace, it is probable that the influence of William Morton had something to do with the persevering determination of the inhabitants to call their plantation New London. He was the first proprietor of that sandy point over which Howard Street now runs to meet the new bridge to Mama cock. This was at first caUed Morton's Point ; then Hog Neck, from the droves of swine that resorted thither to root up the clams at low tide ; and afterward Windmill Point, from the structure erected upon it. It has also at various times borne the names of its owners, Fosdick, Howard, &c., and is now a part of the larger point known as Shaw's Neck. On this point, the latter years of Mr. Morton's Ufe were spent in comparative silence and poverty. In 1668, it is noted in the modera tor's book, " Mr. Morton's town rate is remitted," and at the June session of the county court in 1669, the appointment of Mr. Wether ell tp settle his estate, shows that he had deceased. The last remnant of this estate, consisting of a ten acre grant at Bachelor's Cove, in Groton, given to him by the town in 1650, was sold in 1695, to Waite Winthrop, Esq., and the deed confirmed by Morton's heirs ! 288 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " Nathaniel Randall, of Boston, baker, son and heir apparent to John Ran dall, late of the parish of St. Jaraes, ClerkenweU, Co. of Middlesex, London, silk-throster, deceased, and Elizabeth his wife, also deceased, who was sLster and heir of WiUiam Mourton, late of New London, gentleman, deceased." Mr. Morton must be added to the Ust of childless and lonely men to be found among the planters of New London. The two Bartletts, ColUns, Cotter, Longdon, Loveland, Merritt, Morton, Poole, Roberts, left no descendants here, and several of them appear to have been un married. Robert Latimer} died about 1671. This is ascertained from the proceedings on the settlement of the estate in 1693, when his relict Ann presented the inventory, and re quested a legal distribution of the property of her husband, " who de ceased twenty-two years since." Mrs. Ann Latimer had two children by her first husband, Matthew Jones, of Boston. These were Matthew and Sarah. The children of Robert and Ann Latimer were also two : Robert, born February 5th, 1663-4; EUzabeth, born November 14th, 1667. The two sisters married brothers. Sarah Jones became the wife of John Prentis ; Elizabeth Latimer, of Jonathan Prentis. Mrs. Latimer died in 1693, and the estate was divided among the four children, in nearly equal proportion. Matthew Jones, the son of Mrs. Latimer, was a sea-captain, sailing from Boston, and at no time appears as an inhabitant of New London. The Latimer homestead was on the Town Street and Winthrop's Cove, comprising the old Congregational parsonage, and the Edgar place opposite. Capt. Robert Latimer, 2d, amassed a considerable estate in land. Beside the homestead in town, he purchased the Royce and Com stock lots, on WiUiams and VauxhaU Streets, covering the ridge of Post HiU. Westward of the town plot, he inherited a considerable tract of swamp and cedar land, on one portion of which Cedar Grove Cemetery was laid out in 1851, the land having to that time remained in the possession of his descendants. He owned likewise a farm at Black Point, and an unmeasured quantity of wUd land in the woods, in what is now Chesterfield Society, in MontviUe. No connection between the Latimers of New London and the early planter of this name in Wethersfield has been traced. It is mos* 1 UsuaUy in the earUer records written Lattemore. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 289 probable that Robert Latimer, of New London, was an emigrant direct from England. Edward Codner,^ died 1671. He appears to have been a mariner and trader ; was of New Lon don, 1051, with wife PrisciUa; came from Saybrook ; returned thith er again, and there died, leaving a widow AUce. His possessions in New London accrued to his son, Laurence or Laurent, who was ad ministrator of the estate. He left also a daughter. Laurence Codner was an inhabitant before 1664. By his wife Sarah, he had three children, two of them sons, who died in infancy. His daughter Sarah married Thomas Bennet, 'of Mystic. The Cod ner homestead was on the Town Street, north of the present Hunt ington lane, and extending to the old burial ground. It was the original home-lot of Jarvis Mudge. George Codner, of New London, 1662 and 1664, has not been fur ther traced. William Nicholls, died September ith, 1673. A person of this name, and probably the same man, had land given him in Salem, 1638.^ He was an early and substantial settler at Pe quot ; often on committees, and sustaining both town and church offi ces. He married Ann, relict of Robert Isbell, but no allusion is made to children by this or any former wife. Widow Ann Nicholls died September 15th, 1689. Her two children, by her first husband, died before her, but she left four grandchildren, a son and daughter of Eleazer IsbeU, and a son and daughter of Thomas Stedman. George Tonge, died in 1674. The early records have his name written Tongue, but the orthog raphy used by himself is given above. In the wiU of Peter Collins, in 1655, Capt. James Tong is mentioned as a debtor to the estate. This person was not of New London, but he may have been brother of George, of whom nothing is known until he appears in New London about 1652. His marriage is not recorded. 1 Sometunes CoduaU. 2 Felt, p. 169. 25 290 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Children of George and Margery Tonge : 1. Elizabeth, born October 20th,, 1652; married Fitz-John Winthrop. 2. Hannah, born July 20th, 1654 ; married Joshua Baker. 3. Mary, born September 17th, 1656; married John Wickwire. 4. George, born May Sth, 1658. George Tonge was sixty-eight y.ears of age in 1668. His wife was probably younger. Hempstead's diary mentions the death of « Goody Tongue," December 1st, 1713 ; this was undoubtedly his reUct. No other family of the name appears among the inhabitants. The inn so long kept by George Tonge and his widow and heu-s, stood on the bank between the present Peari and TiUey Streets. Madam Winthrop inherited the house, and occupied it after the death of her husband. She sold portions of the lot to John Mayhew, Joseph Tal- man and others. A small, gray head-stone in the old burial ground bears the following inscription : " Here lyeth the BoD-.r or Maham Elizabete Winthrop, wife op the honovrable GovERNOVR Winthrop. WHO DIED April ye 25-rn. 1731, IN HER 79^" YEAR." George Tonge and his wife and children, as legatees of Richard Poole, inherited a considerable tract of land in the North Parish, which went into the Baker and Wickwire famiUes. Pole's or Poole's HUl, which designates a reach of high forest land in MontviUe, is supposed to derive its name from Richard Poole. Of George Tonge the sec ond, (born 1658,) no information whatever has been recovered ; but we may assume with probability tbat he was the father of John Tongue,' who married Anna Wheeler, November 21st, 1702, and had a nu merous family of sons and daughters. Thomas Bayley, '^ died about 1675. Thomas Bayley married, January 10th, 1655-6, Lydia, daughter of James Redfield. The same month a grant was made to him by the townsmen, " with the advice and consent of Mr. Winthrop,'' of a lot lying north of Mr. Winthrop's land, upon the east side of the river. Relinquishing his house in the town plot, he settled on this grant, 1 His descendants uniformly write the name BaUey. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 291 which by subsequent additions expanded mto a farm. His chUdren were: 1. Mary, born February 14th, 1656-7 ; married Andrew Davis. 2. Thomas, born March Sth, 165S-9. 3. John, born in April, 1661. 4. WiUiam, born April 17th, 1664. 5, James, born September 26th, 166G. 6, Joseph. 7, Lydia. Lydia, relict of Thomas Bayley, married in 1676, Williara Thorne, of Dor setshire, old England. William Keeny, died 1675. He was aged sixty-one in 1662, and his wife Agnes (or Annis,) sixty-three. His daughter Susannah, who married Ralph Parker, thirty-four; Mary, who married Samuel Beeby, twenty-two, and his son John, twenty-one. No other children are mentioned. John Keeny, son of WUUam, married in October, 1661, Sarah, daughter of William Douglas. They had daughter Susannah, born September 6th, 1662, who married Ezekiel Turner. No other child is recorded. The wife died August 4th, 1689. John Keeny was subsequently twice married, and had five daughters, and a son John ; the latter born February 13th, 1700-1. John Keeny died February 3d, 1716, on the Keeny land, at Na hantick, which has since been divided into three or four farms. John Gallop. He was the son of John Gallop, of Massachusetts, and both father and son were renowned as Indian fighters. Capt. John Gallop, of Stonington, was one of the six captains, slain in the Narragansett fort fight, Dec. 19th, 1675. His wife was Hannah, daughter of Mrs. Margaret Lake. The division made of his estate by order of the county court, was, to the widow, £100 ; to the oldest son, John, £137 ; to Ben-Adam, £90 ; to WilUam and Samuel, £89 each ; to the five daughters, £70 each. No record of the births of these children has been recovered., The sons are supposed to be mentioned above in the order of age. Ben- Adam was born in 1655 ; WUliam in 1658. The order in which the daughters should be placed is not known. 292 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Hannah, married June 18th, 1672, Stephen Gifl-ord, of Norwich. Christobel, married, 1677, Peter Creery, or Crary, of N. London, (Groton.) Elizabeth, married Henry Stevens, of Stonington. Mary, married John Cole, of Boston, Margaret, not married in 1704. Joshua Raymond, died April 24:th, 1676. Richard and Judith Payment, were members of the church at Sa lem, in 1634. Wm, Payment, of Salem, 1048, afterward of Beverly, and John, also of Beverly, where he died in 1703, aged eighty-seven, were probably brothers of Richard, Tradition in the family of the latter, states that his brothers settled in Beverly. Richard and his sons appear to have left Salem as early as 1658, perhaps before, and to have scattered themselves along the shore of Long Island Sound- The father was for a time at Norwalk, and then at Saybrook ; at the latter place his identity is determined by documents which style him, " formeriy of Salem, and late of Norwalk." He died at Saybrook in 1692. He had chUdren, Richard, John, Daniel, Samuel, Joshua, and a daughter, Elizabeth, who mariied OUver Manwaring. Of Richard, nothing has been recovered but the fact that the inventory of Rich ard Raymond, Jr., was exhibited at county court in 1 680. John settled in Norwalk, and there left descendants. Daniel married, first, Elizabeth, daughter of Gabriel Harris, and had two daughters, Elizabeth and Sarah ; second, Rebecca, daughter of John Lay, by whom he had sons, Richard, Samuel, and perhaps others. He lived in Lyme ; died, 1696, andhis widow married Sam uel Gager, of Norwich. Samuel married Mary, daughter of Nehemiah Smith, and settled in New London, where they both died after 1700, leaving a consid erable estate, but no children. Joshua, married Elizabeth, daughter of Nehemiah Smith, Dec. 10th, 1659. He purchased the Prentis home-lot, in New London, and left it to his chUdren, together with a valuable farm in Mohegan, on the road to Norwich. Children of Joshua aad Elizabeth Raymond. 1. Joshua, born Sept. ISth, 1660. 4. .Hannah, born Aug, Sth, 1668. 2. Elizabeth, " May 2Jtli, 166-2. 5. Mary, " March 12tb, 1671-2. 3. Ann, " May r2th, 1064. 6. Experience. " Jan. •20th, 1673-4. Two others, Richard and Mehitabel, died in iufiincy. Experience Raymond, died June 26th, 1GS9, aged fifteen years. EUzabeth, relict of Joshua Raymond, marrieij^eorge Dennis, of Long Island. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 293 Joshua Raymond, second, married Mercy, daughter of James Sands, of Block Island, April 29th, 1683. It is this Mercy Raymond, whose name has been connected, by a mixture of truth and fable, with the story of the noted pirate. Captain Kidd.' Mr. Raymond died in 1704, " at the home-seat of the Sands family," which he had bought of his brother-in-law, Niles, on Block Island. It was a lonely and exposed situation, by the sea-shore, with a landing-place near, where strange sea-craft, as well as neighboring coasters, often touched. Here the family dwelt, and Mr. Raymond being much of the time absent in New London, the care and man agement of the homestead devolved upon his wife, who is represent ed as a woman of great thrift and energy. The legendary tale is, that Capt. Kidd made her little harbor his anchorage-ground, alternately with Gardiner's Bay ; that she feasted him, supplied him with provisions, and boarded a strange lady, whom he called his wife, a considerable time ; and 'that when he was ready to depart, he bade her hold out her apron, which she did, and he threw in handfuls of gold, jewels and other precious commodities, un til it was fuU, as the wages of her hospitality. This fanciful story was doubtless the development of a simple fact, that Kidd landed upon her farm, and she being soUtary and unpro tected, took the part of prudence, supplied him freely with what he would otherwise have taken by force, and received his money in pay ment for her accommodations. The Kidd story, however, became a source of pleasantry and gossip among the acquaintances of the fam ily, and they were popularly said to bave been enriched by the apron.^ Robert Royce, died in 1676. This name is identical with Rice. The Robert Royce, of New London, is presumed to be the Robert Rice who Avas entered free man in Mass., 1634, and one of those disarmed in Boston, 1637, for adherence to the opinions and party of Wheelright and Hutchinson.^ When he left Boston is not known ; but he is found at Stratford, west of New Haven, before 1650,' and was there in 1656. In 1657 1 He is called Robert Kidd in the ballad; but William in histoiy. 2 Om- language does not form a cognomen so terse as the Latin: the posterity of CaUias were caUed lacco-pluti, enriched by the lodl. (See Plutarch.) 3 Savage, on Winthrop, vol, 1, p, 248, 4 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 25* 294 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. he came to New London, and the town granted him the original Post lot, on Post HiU. He was by trade a shoemaker, was constat ble in 1660, one of the townsmen in 1663, in 1667 appointed to keep an ordinary, and the same year, "freed from training," probably on account of age. He was again townsman in 1 668. Three children of Robert and EUzabeth Rice are recorded in Bos ton ; Joshua, born 1637 ; Nathaniel, 1689, and a daughter that died in infancy.' Of 'Joshua, nothing further is known. At New Lpn- don, we find mementos of five sons and three daughters. Jonathan was perhaps the oldest son ; he married in June, 1660, Deborah, daugh ter of Hugh Caulkins, and removed to Norwich, of which town he was one of the first proprietors. Nehemiah may be ranked, by supposi tion, as the second son; he married, Nov. 20th, 1660, Hannah, daughter of James Morgan. In 1663, Robert Royce petitioned the town for a grant of land to settle his two sons, Samuel and Nathan iel. This was granted ; their father gave them also his mountain farm, "bought of Weaver Smith, and lying west of Alewife Brook, by the mountain," The name of Royce's Mountain was long retain ed in that locality. The Royce Mountain farm was purchased by John and Wait Winthrop, in 1691 — the present MiUer farm is a part of it. Samuel Royce married, Jan. 9th, 1666-7, Hannah, daughter of Josiah Churchwood, of Wethersfield. Isaac Royce was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Lo throp, and John Lothrop was married to Ruth, daughter of Isaac Royce, Dec. 15th, 1669. This double marriage was performed by Daniel Wetherell, commissioner, and probably in the court-room, as it was recorded among the other proceedings of the court. Mar riages were sometimes conducted in that manner ; the couple enter ing the room with their friends, and arranging themselves in front of the bench. Nehemiah, Samuel, Nathaniel and Isaac Royce, all removed with their families to WalUngford, a township that had been recently set off from New Haven, and previously caUed New Haven viUage. The marriage and children of Nathaniel Royce are not registered in New London. At a late period of his life, he married the relict of Sergeant Peter Farnham, of Killing\TOrth, and was living at WalUng ford in 1712.'^ None of the Royce family was left at New London, 1 Records of Boston, 2 Sergeant Farnham died iu 1704; tho maiden naqjp of liis wife was WUcoxson. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 295 after the death of Robert, but his aged widow, who, in 1688, was still an occupant of the Post HiU homestead, which was subsequently sold to John Prentis. The remainder of the Royce land was purchased by Rev. Gurdon SaltonstaU, and has of late been known as the Mum- ford lot. It lies west of the old burial-ground, and was the original house-lot of Rev. Richard Blinman. Jacob Waterhouse, died 1676. The date is obtained from the probate of his will, which was in September, of this year. He was probably an old man, as all his children were of age, and he was released from militia duty in 1665. His wife was Hannah, and his oldest sons, Abraham, Isaac and Ja cob ; but the order of their age was not patriarchal, Isaac being repeatedly caUed the oldest son. He had also sons, John, Joseph and Benjamin ; and a daughter, Elizabeth, who married John Baker. Isaac settled in Lyme ; Abraham in Saybrook ; Joseph and Benja min died without issue ; the latter at sea, and according to tradition, at the hands of pirates. John was a soldier in PhiUp's War, and present atthe Narragansett fort fight, in December, 1676. He died in 1687, leaving an infant son, Jacob, and no other child. His relict, whose maiden name is not recovered, married John Hayden, of Say brook. Jacob, married, about 1690, Ann, daughter of Robert Douglas, and had sons, John, William, Robert, Joseph and Gideon, but no daugh ters have been traced. The name Waterhouse was very soon abbreviated into Watrous, which is the orthography now generally used. John Lewis, died Dec. Sth, 1676. The name John Lewis, is found several times repeated among the early emigrants to New England. One came over in the Hercules, from Sandwich, in 1635, with wife, Sarah, and one child; and was enroUed as from Tenterden, in Kent.' This is probably the same that appears on the list of freemen in Scituate, Mass., 1637. He 1 Savage. Gleanings m Mass, Hist, Coll., 3d series, vol. 8, p, 275. 2 Deane's Hist, Scituate, p. 304, 296 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. afterward disappears from the records o^hat to^ an^,,7 ^"^^"^^ him to be the John Lewis, who came to New London 1648. Another John Lewis, who was probably an original emigrant, set- tletin S^rook or Lyme ; his inventory was presented at the county '^°Su anX John Lewis was Uving at " Sqummacutt," (Westerly) '"johf Lewis, of New London, had a son John, who was a young man in 1670, instable in 1681, and after 1700, sergeant of the tram- Lds. He married EUzabeth Huntley, of Lyme, where his o Ide^ son, John 3d, settled. Sergeant John Lewis was himself in^an ly killed, as he sat on horseback, by the sudden faU of the limb of a tree, which men were cutting, May 9 th, 1717. ,, ^ Nathaniel and Joseph Lewis, are names that appear on the rate- Ust of 1667, as partners in estate. They were transient residents, and probably sons of George Lewis, of Scituate,' brother of John, the freeman of 1637. If the latter, as we have supposed, was iden tical with John Lewis, of New London, these young men were his nephews. In a Ust of Thomas Stanton, of Stonington, died 1678. The probate of his will was in June, of that year. passengers registered in England to saU for Virginia, in 1635, is found the name of Thomas Stanton, aged twenty.^ If this was our Thomas Stanton, of Connecticut, which can scarcely be doubted, he must soon have made his way to New England, and have become rapidly an adept in the Indian language. He testified himself, before the court of commissioners of New England, that he had acted as ' interpreter to Winthrop, before the Pequot war, and while the latter was in command at Saybrook, (1636.) It is probable, that on land- ino- in Virginia, he went immediately among the Indians, and gained some knowledge of their language, which was radically the same as that of the New England tribes, and having, perhaps, obtained a quantity of peltries, he came north with them, and made his first Stop at Saybrook. That Stanton subsequently visited the In dians in Virginia, for the purposes of trade, may be gathered from a curious fragment in the New London county records, which is with out date, but appears to have been entered in 1668 or 1669. 1 Deane, p, 303. 2 Hist, and Gen, Eegister, vol. 2, p. 113, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 297 "Whereas Capt. Wm. Morrice halh reported and informed the Kfngs' Com missioner that Mr. Thomas Stanton, Senr, did, in Virginia, some 20 odd years since, cause a massacre among the Indians, whereby to gain their Beaver to himself, and the said Morrice accused Richard Arye, mariner, to be his author : These may certify all whora it may concern that the said Arey being examined concerning [a word or two torn off] report, doth absolutely deny that he knew or reported any such thing [lorn off] Morrice nor ever heard of any such thing [torn off] Mr. Stanton in Virginia to his remembrance. This was acknowl edged in Court by Richard Arey, as attest Daniel Wetherell, Recorder.'' The services of Mr. Stanton as interpreter during the Pequot War were invaluable. He was moreover a man of trust and intelligence, and his knowledge of the country and of the natives made him a use- fid pioneer and counselor in all land questions, as well as in all difii- culties with the Indians, In 1638, the Genei-al Court of Connecticut appointed him a stated Indian interpreter, with a salary of £10 per annum. He was to attend courts upon .all occasions, general and particular courts, and meetings of magistrates, wherever and whenever the controversy was between whites and Indians. Mrs. Anna Stanton, relict of Thomas, died in 1688. She had lived several years in the family of her son-in-law. Rev. James Noyes. The children of Thomas Stanton can be ascertained only by inference and comparison of circumstances. The foUowing list is the result of considerable investigation, and may be nearly correct. 1, Thomas, died in 1718, aged eighty. He had a son, Thomas, 3d, who died in 1683, aged eighteen. 2. John, died October 3d, 1713, aged seventy-two. 3, Mary, married November 17th, 1662, Samuel Rogers, 4. Hannah, married November 20th, 1662, Nehemiah Palmer. 5. Joseph, baptized in Hartford, Match 21st, 1646. 6. Daniel, died before lOSS, and it is supposed in Barbadoes, leaving there a wife and one child ' 7. Dorothy, married Rev. James Noyes; diedin 1742, in her ninety-first year. 8. Robert, died in 1724, aged seventy-one. 9. Sarah, married William Denison; died in 1713, aged fifty-nine. AU these were living in 1711, except Sarah and Daniel. Matthew Waller, diedin 1680. Of this person Uttle is known. He was perhaps the Matthew Waller, of Salem, 1637, and the Sarah WaUer, member of Salem 1 Mrs. Anna Stanton, relict of Thomas, left a legacy " to the fatheriess childin Bar badoes," without mentioning its name or parentage. 298 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. church, in 1648,' may have been his wife. He had two daughters, Rebecca and Sarah, who owned the covenant and were baptized in 1671. Rebecca married Thomas BoUes and died in 1712, leaving no issue. Sarah was unmarried in 1699. Ensign WilUam Waller, of Lyme, was brother of Matthew. One of his sons, Samuel Waller, lived on a farm at Niantick, within the bounds of New London, where he died in 1742, very aged. Matthew Beckwith,^ died December 13th, 1681. His death being sudden and the result of accident, a jury was sum moned, who gave their verdict, that "he came to his death by mis taking his way in a dark night, and falling from a clift of rocks." Estate £393. He left wife EUzabeth, and children, Matthew, John, Joseph, Benjamin, and two daughters, widows, the relicts of Robert Gerard^ and Benjamin Grant, both of whom were mariners, and had probably perished at sea.'' No other children are mentioned in the brief record of the settlement of the estate ; but Nathaniel Beckwith, of Lyme, may upon supposition, be included among his sons. Matthew Beckwith, Jun., like his father, and most of the family, was a seaman. The births of his two oldest children, Matthew and John, are registered in Guilford, where he probably married and re sided for a time. The next three, James, Jonah and Prudence, are on record in New London ; and three more, Elizabeth, Ruth and Sarah, in Lyme, where he fixdd his abode in 1677. These were by his first wife. His second wife was Elizabeth, relict of Peter Pratt, ' by whom he had one daughter, named Griswold. All these children are named in his will except Sarah. He died June 4th, 1727. Joseph and Nathaniel Beckwith, sons of Matthew, Sen., settled in Lyme ; John and Benjamin, in New London. John Beckwith, in a deposition presented in county court in 1740, stated that he had lived for seventy years near Niantick ferry. He is the ancestor of the Waterford family of Beckwiths. 1 Felt's Salem, pp. 170, 175. 2 This name is written also Beckworth and Beoket. 3 Frequently written Jarret, 4 Benjamin Grant died in 1670, He was a son of Christopher Grant, of Water- town or Cambridge, and left a son Benjamin, who in 1693, was of Cambridge, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 299 Richard Haughton, died in 1682. This event took place at Wethersfield, whUe Mr. Haughton wag engaged at work, as a shipwright, on a vessel there. Of his children no regular Ust has been obtained. Massapeag Neck, a fine tract of land on the river, within the bounds of Mohegan proper, was granted to Haughton by deed ofthe sachem Uncas, August 19th, 1658. The laws of the colony prohibited individuals from contracting with the Indians for land ; nevertheless the General Court confirmed this grant, upon certain conditions, assigning as one reason for their in dulgence to Mr, Haughton, " his charge of children." We infer from this that he had a young and numerous family. Eight children can be traced ; of whom three sons, Robert, Joseph and John, are supposed to belong to a first unknown wife, dating their birth anterior to the settlement of the family at New London.' Robert's name oc curs as a witness in 1655. In 1675 he was a resident in Boston, a mariner, and in command of a vessel. He was afterward at Milford, where he died about the year 1678, leaving three children, Robert, Sarah and Hannah.^ His relict married Benjamin Smith, of Mil ford. The daughter, Sarah, married Daniel Northrop, and in 1735 was apparently the only surviving heir to certain divisions of land accruing to her father from the family rights in New London. Joseph Haughton was twenty-three years of age in 1662. He died in 1697, and apparently left no family. John Haughton, shipwright, died in 1704, leaving wife and children. The wife that Richard Haughton brought with him to New Lon don, was Katherine, formerly wife to Nicholas Chariet or Chelet, whom he had recently married. She had two daughters by her for mer husband, EUzabeth (born July 15th, 1645) and Mary, whose joint portion was £100.= The remainder of Richard Haughton's children may be assigned to this wife, viz., sons Sampson and James and three daughters— AbigaU, married Thomas Leach; Katherine, married John Butler; and Mercy, married Samuel BiU. Katherine, wife of Richard Haughton, died August 9th, 1670. He afterward 1 The name of Richard Haughton is found in 1646, among the settters in MUford. Lambert's New Haven Colony, p. 91. 2 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 3 They had the note and surety of theh father-in-law for this sum, which m 1663 was mdorsed by EUzabeth Chariet, satisfied. This was probably the period of her marriage. 300 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. married Alice , who sm-vived him and became the wife of Daniel Crombe, of Westerly. Massapeag Neck was sold by the Haughton heirs to Fitz-John Winthrop. Sampson Haughton, the ancestor of the MontviUe branch of the famUy, in 1746, settled in the neighborhood of Massapeag, on a farm which he purchased of Godfrey Malbone, of Newport, lying on both sides of the country road between New London and Nor wich. Haughton's farm became a noted halfway station between the two places. William Douglas, died July 26th, 1682. He was of Ipswich, 1641 ;' of Boston, 1645 ; made freeman of Mass., 1646;' of New London, December, 1659. From various depositions it appears that he was born in 1610 ; his wife was about the same age.' Her maiden name was Ann Mattle; she was daugh ter of Thomas, and sister of Robert Mattle, of Ringstead, in North amptonshire ; both of whom had deceased before 1670, leaving prop erty to which she was the legal heir.* Their children were Robert, born about 1639 ; WiUiam, born in Boston, May 2d, 1645 ;^ Anna, wife of Nathaniel Gary ; EUzabeth, wife of John Chandler,^ and Susannah, who came with her parents to New London, and married in October, 1661, John Keeny. Mr. Douglas was one of the townsmen in 1663, 1666 and 1667; recorder and moderator in 1668 ; sealer and packer in 1673 ; and on various important committees, civil and ecclesiastical, from year to year. He had a farm granted him in 1660, " three miles or more weist of the town plot, with a brook running through it ;" and another in 1667, " towards the head of the brook called Jordan, about four miles from town, on each side of the Indian path to Nahantick." These farms were inherited by his sons, and are still in the possession of their descendants. William Douglas, Sen., and wife, with his two sons and their wives, and his daughter, Keeny, were all members of Mr. Bradstreet's church, in 1672. Robert Douglas married, September 28tb, 1665, 1 Hist, and Gen. Reg,, vol. 2, p. 175. 2 Savage's Winthrop, vol, 2, p. 374, 3 He waa sixty-flve in 1676; his wife sixty in 1670. i Depositions talcen before Gov. BeUingham, of Mass., on record in New London. 5 Boston Records. 6 Lincoln's Hist, Worcester, p, 275. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 301 Mary, daughter of Robert Hempstead ; the first-born of New Lon don. WilUam Douglas, 2d, held the ofiice of deacon in the church at New London, about thirty years. He married, December 18th, 1667, Abiah, daughter of WUUam Hough. His oldest son, William, removed to Plainfield, and was one of the first deacons of the church in that place. He is the ancestor of the Douglas families of Plain- field. No family among the early settlers of the town has sent more colo nies to other parts of the Union than that of Douglas. The descend ants of William, 1st, are .widely dispersed through New York, and the states farther west, and also in some of the southern states. He and his immediate family wrote the name Douglas, with one « ; Douglass is a variation of later times. [The Chandlers, of Woodstock, were connected with New Lon don by so many ties, that a short digression respecting them may not be amiss. John Chandler, son of William, of Roxbury, Mass., re moved with a company from Roxbury, to a place then regarded as a portion of Worcester county, Mass., and called New Roxbury. It was afterward named Woodstock, and included in Connecticut, form ing a part of New London county.' This John Chandler, second of the name in this country, was the one who married Elizabeth, daugh ter of WilUam Douglas. His oldest son, John, married Mary, daugh ter of Joshua Raymond, of New London, and resided several years in the place. The births of his first four children, John, Joshua, WilUam and Mary, are recorded here. The family afterward re turned to Woodstock, but the third John, agreeably to the custom of his ancestors, came down to the salt water for a wife, and married^ about 1718, Hannah, daughter of John Gardiner, ofthe Isle of Wight. He also resided for a short period in New London, and the fourth John Chandler, in Uneal succession, was born here, February 26th, 1720.] Robert Burrows,'' died in August, 1682. Robert Burrows married in Wethersfield about the year 1645, Mary, reUct of Samuel Ireland.' She had two daughters by her 1 Now in Windham county. 2 This name is now generaUy written Burroughs or Burrough, 3 Ireland came to America in 1635. " Samuel Ireland, carpenter aged thirty-two, Uxor, thkty— Martha, one and a half." Sav. Gleanings, p, 261. 26 302 HISTORY OF NE-Vt LONDON. first husband, Martha and Mary, whose portion of £30 each was de Uvered tp their father-in-law. Burrows, by John Latimer of Weth ersfield, Oct. 20th, 1651. For the faithful performance of his trust, Burro-ws pledged his house, land and stock at Pequonock, which shows how eariy he had settled east of the river. Mary, wife of Robert Burrows, died in Dec, 1672. Only two children have been traced: Samuel and John, both presented to be made freemen of the colony in October, 1669. The subsequent history of Samuel is not known. John married, Dec. 14th, 1670, Hannah daughter of Ed ward Culver, and had a large famUy of children. He died in 1699. Amos Richardson, of Stonington, died Aug. bth, 1683. Mary, his reUct, survived him but a few weeks. John, the oldest son of Mr. Richardson, was minister of the church in Newbury, Mass., where he was settled in 1674. He had two other sons, Ste phen and Samuel, and a daughter. Prudence, who married, first, March 15th, 1682-3, John Hallam; second, March 17th, 1702-3, Elnathan Miner. A lingering lawsuit was sustained by Mr. Richardson for several years against the town of New London to obtain possession of a house lot, formerly granted him, which, comprising the greater por tion of the Parade, (State St.,) had been assumed by the to-(vn for a highway and public square. Mr. John Plumbe was Richardson's attorney. It was at last decided that Richardson should be indemni fied for his lot, out of the nearest unoccupied land that the town owned. In execution of this judgment the marshal took four pieces ; one piece of ninety-six rods, being a part of the original lot and on the north side of it, the same on which the first Episcopal church was afterward erected ; a lot at the corner of Main and State Streets, west side,' which had hitherto been left common and uninclosed ; ten rods on Mill Cove, and one hundred rods on the Beach. " These two last pieces (says the marshal's return) were prized according to law, on the Cove, one rod for two, and on the Beach, two rods for one ; the four pieces containing 285 rods were delivered to Mr. Amos Richardson and accepted in full satisfaction; Feb. 13, 1681." William Hough, died August 10th, 1683. The family of Samuel Hough, oldest son of WilUam, is registered 1 This lot was assigned to Mr, Plumbe for his services in managing the case. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 303 at Saybrook, and in connection with the record it is stated that Wil Uam Hough, was a son of Edward Hough, of West Chester in Cheshire, England. It has not been ascertained that this Edward Hough emigrated to America, but a widow Ann Hough that died in Gloucester, Mass., in 1672, aged eighty-five years, was perhaps his relict, and the mother of William Hough. WilUam Hough married Sarah, daughter of Hugh Calkin, October 28th, 1635. Children. 1. Hannah h. July 31, 1646. 6. WiUiam b. Oct. 13, 1657. 2. Abiah " Sept, 15, 1618, 7. Jonathan " ' Feb. 7, 1659-60. 3. Sarah " Mar, 23, 1651. 8. Deborah ' ' Oct. 21, 1662, 4. Samuel " Mar. 9, 163-2-3, 9. AbigaU ' ' Mar, 5, 1665-6, 6. John ** Oct. 17, 16.5.3. 10. Anna ' ' Aug. 29, 1667. Hannah Hough married John Borden of Lyme ; Abiah married the second WilUam Douglas ; Sarah married David Carpenter. The marriage of William Hough and the births of three children, are recorded at Gloucester ; the remainder in New London, but it is men tioned that Samuel was born in' Saybrqok. The father being a house buUder might have been temporarily employed in that place. The last four children of William Hough are not afterward found at New London ; it is probable that they were scattered in other towns. Samuel the oldest son settled in Saybrook. Capt. John Hough, the second son, was a noted man of his time, powerful in frame and energetic in character. His wife was Sarah Post, of Norwich, and Capt. Hough was at one time 'a resident in that place. His death was caused by a faU from the scaffolding of a house which he was buUding in New London, August 26th, 1715.' No external injury could be discovered, but he lived only an hour. Such an event was sufficient at that time to move the whole town. WilUam Hough, Jun., married Ann, daughter of Samuel Lothrop, of Norwich. He died April 22d, 1705. His reUct, Widow Ann Hough, died in Noi-wich Nov. 19th, 1745. John Baldwin, of Stonington, died August 19th, 1683. Among the original emigrants from Great Britain to the shores of New England, were several John Baldwins. Two of these, father 1 This house, which belonged to Eichard Christophers, was on State Street, the end to the street, near the corner of the present Bradley Street, but at that time no streel was opened east of it, and the house fronted the water. Capt, Hongh feU frora the south-east corner, on the spot now occupied by W, H, Chapman, merchant. 304 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. and son, who married Mary and Hannah Bruen, have already been mentioned in this history, as belonging to Milford, and subsequently joining the company that purchased Newark. Another John Bald win was of Guilford, where he married Hannah Burchet, or Birchard> in 1653, and afterward removed to Norwich. A fourth John Bald win was the one now under consideration, and may be distinguished as the son of Sylvester, of whom John, Sen., of Milford, was probably a brother. Sylvester Baldwin died on the voyage from Great Britain, a pass enger in the Martin, 1638, making his will " on the main ocean bound for New England." In this -n'iU he is said to be of Aston-CUnton in Bucks ; he notes wife Sarah, sons Richard and John, and daughters Sarah, Mary, Martha and Ruth. The wiU was proved m July, be fore Deputy Governor Dudley of Mass.' In 1643, the Widow Baldwin is found enrolled among the residents of New Haven ; five in her famUy and her estate estimated at £800.^ She afterward married John Astwood, one of the first planters of Milford, and removed to that place.' Richard Baldwin, her oldest son, married and settled at Milford. John, the second son, we sup pose to be the person who came to New London, where his name appears occasionaUy after 1654, but not as a fixed resident tUl about ten years later. He is on the rate list of 1667, and on the roll of freemen in 1668. He purchased two houses in the town plot and had several grants of land. His first wife died at Milford in 1658, leaving a son, John, born in 1657.* This son came to New London with him, received adult baptism in 1674 and after that event is lost to our records. From some probate testimony given at a much later period, we learn that soon after arriving at maturity, he sailed for England and never re turned.* John Baldwin, the father, married July 24th, 1672, Rebecca, relict of Elisha Chesebrough, and daughter of Walter Palmer. This connection with a richly dowried widow, whose posessions lay in Stonington, led to an immediate transfer of his residence to that 1 Savage (MS.) 2 Lambert's Hist. New Haven Colony, p. 54. 3 E, Smith, Esq., of Guilford, (MS.) 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 305 place. By this marriage he had a son Sylvester and several daughters. Benjamin Atwell, died 1683. The name suggests a famUy connection with the Benjamin Atwell kiUed by the Indians, while he was engaged in hay-making, August 11th, 1676, at Casco, within a mile of the present Portland, Maine.' Benjamin Atwell of New London, had been at that time about ten years an inhabitant. He was constable of the town in 1675. He had a son Benjamin, whose birth is not recorded in New London ; Thomas born 1670; John, 1675; Joseph, 1677; Richard, 1679; and Samuel, the youngest child, born AprU 23d, 1682. Joseph, Rich ard and Samuel, settled about 1710, on wild land in the North Parish of New London. Joseph died without issue. Descendants of the others remain in that vicinity. Two of the grandchildren of Samuel, that is, of the fourth gener ation from the first settler Benjamin, were Uving at the commence ment of the year 1850. These were Samuel Atwell and his sister Lucretia, chUdren of Samuel Atwell second. Samuel died Nov. 26th, 1850, aged ninety-five years and six months ; Lucretia, daughter of Samuel second and reUct of Joseph Atwell, died Oct. 25th, 1851, aged 102 years. She was born Nov. 19th, 1749, 0. S. Here are three generations covering the space from 1682 to 1851. Benjamin and Thomas AtweU, the two oldest sons of Benjamin senior, died in New London leaving descendants. Jolm, in 1712, was of Saybrook. Daniel Comstock, died 1683. WilUam Comstock the father of Daniel, came from Hartford in 1649 and Uved to old age in his house upon Post HUl; (near north comer of WilUams and VauxhaU Streets.) His wife EUzabeth was aged fifty-five m 1663. No record has been found of the death of either. His land was inherited by his son Daniel, of New London, and grandson WilUam, of Lyme. The latter was a son of John Comstock deceased— and his mother Abigail in 1680, was the wife of Moses Huntley, of Lyme. It is probable that Daniel and John were the only children of WUliam Comstock, sen., and his wife 1 WUUs' Hist, of Portland, pp. 134, 144. 26* 306 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. EUzabeth. John is the ancestor of the Lyme family of Comstocks, and Daniel of those of the North Parish or MontviUe. The latter, as appears from statements of his age, was born about 1630. His wife, whose name was Paltiah, was a daughter, or step-daughter of John Elderkin. They had a son Daniel and eight daughters, whose births are not recorded ; but they were aU baptized by Mr. Bradstreet in April and November, 1671. After this two other sons were bap tized; Kingsland in 1673, and Samuel in 1677. John Lockwood, died in 1683. We suppose this person to have been the son of EUzabeth, wife of Cary Latham, by a former husband Edward Lockwood, and the same whose birth stands on record in Boston, 9th month, 1632.' He dwelt on Foxen's HiU, at a place since known as a Wheeler home stead. In the settlement of the estate, no heir appears but Edmund Lockwood of Stamford, who is caUed his brother. Ralph Parker, died in 1 683. He had a house in Gloucester in 1647. Sold out there " 24th of 8 m. 1651" and was the same year a grantee at New London. He appears to have been whoUy engaged in marine aff'airs— sending out vessels and sometimes going himself to sea. No births, marriages or deaths of his famUy are recorded. It is ascertained, however, that his wife was Susannah, daughter of Wm. Keeny ; though not proba bly his first wife, as her age in October, 1602, was thirty-four and that of his daughter Mary nineteen. This daughter Mary married WiUiam Condy of Boston, about 1663: another daughter, Susannah, married Thomas Forster in 1666. Keeny, Condy, Forster and Parker were all masters of vessels, as was also at a later period, Jonathan Parker, son of Ralph. In the year 1710 Thomas Parker of Boston, son of Jonathan, was the principal heir to certain estate of the family left in New London. Edmund Fanning, died in December, 1683. It has been transmitted from one generation to another in the Fan ning family that their ancestor " Edmund Fanning, escaped from 1 Hist, and Gen, Eeg., vol, 2, p, 181, and vol, 4, p, 181. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 307 DubUn in 1641, in the time of the great rebellion, in which 100,000 Protestants feU victims to the fury of the Roman Catholics," ' and after eleven years of wandering and uncertainty he found a resting place in that part of New London now called Groton, in the year 1652. On the town records the name is not mentioned till ten years later, but it is then in a way that denotes previous residence. In the inventory of goods of Richard Poole, April 25th, 1662, one article is — " Two cowes and one steere now with Edmon ff'aning." After this he has a grant of land ; claims the bounty for killing a wolf; is chosen to some town ofiice ; is propounded to be made a freeman in Stonington, and thus occasionally gleams upon us, till we come to the last item — the probate of his estate. Feb., 1683-4, " The widow Fanning is to pay 10 shillings for the settlement of her estate, it being done at a called Court, which the clerk is to demand and receive." The estate was distributed to the widow and four sons — Edmund) John, Thomas and WilUam, and two grandsons, William and Benja min Hewet. Several of the family have in latter days been eminent as naviga tors ;^ others have gained distinction in naval battles and in miUtary afi'airs.' Charles Hill, died in October, 1684. The first copartnership in trading at New London, of which we have any knowledge, is that of HiU and Christophers, " Charies HiU, of London, guirdler, and Christopher Christophers, mariner." The earUest date respecting them is June 26th, 1665, when they pur - 1 MS. mformation from late Capt. John Fanning, of Norwich, 2 In 1797, '98 and '99, Capt. Edmund Fanning, of Stonington, made a voyage for seals m the ship Betsey, m which he discovered several islands near the equator^ not before laid down on any chart. They are known as Famimg's Islands, (See Fan- ning's Voyages round the World.) 3 Nathaniel Fannmg, brother of Edmund, the discoverer, was an officer in the ship of Paul Jones at the time of his celebrated naval battle, and by his gallant danng contributed essentiaUy to the brUUant result. He was stationed in the maintop of Jones' ship and led his men upon the interlocked yards to the enemy's top, which was cleared by the weU dh-eoted fire of his command. He died in Charieston, S. C, Sept, 30th, 1805. Edmund Fanning, cousin of Nathaniel, fought on the other side during the Eevolutionary War. He was colonel of a regiment raised on Long Island and caUed the Associated Eefugees, (Onderdonk's Eevolutionarj- Incidents of Queens County,) He died m London m 1813, 308 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. Chased a warehouse that had been John Tinker's, on Mill Cove, Hill, though styled of London, had previously been at the south, for in 1668, he assigned to Robert Prowse, merchant, aU right to a plan tation in Maryland, with mUch cows and smaU cattle, &c., which had been four years jointly owned and cultivated by them. Mr. HiU was chosen recorder ofthe town, February 25th, 1669-70, and held the office tUl his death. His handwriting was compact and neat, but not distinct. He was also clerk of the county court at the time of his decease. His first marriage is thus recorded : " Charies, son to George HiU, of Bariey, Derbyshire, Esq., was married July 16, 1668, to Ruth, widow of John Picket." Children— Jane, bom December 9th, 1669 ; Charies, October 16th, 1671 ; Ruth, baptized October, 1673, probably died in infancy; Jonathan, born December, 1674. Ruth, wife of Charies HUl, died April 30th, 1677. Charies HUl married, second, June 12th, 1678, Rachel, daughter of Major John Mason, deputy governor of the colony. This second wife and her infant child died in 1679. Charies HiU, second, married AbigaU Fox, August 28th, 1701. Jonathan HiU married Mary Sharswood, the date not recovered. Pasco Foote, died probably in 1684. We can scarcely err in assuming that he was son of Pasco Foote, of Salem, and that he was the Pasco Foote, Jr., of the Salem records, who married 2d 10th month, 1668, Martha Wood, and of whose mar riage three sons are the recorded issue, Malachi, Martha and Pasco.' He appears in New London as a mariner, engaged in the Newfound land trade, and marries November 30th, 1678, Margaret, daughter of Edward Stallion. Three children were the issue of this marriage, , whose births are not recorded, Isaac, Stallion and Margaret. Ed ward Stallion, the grandfather, by a deed of adoption, took the second son. Stallion, for his own child, and at the same time, Pasco Foote settled his house and land in New London, on his youngest child, Margaret. These deeds, executed January Bth, 1683-4, give us our latest information of Pasco Foote. His reUct married James Haynes, in 1687 or 1688. Stallion Foote died in 1710, leaving a wife, Ann, and an only child, of his own name. Stallion, who died suddenly at the house of John WilUams, on Groton bank, January 9th, 1714-15, aged six 1 Goodwin's Foote Genealogy^, 292, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 309 years. On the 7th of March succeeding the death of the chUd an entry was made on the New London record, of the foUowing import • " Isaac, son of Pasco Foote, late of New London, deceased, and Mar garet his wife, hath desired his name may be now recorded, Isaac aUas StaUion Foote." This person after 1715, disappears from our records. Charles Haynes. His inventory was presented in 1685. This is aU the information obtained respecting the period of his decease. His marriage is not recorded. Children of Charles Haynes and his wife Mary. 1, Jaraes, born March 1st, 1664-5, 4. Jonathan, born June 29th, 1674. 2. Peter, " November 21st, 1G66. 5. Mary, " October 29th, 1679. 3. Charles, " Sept. 25th, 1669. 6. Hercules, " April 29th, 1681. James and Jonathan Haynes settled in New London, and left de scendants. Edward Culver, died in 1685. He had lived at Dedham, where the births of three children are recorded: John, April 15th, 1640; Joshua, January 12th, 1642-3; Samuel, January 9th, 1644-5 ; and at Roxbury, where the record of baptisms adds two more to the list of children, Gershom, December 3d, 1648 ; Hannah, April 11th, 1651.' His arrival at Pequot is an nounced by a land grant in 1653. He purchased the house-lot of Robert Burrows, given to the latter by the town, and established himself as a baker and brewer. In 1664 he relinquished the home stead to his son John, and removed to a place near the head of Mys tic, but within New London bounds, called by the Indians Chepadaso, and in one place recorded as Chepados Hill. During PhiUp's War, Edward Culver was a noted soldier and partisan, often sent out with Indian scouts to explore the wilderness.^ In 1681, he is called " wheel-right of Mystic." The sons of Edward and Ann Culver, expressly named, are John, Joshua, Samuel and Josepfc.' It is sup posed that Edward Culver, of Norwich, 1680, having wife Sarah, 1 Savage, (MS.) 2 Conn. Col. Eec, vol, 2, pp, 408, 417. 3 Perhaps Gershom, baptized at Eoxbury, 1648, is a mistake for Joseph. 310 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. and chUdren ranging in birth from 1681 to 1694, and in 1700, an inhabitant of the new town of Lebanon, should be added to the Ust. If so, he was probably born after the removal to Pequot, or about 1654. The identity of his name, however, is the only evidence we can produce of the relationship. John Culver was for several years a resident in New Haven, where the birth of a daughter, AbigaU, is recorded in 1676, and son, James, in 1679.' He ultimately returned to the neighborhood of the Mystic. Joshua Culver, married in 1673, EUzabeth Ford, of New Haven, and settled in WalUngford.^ Samuel Culver, about the year 1674, eloped with the wife of John Fish,-and is not known to have ever returned to this part of the country. Joseph Culver settled on his father's lands at Groton. Isaa^ Willey^ died ahout 1685. WiUey's house-lot was on Mill Brook, at the base of Post HiU. He was an agriculturist, and soon removed to a farm at the head of Nahantic River, which was confirmed to " old goodman Willie," in 1664. It is probable that both he and his wife Joanna, had passed the bounds of middle age, and that all their children were born before they came to the banks of the Pequot. Isaac WiUey, Jr., was a mar ried man at the time of his death, in 1662 ; John WiUey was one who wrought on the mill-dam in 1651 ; Abraham had married and settled in Haddam before his father's decease. No other sons are known. Hannah, wife of Peter Blatchford, is the only daughter ex pressly named as such, but inferential testimony leads us to enroll among the members of this family, Joanna, wife of Robert Hemp stead, and afterward of Andrew Lester ; Mary, wife of Samuel Tubbs, and Sarah, wife of John Terrall. Isaac WiUey married, second, after 1670, Anna, reUct of Andrew Lester,^ who survived him. The WUley farm, was sold to Abel Moore and Chr. Christophers. John WiUey married in 1670, liliri- am, daughter of MUes Moore. He lived beyond the head of Nah.an- 1 Judd, ofNorfcampton, (MS,) 2 Ibid. 3 He wrote his name hark Willy. Mr. Bruen's orthography was Willie: he had a partiaUty for this termination, and wrote Averie, Marie, Doxie, &e. ^ 4 She had been the third wife of his former son-in-law. Eelationship was some times curiously uivolved by man-iages. It must be recollected that the males out numbered the females, and there could be no wide range of choice in the selection of a wife. ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 311 tick, and when the bounds between New London and Lyme were de termined, his farm was spUt by the Une, leaving twenty acres, on which stood his house, in New London. Abraham Willey, the ancestor of the Haddam family, married EUzabeth, daughter of Thomas Mortimer, of New Loudon. James Morgan, died about 1685. He was about seventy-eight years of age.' The earUest notice of him is from the records of Boston, where the birth of his daughter, Hannah, is registered, eighteenth day, fifth month, 1642.^ He was afterward of Gloucester, and came with the Cape Ann company to Pequot, where he acted as one of the townsmen, from 1653 to 1656, inclusive. His homestead, " on the path to New Street," was sold December 25th, 1657. He then removed east of the river, where he had large grants of land. The following additional grant alludes to his dweUing : " James Morgan hath given hira about six acres of upland where the wig wams were in the path that goes from his house towards Culver's among the rocky hills." He was often employed by the public in land surveys, stating high ways and determining boundaries, and was nine times deputy to the General Court. His estate was settled in 1685, by division among his four children, James, John, Joseph and Hannah, wife of Nehe miah Royce. James Morgan, 2d, married, " some time in the month of November, 1666," Mary Vine,' of old England. This w-as the Capt. James Morgan, of Groton, who died December 8th, 1711. John Morgan married, November 16th, 1665, Rachel Dymond, by whom he had seven children. By a second wife, EUzabeth, supposed to have been daughter of WilUam Jones, of New Haven," aud granddaughter of Governor Eaton, he had six other children. Lieut. John Morgan died m Groton, 1712. Joseph Morgan married, in April, 1670, Dor othy, daughter of Thomas Parke. He died in Preston, April 5th, 1 Conn. Col. Eec,, vol, 1, p. 300, 2 Hist, and Gen, Eeg,, vol 6, p, 184, ? 3 Ofthe VmefamUy there has been no account recovered. The name can be traced m several famUies, as Vme Starr, Vine Utley, Vme Stoddard, &c. 4 In settUng Mr. Jones' estate m 1707, one of the chUdren mentioned is EUzabeth, wife of John Morgan. Judd, (MS.) 312 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 1704. These three sons are progenitors of a numerous body of de scendants. Richard Rose-Morgan, who settled in the western part of New London, (now Waterford,) in 1679 or 1680, is the ancestor of another line of Morgans, probably of a different family from James Morgan. His descendants for a considerable period, retained the adjunct of Rose, apparently to distinguish them from that famOy. Richard Rose-Morgan died in 1698, leaving sons, John, Richard and Benja min, and several daughters. His relict, widow Hope-stiU Morgan, died June 1st, 1712. Cary Latham, died in 1685. Elizabeth, wife of Cary Latham, was daughter of John Masters, and reUct of Edward Lockwood. Two children are recorded in Bos ton: Thomas, born ninth month, 1639 ; Joseph, second of tenth month, probably 1642.' John Latham, who died at New London, about 1684, is supposed to have been a third son. The daughters were four in number : EUzabeth, wife of John Leeds ; Jane, of Hugh Hub bard ; Lydia, of John Packer, and Hannah, unmarried at the time of her father's decease. Mr, Latham served in various town offices ; he was one of the townsmen or selectmen for sixteen years, and was six times deputy to the General Court, from May, 1664, to 1670. His large grants of land enriched his descendants. Thomas Latham, oldest son of Cary, married, October 15th, 1673, Rebecca, daughter of Hugh WeUs, of Wethersfield. He died before his father, December 14th, 1677, leaving an only son, Samuel. His relict married John Packer. Joseph, the second son, had a numerous family. His marriage is not recorded at New London. His first child, Cary, was born at Newfoundland, July 14th, 1668. He died in 1706, leaving seven sons, and a daughter, Lydia, the wife of Benjamm Starr. Thomas Forster, died in 1685. Of this sea-captain nearly aU that is presented to our view is the registry of his marriage, and birth of his children. " Thomas, son of John Forster, of Kingsware, was married to Susannah, daughter of Ralph Parker, 27th of March, 1665-6. 1 Hist, and Gen, Eeg,, vol, ^|p, 181, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 313 1, Susannah, born March 4th, 1666-7, 5. Samuel, born Sept. 22d, 1678. 2. Thomas, " Feb. 26th, 1668-9. 6. Rebecca, baptized June, 1681. 3, Jonathan, " Aug. 17th, 1673. 7. Ebenezer, " AprU, 1683." 4. Mary, " June 14th, 1675. Thomas Forster appears to have had brothers, Edward and Jona than. His son, Jonathan, settled in Westerly, Rhode Island. Hugh Hubbard, died in 1685. " Hugh Hubbard, of Derbyshire, old England, was married to Jane, daughter of Cary Latham, in March, 1672-3." Beside a son that died in infancy, they had four daughters : 1. Mary, born November 17th, 1674; married, in 1697, " Ichabod Sayre, son of Francis Sayre, of Southampton, on Nassau Id., N. Y." This was the first mar riage recorded by Rev. Gurdon SaltonstaU. 2. Lydia, born Febru ary 7th, 1675-6 ; married John Burrows. 3. Margaret. 4. Jane. The relict of Hugh Hubbard married John Williams, and died May 3d, 1739, aged ninety-one. Gabriel Woodmancy, died in 1685. He is first introduced to our notice by the purchase of a homestead on what is now Shaw's Neck and Truman Street, in November, 1665. Three sons are mentioned : Thomas, born September 17th, 1670 ; settled in Shrewsbury, Monmouth county. New' Jersey ; Joseph and Gabriel. The last mentioned died without issue, in September, 1720, aged thirty-four. There was also a daughter, Sarah, bom in March, "1673, who married in KiUingworth, where she had descend ants of the names of Hurd, Carter and Nettleton. Joseph, whom we may assume was born about 1680, is the ancestor of the Wood- mancys of Groton. Aaron Starke, died in 1 685. This name is found at Mystic as early as 1653. In May, 1666, Aaron Starke was among those who were to take the freeman's oath in Stonington, and in October, 1669, was accepted as freeman of New London. In the interim he had purchased the farm of Wilham Thomson, the Pequot missionary, near the head of Mystic, which brought him within the bounds of New London. Neither his mar riage nor his ChUdren are found recorded, but from the settlement of 27 314 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. his estate, it may be gathered that he had sons, Aaron, John and WiUiam, and that John Fish and Josiah Haynes were his sons-in- law. John Stebbins, died probably in 1685. In one deposition on record, his age is said to be sixty, in 1661, and in another, seventy, in 1675. Where the mistake lies, can not be decided. It is probable that he was the John Stebbins who had a son John born at Watertown, in 1640.' His wife, Margaret, died January 1st, 1678-9. Three chUdren are mentioned : John, Daniel, and the wife of Thomas MarshaU, of Hartford. John Stebbins, 2d, was married about 1663 ; his wife was Deborah, and is supposed to have been a daughter of Miles Moore. He died in 1707. Daniel Stebbins married Bethiah, daughter of Daniel Comstock. The broth ers, John and Daniel Stebbins, were of that company to whom the Mohegan sachems made a munificent grant of a large part of Hebron and Colchester. The name is almost mvariably written in the earlier records. Stub- bin, or Stubbing. No clue has been obtained to the period of decease of Thomas Marritt, Nathaniel Holt, John Fish and William Peake. Their names, however, disappear from the rolls of living men, about 1685. Thomas Marritt. — The name is given in his own orthography, but it is commonly recorded Merrit. He was probably the Thomas Maryot, made freeman of the Bay colony in 1636,^ and the Thomas Merrit, of Cambridge, mentioned in the wUl of John Benjamin, in 1645.' At New London, his first appearance is in 1664; he was chosen custom-master of the port, and county marshal, Dec. 15th, 1668, and was, for several years, the most conspicuous attorney in the place. Nathaniel Holt. — WilUam Holt, of New Haven, had a son, Na thaniel, born in 1647, who settled in New London in 1673, and mar ried, April 5th, 1680, Rebecca, daughter of Thomas Beeby, 2d. 1 Farmer's Eegister. 2 Savage's Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 366. 3 Hist, and Gen. Eeg., vol. 3, p. 177. In Mass. Hist. CoU., 3d series, vol, 10, p, 118, Mr. Myrior is probably a mistake for Mynot. * HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 315 Only two children of this marriage are recorded— WiUiam, born July 15th, 1681 ; Nathaniel, July 18th, 1682. From Thomas Beeby, the Holt family inherited the original homestead granted by the town to Thomas Parke, lying south-west of Robert Hempstead's lot, with a highway, (Hempstead Street,) between them. Sergeant Thomas Beeby purchased this lot of five acres, and left it to his descendants. In the original grant it is said, " to run up the hill among the rocks." This description remained characteristic of the surface for nearly two hundred years, but its aptness is now fast melting away, before an advancing Une of neat dwelling-houses, from whose windows the occupants look out over the roofs of their neighbors, upon a goodly prospect.' John Fish. — Probably identical with the John Fish, who was of Lynn, 1637.^ In New London, he appears early in 1655, with wife and chUdren. Of the latter, only three are traced, John, Jonathan and Samuel. In 1667, the wife of John Fish was Martha — probably a second wife, and a young woman. She was subsequently several times arraigned and admonished, on account of improper conduct, and finally eloped with Samuel Culver. Mr. Fish obtained a divorce from his recreant wife, in 1 680, at which time it is said she had been gone six or seven years. Of the guilty couple nothing further is known. The estate of Mr, Fish was divided in 1687, between his two sons, Jonathan and Samuek John Fish, Jr,, is mentioned in 1684, but his name not appearing in the division of the estate, it may be conjectured that he had received his portion and settled else where.' William Peake, or Pike. — His residence was west of the town- plot, on the path leading to Fog Plain. Only three children are mentioned : Sarah, married, Dec. 27th, 1671, Abraham Dayne or Deane. 1 About the year 1846, Mr. David Bishop, with great labor, succeeded in cutting a chamber out of the soUd rock for a foundation, upon which he erected a handsome house. A street has since been opened over the hUl, a number of neat houses bmlt, and the name of Mountain Avenue given to it. 2 Farmer's Eegister. 3 Perhaps in Newtown, Long Island. In the patent of Newtown, granted in 1686, are the names of John, Samuel and Nathan Fish. The same names occur among the sons of Samuel Fish, of Groton, suggesting a connection with the Newtown family. 316 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. William, who settled in Lyme, and married, June 24th, 1679, Abi gail Comstock. John who remained in New London, had wife, Ehzabeth, and children, John, born 1690 ; Samuel, 1693 ; WiUiam, 1695, and Ruth, 1699. John Pike died, Oct. 2d, 1699. Christopher Christophers, died July 23d, 1687. Two brothers, of the name of Christophers, both mariners, and en gaged m the exchange trade with Barbadoes, settled in New London about 1665. Jeffrey was aged fifty-five in 1676; of course bom about 1621 Christopher was, at his death, aged fifty-six; born about 1631., That they were brothers, conclusive evidence remams, in documents upon record, wherein the relationship is expressed. Jeffrey Christophers had a son of the same name, who was also a mariner, and who died May 17th, 1690, of the small-pox. Jane, the wife of the said Jeffrey Christophers, Jr., died of the same disease three weeks after her husband. Jeffrey, Sen., had no other son. Three daughters are mentioned : Joanna, wife of John Mayhew ; » Margaret, wife of Abraham Corey, of Southold, and the wife of a Mr. Parker, or Packer, of the same place. In 1700, Jeffrey Chris tophers was living at Southold, -with one of these daughters. The date of his death is not known. Christopher Christophers, having purchased the Doxey or Lane house-lot, on the Town Street, built thereon, about 1680, a new house which is supposed to be the same structure, in the frame and fashion of it, that has been known, of late years, as the Wheat house. Ac cording to tradition, the timber of which it was built, grew upon the spot. After one hundred and seventy years of endurance, the frame was still firm and substantial. It was one of the six fortified houses of 1676, and subsequently, when enlarged, the addition was buUt over the old sloping roof. Another and larger house was built by the side of it, on the same home-lot, and probably on the site of the Doxey or Lane house, about the year 1710, in which resided the second Chris topher Christophers, grandson of the former. This has more recently been known as the Hurlbut house, (corner of Main and Federal Streets.) Both of these houses were taken down in 1851, and the new and tasteful mansions of Messrs. Lawrence and Miner, now oc cupy their places. Mr. Christophers brought with him to N^ London, a wife, Mary, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 317 and three children, Richard, John and Mary, An ancient record in the family, states that Richard was born, July 13th, 1662, at Ohof- ton's Forris, in Devonshire, England ; probably Cherston Ferrers, a village on Torbay, near Dartmouth. Mrs. Mary Christophers died July 13th, 1676, aged fifty-five years, which was ten years in ad vance of the age of ber husband. Her grave-stone is the second in chronological order in the old burial-ground, being the next in date to the tablet of Richard Lord. Mr. Christophers afterward married EUzabeth, relict of Peter Bradley. A certificate of this marriage is indorsed upon one of the town books, without any reference to time, or place, or the officiating magistrate, but simply attested by two wit nesses, Mary Shapley and Jane Hill, the latter a child, eight or nine years of age — ^both nieces of the bride. Christopher Christophers died July 23d, 1687, aged fifty-six. Mrs. Elizabeth Christophers, died in 1708, "aged about seventy.'" Richard Christophers married, Jan. 26th, 1681, Lucretia Bradley. She died in 1691. His second wife was Grace Turner, of Situate. Hhe two wives were cousins, and both granddaughters of Jonathan Brewster. Richard Christophers was much employed in public af fairs, and one of the most prominent individuals of the town in his day. He was an assistant in the colony, judge of the county court and court of probate. He died June 9th, 1726, leaving a large es tate. His wiU provides for two sons and seven daughters. Six sons had deceased before him. His oldest son, Christopher, succeeded to aU his appointments and pubUc offices, but very soon followed him into the grave. He died Feb. 5th, 1728-9, in the forty-sixth year of his age. Estate, £4,468. John Christophers, second son of the first Christopher Christo phers, married, July 28th, 1696, EUzabeth Mulford, of Long Island. He died in Barbadoes in 1703. His only son, John, was wrecked near Montauk, on a return voyage from the same island, and drowned, in July, 1723. By this event, the male issue in this branch became extinct, and the name centered in the family of Richard. The elder John Christophers had two daughters, who inherited the estate. EUz abeth who married the third Joshua Raymond, had the farm on Ni antick River, caUed Pine Neck. Esther, who married Thomas Man- 1 A part of her gWstone, contaming the date, is broken off and missing, but if Mrs. Christophers was forty-two years of age in 1680, the date must have been 1708, See note before, under article Bradley. 27* 318 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. waring, had the farm at Black Point. EUzabeth, reUct of John Christophers, married the third John Picket. The names of Picket and Christophers, which, for a century and a half were common in the town, and bome by persons of note and af fluence, whose famiUes also were numerous, have entirely disappeared from the place ; but it is supposed that some branches, formerly di verging from the parent stock in New London, are continued in other parts of the Union. John Richards, died in 1 687. Of this person, no account previous to his appearance in New Lon don, has been found. His marriage is not recorded, and it is proba ble that it took place elsewhere. He had seven children baptized, March 26th, 1671 — John, Israel, Mary, Penelope, Lydia, Elizabeth and Hannah. David was baptized July 27th, 1673. It is presumed that these eight form a complete list of his chUdren. John, the old est son, was born in 1666. He married Love, daughter of OUver Manwaring, and had a family of ten children, aU of whom died under twenty years of age, except four — John, George, Samuel and Lydia. John married Anna Prentis ; George married Esther Hough ; Sam uel married Ann, (Denison,) relict of Jabez Hough : Lydia married John Proctor, of Boston. Israel, the second son of the elder John Richards, inherited from his father a farm, " near the Mill Pond, about two miles to the north ward of the town plot." He had two sons, Israel and Jeremiah, and several daughters. David Richards, the third son, married EUzabeth Raymond, Dec. 14th, 1698. Samuel Starr, died, probably, in 1688. Mr. Starr is not mentioned upon the records of New London, at an earUer date than his marriage with Hannah, daughter of Jonathan Brewster, Dec. 23d, 1664. His wife was aged thirty-seven, in 1680. Their children were, Samuel, born Dec. 11th, 1665 ; Thomas, Sept. 27th, 1668 ; Comfort, baptized by Mr. Jbradstreet, in August, 1671 ; Jonathan, baptized in 1674, and Benjamin, in 1679. The residence of this family was on the south-west corner of the Bradley lot, (corner of Main and State Streets, or Buttonwood com er.) Mr. Starr was appointed county marshal,' in 1678, and prob- 1 F-quivaleut to sheriK HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 319 ably held the office till his death. No wUl, inventory, or record of the settlement of his estate has been found, but a deed was executed Feb. 2d, 1687-8, by Hannah, widow of Samuel Starr, and it is prob able that her husband had then recently deceased. Samuel Starr was undoubtedly a descendant of " Comfort Starr of Ashford, chirurgeon," who came to New England, in the Hercu^ les, of Sandwich, 1635, with three children and three servants.' The coincidence of names, suggests an intimate family connection. The three children of the chirurgeon are supposed to have been Thomas, John and Comfort. Thomas followed the profession of his father, is styled a surgeon, and was living in Yarmouth, Mass., from 1648 to 1670.^ He had two children born in Situate— Comfort, in 1644, and EUzabeth, in 1646. It is probable that he had other chUdren,' and according to our conjecture, one older, viz., our Samuel Starr, of New London. The church records of Ipswich, state that Mary, wife of Comfort Starr, was admitted to that church in March, 1671, and in May, 1673, dismissed to the church in New London. She was re ceived here in June, and her husband's name appears on the town record, about the same period, but he is supposed to have removed to Middletown. This was probably the brother of Samuel, and iden tical with Comfort Starr, born in 1 644. Samuel Starr, Jun., is mentioned in 1 685, and again in 1687. He then disappears, and no descendants have been found in this vicinity. Of Comfort, third son of Samuel, nothing is known after his bap tism in 1671. It maybe presumed that he died young. The second and fourth sons, Thomas and Jonathan, settled east of the river, in the present town of Groton, on land which some of their descendants still occupy. Thomas Starr is called a shipwright. In the year 1710, he sold a sloop, called the Sea Flower, which he describes as " a square sterned vessel of sixty-seven tons, and six-seventh of a ton burden, built by me in Groton," for £180. This is our latest account of him till we meet with the notice of his death, which took place Jan. Slst, 1711-12. Thomas and Jonathan Starr married sisters, Mary and Elizabeth Morgan, daughters of Capt. James Morgan. Samuel, the oldest son of Jonathan, removed to Norwich, and is the founder of the Norwich famUy of Starrs, .j. Jonathan, the second son, was the ancestor of the present Jonathan Starr, Esq., of New London, and of the late Capt. 1 Gleanings by Savage, in Mass, Hist, CoU,, 3d series, vol, 8, p, 276, 2 Deane's Hist, of Situate, p, 347, and Thatcher's Medical Biography, 320 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Jared Starr. Richard, another brother of this family, removed to Hmsdale, Mass., and was one of the fathers of that new settlement, and a founder of its infant church.' , , , ^ , The descendants of Jonathan Starr have been remarkable for lon gevity-eight of his ChUdren Uved to be eighty, and most of them over eighty-five years of age. One of his daughters, Mrs. Turner, was one hundred years and seven months old. In the famUy of his son Jonathan, the father, mother and four chUdren, averaged ninety years of age. The third Jonathan lived to be ninety-five, and his brother, Capt. Jared Starr, to his ninetieth year. A similar length of years characterized their partners in marriage. Mrs. Mary (Sea bury) Starr, Uved to the age of ninety-nine years ; and EUzabeth, reUct of Capt. Joseph Starr, of Groton, (brother of Jonathan, 2d,) died at the age of one hundred years, four months and eight days. Benjamin Starr, the youngest son of the first Samuel, (born 1679,) settled in New London, and has had many descendants here. He purchased, in 1702, of the heirs of Thomas Dymond, a house, garden, and wharf, upon Bream Cove, east side, where the old bridge crossed the cove, which was then regarded as the end of the town in that di rection. The phrase — from the fort to Benjamin Starr's — compre hended the whole length of the bank. The water, at high tide, came up to the base of Mr. Starr's house ; and the dweUings south-east of it, known as the Crocker and Perriman houses, founded on the rocks, had the tide directly in their rear, so as to preclude the use of doors on the water side. The quantity of made land in that vicinity, and the recession of the water, consequent upon bridging and wharfing, has entirely altered the original form of the shore around Bream Cove. A foot-bridge, with a draw, spanned the cove, by the side of Mr. Starr, and connected him with his opposite neighbor, Peter Harris. Philip Bill, died July Sth, 1689. Mr. BiU, and a daughter named Margaret, died the same day, vic tims of an epidemic throat distemper, that was prevalent in July and 1 Eichard Starr was a man eminent for piety. Mrs. Mary Starr (wife of Jonathan) used to say, " Brother Eichard comes to see us once a year, and I always feel at his departure, as if an angel had been visiting us," This testimonial is the more pleasing^ from the fact that the two famUies belonged to different religious denominations. Eichard Starr was a Congregationalist ; Mrs, Starr of the Episcopal communion. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 321 August of this year. He settled east of the river, in that part of the township which is now Ledyard, before 1670. Mr. Bradstreet bap tized his son Jonathan, November 5th, 1671, and adds to the record that the father was member of the church at Ipswich. Another son, Joshua, was baptized in 1675. The older children, probably born in Ipswich, were Philip, Samuel, John and Elizabeth, Hannah, relict of Philip Bill, married Samuel Bucknall. Philip Bill, Jr., was ser geant of the first company of train-bands formed in Groton, His wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Andrew Lester. Their oldest son, Philip, was lost at sea, or died abroad. Sergeant Philip Bill, who "lived near the Long Hill in Groton," died July 10th, 1739, aged above eighty. " The church bell (says Hempstead in his diary,) tolled twice on that occasion." We infer from this that it was customary at that day to have only a death-bell to announce decease, but no passing-beU to solemnize the funeral. Abel Moore, died July 9th, 1689. This event occurred at Dedham, Mass., and was caused by the ex treme heat of the weather. He was constable of the town that yean and had been to Boston, probably on business connected with his public duties. Abel Moore was the son, and as far as we know the only son of MUes Moore, and his wife, Isabel Joyner. Of the death of the par ents we have no account, but it is probable that they had deceased before their son. They were both living in 1680, when Mr. Brad street records as admitted to full communion in the church, "old goodman Moore and his wife, sometime members of the church at Guildford"— Guilford is here unquestionably a mistake for Milford. Miriam, wife of John WiUey, is the only daughter of Miles Moore, that is weU ascertained; but it is probable that Deborah, wife of John Stebbins, Jun., had the same parentage. Abel Moore married, September 22d, 1670, Hannah, daughter of Robert Hempstead. Their chUdren were Miles, bom September 24th, 1671 ; Abel, July 14th, 1674; Mary, born m 1678 ; John in 1680, and Joshua, to whose birth or age no reference has been found. Hannah, reUct of Abel Moore, married Samuel Waller. Smith. We find the name of Giles Smith, at Hartford, in 1639; at New London, in 1647 ; at Fairfield, in 1651. These three are doubtless 322 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. one and the same person. At Fairfield, he found a resting place, and there remained till his death.' Ralph Smith was a transient resident in 1657, and again in 1659. Richard Smith came to the plantation in 1652, from "Martin's Vineyard," but soon went to Wethersfield. Another Richard Smith was a householder in 1655, occupying the lot of Jarvis Mudge, near the burial ground; but he also removed to Wethersfield, where the two were styled senior and junior, but they do not appear to have been father and son. This name, Richard Smith, was often repeated on the list of eariy emigrants. Two persons bearing it, one aged forty-three, and the other twenty-eight, are among the passengers that came to America in the Speedwell,in 1656.^ A Richard Smith settled in Narragansett, before 1650, and was a man of infiuence m aU concerns relating to the Indians of that neighborhood. He had a son of the same name. Another Richard Smith belongs to the early history of Lyme, where his name appears as a landholder in 1670. These have been enumerated, in order to distinguish them carefuUy from Richard Smith of New London, who had no connection that can be discovered, with any of them. " Richard Smith and Bathsheba Rogers (daughter of James,) were married together by me, Daniel -WethereU, commissioner, March 4, 1669, (70)." Mr. Smith died in 1682, and his reUct married Samuel Fox. Four children of the first marriage are mentioned, viz., EUzabeth, who married WiUiam Camp ; Bathsheba, who married her cousin, John Rogers, 2d ; John, who subsequently settled in the North Par ish, and left descendants there, and James. The last named was probably the oldest son. He was baptized April 12th, 1674 ; mar ried Elizabeth, daughter of Jonathan Rogers, and has had an un broken line of descendants in the town to the present day. He is the ancestor of the four brothers Smith, who have been such successful whaling captains from New London, since the year 1820. Other eariy settlers of New London, of the name of Smith, were Nehemiah, John and Edward. The first two were brothers, and the last named, their nephew. Nehemiah had previously lived in Nen Haven, and the birth of his son Nehemiah, the only son that appears on record, was registered there in 1646. John Smith came from Boston, with his wife Joanna and daughter EUzabeth, who appears 1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) ^ 2 Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol, 1, p. 132, • HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 323 to have been his only chUd. Edward Smith is first named in 1660. He settled on a farm east of the river. Nehemiah Smith, the elder, connected himself w-ith the association that settled Norwich, in 1660, and removed to that plantation, where he died in 1684. He left four daughters : Mary, wife of Samuel Raymond; Ann, wife of Thomas Bradford ; Elizabeth, wife of Joshua Raymond, and Experience, wife of Joshua Abel, of Norwich. His son, Nehemiah Smith, 2d, married Lydia, daughter of Alexander Winchester, of Roxbury, October 24th, 1669. He was for many years in the commission of the peace, an honorable and venerated man ; usuaUy styled on the records, Mr. Justice S'mith. He died in 1727, and was buried at Pequonuck, in Groton, where the latter years of his life were spent. It was this Nehemiah Smith who made the large purchase of soldier land at Niantic, in 1692, which he assigned, in 1698, to his second son, Samuel. The latter settled on this land, and is the progenitor of several famiUes of the name, both of Lyme and New London. John Smith remained in the town plot, and after 1659, held the offices of commissioner, custom-master and grand-juryman. His res idence was in New, or Cape Ann Street. " Feb. 1666-7. John Smith hath given him the two trees that stand in the street before his house for shade, not to be cut down by any person." He died in 1680. His will was accepted in the county court, with this notification, " The court doth desire the widow to consider her husband's kinsman, Edward Smith." The wiU had been made in favor of the wife, in violation, as was claimed, of certain promises made to his nephew. A suit at law ensued between the parties. The case was finally carried to the court of assistants, at Hartford, by whose decision the will was sustained. Joanna Smith, the -widow, was noted as a doctress. She made salves, and was skillful to heal wounds and bruises, as well as to nurse and tend the sick. Her ser vices in this way, she maintained, had contributed in no smaU degree to the prosperity of her husband. She died in 1687, aged about sev enty-three years. Her estate was inherited by her daughter, EUza beth Way, of Lyme, and her grandsons, George and Thomas Way. Edward Smith married, June 7th, 1663, EUzabeth, daughter of Thomas BUss, of Norwich. This couple, together with their son John, aged fifteen, died of the epidemic disease of 1689 ; the son, July 8th ; the wife, July 10th, and Edward Smith, July 14th. They left a son, Obadiah, twelve years of age, and six daughters, who aU 324 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. went to reside with their friends in Norwich, and mostly settled in that place.' These, with Lieut. Samuel Smith, from Wethersfield, whose career has been traced in a preceding chapter, comprise aU the grantees of the town, of thename of Smith, previous to 1690. Walter Bodington, died September 17th, 1689. He was a single man who had occupied for a few years certain lands east of the river, which he purchased of the heirs of Thomas Bailey. The orthography of the name has since varied into Budding- ton. Walter Bodington, Jr., nephew of the deceased, was appointed administratoi*, as being nearest of kin. Joseph Nest had some inter est in the estate, perhaps in right of his wife, who may have been sis ter to the younger Walter. Of this family no early record is found, either of marriages or births. The second Walter Bodington died November 20th, 1713. His wiU mentions son Walter, and children of John Wood ; from which it is inferred that Mary, the first wife of John Wood, was his daughter. The Buddington family of Groton, have never suffered the name of Walter to be at any time missing from the family Une. John Packer, died in 1689. With this early settler in Groton, only a slight acquaintance has been obtained. He fixed his habitation, about the year 1 655, in close proximity to the Pequot Indians, who bad congregated at Naiwayonk, (Noank.) His children can only be gathered incidentally. He had John, Samuel and Richard, probably by his first wife, EUzabeth. He married for his second wife, June 24th, 1676, Rebecca, widow of Thomas Latham, and had a son James, baptized September 11th, 1681. Two other sons, Joseph and Benjamin, and a daughter named Re becca, may also be assigned to this wife, who survived him, and after- waud married a Watson, of Kingston, Rhode Island. John Packer, 2d, married Lydia, daughter of Cary Latham. He died in 1701. Benjamin Packer, in 1709, " having been impressed into the army to fight the French," made his wUl, bequeathing his . 1 1 The son was that Capt. Obadiah Smith, of Norwich, who died in 1727, and whose grave-stone bears the quaint, but touoliing epitaph: " And now beneath these carved stones, Eich treasure Ues — dear Sini#, his bones." HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 325 patrimony of sixty acres of land, to his brothers, James and Joseph, and sister Rebecca. He probably never returned from the frontier. Capt. James Packer inherited from his father a controversy re specting the extent of his lands at Nawayonk, which commenced with the Indians before their removal, and was continued with the town of Groton. In 1735, a compromise was eff'ected by commissioners ap pointed by the General Assembly. This was an occasion of great local interest, and on the 5th of August, when the commissioners, " Major Timothy Pierce, Mr. West, of Lebanon, and Sheriff Hunting ton, of Windham," left New London, on their way to view the con tested premises, they were accompanied by forty mounted men from the town, and found their train continually increasing as they pro ceeded. On the ground a large assembly had convened. The neigh boring farm-houses. Smith's, Niles', &c., were filled to overfiowing with guests.' This is mentioned as exhibiting a characteristic of the times. Our early local history is every where besprinkled with such gatherings. Capt. James Packer died in 1764, aged eighty-four. William Chapell, died in 1689 or 1690. This name is often in the confused orthography of the old records confounded with Chappell, but they appear to have been from the first, distinct names. Some clerks were very careful to note the distinc tion, putting an accent over the a, or writing it double, Chaapel. WUUam ChapeU, in 1659, bought a house-lot in New Street, in part nership with Richard Waring, (Warren ?) In 1667, he was asso ciated with WiUiam Peake, in the purchase of various lots of rugged, uncleared land, hiU, ledge and swamp, on the west side of the town plot, which they divided between them.^ WilUam Peake settled on what has since been caUed the Rockdale farm, now James Brown's,, and WiUiam ChapeU, on the Cohanzie road, upon what is at present known as the Cavarly farm. A considerable part of the ChapeU land was afterward purchased by the Latimer family. Children, of William Chapell and his wife Christian. 1. Mary, born February 14th, 1668-9 ; married John Wood. 2. Jo^n, born Feb. 28th, 1671-2; married Sarah Lewis, August 26th, 1698. I'Hempstead's Diary. 2 A considerable part of the Peake and ChapeU land was sold by them to Mrs^ Lathner. On this Latimer purchase, which lay on the south-eastern slope of Wolf- pit HiU, (now Prospect HiU,) the Cedar Grove Cemetery was laid out m 1851. 28 326 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 3. William, " born nigh the end of Sept. 1677." 4. Christian, " " " end of Feb. 1680-1 ;" married a Fairbanks. 5. William. 6. Joseph, married Bethiah Dart, mr ir,,^ In 1603 Edward StaUion married Christian ChapeU, rehct of WiUiara, in 1693. In Febmary, 1695, William ChapeU, aged eight years and a half, was delivered " to Jonathan Prentis, mariner, to be instructed in the mariner's art and navigation, by said Prentis, or in case of his death, by his Dame." This lad died in 1704. The descendants of John and Joseph Chapell, the oldest and youngest sons of WiUiam and Christian, are numerous. There was a John ChapeU, of Lyme, in 1678, and onward, probably brother of WiUiam, senior, of New London. Thomas Minor; died October 23d, 1690. Mrs. Grace Minor deceased the same month. A long stone of rough gi-anite in the burial ground at Wickutequack, almost imbedded in the turf, bears the foUowing rudely cut inscription : " Here lyeth the body of Lieutenant Thomas Minor, aged eighty-three years. De parted 1690." It is said that Mr. Minor had selected this stone from his own fields, and had often pointed it out to his famUy, with the request — Lay this stone on my grave. Mr. Minor bore a conspicuous part in the settlement, both of New London and Stonington. His personal history belongs more particu larly to the latter place. His wife was Grace, daughter of Walter Palmer, and his children recorded in New London, are Manasseh, born April 28th, 1647, to whom we must accord the distinction of being the first born male after the settlement of the town ; two daugh ters who died in infancy ; Samuel, bom March 4th, 1652, and Han nah, born September 15th, 1655. He had several sons older than Manasseh, viz., John, Joseph, Thomas, Clement and Epliraim. John Minor was for a short period under instruction at the expense ofthe commissioners of the New England colonies, who wished to prepare him for an interpreter and teacher of the gospel to the In dians. The education of John Stanton was also provided for in the same way. The proficiency of these youths in the Indian language, probably led to the selection. Neither of them followed out the plan of their patrons, though both became useful men, turning their edu- 1 This name is now commonly written Miner, We use in this work, the original autograph authority, 1^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 327 cation to good account, as recorders, justices, &c. John Minor is supposed to have emigrated to Stratford, in 1657 or 1658, and from thence removed to Woodbury, where he served as town-clerk for many years.' The only son of Thomas Minor that settled perma nently in New London, was Clement. Clement Minor married in 1662, Frances, relict of Isaac Willey, Jr, Children of Clement and Frances Minor. Mary, born Jan. 19th, 1664-5. William, born Nov. 6th, 1670. Joseph, " Aug. 6th, 1666. Ann, " Nov. SOth, 1672. Clement, born Oct. 6th, 106S. Frances, wife of Clement Minor, died Jan. 6th, 1672-3. He married second, Martha, daughter of William Wellman, formerly of New London, but then of Killingworth. Phebe, daughter of Clement and Frances Minor, was born AprU 13th, 1679. (This is so recorded, but Frances is a palpable mistake for Martha.) Martha, wife of Clement Minor, died July Sth, 1681. Mr. Minor usuaUy appears on the records either as Ensign Clem ent, or Deacon Clement Minor. He married a third wife — Joanna — • whose death occurred very near his own, in October, 1700. "William Mynar, married Lydia, daughter of John Richards, Nov. 15. 1678." This was not a descendant of Thomas Minor, but the person better known as WilUam Mynard or Maynard. George Miller, died in 1690. This person had been a resident, east of the river, (in Groton,) from the year 1679, and perhaps longer. He left four daughters, Mary, wife of Stephen Loomer ; Elizabeth, second wife of Edward StalUon ; Sarah, second wife of the second John Packer, and Priscil- la, then unmarried. Robert MiUer settled in the Nahantick district, upon the border of Lyme, about 1687. He died May 14th, 1711, leaving sons Rob ert and John. No connection has been ascertained between George of Groton, and Robert of Nahantick. John Lamb. This name is found on the New London Rate List of 1664, and on the list of freemen in 1669. In December, 1663, he is styled 1 Capt. John Minor was deputy from Stratford to the General Court, in October' 1676. Conn, Col. Eec, vol. 2, p. 286, 328 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. « John Lamb, now of Pockatuck, aUas Southerton." He purchased land of Edward and Ann Culver "at a place caUed in Indian Wontobish, near the house of the said Lamb." This land was in 1695, confirmed to Thomas, " oldest son of John Lamb, deceased," by John, son of Edward Culver; and Thomas Lamb assigns a part of it to his brother Samuel.' Another John Lamb of Stonington died Jan. 10th, 1703-4, leav ing a wife Lydia— sons John, Joseph and David— and seven daugh ters. Isaac Lamb was an inhabitant of Groton in 1696. He died m 1723 — Cleaving six daughters. No other residents of this name have been traced before 1700. John Bennet, died September 22d, 1691. This person was at Mystic as early as 1 658. He had sons — Wil liam (born 1660 ;) John and Joseph. James Bennet, shipwright, died in New London May 7th, 1690. Thomas Bennet was a resident of New London from 1692 to 1710. He removed to Groton and there died Feb. 4th, 1722. His -wife was Sarah, the only surviving child of Lawrence Codner. Henry Bennet of Lyme died in 1726, leaving three sons and four married daughters. It is probable that all these had a common ancestor, whose name does not appear on our records. John Prentis. No aceount of the death of this early member of the community has been found, but the probate proceedings show that it took place in 1691. Valentine Prentis or Prentice came to New England in 1631, with wife Alice and son John, having buried one child at sea. He settled in Roxbury, where he soon died, and his relict married (AprU 3d, 1634) John Watson.^ John Prentis, the son of Valentine and AUce, became an inhabit ant of New London in 1652, and probably brought his wife, Hester, with him from Roxbury. Though living in New London he con- 1 The names are simUar to those found in the family of John Lamb of Springfield, bnt a comiection with that family has not been ascertained, 2 Genealogy of the Prentis famUy, by C. J, F. Binjey. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 329 nected himself with the Roxbury church in September, 1665, and thither he carried most of his children to be baptized. Children of John and Hester Prentis, recorded in New London. Jolm, born Aug. 6th, 1652. Stephen, Dec. 26th, 1666. Joseph, born Apr. 2d, 1655, died 1676. Mercy, " 1668, died 1689. Jonathan, born July 15th, 1657. Hannah, born June, 1672. Esther, born July 20th, 1660. Thomas, K^i„3, Nov. 6th, 1675. Peter, born July 31st, 1663, died 1670. Elizabeth, | In 1 685, John Prentis married Rebecca, daughter of Ralph Parker, by whom he had a son Ralph, who was infirm from his birth, and maintained until death from the estate of his parents. These are all the chUdren that appear on record, but in the final settlement of the estate of Prentis in 1706, a Valentine Prentis of Woodbury comes in for a share, and gives a quitclaim deed to the executor, whom he caUs " my loving brother, Capt. John Prentis." Again, on the death of Capt. Thomas Prentis, youngest son of John, who died without issue in 1741, his estate was distributed to seven brothers and sisters, one of whom was Valentine Prentis of Woodbury. These facts justify us in assigning to Valentine a place among the sons of John Prentis, and probably he was the youngest child of the first marriage, and born before 1680. Esther Prentis married Benadara Gallop of Stonington. Hannah Prentis raarried Lieut. John Frink of Stonington. Elizabeth Prentis lived unmarried to the age of ninety-five. She died December 13th, 1770. It has been mentioned that John Prentis was by trade a black smith. He pursued his craft in New London for six or seven years and then removed to a farm in the neighborhood of Robin Hood's Bay (Jordan Cove) near the Bentworth farm ; but in a few years once more changed his main pursuit and entered upon a seafaring life. His sons also, one after another (according to the usual custom of New London) began the business of life upon the sea. In 1675, John Prentis, Jr., commanded the barque Adventure, in the Bar badoes trade. In 1680, the elder John and his son Jonathan owned and navigated a vessel, bearing the fannly name of "John and Hes ter." Thomas Prentis also became a noted sea-captain, making a constant succession of voyages to Newfoundland and the West In dies, from 1695 to 1720. John Prentis the second, married Sarah Jones, daughter of Mrs. Ann Latimer, by her first husband Matthew Jones of Boston. They had a family of- five daughters, who were connected in marriage as 28* 330 HISTORYOF NEW LONDON. follows : Ann with Capt. Thomas Hosmer ; Sarah with Thomas Mig hiU, both of Hartford : Patience, with Rev. John Bulkley of Col chester ; Elizabeth, with Samuel Green, (son of Jonas Green,) and Irene with Naboth Graves — the two last of New London. Among these children, the father, in 1711, distributed the Indian servants of bis household — Rachel and her children — in this order : " To ray son-in-law Thomas Hosmer of Hartford, one black girl named Si- mone, till she is 30 — then she is to be free. To ray son-in-la-w John Bulkley, Bilhah, — to be free at 32. To ray daughter Sarah, Zilpha — to be free at 32 — To ray daughter Elizabeth, a black boy naraed Hannibal — to be free at 35, To ray daughter Irene, a boy named York, free at 35, To Scipio I have prom ised freedom at 30, Rachel the mother, I give to Irene — also the little girl with her, named Dido, who is to be free at 32." To this bequest is added to the three youngest daughters, then unmarried, each — " a feather bed and its fur niture,"' Stephen Prentis, son of John the elder, inherited the farm of his father, near Niantic ferry, where he died in 1758, aged ninety-t-wo. His wife was EUzabeth, daughter of John Rogers and granddaughter of Matthew Griswold. John Wheeler, died December 16th, 1691. No connection has beeh traced between John Wheeler of New London, and Thomas and Isaac Wheeler, cotemporary inhabitants of Stonington. John is first presented to us, as part owner of a vessel called the Zebulon, in 1667. He entered largely into mercantile concerns, traded with the West Indies, and had a vessel buUt under his own superintendence, which at the period of his death had just returned from an English voyage. He left a son, Zaccheus, sixteen years of age, who died, without issue in 1703 ; also sons Joshua, eleven years of age, and WUUam, eight. These lived to old age, and left descendants. EUzabeth] rehct of John Wheeler, married Richard Steer— a person of whom very little is known, except in connection with the Wheeler family. He appears to have had a good business education, and to have been esteemed for capacity and inteUigence, but his native place and parentage are unknown, and he stands disconnected with posterity. ^Lt "^f '"ff"'^' ^'^ * i="-g« feather-bed beat up fuU and round with lone cnr- tT.Z^Zl ^^^-^^P-^' -- - -icJof housekeeping M^hl^pTed HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 331 Avery. Christopher Avery was one of the selectmen of Gloucester, Mass., between 1646 and 1654.' On the 8th of August, 1665, he is at New London purchasing the house, orchard and lot of Robert Bur rows, in the town plot. In June, 1667, he was released from watch ing and training. In October, 1669, made freeman of the colony. Charles HiU, the town-clerk, makes this memorandum of his decease. " Christopher Avery's death, vide, near the death of mother Brewster." The reference is to Lucretia, relict of Jonathan Brewster, (moth er-in-law to Mr. HUl,) but no record of her death is to be found. James Avery in 1685 gives a deed to his four sons, of the house, orchard and land, " which belonged, (he says) to my deceased father Christopher Avery." No other son but James, has been traced. It may be conjectured that this family came from Salisbury, England, as a Christopher Avery of that place, had wife Mary buried in 1591.^ James Avery and Joanna Greenslade were married, Nov. 10th, 1643. This is recorded in Gloucester. The records of Boston church have the following entry. " 17 of 1 rao, 1644, Our sister Joan Greenslade, now the wife of one James Averill had granted her by the church's silence, letters of recommendation to the Ch. at Gloster,"^ The births of three children are recorded at Gloucester ; these are repeated at New London, and the others registered from time to time. The whole list is as foUows. Hannah, born Oct, 12th, 1644, Rebecca, born Oct. 6th, 1658. James, " Deo. 16th, 1646. Jonathan, " Jan. 5th, 1658-9, Mary, " Feb, 19th, 1648, Christopher," Ap. SOth, 1661. Thomas, " May 6th, 1651, Samuel, " Aug, 14th, 1664, John, " Feb, lOth, 1653-4, Joanna, 1669, James Avery was sixty-two years old in 1682 ; of course born on the other side of the ocean about 1620. At New London he took an important part in the afi'airs of the plantation. He was chosen townsmen in 1660 and held the office twenty-three years, ending with 1680. He was successively, ensign, lieutenant and captain of the 1 Babson of Gloucester, 2 Mass. Hist. CoU,, 3d series, vol. 10, p, 139. 3 Savage (MS.) 332 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. only company of train-bands in the town, and was in active service through PhUip's War. He was twelve times deputy to the General Court, between 1658 and 1680, was in the commission of the peace, and sat as assistant judge in the county court. He removed to Pequonuck, east of the river, between 1660 and 1670, where both he and his wife were living in 1693. Deeds of lands to his sons, including the homestead farm, in Feb., 1693-4, prob ably indicate the near approach of death. His sons Jonathan and Christopher died young, and probably without issue. The descend ants of James, Jr., Thomas, John, and Samuel, are very numerous, and may be regarded as four distinct streams of life. Groton is the principal hive of the family. Capt. George Denison, died Oct. 13d, 1694. This event took place at Hartford during the session of the Gen eral Court. His grave-stone at that place is extant, and the age given, seventy-six, shows that the date of 1621, which has been as signed for his birth, is too late, and that 1619 should be substituted. This diminishes the difierence of age between him and his second wife Ann, who, according to the memorial tablet erected by her de scendants at Mystic, deceased Sept. 26th, 1712, aged ninety-seven. The history of George Denison will not be fully attempted here, but a few data gathered with care may be ofi'ered, as contributions toward the task of liberating the facts from the webs which ingen ious fancy and exaggerative tradition, have thrown around them. WilUam Denison is accounted a fellow-passenger with the Rev. John Elliot, of Roxbury, in " the Lyon," which brought emigrants to America in 1681. His name is the third on the list of church members of Roxbury, in the record made by Elliot. He is known to have brought with him three sons, Daniel, Edward and George. The latter married in 1640, Bridget Thompson, who is supposed to have been a sister of the Rev. William Thompson, of Braintree, Mass. They had two children, Sarah, born March 20th, 1641, and Hannah, bom May 20th, 1643. His wife died m August, 1643. Mr. Denison the same year visited his native country, and engaged in the civil conflict with which the kingdom was convulsed. He was absent a couple of years, and on his return brought with him a second wife'— a lady of Irish parentage, viz., Ann, daughter of 1 It is one of the many traditions respecting Capt. George Denison, that he started for England to obtain a second wife, from the funeral of the first, only waiting to see the remams deposited m the gi-ave, but not returning t(^is honse, before he set ont. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 333 John Bon-owdale or Borrodil. It is a probable conjecture that he brought also an infant son with him. He is known to have had a son George, of whose birth or baptism no record is found on this side of the ocean. The elder Winthrop at this period calls him " a young soldier lately come out of the wars in England," whom the young men of Roxbury wished to choose for their captain; but " the ancient and chief men of the town," gathered together, out-voted them and prevented them from carrying their point.' Two chil dren of George and Ann Denison are recorded in Roxbury, John, born June 14th, 1646 ; Ann, May 20th, 1649.^ In 1651, we find George Denison among the planters at Pequot, where he took up a house lot,buUt a house and engaged in pubUc afi'airs. In 1654 he removed to a farm, on the east side of Mystic River, then -within the bounds of the same plantation," but afterward included in Stonington. In 1670 he had three children baptized by Mr. Brad street, WilUam, Margaret and Borradil, which makes his number eight. On the old town book of Stonington is recorded the death of Mary, daughter of George Denison, Nov. 10th, 1670-1. This, we suppose to have been a ninth chUd, who died an infant. Our early history presents no character of bolder and more active spirit than Capt. Denison. He reminds us of the border men of Scotland. Though he failed in attaining the rank of captain, at Roxbury, yet in our colony, he was at his first coming greeted with the title, and was very soon employed in various offices of trust and honor — such as commissioner, and deputy to the General Court. When the plantation of Mystic and Pawkatuck, was severed from New London and placed under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts -with the name of Southerton, the ,chief management of afi'airs was intrusted to him. Yet notwithstanding Capt Denison's position as a magistrate and legislator, we do not always find him in the strict path of law and order. He had frequent disputes and lawsuits ; he brought actions 1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 307. 2 These dates from the Eoxbury records were communicated by James Savage, Esq., of Boston, who observes that Margaret, the third wife of Eev. Thomas Shepard of Cambridge, and after his death the wife of his successor, Eev. Jonathan Mitchell, bore the famUy name of Borrowdale, and was probably sister to Mrs. Ann Denison. As these two females are the only persons known m the new world of the name, then: consanguinity can scarcely be doubted. 334 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. for slander and defamation against several of his neighbors, and was himself arraigned for violations of existing laws. He was, however, encompassed with difficulties. The young town of which he was one of the conspicuous'founders was convulsed by territorial and- jurisdictional claims and he could not be loyal to two governments at once. If he obeyed one, he must of course be stig matized as a rebel to the other. As a magistrate of Massachusetts he performed the marriage rite for WiUiam Measure and Alice Tinker, and was immediately prose cuted by Connecticut for an iUegal act, and heavily fined. As a friend to the Indians and an agent of the commissioners of the Uni ted Colonies, he was in favor of aUowing them to remain in their customary hamlets by the sea, and haunts upon the neighboring hills; but the other authorities- of the town and colony, were bent upon driving them back, to settle among the primeval forests. This of course, led to contention. The wiU of George Denison dated Nov. 20th, 1693, was exhibited and proved in the county court, in June, 1695.' The children named in its provisions were three sons — George, John and William, and five daughters — Sarah Stanton, Hannah Saxton, Ann Palmer, Mar garet Brown, and Borradil Stanton. George Denison the second, became an inhabitant of Westerly, a town comprising the tract so long in debate between the king's province and Connecticut colony. He had three sons, George, Ed ward and Joseph. John Denison married Phebe Lay, of Saybrook. The parental contract between Capt. George and Mrs. Ann Denison on the one part, and Mr. Robert Lay on the other, for the marriage of their children, John Denison and Phebe Lay, is recorded at Saybrook, but bears no date. William the third son of Capt. George, inherited the paternal homestead in Stonington. George Denison, son of John, of Stonington, and grandson of Capt. George, (born March 28th, 1671,) graduated at Harvard College, in 1693, and settled as an attorney in New London, where he married (1694) Mary, daughter of Daniel WethereU, and relict of Thomas Harris. The family of this George Denison belongs to New Lon don, but it can not be here displayed in detaU. He had two sons, Daniel and Wetherell, and six daughters. The latter, as they grew 1 The original wiU is not on file m the probate office, but is supposed to be extant. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 335 up, were esteemed the flower of the young society of the place. They married Edward HaUam, Gibson Harris, John Hough, Jona than Latimer, Samuel Richards, and WilUam Douglas. In 1698, George Denison was chosen clerk of the county court and at the time of his death, January 20th, 1719-20, was recorder of the town and clerk of probate. His signature so often recurring on the files and books of the town, may appropriately be represented here. Robert Denison, brother of the last named, (born September 17th, 1673,) purchased a tract of Indian land in 1710, near the north-west comer of New London. It lay upon Mashipaug (Gardiner's) Lake where the bounds of Norwich, New London and Colchester, came together. At what period he removed his family thither is not known, but probably about 1712. Ha is known to the records as Capt. Robert Denison, of the North Parish, and died about 1737. His son Robert served in the French wars during several campaigns, was a captain in Wolcott's brigade, at the taking of Louisburg, and afterward promoted to the rank of major. Being a man of stalwart form and mUitary bearing, he was much noticed by the British offi cers, with whom he was associated. He married Deborah, daughter of Matthew Griswold, 2d, of Lyme, and in 1760, removed with most of his family to Nova Scotia. Peter Spicer, died probably in 1695. He was one of the resident farmers in that part of the township which is now Ledyard. We find him a landholder in 1666. The inventory of his estate was presented to the judge of probate, by his wife Mary, in 1695. From her settlement of the estate, it appears that the children were, EdwarJ, Samuel, Peter, William, Joseph, Abigail, Ruth, Hannah and Jane. Capt. Abel Spicer, of the Revolu tionary army, was from this family. John Leeds, died probably in 1696. The following extracts from the town and church records, contain aU the information that has been gathered of the family of John Leeds. " John Leeds, of Staplehowe, in Kent, Old England, was married to Eliza beth, daughter of Cary Latham, June 25th, 167S." 336 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. .. Mr. Leeds' child John, baptized March 13th, 1680-1 .. .' daughter Elizabeth, baptized October 16th, 1681. .. .. son William, baptized May 20th, 1683. .-,,,^0-,'' Widow Leeds' two children baptized, Gideon and Thomas, August 1st, 1697, John Leeds is first introduced to us in 1674, as a mariner, commander of the Success, bound to Nevis. He engaged afterward m bmldmg vessels, and had a ship-yard on the east side of the river, John Mayhew, died 1696. This name appears after 1670, belonging to one of that class of persons who had then- principal home on the deep, and their rendez vous in New London. "John Mayhew, frora Devonshire, Old England, mariner, was married unto Johanna, daughter of Jeffrey Christophers, December 26th, 1676." Children of John Mayhew. 1. John, born December 15th, 1677, 2. Wait, born October 4th, 1680. 3. EUzabeth, born February Sth, 1683-4. 4. Joanna; 5. Mary; 6. Patience: these three were baptized July 9th, 1693, Wait Mayhew, the second son, died in 1707, without issue. John Mayhew, 2d, was a noted ship-master in the West India and New foundland trade, and attended the sea expedition against Canada, in 1711, in the capacity of a pilot. The next year he was sent to Eng land to give his testimony respecting the disastrous shipwrecks in the St. Lawrence, that frustrated the expedition. He died in 1727, leav ing several children, but only one son, John, who died without issue, in 1745. The Mayhew property was inherited by female descend ants ofthe names of Talman, Lanpheer and Howard. John Plumbe,^ diedin 1696. Plumbe is one of the oldest names in Connecticut. Mr. John Plumbe was of Wethersfield, 1636, and a magistrate in 1637.^ He had a warehouse burnt at Saybrook, in the Pequot War. In Februa ry, 1664-5, he was appointed inspector of the lading of vessels at Wethersfield.^ He was engaged in the coasting trade, and his name 1 This ia his own orthography ; on the colonial records it ia Plum. 2 Conn. Col, Eec, vol. 1, p. 13. 3 Ut supra, p. 121, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 337 incidentally appears in the records of various towns on the river, and along the coast of the Sound. An account has been preserved among the Winthrop papers of a remarkable meteor which he saw one night in October, 1665. " I being then (he observes) rouing in my bote to groton ;'" probably from Seabrook, where his account is dated. In 1670 he is noticed as carrying dispatches between Governors Winthrop, of Hartford, and Lovelace, of New York.^ We have no account of him at New London, as an inhabitant of the town, until he was chosen constable, in February, 1679-80. He was afterward, known as marshal of the county and innkeeper. He had three chil dren baptized in New London: Mercy, in 1677 ; George, in 1679, and Sarah, in 1682. But he had other children much older than these, viz., John, Samuel, Joseph and Greene. Samuel and Joseph settled in Milford ; John, was at first of Milford, but afterward of New London, and for many years a deacon of the church. Greene also settled in New London ; George, in Stonington. Joseph Truman, died in 1697. Joseph Truman came to New London in 1666, and was chosen con stable the next year. Truman's Brook and Truman Street are names derived from him and his famUy. He had a tannery at each end of this street, on Truman's Brook and the brook which ran into Bream Cove, near the Hempstead lot. In his will, executed in September, 1696, he mentions four chUdren : Joseph, Thomas, Elizabeth and Mary. Neither his marriage, nor the births of his children are in the town registry. Joseph and Jonathan Rogers. These were the second and fifth sons of James Rogers, Senior, and are supposed to have died in 1697, at the respective ages of fifty-one and forty-seven, both leaving large famiUes. The other three sons of James Rogers Uved into the next century. Samuel Rogers died December 1st, 1713, aged seventy-three. Jaraes Rogers " November Sth, 1713, aged sixty-three. John Rogers " October 17th, 1721, aged seventy-three. ..,„„, . „„, in „ c,>T This is the earliest instance that has 1 Mass. Hist. COU., 3d series vo. 10 p^ 5^, This^> ^^^ ^^^ ^.^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^_ been observed of the apphcation ot tne name "^"' ' Probably it was first used to designate Winthrop's fann at Pequonuck. 2 Vt supra, p, 79, 338 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Ebenezer Hubbell, diedin 1698. A brief paragraph will contain aU our information of this person. He was a native of Stratfield, in Fairfield county, married Mary, daughter of Gabriel Harris, and purchased the homestead of Samson Haughton, (corner of Truman and BUnman Streets.) He had a daughter EUzabeth, born in 1693, and a son Ebenezer, in 1695. . His relict married Ebenezer Griffing. The son Ebenezer, died m 1720, . probably without issue. • The Beeby^ brothers. The phrase " John Beeby and his brothers," used m the early grants to the family, leads to the supposition that John was the oldest of the four. They may be arranged with probabiUty in the order of John, Thomas, Samuel and Nathaniel. They aU lived to advanced age. 1, John Beeby mamed AbigaU, daughter of James Yorke, of Stonington. He had three chUdren — John, Benjamin and a daugh ter Rebecca, who married Richard Shaw, of Easthampton. No other children can be traced. He was for several years sergeant of the train-band, but in 1690 was advanced to the lieutenancy, and his brother Thomas chosen sergeant. No aUusion has been found that can assist in fixing the period of his death. His reUct died March 9th, 1725, aged eighty-six or eighty-seven. The annaUst who re cords it, observes, " Her husband was one of the first settlers of this town," 2. Thomas Beeby's wife was MilUcent, daughter of William Ad dis, he being her third husband. The two former were WUliam Ash and William Southmead, both of Gloucester ; though Southmead had formerly lived in Boston, and owned a tenement there.^ Ash and Southmead were probably both mariners or coast traders. Two sons belonged to the second marriage, William and John Southmead, who came with their mother to New London. Of their ages no estimate can be formed. They became mariners, and their names occur only incidentally. Of John we lose sight in a short time. WUUam is supposed to have settled ultimately in Middletown. 1 The brothers wrote the name indifferently Beebee and Beeby, The autograph sometimes varies on the same page, 2 It was sold in 1668, by Thomas and MiUicent Beeby, for the beneflt of tlie sons of ¦WUham and MiUicent Southmead. Savage, (MS.) % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 339 The chUdren of Thomas and MUlicent Beeby, were one son, Thomas, who lived to old age, but was a cripple and never married ; MiUicent, wife of Nicholas Darrow ; Hannah, wife of John Hawke, and Rebecca, wife of Nathaniel Holt Sergeant Thomas Beeby died in the early part of 1699. His homestead descended to his son Thomas, by whom it was conveyed in the latter part of his life, to his nephew, William Holt. 3. Samuel Beeby, in a deposition of 1708, states his age at seventy- seven, and says, " I came to this town nearly sixty years ago." He died in 1712, leaving a wife, Mary. His former wife was Agnes or Annis, daughter of William Keeny. Whether the children all be longed to the first wife, or should be distributed between the two is doubtful. They w-ere Samuel, William, Nathaniel, Thomas, Jona than, Agnes, (wife of John Daniels,) Ann, (wife of Thomas Crocker,) Susannah, (wife of Aaron Fountain,) Mary, (wife of Richard Tozor.) William Beeby, one of the sons of Samuel, married Ruth, daughter of Jonathan Rogers, and was a member of the Sabbatarian commu nity on the Great Neck. Jonathan, probably the youngest son, and born about 1676, was an early settler of East Haddam, where he was living in 1750. Samuel Beeby, second, oldest son of Samuel the elder, obtained in his day a considerable local renown. He married (February 9th, 1681-2) EUzabeth, daughter of James Rogers, and in right of his wife, as well as by extensive purchases of the Indians, became a great landholder. He was one of three who owned Plum Island, in the Sound, and Uving upon the island in plentiful farmer style, with sloops and boats for pleasure or traffic at his command, he was often sportively called " King Beebee," and « Lord of the Islands." A rock in the sea, not far from his farm, was called " Beebee's throne." Plum Island is an appanage of Southold, Sufi'olk county. Long Isl and, and Mr. Beeby, by removing to that island, transferred himself to the jurisdiction of New York. 4. Nathaniel Beeby, supposed to be the youngest ofthe four broth ers, settled in Stonington. His land was afterward absorbed in the large estates of his neighbors, the Denisons. In the wiU of WiUiam Denison, (1715,) he disposes ofthe Beeby land, but adds, "I order my executors to take a special care of Mr. Nathaniel Beeby during his Ufe, and to give him a Christian burial at his death." Accordingly we find the gravestone of this venerable man, near that of the Den isons. The inscription states that he died December 17th, 1^24, aged ninety-three. Estimating from the given data, the births of 340 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Samuel and Nathaniel Beeby would both come within the verge of 1631. It is probable that Samuel's was in 1630 and Nathaniel's in 1632. William Chapman, died December ISth, 1699. This name first appears in 1657, when WiUiam Chapman bought the Denison house-lot on the present Hempstead Street, nearly oppo site the jail. No record is found of his family. The children named in his will, were John, William, Samuel, Jeremiah, Joseph, Sarah and Rebecca. John Chapman, by supposition named as the oldest son, removed in 1706, with his family, to Colchester, where h« was living in May, 1748, when it was observed that " he would be ninety-five years old next November." We may therefore date his birth in November, 1653. William Chapman married Hannah, daughter of Daniel Lester, and is supposed to have settled in Groton. Samuel Chapman is the ancestor of the Waterford family of Chap- mans. He lived in the Cohanzie district, reared to maturity nine children, and died November 2d, 1758, aged ninety-three. Before his death he conveyed his homestead to his grandson, Nathaniel. Joseph Chapman was a mariner. He removed his famUy to Nor wich, where he died June 10th, 1725. Jeremiah Chapman, probably the youngest of the five brothers, retained the family homestead. He died September 6th, 1755, aged eighty-eight. All the brothers left considerable famiUes, and their posterity is now widely dispersed. Stephen Loomer, died in 1700. This name is not found in New London before 1687. Mr. Loom- er's wife was a daughter of George MUler. His children, and their ages at the time of his death, were as foUows : John, sixteen ; Mary, thirteen ; Martha, eleven ; Samuel, eight ; Elizabeth, five. In fol lowing out the fortunes of the family, we find that John, the oldest son, was a seaman, and probably perished by storm or wreck, as in 1715, he had not been heard from for several years. Mary, reUct of Stephen Loomer, married in 1701, Caleb Abel, of Norwich, and this carried the remainder of the family to that place. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 341 David Carpenter, died in 1700. The period of his settlement in the town was probably coincident with his marriage to Sarah, daughter of WilUam Hough — to both events the conjectural date of 1676 may be assigned. Mr. Carpen ter lived at Niantic Ferry, of which he had a lease from Edward Palmes. He left an only son, David, baptized Nov. 12th, 1682, and several daughters. His relict married WilUam Stevens, of KUUng- worth. Alexander Pygan, died in 1701. On his first arrival in the plantation, Mr. Pygan appears to have been a lawless young man, of " passionate and distempered carriage," as it was then expressed ; one who we may suppose " left his coun try for his country's good." But the restraints and infiuences with which he was here surrounded, produced their legitimate effect, and he became a discreet and valuable member of the community. Alexander Pygan, of Norwrich, Old England, was married unto Judith, daughter of WUliam Redfin, (Redfield,) June 17th, 1667. Children. 1, Sarah, born Feb. 23d, 1669-70 ; married Nicholas Ha,llam. 2. Jane, " Feb., 1670-1 ; raarried Jonas Green. Mrs, Judith Pygan died April 30th, 1678, After the death of his wife, Mr. Pygan dwelt a few years at Say brook, where he had a shop of goods, and was licensed by the county court as an innkeeper. Here also he married an estimable woman, Lydia, rehct of Samuel Boyes, April 15th, 1684. Only one chUd was the issue of this marriage. 3. Lydia, born Jan. 10th, 1684-5 ; married Rev. Eliphalet Adams, Samuel Boyes, the son of Mrs, Lydia Pygan, by her first husband, was born Deo. 6th, 1673. Mr. Pygan soon returned with his family to New London, where he died in the year 1701. He is the only person of the family name of Pygan, that the labor. of genealogists has as yet brought to light in New England. His relict, Mrs. Lydia Pygan, died July 20th, 1734. She was the daughter of WilUam and Lydia Bemont, of Say brook, and bom March 9th, 1644.' IHer mother is said to have -been a Danforfii; perhaps daughter of Nicholas Dan- forth, of Boston, 29* 342 HtSfdttY OF NEW LONDON. Thomas Stedman, died in 1701. This name is found at New London, at the early date of 1649, but it soon afterward disappears. In 1666, Thomas Stedman is again on the Ust of inhabitants, Uving near Niantic River. He married (Aug. 6th, 1668) Hannah, daughter of Robert Isbell, and step daughter to WilUam NichoUs. They had two children, John, bom Dec. 25th, 1669, and Ann, who married Benjamin Lester. John left descendants. Thomas Stedman, of New London, was brother of Lieut. John Stedman, of Wethersfield, who, in 1675, was commander of a com pany of sixty dragoons, raised in Hartford county. The following letter on record at New London, is evidence of this connection : " Loving brother Thomas Stedman. " My love to yourself and your little ones, my cousins, and to Uncle Nicholls and to Aunt and to the rest of my friends, certifying you that through God's mercy and goodness to us, we are in reasonable good health. " Brother, These are to get you to assist my son in seUing or letting ray house which I bought of Benjamin AtweU, and what you shall do in that business I do firmly bind myself to confirm and ratify. As witness my hand this last day of October, 1672, from Wethersfield." Extracted out of the original letter under the hand of John Stedman, Sen. Butler. Thomas and John Butler are not presented to our notice as inhab itants of New London, until after 1680. Probably they were broth ers. No account of the marriage or family of either is on record. " Thomas Butler died Dec. 20th, 1701, aged fifty-nine, John Butler died March 26th, 1733, aged eighty, Katherine, wife of John Butler, died Jan. 24th, 1728-9, aged sixty-seven. She was a daughter of Eichard Haughton, Allan MiiUins, chirurgeon, son of Doctor Alexander Mullins, of Galway, Ire land, was married to AbigaU, daughter of John Butler, of New London, AprU Sth, 1725," Thomas Butler's family can not be given with certainty, but noth ing appears to forbid the supposition that Lieutenant Walter Butler, a prominent inhabitant about 1712, and afterward, was his son. Walter Butler married Mary, only child of Thomas Harris, and granddaughter of Capt. Daniel Wetherell. The date of the marriage has not been recovered. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 343 Children, 1. Mary, born Aug, 29th, 1714, 4, Jane, bap, July 10th, 1720, 2. Thomas, " Jan, Slst, 1715-16, 5, Katherine, " Aug. 26th, 1722, 3. Walter, " May 27th, 1718, 6. Lydia, " Jan. 10th, 1724-5. Lieut. Butler married, in 1727, Deborah, relict of Ebenezer Den nis, and had a son, John, baptized April 28th, 1728. The name of Walter Butler is associated with the annals of Tryon county. New York, as weU as with New London. He received a military appointment in the Mohawk country, in 1728, and fourteen years later removed his family thither. Mr. Hempstead makes an entry in his diary : '' Nov. 6th, 1742, Mrs. Butler, wife of Capt. Walter Butler, and her children and famUy, is gone away by water to New York, in order to go to him in the Northern Countries, above Albany, where he hath been several years Captain of the Forts." Capt. Butler was the ancestor of those Colonels Butler, John and Walter, who were associated with the Johnsons as royalists in the commencement of the Revolutionary War.' The family, for many years, continued to visit, occasionally, their ancient home.^ . Very few of the descendants of Thomas and John Butler, are now found in this vicinity ; but the hills and crags have been charged to keep their name, and they have hitherto been faithful to their trust. In the western part of Waterford, is a sterile, hard-favored district, with abrupt hills, and more stone and rock than soil, which is locally called Butler-town — a name derived from this ancient family of Butlers. Capt. Samuel Fosdick, died August 21th, 1702. Samuel Fosdick, "from Charlestown, in the Bay," appears at New London about 1680. According to manuscripts preserved in the family, he was the son of John Fosdick and Anna Shapley, who were married in 1 648 ; and the said John was a son of Stephen Fos dick, of Charlestown, who died May 21st, 1664. 1 See Annals of Tiyon Co. and Barber's New York CoU. In the latter work is a view of Butler House, 2 It was probably through the prompting of the Butlers, that Sir Wm, Johnson and his son, afterward resorted to New London for recreation and the sea-breeze. One of these visits is noticed in the Gazette, May 4th, 1767, " Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart., arrived m town, for the benefit of the sea air, and to enjoy some relaxation from Indian af- fahs. June 13, arrived Sir John Johnson, Col. Croghan and several other gentlemen fi-om Fort Johnson," 344 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. " Samuel, son of John Fosdick, of Charlestown, New England, married Mercy, daughter of John Picket, of New London, Nov, 1, 1682," They had children : 1. Samuel, born Sept, 18th, 1684, 5. John, born Feb, 1st, 1693-4, S.Mercy, " Nov. SOth, 1686, 6, Thomas, " Aug, 20th, 1696, 3. Ruth, " June 27th, 1689, 7, Mary, " July 7th, 1699, 4, Anna, " Dec, Sth, 1691, Mercy, relict of Samuel Fosdick, married John Arnold, Capt. Samuel Fosdick was one of the owners of Plum Island, and had thereon a farm under cultivation, weU stocked and productive. His residence in town was on what was then often called Fosdick's Neck, (now Shaw's.) He also possessed, in right of his wife, that part of the Picket lot, which was subsequently purchased by Capt. Nathaniel Shaw. Another house-lot, owned by him on the bank, comprising nearly the whole block between Golden and TiUey Streets, was estimated, in the list of his estate, at only £30. It then lay va cant, but afterward became the valuable homestead of his youngest son, Thomas, and his descendants. A glance at the inventory of Capt. Fosdick, will show the ample and comfortable style of house keeping, to which the inhabitants had attained in 1700. Five feather beds, one of them with a suit of red curtains ; twenty pair of sheets ; sixteen blankets ; three silk blankets ; three looking-glasses ; three large brass kettles ; two silver cups, and other articles in this proportion, are enumerated. But there are also certain implements mentioned, the fashion of which has with time passed away, viz., four wheels ; twelve pewter basins ; two dozen pewter porringers, &c. The matrons of those days took as much delight in a well-ar ranged dr^ser, and its rows of shining pewter, with perhaps here and there a spoon, a cup, or a tankard of silver interspersed, as they now do in sideboards of mahogany or rose-wood, and services of plate. Samuel, the oldest son of Capt. Samuel Fosdick, removed to Oys ter Bay, Long Island, where he was Uving in 1750. John, the sec ond son, went to Guilford. Thomas, remained in New London, and is best known on record as Deacon Thomas Fosdick. He married ' June 29th, 1720, Esther, daughter of Lodowick Updike. The daughters of Capt. Samuel Fosdick were also widely scattered by marriage. Mercy, married Thomas Jiggles, of Boston ; Ruth, an Oglesby of New York ; Anna, Thomas Latham, of Groton, and Mary, Richard Sutton, of Charlestown. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 345 Joseph Pemberton, died Oct. lith, 1702. James Pemberton had a son, Joseph, born in Boston in 1655,' with whom we venture to identify the Joseph Pemberton, here noticed. He resided in Westerly, before coming to New London. His relict, Mary, removed to Boston, with her sons James and Joseph. Two married daughters were left in New London, Mary, wife of Alexan der Baker, and Elizabeth, wife of Jonathan Rogers, both of the north parish, (now Montville.) William Walworth,^ died in 1703. WilUam Walworth is first known to us as the lessee of Fisher's Island, or of a considerable part of it ; and it is a tradition of the family that he came directly from England to assume this charge, at the invitition of the owner of the island, Fitz-John Winthrop, who wished to introduce the EngUsh methods of farming. William Wal worth and his wife owned the covenant, and were baptized with their infant child, Martha, Jan. 24th, 1691-2. Their children, at the time of the father's decease, were Martha, Mary, John, Joanna, Thomas and James, the last two twins, and all between the ages of two and twelve years. Abigail, relict of William Walworth, died Jan. 14th, 1751-2 ; having been forty-eight years a widow. This was certainly an uncommon instance for an age, renowned not only for early, but for hasty, frequent, and late marriages. John Walworth, second son of WiUiam, had also a lease of Fish er's Island, for a long term of years. He died in 1748. His inven tory mentions four negro servants, a herd of near fifty horned cattle, eight hundred and twelve sheep, and a stud of thirty-two horses, mares and colts. He had also seventy-seven ounces of wrought plate, and other valuable household articles. It has been the fortune of Fisher's Island, to enrich many of its tenants, especially in former days. Not only the Walworths, but the Mumfords and Browns, drew a large income from the lease of the island. From John Wal worth, descended the person of the same name, who commenced the settlement of Painesville, Ohio, and at the period of his death, in 1812, was collector of customs in Cleveland, Ohio. R. H. Walworth, Esq., of Saratoga, is a descendant from WiUiam, the oldest son of WUliam and AbigaU Walworth. 1 Farmer's Eegister, 2 On early records the name is sometunes Walsworth and AUsworth, 346 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Edward Stallion, died May lith, 1703. When this person made his first appearance in the plantation, Mr. Bruen, the clerk, recorded his name Stanley. It was soon altered to Stallion, or Stallon, In later times it has been identified with Sterling, which may have been the true name. Edward Stallion was at first a coasting trader, but later in life be came a resident farmer in North Groton, (now Ledyard.) His chil dren are only named incidentally, and the Ust obtained is probably incomplete. Deborah, wife of James Avery, Jr., Sarah, wife of John Edgecombe, and Margaret, wife of Pasco Foote, were his daughters. His first wife, Margaret, died after 1 680. He married in 1685, Elizabeth, daughter of George Miller, by whom he had two children, names not mentioned. In 1693, he married, a third time, Christian, relict of Wm. Chapell, who survived him. He left a son, Edward, probably one of the two children by the second wife, who, in 1720, was of Preston, and left descendants there. The death of Ed ward Stallion, Sen,, was the result of an accident, which is sufficiently detailed in the following verdict : *' Wee the Subscribers being irapaneld and sworne on a jury of inquest to view tli9 body of Edward StaUion — have accordingly viewed the corpse and according tothe best of our judgments and by what inforraation wee have had doe judge that he was drowned by falling out of his Canno the 14Th day of this instant and that bee had noe harm from any person by force or violence. New London May y« 31, 1703, Joseph Latham Wm. Potts Wm Thorne (his mark. T.) John Bayley Andrew Lester Joshua Bill PhUlip Bill Jonathan Lester Gershom Rice James Morgan Wm Swadle John Williams.'' Though dated at New London, this jury was impanneled in that part of the township which is now Ledyard, and the names belong to that place and Groton. The town had not then been divided. Ezekiel Turner, died January 16th, 1703-4. He was a son of John Turner of Scituate, and grandson of Hum phrey Turner, an emigrant of 1 628. His mother was Mary, daughter of Jonathan Brewster. At New London we have no account of him earlier than his marriage with Susannah, daughter of John Keeny, Dec. 26th, 1678. He left one son Ezekiel, and a band of ten daugh ters, the youngest an infant at the time of 1^ decease. His neighbor. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 347 OUver Manwaring, had two sons and eight daughters of neariy coin cident ages, and it was a common saying, that these two famUies had daughters enough to stock the town. Ezekiel Turner, second, married Borradil Denison and settled in Groton. EUsha and Thomas Turner, supposed also to come from the Scituate family, settled in the town after 1720. From Thomas who married Patience, daughter of John BoUes, (Nov. 23d, 1727 ) most of the Turner famiUes of New London and MontvUIe are de scended. Jonathan Turner from South Kingston purchased in 1735, a farm upon the Great Neck (Waterford) and has also descendants in New London and its neighborhood. Sergeant George Darrow, died in 1704. From inferential testimony it is ascertained that George Darrow married Mary, reUct of George Sharswood. The baptisms but not the births of their children are recorded : 1. Christopher, bap. Deo. 1st, 1678. 3. Nicholas, May 20th, 1683. 2. George, " Oct, 17th, 1680, 4. Jane, April 17th, 1692, Mary, wife of George Darrow, died in 16!)8. George Darrow and Elizabeth Marshall of Hartford were married Aug. 10th, 1702. The above list comprises all the children recorded, but there may haye been others. Christopher Darrow married Elizabeth Packer, a granddaughter of Cary Latham. In a corner of a field upon the Great Neck, on what was formerly a Darrow farm, is a group of four gravestones ; one of them bears the foUowing inscription : " In raeraory of Mrs. Elizabeth Darrow, wife of Mr. Christopher Darrow, who died in February 1758, aged 78 years. She was mother to 8 children, 43 grand-chUdren, 30 great grand-children. Has had 100" (descendants ?) Major Christopher Darrow, a brave soldier of the French and Revolutionary Wars, who Uved in the North Parish, and Elder Zadok Darrow, a venerable Baptist minister of Waterford, were descendants of Christopher and Elizabeth Darrow. George Sharswood. Only flitting gleams are obtained of this person, and his family. They come and go like' figures exhibited for scenic efl'ect. George Sharswood appears before us in 1666; is uiserted m the rate list o^ 348 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 1667 ; the next year buUds a house, and apparently about the same time becomes a married man, though of this event we can find no record. His children presented for baptism were, George and Wil Uam, AprU 2d, 1671 ; Mary in 1672, and Katherine in 1674. Of his death there is no account; but before 1678, the reUct had mar ried George Darrow. The chUdren being young, the estate was left unsettled, and in a few years, only WilUam and Mary were Uving. June 24th, 1700, WiUiam Sharswood " sometime of Cape May but now of New London," has the house and land of his father made over to him by a quitclaim deed from Sergt. George Darrow. The September following he has three chUdren, Jonathan, George and Abigail, baptized by the Rev. Mr. SaltonstaU. He then disappears from our sight. In September* 1704, measures were instituted to settle the estate of the elder Sharswood, and in the course of the proceedmgs we learn that the daughter, Mary, was the wife of Jonathan Hill, and that William Sharswood, the son, had recently deceased in New Cas tle county Delaware. In 1705, Abigail, reUct of WUUam Sharswood, was the wife of George PoUy of PhUadelphia. The estate in New London was not fully settled tiU 1724, nearly fifty years after the decease of George Sharswood. Jonathan HiU was the administrator, and the acquit tances were signed by Abigail Polly and the surviving sons of WU Uam Sharswood — WiUiam, of Newcastle, and George and James, of Philadelphia.' John Harvey, died in January, 17 Ob. The name of John Harvey is first noticed about 1682. He was then living near the head of Niantic River, and perhaps within the bounds of Lyme. He left sons John and Thomas, and daughter Elizabeth WUley. WiUiams. No genealogy in New London county is more extensive and per plexing than that of WilUams. The famiUes of that name are de rived from several distinct ancestors. Among them John WiUiams and Thomas WilUams appear to stand disconnected ; at least, no 1 The present George Sharswood, Esq., of PhUadelphia, is a descendant of George' of New London. % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 349 relationship with their contemporaries has been traced, or with each other. They are entirely distinct from the Stonington family of WiUiams, although the names are in many cases identical. The first Williams in New London was WilUam, who is in the rate list of 1664. He Uved on the east, or Groton side of the river, and died in 1704, leaving four sons, Richard, WiUiam, Henry and Stephen, aU of fuU age, and a daughter Mary, wife of Samuel Packer. Thomas Williams appears in the plantation, about 1670. His cattle mark was enrolled in 1680. He lived west of the river at or near Mohegan, and died Sept. 24th, 1705, about sixty-one years of age. He left a widow Joanna and eleven children, between the ages of twelve and thirty-three years, and a grandchild who was heir of a deceased daughter. The sons were John, Thomas, Jonathan, Wil liam, Samuel and Ebenezer. , John Williams, another independent branch of this extended name, married in 1685 or 1686, Jane, relict of Hugh Hubbard and daugh ter of Cary Latham. No trace of him earlier than this has been noticed. He succeeded to the lease of the ferry, (granted for fifty years to Cary Latham,) and Uved, as did also his wife, to advanced age. " He kept tbe ferry," says Hempstead's diary, " when Groton and New London were one town, and had but one minister, and one captain's company." When he died, Dec. 3d, 1741, within the same bounds were eight reUgious societies, and nine miUtary companies, five on the west side and four in Groton. He left an only son, Peter, of whom Capt. John Williams who perished in the massacre at Groton fort in 1781, was a descendant. John and Eleazar WilUams, brother and son of Isaac WiUiams, of Roxbury, Mass., settled in Stonington about the year 1687, and are the ancestors of another distinct line, branches of which have been many years resident in New London and Norwich. The gen ealogy of this family belongs more particularly to Stonington. Ebenezer WUUams, son of Samuel of Roxbury, and cousin of John and Eleazar, settled also in Stonington, and left descendants there. He was brother of the Rev. John WilUams, first minister of Deerfleld, who was taken captive with his family by the French and Indians in 1701. A passage from Hempstead's diary avouches this relationship : " Sept, 9, 1733. Mr. Ebenezer WiUiams of Stonington is come to see ». French woman in town that says she is daughter to his brother the late Rev, Mr WiUiams of Deerfleld taken by tbe French and Indians thirty years ago," 30 350 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. This passage refers to a young daughter of the Deerfield famUy that was never redeeme.1 from captivity, but lived and died among the Lidians. She was probably often personated for smister ends. The French woman mentioned above was unquestionably an impostor. Capt. John WilUams, of Poquetannock, (Ledyard,) was yet another original settler of the name. He is said to have come directly from Wales and to have had no relationship with other famUies m the _ country. We quote a cotemporary notice of his death : "Jan. 12, 1741-2. Capt, John Williams died at Pookatonnock of pleurisy, after 7 days' iUness. He was a good commonwealth's raan, traded rauch by •sea and land with good success for many years, and acquired wholly by his own industry a great estate. He was a very just dealer, aged about 60 years,"l Brigadier-General Joseph WilUams of Norwich, one of the West ern Reserve purchasers, was a son of Capt. John WiUiams. Benjamin Shapley, died August 3d, 1706. Benjamin, son of Nicholas Shapleigh of Boston, was born, accord ing to Farmer's Register, in 1645. We find no difficulty in appro- priatmg this birth to Benjamin Shapley, mariner, who about 1670 became an inhabitant of New London. The facts which have been gathered respecting his family are as follows : " Benjamin, son of Nicholas Shapley of Charlestown, married Mary, daugh ter of John Picket, April 10th, 1672," Children. 1, Ruth, b. Dec. 24th, 1672 — raarried John Morgan of Groton. 2, Benjamin, b. Mar. 20th, 1675— m. Ruth, daughter of Thoraas Dymond. 3, Mary, b. Mar, 26th, 1677 — raarried Joseph Truman. 4. Joseph, b. Aug. 15th, 1681 — died young. 5. Ann, b, Aug. Slst, 1685 — married Thoraas Avery of Groton. 6. Daniel, b, Feb. 14th, 1689-90— m. Abigail Pierson of Killingworth. 7, Jane, b, 1696 — married Joshua Appleton. 8, Adam, b, 1698— died young. Mary, reUct of Benjamin Shapley, died Jan. 15th, 1734-5. The Shapley house-lot was on Main Street, next north of the Christo phers lot, and -was originally laid out to Kempo Sybada, a Dutch captain. Shapley Street was opened through it in 1746. Captain Adam Shapley, who received his death wound at Fort Griswold, in 1781, was a descendant of Daniel Shapley. 1 Hempstead, (MS.) % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 351 Anthony Ashby. A person of this name kept a house of entertainment at Salem in 1670.' It was probably the same man that afterward came to New London, and settled east of the river. He was on the jury of the county court in 1690. His two daughters Mary and Hannah, united with the church in New London in 1694. His decease took place before 1708. Anthony Ashby, Jr., coUector for the east side in 1696, died in 1712. George Dennis. The period of his death is uncertain, but it was previous to 1708. He came to New London from Long Island, and married EUzabeth, reUct of Joshua Raymond. They had but one child, Ebenezer, who was bom Oct. 23d, 1682. Ebenezer Dennis inherited from his mother a dweUing-house, choicely situated near the water, and com manding a fine prospect of the harbor, where about the year 1710 he opened a house of entertainment. His first wife was Sarah, daugh ter of Capt. John Hough, and his second, Deborah Ely of Lyme. He died in 1726 ; his relict the next year married Lieut. Walter Butler, and removed with him to the Indian frontier in the western part of New York. The family mansion was sold in 1728 to Mat thew Stewart; it was where the Frink house now stands in Bank Street. Mr. Dennis by his wUl left £25 to be distributed to the poor of the town. Among his efi'ects 139 books are enumerated, which, though most of them were of smaU value, formed a considerable library for the time, probably the largest in the town. Peter Crary, of Groton, died in 1708. He married hi December, 1677, Christobel, daughter of John Gal lop. His oldest child, Christobel, was bom " the latter end of Feb., 1678-9." Other children mentioned in his wiU were Peter, John, WilUam, Robert, Margaret and Ann. John Daniel, died about 1709. This date is obtained by approximation : he was living in the early part of 1709, and in July, 1710, Mary, widow of John Daniels is mentioned. His earUest date at New London is m April, 1663, when Hs name is given withoutthe s, John Daniel. 1 Felt. 352 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. John Daniel married Mary, daughter of George Chappell, Jan. 19th, 1664-5. Children. 1 John, born Jan. 19th, 1665-6. 6. Rachel, born Feb. 27th, 1676. 2. Mary, " Oct. 12th, 1667. 7, Sarah, " Feb, 10th, 1679, 3. Thomas, " Dec. Slst, 1669. S.Jonathan," Oct, 15th, 1682, 4. Christian, " Mar. 3d, 1671. 9. Clement, (not recorded,) S, Hannah, " Ap. 20th, 1674, Before his decease John Daniel divided his lands among his four sons, giving the homestead, adjoining the farms of John Keeny and Samuel Manwaring, to Thomas. John Daniels, 2d, married Agnes Beeby, Dec. 3d, 1685. He died Jan. 15th, 1756, " wanting 15 days of 90 years old.'" Thomas Daniels, the second son, died Oct. 12th, 1725. AUthe sons left de scendants.^ George Chappell, died in 1709. Among the emigi-ants for New England, in " the Christian," from London, 1635, was George Chappell, aged twenty.' He was at Wethersfield, in 1637, and can be traced there as a resident until 1649," which was probably about the time that he came to Pequot, bringing with him a wife, Margaret, and some three or four children. Of his marriage, or of the births of these children, no account is pre-' served at Wethersfield. The whole Ust of his family, as gathered from various sources, is as follows : 1, Mary, married John Daniels. 6. Hester, born April 15th, 1662. 2, Rachel, raarried Thoraas Crocker. 7. Sarah, " Feb. 14th, 1665-6. 3. John, reraoved to Flushing, L. I. 8. Nathaniel, " May 21st, 1668. 4. George, born March Sth, 1653-4. 9. Caleb, " Oct. 7th, 1671, 5. Elizabeth, born Aug. SOth, 1656. At the time of George ChappeU's decease, these nine chUdren were all living, as was also his aged wife, whom he committed to the special care of his son Caleb and grandson Comfort. Caleb Chap- 1 By comparing this estimate with the date of his bhth it'wiU be seen that aUow- ance is made for the change that had taken place in the style. His birth Is given m 0, S, and his death in N, S, According to the current date, only four days were wanting of ninety years, 2 C, r, Daniels, the present editor of the New London DaUy and Weekly Chronicle, is a descendant in the Une of Thomas Daniels, 3 Savage's Gleanings in Mass, Hist. CoU,, 3d series, vol, 8, p, 252. 4 Conn, Col, Eec, vol, 1, p, 194, ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON, 353 peU had previously removed to Lebanon, from whence his son Amos went to Sharon, and settled in that part of the township which is now Ellsworth.' The second George Chappell married, first, AUce Way, and second, Mary Douglas. He had two sons, George and Comfort ; from the latter, the late Capt. Edward ChappeU, of New London, descended. Families of this name in New London and the neigh boring towns, are numerous, all tracing back to George, for their an cestor. Branches from this stock are also disseminated in various parts of the Union. Capt. Samuel Chester, died in 1710. A sea-captain in the West India line, he receives his first grant of land in New London, for a warehouse, in 1664, in company with WiUiam Condy, of Boston, who was styled his nephew.^ He subse quently removed to the east side of the river, where he dwelt at the time of his death. He was much employed in land surveys, and in 1693, was one of the agents appointed by the General Court to meet with a committee from Massachusetts, to renew and settle the boundaries between the two colonies. His chUdren, baptized in New London, but births not recorded, were, John, Susannah and Samuel, in 1670 ; Mercy, 1673 ; Hannah, 1694, and Jonathan, 1697. His wiU, dated in 1708, mentions only Abraham, Jolm, Jonathan and Mercy Burrows. Mr. Chester had a large tract of land in the North Parish, bought of Owaneco and Josiah, Mohegan sachems. It is probable that one of his sons settled upon it, and that the Chester family, of MontviUe, are his descendants. William Condy. In connection with Capt. Chester, a brief notice is due to WiUiam Condy. His wife was Mary, daughter of Ralph Parker. He had four children presented together for baptism, March 23d, 1672-3— Richard, WilUam, Ebenezer and Ralph. The family removed to Boston about 1680. A letter from Mr. Condy, dated June 14th, 1 688, to Capt. Chester, is recorded at New London, requesting him to make 1 Sedgwick's Hist, of Sharon, p. 72. _ _ 2 This term Uke that of brother and cousin has a considerable range of apphcation, Hugrcanlkins m a deed of gift to WUUam Douglas who had manned his grand- dJgMer, and wa^ no otherwise related.to him, calls ham Us nephew. 30* 354 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. sale of one hundred and fifty acres of land that had been given him by the town. He says : " Loving uncle, " I would desire if you can seU the land that lyeth on your side of the river to do me that kindness as to seU it for me at the best advantage, and send it down to me the next spring, and give a bill of sale for the same, and this shall be your discharge. If you sell it take it in pork if you can for that wiU be the best coramodity here. I am now ready to sail for Barbadoes," &c. The Condy family long retained a house-lot in town, which came to them from Ralph Parker. This estate was presented in the m- ventory of the second WiUiam Condy, in 1710, " late of Boston, but formerly of New London, where he was born," and was sold by a third WilUam Condy, of Boston, in 1717. Thomas Mortimer, died March 11th, 1709-10. This name was often written Maltimore and Mortimore. We have little information concerning the person who bore it, and with whom, apparently, it became extinct. He was a constable in 1680. His wife, Elizabeth, survived him but a few months. The only persons mentioned as devisees or heirs, were two daughters — Mary, wife of Robert Stoddard, and EUzabeth, wife of Abraham WUley, and their children. William Mynard, died in 1711. This person w-as an original emigrant from Great Britain ; he had a brother George, who died at Fording Bridge, in Hampshire, Eng land, to whose estate he was an heir. The name appears to have been originally identical with Maynard, and is often also confounded with Minor. William Mynard married Lydia Richards, Nov. 15th, 1678. They had a son, WilUam, born Nov. 16th, 1680, but no oth er recorded. At his death, he is said to have wife, Lydia, and nine children, three of them under age. The names' are not given, but the four brothers, WiUiam, George, David and lonathan, (Mynard, Maynard, Mainer,) who were all householders about 1730, were prob ably sons of WiUiam and Lydia ; but the genealogy is obscured by the uncertainty of the name. Zacharias Maynard, or Mayner, purchased a farm in 1697, near Robert Allyn and Thomas Rose, (in Ledyard,) His wife was a daughter of Robert Geer. HISTORY OF NEWLONDON. 355 Thomas Pember, Drowned, Sept. 27th, 1711, in Nahantic River, on whose banks he dwelt. He had three children baptized in 1692, viz., Mercy, Thomas and Elizabeth; also, Ann, baptized 1694, and John, 1696. At the period of his death, only four children were living. He left a -wife, Agnes, who was for many years famous as a nurse and doc tress. Of this kind of character, the changing customs of the age have scarcely left us a type. But tradition relates many vivid anec dotes respecting this energetic and experienced race of female prac titioners. No medical man of the present day, can be more ready to answer a night-call — to start from sleep, mount a horse, and ride ofi" six or seven miles in darkness or tempest, sustained by the hope of aUeviating misery, than were these able nursing mothers of former times. A seventh daughter was particularly marked and set aside for the office, and unbounded confidence was placed in her skill to stroke for the king's evil, to cure cancers, alleviate asthma, and set bones. Richard Singleton, died Oct. 16th, 1711. The record of his death styles him ferryman of Groton. Origin ally he was a mariner, and probably took the ferry when the fifty years' lease of Latham expired, in 1705, in company with John Wil liams, or perhaps alternating with him. Both lived on Groton Bank and were lessees of the ferry about the same time. Mr- Singleton left nine children, of whom only Richard, WilUam, Wait-StiU and the wife of Samuel Latham are mentioned. His wiU directs that his chUdren in CaroUna and his children in Groton, should share equally in his estate, which however was smaU. Among the special bequests are, to his wife a negro man valued at £40 ; to son Richard the Church History of New England, £1 ; to William a Large church Bible, "old England print," £1, lbs.; to Wait-StiU two rods of land and a buccaneer gun. Wells. Thomas Wells was one of the early band of planters at Pequot Harbor; probably on the ground in 1648, and certainly in 1649. He was a carpenter, and worked with Elderkin, on miUs and meet ing-houses. The last notice of him on the town record is in 1661, when Wells and Elderkin were employed to repair the turret of the meeting-house. No account can be found of the sale of his house or 356 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. land. He may have left the settlement, or he may be concealed from our view by dweUing on a farm remote from the center of business. A Thomas Wells — whether another or the same has not been as certained — is found at Stonington or Westerly, about the year 1677, engaged in constructing vessels at a ship-yard on the Pawkatuck River. He is styled, " of Ipswich, shipwright." In 1680, having a lawsuit with Amos Richardson, respecting a vessel of forty-eight tuns burden, which he had contracted to build for him, two of his sons appeared as witnesses, viz., Joseph, aged twenty-two, and Thomas, seventeen.' Of Thomas Wells, we have no later information, but his fraternity to Joseph is thus estabUshed. « Joseph Wells, of Groton, died October 26th, 1711." We sup pose this person to have been the noted ship-builder of Pawkatuck River, and that he is styled of Groton, from the circumstance of his having a farm and family residence near the head of Mystic, on the Groton side of the river. It is certain that a farm in this position, was occupied, at a very early period, by a WeUs family. Descend ants of the ancient owners, whom we suppose to have been first Thomas Wells, and then his son Joseph, are at this day (1850) liv ing in the same place, and in the same low-browed, unaltered house, in the shadow of Porter's Rocks, where Joseph Wells died. It is near a gap in the ledge where Mason and UnderhiU rested with their company a few hours, before making their terrible onslaught upon the Pequots, in the expedition of May, 1637. The will of Joseph Wells, executed five days before his decease, mentions wife Hannah, and children Joseph, John, Thomas and Anne. Jacob HoUoway, died_Nov. 9th, 1711. He appears in the plantation a little before 1700. Left a son, John, and daughters. Rose and Ann. His wife died four days after the decease of her husband. Joseph Nest, died Dec. Sth, 1711. Mr. Nest's wife deceased before him, and he Uved apparently alone, in a smaU tenement in the angle of the Lyme and Great Neck roads. Susannah, wife of George Way, appears to have been his daughter. No other relatives have been traced. 1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 357 John Terrall, died Feb. 27th, 1712. His wife, Mrs. Sarah Terrall, died March 7th, succeeding. No chUdren are mentioned in the wUl of the latter, but she was probably a second wife. Terrall should undoubtedly be written Tyrrel, Two persons of the name appear in New London, in the year 1662, William, a tailor, and John, a seaman. The former, probably, soon left the place. John Terrall is in the rate list of 1664. Of his family, there is no account, except a single entry upon the church record : " Goodman Tyrrell's two children, WilUam and Mary, baptized May 7th, 1671. John Wickwire, died in March or April, 1712. This person was an early settler in Mohegan, or the North Parish, (now MontviUe.) Col. John Livingston was one of the executors named in his -will. Madam Winthrop, (relict of Govemor Fitz-John,) at her death, left legacies to " sister Wickwire's children." John Wickwire married Mary, daughter of George and Margery Tongue, Nov. 6th, 1676. Children. 1. George, bom Oct. 4th, 1677. 5. Jonathan, born Feb. 19tli, 1691. 2. Christopher, " Jan. Sth, 1679-80. 6. Peter, " Mar. 2d, 1694. 3. John, " Dec. 2d, 1685, 7. Ann, " Sept, 25th, 1697, 4. EUzabeth, " Mar, 23d, 1688-9. Thomas Short. " Here lyeth the body of Thomas Short, who deceased Sept. 27th, 1712, aged thirty years." The smaU head-stone in the old burial- ground, which bears this inscription, shows where the remains of the first printer in the colony of Connecticut are deposited. He had been instructed in his art by Bartholomew Green, of Boston, who recom mended him to the authorities of Connecticut, for a colony printer, in which office he estabUshed himself at New London, in 1709. In 1710, he issued " The Saybrook Platform of Church Discipline," the first book printed in the colony.' After this he printed sermons and pamphlets, and perf-ormed what public work the govemor and company required, tiU death put an early stop to his labors. Two ChUdren of Thomas and Elizabeth Short, are recorded at New Lon- 1 Thomas' Hist»i-y of Pi-mting, vol, 1, p. 405, 358 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. don— Catharine, bom in 1709 ; Charies in 1711. His reUct married Solomon Coit, Aug. 8th, 1714. Thomas Munsell, died in 1712. We find this person mentioned in 1681. He was on a committee to lay out a highway in 1683. His wife was Lydia, and his children Jacob, EUsha, Mercy and DeUverance. In 1723, Jacob was of Windsor, and EUsha of Norwich. Stephen Hurlbut, died October 7th, 1712. The Hurlbut famUy, of Connecticut, commences with Thomas Hurlbut, who was one ofthe garrison at Saybrook Fort in 1686, and settled in Wethersfield about 1640. Stephen, who came to New London after 1690, was probably one of his descendants, apd a na tive of Wethersfield. He married, about 1696, Hannah, daughter of Robert Douglas, and between 1697 and 1711, had seven chUdren baptized — Stephen, Freelove, Mary, John, Sarah, Titus, Joseph. Stephen, the oldest son, died in 1725. John is the ancestor of the Ledyard family of Hurlbuts, and Joseph of that of New London. Capt. Titus Hurlbut was a man of considerable distinction in his day ; he served in the French wars, and was a captain of the old fort that stood on the eastern border of the Parade, near the present ferry wharf. His descendants, in the male line, removed to the western states. William Gamp, died October 9th, 1713. He was an inhabitant of the Jordan district. His -wife was EUza beth, daughter of Richard Smith. His two sons WiUiam and James removed to the North Parish, (now MontviUe.) Hallam. John and Nicholas Hallam were the sons of Mrs. Alice Liveen, by a former marriage, and probably born in Barbadoes — John in 1661, and Nicholas in 1664. John married Prudence, daughter of Amos Richardson, in 1682, and fixed his residence in Stonhigton> where he died in 1700. His possessions were large ; a thousand acres of land were leased to him in perpetuity by John Richardson of Newbury in 1692 "for the consideration of five shilUngs and an HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 359 annual rent of one pepper-corn ;" and his inventory gives e-vddence of a style of dress and housekeeping, more expensive and showy than was common in those days. It contains silver plate, mantle and coat of broadcloth, lined with sUk, " seventeen horse kind," four negro ser vants, &c. " Nicholas Hallam married Sarah, daughter of Alexander Pygan, July 8, 1686. Children : 1. Alexander born Oct. 22, 1688. 2. Edward " Ap, 25, 1693, (raarried Grace Denison,) 3. Sarah " Mar, 29, 1695, (married Joseph MerriUs,) (Mrs, Sarah Hallam died in the year 1700.) Nicholas HaUam was married Jan, 2, 1700-1 to widow Elizabeth Meades whose maiden name was Gulliver, in Bromley church, on the backside of Bow without Stepney church, in London, Old England, Their daughter Elizabeth was born in the parish of St. John Wapping, near Wapping New Stairs, in London Feb. 22, 1701-2, (married Samuel Latimer.) 5, Mary born in New London Oct, 11, 1705, (raarried Nathaniel Hempstead and Joseph Truman,) 6, John born Aug. 3, 1708, (raarried Mary Johnson.)" Mr. HaUam's gravestone states that he died Sept, 18th, 1714, at the age of forty-nine years, flve months and twenty-nine days. His wife survived him twenty-one years. At this period, many famiUes in town owned slaves, for domestic service ; some but one, others two or three ; very few more than four. The inventory of Nicholas Hallam comprises " a negro man named Lonnon," valued at £30 ; his wife disposes of her " negro woman Flora, and girl Judith." Among the famUy efi'ects are articles that were probably brought from England, when HaUam returned with his EngUsh wife in 1703 — such as a clock and secretary. Mrs. HaUam bequeaths to one of her daughters a diamond ring, and a chest made of Bermuda cedar ; to another, " the hair-trunk I brought from London, and my gold chaine necklace containing seven chaines and a locket." Alexander HaUam died abroad. The wiU of his father contains a bequest to Mm " if he be Uvmg and return home within twenty years." In 1720 his inventory was presented for probate with the label, sup- posed to be dead. Edward Hallam was town-clerk from December, 1720, to his death in 1736,' lEev. Eobert A. HaUam, rector of St, James' Church, New London, is the only .urvivmg male descendant of Nicholas HaUam, m the hne of the name. 360 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Major Edward Palmes, died March 21st, 1714-15. The same day died Capt. John Prentis, 2d. They were both buried on the 23d, under arms; Capt. Prentis in the morning and Major Pahnes in the afternoon. The latter died on his farm at Nahantick, but was brought into town for interment. Mr. Hemp stead's diary notices the extreme severity of the weather at the time, and says of Major Palmes — " He was well and dead in two hours and a half." His gravestone states that he was in his seventy-eighth year ; we may therefore place his birth in the year 1638. Guy and Edward Palmes were both traders in 1659 and 1660; the latter in New Haven, and the former in one of the towns west of it upon the Sound. In December, 1660, Edward had removed to New London. From various sources it is ascertained that he mar ried Lucy Winthrop, daughter of Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, and after her death a Widow Davis, and that by his first wife he had a daughter Lucy, who married (first) Samuel Gray, and (second) Samuel Lynde of Saybrook; but of these successive events no ex plicit documentary evidence is to be found in New London. Dates therefore can not be given. Two children of Major Palmes by his second wife, are on Mr. Bradstreet's record of baptisms : " Baptized Nov, 17, 1678, Major Palmes his child by his second wife who was Capt. Davis his relict, Guy. " Baptized Oct. 1, 1682, M^jor Palmes his child Andrew.'' The Bentworth farm of Major Palmes at Nahantick was mort gaged to Capt. Charles Chambers of Charlestown for £853. He left, however, five other valuable farms. The Winthrop homestead in the town plot, and the Mountain farm, bought of Samuel Royce, he gave to his daughter Lucy Gray, but the remainder of his estate went to his son Andrew. These are the only chUdi-en mentioned ia his wiU, and probably all that survived infancy. Andrew Palmes graduated at Harvard CoUege in 1703, and died in 1721. He had four sons, Guy, Bryan, Edward and Andi-ew, and a daughter Sarah, who married Richard Durfey. The name. of Pahnes is now extinct in New London. The Brainerd family is descended in the female Ime from Capt. Edward Pahnes, the third son of Andrew. Richard Jennings, died Dec. 12th, 1715. Richard Jennings and EUzabeth Reynolds were married « the be ginning of June, 1678." They were both emigrants from Barbadoes. HISTORYOF NEW LONDON. 36l Their children were, first, Samuel, born March 11th, 1679 ; second, Richard, 1680 ; third, Elinor, who married Richard Manwaring. Thomas Crocker, died Jan. ISth, 1715-6. The descendants of this person are numerous and widely scattered. At the time of his decease he was eighty-three years of age and had lived about fifty years in the town. His wife, Rachel, was a daugh ter of George ChappeU. Their chUdren were : 1. Mary, b. Mar. 4th, 1668-9, 4. Samuel, b. July 27th, 1676, 2, Thomas, b. Sept. 1st, 1670, 5, WiUiam, 1680, 3. John, 1672. 6. Andrew, 1683. The second Thomas Crocker Uved to the age of his father, eighty- thi-ee years and seven months. WilUam Crocker, the fourth son, was a resolute partisan oflicer in the frontier wars, during the earlie? part of the eighteenth century, and was styled " captain of the scouts." John Crocker of the third generation (son of John,) was also a sol dier of the French wars, and their -sdctim. He came home from the frontier sick, and died soon afterward, Nov. 30th, 1746, aged forty. David Caulkins, died Nov. 2hth, 1717. Hugh CauU£in(s) and his son John removed to Norwich in 1660. David the younger son remained in New London, and inherited the homestead farm given by the town to his father at Nahantick. Ed ward Palmes, John Prentis, David CauUiins and WiUiam Keeny ' lived on adjoining farms, and for a considerable period occupied a district by themselves, around the present Rope Ferry and Millstone Point. David CauUiins married Mary, daughter of Thomas BUss of Nor wich. Children. 1. David, b. July 5th, 1674. 6. Mary. 2. Ann, b. Nov. Sth, 1676. 7. Joseph, bap. Nov. 3d, 1694, 3, Jonathan, b, Jan, 9th, 1678-9, 8, Lydia, " Aug. 9th, 1696, 4, Peter, b, Oct, 9th, 1681. 9- Ann, ¦ 5, John, . Lieut. Jonathan CauUiins, second son of David, served in the fron tier wars against the French. A later descendant of the same name, Capt. Jonathan Caulkins, was in the field during a considerable por- tion of the Revolutionary War, 31 362 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Ensign George Way, died in Feb., 1716-7. This was the period of the Great Snow, famous throughout New England. Ensign Way Uved at the West Farms, not far from Lake's Pond, and after his decease his remams were kept for eleven or twelve days, on account of the hnpassable state of the roads. He was finally interred on the 7th of March, being brought into town by men on snow-shoes. The family of Ensign Way removed from New London. He had several chUdren, but Lyme was probably the place of their nativity. His wife was Susannah, daughter of Joseph Nest. George and Thomas Way were brothers ; their father was George Way, of Lyme, br Saybrook, and their mother the only chUd of John and Joanna Smith. Thomas Way appears to have lived from chUd hood in New London. His wife was Ann, daughter of Andrew Lester, and he had ten chUdren ranging in birth from 1688 to 1714. About the year 1720, he removed with the younger part of his family to East Haven, where he died m 1726. His sons David and James married in East Haven ;^ John, another son, settled in Wal Ungford. Thomas Way, Jr., died in New London before the removal of the famUy, at the age of twenty. A small stone of rough granite was placed at the head of his graVe, on which the following rudely picked characters may still be deciphered. T. W. DIED ye 22 DEC. 170 11 (1711.) Daniel Way, the oldest son of Thomas, born Dec. 23d, 1688, and Ebenezer, bom Oct. 30th, 1693, are ancestors of the Way famiUes of New London and Waterford, branches of which have emigrated to Vermont, New Hampshire and other states and also to Canada. Capt. Ebenezer Way, of the old fourth United States regiment, who commanded a company in the army of General Harrison at the bat tle of Tippecanoe, was a descendant of Ebenezer, son of Thomas. Joshua Baker, died Dec. 21th, 1717. He was son of Alexander Baker of Boston, and born at the latter place in 1642. He came to New London about 1670, and married Sept. 13th, 1674, Hannah, reUct of Tristram Minter. They had Alexander, born Dec. 16th, 1677 ; Joshua, Jan. 5th, 1678-9 ; John, 1 Dodd's East Haven Eegister, p. 159. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. . 363 Dec. 24th, 1681 ; Hannah and Sarah, twins, 1684; also a son Ben jamin and daughters Mercy and Patience. Another Baker family belongs to New London, of earUer date than that of Joshua. " WUUam Baker of Pequot," is noticed in 1653. Thomas, by supposition his son, was a householder in 1686, Uving north of the town plot at Foxen's HiU. No registry of mar riage, birth or death relating to this famUy before 1700, has been found. John Baker marrried Phebe Douglas, Jan. 17th, 1703-4. Thomas Jones, died Oct. 6th, 1718. His wife was Catharine, daughter of Thomas Gammon of New foundland, whom he married June 25th, 1677. He Uved at first near Alewife Cove, but removed into the North Parish, and his only son Thomas became a proprietor of the town of Colchester. Daniel Wetherell. The foUo-wing memorials collected from the town book, and from the graveyard, are ,more comprehensive than they would be if mold ed into any other form. " Daniel WethereU was born Nov. 29, 1630, at the Free School-house in Maidstone, Kent, Old England," " Daniel WethereU of New London, son of Williara Wetherell, Clericus of Scituate, was raarried August 4, 1659, to Grace, daughter of Mr, Jonathan Brewster," Children. 1, Hannah, b. Mar. 21st, 1659-60. 3. Daniel, b. Jan, 26th, 1670-1. 2. Mary, b. Oct. 7th, 1668. 4. Samuel, bap. Oct. 19th, 1679. " Here lyeth the body of Capt" Daniel Wetherell Esq. who died April ye 14"' 1719 in the 89''' year of his age." Capt. WethereU's usefulness continued almost to the day of his death. From 1680 to 1710 he was more prominent in public af fairs than any other inhabitant of the town. He was town-clerk, moderator, justice, assistant, judge of probate, and judge of the coun ty court. No man in the county stood higher in point of talent and integrity. The two sons of Capt. WethereU died young. His daughter Han nah married Adam Picket; Mary married first, Thomas Harris, and second, George Denison. His family, like the famiUes of several other founders and benefactors of the town-Picket, Christophers, Palmes, Shaw, &c.— was perpetuated only in the female line. 364 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Andrew Davis, of Groton, died April 23d, 1719. John Davis was one of the planters of Pequot in 1651, and came probably from Ipswich. In 1662 he was master of a vessel. His death is not registered, but there is Uttle hazard in assuming that his reUct was the Widow Davis whom Major Palmes married for his second wife, and that Andrew Davis of Groton was his son. It is difficult to construct a family history out of the scanty materials af forded by early records. We gather fragments, but the thread is wanting which should bind them together. The wife of Andrew Davis was Mary, daughter of Thomas BaUey. Of his chUdren we can obtain no information, except that it is fair to presume that An drew Davis, Jr., was his son. The latter married Sarah Baker, Dec. 9th, 1708. A Comfort Davis, mentioned in 1719, and WiUiam Davis who died in 1725, may also be sons. Lieut. John Richards, died Nov. 2d, 1720. He was the oldest son of the first John Richards, and his wife was Love, daughter of OUver Manwaring. He had a large famUy of ten or twelve children, of whom only four (John, George, Samuel and Lydia) survived their father. His inventory, which comprises gold buttons, silver plate, and gold and silver coin, shows that an advance had been made beyond the simple frugality of the first times. He owned the Bartlett farm on the river, one-half of which was prized at £315, which indicates a still greater advance in the value of lands. No spot in New London was more noted than the corner of Lieut. Richards (now opposite the court-house.) It was for many years the most western dwelling in that direction, with only the school- house and pasture lots beyond. Capt. George Richards, a son of Lieut. John, was a man of large stature and great physical strength. Stories are told of his wrest ling with various gigantic Indians, and always coming ofi" conqueror from the combat. Capt. Guy Richards, for many years a noted merchant in New London, Colonel William Richards of the Revolu tionary army, and Capt. Peter Richards, slain in the sack of Fort Griswold in 1781, are among the descendants of Lieut. John Rich ards, Col. John Livingston, died 1720. " The inventory of Lieut. Col. John Livingston, late of New Lon don taken at the house of Mrs. Sarah Knifht in Norwich, at the de- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 365 sire of Mrs. Elizabeth Livingston widow of ye deceased who is appomted administratrix, March 10, 1720-1." The Ust of efi'ects under this heading is slender. The principal items are 103 ounces of wrought plate at 10s, 6d, per ounce ; a japanned cabinet, and a field tent. Colonel Livington died abroad. His residence in New London has already been noticed. He speculated largely in Indian lands. In 1705 he purchased "Pawmechaug," 300 acres, of Samuel Rogers, and sold it subsequently to Charles Whiting. In 1710 he was one of the four purchasers of all Mohegan, the reservation of the Indians excepted. He had a farm on Saw-miU Brook, (now UncasviUe) of 400 acres which he cultivated as a homestead. Here he had his miUs and dwelling-house, the latter standing on the west side of the road to Norwich. It was here that his first wife, Mrs. Mary Livingston, the only child of Govemor Fitz-John Winthrop, died, Jan. 8th, 1712-13. She was not interred tUl the 16th; the weather being very inclement and the snow deep, she could not be brought into town till that time. Colonel Livingston's second wife was Elizabeth, daughter and only child of Mrs. Sarah Knight. The marriage has not been found registered. To Mrs. Knight, Livingston first mortgaged, and then sold the Mohegan farm. The title therefore accrued to Mrs. Living ston from her mother, and not her husband. She sold it to Capt. Stephen Harding of Warwick. Colonel Livingston had no children by either wife. The grave of the first — the daughter of Winthrop — is -nndistinguished and unlmown. A table of freestone, with the foUowing inscription, perpetuates the memory of the second. " Inter's vnder this stone is the body of Mdm Elizabeth Livingston, relict of Col, John Livingstone of New London who departed this life March 17th, A, D, 1735-6 in the 4Sth year of her age," • The foUo-wing are items from the inventory of her efi'ects : A negro woman, Rose ; man, Pompey. Indian man, named John Nothing. Silver plate, amounting to £234, 13s. A damask table-cloth, 80s. Four gold rings ; one silver ring ; one stoned rmg. A pair of stoned earrmgs ; a stone drop for the neck. A red stone for a locket ; two pair of gold buttons. A diamond ring with five diamonds, (prized at £30.) 31* 366 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. John Edgecomb, died April 11th, 1721. His wUl caUs him aged. His estate was appraised at £681, and consisted of a homestead in the town plot, and two considerable farms. " John, son of Nicholas Edgecombe, of Plymouth, Old England, was raarried to Sarah, daughter of Edward StaUion, Feb. 9th, 1673," Children. 1, John, born November 14th, 1675; married Hannah Hempstead, 2 Sarah, born July 29th, 1678 ; raarried John BoUes, 3. Joanna, born March 3d, 1679-80 ; married Henry Delamore. 4, Nicholas, born January 23d, 1681-2, 5, Samuel, born 1690, 6, Thomas. Mr. John Edgecombe married for his second wife, Elizabeth, relict of Joshua Hempstead, The name of Edgecomb is connected with the early settlement of Maine. Sir Richard Edgecomb, of Mount Edgecomb, Devonshire, had an extensive grant of land from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in 1637, on Casco Bay and the Saco River. Nicholas Edgecomb, who is supposed to have been a near relative, was actively engaged in es- tabUshing a settlement on the bay, and himself visited it in 1658. This person was probably the father of John Edgecomb, of New London. Robert Edgecomb, another supposed son of Nicholas, set tled in Saco, and left descendants there.^ Henry Delamore married Joanna Edgecomb, Feb. 14th, 1716-17. He was a recent emigrant from the old world, and styled himself " late master spar-maker to his majesty the king of Great Britain, at Port Mahon." His second wife was Miriam Graves, but it does not appear that he left children by either wife. His reUct, Miriam Del amore, married the second John BoUes, and this carried the Delamore homestead into the BoUes family. It was where the Thatcher house ' now stands, on Main Street, at the comer of Masonic Street. Capt. Peter Manwaring, died July 29th, 1723. He perished by shipwreck, on the south side of Montauk Point, as stated in a previous chapter. This enterprising mariner is first named a Uttle before 1700. His relationship with Oliver Manwaring has not been ascertained, but the probabiUty is that he was his nephew. 1 See Folsom's Hist, of Saco and Biddeford, p. 112. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 367 He followed the seas with great assiduity. His family consisted of a wife and three daughters. Thomas Manwaring was probably a younger brother of Peter. He married in 1722, Esther Christophers, and is the ancestor ofthe Lyme branch of Manwarings. Oliver Manwaring, died November Zd, 1723. He was then nmety years of age, and had been an inhabitant of the town about sixty years. His house-lot of eleven acres was bought on the 3d of November, 1664. The nucleus of this homestead, consist ing of the house plot and garden, has never been alienated by the family, but is stUl in the possession of a descendant in the direct male line from OUver. OUver Manwaring married Hannah, daughter of Richard Ray mond. His wife connected herself with Mr. Bradstreet's church, in 1671, at which time they had four children baptized : Hannah, Eliz abeth, Prudence and Love. After this were baptized in order, Richard, July 13th, 1673 ; Judith, in April, 1676 ; Oliver, February 2d, 1678-9; Bathsheba, May 9th, 1680; Anne, June 18th, 1682; Mercy. AU these children were living at the period of Mr. Man waring's death : the eight daughters were married and had families. He bequeathed to his grandson, John Richards, (the son of his daugh ter Love,) all biUs and bonds due to him "and particularly that bond which I had from my nephew, Oliver Manwaring, in England." Sergeant Ebenezer Griffing, died September 2d, 1723. His age was fifty years, and he had been about twenty-five in New London. His-parentage and native place have not been ascertained. He married Mary, reUct of Ebenezer Hubbell, February 9th, 1702-3. Their children were John, Samuel, Peter, Lydia and Mary. John and Samuel left descendants. Richard Dart, died September 2ith, 1724. This was sixty years and twelve days after the date of his first purchase in New London. He was eighty-nine years of age. His oldest son, Daniel, born May 3d, 1666, married, August 4th, 1686, EUzabeth Douglas, and about the year 1716, removed to Bolton, m Hartford county. Most of his chUdren, eleven in number, either 368 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. went with him or followed in his track. The other sons of Richard and Bethiah Dart, were Richard, bom May 7th, 1667 ; Roger, No vember 22d, 1670, and Ebenezer, February 18th, 1672-3. These all became fathers of families, and their descendants are numerous. John Arnold, died August 16th, 1725. His gravestone says " aged about 73." His wife died November 28th, of the same year. We assume with confidence that John Ar nold was a son of Joseph Arnold, of Braintree, Mass., the latter hav ing the birth of a son John registered April 2d, 1650-1. He was a resident in Norwich, in 1681, and later; but before 1700, removed to New London, where he married, December 6th, 1703, Mercy, re lict of Samuel Fosdick. They had two daughters: 1. Ruhamah, who married an Ely, of Lyme, and 2. Lucretia, who became the second wife of John Proctor, A. M. Harwood. George Harwood can be traced as a resident in New London only between the years 1651 and 1657, inclusive. He had a son John, whose birth probably stands recorded in Boston — John, the son of George and Jane Harwood, born July 5th, 1639.' The famUy prob ably resided on the outlands of the town, and therefore, seldom pre sent themselves to our view. John Harwood, a young man aged twenty-three years, and apparently the last of the famUy, died Feb ruary 23d, 1726. He made a brief will, in which he mentions no relative, but bequeaths what Uttle estate he has to Lydia, daughter of Israel Richards. Thomas BoUes,' died May 26th, 1727, aged eighty-four. Samuel BoUes, died August 10th, 1842, aged ninety-nine. The person last mentioned was grandson to the former, and yet the time between the birth of the one, and the decease of the other, was 199 years, an immense space to be covered by three generations, and a remarkable instance for our country, where the practice of early 1 Hist, and Gen, Eeg,, vol. 2, p, 189, 2 At first fi-equently written Bowles, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 369 marriages operates to crowd the generations closely together. The intervening link is John BoUes : Samuel was the son of his old age, born when his father had numbered sixty-seven years. A family tradition states that Thomas BoUes came to this country with brothers, and that they arrived first upon the Kennebeck coast) but Winthrop, the founder of New London, having some knowledge of the family, invited them aU to his plantation. Only Thomas an swered the caU, the others remaining where they first landed. It is some corroboration of this account that the name of BoUes is found among the early settlers of Wells, in Maine. Thomas BoUes is found at New London about 1668. Of his mar riage we have no account. He bought house and land at Foxen's HUl, and there lived with his wife Mary and three children : Mary, bom in 1673 ; Joseph, in 1675,' and John, in August, 1677. On the Sth or 6th of June, 1678, while Mr. BoUes was absent from home, a sudden and terrific blow bereaved him of most of his family. His wife and two oldest children were found dead, welter ing in their blood, with the infant, waUing but unhurt, by the side of its mother. The author of this bloody deed proved to be a vagabond youth, who demanded shelter and lodging in the house, which the woman refused. Some angry words ensued, and the reckless lad, seizing an ax that lay at the wood pile, rushed in and took awful vengeance. He soon afterward confessed the crime, was carried to Hartford, tried by the court of assistants, October 3d, condemned and executed at Hartford, October 9th, 1678. The records of the town do not contain the slightest aUusion to this act of atrocity. Tradition, however, has faithfully preserved the history, coinciding in important facts with the account contained in documents on file among the colonial records at Hartford. John BoUes, the mfant thus providentially preserved from slaughter, in a pamphlet which he pubUshed in after life, concerning his pecuUar reUgious tenets, alludes to the tragic event of his infancy, in the fol lowing terms : " My father lived about a mile from New London town, and my mother was at home with only three little children, I being the youngest, about ten months old, she, with the other two were murdered by a youth about sixteen years of age, who was afterward executed at Hartford, and I was found at my dead mother's breast," 1 In some papers at Hartford, this ohUd is caUed Thomas ; at his baptism the name registered was Joseph, 370 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Tradition states that the blood of the child Mary, who was kiUed as she was endeavoring to escape from the door, flowed out upon the rock on which the house stood, and that the stains long remained.' Thomas BoUes married, 2. Rebecca, daughter of Matthew- WaUer, who died February 10th, 1711-2. His third wife was Hopestill, relict of Nathaniel ChappeU, who survived him, and died in 1753, aged about ninety. Mr. BoUes was much employed in town aff'airs, and for nearly twenty years was in the commission of the peace. It does not appear that he had any children after the death of his fii-st wife. John BoUes married Sarah, daughter of John Edgecomb, July 3d, 1699, by whom he had eight sons and two daughters. By a second -wife, EUzabeth Wood, of Groton, he had five more children : Samuel, the youngest, was born May 10th,- 1744. Mr. BoUes died in 1767, aged ninety, and in his -wiU enumerates thirteen children then Uving. Similar instances in our early history, where the heads of a famUy and six, eight or ten children aU Uve beyond the span aUotted to our race, occur with sufficient frequency to produce the impression that life to maturity was more certain, and cases of medium longevity more numerous in the first three generations after the settlement, than in the three that succeed them. Certainly such instances were of more frequent occurrence than at the present day, in proportion to the population. Samuel Fox, died September ith, 1727, aged seventy-seven. Samuel and John Fox were sons of Thomas Fox, of Concord. Samuel Fox married Mary, supposed to be daughter of Andrew Les ter, and born in Gloucester, in 1647, March 30th, 1675-6. They had a son Samuel, born April 24th, 1681. After this he contracted a second, third and fourth marriage, and had sons, Isaac, Samuel and Benjamin, which should probably be assigned to the second wife, Joanna, who died in 1689. The third wife was Bathsheba, reUct of Richard Smith, and daughter of James Rogers, (born in Milford, 1650.) There is no record made of any marriages pr births in the family after 1681. A singular caprice led Mr. Fox and some others in that day to give the same name to two children by a different 1 This house is said to have stood a Uttle south of the stone mansion built by Capt. Daniel Deshon, now owned by Capt. Lyman AUyn. The platform of rook, near which the house stood, has been partly blasted away.% . : HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 371 mother. When a name, therefore, is repeated in a list of chUdren, it is not always an indication that the first named had died before the birth of the other. Samuel Fox, in his will, makes bequests to his two sons, Samuel the elder and younger. The former had settled m the North Parish, at a place stiU known as Fox's Mills. He is the ancestor of the Fox famiUes of Montville. John Fox, son of Thomas, of Concord, married Sarah, daughter of Greenfield Larrabee, June 2d, 1678. They had a son John, bom June 1st, 1680, who died December 12th, 1711, leaving a wife, EUz abeth, but no children. They had other sons and daughters, but aU died without issue, except Benjamin. In a deed of 1718, he caUs Benjamin, " my only child which it hath pleased God to continue in the land of the living." John Fox married, 2. Hannah, reUct of Thomas Stedman; 3, Mary, daughter of Daniel Lester, 2d, His last wife was fifty years younger than himself, and granddaughter to his sister.' Mrs. Sarah Knight. A cloud of uncertainty rests upon the history of Mrs. Knight. She was born about 1665, but where, of what parentage, when mar ried, who was her husband, and when he was taken from her by death, are points not yet ascertained. AU that is known of her kin dred is, that she was related to the Prout and Trowbridge famiUes, of New Haven. The few data that have been gathered respecting her, in this vicinity, wiU be rehearsed in order. In 1698, she appears at Norwich, with goods to seU, and is styled widow and shopkeeper. In this connection it may be mentioned that among the planters, in a settlement then recently commenced by Major James Fitch, of Nor wich, at Peagscomtuck, now Canterbury, was a John Knight, who diedin 1695. Itis possible that Mrs. Knight was his relict; she appears to have had one child only, a daughter EUzabeth ; and it la probable that John Knight had no sons, as the continuation of his name and family has not been traced. He is not the ancestor of the Knight family afterward found at the West Farms, in Norwich, which originated with David Knight, who married Sarah Backus, in 1692, had sons and daughters, and died in 1744. Mrs. Knight remained but a short time in Norwich, perhaps three 1 The wife of Daniel Lester, Sen., was Hannah Fox, of Concord. This smgular connection is mentioned in the New England Weekly Jownal, printed m Boston, April 20th, 1730, after noticing tlie death of John Fox. 372 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON, or four years. At the time of her celebrated journey from Boston to New York, in 1704, she was a resident of Boston. In 1717, she was again living at Norwich ; a silver cup for the communion service was presented by her to the church, and the town by vote, August 12th, gave her liberty to "sit in the pew where she used to sit." In 1718 March 26th, Mrs. Knight and six other persons were presented in one indictment " for selling strong drink to the Indians." They were fined twenty shillings and costs. It is added to the record, " Mrs. Knight accused her maid, Ann Clark, of the fact." After this peri od, Mrs. Knight appears as a land purchaser in the North Parish of New London, generally as a partner with Joseph Bradford ; she was also a pew-holder in the new church buUt in that parish, about 1724, and was sometimes styled of Norwich, and sometimes of New Lon don. This can be easily accounted for, as she retained her dweUing- house in Norwich, but her farms, where she spent a portion of her time, were within the bounds of New London. On one of the latter, the Livingston farm, upon the Norwich road, she kept entertainment for travelers, and is called innkeeper. At this place she died, and was brought to New London for interment. A gray head-stone, of which an exact impression is given below, marks the place. or i-f SAB-Ayi KKl cJHT WHO DTJSD SEP TIE IS o J H: E B. J\ CB HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 373 The only chUd of Mrs. Knight, EUzabeth, relict of Col. John Livingston, survived her and presented her inventory, which com prised two farms in Mohegan with housing and mills — £1,600, and estate in Norwich — £210. Mrs. Knight was a woman of consider able distinction in her day. She certainly possessed more than a common portion of energy, talent and education. She wrote poetry and diaries, transacted various kinds of business, speculated in In dian lands, and at diff'erent times kept a tavern, managed a shop of merchandise and cultivated a farm. Her journal kept during a journey from Boston to- New York, performed on horseback and in company with the post or with chance travelers, in the year 1704, was pubUshed a few years since under the editorial supervision of Mr. Theodore Dwight. This journal in manuscript had been care fuUy preserved in the Christophers family, to whom it came after the death of Mrs. Livingston ; Sarah, wife of Christopher Chris tophers, who was a Prout, of New Haven, and a relative, being ap pointed to administer on her estate. From a descendant of this Mrs. Christophers, viz., Mrs. Ichabod Wetmore, of Middletown) the manuscript was obtained for publication. It had been neatly copied into a small book. The original was not returned to Mrs. Wetmore and is now supposed to be lost.' George Geer, died in 1727. The IsbeU farm bought by George Geer Oct. Slst, 1665, was bound ed north by the Une between New London and Norwich, (now Led yard and Preston.) George Geer married Sarah, daughter of Rob ert Allyn, Feb. 17th, 1658-9. They had six sons and as many daughters. Capt. Robert Geer was one of the leading inhabitants of North Groton during the first half of the eighteenth century, and his miU was one of the three places where aU warnings were to be posted. Fargo. The first of this name in New London was Moses, who became a resident in 1680. He had nine children, of whom the five youngest were sons— Moses, Ralph, Robert, Thomas and Aaron. Moses 1 These particulars were communicated by the daughter of Mrs, Wetmore, Mrs. Andrew Mather, of New London, 32 374 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. Fargo, or Firgo as it was then often written, and his -wife Sarah, were both Uving in 1726. Thomas Leach, died Nov. 2ith, 1732, He was eighty years of age and had dwelt in the town upward of fifty years. By his first wife, AbigaU, daughter of Richard Haugh ton, he had but one chUd ; viz., Sarah, who was bom in 1684 and married in 1706 to Andrew Crocker. His second wife -was Mary daughter of Clement Miner ; and his third, the relict of John Crock er. His children by the three wives amounted to thirteen. The sons who Uved to have famUies were, Thomas, bom about 1690; Clement, in 1693 ; Samuel, in 1707 ; Joseph, in 1709 ; Richard, in 1711, and Jonathan, 1716. John Ames, died June 1st, 1735. He had been about forty years an inhabitant of New London, and had sons, John, Robert and Samuel. No registry of their births has been found. CHAPTER XX. From 1700 to 1750. — Death of Governor Winthrop. — The Minister of New London chosen Governor. — Settlement of Rev, Eliphalet Adams, — List of 1708 and 1709, — Expedition of 1711 against Canada, — Death of Governor Saltonstall, — War with Spain, — Memorials and petitions for fortification, — Petition to the King, — Expedition to Cape Breton, When post-offices and post roads were estabUshed in America, which was near the commencement of the eighteenth century, the great route ft-om Boston to New York was through New London, which was then reckoned 110 miles from Boston and 156 from New York. By act of Parliament in 1710, New London was made the chief post-office in Connecticut ; single letters from thence to New York paid ninepence ; to any place sixty mUes distant, fourpence ; one hundred miles distant, sixpence.' From the Boston News Letter, which began to be issued in April, 1704, and was the first newspaper pubUshed in North America, the foUowing extracts are taken. , " New London, Aug. 9th, 1704. On Thursday last marched from hence, Capt. John Livingston with a brave company of volunteers, English and In dians to reinforce the frontiers." " Boston, June 11th, 1705. Captain John Livingston, with the other messen gers sent by our Governor to the Governor of Canada at Quebeck to concert the exchange of prisoners, returned this day." " Boston, Nov. 27th, 1707. About 4 o'clock this morning the Honorable John Winthrop, Esq., Governor of his Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, departed this life in the 69th year of his age: being born at Ipswich in New England, March 14th, anno 1638 :— Whose body is to be interred here on Thursday next the 4th of December." The event announced in this last extract claims some further no tice from the historian of New London. Governor Winthrop had 1 See this act in Mass. Hist, CoU,, 3d series, vol. 7, p, 71, 376 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. gone to Boston for medical aid, in an enfeebled state of health. He died in the tenth year of his office, and was interred in the same tomb with his father and grandfather, in the church-yard of King's Chapel. His pubUc duties since the year 1690 had kept him much of the time away from New London, yet this always continued to be his home. His death was an important event to the town. As a member of the commonwealth it had lost its head, and as a com munity it was bereaved of a tried friend and infiuential citizen. It led the way also to another removal — that of their minister. On the death of the govemor, a special assembly was convened to elect a temporary successor, and a majority of the votes were given for the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London. He accepted the appointment and on the 1st of January, 1708, took the oath of office. At the annual election in May, he was chosen govemor by the votes of the freemen and was annually reelected to the office from that time until his death. A transition so sudden from the sacred desk to the chair of the magistrate is an unusual, if not a solitary event. How the appoint ment was received by the church and congregation under Mr. Sal tonstall's charge, we do not learn, as no entry was made on either the town or church record respecting it. But from the known pop ularity of Mr. Saltonstall, we may suppose that in the first instance they were filled with grief and amazement. We are told by the historian TrambuU, that the Assembly addressed a letter to his peo ple, acquainting them that their mmister was called to engage in another important course of service and using arguments to induce them to acquiesce in the result. Mr. SaltonstaU himself has been freely censured for thus resign ing a spiritual incumbency to engage in the routine of temporal affairs. The Rev. Isaac Backus, the venerable Baptist author of the Church History of New England, says of him with severity : " He readily quitted the solemn charge of souls for worldly promo tion." But Mr. Saltonstall doubtless acted upon his own convictions of duty and beUeved that he could more effectuaUy benefit his gen eration in the charge which he now assumed than in that which he laid down. He had been the messenger of the town for twenty years and may even have thought that a change of ministration would not be injurious to his flock, especiaUy as he stiU remained in the church and stood ready as before to assist them with his counsel. The personal gifts of Mr. Saltonstall added much to his infiuence. He was taU and weU proportioned, and o%Ugnified aspect and de- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 377 meaner. Some points of his character carried perhaps to excess, acquired for him the reputation of being severe, imperious, and of seeking self-aggrandization. But among his brethren of the clergy he, enjoyed unbounded popularity. He strove to exalt the minis terial office and maintain its dignity, and was himself the exponent of rigid orthodoxy. It was perhaps clerical infiuence, acting invis ibly, which raised him to the chief magistracy. He loved synods and councils and was for giving them large powers. A friend to law and order, he would have men submit to authority and live soberly, taking reason and reUgion for their guides. In his view, the aflTairs of both church and state should be managed by rules, judiciously established and then made firm and unalterable. The platform of ecclesiastical discipline formed at Saybrook, accepted by most of the churches, and estabUshed as the law of the state in October, 1708, was the embodiment of the principles which he favored. That instrument owed much to his counsels and influence. Being thus an advocate for rigorous ecclesiastical authority, he was disposed to check all who dissented from the established rule, with the harsh strokes of discipUne. It was during his ministry that the principles of the regular Baptists were planted in Groton. On that side of the river, within the circle of his own church, many were discontented with his ministry. A list of " Complaints against the Elder of the Church of Christ in New London," was drawn up in 1700, signed by five members of the church, viz., James Avery, John Morgan, Samuel Bill, John Fox and James Morgan, Jr., and carried before the General Court in May, who referred it to an ecclesiastical council that was to convene at KiUingworth in June. Of the nature of these complauits we are not informed. The result of the council was communicated to the church in New London, June 19th; and this was followed by a vote of suspension from church privUeges of the offending members. The difficulty did not end here. A paper of remonstrances was next drawn up and signed by several persons, who were dealt with in the same way— suspended from membership untU they should acknowledge their offense and tender their submission. These persons were termed subscribers m a way of reproach; but most of them were afterward reconcUed to the elder and restored to the church, Mr. Saltonstall's register of baptisms commences Dec. 6th, 1691, and ends Dec. 21st, 1707. The number is about six hundred and forty.- The admissions to the church during this period of sixteen years, were one hundred and fifty-four. The number of marriages • 32* 878 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. recorded by him is thirty-seven. The first is in March, 1697, and this is the earUest notice we find of the marriage rite performed by a clergyman in New London. It may be inferred from the limited number in his register, that even at this period the magistrate had more business in this line than the minister. A town meeting was held, June 7th, 1708, to determine on the means to be employed in order to obtain "an able and faithful min ister of the gospel." It will be remembered that at this time the whole town (since the separation of Groton) contained but one meeting-house, one regular church and congregation, and one or dained minister. The whole, therefore, were concerned in the vacancy of the pulpit. It was decided that Deacon WiUiam Doug lass and Deafcon John Plumbe should repair with all convenient speed to Boston and ask advice of the reverend ministers there, with respect to a fitting person, and " to mention to them particularly the Reverend Mr. Adams, who now preaches in Boston, and ask their thoughts concerning his being called to the work of the minis try here." Whatever person should be recommended they were to invite in the name of the town to come and preach " for some con venient term in order to a settlement, if it may be, and to wait upon him in his journey hither." Finally, it was ordered " that the select men furnish the deacons with money to defray the charges of their journey." This mission was successful ; the services of Mr. EUphalet Adams, a young minister of great promise, were engaged, and on the return of the deacons with this favorable report, the town expressed entire satisfaction at the prospect before them and complimented the en voys with a gratuity in lands. In their vote they say : " Mr. Adams is well accepted by the town for the ministry, and if he shaU see cause to settle, we will do what is honorable for his settlement and support." Mr. Adams was the son of Rev. William Adams, of Dedham, Mass., by his first wife, Mary Manning. The second wife and reUct of Rev. WiUiam Adams had married Major James Fitch, of Can terbury ; and one of his daughters was united in marriage with the Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Windham. Eliphalet Adams having these connections in Connecticut, had spent considerable time in the colony, and his character and style of preaching were weU known. No long delay, therefore, was necessary to enable the people of New London to decide on his qualifications. He arrived in town August 20th, and an invitation to settle y^s extended to him Sep- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 379 tember 8th, with a request for a speedy ordination, and off'ering him as a settlement the hundred pounds given by the country to the town toward the settlement of a minister. The gratuity here mentioned was bestowed by the legislature as a compensation in part for depriving the town of its former minister, Mr, Saltonstall— oil in return for light. To this sum £88 were added by subscription. The salary was fixed at £90 per annum, which was to be made up in three several ways— by rates, by inter est of the Liveen fund, and by strangers' money : that is, contribu tions from visitors in the town who should attend church. It was customary for strangers of distinction to make a handsome donation on such occasions, and it was usually kept distinct from the ofi'erings of the inhabitants ; the latter being often deducted from their rates, Mr, Adams was ordained Feb, 9th, 1708-9, Gov, Saltonstall appeared as the representative of the town to declare their accep tance of the candidate. The assisting ministers were Mr, Samuel Whiting, Mr, James Noyes and Mr, Timothy Woodbridge, A committee was soon afterward chosen to seat the meeting-house, or rather to fill the vacancies, for it was ordered that no person should be removed, unless it was to be seated higher, and in graduating the places, the committee were instructed to consider age and service done to the town and charges borne in town affairs. Leave was given to Gov. Saltonstall to build himself a pew on the north side of the meeting-house, between the pulpit and the north-west corner pew; "his honor agreeing with the successors of the late Gov. Winthrop for removing the pew he sat in, either home to the pulpit, or home to the corner pew, to make room for building the pew afore said." The capacity of the meeting-house was soon afterward en larged by building an additional gallery on each side above the first. At this period, the pews of greatest honor were each side of the pulpit. As we pursue the Une of years downward, we find the pew always a subject of interest. No woman of spirit and ambition re garded it as a matter of indifference in what pew she should sit in church. " In town meeting AprU 30, 17-23, it is voted— " That Mrs, Green the deacon's wife be seated in y' fore seat on the woman's side," " Mercy Jiggols is by vote seated in the third seat on the woman's side where she is ordered by the town to sit," " Jan. 13, 1723-4, Voted, that for the benefit of setting the psalra Mr. Fos dick is seated in the third seat at the end next the altar," 380 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. It almost excites a smile at the present day to see so much grave legislation about the seats of individuals at church ; but birth, rank and station had certain privileges in those days which are no longer conceded, and this was one of the channels in which emulation ran. In 1723, a controversy between two famiUes nearly related, about the possession of a pew, reached such a height, that it was brought before the town meeting, and a committee appointed to hear the matter and order one of them to desist going into the pew. It ap peared that the two men, brothers-in-law, occupying the pew together, the wife of each claimed the upper seat, which was the post of honor, and neither would yield the precedence. While inside of the church, and treating of its arrangements, a few detaUs from the Hempstead diary may be interesting. " July 23, (1721) A contribution to build a house for the Rector of Yale Col lege; a very smaU one." "Aug. 5. (1722) A contribution for the support of the Presbyterian ministers to preach at Providence — per order ofthe Governor and Company." "Nov. 14. (1725) A contribution for a Canterbury woman, who had three children at a birth and all living," " May 19 (1731,) I paid Mr. Adams 30s, which I subscribed to give him to buy him a negro man," " Aug, 17. (1734) A large book of Mr. Baxter's works is brought into the meeting house and left there to read in, between meetings for those who stay there." The foUowing vote was passed at a meeting of the church, in 1726: " Whereas divers persons of good character and deportment stand off from joining us because a relation of experience is insisted on — it is agreed that here after this is not to be considered a test, but indifferent, and those»who have great scruple and difficulty may be excused." The Ust of New London, returned to the General Court in Octo ber, 1708, was £8,476, 14s. Number of males, 249. Hartford, New Haven, Windsor and Norwich, stood higher in point of prop erty, but only Hartford and Windsor in the number of men. In Oct., 1709, the list was £10,288, 3s.; males, 188. The re duction in one year of the number of males, is sixty-one. Norwich also was reduced from 174 to 155 ; Hartford from 320 to 230. Con necticut raised that year a body of 350 men, under Col. Whiting, for the Canadian frontier, and it is probable that the returns were made while they were in the field. In that case, New London furnished beyond her proportion of the quota. • HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 381 Expeditions against Canada formed a marked feature of the colo- mal history of New England. Those vain enterprises were always recurring, and consuming the strength and treasure of the countrY without any compensation. The officers of the regiment raised in Connecticut, in 1709, were Col. Wm. Whiting, Major Allyn, Capt. John Clark, of Saybrook, and Capt. John Livingston, of New Lon don ; the last two both having the rank of major, but commanding foot companies. Among the enlistments from New London county for the expedition of 1711, were fifty-four Indians, procured by Gov.' Saltonstall, and commanded by Capt. Peter Mason.' The meetings of the governor and council were often held at New London, during the Saltonstall administration. In March, 1711, the governor was visited by some French embassadors, but the particular object they had in view is not known.^ During the whole of that year, the occasional appearance of French vessels on the coast kept the inhabitants in a state of constant apprehension. In May and June, a miUtary watch was kept up at the mouth of the harbor for forty-six nights, under the charge of Lieut. John Richards. The ex pedition against Canada, of this year, was exceedingly unfortunate. Heavy were the tidings that came through the country, after the wreck of the EngUsh fleet in the St. Lawrence, Aug. 22d. That disastrous event fixed a black seal on the day. It was in this expe dition that Capt. John Mayhew, of New London, an old Newfound land trader, was employed as a pilot. In June, 1712, the govemor and council ordered a beacon to be erected on the west end of Fisher's Island, and a guard of seven men, under charge of Nathaniel Beebe, to be kept there, with a boat in readiness to convey intelligence to the main land. Privateers were hovering upon the coast, and it was apprehended that they might combine together, and seizing a favorable opportunity, sUp into the harbor and surprise the town. The Fisher's Island watch was kept up for three months. New London in this war suff'ered considerably in her shipping, several of her merchant vessels being cut off" by French privateers. Hempstead writes : "Aug. 5, (1712) Wm, Crocker, Captain ofthe Scouts, carae horae from 1 CouncU Eecords. 2 " March 21, 1712, At a meeting of the Govemor and CouncU, Ordered that the Treasurer pay to Joseph ChamberUn of Colchester the sum of one pound and thirteen shiUings for his entertainment of the French Embassadors in their journey to and from New London in March 1711," — Cotmcil Eecords, 382 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Northampton ; one -of his men had been kiUed, and two taken prisoners— aU three belonging to Hartford."' " Oct. 30. A suspension of arms was proclaimed at ye fort ; two guns and three chambers were fired." "Aug. 26. (1713) Peace was proclaimed between England and France; both companies in arms." " Dec. 3. (1714) King George was proclaimed — the four coiyipanies were in arms,'' The existence, at this period, of four miUtary companies, two of which had been recently formed, one in the North Parish, and the other at the West Farms, shows the. advance of population. In 1683, there was but one company of train-bands in aU New London, which then included Groton. The superior court was held in New London, for the first time, in September, 1711. No court-house having then been erected, the session was held in the meeting-house. Before this period the supe rior court had only sat in New Haven and Hartford. It was now made a circuit court, each county to have two sessions annually. Richard Christophers was one of the assistant judges, and Capt. John Prentis, county sheriff. "In town meeting AprU 15. 1717. "Voted that this town do utterly oppose. and protest against Robert Jacklin a negro man's buying any land in this town, or being an inliabitant within s'd town and do further desire the deputies yt shall attend the Court in May next yt they represent the same to the Gen. Assembly that they would take some prudent care that no person of yt colour may ever have any possessions or free hold estate within this governraent." Sept. 20th, 1724, Govemor Saltonstall died very suddenly of apo plexy, having been apparently in full health the preceding day. He was interred the twenty-second, with aU the civic and military hon ors which the town could give. Col. Whiting, and Captains Lati mer and Christophers, were the officers in command. " The horse and foot marched in four files ; the drums, colors, trumpets, halberts, and hilts of swords covered with black, and twenty cannons firing at half a minute's distance." After the body bad been laid in its rest ing-place, two voUeys were discharged from the fort, and then th# 1 " Due Crocker's Compi-— Oct, 22, 1712,— £215, 15s, 6d"— State Eecords, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 383 military companies, first the troop, and afterward the foot, " marching in single file, as each respectively came against the tomb, discharged, and so drew up orderly into a body as before, and dismissed.'" The remains of Governor Saltonstall were deposited in a tomb, which he had caused to be excavated in the burial-ground for him self and family, and in which his second wife, Elizabeth, and her in fant child, had been pre-viously laid. John Gardiner, son-in law of the govemor, died a few months after him, (Jan. 15th, 1725,) and was the fourth inhabitant of this silent chamber. Another son-in- law, Richard Christophers, was gathered here in 1736, and Capt- RosweU Saltonstall, the oldest son of the governor that survived in fancy, in 1788. Other members of the family have been laid here, from time to time.^ The tablet that surmounts the tomb is adorned -with the fanuly hatchment, and the foUowing inscription : " Here lyeth the body of the Honourable Gurdon Saltonstall Esquire, Gov- emour of Connectioutt who died September the 20th, in the 59th year of his age, 1724." '^:^(Uf(rru Governor Saltonstall was bom at Haverhill, Mass., in 1666, and graduated at Harvard, in 1684. His name, Gurdon, was derived from the famUy of his grandmother, whose name was Mariel Gurdon He had three wives — first, Jerusha, daughter of James Richards, of- Hartford, who died in Boston, July 25th, 1697 ; second, Elizabeth, only chUd of WUUam RoseweU, of Branford, Conn., who died in New London, Sept. 12th, 1710 ; third, Mary, daughter of WilUam Whit- tmgham, and reUct of WUliam Clarke, of Boston, who survived him, and died in Boston, in 1729.^ 1 Hempstead. 2 It is not remembered that this tomb has been opened but three tunes smce the commencement of the present century-in 1811 for the reception of the remains of Winthrop SaltonstaU, Esq, ; in 1845, for those of an unmarried daughter of the same, Ann Dudley SaltonstaU, aged seventy-five; and once to receive the body of a young ^d of Wmiam W. SaltonstaU, formeriy of New London, but now of Chicago, *S The births of his chUdren and the death of his second wife are registered at New London, but neither of his marriages. 384 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Children of Gurdon Saltonstall, Esq., and Jerusha his wife, 1. Elizabeth, born May 11th, 1690; raarried, first, Richard Christophers; second, Isaac Ledyard, 2. Mary, born Feb. I5th, 1691-2; raarried Jeremiah MUler. 3. Sarah, born April Sth, 1691 ; married, flrst, John Gardiner ; second, Sam uel Davis ; third, Thoraas Davis. 4. Jerusha, born July .5th, 1695; died Sept. 12tb, 1693, 5. Gurdon, born July 17th, 1696 ; died July 27th, 1696. Children of Gurdon Saltonstall, Esq., and Elizabeth, his wife. 6. RoseweU, born Jan. 19th, 1701-2. Settled in Branford. 7. Katherine, born June 19th, 1704; married Brattle. 8. Nathaniel, born July 1st, 1707 ; raarried Lucretia Arnold, in 1733. 9. Gurdon, born Deo. 22d, 1708; married Rebecca Winthrop, in 1733. 10. Richard, born Sept. 1st, 1710 ; died Sept. 12th, 1710, Capt. RoseweU Saltonstall, the oldest son of the governor that sur vived infancy, married a lady of Hartford, (Mary, daughter of John Haynes, and relict of Elisha Lord,) and fixed his residence in Bran ford, the home of his maternal ancestors ; but he died in New Lon don, while on a visit to his brother Gurdon, Oct. 1st, 1738. He had been seized with a nervous fever, the first day of his arrival, and lived but twelve days afterward. It was remarked that he seemingly came home on pm-pose to die, and be laid in the tomb -with his par ents. He was highly esteemed in New London, being a man of irre proachable Christian character, and amiable in all the relations of life. His relict married Rev. Thomas Clap, of Windham, afterward president of Yale College. In the year 1735, the county of New London exhibited a scene of internal strife and uneasiness, which continued for several years. It was caused by a local jealousy between the rival towns of New Lon don and Norwich, for the possession of the courts. An act of As sembly in October, 1734, decreed that the superior and county courts should henceforward be held alternately at New London and Nor wich, elevating the latter place to the rank of a half-shire town. This act, the inhabitauts of New London declared to be injurious to them, "and of ill example." They remonstrated, and petitioned again and again, to have it repealed, but without success. In the spring of 1739, the agents of the town were instructed to pledge the reimbursement to Norwich of what had been laid out by them in buUding a court-house and prison since the passage of the act, in case HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 385 it should be rescinded. The Assembly, however, refused once more to remove the courts from Norwich. It was perhaps this controversy which made the existing authori ties so unpopular in New London. At the freemen's meeting of April 8th, 1740, Hempstead observes, that the people " were furi ously set to make an alteration in the public- officers of the govern ment ; one hundred and forty-three voters — not above six or seven for the old govemor, and generaUy for Mr. Elliot, Governor, and Thomas , Fitch, Lieut. Governor." Talcott was however continued in office till his death, which took place Oct. 11th, 1741 ; and on thatoccasion. New London, by demonstrations of respect paid to his memory, showed that her enmity had been temporary and was then forgotten. Intelligence was received in the autumn of 1739, that letters of marque and reprisal had been issued under the great seal of England, against Spain. The numerous depredations upon English commerce, the unlawful seizures of English subjects and their property, had provoked this measure. Aff'airs had been for some time rapidly tend ing toward an open rupture. Preparations for hostilities were made by both kingdoms, and there was every reason to suppose that war would soon be declared, and that its disastrous eff'ects would extend to the colonial settlements in North America. No place upon the sea-board was more exposed, or less prepared for defense, than New London. The inhabitants were alarmed ; they assembled in town meetings and prepared a memorial to the governor, urging him to convene the legislature without delay, and to recommend to them the immediate fortification of the town. This memorial, approved by the town on the first Monday in January, 1740, was drafted by a committee consisting of John Curtiss, Jeremiah MUler, John Rich ards, Thomas Prentis and Nathaniel SaUonstaU. It is an interesting document, evidently emanating from fuU hearts, that pour forth ar guments, few indeed in number, but conveyed in copious terms. The considerations which they urge are of this nature : " That the port is an outward port, and the chief haven in the colony, liable to sudden surprisal, and the present defense utterly inefficient to protect it in such peril. " That it is greatly for the interest of the whole colony, that it should be put into a proper state of defense, as aU our vessels are obliged here to enter and clear, and there is no fort erected in any other port or haven upon all the sea- Coast of this colony, nor vessel of force to guard the sarae, and so no safety to 33 386 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. them who go out, nor to them that corae in, nor refuge for the pursued, but much greater danger within the harbor than without. " That this weak and undefended condition,of the town and port renders us an easy prey, and will in all reasonable construction, invite the atterapts of our eneraies against us, seeing or hearing concerning us that we live carelessly without walls or strongholds, or other defense under heaven, and are unwor thy the care of providence, without the exercise of prudent endeavors for the safety of our lives and fortunes." In conclusion they say : " Forasrauoh as this colony hath not as yet been much burdened, nor the public treasure exhausted with expensive fortifications and garrisons to defend their frontiers by sea and land, as tbe neighboring provinces have, the charges thereof can not be distressing, nor justly esteemed grievous to the inhabitants at this day ; but we rather hope that as all the other provinces are not only in a proper state of defense, but are less or more provided for the ofiensive part, and to contend with the enemy in battle, so this colony upon Uke occasion wiU exemplify that figure and heroic dignity it hath a right to assume, as well for the honor ofthe governraent as the safety of its borders, and provide and equip a suitable vessel to guard the coasting vessels, and to be ready on other occa sions, as well as erect proper fortifications to defend the town and vessels in the port," The reply of the governor, addressed to the selectmen, was of a moderate temper, assuring them of his hearty concurrence in any future measure for their defense, but declining to convene the legisla ture expressly for that purpose. This letter was laid before the to-wn January 24th, 1739-40, and acted Uke oil upon ignited coals. Since the draft of the petition, authentic news had arrived of the formal declaration of war, and the town in their excitement declared " that the danger of a surprisal by the sudden attack of the enemy is most imminent and certain." A second address to the governor was voted, and Messrs. Gurdon Saltonstall, Jeremiah Miller, Richard Durfey, John Curtiss and John Prentis, were detailed for a committee to wait personally upon his honor, and prefer the petition with urgency. In consequence of this second petition, the governor convened his councU at Hartford, February 7th, upon whose deliberations the committee from New London attended. The firmness of the council was proof against importunity. They were too prudent to vote away the money of the people without giv ing them a chance to be consulted. Yet they yielded in some meas ure, and out of the funds already appropriated for the defense of the sea-coast, they ordered the battery at New London to be recon structed, furnished with some suitable pieces of cannon, and garrisoned HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 387 by a detachment of forty men from the miUtia of the town, ten of whom were to be always on duty. These measures failed to satisfy the town. Being laid before the people at a pubUc meeting, they declared them wholly inadequate to the exigency. The question being put, " Whether it be expedient for this town to rest in the provision that the gov ernor and council have made for their safety; resolved in the negative." After a preamble fully stating what had been done, and their great apprehension of invasion, the record proceeds : "In confidence that his majesty's tender care of his subjects extends to these distant parts of his dominions and exposed plantations, and out of his royal bounty and indulgence to the infant state of this colony, will grant us effectual redress according to the necessity and urgency of the case : *' Voted, that his sacred majesty King George the second, our rightful sover eign, be humbly addressed in this our extremity, and that a petition proper therefore be prepared and laid before this raeeting." A petition was accordingly prepared, but it is scarcely necessary to say that it was never wafted across the ocean. The governor and leading men of the colony used their infiuence to conciliate the in habitants, and prevent the execution of the design. Several town meetings were held on the subject, which adjourned from day to day -without doing any business, untU February 28th, when the question was put, V ¦ " Whether the prosecution of our address to his raajesty to render the port and town of New London defensible against the invasion of our eneraies shaU be suspended till the sessions of the General Asserably in May next ; resolved in the affirmative." The inhabitants were thus quieted for a time, resting in the confi dent expectation that the Assembly would devise some plan of de fense for a town and harbor which was in fact their frontier and out post. In the mean time the attention of aU New England was diverted toward a grand expedition fitted out by the British ministry against the Spanish dominions in the West Indies and on the northern coast of South America. Troops were raised in the colonies by voluntary enUstment, to join this expedition. They went forth with high hopes, but the issue was disastrous. Admiral Vernon, who com manded the British squadron, took Porto Bello, in November, 1739, only to make it the grave pf the army. The same commander, sub sequently besieged Carthagena, but his force was so reduced by a mortal sickness, which was engendered in those tropical cUmes and 388 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. carried off" its thousands and tens of thousands, that he was obliged to abandon the siege and retum to Jamaica. No military roll or domestic record has preserved the names of those soldiers from Connecticut-, who shared in the plunder of Porto Bello, or died miserably under the waUs of Carthagena. But it may be conjectured that various names which disappear from the roUs about this time, were extinguished in that unfortunate enterprise, or in the expedition against Cuba, which soon followed. War was declared against Spain in the spring of 1740. Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London, having been raised to the rank of colonel of the militia, gave a banquet on the 24th of AprU, to his friends ; and at this entertainment, a large number of civU and military offi cers, and other inhabitants being assembled, the colonel read the proc lamation of the governor, that day received, declaring war to exist with Spain.' In July, 1740, six recruiting lieutenants came on from New York, bringing 200 stands of arms, and other equipments for volunteers. Landing first at New London, they dispersed toward Boston, Provi dence and Hartford, beating up for men to join the king's forces in another expedition against the Spaniards. Cuba was now to be the object of attack. A soldier's tent was forthwith erected on the training field, near the meeting-house, and an officer stationed there to enlist recruits. Many young men of the town and neighborhood were induced to join the company. They sailed in August. The fate of the expedition, as in the former case, was decided by a mortal disease, which cut off' a large part of the army. In the summer of 1742, a few sick men were brought home from Jamaica; they dis seminated the fatal camp epidemic through the several famiUes to which they belonged, and these spread it yet further in the town, and thus the number of victims of the expedition was doubled. In the spring of 1744, intelligence was received that a new power had entered into the contest. France had declared war against Eng land, and England against France. This was just the drop which made our excitable town overfiow. Little had been done in the way of fortification. Rumors of invasion thickened the air ; faces were sad and hearts heavy with apprehension. The legislature was then in session, and it was confidently expected that they would not separate without making some provision for the 1 Hempstead, The diarist observes, " The colonel wet his uew commission boun- tifuUy," HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 389 defense of New London. But in this the town was greatly disap pointed ; no appropriation was made for their reUef. As soon as this was known, a town meeting was wamed, which met the 12th of June, to consider their grievances. After ordering watch-houses to be built at the harbor's mouth, and on the fort land, (now Parade,) they appointed committees to draw up a memorial to the governor and a petition to the king, the latter to be held in reserve, and only used if the former application should be unsuccessful. The committee immediately drafted a memorial to the govemor : " When (say they) the Honourable General Asserably at their last session had advice that war was proclairaed in England against our most formidable enemy the king of France, it was generally concluded here, that some adequate pro vision for our security would have been made. But when our representatives returned, and we were informed nothing could be obtained for us, we were greatly surprised and distressed." They proceed to state that the harbor often had vessels riding in it to the value of eighty thousand pounds, and now that France had joined in the war, even those of greater value might be expected in ; that the European and household goods were of sufficient importance to invite an enemy, and tbat probably the first French privateers that should appear on the coast, knowing the value ofthe plunder, and the weakness of the place, " whose only defense under heaven is a battery of four guns in town, and three for alarm at the harbor's mouth," would make an immediate descent upon them. The memorialists then give loose to their fears and fancy, and delineate the picture that would be presented when the town should be overcome " by a French enemy ;" houses in fiames, substance plundered, inhabitants slaugh tered. "Alas ! (say they) it wiU then be too late for those that re main to fiy to your honor for aid to preserve the lives and fortunes thus unhappUy destroyed." They next advert to what the king had done toward fortifying Georgia and Boston, and observe that if the colony do nothing for them, they shall think it " a duty we owe to Almighty God, who commands us to preserve our own lives, to apply to the king for aid." They conclude with disclaiming any disgust with the government, or any intention to bring the charter privileges into danger by this measure, which they say is purely a measure of self-defense, and inclosing a copy ofthe petition, intended to be pre sented to the king, they subscribe, in behaU' of the distressed town of New London, G. Saltonstall, Daniel Denison, ) (jommiWee. Solomon Coit, Thomas Fosdick, ) 33* 390 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. No favorable answer being obtained to this memorial, a vote passed in town meeting, 26th of June, authorizing the selectmen to take im mediate measures to forward to the kmg the foUowing petition :' " The humble representation and petition of the inhabitants of the town of New London, in the colony of Connecticut, in New England, to the king's most excellent majesty : ¦ " May it please your majesty, we your very dutiful and obedient subjects being fully sensible that your majesty's royal ear is ever open and ready to hear, and your paternal care and goodness ever ready to difi-use itself even to your most remote subjects, beg leave with the greatest submission to represent the consequence [importance] of this harbor and town, and its defenseless state. " Our harbor is the principal one in this colony, and jierhaps the best in North America, capable to receive the whole navy of Great Britain, being at least seven miles in length, and near one mile in breadth, six fathoms water, bold shore and excellent anchor-ground ; all the navigation trading to this col ony enter and clear at your majesty's custom-house in this port, and we shall probably have twenty, thirty, or perhaps forty vessels at a tirae, laden mostly with provisions, belonging to this and the neighboring governments, waiting for convoy, and have not any thing to defend such fleet from your majesty's enemies but a battery of seven guns, (sorae of which are very unfit for service,) and three other guns at the harbor's raouth, about three miles distant, and have no reason to question but an enemy on our coast will soon gain intelligence, when such number of vessels shall be here, and we fear make thera a quick prey. With such large quantities of provisions, they will be enabled to fit out many raore privateers, to the great annoyance of other your majesty's good subjects, and what renders such attempts from an eneray more to be expected, is the easy entrance to this harbor, it being very free and bold, .and in three hours' sail they may be again without land in the open sea. * "Our town has upward of 300 fighting men — and therein is your majesty's custora-house above mentioned — every inhabitant true and loyal to your majesty, but by great losses suffered at sea, by the depredations of the Span iards, (fee, are not able of ourselves to put our harbor and town in a proper posture of defense, and fear we shall fall an easy prey to an haughty, aspiring enemy unless your majesty graciously provide for our defense in this our weak state. We beg leave to throw ourselves at your majesty's feet, our most gra cious king and common father to his subjects, beseeching your majesty in your royal wisdom and paternal care, to order such defense for us, as may enable us in a manner becoming Englishmen, to repel the attempts of your majesty's enemies that shall be made on us, and secure all your majesty's good subjects coraing into this harbor for protection, "We pray the mighty King of kings to preserve your sacred raajesty from all the atterapts of open and secret enemies — to bless and prosper your arms, and to clothe your enemies with confusion, that your majesty raay be long con tinued to reign over us and then be received to reign in eternal glory, Araen." 1 The committee to prepare this petition were Joseph Coit, Eichard Durfey, Ed ward Eobmson, Jonathan Prentis, Solomon Coit, _ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 391 Of the fate of this petition nothing further is known ; it is never heard from again, either town-wise or otherwise. The records of the town are from this period entirely sUent in regard to the war, which' it may be remembered, continued four years longer and was termina ted by the treaty of Aix la ChapeUe in April, 1748. In the mean time the noted expedition to Cape Breton intervened, and though the records contain no aUusion to it, a few facts, gleaned from other sources wiU be given, in order to show the connection of the town with that great adventure of New England enterprise. The General Assembly, by a vote of Feb. 7th, 1744-5, ordered 500 men to be immediately raised in Connecticut by voluntary en listment, to join the forces of the other New England colonies in the expedition against Cape Breton. The premium off'ered was large, viz. ten pounds in old tenor bUls, one month's wages paid before embarking, and an exemption from aU impressments for two years. The sloop Defence was to be equipped and manned and to sail as a convoy with the transports. The land forces were ordered to New London to embark, and to return to New London to disband. Roger Wolcott was appointed commander-in-chief; Andrew Burr, colonel ; Simon Lothrop, lieut. colonel ; Israel Newton, major. The men were divided into eight companies, under the foUowiog captains : David Wooster, Robert Denison, Stephen Lee, Andrew Ward, Daniel Chapman, James Church, WiUiam Whiting, Henry King. Of these captains, Lee, Chapman and Denison were from New London, as were also John Colfax and Nathaniel Green, Ueutenants. Capt. John Prentis commanded the Defence. Col. SaUonstaU was one of the committee to superintend the concern— Jeremiah Miller was the commissary of the forces. Alexander Wolcott, resident at New London, went out as surgeon's mate. The troops began to gather at New London the last week in March. The tents were pitched in a field north-west of the town plot, which has ever since been known as the Soldier lot. It is between the Nor wich and old Colchester roads. April 1st, Gen. Wolcott arrived and was welcomed with salutes from the fort and the sloop Defence. His tent was pitched on the hiU at the south-east corner of the burial place. On Sunday the 7th Mr. Adams preached to the general and soldiers, drawn up on the meeting-house green. On the 9th the commissions were published 392 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. with imposing ceremonies. The eight companies were arranged m close order on the green; and the throng of spectators covered the hiU. Through them. Gen. Wolcott, supported right and left by Col. Andrew Burr and Lieut. Col. Simon Lothrop, marched bareheaded from his tent to the door of the court-house, where the commissions were read.' The troops embarked Saturday, April 13th, and the next day at 1 o'clock, P. M., the fieet sailed. It consisted of the colonial sloops of Connecticut and Rhode Island, four other sloops ; two brigs and one schooner. The Defence carried Gen. Wolcott and 100 men. Two months of anxious suspense to the country, and eager thirst ing for news, succeeded. The 24th of April was kept through New England as a pubUc fast for the success of the enterprise. On the 19th of June the mournful tidings arrived that our forces had been defeated in an attempt upon the Island Battery with a loss of 170 men. Major Newton of Colchester and Israel Dodge of the North Parish, were among those who had faUen victims to disease. Soon afterward, Lieut. Nathaniel Green of New London, came home sick. New recruits were demanded. In this vicinity 200 men were speedily raised and marched into town, froni whence they were taken by transports sent round from Boston, which sailed for the seat of war, July 6th. The next day, a special post from Boston, came shouting through the town — Louisburg is taken ! On the 18th of July, the Middletown transport, Capt. Doane, arrived in the harbor with General Wolcott and eighty soldiers, mostly sick. The 25th of the same month, was the day of pubUc thanksgiving for our success. Capt. Prentis in the colony sloop returned the latter part of Octo ber. Of his crew of 100 men, not one had fallen by the sword, but a fourth part had died of disease. November 4th, two transports left the port with 150 recruits for Cape Breton. The next spring, the remains of the army began to return. On the 27th of June Capt. Fitch came home with a considerable party, and on the 2d of July a Schooner brought in the last of the Connecticut troops, with the ex ception of a few that had enlisted for three years. Thus ends as connected with our port, this brilliant, but unprofita ble expedition. Capt. Prentis in the sloop Defence, had made a part of the naval force, and was with the fleet in actual service at the 1 Hempstead. % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 393 time that the rich prizes were taken. In AprU, 1746, he accompa nied Mr. James Bowdoin, of Boston, to England, to urge the claim of the provincial seamen to a share of the prize-money, which was with held by Admiral Warren. The admiralty aUowed the claim, and placed the British and provincial vessels on the same footing. But Capt. Prentis while awaiting the decision of the court, made an ex cursion into Cornwall, to visit the Edgecombs of Mount Edgecomb, being invited thither to partake of the Christmas festivities. While absent on this tour, he took the small-pox ; of which disease he died, after his return to London, in January, 1736-7. Scarcely were the wearied troops from Louisburg disbanded be fore a flourish of drums and trumpets sounded through the country, demanding enlistments to go against Canada. On the 30th of June, 1746, a general muster of the five military companies of. New Lon don was called, in order to obtain volunteers for a new army, which Uke that of the previous year had its rendezvous at New London. The forces gathered in August, 700 in number, and encamped on Winthrop's Neck, about twenty days. The officers vied with each other in their tents, but that of Capt. Henry King of Norwich was acknowledged to exceed the others in the neatness and order of its arrangements. On the 12th of September, they broke up and em barked for the scene of action. On the 24th of September, 1746, news arrived in town by ex press from Boston " that a French fleet of twenty-six men of war, and 15,000 land soldiers in transports, were seen off" Cape Sables on the 10th instant.'" This article is only given as an instance of the uncertainty and exaggeration of rumor. The fleet seen was the celebrated armament under the Duke D' AnviUe, supposed to have been fitted out to recover Louisburg and Annapolis, to destroy Boston, and devastate the New England coast. It consisted of eleven ships of the Une, thirty war vessels carrying from ten to thu-ty guns, and transports with 3,100> regular troops.^ Active exertions were made in all the colonies to defend the most important and exposed positions on the coast, and the troops raised were prepared to concentrate their forces wherever an invasion should be attempted. In Connecticut one-half of the whole miUtia was de tached and ordered to be in readiness to march in case of an inva sion. The issue is weU known. A series of remarkable calamities 1 Hempstead. 2 TrumbuU's Conn., vol, 2, p, 285, 394 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. assailed the French fleet.. Storm, shipwreck, failure of expected recruits and suppUes, pestilential disease, divided councUs, discon certed plans, the sudden death of successive commanders, and a final destructive blow from a furious tempest, aU concurred so oppor tunely in the discomfiture of the French fieet, that they seemed like visible agents employed by Providence, to avert the danger from New England. Dr. Holmes in his Annals observes that the country was saved as in ancient times, when " the stars in their courses fought against Sisera." [Note concerning Capt. Prentis. As it is a part of the business of the histo rian to preserve all popular superstitions and traditions that illustrate the cus toms and opinions of the age, we must here notice a story that probably grew out of the prolonged absence of Capt Prentis in England, and the anxiety of his friends concerning him. It was afterward currently reported, that the very day he died in London, a man on horseback, mounted on just such a horse as Prentis used to ride, came galloping into New London, before sunrise, and at each end of the town stopped at a house, and with loud knocks upon the door, gave notice " Capt. Prentis is dead !" He then disappeared, his transit having been so rapid that no one was able to discern his countenance, or identify his person. Capt. Prentis left six children under nine years of age ; five of them were daughters. Previous to his voyage to England, he had bought up the claims of his crew to their share of the prize-money. This money was allowed by the admiralty, and transmitted to Boston, but from some delay, the causes of which are not now understood, it was not paid over to the heirs of Prentis for many years; not indeed until after tlie marriage of all his daughters. It was flnaUy obtained through the exertions of Richard Law, Esq., who had raarried one of the daughters. Business raatters were not then so generally settled by attor neyship and proxy as at present, and on the occasion of the payment of these arrears the family train, consisting of the younger John Prentis and his five sisters, with their respective husbands, all went to Boston together, to receive their dues. The females h-ad never before been so far away from home, and almost every incident was to them a novel adventure. Two days were occu pied in going, and the same in returning ; the intermediate night being spent at a tavern in Plainfield. Each of the men was a character of peculiar stamp- Among them were a lawyer, a mechanic, a merchant, a. farraer and twb sea- captains, one of them of Irish birth. Capt. WilUam Coit was particularly original in his manner. He was blunt, jovial, eccentric ; very large in frame ; flerce and military in his bearing, and noted for always wearing a scarlet cloak. The populace of New London called him the great red dragon. We can readily imagine that this journey would be full of strange scenes and occur rences. Could it be faithfully described no fanciful embellishments would be necessary to render it a rare descriptive sketch. x] 1 The author may be allowed to name an esteemed friend, the late Captain Eichard Law, as the source from whence this and other vii|i^ pictures of past scenes, are derived. CHAPTER XXI. Schools. — Ferries. — Mills, — Wolves. — Great Snow of 1717 — The Moving Rock. — Amusements. — Memoranda. Having brought the general history of the town to the year 1750, we may now return and gather up the fragments that have been drop ped by the way, or set aside, in order to be arranged as topics. Schools. For the fii-st fifty years after the settlement, very little is on record in respect to schools ; ¦ and from the numerous instances of persons in the second generation who could not write their names, it is evident that education was at a low ebb. Female instruction, in particular, must have been greatly neglected, when the daughters of men who occupied important offices in the town and church, were obUged to make a mark for their signature. Yet the business of teaching was then principally performed by women. The school- ma'am is older than the school-master. Every quarter of the town had its mistress, who taught children to behave ; to ply the needle through all the mysteries of hemming, over-hand, stitching and darn ing, up to the sampler ; and to read from A, B, C, through the speUing-book to the Psalter. ChUdren were taught to be mannerly, and pay respect to their elders, especially to dignitaries. In the street, they stood aside when they met any respectable person or stranger, and saluted them with a bow or courtesy, stopping modestly tiU they had passed. This was called making their manners. In some places in the interior of New England, this pleasing and rever ent custom still maintains its ground. A traveler finds himself in one of these virgin districts, and as he approaches a low school-house by the way-side, he is warned by eye and ear, that he has faUen upon forenoon play-tide. The children are engaged in boisterous games. Suddenly every sound ceases ; the ranks are drawn up on each side of the road in single file ; the Uttle girls fold their hands before them 396 HISTORYOF NEW LONDON. with a prim courtesy, and the heads ofthe boys are uncovered with a grotesque swing of the hat, or bufi"-cap. Who is not inly- delighted with this primitive salutation ? It is like fibading a clear sprmg of water gushing out of a rock by the way-side. PecuUar reverence was paid to the minister. Bold was the urchin who dared to laugh within his hearing. That reverend personage was accustomed to catechise them once a month in the meeting house, and to accompany the exercise with many a stern reproof, or grave admonition. In the year 1673, Robert Bartlet, a lonely man living near Ga briel Harris, on Close Cove, died ; and by a nuncupative wiU, made in presence of some of the selectmen and other respectable persons, bequeathed his estate to the town, to be improved for the education of children. The records of the county court attest that this wiU was accepted and recorded at the June session, and administration granted to the five gentlemen specified therein ; wiz.. Rev. Simon Bradstreet, Edward Palmes, Daniel Wetherell, Charles Hill and Joshua Raymond. It may be presumed that Bartlet had no chU dren, no relatives, no intimate friends with him, or near him, and that he acted by the advice of those around him, to wit, the minister and the magistrates. The oldest books of wills belonging to the county, were destroyed in the burning of tbe town by the British, in 1781 ; and neither the original will of Bartlet, nor any copy of it, has been found. But it is ascertained from various legislative acts and* town votes, that the main purpose expressed, was the support of a school, where the poor of the town might be instructed. No other specification is mentioned, except a request that Gabriel Harris might be requited for the kind ness shown him in his sickness. To this the administrators faithfully attended, and by deed of Dec. 19th, 1674, conveyed to Harris two acres of land at Mamacock, as a compensation for his care of Bartlet. Three Robert Bartlets are found among the early emigrants to New England, between whom no connection has been ascertained : one arrived in 1623,' in the vessel called the Anne, (which came next after the Mayflower and Fortune,) and is known to have con tinued in or near Plymouth, where he left posterity.^ A second of 1 Davis' New England Memorial, 2 Savage, (Ms,) HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 397 the name is found among the first settlers of Hartford, and is men tioned by TrumbuU as suffering a severe penalty in 1646, for an in fringement of the old Connecticut code. This person removed to Northampton in 1655, and there died in 1676, leaving several chil dren.' The third of the name is our Robert Bartlet, of New Lon don, who was the brother of WUliam Bartlet, one ofthe eariiest set tlers of the place, whose property he inherited about 1658. Very little more is known of him. He appears to have Uved with his brother's widow, and to have taken care of her till her death. In a deposition of Feb., 1664-5, his age is stated to be sixty-nine or there abouts, which would make him seventy-eight at death. The. estate which Bartlet bequeathed to the town, consisted of his homestead on Close Cove, a farm of two hundred and fifty acres on the river, north of the town, various divisions of out-lands, and the rights of an original proprietor in the commons. Nothing was done -with it for many years. In 1678, the law of the Assembly requiring that every town of thirty famiUes should maintain a school to teach children to read and write, was copied into the town book, and a committee of five men chosen, " to consider of some effectual means to procure a school master." This is the first town action respecting a writing-school ; and from this period it may be presumed that one was kept during a part of each year, but perhaps for not more than three months. The flrst Bartlet committee was appointed in 1698 — Thomas BoUes, Samuel Fosdick and Richard Christophers, who were direct ed to look after the estate, and see that it was faithfully improved according to the will of the donor. " Dec, 14, 169S. " Voated that the Towne Grants one halfe peny in mony upon the List of Estate to be raised for the use of a free Schoole that shall teach Children to Reade Write and Cypher and ye Lattin Tongue, which School shall be kept tiwo-thirds of the yeare on the West side and one third part of the yeare on the East side of the river. By Reading is intended such Children as are in theire psalters,'' In May, 1701, the vote was reiterated that a grammar-schooL , should be estabUshed ; the selectmen to agree with a teacher ; to employ the stipend allowed by the country, (iOs. per £1,000,) and the revenue of the Bartlet estate — the latter for the benefit of the 1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 34 398 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. poor — and parents and masters to make up what more should be necessary. Here, then, at the beginning of the century, we may date the estab Ushment of the first regular grammar and Latin school of the town. The first masters whose names have been recovered, were Denison in 1708, Burnham, 1710, and John. Gardiner, ofthe Isle of Wight, (Gardiner's Island,) in 1712. In 1713, application was made to the General Assembly for per mission to dispose of the Bartlet lands ; this was granted. By a spe cial act of May 14th, the Assembly vested the title of those lands in certain feoffees, to wit, " Richard Christophers, Jonathan Prentis, John Plumbe, John Richards, and James Rogers, Jun., and their heirs forever, for the use of a public Latin School in the town of New London." We can not but observe, that this appropriation of the legacy spe cially to a Latin school, appears to be swerving from the will of the donor, which was understood to regard principally the instruction of the poor in the common branches of learning. This committee made sale of most of the Bartlet donation ; five parcels of land on the Great Neck, some lots at Nahantick and Nai wayonk, and the farm on the river ; the latter was purchased by John Richards, for £300. This measure was a present benefit, but gained at the expense of a greater future good. Every year was enhancing the value 6f the lands, and had they been retained a century, using only the yearly rent, they would have been ample endowment for an academy. The same year, (1713,) a school-house was built, twenty feet by sixteen, and seven feet between joints — expense defrayed by a to-wn rate. This building, the first school-house in town of which we h^ve any account, stood on what is now the south-west comer of Hemp stead and Broad Streets. This spot was then the north-east corner of an ecclesiastical reservation ; the street running west had not been opened beyond this point, and the school-house stood at the head of ' it. When the lot was sold in 1738, the deed expressly mentions that it took in the site of the old school-house. To this school it is under stood that girls were not admitted promiscuously with boys : but at tended by themselves on certain days of the week, an hour at a time, at the close of the boys' school, for the purpose of learning to write. " Oct, 1, 1716. Voted that Mr. Jeremiah MiUer is weU accepted and ap proved as our School-master." HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 399 Mr. MiUer graduated at Yale CoUege in 1709. He was. engaged as principal of the grammar-school in New London, in 1714, and continued in that situation for twelve or fifteen years. After this we find the foUowmg masters mentioned before 1750 : Mr. Cole, in 1733. Jeremiah Chapman, 1738. Allan MuUins, 1734. Thaddeus Betts, 1740. Nicholas HaUara, 1735. lonathan Copp, 1747. The designation, " Bartlet School," was not used until a very re- i. cent period. During the whole of the eighteenth century, it had no name but " New London Grammar School." " In town meeting March 5, 1721-2. " Whereas the town by the settlement thereof doth in great part consist of farraers which, many of thera are not able to go through the charges of keeping their children to school in the town plot :— And whereas the school in the town plot hath been a very considerable charge, being a Grammar school, so that the town hath not been so well able to raaintain two schools : — but whereas now Providence hath so ordered that we have got our 600 acres of school land set tled, which was given by the country to the grammar school, which if sold with the interest of that raoney and the interest of the money left by Mr. Bart lett to our school, which sd Bartlett did desire that the estate left by him might be improved for the help of the learning of children that their parents was not well able to learn them, and this town considering the great necessity of educa tion to children, both for the advantage of their future state and towards their comfortable subsistence in the world, arid being satisfled tbat if the school land were sold, we may set up a school or schools among our farraers, doth appoint the deputies of the town to raake application in the name and behalf of the town to the General Asserably in May next, that they would be pleased to grant this town liberty to appoint trustees ofthe school, who raay have powei? to sell the land, and let the money upon interest for the use aforesaid." This appUcation to the Legislature faUed of success. A school was nevertheless commenced in the North Parish, and a rate appro priated for its support. It produced, however, great strife and con tention ; the inhabitants of the town plot set their faces Uke fiint against paying taxes for the support of schools among the farmers. The town was reduced to a dUemma, and repeated their petition to the Assembly for Uberty to seU tbe school land. They expressed an earnest desire that the children of the town should be taught " read ing and other learning, and to know their duty toward God and man," for the furtherance of which ends they had "settled another school in the remote part of the town, which goeth on with good success," but which, they say, can not be kept up and the peace of the town preserved, unless the land is sold. This petition was granted. The 400 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 600 acres had been laid out in the North Parish, on the borders of Lyme. It was purchased by Mrs. Mercy Raymond and Mr. John Merritt. The school money received from the fund now estabUshed, was in 1725, £120. The town decided that one-half should be re served for the grammar-school, in the town plot, and the remainder divided among the quarter, or circulating schools, established in dif ferent districts. It was at this period that the people of the North Parish, aided by their proportion of the fund, estabUshed a grammar-school in their district. Mr. Allan Mullins was engaged as the principal for eight years, " to teach reading, writing, grammar and arithmetic." His salary was £25 per annum, with a gift of ten acres of land in fee, for ever. At the expiration of his engagement in 1734, he took the grammar-school in the town plot, which paid a salary of £20 per quarter. The committee chosen to organize a regular system of schools for the town, took unwearied pains to arrange them in a just and equal manner, that not a single family should be left out of the calculation, and all parties might be conciliated. They were not able to accom plish their designs. In 1726, the quarters were in a state of great excitement. The special cause of disturbance does not appear; but in the main it was a struggle on the part of the farming districts to obtain an equal participation in the Bartlet and other school moneys. A town meeting was summoned June 27th, by Capt. Rogers, the first townsman, but his colleagues not concurring in it, the measure was illegal. Hempstead observes : " The farmers universally were there, in order to gain a vote to their mind about the schools, but lost their labor." The annual town meeting for the choice of officers was held De cember 26th, and the diarist records, "The farmers came in roundly, and the town mustered as well to match them, and a great strife and hot words, but no legal choice." The only entry concerning the meet ing, on the town book, was this : " Capt. James Rogers chosen first townsman ; this meeting adjourned till to morrow at twelve o'clock." Capt. Rogers was the farmers' candidate ; he then owned and oc cupied what was afterward known as the Tabor farm, on the Great Neck. The adjourned meeting, December 27th, opened under threat ening auspices ; each party turned out in greater numbers than be fore ; 150 voters were present. The record says : HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 401 " Whereas yesterday there was a misunderstanding in the choice ofthe first townsman, Capt, Rogers being then chose and entered, he for the peace and health of the town relinquishes that choice, " Capt, Christophers chosen first townsman, " Capt. Joshua Hempstead, second, " Capt, James Rogers, third," &c, Mr. Hempstead writes in his diary on the evening after the above stormy session : " I went with Mr. Douglas to see Capt. Rogers, who sent for us to ask our forgiveness in any thing that he had spoken that might offend us ; we forgave him and he forgave us." Happy mode of terminating an angry controversy ! The two committees for the Bartlet fund and the common school fund, were for a time distinct. In 1733, aU the original Bartlet feoff"ees were dead, and the Assembly having designated their heirs as successors, Mr. Plumbe, the heir of the last survivor, refused to de Uver up the papers to the town. This difficulty was referred to the legislature, who united the two funds, and gave the charge to a new committee, who like the former were to hold the office during Ufe, but all vacancies were to be filled by the town. This arrangement seemed to work well, and was continued for many years ; but in later times- the Bartlet or grammar-school com mittee, Uke that for the common school, has been annually appointed. The fund in modern days has never yielded a sufficient sum for the maintenance of the school. Time has diminished instead of increas ing the amount. Ferries. In town meeting February 26th, 1701-2. " Voted with full consent that ye ferry over the Great River which was for merly leased to Mr. Cary Latham deceased, his heires and asigns, with the ferry lott and house belonging thereunto, shall after the expiration of the afore said lease, wch will be the 2.3tli of March, in the year 1705, for ever belong to a. grammar school, wch shall be kept in this town, and the rents thereof be yearly payd to the raaster of sd school, in part of his yearly sallery. Provided nevertheless, that the inhabitants of this town, on Lord's days, thanksgiving days, days of humiliation and town raeeting days, shall be ferriage free, that is, such as shall cross the ferry to attend publique worship or town meetings on such days.'' The above judicious enactment has never been molested ; the rent of the ferry stiU belongs to the pubUc grammar-school of the town. 34* 402 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. After the expiration of Latham's lease, the Groton ferry was usuaUy let in terms of five and seven years, and sometimes annually, at a rent varying from £5 to £10 per annum. The mode of conveyance, down to the year 1800, was by a scow, using both sails and oars. In 1724, by a resolve of the govemor and council, the ferryman was licensed to keep a house of public entertainment on the east side of the river. No regular tavern was, however, opened there until about 1736. In 1724, the profits ofthe ferry at Nahantic bar, were also given to the schools. From this source very little was ever derived. The privileges of thje ferry were originally attached to the farm of Governor Winthrop, which went into the Palmes family, but no reg ular accommodations for the conveyance of passengers were estab lished by Major Palmes or his heirs. The town, therefore, about 1720, having opened the lower road to Lyme, established a regular ferry at the bar, and assigned the lease to John ChampUn, who paid for it a sum neariy equal to the rent of the Groton ferry. Passengers were propelled across by means of a boat and rope, which gave it the name by which it has ever since been known. Rope Ferry. In 1723, Major Peter Buor purchased the ferry farm, of the heirs of Andrew Palmes, for £924. As an appanage of this estate, he claimed the ferry, and entered upon a course of Utigation for the re covery of th,e right. This was for several years a burdensome aff'air to the town. It was decided in 1736, by the General Assembly, in favor of Major Buor. To the proprietors of the ferry farm, the fei-ry and its profits were thenceforward relinquished. Major Buor was an Englishman, who came to New London from the island of St. Christophers. He introduced upon lus farm a more thorough system of cultivation than was practiced by his neighbors, and it became the model farm of the day. Hempstead sets down in his journal, October 29th, 1737, " I saw on Major Buor's farm at Nahantick, a large crop of English grass ; two large stacks were raised of twenty-five loads each, and they were stiU mowing." In 1737, Major Buor leased the farm to Benjamin EUard, for six teen years, at an annual rent of £1 07, 1 6s. This lease included " the ferry, boat, oars, rope and other utensils," but the owner reserved to himself " the sole privilege of taking off" mill stones." This reserva tion indicates that the well known granite quarry at Millstone Point was wrought at that period. EUard relinquished the lease, and in 1739, Major Buor sold the farm and ferry to Henry Paget, who is styled of Newport, but " late of DubUn." The latter, in 1740, trans ferred the sale to Richard Durfey, of Newfprt, for £7,500. The HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 403 farm at this time contained 557 acres. It has since that time been much divided, and the ferry privilege aUenated to an incorporated bridge company.' Earliest Mills. The gradual diminution or failure of the smaU streams and springs since the settlement of the country, is a natural consequence of the clearing up of forests, and the cultivation of the ground. The " Mill River" of Govemor Winthrop, is stiU, however, a considerable stream ; the mill itself is yet in operation, and the shadowy, rocky glen in which it is situated, has no appearance of having been dis turbed since Winthrop's time. A mill is always an addition to a rural landscape, and seems to belong, as of necessity, to a stream and a valley. The one of which we now speak is almost buried in um brage. We can scarcely imagine that the aspect of the glen was more wild and primeval, or its gloom more deep, when the few inhab itants of the town assembled, in 1651, to build the dam, than it is at the present day. This mUl seat, combined with the antiquity and secluded beauty of the mansion and grounds to which it has so long formed an accompaniment, is undoubtedly one of the most romantic and picturesque spots in New London. The monopoly of miU privileges, whicii on the first settlement of the town, was granted to Governor Winthrop, very soon became a grievance to the inhabitants, and the right was finally resumed by the town, on the plea of forfeiture by the heirs of the grantee. " In town raeeting Deceraber 26th, 1700. " Whereas the town hath suffered many years for want of a grist-raiU, and no care taken by the heirs ofthe former Governor Winthrop for our relief there in, who have sorae time claimed the privilege of supplying the town with what grist-raiUs are necessary, and the present grist-mUl belonging to the late Gov ernor Winthrop, being like to be altogether useless in a little tirae, the town therefore see cause upon the request of Robert Latimer, Stephen Prentis, John Daniels, Richard Manwaring, Oliver Manwaring, Jun., and James Rogers, Jun., to grant liberty to thera, or the major part of thera, to set up a grist-raiU upon the falls of Jordan Brook, where it falleth into the cove," We have here an indication of the second grain-miU erected in the town. It was built by Richard Manwaring, on " the falls of Jordan 1 In 1788, the farm at MiUstone Point, including the quarry, was purchased by Be- najah Gardiner, in whose famUy it stUl remains. This was the southern portion of the origmal Wuithrop grant. 404 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Brook," in the year 1712. This also is a romantic spot; the current fiows into a quiet, shaded basin, which is used for a baptismal font, by the religious society located in its neighborhood. The first fulling-mill was established by Peter Haekley, in 1693, on Nahantick River, " below the highway, where the fresh stream faUs into the salt water." About the same period, John Prentis erected a saw-miU at Nahantick. The saw-mills of Governor Winthrop have been heretofore noticed. In 1691, Fitz-John Winthrop established one near Long Cove, on the east side of the river. In 1713, the town granted to " Lt. CoU. John Livingston, of N. L., what right they have to Saw-miU Brook, to erect a saw-mill and fulling-mill thereon." Major Wait Winthrop sent in a protest, which the town declared to be null and void, and refused to have it recorded. The same year Samuel Waller and his son Samuel, were allowed to erect a saw-miU on the stream which runs from Lake's Pond to Nahantick River. In 1719, half an acre of land on Town Hill, was set apart for the erection of a wind-mill. This was just west ofthe Harris house. In 1726, Capt. James Rogers erected a wind-mill on this spot. In 1721, Joseph Smith obtained liberty to erect fulling and grist mills at Upper Alewife Cove. From him and his family this locaUty obtained the appellation of Smith's Cove. George Richards, the same year, erected a saw-miU on Alewife Brook. These were the earliest mill-seats of the town. Wolves. "Memorandum : that upon Monday the 16th day of Jauuary, 1709-10, being a very cold day, upon the report of a kennel of wolves, mortal enemies to our sheep aud aU our other creatures, was lodged and lay in ambuscade in the Cedar Swamp, waiting there for an opportunity to devour the harmless sheep; upon information whereof, about thirty of our valiant men, well disciplined in arms and spetial conduct, assembled themselves and with great courage beset and surrounded the eneraies in the said swarap, and shot down three of the brutish eneraies, and brought their heads through the town in great triumph," " The same day a wolfe in sheepe's cloathing designed to throw an inocent man into the frozen water, where he might have perished, but was timely pre vented, and the person at that tirae delivered frome that danger," <¦ As the subject of wolves is thus again introduced, we may observe that at this period and for thirty years afterward, a wolf-hunt was a 1 New London records, book 4, uiserted on a blank leaf of the index, by D. Weth ereU, clerk, % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 405 customary autumnal sport. From ten to forty persons usuaUy en gaged in it, who surrounded and beat up some swamp in the neigh borhood. Mill-pond Swamp and Cedar Swamp were frequently scoured for wolves, in November or the latter part of October. George, son of John Richards, had a bounty of £11 for wolves kUled during the year 1717. These were probably insnared. The bounty had been raised to twenty shillings per head. The bounty for killing a wild-cat was three shUlings. It was not till 1714 that any enactment was made to encourage the kiUing of foxes. At that time a bounty was offered of three shillings for a gro-wn fox ; with whelps, four shiUings ; a whelp, one shilling. The Great Snow of February, 1716-17, is famous in the annals of New England. It commenced snowing w-ith wind north-east, on the twentieth of February, and continued all night : the snow was knee-deep in the morning. There was no cessation of the storm during the day and a part of the next night ; the wind all the time blowing furiously, and .the drifts in some places ten and twelve feet high. Friday, 22d, was a fair day, with the wind north-west, blow ing hard and the weather very cold. A few people, here and there, began to break through the drifts and visit their neighbors. The 23d was more moderate. On Sunday, 24th, was another fall of snow ; very windy and cold, wind north-east. No meeting. Many horses and cattle found dead. After this, the weather was, for three days, fair and moderate. On the 29th, was another snow of several hours' duration, and on the 2d of March, rain and snow-' On Sunday, March 3d, Mr. Adams resumed the service at the meeting-house, and preached a sermon from that passage of Nahum, which says, " The Lord hath his way in the whirlwind and in the storm, and the clouds are the dust of his feet." The audience is char acterized, in the diary of Mr. Hempstead, as " a thin appearance." The sermon, however, was sent forth to preach more extensively, being printed by Mr. Green, with the title, " A Discourse Occasioned by the late Distressing Storra Which began Feb, 20, 1716, 17, As it was deliver'd March 3d, 1716-7. Ey Eliphalet Adams, A. M., Pastor of the Church in New London." At the time of the great snow, the adjourned county court was sit- 1 These notices ofthe weather from day to day, are from Hempstead's journal. 406 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ting in New London, and was for several days interrupted by the storm. The session was held in the Plumb house, (State Street.) The Moving Rock. In the New England Weekly Journal, printed at Boston, (August Slst, 1736,) an account is given of a wonderful moving rock, at New London. As this phenomenon excited consid erable notice at the time, it demands our attention, though probably the force of the tide is sufficient to account for the wonderful part of the story. " A Rock ten feet long and six through, judged to weigh 20,000 pounds, had lain many years at the water's edge at New London : it is lately removed, (how, no one knows,) about twenty-five feet on rising ground ; and water flUs the hole where the rock used to be." The rock here mentioned was not in the town plot, but three or four miles distant, at Poquyogh, or Jordan Cove. It was supposed to have been removed in the spring, as when first observed, the rock- weed upon it was green, but soon dried up. It had evidently been forced up a ledge, the attrition of the stone marking its course, and was lodged on the platform above. In September of the same year, it was found to have been moved four and a half feet farther on the land, and its position changed. In May, 1737, it was found a Uttle farther removed. The fame of the Moving Rock of Poquyogh was considerably extended, and numbers of curious persons went to see it. Some attributed the phenomenon to thunder, others to an earth quake, or to an uncommon tide, or to an agency wholly supernatural, according to each one's fancy or judgment. Amusements. The choice of military officers was always accom panied with a feast, or treat, given to the company by the successful candidate. Thus — Edward Hallam, chosen clerk of the company, (1715,) distributed cakes and gave them a barrel of cider to drink. A captain, chosen to office, might perhaps give a bushel of cakes and a gallon of rum. An appointment to a civil office was often celebra ted by a festival. Daniel Hubbard, appointed sheriff" of the county, opened his house for the reception of guests, at an evening entertain ment, July 28th, 1735. On training days, shooting at a mark was a customary sport. The prizes were usually given by some of the wealthier citizens, and were generally of small value, from five to twenty shiUings. A silk hand- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 407 kerchief was a common prize ; a pair of shoe-buckles an uncommon one. Sometimes a sum of money was clubbed by the company, to be won. Shooting at a mark was also one of the customary Thanksgiv ing sports. But the prize in this case was generally a goose or a turkey. The Thanksgiving festival was kept very much in the same way as in other parts of New England. Its predominant feature was feasting, and without the adjuncts of the roast-turkey and pumpkin- pie, would scarcely have been recognized as genuine. The supply of these articles at New London, appears to have been always equal to the emergency ; at least there is no account on record of an omission or delay of the festival, through any deficiency of the stores. Col chester, one of the younger sisters of New London, has been less for tunate. In the year 1705, that town, assuming a discretionary power, which they doubtless thought the extremity of the case justified, voted to put off" Thanksgiving, which had been appointed for the first Thursday in November, till the second Thursday of the month, be cause, says the record, " our present circumstances are such that it cannot with conveniency be attended on that day.'" The inconven- iency, according to tradition, was a deficiency of molasses, so indis pensably necessary to perfect the fiavor of the pumpkin. The town meeting which passed the vote, was held Oct. 29th, and before the second Thursday of November, there was a reasonable expectation that a supply could be obtained. Horse-races were not common, but sometimes took place. Here foUows a notice of one : " 30 March 172-5. A horse-racing to-day at Champlin's, (near Rope Ferry.) Five horses ran at once. Each paid down 40 shillings and he that outrun re ceived the £20 from iVlajor Buor. One Bly carried off the money. "^ Raisings were seasons of feasting and festivity. A dinner or sup per usuaUy followed. At the raising of Mr. Curtiss' house, Aug. 13th, 1734, twenty-five were invited to a supper at the tavern: they were all Reformadoes, i. e., belonging to a club of that name. In the foUowing extract, there is an allusion to the raising of the steeple of the old Episcopal church, that stood on the Parade : " 1735. Sept. 3.— Last night about one or two o'clock the new Snow built by John Coit Jr. for Benjamin and Isaac Ledyard, Capt. Broadhuist of Great Britain Commander, burthen about 120 tons, ready to sail, took fire, no raan 1 Colchester Town Eecords. 2 Hempstead. 408 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. being on board and burnt down to her bottom, and consumed aU the masts or rigging and saUs, and loading except some smaU matters in the bottom and he'avy timber, and drove ashore on Douglas Beach. It is supposed to be wil fully done, the Captain having sent the raen on shore in the day time to help raising the top of the steeple of the Church. They were all scattered abroad, some in one place, and some in another. They suspect the Captain to be guilty and have put him to prison."' A few notices of weddings, public rejoicings and shows, may be allowed as iUustrative of the manners and customs of the period : April 17th, 1729. A Uon was brought to town in a wagon drawn by four oxen. It came by way of Lyme and Saybrook, and had been aU winter traveling through the western towns. The preceding au tumn it had visited Long Island, New York, the Jerseys and Albany. It was several days in New London, and was lodged in Madam Win throp's stable, (Bank Street.) April 13th, 1732. A great entertainment was made at Madam Winthrop's, on occasion of the marriage of Samuel Browne, of Sa lem, and Katherine Winthrop, which took place a fortnight previ ous, but was that day first made pubUc. Mr. Hempstead says, "I was invited, and presented with a pair of gloves." Matthew Stew art, of New London, was married at Narragansett, Oct. 19th, 1735, to the daughter of William Gardiner. On his return home with his bride, he gave an entertainment, which surpassed in sumptuousness any thing before exhibited in the place. July 2d, 1736, the inhabitants manifested their joy at the marriage of the Prince of Wales with a Protestant princess, by a public cele bration of more than common note. The military officers, with some soldiers and music, were out on the occasion. Hempstead's account says : " We had a barrel of powder out of our town stock by order of the select men, and fired seven cannon and chambers, three rounds at the fort, and three voUies of small arms, and marched up to the Town House and drank the Prince and Princesses healths. Old Mr. Gard'ner being in town gave us a £5 bill to be drunk out there and then ¦we went to George Richards' and supped and drank wine till ten o'clock upon Club." " March 1, 1737-8. Last night a great number of Sky Rockets were fired , off- from the roof of Durfey's house [in Bradley Street,] in Iionor to Queen Caro line's birth, and the sad news of her death is come this day by the post from New York." Hempstead. 1 Hempstead, From probate papers on file, we learn that this English captain was suffered to break prison and decamp; his books, bed and clothes were sold at an outcry, to discharge his debts. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 409 The following account of an excursion for pleasure, is sketched from minutes in Hempstead's diary, 1739. On the third of October, Madam Winthrop, wife of John Winthrop, who was then in England, her son John, and daughter Ann, Col. Saltonstall and wife ahd two children. Col. Browne, of Salem, with his wife and child, and Mr- Joshua Hempstead, went on a visit to Fisher's Island, which was then leased to George Mumford. The whole party crossed with Mr. Mumford in his sail-boat, and remained four days on the island, nobly entertained by the Mumford famUy. The first day was diversified with an excursion to the east end of the island ; the second day a fierce storm confined them to the house ; on the third, they had a morning drive to the west end, -and a visit to the woods ; in the after noon a famous deer hunt. Saltonstall brought down a doe, and Mum ford two bucks, one of which was immediately dispatched by a car rier to Mr. Wanton, of Newport, as a present from the party. On the 7th of October they started for home at nine in the morning, but got becalmed ; the flood failed them, and they ran into Mystic. Landing near the house of Mr. Burrows, all walked from thence to John Wal worth's, where they obtained horses, and reached home in the evening. Memoranda in Chronological Order. In May, 1724, Richard Rogers of New London, stated to the Gen eral Assembly, that he had eight looms in operation for making duck or canvas, and had expended £140. Again, in October, 1725, he stated that he had expended £250. The court granted him the sole right of making duck or canvas in the colony for ten years. April 24th, 1733. This was the day of election, or of freemen's meeting. Thirty new freemen were admitted, and one hundred and forty voters present. This was considered a great assembly. July 21st, 1733. The commissioners appointed by Boston and Rhode Island to settle the line cast of Pawtucket River, met at the court-house in New London, viz., Col, Hicks of Hempstead, Col. Morris of Westchester, and Mr. Jackson of Jamaica, in the colony of New York ; Roger Wolcott and James Wadsworth, Esqrs,, and Mr. Joseph Fowler of this colony, with divers gentlemen of Boston and Rhode Island to assist. Sept. 10th, 1734. Ten negro slaves taken to prison for being out unseasonably in a frolic at old Wright's : three that went without leave were whipped ; seven that had leave, were dismissed on pay ment of their part of the fine, bs. 3d. each. 35 410 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Nov. 28th, 1734. A white man and Indian fined for kiUing deer at Fisher's Island. In 1735, Solomon Coit of New London, in a petition to the Gen eral Court, stated that he was the only person in the colony who had works for distiUing molasses. " March 3, (1736-7,) News of the death of Capt. John Mason of New Lon don is come in a letter from Mr. Winthrop by Capt. Walker, who wrote on the 25th of Dec, that he died the last Sunday, in Lunibert St. of the Small Pox. Young Mahomet died there also of small pox last summer." (Hempstead.) Capt. Mason, mentioned above, had resided long among the Mo hegans, and had been at various times their school-master, agent, over seer and guardian. After the death of Cesar, in 1723, the tribe was divided in regard to the sachemdom. One party, supported by the colonial government, was in favor of Ben-Uncas, the uncle of Cesar ; the other, encouraged by Mason, declared Mahomet, a grandson of Owaneco, the rightful heir. Ben-Uncas having prevailed. Mason took the younger sachem to England, to obtain the recognition of his rights, where they both died. " April 30. — A sad riot in towm ; a great deal of fighting between the grand- jurymen, Shackmaple, Durfey, Keith and others." (Hempstead.) Jan. 3, 1738. This day was sold in New London, the township of western lands which had been assigned to this county. It was divi ded into fifty lots, which were sold off" at prices varying from £132 to £157. May 3d, 1738. Katherine Garrett, commonly called Indian Kate, was executed on Town Hill, for the murder of her infant child. The deed had been committed at Saybrook, about six months previous, but she had been brought to New London for confinement and trial, and the execution was ordered to be here also. The sermon of Mr. Adams, on the occasion, was published. Katherine was a Pequot of the North Stonington reservation, twenty-seven years of age ; she had been brought up at Saybrook, and well instructed. This is supposed to have been the first execution in New London. Capt. Nathaniel Coit was a noted ship-master of New London employed for a number of years in the Irish trade. The following account of the loss of his vessel, near Cork, is from an English newspaper. Jan. 5th, 1740. " The Dblphin of New England, Nathaniel Coit master, from Cork, is wrecked on a great rock called the Rc^e Cariggs on the Bay of HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 411 Bantry, about four leagues from town. The vessel was staved to pieces, and a passenger drowned, but the Capt, and crew, who were six in number, got up on the rock. The bad weather continuing, no body would venture to save them, but nine brothers, sons of Morten Sulivan of Beerhoven, who after ob taining their father's leave and blessing, boldly ventured forth and brought the Captain and sailors ashore,'' One of the seasons noted in the annals of New England for intense cold was the winter of 1740-41. The extreme severity of the weather at New London commenced with a violent snow-storm at Christmas. By the 7th of January, the river was frozen over be tween Groton and Winthrop's Neck ; and the intense cold continued without interruption from that time to the middle of March. The ice extended into the Sound toward Long Island as far as could be seen from the town ; Fisher's Island was united to the main land by a solid bed. On the 14th of February a tent was erected midway in the river between New London and Groton, where an entertain ment was provided. A beaten path crossed daily by hundreds of people extended from the Fort (now Ferry wharf) to Groton, which was considered safe for any burden tiU after the 12th of March, at which time the river was open to the ferry, but fast above. People continued to cross on the ice at Winthrop's Neck till the 24th, when the river began to break up. Ice in large blocks remained in vari ous places almost to midsummer. At one spot in Lyme parties as sembled to drink punch made of ice that lay among the ledges, as late as July 10th. July Slst, 1742. A severe thunder-storm in which a son of Jona than Lester of Groton, ten years of age, was struck and killed. He was near his father's house at work upon hay, and had two brothers with him, one of whom was slightly wounded, the other untouched. July 2d, 1743. A succession of thunder-showers. Two lads on horseback near the town on the Norwich road were kUled, and the horse also on which they rode. They were buried the next day in one grave. They were each thirteen years of age, and sisters' chil dren : grandchildren of Nathaniel Beeby, Senior. The house of Samuel Chapman (on the Cohanzie road) was struck by the same bolt and much shivered. Oct. 22d, 1747. Hempstead writes— "News carae by the post of the death of ray good friend, John Winthroji Esq. of this town, in London G. B. where he hath been ever since 1726, He sailed frora hence in July, twenty-one years since ; was aged about sixty-six. The John Winthrop here mentioned was the son of Wait-StiU 412 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Winthrop,' and bom in New London Aug. 6th, 1681. His death is said by other authorities to have taken place at Sydenham in Kent, Aug. 1st, 1747. This gentleman had succeeded to most of the estate both of his father and his uncle; for Fitz-John and Wait-StiU Winthrop had never divided the landed estate which they inherited from tbeir father. The former having but one chUd, Mrs. Livingston, and she destitute of heirs, it seems to have been understood between the brothers, that the landed possessions should descend undiminished to John, the son of Wait. This also was the tenor of a general deed executed by Governor Winthrop in 1700, and produced after his death. A con siderable amount of testimony was also brought forward to corrobo rate this instrument. Among other depositions on record at New London, is that of Joseph Dudley, Esq., the father-in-law of the younger John Winthrop, who testified, " I have near forty years had a particular intimacy and friendship with the Hon. John Winthrop, Esq., late Governor of Connecticut Colony and have oft en heard him declare that he would keep his father's estate inviolate and un broken for the heirs of the faraily and the narae of his father ;— and in the summer of 1707 when the present John Winthrop Esq. offered an intermarriage with my daughter, the said late Governor treated with me of that marriage of his nephew ; he told me he was the best heir in the Provinces ; and that aU he had, as well as aU that his father bad, was for him," &o. The deed however could no.t be proved ; for it had never been re corded ; Samuel Mason before whom it was ackowledged, had de ceased, and the witnesses (Wm, Thompson and Jeremiah Hooper) could not be identified. Mr. Winthrop had an only sister, married to Thomas Lechmere, Esq., of Boston, who claimed an equal portion of the estate. A lawsuit between the parties ensued. The case was carried from court to court in Connecticut, and decided in favor of Lechmere. Winthrop appealed to the king in council, and in July, 1726, went to England to sustain bis cause in person. He was favorably received, and succeeded in his case. A decree of the king in council, in 1728, set aside the decision of the colonial court, and declared John Winthrop the sole heir of all the landed estate of his father and uncle, grounding this decision on the English law of primogeniture. This decree was regarded in Con necticut as a public calamity, inasmuch as it involved the abrogation of the colonial law respecting intestate estates, (which was declared 1 TrumbuU erroneously calls him (vol, 2, ch, 4) son of the last Govemor Win- i' throp ; he was his nephew, * HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 413 null and void) and established the law of England giving all real estate to the oldest son. Had this decision been actually enforced we can scarcely conceive of any single act that would have caused a greater amount of perplexity, suff'ering and despair to the inhabitants of the colony. FamiUes would have been broken up, and estates thrown into a mass of confusion. Happily the wise exertions of the friends and agents of the colony averted the blow. A subsequent decision was obtained confirming Winthrop in his possessions, but allowing the law of inheritance in the colony to remain as before. Mr. Winthrop never returned to America. He was disaff'ected with the colonial government, and the course he had taken rendered him unpopular at home, which may account for his long residence of twenty-one years in England. His family continued at New London and in 1741, his oldest son, John StUl Winthrop, went out to him and remained with him tUl his death. " Nov, 25th, 1748, In the evening I went up to Col, Saltonstall's to see John Winthrop who this night arrived with Mrs, Hide from London, by the way of Nantucket first and Rhode Island next, and Fisher's Island last. Great joy to his mother and friends. He has been gone seven years next February," (Hemp stead,) 35* CHAPTER XXII. Groton made a town.— Account of Sir John Davie, its first town-clerk.— Packer's visit to the baronet. — First three ministers of the church, Woodbridge, Owen ' and Kirtland. — North society formed. — Preaching of Seabury, Punderson, Croswell and Johnson. — Baptist churches. The inhabitants on the east side of the river, began to ask for a separate organization about the year 1700. They supposed them selves able to stand alone and take rank among the group of towns that were gathering in the colony. There is no evidence to show that the parting of New London from her friend and associate was otherwise than amicable. Daugh ter she could scarcely be called, being of nearly equal age, but she had been fostered Uke a sister and was now at her own request to be released from watch and ward, and left to her own management. The terms on which the inhabitants of the west side consented that those on the east side of the river should be a town of themselves, were arranged and voted, Feb. 20th, 1704-5, and were, in substance, as follows : " That they pay their proportion of the town's debts ; that the ferry and the land and house belonging to it, shall continue to belong to tbe free school on the west side; that aU estate hitherto given to the m inistry, or for the sup port of schools shaU remain the property of the west side ; thatthe inhabitants of the west side shall retain their right to cut masts or timber in the pine swamp near the straits on the east side, and the said swamp forever remain common to both sides ; that inhabitants on either side, owning property on the othet side shall each retain their right as proprietors." The same year the Assembly passed an act incorporating the town by the name of Groton. It is probable that this designation had long been in familiar use ; it was intended to commemorate Groton in Suffolk where the Winthrops original;|ji, and was probably first; HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 415 given by Winthrop, or his sons, to the large family possessions on Poquonock Creek and Bay. ^ The separation was almost a split through the center in point of dimensions. The part cut off" contained upward of seventy-two square mUes : the greatest length from Groton Long Point to Poque tannock is fourteen miles ; the breadth from six to seven and a half miles. It was then an expanse of farms, forests and waste land, with nothing like a hamlet or point of centraUzation in the whole area, but it is now pleasantly sprinkled with villages and neighborhoods. The first town meeting held in Groton was in December, 1705. Samuel Avery was chosen moderator and first townsman, and was annuaUy re-chosen, until near the period of his death in 1723. The other townsmen were Samuel Fish, Nehemiah Smith, Capt, James Morgan and George Geer. John Davie, clerk ; Jonathan Starr, con stable. John Barnard was chosen school-master.' John Davie, the first town-clerk in Groton, continued in office tUl December, 1707, when Nehemiah Smith was chosen to succeed him. The handwriting of Davie was peculiarly bold and distinct. He had graduated at Harvard College in 1681, and appears from the offices to which he was chosen to have been a man of activity and intelli gence. He established himself in 1 693 on a farm at Poquonuck — the same that had been first broken up and cultivated by William Meades. We find him a rate-collector in 1695; the next year a townsman or selectman ; constable for the east side in 1702, and re corder of the new town of Groton in 1705. A deed of sale is recorded in New London, which is in substance as follows : " Sarah Davie, relict widow of Humphrey Davie some time of Boston in New England and late of Hartford in New Ensr- land aforesaid, Esq., deceased — for and in consideration of sixty pounds current money of New England paid by John Davie of New London in New England aforesaid, yeoman, son of the said Hum phrey Davie, deceased," relinquishes to him all right and title to a certain piece of land in Boston, containing two acres and a half^ — " in the present tenure and occupation of Mr. James AUyne minister in Boston aforesaid." July 3d, 1G99. This is conclusive testimony that John Davie of Groton, was son of Humphrey Davie, who died in Hartford, Feb. 18th, 1688-9. 1 " Mistress Barnard is to be paid twenty shiUings per annum for sweepuig the meeting house and keepmg the key." Groton Eecords, 416 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Humphrey was brother of Sir John Davie of England, who was created a baronet Sept. 9th, 1641. To this baronetcy, and the estate attached to it, John Davie of Groton, farmer and town-clerk, suc ceeded in 1707. On receiving intelligence of his good fortune, he settled his affairs in haste, leased out his farm, and went to England to take possession of his inheritance.' The last time his name. is mentioned on the Groton book previous to his departure, is in the record of a gift of £6 to tie laid out in plate, for the communion service of Mr. Woodbridge's church. He never revisited this coun try; but subsequently sold his farm and other lands, with his cattle, stock, and proprietary rights, to John Gardiner of the Isle of Wight, (Gardiner's Island.) The deed was given by " Sir John Davie of Creedy, County of Devon, within the kingdom of England, Baronet :"— Aug. 21st, 1722.'' " The chUdren of John Davie" are recorded in Groton, (first book,) in his own hand, as follows : " Mary, born June 30th, 1693, John, born July 27th, 1700, Sarah, " Oct. 21st, 1695. Humphrey, " AprU 12th, 1702, Elizabeth," March 17th, 1697-8. William, " March 22d, 1705-6, " These were all born in the town now called Groton," The above-named chUdren, with the exception of the youngest, are on the record of baptisms by Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, who enters them as children of "Mr. John Davids," and under date of May 26th, 1695, notes : " Brother Davids Indian Jane made a profession of y" Christian faith, and taking hold of the Covenant was baptized." This mistake in the name was then common. The title brother is not here used to designate merely church relationship : Mr. Saltonstall and Mt. Davie had married sisters — daughters of James Richards, of Hartford — which was, doubtless, in the first place the moving cause of Davie's settlement and residence in Groton. According to tradition, the unconscious baronet was hoeing corn 1 Douglas observes (Summai-y, vol, 2, p, 184) that a donation of books was made to the library of Yale CoUege " by Sh John Davie of Groton upon his recovery of the family honors and estate in England." The -word recovery seems to intimate that his title was contested. 2 The consideration, i500, Sir John Davie empowered his attorney, Gurdon Sal tonstaU, to pay over in the foUowing manner; to wit, to Mrs, Margaret Franklin of Boston, i£250 ; to Mr, Daniel Taylor, minister of the gospel at Newark, Mrs, Mary Pratt, and Mrs, Mather of Saybrook, each i83, 6s, 8d These were probably his nearest relatives iu America, and to them he reUnquished his estate on this side of the ocean. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 417 on his farm when informed of his accession to fortune. James Packer, one of his neighbors, was at work with him, and they were at strife to see which would do the most work in the least time. Letters had been sent from England to look up the heir of the Davie estate and application being made to Mr. Saltonstall, he im mediately dispatched a messenger to Groton with the tidings. This messenger arriving at the house, was directed to the field ; and as he approached Davie, who was at work barefoot, with shirt-sleeves and trowsers rolled up, he inquired his name ; and on receiving an an swer, struck him upon the shoulder and raising his hat exclaimed, " I salute you Sir John Davie." James Packer had made several voyages, and when Sir John Davie left Groton he gave him a hearty invitation, if he should ever find himself in England, to come to his estate in Devonshire and make him a visit, assuring him that it would always give him pleasure to see an old neighbor and hear from his American home. A few years later. Packer being in England, took the stage-coach from London and went out to Sir John's estate. He arrived just as the family were sitting down to dinner, with a party of the neigh boring gentry for guests. Sir John recognized his former comrade at once ; received him with open cordiality ; introduced him to the company as an American friend ; and treated him with marked at tention. The next day he carried him over all his grounds and showed him his various accommodations. Before parting. Sir John and his lady had a long and free conversation with their visitor, in the course of which the baronet expressed himself thus : " You see how I live. Packer : I have an abundance of this world's goods, and can gratify myself with a continual succession of pleasures, but after all I am not so happy as I was when you and I changed work at threshing and we had but one dish for dinner, and that was corn-beans." rn^^i The ecclesiastical independence of Groton was antecedent to its poUtical organization. The first arrangement for their accommoda tion on the Sabbath, was m 1687, when it was ordered that for the 418 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. future they should have liberty to invite the minister of the town to preach on their side of the river every third Sabbath during the four most inclement months of the year. In 1702, the town con sented that they should organize a church and have a minister of their own, granting him a salary of £70 per annum and authorizing them to build a meeting-house thirty-five feet square. The whole was to be accomplished and maintained at the joint expense of the east and west sides. Mr. Ephraim Woodbridge was ordained their first minister, Nov. 8th, 1704, Of his ministry Uttle is known, no church or society records of that period being extant. He was 'a son of the Rev. John Woodbridge, of Killingworth and Wethersfield, and grandson of Rev. John Woodbridge, an ejected minister from Wiltshire, En gland, who died at Newbury, Mass., in 1695, aged eighty-two. Soon after his settlement he married Hannah, daughter of James Morgan, who was of equal age with himself: both were born m 1680". He died Dec. 1st, 1725, Dr. Dudley Woodbridge,' of Stonington, and Paul Woodbridge, of South Kingston, R, I,, were his sons. . We might here strike off the history of Groton, since technically considered it is no longer a part of the history of New London ; but one who has lingered long in the vicinity of that granite town ship and become interested in its various associations, will not be willing to part suddenly from so dear a friend. Let this serve as an apology for keeping hold of the historical thread of the older Groton churches, and for introducing occasionally some matters that belong rather to Groton than to New London. The second minister of the first church of Groton, was Rev. John Owen. He graduated at Harvard College in 1723,^ and was or dained at Groton Nov. 22d, 1727.' His first wife was Anna Mor gan, whom he married Nov. 25th, 1730. His second wife was Mary, relict of Rev. James HiUhouse, of the North Parish of New London.* 1 The name of Dudley in the Woodbridge family was derived from the wife of Rev, John Woodbridge of Wiltshire, who was a daughter of Gov, Thomas Dudley, of Massachusetts, 2 Farmer, 3 TrumbuU. 4 She survived Mr. Owen and married Eev. Mr, Dorrance, of -Voluntown. Tradi tion says that the three husbands were aU natives of Ireland, In the case of Mr. Owen this is doubtful; though he might be of Irish extraction. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 419 Mr. Owen was distinguished for Uberality of opinion toward those whodiff"ered from him in points of doctrine; advocating reUgious toleration to an extent that often exposed him to the suspicions of his brethren and the rebukes of magistrates.' A gravestone in the ancient burial-ground at Pequonuck, informs the passer-by that " The Reverend and pious Mr. John Owen, the Second ordamed minister in Groton, died Lord's day morning, June 14, 1753, in ye 55 th year of his age — God's faithful Seer," The only son of Mr. Owen was for many years town-clerk and teacher of the grammar-school of New London. Third minister. Rev. Daniel Kirtland ;= mstalled Dec. 17th, 1755 ; dismissed 1758. Groton being a large town, with great inequaUty of surface, which rendered it very inconvenient for Sabbath-day assemblage in any one point, as soon as the advance of population would allow, the northern part, by permission of the legislature, withdrew and organized a second ecclesiastical society. The first recorded meeting of this society was held at the house of Capt. John Morgan, Jan. 3d, 1725-6. The first preacher to this society was Mr. Samuel Seabury, then a young man just assuming the sacred oflBice. He was not ordained or settled, and remained with them only ten weeks ; having preached four Sabbaths at Capt. John Morgan's, four at WilUam Morgan's, and two at Ralph Stoddard's. At the expiration of this term or soon afterward, he declared himself a convert to the doctrines of the Church of England and crossed the ocean to obtain Episcopal ordi nation. He returned to this country commissioned as a resident missionary to the Episcopal church in New London. Mr. Seabury was a native of Groton, born July Sth, 1706. In November, 1726, a survey was made of the parish of North Groton, in order to discover the exact center, which the inhabitants had determined should be the site of their meeting-house. The central point was found to be " forty or fifty rods from the south-west corner of Capt. John Morgan's great pasture," on land belonging to Samuel Newton, from whom it was obtained by exchange for the society training field. Until the house should be finished the preach- 1 Trmnbull, Backus, Great Awakening, &o, 2 Erroneously caUed Samuel by TrumbuU. There are some slight errors in Trum buU's dates respecting Groton ministers. 420 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ing places designated were the houses of Capt. John Morgan, Will iam Morgan, Robert Allyn and Ensign WiUiam WilUams. The warning posts of the society where notices were to be set up, were at Capt. Morgan's, Ralph Stoddard's and Sergt. Robert Geer's miU. Several preachers succeeded Mr. Seabury ; each engaged but for a limited time. No minister was settled until 1729. " In society raeeting, Aug. 2Sth, 1729. "Voted to caU .Mr. Ebenezer Punderson to be our gospel-preaching rainister and to offer him a settlement of £400 to be paid in two years, and a standing salary of £100," " At a session of the General Assembly in New Haven, Oct, 9tli, 1729, " This Assembly grants leave to the inhabitants of the north society in the town of Groton to embody into church estate, they first obtaining the consent of their neighboring churches," Mr, Punderson was ordained Dec. 29th, 1729. Mr. Adams of New London preached the sermon. The meeting-house, though not entirely completed, was comfortably fitted for the ceremony. On the first day of January, 1733-4, Mr. Punderson made a com munication to the society, avowing himself " a conformist to the Episcopal church of England," and expressing doubts of the vaUdity of his ordination. This notice was received in the first place with amazement and sorrow, and a committee was appointed to reason with him and endeavor to convince him that his ordination was canon ical and his position safe and desirable. Of course this measure was unavailing. A council w-as convened at the house of Capt. Morgan Feb, 5th, and the connection dissolved. ' The society after this event was two years without any regular preaching. The Rev. Andrew Croswell, their next minister, was ordained Oct. 14th, 1736. The settlement off'ered him was £200 per annum for the first two years and £110 per annum afterward. The previous unhappy experience of the society induced them to add the following condition. " In case he should withdraw from the established religion of this govern ment to auy other persuasion, he shall return £200 to the society," Rev, Andrew Croswell was ordained Oct, 14th, 1736. He was a man of ardent temperament and, Uke Mr. Owen, deeply interested in the Great Aw-akening. The revival of reUgion in 1740 and 1741, designated by that term, swept through no part of New England w-ith a current more powerful than in New London county. Lyme, New London, Groton and Stonington were in a state of fervid ex citement. Mr. Croswell came out in writing as the champion of HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 421 Whitefield and of Davenport. He went forth, also, to interest other parishes than his own in the new way of presenting truth. In Feb ruary and March, 1742, he was preaching in different towns in Massa chusetts, with good success, but with "irregular zeal."^ In 1746, Mr. Croswell decided on leaving Groton. Having made known his determination, a society meeting was called, which passed the foUowing vote : "Aug 21st, 1740. Whereas Mr. Croswell is determined to leave this society, he thinking himself caUed of God so to do, which thing we don't approve of, yet we shall not oppose him therein, but leave hira to his own choice." Under this Mr. Croswell entered his resignation. " Groton, Aug. 2lst. Whereas I the subscriber once took the charge of the society in JN'orth Groton, and they having left it to my choice to go away if I saw fit and thought myself called so to do, I now resign my pastoral office over them, wishing them the best of heavenly blessings and that the Most High God, if he pleases, would give them a pastor according to their own heart. "Andrew Croswell," This was the whole form of dismission. Mr. Croswell went to Boston, and in April, 1748, the society voted that he was dismissed. Mr. CrosweU became the first pastor of the Eleventh Congregational Church in Boston, which worshiped in what had been the French Protestant church in School Street. He was installed Oct. Sth, 1748, and continued in this charge till his death, April I2th, 1785, aged seventy-six. Mr. Jacob Johnson, the third minister of this society, was ordained in June, 1749, and remained with them twenty-three years. In Oc tober, 1772, at a society meeting, he asked for a dismission, and the result is recorded in two words, " Voted, dismissed."^ Other societies than the Congregational had gained precedence in the parish. A church of Separates had been formed, whicii kept to gether a few years under Elder Park Allyn. Some EpiscopaUans and some Rogerenes were within their limits. In 1770, thirty-five families in that society had been released from the ministerial rates on account of attending worship elsewhere. The Congregational society kept together a short tune after the dismission of Mr. John- 1 See Great Awakening, by Joseph Tracy, Commissary Gordon, of South Caroliaa, wrote and pubUshed six letters against ¦Whitefield m 1740, Mr, CrosweU wrote an answer " iu his usual biting style"— p. 65, He wrote also a Reply to the Declaration of the Associated Pastors of Boston and Charlestown, dated at Groton, July 16th, 1742— ibid, 2 Society Keoord. 36 422 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. son, and then gradually dwindled away and became extinct. When reorganized under the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Tuttle, in 1810, not a single member of the old church remained, nor could any record of former members be found. Ch-oton Baptist Church. The early history of this church is in- dissolubly connected with the name of Wightman. According to tradition, five brothers of the name, all Baptists, settled in Rhode Island, and were reported to be descendants of Edward Wightman, one of the last who suffered death for conscience' sake in England, having been burnt for heresy at Litchfield, in 1612. Valentine Wightman, a son of one of the brothers, removed to Groton, in 1705,' on the invitation of a few families who were favorably incUned toward the Baptist principles, and after exercising his gifts for a few years, gathered a church and was ordained in 1710. Elder Valentine Wightman died June 9th, 1747. Daniel Fisk, of Rhode Island, was his successor for about seven years. Timothy Wightman, the son of the founder, was then ordained pastor of the church. May 20th, 1756, and continued in charge forty-two years. He died November 14th, 1796, in the seventy-eighth year of his age, leaving a church of 215' members. Mrs. Mary Wightman, his ven erable consort, died February 19th, 1817, aged ninety-two years.^ John Gano Wightman, the son of Timothy, succeeded his father in office, and the length of his ministry almost equaled that of his parent. He was ordained in 1800, and died July 13th, 1841, aged seventy-four. Ministers sprang from the elder Wightman Uke branches from a fruitful vine. Many of his descendants, both in the male and female lines, have borne the pastoral office. The Wightman church stood upon one of the wood-land ridges be tween Center Groton and Head of Mystic. A burial-ground lay by its side, where the two last elders, with their wives, repose. It is probable, also, that the founder of the church rests here also, but no tablet is enriched with his name. A few years since this society built a new meeting-house, near the viUage, at the Head of Mystic, and thither the church has been trans ferred. The ancient edifice has been refitted, and is now used for town purposes. 1 Benedict's History of the Baptists, 2 Gravestone in the burial-gi-ound near the old Wiglgpian church. HISTORY OF NEWLONDON. 423 A second Baptist church was formed in Groton, in 1765, with Elder Silas Burrows for its pastor. This church held to the princi ple of mixed communion till 1797, when the practice was reUn quished. The meeting-house was built on Indian Hill, not far from the spot where stood the royal fortress and village of Sassacus, in 1637 : not the one stormed by Mason, but that in which the chief and the flower of his forces slept that fatal night, unconscious of the danger of their friends. The religious service and the church mem bers have been transferred to other sections of the town, and the house itself has been recently demolished. CHAPTER XXIII. Early Indian deeds.— First white settler in Mohegan.— Names and signatures ofthe Indian sachems.- Years of strife and difHculty in the North Parish.— Church formed.— Meeting-house built.— Ministries of HiUhouse and Jewett. The early history of the North Parish of New London, runs through a maze of perplexity and contention. Some of the finest farms in that district flew from one possessor to another, like balls in the hands of players. Here were the Mohegans, with all their na tive and seigniorial rights ; the Masons, guardians chosen by the In dians, with all their claims; various settlers upon the land with bounds vague and indeflnite ; Indian deeds of tracts, not only with bounds undeflned, but some of them almost boundless, and legislative grants bitterly contested. No where in this region had speculation so wide a scope. Anarchy was for a while the consequence ; but it is con soling to look back and see how the tempest passed away, and left the aspect of society clear and serene. The Indian lands were inclosed by the settlements of New London and Norwich. After Philip's War, when the EngUsh inhabitants be gan to consider themselves secure and flourishing, many a longing eye was cast toward the tempting prize that lay upon their borders. The avarice of the white and the improvidence of the red man, con verged to the same point, and a multiplicity of Indian grants was the result. Some were gifts of friendship, or in requital of favors double the value of the lands ; some were obtained by fair and honest trade ; others were openly fraudulent, or the perquisites of adminis tering to the vicious thirst of the Indian, and degrading him below his native barbarism. Nearly all of them were, however, indorsed by the Masons, the Fitches, or the legislature, and therefore stood, according to colonial acts, on legal ground. In point of actual market value, the Indians were generally, not only paid, but overpaid, lav ishly paid, for their lands. Those who are acquainted with the tribe, will be slow to believe that they were too shy or modest in their de^jj^ands. An Indian gift HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 425 is, in this neighborhood, a proverb, indicating a present made to se cure a return of double or treble value. The first grants of land within the Mohegan reservation, north of New London, were made by Uncas, in August, 1658, to Richard Haughton and James Rogers, and consisted of valuable farms on the river, at places called Massapeag and Pamechaug. These had been the favorite grounds of Uncas and his chiefs, but at this period he had been broken up by the Narragansetts, and was dwelUng at Nian tic. The deed of Norwich was signed June 6th, 1659, and the set tlement of that place commencing immediately and affording him protection, Uncas returned to his former abode, and set up his prin cipal wigwam at Pamechaug, near the Rogers grant. The first actual settler on the Indian land was Samuel Rogers, the oldest son of James. The period of his removal can not be definitely ascertained, but probably it was soon after 1670. He had long been on intimate terms with Uncas, who importuned him to settle in his neighborhood, and bestowed on him a valuable farm upon Saw-mill Brook ; promising in case of any emergency, he would hasten with aU his warriors to his assistance. On this tract Rogers built his house of hewn plank, surrounded it with a wall, and mounted a big gun in front. When prepared for the experiment, he fired a signal of alarm, which had been concerted with his tawny friend, in case either should be disturbed by an enemy ; and in half an hour's time grim bands of warriors were seen on the hills, and soon came rushing down with the sachem at their head, to the rescue of their friend. Roo-ers had prepared a feast for their entertainment, but it is proba ble that they relished the trick neariy as much as the banquet. It was one of their own jests : they were always deUghted with contri vance and stratagem. Rogers became a large landholder in Mohegan. He had deeds of land not only from Uncas, but his sons Owaneco and Josiah, in rec ompense for services rendered to them and their tribe. Gifts of land were also bestowed by these sachems on his son Jonathan, and his daughter Sarah, the wife of James Harris. Joshua Raymond was perhaps the second person who built on the Indian lands. He was one of three persons who in 1668 advanced the £15 which the town was to pay Uncas, and received compensa tion in Indian land. He was also one of the committee that laid out the road between Norwich and New London, leading through the Indian reservation, and, for this service received a farm on the route, which became the nucleus of a tract of 1,000 acres, lymg together, 36* 426 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. that was owned by his descendants. Mr. Raymond died in 1676, and it is supposed that the dwelUng-house was built and the farm un proved by him before his death ; for his son, Joshua Raymond, 2d, styles it " my father's homestead farm in the Mohegan fields." The house stood in a commanding position on the west side of the road to Norwich, eight miles from New London, and remained in possession of the family 175 years.' The latest signature of the sachem Uncas is found under date of June, 1683. A deed to Samuel Chester was signed June 13th, and a grant of several thousand acres in Colchester, or the south part of Hebron, to the Stebbins brothers, was acknowledged before Samuel Mason, about the same period. In June, 1684, Owaneco, in a deed to James Fitch, styles himself son of Uncas, deceased. This is the nearest approximation obtained to the death of Uncas. He is sup posed to have been very aged, and there are traditions that during the latter years of his Ufe, he was generally found sitting by the door of his wigwam asleep, and that it was not easy to rouse his mind to activity. The sachem was undoubtedly buried at Norwich, in a select position on the banks of the Yantic, which is supposed to have been the place of his father's sepulture,^ and which has ever smce been exclusively devoted to the descendants of Uncas. In this cemetery an obelisk of granite was erected by female gifts in 1842, which has for its inscription a single name, Uncas. What is the occult meaning of this word Unkus, Onkos, Wonkas, Onkace ? Was it the original name of the sachem, or the riew name, descriptive of some trait of character or exploit, which according to Indian usage was given him on arriving at the dignity of a chief? The latter opinion may be assumed with some probability. In the deed of 1 640, to the governor and magistrates of Connecticut, his name appears with an alias, " Uncas, alias Poquiem." The latter may have been his domestic or youthful name, the former that of the chief. Wonkas has a resemblance to Wonx, the Mohegan word for fox, an animal to whose character that of the sachem was so closely allied, that it might naturally suggest the transfer of the name. Judging from the sound, we might likewise suppose that the term Wonnux, used by the Indians for Englishmen or white men, was de- 1 Bought of George Eaymond, about 1848, by Capt. James Fitch, who took down the ancient house, and erected a new one on the same commanding site. 2 The Indian graves are mentioned in the earUest gi'ant ofthe land. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 427 rived from Wonx, the fox. But in regard to the signification of In dian words, it is easy to be led astray by analogy. We can seldom prove any thing and are obliged to rest in conjecture. It is not even known, except from inference and probability, that the craft and guile of the fox had been observed by the Mohegans. For the name of Owaneco, the son and successor of Uncas, as brave a sachem, but more pliant and amiable, we must find a less re proachful derivation. The word wuneco is one of the numerous vari ations of a term which signifies handsome, or fair and good, and if we prefix the o which was used before w to represent that pecuUar enunciation of the letter by the Indians which is called the whistled w, we shall have the exact name of the son of Uncas, Owaneco or W'necko.' The signature of Uncas, after he had become habituated to the practice of making a mark for his name, was generally a rude rep resentation of the upper part of the human form, the head, arms and chest, with a mark in the center, denoting the heart ; sometimes, but not often, the lower Umbs were added. The mark of Owaneco was uniformly a fowl or bird, sometimes suggesting the idea of a wild turkey, and again of a pigeon or smaller bird. This has led to the supposition that his name was identical with that of some bird, which he thus assumed for his totem or mark. Among th'e earliest grantees under Indian deeds were Charles Hill, (1678,) Samuel Chester, (1683,) George Tonge and Daniel Fitch. HUl's tract of several hundred acres, was conveyed to him by Uncas, in exchange for Betty, an Indian woman taken captive in PhUip's War, and given to Capt. James Avery, -\vho sold her to Charles Hill. In October, 1698, the General Court granted to John Winthrop, governor of the colony, and Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, who preached the election sermon, conjointly, a tract of four hundred acres of land in the western part of the Mohegan fields. This tract was laid out by Capt. John Prentis, Feb. 20th, 1698-9. At a later period, (1705,) John Hubbard and EUsha Paine ran the bounds of this tract, and found it to contain eleven hundred and odd acres. It lay on the east side of Mashapaug or Twenty MUe Pond, above the farm of Samuel Rogers. This grant was the cause of long and angry controversy. The Masons raised an outcry against it; the neighboring colonies aght it up, and the reverberation was loud in England, where the caua 1 For suggestions respecting the derivation of the names Uncas and Owaneco, tlie author is mdebted to Mr. Judd, of Northampton, 428 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. throne was led to beUeve that great wrong had been done the Lidians by this giving away of their lands. In the year 1705, when the queen's court of commission sate at Stonington, Capt. John Prentis testified that he had surveyed and re turned about three thousand acres between New London and Nor wich to nineteen diff'erent persons. At the same court it was stated that the following persons had settled on the Indian fields, viz., Sam uel Rogers, Sen., Samuel Rogers, Jr., Benjamin Atwell, Israel Dodge, George Fevor, (Le Fevre,) Samuel Gilbert, James Harris, Thomas Jones, Sen., Thomas Jones, Jr., Philip Marsey, WUUam Miner, (Mynard,) John Tongue, Richard Skarritt. Others who had lands laid out to them were Govemor Winthrop, Rev. Gurdon SaltonstaU, Daniel WethereU, John Plumbe, Caleb Watson, George Denison, Charies HiU, Jonathan HUl— aU these were summoned as intruders between New London and Norwich.' • Jan. 11th, 1709-10, Owaneco signed a deed of sale conveying five hundred acres of land to Robert Denison, of Stonington, for the consideration of £20, part in silver money, and the remainder in goods at money price. This was followed. May 10th, 1710, by a conveyance of great im port, being no less than a general deed of aU the Mohegan lands be tween Norwich and the old town-line of New London, that had not been heretofore aUenated— excepting only tbe eastern or sequestered part which was actually occupied by the tribe— to Major John Liv ingston, Lieut. Robert Denison, Samuel Rogers, Jr., and James Har ris, Jr., in the proportion of two-fifths to Livingston, and one-fifth to each of the other partners. The price paid was £50. Livingston afterward purchased the share of Rogers, which made him the holder of three-fifths. This conveyance comprised several thousand acres. At the same time a deed of feoffment, or trust, was executed in favor of the Hon. Gurdon Saltonstall, Capt. John Mason, Major John Livingston, Capt. Daniel Fitch and Capt. John Stanton, by which the eastern part, or sequestered tract, was forever settled on the Mohegan tribe, under the regulations of the feoff"ees and their successors, " so long as there shall be any Mohegans found or known of alive in the world" — excepting only some smaU parcels in the pos session of others, which were to be confirmed to them : to wit, Capt. 1 At the court of commission on the Mason controversy in 1748, sixty-four persons were summoned as intruders on tlie Indian lands. This included plantei-s scattered over the present townships of MontviUe, Colchester and Salem. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 429 Daniel Fitch was to be secured in the enjoyment of his farm, and Major Livingston in the possession of the tract claimed by him. These important documents were signed by Owaneco, Ben Uncas, Cffisar, and several counselors and chief men of the tribe. These proceedings gave great uneasiness to the inhabitants of New London, who regarded the Indian land as granted to them by the act of addition to the town, passed by the General Court in May, 1703, and expressly guarantied by their patent. A town meeting was held July 17th, 1710, and a committee appointed to prosecute Col. Livingston and his associates before the Assembly, for a breach of law. This was the beginning of a struggle for possession, whicii continued many years. The North Parish was in an unsettled and disorderly state ; no man felt secure of his title. The Indians being much courted and caressed in some quarters, became exacting, and self-important. It was not, however, the dissatisfaction of the In dians, but tbe selfishness and cupidity of various claimants among the whites, that was the real cause of the controversy. To benefit the Indians was but a pretense ; they were mere tools used by grasping and uneasy men, to obtain their own selfish ends. Had the Indians been successful in their suit, and wrenched from the hands of the EngUsh occupants every acre of the ground that they had inclosed and subdued, tbey would not have reaped the benefit themselves. Others would have grasped the prize, and the result would merely have been a change of ownership among the whites. Owaneco died in 1710, and was succeeded by his son Cesar; who being young, inefficient and intemperate, the Assembly appointed Ben-Uncas, the brother of Owaneco, and certain chief men of the tribe, to act as his guardians. This left it uncertain whether the chief authority was vested in Ben-Uncas or Cesar. In 1713, the feoffees renewed their deed with the latter, and on the 10 th of May, 1714, with the former — the conveyance being also signed by about fifty of the tribe, in token of approval. Capt. Daniel Fitch having been removed by death, two other gentlemen were nominated by the General Court, and added to the number of feoff"ees, viz., WUliam Whiting of Hartford, and John Elliot of Windsor. The gentlemen purchasers and the feoffees, declared that one great object which they had in view, in assuming the guardianship of the Parish, was the settlement of a minister, who should have for his charge the various classes within the precincts, whether proprietors, tenants upon Indian leases, or Indians themselves. New London re garded this as a mere pretext to obtain the lands, and uttered from 430 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. time to time bitter complaints. In September, 1713, she instructed her deputies to lay before the Assembly, " the oppression and hard ships endeavored to be put upon the town, conceming the lands in the northern part of the township, and the pretense of a minister to be settled there" — praying the Assembly " to stop the proceedings of certain persons who were in a way to wrong the natives as weU as to injure the town's rights." A large farm in Colchester, lying north and west of Mashapaug, had belonged to Major Mason, and was, in fact, the farm that he had reserved to himself when he surrendered to the colony in 1660, the rights that the Indian sachems had made over to him. This farm had descended to his grandson, Capt. Peter Mason, son of Capt. Dan iel Mason of Stonington — who, living near the Indians, and having a hereditary right to be their adviser, had acquired considerable in fluence among them. As a Mason, he was of course hostile to the deed of feoffment ; and was therefore employed by the town of New London to obtain a counter cession of the Indian lands in their favor, so as to nullify the deed. Through his influence a great Indian council was held, and the selectmen of New London obtained from the young sachem Cesar, May SOth, 1715, for the sum of £100, a general deed of all the ungranted land " between Norwich and New London old bounds, and from Mohegan River westerly to Colches ter and Lyme." This instrument declares that " the just right of purchase of said lands doth belong to the town of New London and no other," and that all former conveyances were void, having been fraudulently obtained by " taking advantage of the old age of my father Owaneco." A series of town acts followed the execution of this deed. A suf ficiency of land was secured to Cesar and his tribe, and the title to the remainder was vested in the proprietors of New London in cer tain proportions ; reserving five hundred acres to Capt. Peter Mason, who assumed the payment of the hundred pounds gratuity. Against aU these proceedings on the part of the town. Governor SaltonstaU entered a stern protest. A paper, containing what he caUs his thoughts concerning their measures, was read in town meeting, and recorded in book vii,, where it covers six folio pages. " I hear," he observes, " the bargain is cheap, not above £100 for the whole land put in trust — nay, I am told there is a project to bring that down to the insignificant sum of £3/ You may be assured that its worth above teu times as much as the £100 pretended to be the price of it." He reminds them that Hey have already about HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 431 seventeen thousand acres of common or undivided land, within the ancient bounds of the town, and that it would be more for their inter est as well as credit, to improve that to which they had an undisputed title, than to go about to make a purchase of Mohegan, while the title of it was under discussion in the common pleas. The General Court refusing to confirm the acts of the town, the royal deed of Cesar became a nullity, and the town acts and grants based thereon, were made void. Cesar died in 1720, and the same year the Assembly appointed " James Wadsworth, Esq., Mr. John Hooker, and Capt. John HaU," a committee to settle aU existing con troversies, and provide for the settlement of a gospel minister at Mo hegan. Two of these, Messrs, Wadsworth and HaU, met at the house of Mr. Joseph Bradford, on the Mohegan lands, Feb. 22d, 1720-21, and held a court of commission, with powers to hear, re view and decide all disputes respecting the Indian lands. This court was eminently one of pacification ; almost every claimant was quieted in his possessions ; the deed of feoffment was confirmed, and the reversion of the sequestered lands, when the tribe should become extinct, settled upon New London. The commissioners ratified all the court grants — the farms of Winthrop and Saltonstall — six hun dred acres to the New London school — two hundred acres to Caleb Watson — the purchase of Livingston and his associates, excepting only a tract of five hundred acres to be taken out for the use of the ministry — the claim of CampbeU and Dixon, who bought of Owaneco and Cesar — the farm of Stephen Maples — the lease of Samuel Fair banks' — and, in general, all Indian engagements previous to 1710. The tract of land to be reserved for the ministry, was left unde termined by the commissioners. The inhabitants could not by any means hitherto used, be brought to agree on a place where the meet ing-house should be built, and it was desirable to lay out a farm for the minister as near to the meeting-house as should be convenient. This matter was therefore left unsettled, and at the request of the inhabitants, referred to the General Assembly. The North Parish soon became tranquil. Govemor Saltonstall, who had the accommodation of their difficulties, and the settlement of a minister among them very much at heart, exerted himself to al lay animosities, to soothe troubled minds, and harmonize neighbor- 1 Fahbanks had a lease from Owaneco in 1710, of one hundred and fifty acres, on condition of makmg and mamtaining two hundred rods of fence. The feoffees added a new tenure— a yearly fat lamb, if demanded. 432 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. hoods. He lived to see his hopes realized. It was finally decided that the meeting-house should stand on Raymond Hill, and Jan. 17th, 1721-2, John Merritt and Mercy Raymond gave a deed of two acres of land, out of the farm then occupied by Major Merrit, to Capt. Robert Denison, Mr. Joseph Bradford, Mr. Jonathan Hill, Mr. Na thaniel Otis, and Ensign John Vibert, in trust for the inhabitants of the North Parish, for the site of a church, and for a church-yard or burial-place. A religious society being organized, Governor Salton stall recommended them to engage the services of Mr. James HiU house, from Ireland, who was then in Boston. To him they applied, through the agency of the governor, offering him a salary of £100 per annum ; and having received a favorable answer, Mr. Jonathan Copp was commissioned to go on and accompany him to the scene of his future labors. Mr. HiUhouse preached his first sermons in the west room of Mr. Samuel Allen's tavern. In his church record he says : " I was instaUed October the 3d day 1722. " Mr. Adams preached from Acts 16 : 9. There was Seven that belonged to the Church at my instalment — Capt. [Thomas] Avery, Capt. [Robert] Den ison, Mr. Nath'. Otis, Mr [Samuel] AUen, Mr. [John] -^^ibber, Charles Camp bell, and one Deacon. Mr. Jonathan Copp was chosen deacon of this Church and accepted it, Nov, 19, 1722." This was the second Congregational church of New London. The meeting-house was raised July 11th, 1723. While it was build ing, Mr. HiUhouse made a brief visit to his father-land, but returned before the close of the year. The most commanding point in the parish was usually chosen by our ancestors for the site of a church. In this instance a wide and fair landscape was spread around the sa cred edifice. To the south, the vision extends to Long Island Sound ; on the east, to heights of land in Voluntown and North Stonington. A legion of lower hUls fills all the intervening space ; villages are concealed by foliage, or secreted in the valleys ; only here and there a house upon a hill, a hamlet by a stream, or a spire rising above the trees, breaks the circumference of wood-land scenery. At that period it was Uterally a church in the wUderness ; a solitary beacon in the center of a mighty forest. In accordance with the style of architecture then prevalent, this meeting-house had greater breadth than length ; the pulpit being placed in one of the sides of greatest extent. It had two tiers of free benches iu the middle, a row of pews aroij^d the waU, three doors, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 433 and gaUery-stau^ in two comers. The pews were buUt at the charge ofthe owners, and not completed till 1727. Those of greatest honor were each side of the pulpit, and each side of the door opposite the pulpit. These four pews were occupied by Mrs. Raymond and her son Joshua, Capt. Robert Denison,' Capt. John Mason and Madam Livingston, Mr. Joseph Otis and Major John Merritt. Only four teen pews were built : the other seats were free. About the year 1730, some unhappy difficulties arose in the parish, which ended in alienating a part of the people from their minister. Of this contest little is now known, except that it was protracted and violent. It is said to have commenced in a controversy between Mr. HiUhouse and his next neighbor, Capt. Denison, in regard to their respective bounds. An ecclesiastical council, convened by a major ity of the parish, finding it impossible to compose the differences, dis solved the connection. This act Mr. HiUhouse considered illegal, as he had not concurred in caUing the council, and therefore refused to relinquish his office. The congregation was now split into two assembUes, each claiming the house and the pulpit. Other ministers were employed by the majority of the congregation, but Mr. HiU house continued to exercise his functions after the settlement of a successor — his record of admissions to the church is continued to 1737, and of baptisms to August, 1740. He died December 15th, 1740, aged fifty-three.^ To the registry of his death in the New London town book, the recorder adds this note : "He was descended from a respectable family in Ireland, being the second son of Mr. John HiUhouse, of FreehaU, (in the county of Londonderry.) Good natural abUities, a liberal education, and a weU-attempered zeal for the truth, rendered him eminent and useful in the ministry in this place." Mr. HiUhouse was educated at the University of Glasgow. His father had deceased before he came to America, and the family es tate had devolved upon his elder brother. He married after his set tlement, Mary, daughter of Daniel Fitch, one of his parishioners. He left two sons : WUUam, born Aug. 25th, 1728, and James Abra- 1 A special vote gave Capt. Denison liberty to buUd a pew for himself and heirs forever, in consideration for what he had given toward settling the gospel, viz., £42 to the meetmg-house, ten acres of land to the ministiy, and fifty to the mmister His pew was to reach from post to post, and be of the same width as the pulpit and deac- on's seat. 2 His estate was appraised at £6,906. Hemy's Annotations, in the inventory, were estimated at £30. 37 434 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ham. May 12th, 1730. His relict was subsequently twice married, and being made a widow for the third time, she returned to the North Parish, and dwelt with her children tiU her death. The inscription on her gravestone is peculiarly comprehensive : " Here lies one who served near the Altar, having been the virtuous Consort of the Rev, Mr, HUlhouse, Rev. Mr, Owen and Rev, Mr, Dorrance. She died October, 1768, ^tatis 62," Between his installment in October, 1722, and the first of May, 1737, Mr, HiUhouse admitted to the church 198 new members and eighteefn from other churches. Eight others (the seven piUars and deacon) formed the church before his installment. His record of baptisms comprises one hundred and eighty chUdren and forty adults ; marriages, thirty-five. In 1738, Mr. David Jewett, who had been employed as a mission ary to the Mohegans and was much in favor with the sachem and the tribe, being also acceptable to the people of the parish, was in vited to become their minister. He accepted the caU, and ha-ring been received as a member of the church, by dismission and recom mendation from the church at Rowley, Mass., he was ordained, Oct. 3d, 1739. An ordination at that period called forth a great concourse of people, and, what appears strange at the present day, was usually followed by a dance and supper that consumed most of the night. An ordination ball was as common as the ordination itself. Yet it must not be supposed that the clergy or any of the fathers in the church took part in it : it was the congregation ball. No minister in the country stood higher among his o-wn fiock, or in the esteem of his brethren, than Mr, Jewett. He was a man of dignified deportment, rigorous in discipline, but very fervent in preach ing and uniformly assiduous in his calling,' In 1750 the meeting-house was entirely out of repair. The build ings of those days were constructed of the most enduring materials, but the workmanship was clumsy and defective ; the frame might last for ages, but the building was a ruin in one generation. The sacred edifice was again refitted and finished off in the neatest style of those days — " colored on the outside with lamp-black and Spanish 1 The name of Mr. Jewett's wife was Patience PhUlips. He married her in Cam bridge or Boston. Though laboring under the disadvantage of having but one hand", it is said that she could use the needle and the distaff, and pe'rfoi-m all other duties of a notable housewife, as weU as most women with two.^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 435 lead, and the door and window-trimmings painted white." It was then prepared for a second term of twenty years' service. In 1756 Mr. Jewett obtained leave of absence for several months, " being called by the providence of God to go into the army as chaplain." This was a service to which be was afterward very often called, not only during the French War, but in that of the Revolution. His animated manner and his energetic language made him very popular as an army chaplain. Deacons of Mr. Jewett's Church. Joshua Raymond, chosen May 23d, 1740. 'David (son to Deacon Jonathan) Copp, chosen July 4th, 1746, Joshua (son to Deacon Joshua) Raymond, chosen June 3d, 1763, Joseph Otis, successor to Deacon David Copp deceased. Joseph Chester, successor to Deacon Joseph Otis, who removed. Jonathan Copp removed to the North Parish from Stonington in 1713, but was originally from Boston and of the family from which Copp's HiU derives its name. Joseph Otis was from Scituate, Mass. In 1716 he purchased a large quantity of land in the North Parish, above Raymond's, and in Colchester, on which he and his family settled. He died in 1754 at the age of ninety. CHAPTER XXIV. Origin of the Fort HiU Baptist Church. — Gorton's ordination and ministry,— Howe's legacy. — Internal strife and extinction of the church. The regular Baptists of New London go back for their origin almost to the dawn of the eighteenth century. The first account we have of their society is derived from a petition to the General Court in 1704, for " the settlement of their meeting^" They called themselves " Dissenters ;" stated that their society comprised six brethren and six sisters ; that they had an ordained teacher with them -viz., Daniel Pierce ; and that they held their meetings at WiUiam Stark's. After 1720 they increased in numbers and influence. They were joined by Joseph Gilbert and William Roe or Rowe, the latter an emigrant from England, and by Philip Taber from Rhode Island, who in 1726 purchased the farm of Capt. James Rogers on the Neck. On the 28th of November, 1726, Stephen Gorton was or dained their pastor, by Elder Valentine Wightman, of Groton. This was the third religious society established in the town, , It be came extinct before the end of the century ; its history, therefore, will here be briefly pursued to its close. This society united with their neighbors of the seventh-day per suasion in building a house of worship. The site was given by Isaac Fox and the title vested by deed of Jan. 9th, 1729-30, in the two societies known as "First and Seventh-day Baptists." The trustees were Samuel Fox, Samuel Wescote, Jonathan Rogers and PhiUp Taber. This meeting-house very well accommodated both societies, as they met on different days. It stood upon the rocky summit of Fort HiU ; the ascent painfully precipitous on one side, but the position beautiful, commanding a fair expanse of the Sound. The edifice was square, smaU upon the ground, and high beyond a due proportion. This pecuUarity obtained^or it in later days the HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 437 familiar appeUation of the pepper-box. The shell of the edifice- dismantled of pulpit, gallery, seats and windows; ghostlike and blackened by time-kept possession of the hiU until the year 1847 when it was taken down. ' 1 Ji'^!',®*'^^"' ^"'¦''^"^^ bom in Rhode Island, March 21st, 1703-4; consequently he was but twenty-two years of age when ordamed. He married, soon after his settlement, Sarah, reUct of Jonathan Haynes and daughter of James Rogers 2d, a woman of piety and considerable estate, who was more than twenty years his semor (born in 1682) and had twelve children by her first husband.^ Mr. Gorton was a man of good capacity and fluent oratory. It has been said that his knowledge was aU self-acquired, except reading and writing, which were taught him by his wife. His marriage with Mrs. Haynes gave him respectabiUty and influence. She died in 1766, aged eighty-four ;= after which he married again and almost unmediately feU into disrepute. He is said to have imbibed Socin- ian principles and to have been low and irregular in his habits. John Starke was the deacon of Elder Gorton's church. Its great est benefactor was William Rowe, who among other donations gave a piece of land adjoining the meeting-house for a burial-place, vest ing the title in the First-day Baptists, and providing in case of their extinction, that it should be held by churches of that denomination m Groton and Newport, "until there should be a First-day Baptist church in New London again." Mr. Rowe afterward removed to North Stonington and eventually to Canterbury, where he died. By his wiU, made in 1749, he left aU his books of divinity and three hundred ounces of silver, or paper currency equivalent thereunto, for the use and support of the Fort Hill church and ministry. The money was to be improved and the principal kept good. This church is understood to have held to open communion and the laying on of hands in immersion.^ The members were scattered over a wide area. Several Uved in the town plot ; Nehemiah Smith of East Lyme and Jonathan Rathbone of Colchester belonged to this church; and in 1731 several persons belonging to WalUngford, 1 Eecorded in New London at his own request, 2 TnimbuU says he married a Connecticut girl; he should have said a Conmecticut matron. 3 See her gravestone in the Fort HiU burial-ground, 4 MS, sketch written by Eev. Henry Channing. He says: " The uumber of mem bers never went over one hundred and fifty, I beheve," 37* 438 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. thirteen miles north of New Haven, united with it.' Philip Taber, one of the piUars of this church, died Dec. 27th, 1750. His reli gious views harmonized more particularly With the Six Principle Baptists of North Kingston, R. I., to whom he left a legacy in' his wiU. The doctrines of this sect are based on Hebrews, vi. 1, 2. During the latter part of Mr. Gorton's ministry, the church very much decUned ; the moral character of the elder was impeached, and the parties for and against him were fierce and vehement in their dissensions. Mr. Gorton was summoned before a Baptist con vention in Rhode Island for trial, and though the main charges against him were not proved, his conduct was condemned as un worthy the office of elder, and the convention recommended his dis mission. He would not, however, be dismissed, and having stiU a few followers, kept possession of the pulpit and the Rowe legacy, of which he was a trustee, and excommunicated those who had with drawn from him — that is to say, more than three-fourths of the whole church. Thus things continued till the year 1772, when the withdrawn members having engaged Mr. David Sprague from Rhode Island for their leader, resolved on obtaining possession of the meet ing-house and the annuity. On Sunday, June 7th, they collected to gether and proceeded to the house of worship, where they found Mr. Gorton officiating in the pulpit, with the communion table spread be fore him. One of the most resolute of the party ascended the pulpit, forcibly expelled its occupant, and drove him and his wife and then- whole company from the sacred precincts. It has been said, also, that as he went down the hill, they threw his Bible after him. Of this act, however, the complaint afterward entered by the grand-juror against Mr. Taber as principal in this transaction, says nothing. It accused him of collaring Mr. Gorton, beating him out of the pulpit, and pushing away his wife when she came to his rescue. The indict ment was for breach of the peace and profanation of the Sabbath. Mr. Taber was fined on both counts.^ Mr. Sprague's party had now possession of the house and Gorton's of the annuity. Actions in law were commenced by each against the other. The struggle issued in the utter extinction of the church as an independent body and the loss of their fund. The period of dissolution could not vary n*uch from 1774. The members were 1 Benedict, Hist, Bap, 2 The particulars of this affair and the date of the year ai-e taken from the record of the justice's court held on the occasion, 4k HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 439 dispersed. Some of them united with another Baptist society in the western part of the town, which had originated in a meeting of the separatists about twenty-five years previous, and was then flour ishing under the ministry of Elder Zadok Darrow. Elder Gorton removed to the western part of the state and in 1779 was of Southerton (Hartford county.) He left behind him in New London no family, no church records, no faithful fiock to lament his loss ; nothing but a dispersed congregation and a tarnished name. Nehemiah Smith, who resided in the eastern part of Lyme, with drew at an early period from the Fort HUl church and set up meet ings in his o-wn house, by which means Baptist principles became disseminated in the neighborhood. It is stated in Benedict's History of the Baptists, that Valentine Wightman preached in Lyme in 1727, and was " chaUenged by the Rev. Mr. Bulkley of Colchester to a pubUc dispute, which was first maintained in a verbal manner and after ward kept up in writing.'' This preaching was probably at Nehe miah Smith's. A church was soon gathered in the vicinity and Josh ua Rogers (also from the Fort Hill church) was ordained elder at the house of Mr. Smith, Oct. 11th, 1743. After officiating as pastor for ten or twelve years, he feU into disrepute and died by his own hand in 1756. The members of the church being few in number and scattered in point of residence, joined other Baptist societies as they were formed, and this the most ancient Baptist organization in Lyme, became extinct. CHAPTER XXV. Formation of an Episcopal society,— BuUding of a church.— Family of Sea bury.— Ministers Seabury and Graves.— The church closed.— Unsuccessful attempts to procure a whig pastor.— The church burnt by the enemy. Rev. James MoSparran resided many years in the Narragan sett country as an Episcopal missionary, sustained by the " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." His ministry there extended from 1721 to 1757. In a sketch of the colonies which he sent home to his patrons and which was published under the title of " America Dissected," in speaking of Connecticut he says : "I myself began one church by occasional visits among them, at a place called New London." The claim which Dr. McSparran thus ad vances to the honor of having founded the Episcopal church in New London, is undoubtedly valid. He was probably at first invited hither by the EngUsh residents of the place, and bis zeal and energy soon enlarged the number of adherents to the church. The earUest entry on the parish records is as foUows : " Colony Connecticott, June 6, 1725, " Wee the subscribers doe oblige ourselves to pay to the Rev, M"- James McSparran, or to his substitute, he being Treasurer, the particular sums an nexed to our names for the building and erecting a. Church for the service of Almighty God, according to the Liturgie of the Church of England as by law established. John Merritt £50 John Bennett £3 Peter Buor 50 James Tilley 10 John Braddick 25 George Sraith 3 John Gridley 10 Nath' Kay 20 Jaraes Sterling 25 James Packer 5 Walter Butler 10 Giles Goddard 5' Most of these subscribers, but not all, were residents in New Lon don. Gridley and Kay belonged to Newport. Buor, TUley' and 1 James TiUey was from Edford, in DevOTBhire, England. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 441 Smith were aU Englishmen who had recently estabUshed themselves in the place. Braddick was of English birth— a son of Capt. John Braddick, then of Southold, Long Island, but "late of London.'' John Merritt had been for some years a resident in the North Parish of New London, and had liberally patronized the Congregational church, built there in 1722. He died in 1732, but his widow, Mrs- Janette Merritt, and his grandson Merritt Smith continued in the Episcopal society. Bennett, Packer and Goddard, belonged in Gij)- ton ; but the last named. Dr. Giles Goddard, soon removed to New London. Sterling was a sea-captain saiUng from the port. Walter Butler is supposed to have been a native of the town. The next recorded action was the formation of a standing com mittee, to purchase a site and erect the contemplated church. This consisted of seven persons — Messrs. Merritt, Buor, Sterling and Butler, before-mentioned, together with John Shackmaple, Thomas Mumford and WilUam Norton. Shackmaple was an officer of the customs, son of the collector Shackmaple, then recently deceased. It is probable that the meet ings for worship before the erection of the church were held at the house of his mother Mrs. Sarah Shackmaple, in the northern divis ion of Bradley St. Thomas Mumford was a merchant, trading in New London, but having his residence in Groton, upon the opposite side of the river. Norton is not a name belonging to New London, and is not mentioned after 1726. The first proposition before the committee was this. The Episco pal society in Newport being then engaged in erecting a new church, it was proposed to apply for the old one ; and if obtained, to take it down, bring it to New London and re-erect the whole edifice in its original proportions. Dr. McSparran went to Newport as agent in this business, but some obstacles arising, the plan was reUnquished ; and it was decided that a new church should be built, of smaller di mensions. The site chosen for the edifice was a vacant lot on the Parade, which had been relinquished by the town to Amos Richardson, as a part of his original house lot grant. It consisted of about twenty square rods, lying in an angular form, the east end being in a Une with the west side of Bradley Street, and the west end tapering to a point. Edward Hallam purchased it in 1725 of Richardson's heirs. It was now bought for £50 by Thomas Lechmere of Boston, who took the deed in his own name and then conveyed it to the commit tee of the society as a free gift — 442 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. " To erect thereon a church or decent edifice for the worship of God accord ing to the liturgy ofthe Church of England, to be forever devoted to this sacred and pious use, to keep up a church thereon, andbury their dead thereon.'' Dated June 20th, 1726. A building fund was raised by subscription. Considerable sums were given in Boston, Newport and Providence. In New York the aggregate sum of £75 was obtained through the agency of Capt- Matthew Norris, and among the donors are the names of Burnet' Bayard, DeLancey, Duer, Morris and Van Rensalaer. Some con tributions came also from Philadelphia. The whole sum raised was little short of £500. The contract for building the church was made with Capt. John Hough. It was completed and opened for pubhc worship in the autumn of 1732. The form was square,' fifty feet each way, " thirty- two feet height of studd and five windows, with two double doors on the west end, the roof half flat and the other half arched on each side.'' The original number of pews was twenty-two. In 1741 a subscription of £182, was taken up by the minister and wardens — chiefly as- they stated, " for enlarging our beU." In 1755 the edifice was thoroughly repaired, a new steeple built, the bell recast) and a clock added. As the congregation increased, a gaUery was built with two tiers of pews, and attics above the gallery ; and yet later, the space around the pulpit was diminished, and the south door shut up, in order to occupy the room with new pews. Repairs and improvements were again made in 1774. The style used in the records is " The Episcopal Church of New London," until 1741, when it begins to be designated as " St. James' Church, New London." A traditionary anecdote connected with this ancient church is too interesting to be omitted. The steeple or belfry terminated in a staff, crowned with a gilt ball. In this ball an Indian arrow was fixed, hanging diagonally from one side and remaining there until the destruction of the church. It is said that a delegation of Indians passing through the place were courteously entertained by the elder Nathaniel Shaw. In traversing the town with their host, as they stood looking at the church, the war-chief of the party took an 1 This was in accordance with Dr. McSparran's advice — " if built square, it may m time be lengthened and enlarged." The timber for the frame was furnished by Ma jor Buor, and probably grew on his Bentworth farm. Among the items of expendi ture is— Sept. SOth, 1726—" for drhik at moving the frame £5," HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 443 arrow from his quiver, and fixing it in his bow, aimed at this ball. The arrow pierced the wood, and the barb was firmly fixed in the ball. " That," said the chief, turning with a triumphant smile to Capt. Shaw, " make you remember Indian came here, and how he shoot." Coincident with the establishment of an Episcopal church in New London, Mr. Samuel Seabury, a young minister of Groton, renounced Congregationalism, and embraced the doctrines and Uturgy of the Church of England. This has been already mentioned in treating of the North Groton or Ledyard church ; but a brief digression wUl here be made in order to introduce the father of the candidate. Dea con Seabury, to our history. John and Samuel Seabury from Duxbury, Mass., appear in Con necticut, a little before the year 1700. Samuel in 1702 made pur chases of land in Lebanon, but his name is not found on any early Ust of inhabitants in that plantation. John settled first in Stonington where the birth of his son David is recorded Jan. 16th, 1699. In 1704 he exchanged his farm in Stonington for one in Groton, to which he immediately removed, and being shortly afterward chosen a deacon in the Congregational church is principaiUy known to our local annals as Deacon John Seabury of Groton. His family was registered by the town-clerk as follows : John Seabury married EUzabeth Alden Dec, 9th, 1697, Children. 1, David, born Jan. 10th, 1699, 5, Samuel, born July Sth, 1706, 2. John, " and died in 1700, 6, Mary, " Nov. Uih, 170S. 3. Patience," May Sth, 1702. 7, Sarah, " March 16th, 1710-11, 4, John, " May 22d, 1704, 8, Nathaniel," July Slst, 1720. The period of Deacon Seabury's death has not been ascertained. He was probably interred in the ancient burial-ground at Pequonuck, where sleep the two excellent ministers, Woodbridge and Owen, to whose church he belonged. His reUct Elizabeth— a granddaughter of John Alden of the Mayfiower — is interred at Stonington. She died Jan. 4th, 1771, aged ninety-four. It is inscribed on her grave stone that she lived to see the fourth generation of her descendants. Samuel ' Seabury, son of John, graduated at Harvard College in 1724 and being Ucensed as a Congregational minister preached several months in the year 1726 to the church that had been newly estabUshed in North Groton. He declared himself a convert to the Church of England in 1730, and the next year went to England where he received Episcopal ordination from the Bishop of London. 444 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Mr. Seabury after his return to America, received a commission from the " Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts," to exercise his sacred functions in New London, granting him a yearly annuity of sixty pounds, lawful money of Great Britain, with an arrearage, or payment backward " from the feast-day of St. John the Baptist which was in the year of our Lord 1730 :" " Provided always, and on condition that the said Samuel Seabury do with out delay at the first opportunity after the date hereof cause himself to be con veyed to New London aforesaid, and from and after his arrival continue to reside there unless otherwise directed by the said Society and do with fidelity and diligence discharge his holy function, otherwise this grant to be void." May 19th, 1732, Mr. Seabury met with the society at New London, April 10th, 1732. The first church officers were then chosen. Church-wardens. Thomas Mumford, John Braddick. Vestry-men. John Shackmaple, James Packer, Matthew Stewart, Giles Goddard. Thomas Manwaring. Mr. Mumford officiated, either as warden or vestry-man, twenty- three years ; and Matthew Stewart twenty-seven years. Samuel Edgecombe and Dr. Guy Palmes were early and important members of the society : the former was vestry-man or warden, without inter val from 1735 to 1767 inclusive. Mr. Seabury though styled a missionary officiated in all respects as the pastor of the church. He remained in New London about eleven years. His residence during the latter part of the time was in State Street, in a house which he built in 1737, and sold in 1744 to Edward Palmes. It is now the Brainerd homestead. The first wife of Mr. Seabury was Abigail, daughter of Thomas Mumford. She died in 1731, leaving two children — Caleb, iDorn Feb. 27th, 1728. Samuel, " Nov. 30th, 1729. After his return from Europe Mr. Seabury married Elizabeth, daughter of Adam Powell of Newport, and had six other children. Early in 1743, Mr. Seabury was transferred by the society under whose auspices he labored to Hempstead, Long Island. This remov al was made at the solicitation of the people there and with his own consent. He Uved pleasantly at Hempstead, occupying a smaU farm, and beside his pastoral duties engaging in^the education of youth. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 445 His last sermon is said to have been preached at New London, whUe on a visit to his relatives and former flock. Returning home from this excursion somewhat indisposed, he never went out again, but sickened and died, June 15th, 1764. Before Mr. Seabury left New London the church appUed to the society in England for a successor. In their letter to the secretary Feb. 26th, 1742-3, they observe— " The very great convulsions occasioned here and in diverse other places o this Colony by the breaking out of what is caUedthe " New Light" makes this a melancholy juncture to have our church erapty and unsupplied," Several years elapsed before a successor arrived. Mr. Matthew Graves at length received the appointment ; and his name is regis tered as present at a parish meeting April 11th, 1748. Previous to his arrival a glebe or parsonage had been secured for the use of the pastor. Land for this purpose had been freely given by Samuel Edgecombe on Main Street, " four rods front and nine rods deep." The title was not vested in the church, but in the Society for Propa gating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, for the benefit of the Episcopal church in New London. The house built upon this site about 1750 is still extant ; and though much improved in style and convenience by the present rector, retains its original frame-work and most of its old interior arrangements. In the guest chamber, on one of the panes a text of Scripture is engraved with a diamond in a neat, fair hand, " Thou art careful and troubled about many things, but one thing is needful." This is said to have been done by Rev. John Graves of Provi dence,' brother of Matthew, while lodging in the chamber, and was doubless intended as a gentle admonition to his sister. Miss Joanna, who presided over the household concerns. Mr. Graves remained in New London more than thirty years ; exercising his functions discreetly, and living a blameless life. He preached often in Groton, Hebron and Norwich; was assiduous in his attentions to the sick, the poor and to prisoners in jail, and fre quently united in worship with Christians of other names. Rev. Eli phalet Adams, the Congregational minister, of the town, in acknowl edging the kind attentions of friends and neighbors at the trying 1 Eev, John Graves as a preacher had a higher reputation than his brother Mat thew, Mr, Hempstead writes, Nov, 23d, 1755, " I went to the Church to hear Mr. Graves's brother — a famous man," 38 446 HISTORY OFNEW LONDON. period of his wife's Ulness and death, observes: "The Reverend Mr. Graves prayed with us again and again with much sympathy." It was said also that after the death of Mr. Adams he zealously encouraged the settlement of his successor. This was given as a reason by the wardens of St. Paul's Church in Narragansett, why they did not wish him to be transferred to them, as the successor of Dr. McSparran, in 1757. " He has lately given great offence to his brethren and us, by being officious in settling a dissenting teacher at New London, and injudicious enough to be present at his ordination,'' After the commencement of the Revolutionary War, Mr. Graves gave umbrage to the citizens at large, and even to a majority of his own parishioners, who were ardent whigs, by continuing to read the prayers for the king and royal famUy. No entry appears on the par ish records betwixt April I7th, 1775, and November 13th, 1778. During this period the regular course of parish business was inter rupted ; no church ofiicers were chosen, and no service was per formed in the church. From the recitals of the aged we learn that Mr. Graves had been respectfully requested to desist from reading the obnoxious part of the Uturgy, but with this request he declared that he could not conscientiously comply. It was then intimatpd to him that if he persisted it was at his peril, and he must abide the consequences. Accordingly the next Sunday a determined party of whigs stationed themselves near the door, with one in the porch to keep his hand on the bell rope, and as soon as the minister, who was aware of the arrangement, began the obnoxious prayer, which he did with a firm voice, the bell sounded and the throng rushed into the house. They were led on, it is said, by the brothers Thomas and David Mumford, both men of commanding aspect and powerful frame, who ascended the pulpit stairs, and taking each an arm of the minis ter, brought him expeditiously to the level of the fioor. Some great outrage might have been committed, for mobbing was then frequent, and the rage against toryism unmitigated ; but two resolute matrons belonging to the church, rushed forward, and placing themselves in front of the unfortunate clergyman, declared their intention of stand ing between him and harm. The Mumfords relinquished their pris oner, and the women protected him from the populace till he escaped by a side door and found shelter in a neighboring house. " He fled in his surplice to the house of a parishioner, who though a warm HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 447 whig, was his personal friend, and protected him from the violence of the mob.'" This was the last time that Mr. Graves officiated in New London. After the mob dispersed, the doors were locked, and it was regarded as too hazardous to attempt the renewal of the services for the next three years. " At a parish meetrag Nov. 14th, 177S. " Put to vote, that no person be permitted to enter the church and act as a pastor to it, unless he openly prays for Congress and the free and independent states of America, and their prosperity by sea and land." The vote on this question stood fourteen to eleven, but several being chaUenged as havmg no right to vote, the issue was ten on each side. " Voted, that the church-wardens wait on the Rev. Mr. Graves and let him know of the foregoing vote, and if it be agreeable to him, he may reassume the church of St. James, and officiate as pastor thereof, he praying and conform ing to said vote. If so, he may be admitted to-morrow, being Sunday, 15th Nov. Agreeable to the above, we the church-wardens waited on the Rev. Mr, Graves, and acquainted him with the resolve ofthe parishioners, to which he replied, he could not comply therewith. Thomas Allen, J Church- JoHN Deshon, 5 Wardens. This determination rendered Mr. Graves so unpopular that it was considered undesirable for him to remain at New London. In Au gust, 1779, Mr. Shaw, the naval agent of the port, sent a flag of truce to convey him to New York, where he died suddenly, after only two days' Ulness, AprU 5th, 1780. He was never married; a maiden sister who had always resided with him in New London, went with him to New York, and returned lonely and disconsolate after his death. "June-2.5th, 1780, " Voted, that Mrs. Joanna Graves has liberty to enter the parsonage house after the 29th August next, and enjoy one bed room and one lower room, until a minister is called to officiate in the church of St. Jaraes.'' This venerable lady afterward removed to Providence. Officers of the church were again chosen in September, 1779: 1 Eev, E, A, HaUam, See His, of Narragansett Church, by Updike. Many versions of this event, the draggmg ofthe English rainister from the pulpit, and the locking up of the church, have been current. The author has endeavored to give a clear state ment; but being draivn from discordant materials, it may not be entirely correct. 448 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. Thomas Allen, flrst warden ; John Hertell, second. These are the last on record under the old order of things, and continued nominally m oflice until the torch of the invader laid the greater part of the town in ruins. The church was again opened, though not for Episcopal service, in January, 1780. The Congregational society, to whom the Rev. WU liam Adams was then preaching, was allowed the, use of the church for their services, by a vote of the parishioners, " during the severity of the season, and the pleasure of the church." This was an accom modation, as the Congregational edifice was on the summit of a bleak hill, and that winter one of unprecedented severity. The next year and the next, attempts were made to revive the Epis copal service. " At a parish meeting June 25th, 1780, Thomas Allen, moderator, voted that the church wardens caU on the Rev, Mr. Tyler, of Norwich, to officiate in the church, or any gentleraan that will officiate as he does, respecting the pray ers, as Mr. Lewis, or H. Parker, of Boston, or Mr. Freeman." "AprU 16th, 1781. " Voted that the wardens call on some Rev. gentleraan to officiate in the church of St James, i. e. as Rev. Mr. Jarvis, or Mr. Hubbard do.'' No pastor was, however, procured. The church was destroyed in the general conflagration of September 6th, 1781. We may suppose that of the numbers who after this catastrophe stood in sad contem plation gazing upon the ruins, very few felt a sharper pang of grief than John Bloyd, who had been for many years the sexton. He had kept the key, and taken charge of the edifice during the whole period of the war ; to him doubtless it was a cherished object of affection, and the view of its smoldering heap must have carried desolation to his heart.' 1 A subscription for Bloyd's beneflt was circulated by the wardens in 1786. He was afterward the first city crier. CHAPTER XXVI. The Great Awakening of 1741, -Preaching of Tennent, Davenport and others. Act of Assembly in May, 1742,— Separate society formed,-The Shepherd's tent,— Accessions to the church.— Burning of the books,— Trial ofthe book- burners.— Descriptions of the scene by Trumbull and Peters,— Whitefield's visits,- Ministry and death of his friend Barber, of Groton, The years 1740 and 1741 were distinguished by the greatest re vival of reUgion ever kno-wn in New England. Great was the power of preaching. The state of society was very much renovated by its influence. But the stream did not flow every where in a clear and smooth current. Sometimes it was turbid, and often lashed into a foam. Most of the leading ministers and magistrates of Connecticut beheld its progress with distrust and fear. Hence arose divisions in the churches ; the seceders being at first called New Lights and Congregational Separates, but most of them coalescing afterward with the Baptist denomination. In New London the fervor of excitement commenced with the preaching of three sermons by Mr. Gilbert Tennent, March SOth, 1741 ; at noon, at three P. M. and in the evening. Night-preachingj as it was termed, was at that period very unusual. Mr. Tennent had large congregations ; not only the whole throng of the town's people attended, but the farmers came in with their famiUes. The next day he preached four times, to still increasing numbers, the assembly be ing swelled by accessions from the neighboring towns. AprU 1st, many from this throng accompanied him to East Lyme, to hear him again, and others joined the train along the road. Meetings now became very frequent : the neighboring clergymen assisted each other in weekly lectures, being all greatly enlivened in their exercises ; and the assembUes unwontedly large and devout. On the 19th of May, the children of the town were assembled, and short sermons were addressed to them in terms adapted to their com- 38* 450 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. prehension ; they were arranged in ranks according to size and age, the boys in one company and the girls in another. Toward the end of that month, Mr. MUls, of Derby, arrived in town, and Mr. Eells, of Stonington, came over ; these joining Mr. Adams, a series of lec tures were preached, forming what would now be caUed a protracted meeting. " The whole week," says Hempstead, writing on the' 6th of June, " hath been kept as a Sabbath, and with the greatest success imaginable. Never was any such time here, and scarce any where else. The wonderful works of God have been made evident in the powerful conviction and conversion of diverse persons in an extraor dinary manner." pQ,\ On the 16th June, the Rev. Mr. Parsons, of Lyme, an earnest re* vivalist, came to New London at the express invitation of Mr. Adams, in order to reconcile if possible, the two parties which had sprung up, and threatened a rupture in the congregation. He preached two sermons, one at the meeting-house, and the other in the evening, at the dwelling of Mr. Curtis. In an account afterward pubUshed by Mr. Parsons, of the part he took in the great revival, speaking of this visit to New London, he observes : " The success was not according to my wishes, I found mutual rising jeal ousies, and as I thought groundless surmisings in some instances, prevaiUng amongthem. These difficulties increased afterward; andfor want of charity and mutual condescension and forbearance, they have produced an open sepa ration," The two parties consisted of the new converts, who exhibited a fiaming zeal, and those who opposed the work, being excited proba bly to this opposition by the imprudence of the converts. Mr. James Davenport, of Southold, Long Island, the most ardent and renowned enthusiast of this exciting period, preached his first sermon at New London, on the 18th of July. The service was at the meeting-house, and held in the evening. Hempstead, in his diary, thus describes the scene : " Divers women were terrified and cried out exceedingly. When Mr, Da venport had dismissed the congregation sorae went out and others stayed ; he then went into the broad alley, which was much crowded, and there ho screamed out, 'Come to Christ! come to Christ! come away I corae away !' Then he went into the third pew on the women's side, and kept there, some times singing, sometimes praying ; he and his companions aU taking their turns, and the women fainting and in hysterics. This confusion continued tiU ten o'clock at night, and then he went off singing through the streets," Mr. Davenport visited also the North Parish, and preached in his HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 451 customary Violent and denunciatory manner. The Rev. Mr.-Jewett pastor of the church, declining to give him an account of his religious experience, he declared in pubUc that it was his opinion, or at least his great fear, that Mr. Jewett was an unconverted person. From New London the preacher passed over to Groton, where he held meetings four or five days successively, to audiences of about one thousand persons. On the 23d of July, he continued the meeting till two o'clock in the moming, and some of the hearers remaifled all night under the oak-tree where he preached, or in the meeting-house. " About sixty," says Hempstead, " were wounded ; many strong men as well as others." On the 24th he preached in the west meeting-house in Stonington, where it was said near 100 persons were struck under conviction.' The meeting was much disturbed, " hundreds crying out." The next day he ascended a rugged knoll near the meeting-house, and with a rock for his pulpit, proclaimed his message in the open air. " Sev eral were wounded," says Hempstead, " but not like yesterday." The next day, Sunday, he made his appearance at the center meeting house in Stonington, where Rev. Nathaniel Eells was the pastor. Not being invited into the pulpit, he took his station under the trees near by, where he condemned Mr. EeUs for his want of fervor and spirituality. This severe way of judging their minister, was so dis tasteful to his audience that it gradually melted away ; most of the people joining the regular congregation in the meeting-house. Itinerant preaching was a new element in the Congregationalism of New England, and did not assimilate well with the ancient consti tution. On the 24th of November, a grand council of ministers and messengers, delegated from all parts of the colony, met at KilUng- ¦worth, as directed by an act of Assembly, to discuss the whole sub ject of traveling ministers ; the disorders occasioned by them ; the odium they brought upon settled ministers, and the countenance they gave to Separatists. This councU condemned as disorderly, aU preaching of one minister, within the parish of another, without his leave. In conformity with this ecclesiastical decision, the General Court, in May, 1742, enacted a stringent law, directed chiefly against irregular ministers and exhorters ; entitled " An act for regulating abuses and correcting disorders in ecclesiastical affairs." The gen eral association of ministers of the colony met at New London, in June, and endorsed this new law with the seal of their approbation.^ 1 Great Awakenuig, p, 155. 2 TrumbuU. 452 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Under this law, Mr. Thatcher, (probably Rev. Peter Thatcher, of Middlebury,) was arrested for preaching at the house of Mr. Curtis, in New London, on the 24th of June, carried before ajustice and sen tenced to be sent from constable to constable out of the colony. In execution of this sentence he was forwarded, June 26th, to the Groton constable, who allowed him to return to New London the same night, where he pursued the same course of preachmg and exhorting as be fore, tiiough more privately, and no further notice appears to have been taken of him by the authorities. The law was a violation of the rights of conscience and of personal freedom, so manifest and un justifiable, that it could not be long enforced.' At this period, New London county was regarded abroad as the focus of enthusiasm, discord and confusion. A letter to Mr. BeUamy, from Rev. David Brainerd, often himself classed among enthusiasts, alludes to the false zeal and disorderly condition of the churches in New London and Stonington. He writes from Saybrook, February 4th, 1742. " Last week I preached for Mr, Fish, of Stonington ; the Lord helped me to be aU love there, while I was [pleading] for religion, so that if they had any intention to quarrel with me, the Lord helped me to love them all to death. There was much false zeal among thera, so that some began to separate from that dear man. He desired me if I wrote to you to remember his affectionate love to you, and tell you he wanted to see you in those parts raore than any man on earth ; and indeed I believe you might do service there if the Lord should help you to softness. There is, I believe, much false religion in sundry of those eastern towns. I preached also at New London, where I conceive there is wild confusion, too long to mention; if you should see Mr. Pierpont, of New Haven, he could tell yon something. "^ At the communion service on the 29th of Nov., 1742, it was no ticed that five prominent members of Mr. Adams' church were absent ; viz., John Curtis, Christopher and John Christophers, John and Peter Harris. This was the nucleus of the party that assembled by themselves, at each other's houses. The deadness of the church and the legal preaching, as they termed it, were the reasons they gave for secession. They and others associated themselves into a separate society, and were quaUfied by the county court to hold meetings and worship together, without molestation. Mr. 'Timothy 1 " It fell in a few years and buried the party w-hich enacted it in its ruins." Great Awakening, p. 239. 2 Extracted from the original nnpubUshed letter furnished the author, by Eev. Tryon Edwards, of New London, % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 453 AUen from West Haven was their teacher.' Mr. Jonathan HiU was an exhorter, and many others took a similar part. After a time the house of Samuel Harris (Truman Street, corner of Blinman,) was fitted up for this society, and called " The Shep herd's Tent." It was intended to be an academy or institution for educating young men to become exhorters, teachers and ministers- How many resorted to it, is not known. Mr. Allen resided with his family in the same building and kept his school for initiates in the upper part. In the meetings of the Separates at the Shepherd's Tent, laymen and women were allowed freedom of speech, and a relation of Chris tian experience was usually expected from those who attended.^ There is no doubt but that in most cases, all things were done decent ly and in order, but sometimes when the excitement was great, preaching, praying, singing and exhorting, all went on together, and confusion was the inevitable result. The wliole number that with drew from the congregation of Mr. Adams was afterward estimated at 100. All the churches in New London county participated more or less in the great awakening. Mr. jewett of the North Parish of New London after a time entered into it with glowing -zeal. The revival in his congregation began under the instrumentality of Mr. Parsons of West Lyme in December, 1741. He preached there two suc cessive days, and about twenty persons were regarded as converts. In the evening of the second day, just after the blessing was pro nounced and the usual service closed, (Mr. Parsons observes), "a wonderful outpouring of the Spirit" was experienced. Mr. Jewett had returned from Lyme where he had been to supply the pulpit in exchange with his friend, and coming in to the assembly during the exercises, received a new baptism from on high. " He seemed to be fuU of life and spirit from the Lord.'" From that time aU dissen- 1 "July 10th 1742, I was at Mr, MUler's with the rest of the authority to speak with Mr, AUen'a suspended minister who is come here from New Haven west side, and sets up to preach in private houses," Hempstead, 2 " Feb, 2d, Nath, WiUiams of Stonington lodged here. He went over in the eve ning to the Shepherd's tent and there related his Christian experiences in order to have their approbation, but behold quite the contrary for they upon «-— 'on find him yet in an unconverted state, and he confesses the justice of *«- ^'igm-'*' and says that he hath judged others diverse times, and though he is unwiUmg to be lieve it, yet lUie others he is forced to bear it," Ibid. 3 Parsons. 454 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. tion in his church disappeared, and those that had been on the point of separation from his ministry now " had their hearts wonderfully united to him." CJ^ '7&^J Messrs. Owen and CrosweU of Groton had also visits from the revivalist preachers, whom they welcomed with genuine sympathy. Mr, CrosweU, in July, 1742, took up the pen in defense ofthe course pursued by Mr, Davenport, who had been severely censured in reso lutions emanating from the associated churches of Boston and Charies- town in Massachusetts.' _ The principal accessions to the church of Mr. Adams were in 1741 from May to September inclusive. In this period eighty mem bers were received ; during the next three months only four. The Seceders, however, kept up the life and fervor of their zeal for two or three years : and their meetings continued fo be marked " with great cryings out of many." The magistrates of the town some times interfered with warnings and reproofs but m general they were allowed to conduct their worship in their own way. Early in March, 1743, Mr. Davenport again visited New London ; sent hither with a message from God, as he averred, to purify the Uttle company of Separatists from some evUs that had crept in amonn- them. His mind was in a state of fervid exaltation, amount ing to frenzy. Bodily ailments and overstrained faculties had so dis ordered his reason that he could no longer keep within the bounds of order and propriety. On Sunday evening March 6th, a strange scene was exhibited. This was the time of the burning of the books ; which has been regarded as the most conspicuous instance of fanati cism which occurred in New England during this period of religious enthusiasm. Of this transaction unfortunately, no account has been left by an eye-witness.^ According to report, Mr. Davenport preached one of his impet uous exclamatory sermons on the necessity of forming.'a pure church. In order to do this the candidates must cast away every kind of idol ; and as one species of idolatry, he denounced certain religious books which had been worshiped as guides, and exalted into standards of faith, but which, he said, contained false doctrines and misled men to 1 Great Awakening, p. 244. 2 Hempstead, whose diary has been so often quoted ¦vtas at this time at Long Island, Onthe preceding Sabbath, (Feb, 27tb,) he had heard Mr. Davenport hold forth at Southold and his description of the service prepares the mind to beUeve that he might reach any degree of extravagance. He says, " The^j-aying was without form or comeUness," HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 455 their ruin. He urged his hearers with great vehemence, to cast away, burn up, and utterly destroy every object which had been re garded with idolatrous veneration. The power of Mr. Davenport over the sympathies of an audience, was very great, and at the close of his service when a call was made upon the people immediately to purify themselves by renouncing idolatry, the whole congregation res ponded to the proposition. It was then proposed to repair to a cer tain place, each with his idol and his heretical books, and there to make a bonfire and utterly consume them. This extravagant de mand was acceded to with enthusiasm and alacrity. A fire was im mediately kindled upon the open space near the town wharf, fronting the house of Mr. Christophers, where it is probable the sermon was preached, and thither in the dusk of night hastened a throng of in fatuated people of both sexes, each with books, or sermons, or some article pleasing to the sight or engaging to the thoughts of its owner, which he, or she, with loud ejaculations of prayer or praise, cast vehemently into the fire. Women, it is said, came with their ornamental attire, their hoops, calashes and satin cardinals ; men with their silk stockings, em broidered vests and buckles. Whatever they had esteemed and cherished as valuable must now be sacrificed. Most of the articles were of a nature to be quickly consumed, but the heavy books lay long upon the smoldering heap, and some of them were even adroitly rescued by lookers on, though in a charred condition. A copy of Russell's Seven Sermons, which was abstracted from the embers with one corner burnt off, was long preserved as a memorial of this erratic proceeding. This ebullition of misguided zeal appears to have operated on the troubled minds of those engaged in it, like a storm upon the moody atmosphere, dispersing the mists, calming the air, and cooling the temperature. From this period the New Light party in New Lon don took reason and discretion for their guides and interpreted more soberly the suggestions of conscience and the commands of Scripture. Reports of what had been done however, flew abroad on the wings of the wind, and all the regular clergy were alarmed. The burning of books so lughly esteemed in the country, works of eminent dis senters and other evangeUcal divines, was almost considered sacrilege. On the 30th of March a council of ministers met at the house of Mr. Adams to solace him under his trials with their advice and sym pathy, and to consult respecting "the disorders subsisting among those called New Lights." The ministers present were Edwards of 456 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Northampton, WilUams of Lebanon, Lord of Norwich, Meacham ol Coventry, Pomeroy of Hebron, BeUamy of Woodbury, Rosseter o: Stonington and the younger Buel of Coventry. On the Slst Mr Edwards preached a sermon very suitable to the times, as bearing witness against the prevailing disorders, caused by enthusiasm."' After which a great concourse of people repaired to the court-house where the actors in the scene of burning the books were to have their trial ; writs having been filed against them on the plea of pro faning the Sabbath. " At a Court held in New London, in the county of New London March 31st 1743, and continued by adjournment to the Sth of April, 1743, Present J Hempstead justice of the Peace, ^ John Curtiss, Timothy Allen, Christopher Christophers, Daniel Shapley Tuthill, and Sweasy being arrested and brought before this Court (upon th( presentment of one of the grand-jurors of our Lord the King) to answer to th( complaint exhibited against thera, for that the persons aforesaid did on the 6tl day of March instant, being Sabbath or Lord's Day gather theraselves togethe: with divers other persons unknown, (being sorae of thera inhabitants of Nev London, and sorae of thera transient persons) in the Town Street in NewLon don aforesaid, near the dwelling-house of Edward Robinson of New London and being so gathered together did there and then profane said day by kindlin; a fire in or near the street aforesaid and by throwing into said flre sundry goo( and useful treatises, books of practical godliness, the works of able divines and whilst said books were consuraing in the fiaraes, did shout, hollow am scream, &c, (as per writ dated March 29th, 1743,) " And the parties defend ; say they are not guilty ; and for plea say that the; are members of a Society allowed by the Statutes of William and Mary iu th first year of their reign to worship God according to their own consciences, ii a way different from that established in, and by the laws of this Colony am were most of them qualified at the County Court in this County before the da aforesaid, according to said statutes, and the rest were by thera then called t assist as teachers and persons to join in worship with said Society ; that on th day raentioned in the writ, they all with many others were asserabled for woi ship accordingly and that they in their consciences were then persuaded the heretical books in their custody ought publicly to be burned, that they accord ingly burned those they thought to be such, that the same was solemnized wit prayer, and singing praises to God, and that nothing in itself iraraoral was con mitted' by them therein — that in that burning, praying and singing in such the separate society, was what they then judged in their consciences Duty an agreeable to the word of God, Acts 19, 19, and is the same raentioned in tli writ, and no other things were done, nor with other view or raotive, " The case is considered and it is the opinion of this Court that they are a 1 Hempstead, 2 Copied verbatim from a report of the case found among the papers of the justii who presided. % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 457 of them severaUy guilty of the profanation of the Sabbath, or Lord's Day, con trary to the laws of this Colony, and therefore give judgment that they the said John Curtis, &c, pay a fine of five shiUings each and the cost of prosecution; taxed at £1, 18s, Sd, to be proportionably paid between them being 6s, SJd, each Old Tenor, In Lawful raoney the fine for each is 15rf, and the part of the charge to each 1 shilling 7}d." " C, Christophers paid his part in Court, and John Curtis to constable Burch, It wiU be observed that here is not a hint given that aught was cast into the fire except books. This being the most heinous part of the ofi'ense, it was the only count mentioned in the indictment. We have Davenport's own admission that articles of apparel formed part of the heap. Nevertheless rumor and imagination have .without doubt greatly embellished the scene. One thing is certain— this Uttle company of enthusiasts never ac complished their favorite idea of forming a pure church under a divmely appomted teacher. They fasted and prayed, once it is said for three successi-ve days, hoping that God by some sensible token would point out the man to preside over them ; but no sign was granted, nor could they ever agree upon a leader. Mr. Allen left them soon after the burning of the books. In a few years the society ceased to exist, but several of the members united with a smaU com pany of Separatists that assembled in the western part of the town under the leading of Nathan Howard.' Mr. Davenport was ordered by the General Assembly to leave the colony and prohibited by penalties from returning. He subsequently recovered from his delusion, confessed his errors, and wrote a recan tation, which was published in Boston in 1744. In this tract he particularly deplores and condemns the burning of the books and clothes in New London, an act which he admits originated with him, and in the execution of which he took a prominent part. It is now allowed that Mr. Davenport was a man of piety and talent, very powerful and persuasive in his pulpit efforts, and setting aside these four or five years of enthusiasm in which he seemed transported into the regions of fanaticism, and in a manner beside 1 " A leading woman among these New Lights formed a small party whose distin guishing tenet was celibacy aud went so far as to separate man and wife ; however she was the first to marry, and her little party mostly joined the Moravians, The leading lady becoming a widow turued to the Muggletonians of whom a small party was formed here, headed by one Champlin from Eliode Island, and now supported by Roger Gibson from Glasgow," [The above extract is from a manuscript of Bev- Henry Channing written about 1790,] 39 458 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. himself, his life was passed in usefulness, peace and honor. Mi-. Allen also, appears to have been carried through the storm without shipwreck and wafted into the pacific sea. He was a young man at the time that he presided in the Shepherd's Tent, and after that event officiated with acceptance in the sacred office for nearly sixty years.' The historian of Connecticut, TrumbuU, gives the following ac count of the burning of the books. "In New London they roade a large fire to burn their books, clothes and ornaments, which they called their idols; and which they determined to for sake ai.d utterly put away. This imaginary work of piety and self-denial they undertook on the Lord's day and brought their clothes, books, necklaces and jewels together in the main street. They began with burning their erroneous books ; dropping them one after another into the fire, pronouncing these words ; " If the author of this book died in the sain,e sentiments and faith in which he wrote it, as the smoke of this pile ascends, so the sraoke of his torment will ascend forever and ever. Hallelujah! Araen!" But they were prevented from burning their clothes and jewels. John Lee of Lyme, told them his idols were his wife and children, and that hetcould not burn them ; it would be contrary to the laws of God and man : That it was impossible to destroy idolatry wilh- out a change of heart, and of the affections." It is understood that the historian derived his account from tradi tion and the detail is undoubtedly as accurate as could be obtained from that source, sixty years after the transaction. But the impre cations said to have been uttered may be reasonably doubted. In that day such language would probably have been construed into blasphemy and made a strong point in the indictment, which, how ever, under this head, charges the offenders with nothing worse, than shouting and screaming ; and they in their plea, admit only that they accompanied the sacrificial rite, with prayer an'd singing praise to God. In the History of Connecticut, usually accredited to Rev. Samuel Peters, of Hebron, the chief agency in burning the idols is ascribed to Whitefield, who is represented as crying out from the pulpit : 1 In the year 1800, he was pastor of a church in Chesterfield, M.iss. ; aged eighty- five. One of the charges exhibited against him in the trying time, and for which he was suspended by the ecclesiastical body to which he belonged, was, that he had compared the Scriptures to an old almanac. This, which was spread through the land to his discredit, was not, according to his own exphuiatiou, made in his defense, a fair statement of his wonls. He had said, " The reading of the Holy Scriptures without the concurring influence and operation of the Spirit of God -wdU no more convert a sinner than the reading of an old almanac," Tho manner of expression he himself afterwards lamented. ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 459 " Repent — do violence to no man — part with your self-righteousness, your silk gowns and laced petticoats — bum your riifUes, necklaces, jewels, rings, tinselled waistcoats; your morality and your bishop's books— this very night or damnation will be your portion belore the morning dawn." " The people," sajs the historian, " rather through fear than faith, instantly went out on the common, and prepared for heaven by burning all the above- enuraernted goods, excepting their seif-righteousness, which was exchanged for the preacher's velvet breeches^'' It is scarcely necessary to state that the association of Whitefield with this scene, is inaccurate, and that the whole account is a bur lesque. Mr. Whitefield's first visit to New London county was in 1745, two years after the book-burning. Some minutes of his preach ing and progress in this vicinity, may appropriately be connected -with the subject of this chapter. In the course of Whitefield's tour through New England, in the summer of 1745, he arrived at Norwich August 1st, and remained there several days. He preached in the North Parish of New Lon don August 9th, and in New London town-plot, the 10th, taking for his text, 1 Peter, U. 7, first clause of the verse. On Sunday, 11th, he preached twice in the open air, standing under an oak-tree, in his travehng chair, the horse having been taken from it. We are not informed where this oak-tree stood, but most probably it was near the old meeting-house, on some part of the present Town Square. His morning text was from Rom. xiii. 14, first part: afternoon. Rev. Ui. 20. The assembly was large ; people from Norwich, Stonington and Lyme, attended. The next day he went to Lyme, followed by crowds, who could not be satisfied without hearing more of his rich eloquence. His wife came through town toward night, on her way to join him. She was in a chaise, accompanied by two men on horses, and lodged at Solomon Miner's, on the way to the Rope Ferry. From Lyme, the whole party crossed over to Long Island.' Before Mr. Whitefield again visited New London, his intimate friend the Rev. Jonathan Barber, had been settled as minister in the neighboring town of Groton. Mr. Barber was born at West Spring field, Mass., January Slst, 1712;= graduated at Yale College 1730. In 1734, he was employed as a missionary among the Mohegans. In 1740,' he .met with Whitefield, and being favorably incUned to- 1 Hempstead, 2 From his grave-stone in Groton, 460 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ward him beforehand, became almost immediately his disciple, his admirer, his associate, his devoted, loving and beloved friend.' Whitefield returned his affection with ardor, and persuaded him to take charge of the Orphan House, estabUshed by him in Florida. Here he remained about seven years. Returning to the north, Mr. Barber was ordained at Oyster Ponds, Nov. 9th, 1757, but not set tled over any church.^ He was instaUed over the first or South So ciety in Groton, Nov. 3d, 1758. Mr. Whitefield again visited New London in 1763. He crossed the Sound from Long Island, Monday, Feb, 6th, and preached on Wednesday evening, in the Congregational meeting-house, from PhU. i. 21. The next day he proceeded to Boston.^ In June of the same year, he returned from Boston by way of Providence. He traveled in his chariot, and stopped in Groton at the house of Mr. Barber, where he was received as a welcome and much honored guest. Notice had been given of his coming, and at ten o'clock next mom ing he preached, standing on a scaffolding that had been extended for the purpose, on a level with the second story of Mr. Barber's house, and upon which he stepped from the chamber window. All the area around was thronged with the audience. Many people had left home the day before, or had traveled all night to be upon the spot. - At the conclusion of his discourse, he entered his chariot and went on his way, a multitude of people accompanying him on horses, or following on foot to Groton ferry, four miles. After crossing the ferry he was received by a similar crowd on the Town wharf. He remained in town but an hour, and then proceeded on his journey to the south.' This was his third and last visit to New London. Mr. Barber's house, where Mr. Whitefield preached, is still stand ing, in the viUage which is now called Center Groton. Down to the year 1832, when the house was occupied by a daughter of Mr. Bar ber, an original portrait of the eloquent preacher, his own gift to his friend, still hung against the parlor wall. Mr. Barber was an enthusiast : he had associated not only with Whitefield, but very much with Davenport. Many excellent men in 1 See an interesting account of the first meeting of Whitefield and Barber, in Tracy's Great Awakening, p, 85, 2 Prime's Long Island, p, 136. 3 New London Gazette. i Hempstead, ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 461 that day, were beUevers in impressions, impulses and ecstacies.' Imagination was trusted more than judgment, and transports of feel ing were valued beyond the decisions of reason. Such a state of things naturaUy tends to destroy the equiUbrium of the character. Despair, melancholy, mania, are but a step distant from the reUgious enthusiast. The last years of Mr. Barber were passed under a thick cloud ; his reason obscured ; the healthy tone of his mind destroyed. In this state of alienation, dark, distressed and melancholy, he sud denly died Oct. Sth, 1783. He had not preached for nearly twenty years. The society record says, " he was taken from his usefulness in the last part of the year 1765." 1 Great Awakening, p, 100, 39* CHAPTER XXVII. Change of style.— A Spanish vessel long detained in New London and part of its cargo stolen.-Execution of Sarah Bramble.-Col. Washington in town.- Another raemorial on fortification.-The French Neutrals.-Incidents of the war.-The Greens, a faraily of printers.-Issue of the New London Sum mary.— Loyalty,— Lotteries.— Various articles of intelligence. Issue of the New London Gazette.-The British ship Cygnet.-Barberries.— Pope-day. Revenue oppression. — Trade, It is weU known that in the month of September, 1752, an inter ruption occurs in the dates, occasioned by the correction of the style. Hempstead's diary, next after September 2d, has the foUowing entry : " Sept, 14, 1752.— Fair:— and such a day as we never had before ! By act of Parliament to bring Old Style into New Style, eleven days is taken out of this month at this place, and then the tirae to go on as heretofore.'' On the 26th of November, 1752, a Spanish vessel struck on Bart let's Reef, a little west of the harbor of New London, and sustained so much injury as to be rendered entirely helpless. Capt. Richard Durfey, in the custom-house barge, went out to her relief. She was found to be of that description of vessel called a snow ; of two hun dred tuns burden ; with a crew of forty men, and named " the St. Joseph and St. Helena." On her voyage homeward from the gulf of Mexico to Cadiz, she had encountered severe gales, and was so much damaged that her commander had bent his course toward New London to refit, and was endeavoring to enter the harbor, when the accident occurred. She was richly freighted with indigo, and other valuable products of the Spanish colonies, and had on board sundry chests, boxes and kegs of gold and silver, in bulUon and coin. It was necessary to lighten the ship, and Capt. Durfey brought away thirty- seven chests of dollars, and three 'of gold in doubloons, with other goods, which were stored in the cellar of Cf^ SaltonstaU's dweUing- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 463 house in Main Street. All the forms of law were satisfied in the way of taking evidences, acknowledgments, and receipts, and a guard of six men was detailed to watch the money. The arrival in port of so large a treasure, magnified and varied by rumor, threw the town into a ferment, and the report of it ran like wild-fire through the country. The violent and lawless part of the community were eager to get a portion of it, either by fair means or foul. The snow being lightened, fioated from the reef, and was towed up to the wharf, where she was unladen, and the remainder of her goods stored in Robert Sloan's warehouse, near the Town wharf, with a guard of four men to keep watch over them. And now a controversy arose between the colonial and the custom house officers, whicii party should have the custody of the treasure. The govemor, having had prompt advice of the situation of the for eign vessel, had commissioned Col. Saltonstall to act for the colony ; but the collector, Joseph Hull,' Esq., claimed the whole cognizance of the affair. He and his assistant, Mr. Chew, proceeding to make an appraisement and examination of the cargo, were met by the re fusal of Col. Saltonstall to deliver up that part of it which was in his charge. Violent disputes ensued, and a court of admiralty was called to decide the question. The session was held in the court-house, De cember 18th, and the judge, deciding in favor of the custom-house, issued an order to Mr. Hull to liave the Spanish effects appraised and taken into his custody. On the 28th, Mr, HuU, with the judge's order in his keeping, ac companied by a justice of the peace and a throng of followers, some armed with clubs, and himself fiourishing a naked cutlass, proceeded to the house of Col. SaltonstaU, and demanded the treasure. The laltter, having received the governor's commands to keep the goods tiU further order should be given, was prepared to contest the point. They found his house surrounded by an armed guard, and two con stables at the gate, one of whom read the riot act to the approaching company, and ordered them to disperse. Violent altercation, but no bloodshed ensued; the invaders gave up the point, and departed, though in great anger.^ The snow, upon examination, was condemned as unseaworthy ; and the severity of winter now coming on, the Spaniards abandoned aU hope of departing tiU another year's sailing-time should come round. 1 Erroneously, HiU, in TrumbuU's History of Connecticut. 2 " Much roUed,'- is Hempstead's expression. 464 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Eariy m the spring of 1753, a vessel was procured for them ; and no good reason seems to be given why they did not forthwith demand their goods and put to sea. At least, the cause of the detention is not now known. According to TrumbuU's account, a part of the cargo was shipped on the 23d of April, and nothing appeared but that the whole was ready for delivery at that time. It would have been a reUef to the town to have them depart ; for the business kept the authorities of the place embroiled, and coUis- ions frequently took place between the Spanish crew, and the low part of the populace with whom they associated ; so that street fights were frequent. Delays, however, took place ; and when at last Don Joseph Miguel de St, Juan, the supercargo, was ready to receive the remainder of his effects, they were not to be found. A portion of the money, a large part of the indigo, and some of the other goods were missing. The injured foreigner demanded his property of the col lector ; he knew nothing about it : of Col. SaltonstaU ; he was equaUy ignorant : no one knew aught of the matter ; all were in the dark. The Spaniard was resolute, not to depart without his fuU cargo, or its equivalent. He spent the summer in waiting, soUciting, threat ening and demanding, but obtained no redress. In October, he pre sented a memorial to the Legislature, stating the facts, demanding indemnity, and throwing the case upon the colony for adjudication. It was his plan, since he could not obtain the whole of the cargo, to reland the remainder, deUver it into the hands of the authorities, dis charge his crew, and go home to his sovereign with his complaints, leaving the colony responsible for the whole concern. The Assembly declined to interfere any further than to empower the governor to aid in a public search after the missing treasure. It was due to the reputation of individuals, to the town and to the colony, that the whole affau- should have been thoroughly investiga ted; Governor Wolcott' was censured for not showing more activity 1 According to TrumbuU, the unpopularity growing out of this aflTair, lost Wolcott his election the next year, A political ballad of rather later date, (probably never printed) has this verse : " Who next succeeded to the helm -Was stately smoking Roger: The same to Cape Breton had been, But was no seaman or soldier. During his cruise a Danish Snow Fired on him a broad-side. Sir, He received a wound by a golden baU, And of that wound he died. Si*' HISTORY OP NEAT LONDON. 465 in behalf of the foreigners ; Col. Saltonstall for not having safely kept the treasure ; the town authorities for not preventing the rob bery, and Mr. Hull for taking no better care of property intrusted to him. The country was agitated with rumors that enhanced the value of the efi'ects embezzled, and increased the numbers of the guilty. That the foreigners had been robbed was too evident to be dispu ted ; and suspicion very naturally fell upon the watchmen appointed to guard the treasure. Among those who had been on guard at Col. Saltonstall's, were four young men upon whom rumor fixed — and it was soon whispered around that they had been furtively traced in the hush of night, to the recesses of Cedar Swamp, in the rear of the town, and there, upon a knoll of dry ground, they had been seen di viding, by lantern-light, a shining heap of gold. These men were arrested, together with a fifth person, supposed to be a receiver and confederate. An examination took place before the magistrates, and one of the men turning evidence for the prosecution, related the whole affair. He stated that they were on guard at Col. Salton stall's ; that the treasure was kept in a vault or inner cellar, between strong stone walls ; but the weather being inclement, the guard were aUowed to take shelter in an outer ceUar, where beer was provided for their refreshment. The contiguity to so much gold, fired them to possess it, and yielding to the temptation, they laboriously dug under the partition of the stone-waU, and with ropes and hooks con trived to extract a box in which was about an equal amount in bulk, of gold and silver — the silver in doUars, and the gold chiefly in doub loons — a thousand of the former, and flve times that value of the lat ter. Having obtained the treasure, they hastened to Cedar Swamp, and digging a hole upon Grifiing's Island,' they poured out the gold and buried it, and hurrying back with the box, fiUed it with stones and gravel, and replaced it in the vault from which it had been ab stracted, carefully filling up the hole, and obliterating aU traces of their crimmal night work. Afterward, at their leisure, they exhumed their gold and divided it, each ' concealing his portion in some place unknown to the others. This was not the only robbery said to be committed upon the un fortunate Spaniards. During the night of December 16th, 1753, Sloan's warehouse was broken open, and several ceroons of mdigo 1 A name given to a knoU of upland m the heart of Cedar Swamp. 466 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. abstracted. That part of the cargo that had been shipped, was also found to be diminished ; indigo and bags of doUars had been carried off" while the vessel lay at the wharf. Such were the tales dissemina ted by rumor, but they were undoubtedly much exaggerated. It is probable that the thefts were all petty, except that at the SaltonstaU cellar. Three other persons, however, were arrested and impris oned. But early in the spring, before any trial of the culprits had taken place, they escaped from confinement and fled. It appears that the whole company were kept in one apartment, and iron crows being furnished them from without, in the night of March 11th, 1754, they broke down the door of the jail, and making directly for the river, seized the first boat they found, and rowed out of the harbor without being pursued. They were eight in number, but this in cluded one or two that had been arrested on other charges. What became of them afterward is not known. No vigorous attempts were made either to retake the fugitives, or recover the treasure. Unfor tunately many persons had loose notions concerning the fraud and dishonesty of the act. It was Spanish property, in custody of an oflicer of the king's customs : at the worst the king would have to pay for it ; it was but cheating the king, that is to say, the revenue, which was no worse than smuggling, and many were guilty of that, who passed for honest men. By this delusive mode of arguing, the culprits who had carried off the ingots pf the Spanish sovereign, were shielded from the obloquy and punishment they merited. The Spanish commander had not failed to transmit to his sovereign an account of the difflculties in which he was involved ; and in con sequence, a complaint was carried from the court of Madrid to that of St. James, against the colony of Connecticut and the king's officers at New London. A ship of war, the Triton, of forty guns, was imme diately sent by the British ministry, with dispatches to the province, and orders to remain in or near the harbor, and render assistance if necessary.- The Triton arrived in port early in November ; a Span ish merchant came also as agent from his court with full power to act in the premises. The General Assembly likewise issued a com mission to Jonathan Trumbull and Roger Wolcott, to repair to New London, investigate the whole affair and bring it to a just issue. By the united endeavors of all these parties, th'e matter was somehow ac commodated, but the result is all that is known of their action. The remaining cargo of the St. Joseph was stowed on board of a vessel provided by the Spaniards, in charge of Don Miguel de St. Juan, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 467 which left New London during the flrst week in January, 1755.' The commissioners having seen all accounts settled, left New Lon don on the 9th ; the Spanish agent took passage in the Triton, Capt. Whitford, which left the harbor on the 25th of the same month. It was scarcely to be expected that this affair would here terminate. Future trouble to the colony, arising out of it, was apprehended. Nations have sometimes plunged into war on slighter grounds ; yet it seems to have been overlooked and forgotten by the powers on the other side of the ocetm. New London as a town had nothing to do with this affair, and its records do not contain a single reference to it. It was regarded as belonging to the admiralty, and business of that description, being usually contested between the colony and the cus tom-house, there was but a slight chance of its being well managed. The specie thus fraudulently obtained from the Spaniards, came forth very gradually from its hiding-places, and crept into circulation. Some of it buried in swamps and outlands, may have been irrecover ably lost. Some Spanish dollars were at one time dug up at low water mark in Water Street, that were supposed to have belonged to the St. Joseph. A stone pitcher fllled with doubloons, was found several years afterward, by two negro lads, in Cape Ann Lane. While engaged in ferreting out a rabbit, they threw down a part of the wall, and found the golden prize secreted below. This had prob ably been the portion of one of the four young men who had gone into exUe. The two lads very judiciously lodged their treasure in the hands of a friend, who purchased their freedom with a portion of it, and divided the remainder with exact justice between them. It did them no good, however ; they spent it in dissipation, and acquired by it habits of idleness and improvidence. Such chance treasures are seldom beneflcial to the finder. Other deposits of the Spanish money are said to have been found, by one and another, who, however, kept their good luck as secret as possible. It was only discovered, or inferred from circumstances. If a poor man rather suddenly became possessed of funds for which his neicrhbors could not account, was able to purchase land or build a house, the readiest supposition was that he had found a box of Span ish dollars or a bag of doubloons. 1 The whole history of this afi-airis placed by TmmbnU under the rminmg date of 1753, As above stated the Spaniards came into the harbor m November, 1752, and the town and colony were kept m a state of tumultuous agitation, untU they departed m January, 1755, 468 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. The indigo of the St. Joseph is said to have been carried into the country and sold by peddlers. Stories were circulated of a white mare that was led about from place to place far into the interior, with its sides blue with the indigo that had sifted through the pan niers. The burlesque ^and romantic incidents growing out of this affair, ought not to blunt our conviction of the turpitude of the rob bery. Every generous mind must regret that a company of foreign ers, coming hither in distress, and throwing themselves upon our hospitality for aid and protection, should have been thus wantonly plundered. November 21st, 1753, Sarah Bramble was executed in a cross highway that leads out of the main road to Norwich, about two miles north of the town plot. This path has ever since been known as Gallows Lane. It is a rugged, wild and dreary road, even at the present day. The fearful machine was erected in the highest part of the road, and all the hills and ledges around must have been covered with the spectators. It was computed that 10,000 assembled on this occasion ; some of them probably came twenty or thirty miles to witness this repulsive exhibition. The gloom of the weather added another dismal feature to the scene, a drizzly rain continuing most of the day. This is the only public execution of any white person that ever took place in New London. The crime of the unhappy woman was the murder of her infant illegitimate child, on the day of its birth. It was committed in April, 1752, and she was tried by the superior court the next September. But the jury disagreeing in their ver dict, she was kept imprisoned another year, and sentenced October 3d, 1753. She declined hearing the sermon intended for her benefit, which was preached by Rev. Mr. Jewett, before the execution. The year 1755 was marked by another rupture between England and France. The Hempstead diary mentions (April 1st) the arri val of Governor Shiriey and suite, on their way to Vkginia, to meet General Braddock. Recruiting olflcers were about that time busy in the place, and soldiers were sent off- under Capt. Henry Babcock, to join the army of the frontier. The news of Braddock's defeat was brought by a special post, bound to the eastward; July 22d, and ac counts of the battle at Lake St. Sacrament, (now caUed Lake George,) arrived September 16th. In Mt#ch, 1756, Colonel Wash- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 469 ington was twice in town, tarrying a night, both in going and return ing from Boston. " March Sth, Colonel Washington is returned frora Boston and gone to Long Island, in Powers' sloop ; he had also two boats to carry six horses and his retinue, all bound to Virginia He hath been to advise with Governor Shirley, or to be directed by him, as he is chief general of the Araerican forces," [Hempstead,] Two days after the transient visit of Washington, we find the in habitants assembled in town meeting to discuss the oft-recurring question of fortifying the harbor. It was resolved to present a me morial on the subject to the General Assembly. The colonial treas ury, however, was not sufficiently replenished to allow of the neces sary disbursements, and no aid was obtained from this source. The next spring, (March Sth, 1757,) a vote was passed to apply to the Right Honorable John, Earl of Loudon, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of his majesty's forces in America. A memo rial was accordingly drafted, representing the defenseless state of the town and harbor, entreating him to afford such aid as he should judge meet, and soliciting his kind offices in stating their case to his ma jesty. It is probable that this memorial was not presented. It may be thought that these applications to powers abroad ; the high-toned remonstrances and threatened appeals to the king, which occur in the course of our history, display an overweening self-im portance on the part of the inhabitants. But some apology may be found in the imminence of their danger, and what appeared to them the apathy of the home administration, in regard to their case. The town was not, perhaps, a favorite in the colony : unlike others, it always had a populace; it frequently voted wrong ; harbored foreign ers ; was often boisterous and contentious ; manners were too free ; actions too unpulsive : in short, it had less of the Puritan stamp than any other place in Connecticut. Coincident with the action respecting the memorial to Lord Lou don, the case of " the French -people," was discussed. The selectmen were desired to find accommodations for them at some distance from town, and to see that they were kept at some suitable employment. These persons were the French neutrals, that had been dispossessed of their homes in Nova Scotia, and were scattered in small and lonely bands all over New England. A vessel with 300 on board came into New London harbor, January 21st, 1756. Another vessel, thronged with these unhappy exiles, that had saUed from Halifax early m the 40 470 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. year, and being blown off the coast, took shelter in Antigua, came from thence under convoy of a man-of-war, and arrived in port May 22d. Many in this last vessel were sick and dying of the small-pox. Probably more of these neutrals were disembarked at New Lon don than at any other port , in New England. A special Assembly convened by the governor, January 21st, 1756, to dispose of these foreigners, distributed the 400, then on hand, among aU the towns in the colony, according to their list. The regular proportion of New London was but twelve, yet many others afterward gathered here. Some of the neutrals were subsequently returned to« their former homes. In 1767, Capt. Richard Lefflngwell sailed from New Lon don with 240, to be reconveyed to their country. The clearing of Nova Scotia from the French, opened the way for the introduction of English colonists. Between this period and the Revolution, the tide of emigration set thitherward from New Eng land, and particularly from Connecticut. Menis, Amherst, DubUn and other towns in that province, received a large proportion of their first planters from New London county. The campaigns of 1756 and 1757 demanded yet more and more soldiers from New England. The diary so often quoted contains some allusions to the war, which will serve to show how far New London was interested in the enUstments and in the privateering business to which the war gave life. May 10th, 1758, " I was at Col, Lee's' to take leave of some of ray neigh bors who are going in the expedition to Crown Point ; only thirty marched oif; they are waiting for arms from Boston." May 16th. " Two sloops are transporting Boston soldiers to Albany." May 30th. " It is sickly at the camp at Fort Edward." November 1st. " Training of the first and second companies, to enlist ten men, five out of each company, and a large subscription made, to be equally divided between thera.'' May 15th, 1757, "Capt. Leet^ came in from a six months' cruise; no prize." June 12th. " Capt. David Muraford, in a New London privateer, feU down to Harbor's Mouth." June 17th. " A prize schooner taken by David Mumford', from the French, in latitude 33" arrived." 1 This was Col. Stephen Lee, of Lyme, but at that tirae resident iu New London, where he had man-led Mary, reUct of John Picket. 2 Capt. Daniel Leet, originally from Guilford, He married Mehitabel SaveU, of New London. Miss SaUy Leet, the venerable daughter of this couple, is yet hving, and though nearly 100 years of age, appears stUl to enjoy Ufe. 3 Frora the newspapers of that day it is asoertainefthat Capt, Mumford was after ward taken by the French, and carried in to Martinico. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 471 August Sth, " This morning before sunrise, a post came in from the Gov ernor and informs that Fort William Henry was invaded on Wednesday last, with 11,000 French and Indians, thirty cannon and some mortars, 4,500 Cana dians, as many Indians, and 2,000 regnlars.''i August 11th, " One quarter ofthe whole militia of the town raarched for Albany, to defend the country; Jonathan Latimer, captain; John Rogers, lieutenant," August 14th, " The melancholy news is confirmed of the loss of our upper fort at the Lake George or Sacrament," April Sth, 175S. " The first and second companies in arms to enlist soldiers for the expedition against Canada," June 10th, " Jonathan Latimer, Jr., and his company of soldiers entered on board a sloop at Gardiner's wharf, (to sail for Albany.) A French prize schooner is brought in by two privateers of Providence ; seventy-five tons, ten guns and seventy-five raen," The 18th of August, 1758, was distinguished in New London by a great and general rejoicing, on account of the surrender of Cape Bre ton to the EngUsh. More than 200 guns were fired from the fort, and the vessels in the harbor. The next day the festivities were continued, and in the midst of the general joy, Capt. James Gardiner, was accidentally kiUed.^ He was loading a cannon at the Harbor's Mouth battery, and while putting in a second charge, the piece went off, and laid him dead upon the spot. We have already adverted to the first printer in the colony of Con necticut, Thomas Short, who died in 1712. The governor and com pany invited Timothy Green, of Cambridge, to take his place. He accepted the offer and came with his family to New London about the year 1714. This was a valuable accession to the society of the town. Green was a benevolent and religious man, and was soon chosen deacon in the church. He was also a most agreeable com panion, on account of a native fund of humor and pleasantry always at his command. This is said to be a prevailing trait in the Green family. The house and printing-office of Deacon Green were in the upper part of Main Street.^ He died May 5th, 1757, aged seventy- eight. Deacon Green had five sons. Jonas, one of the oldest, and born before the family came to New London, settled in Maryland, and 1 An instance ofthe exaggeration of rumor, Montcalm's army is estimated by his torians at 8,000 or 9,000. 2 Capt, Gardiner had been out during the war ' cruising against the French, in a snow caUed the Lark, He was of the Newport family of Gardiners, and his wife Anne Eobinson, of New London, 3 On or near the spot where is now the dweUing-house of Nathaniel SaltonstaU. 472 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. was the second printer of that colony, reviving, in 1745, the land Gazette, which had been first printed by William Parke. Tim othy settled first as a printer in Boston, in partnership with Knee- land. Nathaniel and John, lived and died in New London, leaving no male posterity. Samuel, on arriving at maturity, was associated with his father in the printing business, but died before him, in May, 1752, leaving a family of nine chUdren, three of them sons. Imme diately after this event, Timothy Green, from Boston, removed to New London and took charge of the business, instructing the sons of his deceased brother Samuel in his art. These three sons all became printers. Timothy, the second, settled in New London, and estab Ushed the second newspaper in the colony,' the New London Sum mary, a small weekly half-sheet, first issued August Sth, 1758, and continued for five years and two months. The publication of the Summary covers a period, which those his torians who are admirers of military glory would call a shining page in the annals of the English colonier. Louisburg, Quebec, Montreal, taken ; all the French dominion on the northern frontier reduced, and a series of brilliant successes in the West Indies, in which the colonial troops had an honorable participation, mark this era. Enlist ments were the order of the day ; a band of volunteers from New London county were with the armament that effected the conquest of Martinico ; a stiU larger number joined in the expedition against Havanna. But the colonies were exhausted by efforts of this nature, and were still further perplexed and impoverished by the Uliberal restrictions laid by the mother country upon their trade. New London suffered largely in this line of calamity. Her ves sels, bound to the West Indies, before they could arrive at their port, were seized by British cruisers lying in wait, and sent into Jamaica, New Providence, or some other port for trial. Under pretense that they were engaged in what was called the flag of truce trade, mean ing an unlawful commerce with the king's enemies, many vessels and their cargoes were condemned and conflscated. Bankruptcies were the consequence. With New London, it was one of those stagnant and depressed periods to which aU seaports are liable, and which 1 The first newspaper In Connecticut was the Connecticut Gazette, cbmmJnced in New Haven Jan. 1st, 1755, by Parker and Holt— discontinued in 1767, and succeeded by the Connecticut Journal, established by Thomas and Samuel Green, the other sons of Samuel, of New London, deceased, Thomas had previously estabUshed the third newspaper of the colony, the Connecticut Courant, in Jfartford, 1764, See Thomas' History of Printing, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 473 they will continue to experience while the rivalry and wars of na tions exist. Not only fortunes were cut down, but famiUes were thinned. In tracing the lines o/ genealogy, we flnd groups of names that can be traced no further than maturity. The records do not teU of their children ; their graves are not found in our burial-places. All we know is that they disappear from their places, and a knowl edge of the history of the times leads us to suppose that they fell miserable victims to those terriflc expeditions, to the north or the south, which often came for their deadly tribute, drawing life-blood from the heart of the country. September Sth, 1760, Montreal surrendered to Gen. Amherst ; the entire reduction of Canada was involved in the capitulation. This event was celebrated at New London, September 22d. The bells were rung ; the guns of the battery, and smaller pieces in other parts of the town, thundered forth their joy, and in the evening there was a general illumination of the houses. Oct. SOth was celebrated as a day of public thanksgiving, in honor of this event, both in Mas- sashusetts and Connecticut. The sermon at New London, preached by Rev. Wm. Adams, was pubUshed. The interests of America were then more intimately connected with European politics than at the present time. The successes of the Prussian monarch gave general satisfaction. The victory over Mar shal Daun, November 3d, was celebrated by a pubUo rejoicing in New London, in the early part of January, when the news of the event was received. Feb. 2d, 1761, George III. was proclaimed. No. 132 ofthe Sum mary, contains an account of the festivities of the day. " The civil officers, officers of the customs and admiralty, ministers of the gospel and every gentleman in town whose health would allow of his being abroad," assembled. The proclamation was read by the high sheriff, and assented to, "with sincerity of heart and voice, by everyone present." The whole company dined together. " The health of his majesty, and may he Uve long and reign happily over us," was drank with a royal salute of twenty-one guns. Other toasts, heartily echoed, ^ere— the glorious king of Prussia; Mr. Pitt; General Amherst ; and success to the grand expedition. At night, sky-rockets went up, and bonfires illumined the town. The king's birth-day appears to have been, for several years after this period, duly and heartily celebrated, sometimes by a public din ner, and at others, by private entertainments. Perhaps the last time that the wanuig popularity of the sovereign elicited this demonstra- 40* 474 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. tion of hfahj, was June 4th, 1767. On that day, CoL Harry Bab- eock, of Westerly, gave a great dinner at his residence to various gentlemen from the neighboring towns. , A field-piece, planted m his garden, responded to the toasts as they were drank. A very popular mode of raising money at this period, was by lotte ries. Churches and bridges were erected, streets repaired, and other public works were carried on by lottery ; and sometimes individuals largely indebted, were authorized to satisfy their creditors in the same way. Conspicuous instances of this mode of settling an involved es tate, occurred in New London, in the cases of Robert Sloan and Matthew Stewart, merchants, ¦ who had suffered severely from the war, their vessels being cut off by French privateers. The Legisla ture granted a lottery to the trustees of Mr. Sloan's estate in 1758, and to those of Mr. Stewart in 1759. Four extensive farms belong ing to the latter, were thus converted into money. They were sur veyed into fifty-'four lots, and appraised at £9,698. The lottery con sisted of these fifty-four land prizes, and two thousand money prizes of forty-eight shillings each. Tickets twenty-four shillings. In 1760, a lottery was granted to build a light-house at the en trance of New London Harbor,' This was the first light-house upon the Connecticut coast. Near the rocky ledge chosen for its site, members of the Harris family have dwelt since the first generation from the settlement. The particular spot on which the house was erected, was sold to the governor and company by Nathaniel Shaw, Jr. It was part of the inheritance of his wife, Lucretia, only child of Daniel Harris. In 1801, this structure was superseded by anoth er, built by the general government, which had assumed the charge of the light-houses of the country. The beautiful beach along the mouth of the river, north of the light-house, was for many years used as a kind of quarantine ground. At various periods, the small-pox has been a scourge to the town. Between 1750 and 1760, vessels were continually arriving with this disease on board. The selectmen were the only health ofiicers, and it fell to them to dispose of the sick, and to the town to defray most of the charges. At the White Beach and Powder Island, such ves- 1 A Ught-house of some sort had previously been erected at the mouth of the hat hor. Allusions to it are found after 1750, bnt nothinethat shows when it was buUt, or how maintained. "W HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 475 OUS in- sels were usuaUy stayed, and there many a victim to the peril, fection, was cast into the earth as a thing utterly abhorred, In 1761, the first alms and workhouse was established. A house and land was purchased, on what is now known as Truman Street, (corner of BUnman,) and the expense covered by a penny tax on polls and assessments on persons who had encroached upon the highway. Some eight or ten conspicuous encroachments were thus compounded for and legalized, to the manifest detriment of the streets. This house was occupied by the town's poor till 1782, when it was discon tinued, and for several years paupers were provided for by contract. 1763. A town vote granted liberty to Wm. Potter, to build a wharf on the highway next north of the fort, for the benefit of the ferry, during the town's pleasure. This is now Ferry Wharf Dec. 1765. " Voted, that the thanks of the town be returned to Capt. Stephen Chappell, for extraordinary care and pains as sur veyor of highways, in discharging that office to so good satisfaction and applause, and that the vote be recorded in the town-book as a memorial to his honor." 1766. The flrst cart-bridge over Bream Cove was built this year; the contractor was Lieut. Christopher Reed. On the 19th of Novem ber, a bear was kUled on the Norwich road, three miles from town, near Wheeler's. It weighed two hundred and forty pounds — was dressed and brought into town to market. Hundreds, for the first time, tasted of bear's meat. 1767. This year the first fire-engine appeared in town. It was presented to the inhabitants by Nathaniel Shaw, Jr., who had pro cured it from Philadelphia.' A house was built for it upon the 1 In a letter from Shaw to his correspondent, Thomas Wharton of PhUadelphia, is the foUowing passage relating to this engine : " In Mr. Goddard's paper No. 9, I see that a Fire Engine is advertized for sale by Daniel EUy Esq, I should be obhged to you to engage it for me, if it be a good one, and ship by Capt, Harris," (Shaw's Letter Book,) 476 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Church land on the Parade, by permission of the wardens and vestry of the church. How this engine escaped the confiagration that de stroyed the church and a great part of the town, at the time of the British invasion in 1781, is not known. Perhaps it had been pre viously removed elsewhere. In June, 1785, after the incorporation of the city, this old engine, being inspected and found worthy of re pairs, was forwarded to New York for that end, and on its retum in 1786, a regular fire-company was established, to take charge of it. This was the first fire-company in town. Ebenezer Douglas was appointed captain, with authority to enlist twelve men, whom he was to exercise once a month. The city engaged to pay the personal highway-tax of those who enlisted. The New London Summary was discontinued in October, 1763, three weeks after the death of its publisher. Probably no entire copy of it is now extant. A glance at its advertisements wUl furnish us with hints from which, by comparison, we may estimate the ad vances made since that period. A trip to New York, in a packet schooner, was then an undertaking of some moment. " Sept. 26th, 1760, John Braddick will sail for New York in about six days. For freight or passage, agree with him at his house." In the next issue of the paper, (October 3d,) the same advertisement is continued, and, October 10th, under head of" Custom-house cleared out," is " Brad dick for New York.'' " Jan. SOth, 1761. No Boston maU this week." The most conspicuous stands for merchandise, were those of Jo seph Coit and Russell Hubbard, on the Bank, and WUliam Stewart, on the Parade. Roger Gibson, recently from Edinburgh, and Pat rick Thompson and Son were on Main Street, and Thomas AUen near the Ferry Wharf. Goods were curiously intermixed in the as sortments : " London babes" (dolls) and Kilmarnock caps stood side by side with Cheshire cheese. Amos Hallam kept a Lnuse of entertainment for gentlemen travelers, near the Ferry Wharf, sign of the Sun. Capt, Nathaniel Coit another, on Main Street, at the sign of the Red Lion. Dr. Thomas Coit was the principal physician. He had nearly the whole medical practice of the town for forty years, commencing soon after 1750. Richard Law was the most prominent attorney. He was a younger son of Governor Jonathan Law, of MUford ; graduated at Yale College, 1751 ; practiced law a short time in Milford, and settled in New London about 1757. • HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 477 A return of the shipping of the district of New London, (which it must be remembered included at this time the whole colony,) for the year 1761, gives the following result: Forty-five vessels, one thousand six hundred and sixty-eight tuns, forty guns, three hundred and eighty-seven men.^ In this list were eight brigs and brigantines, forty-five to sixty- eight tuns, seven schooners and thirty sloops. The guns belonged to two brigantines. King George and Britannia, (each fourteen,) and the schooner Fox, (twelve.) The Britannia had a crew of fifty men. Coasters and packets were not included — adding these, the whole Connecticut fleet amounted to about eighty sail. The above list is certifled by Joseph Hull, collector, Jeremiah Miller, naval officer, and Joseph Chew, surveyor. Hull is supposed to have come into office as successor to John Shackmaple, who died in 1743.^ Nicholas Lechmere was one of the naval officers of the port in 1750 ; but was afterward transferred to Newport, and made controller of the customs there. Jeremiah Miller was a grandson of Governor Saltonstall, and the only native of the town that is known to have held an office in the king's customs. Joseph Chew was an emigrant from Virginia, who settled in the place before 1750.^ In 1762, Thomas Oliver was appointed collector of the district. He was an EngUshman, who had been a resident of New London at intervals since 1747, and perhaps held some previous office under the king.* In 1764, he was superseded by the appointment of Duncan Stew- 1 The original is among the Trumbull papers in the Ubrary ofthe Mass, Hist. Soe, Boston. 2 This was the second John Shackmaple, His wife EUzabeth, daughter of Richard Christophers, married in 1754, Thomas Allen. Capt. John Shackmaple, of the third generation, died in 1767, and with him the male line in New London became extinct. 3 His father was Thomas Chew, of -Virginia, and his mother a daughter of Col. James Taylor, a gentleman who stands as progenitor to two of the Presidents of the United States— James Madison and Zachary Taylor. Mr. Chew, after his removal to New England, coiTcsponded with his cousin, the elder James Madison, Bishop of Vir ginia, who was his coeval in birth, almost to precision, the two cousms having been bom respectively on the seventh and eighth of April, 1720. 4 He is caUed Captain OUver, and had probably been a sea captain in the West In dia trade. His wUl was executed in New London, December 22d, 1770, but not proved tUl 1790. It bequeathed aU his property, whether in New London or Antigua, to his nephew, Richard OUver, of London, appointing another nephew, Thomas OUver of Cambridge, his executor. This last mentioned gentleman was Ueutenant governor of Massachusetts, in 1774. 478 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. art, who sailed from Portsmouth in June, in the Essex frigate ; but the vessel being forced by tempestuous weather to go into Lisbon, he took passage in a brig to New York, from whence he came to New London, September 21st. Mr. Stewart was the last collector of his majesty's customs in this port, and continued nominally in office tiU the declaration of American independence. Dr. Thomas Moffatt was controller of the customs, and esteemed also as a skillful physi cian, in which Une he had some practice. Neither he nor Stewart, though both were subsequently driven from their places by the on ward sweep of revolution, were otherwise unpopular, than as Eng Ushmen commissioned by rulers far away, and having no interest in common with the country.' After the peace of Paris, in 1763, the trade of New London revi ved, and prosperity returned in its train. The weekly herald of the town, "the Summary," now arose like a phcEnix from its ashes, " another and yet the same." It was issued November 3d, 1763, under the auspices of Timothy Green, third of that name in New London, and bore the title of " New London Gazette." An early number of the Gazette gives information that a British squadron had beSn ordered to cruise on the New England coast, and regulate the colonial trade : the Jamaica was to be stationed near Marblehead ; the Squirrel at Newport, and the Cygnet at New Lon don. The Cygnet thus announced, arrived January 11th, 1764, and wintered in the harbor for three successive years. Her commander was Capt, Charles Leslie,^ and her officers soon made themselves at home in the town, adding, however, more to the festivity than to the quiet and good order of the place. They attended parties, gave en tertainments on ship-board, frequented the taverns, scoured the coun- 1 It has been stated that when Col, Eliphalet Dyer, of Windham, was in England, in 1769, as agent of the Susquehannah and Delaware Company, he was appointed controller of the customs for New London. This was probably a commission to supersede Dr. Moffatt. On his retum, the office had become so unpopular that he resigned, 2 Gazette ; Capt, PhUip DureU, appears to have had the command before the ship left the coast, and to have been the officer best known to the inhabitants. He is said to have erected a flag-staff on Town HiU, where his ensign was always displayed whUe he was on land. At one time he made an excursion into the country to visit the Mohegans, and presented the sachem, Ben-Uncas, with a flag, which floating on Indian fort hiU, could be seen from his ship at the m^nth of the river. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 479 try as sportsmen, caught all the trout, and killed all the woodcock within ten miles of the port, and in winter spent much of their time on land, sleighing and merry-making. The attentions paid by the offlcers to the young females of the place, -were not always agreeable to their relatives of the other sex. The more grave and reUgious citizens would not allow their daughters to, attend parties where the brilliant Englishmen were received as guests. Romances have been written, and more might be founded on these scenes, but the -moralist frowns upon this period as one in which the early decorum of society and the strict supervision of the laws, had given way to codes of less energy and purity. One ofthe officers of the Cygnet married in New London,' and in various ways this vessel became associated with the fire-side stories of the imhabitants, A number of the crew deserted, and the quiet woodlands and farm-houses were often searched for the fugitives. It was reported that six of these deserters escaped into the backwoods, and were never recovered. Another is said to have been concealed for a considerable period, or untUthe rigor ofthe search was over, in a cave, or rock-cleft of Cedar Swamp. If we may credit tradition, still another of these fugitives lived concealed for many months, and through one long severe w-inter, in the woods, having for his home and hiding-place, a natural chamber in the rock, something like a cavern, that is found among the cUffs on the western bank of the river, a little south of what is now called the Oneco farm-house. • Fearful of being betrayed, he held no communication with any hu man being until after the departure of the ship ; sustaining himself on berries, roots, shell-fish, and what he could furtively obtain by prowling around com-fields and fruit-trees in the night. When at length he ventured to appear in the presence of his kind, his clothes being nearly worn from his body, and his meager frame exhibiting the likeness of a walking skeleton, people fied from him in supersti tious terror. There is yet another deserter from the Cygnet to be mentioned.^ 1 John SuUivan, purser of the Cygnet, mai-ried, Febi-uary 21st 1768, EUzabeth, daughter of Gideon Chapman, Their childi-en, Jeremiah C, born August 27th, 1768, at Charleston, S. C, died young; Maiy, bom November 9th, 1772 m Philadelphia, married Enoch Parsons; EUzabeth, born December 1st, 1773, m PhUadelphia, mai- ried Dr. S. H. P. Lee. 2 These traditionary tales may be true in the main points, but it is probable that they ought to be distributed among several war vessels, and not aU assigned to the Cygnet Where tradition is the leader, and there are no dates for lanchnarks, accu- racy can not be expected. 480 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Capt. WiUiam Weaver, subsequently a respectable ship-master of New London, is said to have left the Cygnet, the night before she sailed for Europe.' The weather was extremely cold, and the ship was anchored three miles from land, but he had resolved to escape from the service or perish in the attempt. After night closed in, he seized an opportunity when he was unobserved, put on a cork jacket, sUpped over the side of the ship and made for the shore. He was a good swimmer, but the water was so cold that when he came near to land, and saw a skiff before him fastened to the shore, his benumbed hands refused to grasp the side. He would have perished but for one of those rare coincidences which are sometimes found interwoven with the providential arrangements of the Creator. The owner of the craft, hearing the wind breeze up rather freshly, concluded to go out before retiring for the night, and see if the fastening of his skiff was secure. While examining it he heard a splash in the water, and soon discovered a man making repeated attempts to get hold of the boat, but each time falling back without success. With instinctive humanity he plunged into the water and brought him to the shore. In town meeting December 27th, 1768, the inhabitants exhibited a commendable zeal to eradicate two distinct evils from their bounds. They first issued an edict against barberry bushes, imposing a fine of fifteen shillings lawful money, upon " every person who finds them growing on their own lands and does not attempt to destroy them."^ Either this law was but imperfectly enforced, or the barberry per versely resisted the attacks made upon it, for it still continues to be proverbially common in the flelds and pastures of the vicinity. Its reputation, however, has brightened by time ; the blighting infiuence attributed to it by our ancestors is now doubted, while its deUcate blossoms and bright crimson fruit have won for it a place in ornamen tal shrubbery. The second denunciatory vote was directed against an evil of a dif ferent kind and less doubtfully,, pernicious, though it was to be visited with only an equal penalty. This was the mock celebration of Pope- day, which had been for some time annually celebrated on the Sth of 1 The Cygnet left Long Island Sound late in the autumn of 1767, 2 There was also a law of the colony against barberry bushes, allo-«dng persons'at certain seasons of the year, to destroy them, wherever they were found. These acts were founded on the prevalent notion that poUen w^ed from the flower of the bar berry, caused wheat to blast. This idea is now discaRled. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 481 November, the anniversary of the Gunpowder plot. The edict was as foUows : " Whereas the custom that has late years prevailed in this town of carrying about the Pope, in celebration ofthe Sth of November, has been attended with very bad consequences, and pregnant mischief and much disorder, which therefore to prevent for the future, voted that every person or persons that shall be any way concerned in making or carrying about the same, or shall know ingly suffer the sarae to be made in their possessions, shaU forfeit fifteen shil lings to the town treasury of New London, to be recovered by the selectmen of said town, for the use aforesaid," Descriptions of this obsolete custom may still be obtained from persons whose memories reach back to a participation in the ceremo nies. The boys of the town, apprentices, sailors, and that portion of the inhabitants which come under the denomination of the populace, were the actors. The effigies exhibited were two, one representing the pope and the other the devil ; each with a head of hollow pump kin, cut to represent a frightful visage, with a candle inside to make it "grin horribly a ghastly smile," and the only difference between the two, consisting in a paper crown upon the head of the pope, and a monstrous pair of horns to designate the other personage. These were fixed upon a platform, and lifted high on the shoulders of a set of bearers, who in the dusk of evening, with boisterous shouts and out cries, marched in. procession through the principal streets, stopping at every considerable house to levy pennies and six-pences, or cakes and comfits, upon the occupants. When arrived opposite a door, where they expected largesses, the cavalcade halted, the shouts ceased, and a small bell was rung, while some one of the party mounted the door-step, and sung or recited the customary doggerels, of which the refrain was, " Guy Fawkes and the Sth of November, The Pope and the Gun-powder plot, Shall never be forgot." At the conclusion of the orgies, the two images were thrown into a bonfire and consumed, while the throng danced around with tumult uous shouts. The ban of authority issued as above related, in December, 1768, against this celebration, had no effect. In defiance of the law, Guy Fawkes and the Pope made their annual procession through the streets, untU after the destruction of the town by the British, saving only two or three years in which it was interrupted or greatly modi- 41 482 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. fied, through an unwillingness to give offence to our French allies, who were loyal subjects of the Pope. Washington, in one of his general orders, prohibited the army from making their usual demon strations on this day, out of respect to the generous power that had come to our aid in the great contest, and the New London boys were too magnanimous in their patriotism not to follow such an example. After the Revolution, Pope-day or rather Pope-night, revived in all its details, and the restrictive acts of the town being entirely dis regarded, Messrs. Shaw and MUler, and other magistrates, deter mined to try what could be done by indirect measures. Judging that the most effectual method of destroying a custom so ancient and deep- rooted, would be to supersede it with a new one, which not being so firmly estabUshed in usage, might be assailed at any time, they sug gested to the populace the substitution of Arnold for the Pope, and the 6th of September for the Sth of November. This was eagerly adopted, and the ditty now sung at the doors, ran in this manner : " Don't you remember, the 6th of September, When Arnold burnt the town. He took the buildings one by one, And burnt thera to the ground. And burnt them to the ground. And here you see these crooked sticks, For him to stand upon. And when we take him down from them, We'll burn hira to the ground, We'll burn hira to the grouud. Hark ! ray little bell goes chink ! chink ! chink ! Give rae sorae raoney to buy rae sorae drink. We'll take him down and cut off his head, And then we'll say the traitor is dead, And burn him to the ground. And burn him to the ground." After a few annual jolUfications in this form, the whole custom fell into desuetude. The commercial prosperity which visited the country after the peace of 1763, was suddenly interrupted by the Stamp Act. As public opinion in Connecticut would not allow the use of stamps, there was a temporary cessation of all kinds of business. The courts were closed, and no clearances could be given at the custom house. The repeal of that odious act caused a ggieral rejoicing, and opened HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 483 again the sluices of commerce. But in New London, the privUege of free trade wa. of short duration^ Early in 1769, the revenue sLp, Liberty was stationed, by the commissioners of customs, in the har bor, and every sail that passed out or in, was subjected to a rigorous inspection. Nathaniel Shaw, merchant of New London, writes to one of his correspondents. May 15th, 1769, "The sloop Liberty is now stationed here, and^ searches every vessel in the strictest man ner. ' Agam, " Our cruising Pirate sailed yesterday for Newport " This vessel was kept for sometime plying between Newport and JNew London, and overhauling every vessel that she found upon the coast. Before the close of the summer she was destroyed near New port, m a burst of popular frenzy. The oppression of the laws at this time inevitably led to a laxity of commercial honor. Espionage and imposts on one side were met with secrecy and deception on the other. Goods that could not be cleared might be run, and if sugars and in digo could not afford to pay the customs, they might be shipped as flaxseed, or landed in the sUence and shade of midnight, and the duty wholly avoided.' The West India trade was accomplished principally in single-deck ed vessels. It was a cheap and lucrative navigation ; lumber, pro- -vision and horses were sent away— sugar, mm', molassess and coffee brought back. These statements wiU apply to other ports in New England, as well as to New London. The departing vessels carried horses and oxen on deck ; staves, boards, shingles and hoops in the hold, and occasionaUy, but not always, fish, beef, pork and corn. The balance was generally in favour of the American merchant, which being paid in dollars, and bills of exchange furnished him with remittances for England. And this was necessary, for in that quarter the balance was against him ; the consumption of British manufactures being double the amount of exports. To Gibraltar, the Spanish ports on the Mediterranean and Barbary — fiour, lumber and provender were exported, and mules taken in exchange which were carried to the West Indies and a car go of the produce of those islands obtained.' The home market 1 " Matters of this kind are daUy practised in New York and Boston, for in short, brown sugars wiU not bear to pay duty on." Shaw's Letter Book, (MS.) 2 Capt. Gabriel Sistera, or Sistare, of Barcelona, Old Spain, was engaged in this line of trade. He came to this country in 1771, bringing his son Gabriel with him, and fixed his residence in New London. 484 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. being thus overburdened -with the island products, a vent was sought in England. Nathaniel Shaw, Jun., then the most distinguished mer chant in New London, entered with spirit into this circle of trade. In May, 1772, he sent the sloop Dove, to Great Britain, with brown sugar, molasses, coffee, and one bag of cotton wool. These were articles, of which more than enough for home consumption was ob tained from the West Indies. In the letter to his correspondents, " Messrs. Lane, Son, and Frazier, merchants in London," respecting this consignment, he says in substance : " Our trade to the foreign islands, (French and Dutch) has of late increased so much that those articles are not in demand here, whieh is the occasion of my shipping to your market, and in case it turns to advantage we shall send three or four vessels annuaUy. Send rae by retum, sheathing, nails, Russia duck, hemp ; a large scale beam for weighing hhd. sugar; a good silver watch; a good spy-glass ; two dozen white knit thread hose ; a piece of kersey and four yards of scarlet cloth, ISs. per yard. I imagine it will be difficult to get a freight back to Araerica in a single deck vessel, and if that should be the case, send a load of salt.'' The above is from Shaw's manuscript letter-book.' From the same source we gather a few hints respecting the trade with the Spanish ports. To Peter Vandervoort, New York, Jan. 29th, 1773, ." Get six hundred pounds insurance on the Schooner Thames from this port to the Mediterranean to take raules and go to the West Indies and return to New London, on account of Gabriel Sistera & Co., at 6 per cent." To Messrs. Wharton, Philadelphia, Aug 20th, 1773, " What premium must I pay on a vessel that sails next week for Gibraltar (with flour) and so to try tbe markets in the West Indies, and return to New London ?" To Vandervoort, New 'York, Nov. Sth, 1774. " What premium must I pay on the Ship Araerica, from this to Gibraltar, or (through) the Streights to continue until they find a suitable market .'" To Messrs. Lane, Son §• Frazier, London, Dec. 29th, 1774. " I sent out Capt. Deshon to the Mediterranean with cargo, who was to purchase mules and proceed to the West Indies, there sell for Bills and remit 1 In the possession of N, S. Perkins, M. D, % HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 485 you, but he was detained so long at Gibraltar that when he arrived in the West Indies, mules would not sell for cash"' &c, " John Lamb sailed last week in the Ship Araerica for Gibraltar," Soon after these dates, the onward sweep of the revolution put an end to aU traffic with European ports. 1 About this period Shaw writes to -Vandervoort in New York ; " Take no more casks from the distUlers for unless the times alter we had better do nothing than im port molasses," Can the distressing state of the times be more forcibly iUustrated — Mules would not seU in the West Indies, nor molasses in New England I 41* CHAPTER XXVIII. Death of Rev. Eliphalet Adams. — His family and church record, — First Society organized, — Meeting-house struck by lightning, — Settleraent of Rev, Mather Byles, — The Rogerene visitation. — Mr, Byles becomes an Episcopalian, — Ministry of Rev, Ephraim Woodbridge. The ministry of Rev. Eliphalet Adams continued forty-three years and eight months. His last Sabbath service was held Sept. 9th, 1753. Immediately after this he was seized with an epidemic disor der which then prevailed in the town, and expired Oct. 4th. He was interred the next day ; the pall-bearers being the two Lyme ministers, (Messrs. Griswold and Johnson,) Rev. Matthew Graves of the Episcopal church. Col. Saltonstall, deacon Timothy Green and Mr. Joshua Hempstead. " Eliphalet, son of Rev, Williara Adams of Dedhara, Mass, was born March 26th, 1677 ; graduated at Harvard, 1694 ; ordained in New London Feb, 9th, 1708-9 ; married Dec. ISth, 1 709, Lydia daughter of Alexander Pygan. Children of Rev. Eliphalet and Lydia Adams. 1. William, born Oct. 7th, 1710. 4. Thoraas, bap. Jan. 4th, 1715-16, 2. Pygan, " Mar. 27th, 1712. 5. Sarauel, born Aug. 11th, 1717. 3. Mary, " Mar. Sth, 1713-14, 6, Lydia, " Feb, 20th, 1720, " Mrs. Lydia Adaras died Sept. 6th, 1749. Rev. Eliphalet Adaras married Elizabeth Wass, of Boston, Sept. 21st, 1751, This second wife survived him. The two youngest children of Mr. Adams died in infancy. WiUiam, became a minister ; Pygan, a merchant in New London ; Mary, married first, Jonathan Gardiner ; second, John Bulkley of Colchester ; Thomas, became a physician, and settled in East Haddam, but died about a month before his father. The descndants of Rev. Eliphalet Adams in the raale line are extinct," Between March 17th, 1708-9 and Sept. 9th, 1753, Mr. Adams recorded the baptism of 1,817 children, and 199 adults. Marriages in the same term, 526. Admissions to the church about 430, of whom not more than a dozen were by letter from other churches. ^VriHiaja^ the oldest son HISTORY OF NEWLONDON. 487 of Rev. Eliphalet Adams, graduated at Yale College in 1730, and was two years Tutor in that Institution. He was then licensed to preach and exercised the ministerial office in various parishes for more than sixty years, but was never ordained, and never married. His longest pastoral term, was on Shelter Island. His old age was spent in New London where he died Sept. 25th, 1798, in the eighty- eighth year of his age. It is said that he often congratulated him self on never having been incumbered with wife or parish. Mr. Adams was the last minister settled by the town. Until the year 1704 one great ecclesiastical Parish extended from Nahantick Bay to Pawkatuck River. People came from Poquetannock on the north-east and from the borders of Colchester on the north-west, to the meeting at New London. Groton was made a distinct town in 1704. A second ecclesiasti cal society was formed in the North Parish in 1722, and Baptist and Episcopal Societies about the year 1726. It was then no longer practicable to transact ecclesiastical business town-wise, and a society was organized which took the denomination of the First Ecclesiasti cal Society of New London, as belonging to the oldest church. It met Jan. 28d, 1726-7 and chose the following offlcers : Christopher Christophers, Moderator, Christopher Christophers, Jonathan Prentis and John Hempstead, Commit tee, John Richards, Clerk. The first acts of this society advert to the different persuasions that had arisen in the town, which made it inconvenient to collect the parish rates, and express a detei-mination to pay the salary of Mr. Adams by free contributions if possible. In 1738 the subject of a new meeting-house was brought up ; and kept under discussion and in suspense for thirteen years. The old edifice, which we have called the SaltonstaU meeting-house, was shat tered Ind almost riven asunder by a terrific thunder-bolt which de scended upon it August Slst, 1735. Of this awful event particular accounts may be gathered from tradition, from MSS. and from the New England Weekly Journal. It was Sunday. The moming was fair, and Mr. Adams had his usual service in the meeting-house. In the afternoon, just as the congregation had collected for the second service, a thunder cloud began to gather and soon spread over the heaven. Suddenly it grew dark and as the minister commenced his first prayer, the house was struck with a bolt that shook its foundations, split up several timbers, rafters and posts, scattering them in fragments on every side, and 488 HtSTORY OF NEW LONDON. threw about forty persons senseless on the floor. The terror of the scene cannot be portrayed. The house was filled with the shrieks and cries of those who escaped injury or were but sUghtly hurt. Many were confused and wounded, and quite a number bereft of sense, but by proper medical aid and great care, aU recovered except one. " It pleased God," says Hempstead, " to spare all our lives but Edward Burch a young man, newly for himself, who was struck fatally and died." Among those taken up apparently lifeless were John Prentis, John Plumb, Samuel Green and Jeremiah Chapman, who were in different pews, on the four sides of the house. The sermon preached by Rev. EUphalet Adams in reference to this event, the next Lord's Day, Sept. 7th, was printed by Timothy Green. The meeting-house was left by the thunder-bolt almost a wreck. It was repaired for temporary use, but the society determined to build a new edifice, of larger dimensions and greater elegance, and this might have been soon accomplished had no difficulty arisen in regard to the site. A struggle, or disagreement in regard to position is the usual preliminary to the erection of a church. Was ever a new site chosen without giving rise to controversy and ill feeling? The society not being able to determine the place where a new house of worship should stand, referred the matter to the legislature ; who appointed Messrs. Samuel Lynde, John Griswold and Christopher Avery, a committee to repair to New London, hear aU parties, and determine the point. These persons met accordingly, and July 4th, 1739, set up a stake on the spot selected by them, viz, " at the south east corner of the meeting-house green, within thirty rods of the old meeting-house." This appears to have been satisfactory ; but the Spanish and French war soon broke forth, and the exposed situation of the town rendered it inexpedient to begin at that time a new and costly edifice. The old house was therefore thoroughly repaired, and ten feet added to each end. The vote was " to cover the whole with cedar clap-boards and cedar shingles ; take down the dormends, re pair the belfry ; make new window frames and glass the house." A new bell was also procured and hung in 1746. The SaltonstaU meeting-house which had been buiU about forty-five years, with this Adams addition, and its new trimmings, lasted for another term of forty-five years. Several years elapsed before a successor to Mr. Adams was chosen. The pulpit was occasionaUy suppUed by neighboring ministers and by Mr. William Adams, the son of the lligt incumbent, but oftener HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 489 vacant. We have notices in the Hempstead diary that " Deacon Green carried on" — " many went to the North Parish meeting." " Some went to Lyme" — " No minister provided"—" no minister." " I went to hear the church minister." Feb, 18th: (1756,) " A society fast on account of our unhappy circum stances ; our want of a settled rainister." Feb. 23d. " A society meeting. Mr, (Williara) Adaras negatived, forty-five against forty-two." May 16th, " Mr, Burr,' Rector of the College in the East Jerseys preached all day," AprU 10th, (1757,) "Mr. Mather Boiles frora Boston preached, A great assembly, three or four times as big as it hath been of late. He stays at Mr, Shaw's," Rev. Mather Byles, Jr., the person introduced in the last extract, was a son of Rev. Mather Byles, D. D., of Boston, whose mother was a daughter of Increase Mather. His puritan descent, the repu tation of his father, and his own brilliant promise secured him popu larity in New London before he had earned it. His pulpit services proved to be showy and attractive. He was animated, pertinent, fiuent, and interesting. He preached as a candidate for three months, and the people were charmed almost to fascination with his eloquence. July 28th, at a very full meeting, a vote entirely unanimous, invited him to settle : salary £100 per annum, and a gratuity of £240 to be paid in four years. He accepted the call without hesitancy or reser vation, and was ordained Nov. 18th, 1757, being then about twenty- three years of age. The sermon on the occasion was preached by Dr. Byles of Boston, father of the candidate, from II. Timothy iii, 17. The charge was given by the same. Previous to the ordination of Mr. Byles, the foUowing action took place. " The brethren of the Church met at the Meeting-House Oct, 17th, 1757 and the question being put whether this church would henceforth admit of the Saybrook Platform as a rule of discipline, it was voted in the negative : neraine contradicente," (Ch. Record,) " May Sth, 1758, Captain Pygan Adams, second son of the former minister, was chosen deacon of the church as successor to Timothy Green, who deceased that day : twenty-eight votes were given, of which he received twenty-five. Hempstead writes, Oct. 2 2d, "Mr. 1 Father of the celebrated Aaron Burr. 490 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Byles preached in a new pulpit and Capt. Adams officiated as deacon for the first time." A great source of annoyance during the ministry of the Rev. Mather Byles, was the frequent interruption of the Sabbath service by the Quakers. By this term is understood the followers of John Rogers,' of whom for about thirty years after the death of their founder, very little is known. " We were not molested as at first,' observes one of their writers, and the reason of this is evident they had refrained from molesting the worship of others. In the year 1764 their former spirit revived, and they began to issue forth, as of old on the Sundays to testify against what they caUed idolatry. And here commenced a series of provocations on one side and of retalia tory punishment on the other, over which mercy weeps and would fain blot the whole from history. This out-break lasted in its vehe mence only a year and a half. John Rogers third, grandson of the founder of the sect, has left a minute account of it in the form of a diary, which was printed with the following title. " A Looking Glass for the Presbyterians of New London ; to see their wor ship and worshippers weighed in the balance and found wanting. With a true Bccount of what the people called Rogerenes have suffered in that town, frora the 10th of June, 1764, to the 13th of December, 1766, " Who suffered for testifying — " That it was contrary to Scripture for rainisters to preach the Gospel for hire. " That the first day of the week was no Sabbath by God's appointment — " That sprinkling infants is no baptism and nothing short of blasphemy, be ing contrary to the exaraple set us by Christ and his holy apostles — " That long public prayers in synagogues is forbidden by Christ, "Alt^o for reproving their Church and minister for their great pride, vain glory, and friendship of the world which they lived in. " With a brief discourse in favor of Women's prophecying or teaching in the Church. " Written by John Rogers of New London, " Providence, N. E. Printed for the Author, 1767," From this work extracts -will be made and the substance of the narrative given. From no other source can we obtain a statement so full and apparently so accurate, of this remarkable outbreak of enthusiasm and the resistance it encountered. 1 Benedict gives them the designation of " Rogerene Baptists," as coinciding in their mode of baptism with the Baptist denomination. He calls Rogers " the fantas tic leader of a deluded community," Hist, of BapWol, 2, p, 422, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 491 "June 10, 1764, We went to the meeting-house and some of our people went in and sat down ; others tarried without and sat upon the ground sorae distance from the house. And when Mather Byles their priest began to say over his formal synagogue prayer, forbidden by Christ, Mat, 6-5, some of our women began to knit, others to sew, ths>t it might be made manifest they, had no fellowship with such unfruitful works of darkness. But Justice Coit and the congregation were much oflTended at this testimony and fell upon them in the very tirae of their prayer and pretended divine worship ; also they fell upon the rest of our people that were sitting quietly in the house, making no differ ence between them that transgressed this law and thera that transgressed it not; for they drove us all out of the house in a raOst furious manner ; pushing, strik ing, kicking, &c., so that the raeeting was broken up for some tirae, and the house in great confusion. Moreover they fell upon our friends that were sitting abroad, striking and kicking both raen and woraen, old and young, driving us all to prison in a furious and tumultuous manner, stopping our mouths when we went to speak, choaking us," fee. Very nearly the same scene was acted over every successive Sun. day during that summer. The Quakers were committed to prison, sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty in a day; and if after being re leased the same person was again committed, his term of imprison ment was doubled. The authorities vainly hoped to weary them out. " But tbis method," observes John Rogers, " added no peace to them, for some of our friends were always coming out as well as going in, and so always ready to oppose their false worship every first day of the week." On the 12th of August, the terra of commitment by this doubling process had become four months ; when those within determined to prevent if they could, any farther commitments. Finding that a fresh party of their friends were approaching in charge of the offl cers, they barred the doors inside and kept the constables at bay. " Also, we blew a shell in the prison, in defiance of their idol Sabbath, and to mock their false worship, as Elijah mocked the worshippers of Baal. The authority gave orders to break open the prison door, so they went to work and labored exceeding hard on their Sabbath cutting with axes and heaving at the door with iron bars for a considerable time till they were wearied, but could not break open the door " An entrance into the prison was finally effected from above, and the fresh prisoners let down into the room. Those who had fasten ed the doors were kept immured till the next November, when they were taken before the county court and fined 40«. and the cost. These disturbances continued, with some intervals during the se verity of winter, until October, 1765, when the magistrates having 492 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. proved the inefficacy of detentions and imprisonments, came to the unfortunate determination of having recourse to whippings. Oct. 15, five were publicly whipped ten stripes each, " at beat of drum." Oct. 23, nine were whipped " at beat of drum." Nov. 4, nine more. Nov. 14, Thanksgiving day, a Rogerene was driven from the meeting house by some young men, ducked in muddy wa ter and then imprisoned. Nov, 17. " Some of our friends went to town, and an old man aged 73 years cried Repentance ! through the streets and as he went, he stopt at the author ities houses and warned them of the danger they were in, if they did not repent of their persecuting God's people," This party was taken up and confined in the school house tiU evening, when they were taken out by the populace — and now, for the first time in the history of the town, we ftnd mention made of tar as a mode of punishment. This company were tarred, men and women, but not feathered — warm tar was poured upon their heads and suffered to run down on their clothes and their hats were glued on in this condition. They were otherwise treated with great cruel ty by an infuriated mob. AU these sufferings had no infiuence whatever in putting an end to their testimony, which the next Sunday was renewed with as much spirit as ever, a!nd so continued from week to week. Feb. 2d, 1766, the disturbance was attended by this aggravating circum stance — a woman being turned out of meeting for keeping at her needle work during the prayer, struck several blows against the house, to testify in that way against the mode of worship. Feb 16th. Another heart-rending scene of whipping, tarring, and throwing into the river of men and women, took place. The next Sunday they came again and a great uproar was the consequence, the service being for a considerable time interrupted. They Were nineteen in number ; ten women and nine men. The women were committed to prison, but the men after being kept in the loft of the court-house till evening, were delivered up to an excited populace, cruelly scourged, and treated with every species of indignity and abuse that the victims of a street mob generally undergo. The wo men were kept in prison, tiU the next June " leaving near twenty small children motherless at their homes." We have now reached the climax of off'ence and punishment. Both sides from this period relented. The testifiers were less boisterous and aggressive, and they were less severely handled. At times they HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 493 -would come to the house of worship and commit no other offense than wearing their hats, and this the community at large were disposed to endure, rather than create a disturbance by removing them. But Mr. Byles would never suffer the offensive covering to remain. See ing the justices at one time unwilling to meddle with the hats and in clined to let them alone as long as the wearers were quiet, he ex claimed with great vehemence. " I solemnly declare before God and this assembly that as long as I officiate in the priest's office in this house, no man shall sit here with his head covered." " Now our hats," says the Rogerene, " is such an offense to this proud priest that he will neither preach nor pray when they are in sight," " The hat he cannot endure, pretending it is contrary to 1 Cor, 11,4, ' Every man praying or prophecying having his head covered, dishonoreth his bend. Now if this priest would but read the next words, he might see it to be as con trary to scripture for women to pray or prophecy uncovered, yet his meeting is fuU of young women, with their heads n-aked, but that gives hiin no otl'ense at all, it is the fashion so to dress," Mr. Byles was pecuUarly sensitive on the subject of the weekly Rogerene visitation. Other ministers in the neighboring towns took it more quietly, and were therefore less frequently invaded by them. But he would never argue nor hold any conversation with them, or even answer when they addressed him, either in street or pulpit. If they appeared on the steps of the meeting-house, he would pause in the services tiU they were removed, nor would he come out of his house to go to meeting if any of them were in sight. The conse quence was that these persevering, cunning people contrived to be ever before him when the hour for w-orship arrived. Duly as the Sabbath morn returned, they entered the town, and when the beU struck they might be seen, often sUent as death, with perchance a quiet smile lurking upon the countenance, two or three sitting by his threshold, a group farther on by the side of the road, waiting to escort him on the way, and others on the door-stone of the meetmg- house, or on the horse-block near by, to greet his arrival. Often during his ministry, the people assembled and the beU was kept toU- in- neariy an hour waiting for the preacher, who was himself wait ing for a justice or constable to come and drive away the Quakers, and allow him to go undisturbed to the service. There is no doubt but that his imperial mode of treating the subject aggravated the evU. It was meat and drink to the Quakers to observe how an eye turned upon him, or simply a hat loommg up from a church pew, would an- 42 494 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. noy him. They visited the lion on purpose to see him chafe at their presence. It may not be amiss here expressly to deny the truth of a state ment made by Rev. S. Peters, in his pretended History of Connect icut — a statement, which though manifestly absurd, is occasionally quoted and obtains a limited currency. In his description of New London, he remarks : " The people of this town have the "credit of inventing tar and feathers as a proper punishment for heresy. They first inflicted it on Quakers and Ana baptists," The invention here ascribed to New London is older than America. It was an ancient English punishment for stealing and other petty felonies, used in the time of tlie crusades, and probably much earlier. During the Revolution it was in vogue in various parts of New Eng land as a punishment for lories that were particularly obnoxious to the multitude. The two instances mentioned in this chapter, in which it was inflicted upon the Rogerenes, are the only cases that have been found of its use in New London previous to the Revolu tion. In neither of these instances were feathers used. It was cer tainly nev,er inflicted here upon the Baptists. The use of tar seems rather to have been suggested as a mode of forcing the offenders to keep on their hats, since they so obstinately persisted in wearing them. It is much to be regretted that a penalty so revolting was ever copied from the code of the mother country. The visits of the Rogerenes to the churches gradually became less frequent, and less notice was taken of them when they occurred. If they interrupted the worship, or attempted to work in the house, they were usuaUy removed and kept under ward till the service was over, and then dismissed, without fine or punishment. There was nothing stimulating in this course, and they soon reUnquished the itinerant mode of testifying. But as a sect they retain their individ uality to the present day. They are now to be found in the south eastern part of Ledyard,' and though reduced to a few famiUes, vary but little in observances or doctrine, from those inculcated by their founder. In one point of practice, however, there is a remarkable 1 In 1734 a colony from the Rogerenes of New London, consisting of John Culver and his wife, and ten chUdren with their families, making twentv-one in aU, removed to New Jersey, and settled on the west side of Schooley's Mountain in Morris county It IS supposed that the Rogerene principles have become extinct among the descendants of this party. See Benedict, vol, 2, p,^5. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 49,5 difference : they never interfere with the worship of their neighbors, and are themselves never molested. In April, 1768, the ministry of the Rev. Mather Byles came to an abrupt termination. Without any previous warning; he assembled a church meeting, declared himself a convert to the ritual of the Church of England, and requested an immediate dismission from them, that he might accept an invitation he had received to become the pastor of an Episcopal church in Boston. This information was received with unqualified amazement, as no rumor or suspicion of any change of sentiment in their minister respecting forms or doc trines, had crept abroad. Mr. Byles laid before them, what he said comprehended the whole statement of the case. First, a letter from the wardens and vestry of the North Church in Boston, dated March Sth, 1768, stating that they had been informed he was incUned to think favorably of their communion, and if such were the case, they wished to engage him for their minister. Second, the reply of Mr. Byles, in which he says, "Gentlemen, Nothing conld give me raore surprise than yours of the Sth inst. How you became acquainted with iny particular sentiments with regard to the Church of England I am at a loss to determine. But upon the closest and most critical examination, 1 frankly confess that for several years past 1 have had, and still have the highest esteem for that venerable chuich,'' In conclusion, he requests them to make their proposals explicit, and they may be assured of a speedy and decisive answer. This was followed, third, by a formal invitation from the wardens and vestry to the rectorship of their church, engaging tq give him a sala ry of £200 per annum, to provide him a house and to be at the charge of his removal to Boston and his visit to England to be re- ordained. This last letter had been received that very day. After the reading of these documents, Mr. Byles observed that this sum mons to Boston was not a thing of his own seeking, or brought about by the influence of his friends, but manifestly a call of Providence inviting hirn to a greater sphere of usefulness, and plainly pointing out to him the path of duty. The brethren of the church, however, did not view the matter in this light, and n discussion somewhat re criminative followed.' In the course of the debate, Mr. Byles de clared that he had no objection to make to their church ; he beUeved 1 A sketch of this debate was taken down the same evening by a person present, and afterward published. 496 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. it to be a true church of our Lord ; the churches of Old and New England were equally churches in his view, and he was in perfect charity with aU the New England churches, but that he preferred the government, the discipUne and the unity of the Church of Eng land. In doctrine he was unchanged, and had not preached a ser mon in that house which he shouldhesitate to preach in the Episcopal church, but his views in regard to the church ritual had changed. He had read hiany volumes of controversy and had been for three years an Episcopalian in heart. Upon being further questioned Mr. Byles frankly acknowledged that he had other reasons for leaving, and he even urged that his dismissal was desirable on their own account. Another minister might do much better for them than he had done or could do, for his health was infirm, the position of the church very bleak, the hUl wearisome ; moreover they desired a minister who would often visit his parishioners and hold lectures here and there, which he could not do — he was not made for a country minister, and his home and friends were all in Boston. He also complained bitterly of the per secutions he had suffered from the Quakers, and the negligence of the authorities in executing the laws against them. They surround ed his house on the Sabbath and insulted him continually, both in and out of the pulpit. In reply the brethren adverted to his great popularity, the love they had cherished for him, the harmony that had always subsisted between him and his people, and the suddenness and indifference with which he was about to dissolve these ties. Why had not these grievances been mentioned before ? When he settled, he was aware of the bleak and tedious hill, he knew that the Quakers were trouble" some, that his salary was small, that his friends lived in Boston, yet he had accepted their call and voluntarily brought himself under ob ligation to walk with them and watch over them. It is not surprising that in the course of this debate some pointed and harsh remarks should have been made on both sides. The breth ren ridiculed their pastor's fear of the Quakers, whom they called a few harmless old women sitting at his gate ; alluding to the volumes of controversy which he had read, they observed that they could never before understand how he spent his time, since he so seldom visited his parishoners and preached so many old sermons, and they rather bitterly reminded him .of a passage in his father's charge at ordination, relative to studying and watching to promote the welfare of his fiock, " that his candle must burn ^lien midnight darkness HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 497 covered the windows of the neighborhood" — but now it appeared that instead of watching for the good of souls, he had been studying rites and ceremonies. This debate was productive of no good ; the next day, April 2d, Mr. Byles made his application in due form, requesting " an immedi ate and honorable dismission," and engaging on his part to refund the £240 which had been given him at settlement — " in case you give me this day such a generous discharge as I have now desired, and put me to no further difficulty.'' The society record preserves no comments made on the occasion, but simply records that Mr. Byles having requested an immediate dismission and discharge from his contract as their minister — " Voted, that this Society do fully comply with his request." The church record is equally brief and explicit. April 12th, 1768. " The Rev. Mr. Mather Byles dismissed himself from the church and congregation.'' Mr. Byles hastened his departure from town with a rapidity that almost made it a fiight. He conveyed his house' to his friend Dr. Moffatt, the English controller of the customs, in pledge for the re payment of the £240 to the society, and ere a Sabbath had returned since his first tender of resignation, he had embarked with his family and all his movables on board of a packet for Newport. He was to have sailed on Saturday, but the vessel was wind-bound and he was obliged to remain over Sunday. He offered to preach a last sermon but his services were declined. He liowever ascended the wearisome hill, once more, entered the bleak church, and sate silent and de jected, as a listener. In one week a great revulsion of feeling had taken place, and a gulf was opened between him and a people by whom he had been greatly admired and affectionately caressed. He had never been more popular with his congregation than at that moment when his request for a dismission came upon them with the suddenness of an electric shock. The duration of Mr. Byles' ministry in New London was ten years and a half. During that period he recorded 362 baptisriis ; 198 marriages, and sixty admissions to the church, of whom eight were by letter. The change of sentiment in Mr. Byles was soon an affair of noto riety aU over New England, and explanations and remarks were 1 BuUt by Mr, Byles in 1758 on Main Street at the north corner of Douglas, and now Dr, Bartholomew Baxter's, 42* 498 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. published on both sides. At New London, the forsaken congrega tion displayed the usual buoyant and versatile character of the place ; instead of brooding over the matter, they set it up as a mark for the shafts of wit and ridicule, A song was made, embodying the facts, called " The Proselyte," and sung about the town to the tune of the " Thief and Cordelier," They pubUshed also a " Wonderful Dream," in which the spirit of the venerable Mather was introduced to rebuke his descendant for his apostasy from Puritanism. Mr, Byles went to England to receive Episcopal ordination and after ward exercised the ministerial function in Boston, till the Revolution. In that trying time he was a royalist and refugee, and one of those prohibited from returning to the state by act of the Massachusetts legislature in September, 1788. He died in St. John's, New Bruns- w-ick, where he was rector in March, 1814. The children of Mather and Rebecca Byles, on the record of baptisms, at New London are — Rebecca, Jeremiah and Elizabeth, baptized together in 1762 ; Mather in 1764; Walter in 1765; Anna and Elizabeth, 1767. The births are not registered. The successor of Mr. Byles, and seventh minister of the church, was Rev. Ephraim Woodbridge, grandson of the first minister of Groton. The Woodbridge family can boast of a succession of wor thy ministers reaching Uneally backward to the mother country. First, Rev. John Woodbridge, minister of Stanton in Wiltshire, England. Second, his son Rev. John Woodbridge, first minister of Andover, Mass ; ordained 1645, married Mercy, daughter of Gover nor Dudley, and died at Newbury, 1695. Third, Rev. John Wood- bridge, (son of the preceding,) of Killingworth and Wethersfield, Conn, ; dying at the latter place in 1690. Fourth, Rev. John Wood- bridge, son of the preceding, first minister of West Springfield, ordained 1698. Fifth, Rev. Ephraim AVoodbridge, brother of the last named and first minister of Groton, Connecticut. In this Une the ministerial vocation passes over one generation, and falls upon Ephraim, oldest son of Paul Woodbridge, which Paul was second son of the minister of Groton. This second Ephraim Woodbridge was born in Groton, in 1746, graduated at Yale College 1765, and was ordained in New London, Oct. 11th, 1769. His mar riage, with Mary, only surviving daughter of Capt. Nathaniel Shaw, took place, Oct. 26th, fifteen days after his ordination. Seldom have a youthful couple commenced a household under happier auspices. Their residence was on Main Street, in a house built by Capt. Shaw, expressly for his daughter, upon the south ekd of the Shapley house- HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 499 lot, which he had purchased for that purpose.' It is probable that the married life and the house-keeping commenced on the same day and that the foUowing inscription still remaining on one of the win dow panes, was engraved by Mr. Woodbridge on that auspicious morn : " Ephraim Woodbridge Hie Vixit. Hail happy day ! the fairest sun that ever rose, 1769:" These fair promises of life and usefulness were soon overshadowed. Mrs. Mary Woodbridge died of consumption June 10th, 1775, in the twenty-fourth year of her age. Rev. Ephraim Woodbridge died of the same disease, Sept. 6th, 1776, aged thirty years. " Zion raay in his fall bemoan A Beauty and a Pillar gone."3 They left two young children, a son and a daughter ; precious legacies to the brothers of Mrs. Woodbridge, who had no children of their own. The ministry of Mr. Woodbridge was less than seven years in duration ; the admissions to his church were only twenty-three, of whom six were by letter. In the first four and a half years he re ceived twelve, and baptized seventy-nine. This was in a ratio of not more than one to four, compared with the statistics of Mr. Byles' ministry. But it must here be noticed, that Mr. Woodbridge was the first of the New London ministers who refused to admit persons to the church, upon owning or renewing of their baptismal covenant, nor would he baptize the children of such half-way members. He required a profession of faith ; and would allow of no church mem bership not founded on a change of heart. His congregation soon became divided on these points ; very few thoroughly sympathized with the views of their pastor, and he was sustained in his position 1 Now owned by WUliam D. Pratt, iu whom it reverts to the Shapley Une, he be ing descended from that famUy. After the death of Mr. Woodbridge it was purchased by Edward HaUam and has been known as a Hallam house, or the Long Piazza house, but the Piazza having been removed as an encroachment on the street, it has lost this distinctive mark. 2 From the monumental tablet to his memory, where he is caUed " sixth pastor of the First Congregational Church iu New London," He was more accurately the seventh pastor, and fifth ordained minister. The order of succession is Blinman, Bidkley, Bradstreet, SaltonstaU, Adams, Byles, Woodbridge, Bradstreet was the first ordained in the town. 500 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. barely by personal popularity and a general indifference in regard to doctrines. Religion was at a low ebb ; there had been no revival ia the church since 1741. At the time of Mr. Woodbridge's decease, there were but five male members in his church. After his death the decline was stiU greater. Posterity wiU scarcely believe that whilst the old perambulating revivalists were stiU warm in their graves, their forefathers were reduced to such deadness and ignorance on scriptural subjects. The preaching was formal and infrequent, and conference meetings, prayer meetings and family worship almost wholly unknown. The Episcopal church had very much dwindled ; the Baptist was extinct. And over this sad state of things came the sweeping fiood of the Revolution. CHAPTER XXIX. The measures ofthe town relating to the Revolution, sketched in chronological order, from 1707 to 1780.— Early supporters of the Revolution.— Ex'racts from Shaw's Mercantile Letter Book,— Expedition of Coraraodore Hopkins,— Departure of the English Collector, Connecticut, in 1774, contained seventy-two townships, twenty- eight of which were east of Connecticut River, in the counties of New London and Windham. The commerce of the district shows an increase since 1761. It was estimated at seventy-two vessels, three thousand, two hundred and forty-seven tuns, four hundred and six seamen, and twenty sail of coasters, with ninety men.' New London had nothing but her commerce ; this was her life, her aU- In the grand Ust of 1775, she was rated at £35,528, 17s. 6d., which was less than half the rate of New Haven, and little more than half that of Norwich, Stonington was ahead of her in the value of prop erty. Groton returned a Ust of £26,902, 6s. 3d. So copious are the details connected with the Revolution, that may be collected from one source and another, that even after the lapse of more than seventy years, the historian is embarrassed by the afflu ence of materials. He is in danger of losing the thread of his nar rative in the labyrinth of interesting incidents presented to him. In the present case, however, there can be no doubt but that it will be proper to notice first w-hat was done by the town in its corporate ca pacity. This will not require a long article. The records are mea ger., The Revolution, bs it regards New London, was achieved by 1 Jeremiah Miller, of New London. Answer to queries. Mass, Hist, CoU,, 2d series, vol. 2, p. 219. 502 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. public spirit and voluntary action, rather than by organization and law. From the town records we learn but little of the contest in which the inhabitants were such great sufferers. A letter from the selectmen of Boston inclosing the famous resolu tions of October 23d, 1767, was laid before the town Dec. 28th, and the subject referred to a committee of fifteen of the inhabitants, viz. Gurdon SaltonstaU, Nathaniel Shaw, Jun,, Daniel Coit, Ezekiel Fox, WiUiam HiUhouse, Samuel Belden, Richard Law, Winthrop Saltonstall, Jererni ah Miller, Guy Richards, Joseph Coit, Russell Hubbard, James Muraford, Titus Hurlbut. Nathaniel Shaw, This committee entered fully into the spirit of the Boston resolu tions, and drew up a form of subscription to circulate among the in habitants, by which the use of certain enumerated articles of Europe an merchandise was condemned and relinquished. These articles appear to have been generally adopted, and faithfully kept. In December, 1770, the town appointed four delegates to the grand convention of the colony, held at New Haven : Gurdon Saltonstall, Nathaniel Shaw, Jun,, WiUiam HiUhouse, WiUiam Manwaring, We find no further record of any action of the town relative to the political discontent of the country, until the memorable month of June, 1774, when the edict of Parliament, shutting up the port of Boston, took effect, and roused the colonies at once to activity. Votes and resolutions expressive of indignation, remonstrance and sympathy, were echoed from town to town, and pledges exchanged to stand by each other, and to adhere with constancy to the cause of liberty. The town meeting at Groton, was on the 20th of June, William Wil liams, moderator. The committee of correspondence chosen, con sisted of seven prominent inhabitants : William Ledyard, Charles Eldridge, Jun,, Thomas Mumford, Deacon John Hurlbut, Benadara GaUup, Arabs Geer. Araos Prentice, The meeting at New London was on the 27th; Richard Law, moderator, and the committee five in numb^: HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 503 Richard Law, Samuel H, Parsons, Gurdon Saltonstall, Guy Richards. Nathaniel Shaw, Jun., The declarations and resolves issued by'these meetings were simi lar to those of hundreds of towns at that juncture. In December, the town added two other members to the committee of correspondence, viz., John Deshon and William Coit. At this time also, a committee of inspection was appointed, consisting of thirty persons, who had in structions " to take effectual care that the acts of the Continental Congress, held at Philadelphia, September 5th, 1774, be absolutely and bona fide adhered to." Any seven of the members w-ere to form a quorum, and in cases of emergency the whole were to be called to- • gether at the court-house. From this period almost all action rela ting to tbe contest with England was performed by committees, or by spontaneous combination among the citizens, or by colonial and mili tary authority, and the results were not recorded. Committee of Correspondence for the year 1776. Gurdon Saltonstall, John Deshon, Nathaniel Shaw, Jun., John Hertell, Marvin Wait, William HiUhouse. January 15th, 1776. "-Voted, that if any person within the limits of this town shall at any time between now and the 1st of January next, unnecessarily expend any gunpowder by firing at game or otherwise, shall for every musket charge forfeit and pay the sura of twenty shilUngs lawful money into the town treasury," March Slst, 1777. A committee of supply was appointed to pro vide necessaries for the families of such soldiers as should enlist in the continental battalions then raising in the state. This was in com- pUance with the orders ofthe governor and council of safety, and a committee for this purpose was annually chosen tiU the conclusion of the war. The selectmen and informing officers were enjoined to search out and punish aU violations of the law regulating the prices of the necessaries of life. At the same meeting the town-clerk was directed to remove the books and files of the town to some place of safety, reserving only in his own custody those required for immediate use. In conformity with this vote the town records were removed into the western part of the township, now Waterford, and committed to the charge of Mr. George Douglass, by whom they were kept at his homestead until after the termination of the war. By this wise pre caution they escaped the destruction which swept away a portion of 504 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. the probate records, and probably aU those of the custom-hotise, on the 6th of September, 1781. June 23d, 1777. "-Voted alraost unanimously to admit of inoculation for eraall pox, agreeably to a resolve ofthe General Assembly in May last.'- The committee of correspondence for the years 1777 and 1778, consisted of three persons only, the first three named on the Ust of 1776, The committee of inspection was reduced to nineteen, and in Janua ry,, 1779, it was entirely dropped. The articles of confederation agreed upon by Congress in 1777, and referred to the several states for consideration, were in Connecticut ultimately presented to the inhabitants in their town meetings, for decision. The vote of New London was as follows : December 29th, 1777. " Gurdon SaltonstaU, moderator. Voted in a very fuU town raeeting, nera con, that this town do approve of and acquiesce in the late proposals of the honorable Continental Congress, entitled ' Articles of Con federation and perpetual union between the United States of Araerica,' as being the most effectual measures Whereby the freedom of said states may be secured and their independeney established on a solid and permanent basis." In October, 1779, a state convention was held at Hartford ; the deputies from New London, were Gurdon Saltonstall and Jonathan Latimer. From year to year as the war continued, the population decreased, estates diminished, and the burdens of the town grew heavier. The difficulty of furnishing the proper quota of men and provisions for the army, annually increased. Large taxes were laid, large bounties offered for soldiers to serve during the war, and various ways and means suggested and tried to obtain men, money, clothing, provisions, and fire-arms, to keep the town up to the proportion required by the legislature. Much of the town action was absorbed by this necessary but most laborious duty. June 27th, 1780. A bounty of £12 per annum, over and above the public bounty, was offered in hard money, to each soldier that would enlist to serve during the war ; £9 to each that would enlist for three .years ; and £6 to each that would enUst to serve till the 1st day of January next. In December, 1780, a committee was appointed to collect aU the fire-arms belonging to the inhabitants, and deposit them in a safe place, for the benefit of the town. Only extreme necessity could justify an act so arbitrary. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 505 So many of the inhabitants of New London had been trained as fishermen, coasters and mariners, that no one is surprised to find them, when the trying time came, bold, hardy and daring in the cause of freedom. In all the southern towns of the county, Stonington, Gro ton, New London, Lyme, the common mass of the people were an adventurous class, and exploits of stratagem, strength and valor by land and sea, performed during the war of independence, by persons nurtured on this coast, might still be recovered, sufficient to form a volume of picturesque adventure and exciting interest. At the same time, many individuals in this part of the country, and some too of high respectability, took a different view of the great political ques tion, and sided with the parliament and the king. In various instan ces, famUies were divided ; members of the same fireside adopted opposite opinions, and became as strangers to each other ; nor was it an unknown misery for parents to have children ranged on different sides on the battle field. At one time a gallant young officer of the army, on his return from the camp, where he had signalized himself by his bravery, was escorted to his home by a grateful populace, that surrounded the house and filled the air with their applausive huzzas ; while at the same time, his half-brother, the son of the mother who clasped him to her bosom, stigmatized as a tory, convicted of trade with the enemy, and threatened with the wooden horse, lay concealed amid the hay of the bam, where he was fed by stealth for many days. This anecdote is but an example of many that might be told, of a sim ilar character. It would be of no service now to draw^ out of oblivion the names of individuals who at various times during the eight years of dark ness and conflict, were suspected of bemg inimical to the liberties of their country. Many of these changed their sentiments and came over to the side of independence, and all at last acquiesced in their own happiness and good fortune, growing out of the emancipation of their country from a foreign scepter. It is an easier as weU as more pleasing task to mention names that on account of voluntary activity, sacrifice of personal interest, and deeds of valorous enterprise, ex erted for the rights of man, lie prominent upon the surface, iUumina- ting the whole period by their brightness. Those who came earliest forth in the cause demand our especial admiration, since it is emphaticaUy true that they set their Uves at stake. In a civil capacity the early names of note and infiuence were those of Deshon, Law, HiUhouse, Mumford and Shaw. Capt. John Deshon served as an agent in erecting the fortifications 43 506 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. at New London, and as commissary in various enlistments of troops. This was under the authority of the governor. In July, 1777, Con gress appointed him one of the naval board of the eastern depart ment.' Richai^d Law= and William HiUhouse were members of the govern or's council, and each carried a whole heart into the Revolution. HiU house was also major of the second regiment of horse raised in the state.^ Law had been nominated as a member of Congress, but in June, 1776, just at the critical period of appointment, he was confined in a hospital with the small-pox. His name was thus deprived of the honor of being aflSxed to the Declaration of Independence. In Octo ber, 1776, he was elected to Congress, and excused from further ser vice in the council. Thomas Mumford, of Groton, belonged to that company of gentle men, eleven in number, who in April, 1775, formed the project of taking Ticonderoga. This undertaking, so eminently successful, was wholly concerted in Connecticut, without any authority from Con gress. The company obtained the money requisite (£810,) from the colonial treasury, but gave their individual notes and receipts for it. The Assembly, in May, 1777, canceled the notes and charged the amount to the general government.'' In 1778, Mumford was one of a committee appointed to receive and sign emissions of bills, and also an agent of the secret committee of Congress.'^ 1 CouncU records in Hinman's -War ofthe Eevolution, p. 466. .John Deshon was of French Huguenot extraction. His father, Daniel Deshon, was a youth in the famUy of Capt. Eene Grignon, at, the time of the decease of the latter, at Norwich, in 1715, and is mentioned in his wiU. After the death of his patron, he settled in New Lon don, where he married Euth Christophers, and had several sons, and one daughter who married Joseph Chew. He died in 1781, nt the age of eighty-four, which carries his birth back to 1697. Three of his sons were conspicuous in the Revolutionary War. Capt. Daniel Deshon wa« appointed in 1777, to the command of the armed brig " Old Defence,-' owned by the state, Avhich was unfortunately taken by the British, in Jan uary, 1778. John, mentioned in the text, was the second son, and bom December 26th, 1727. Richard, another son, served in the army. The name is supposed to have been originally Deschamps. 2 Son of Governor Jonathan Law, and born in MUford, March 17th, 1732-3. He was, after the Eevolution, judge ofthe district of Connecticut, and chief justice of the superior court. The late Capt. Eichard Law, and Hon. Lyman Law, M, C, were his sons. 3 Major HiUhouse wa-s subsequently for many years chief judge of the county court. Tradition conflnns the trutli ofthe character engraved upon his monument: " A judge and statesman; honest, just and wise." 4 State Eecords, Hinman, p. 31. 6 Ibid, p, 497, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 507 Nathaniel Shaw, Jun., has been mentioned in a former chapter, as an enterprising merchant ; we may add that be performed important service to the country during the Revolution, particularly in naval affairs. His judgment in that department was esteemed paramount to all others in the colony. He also acted as a general agent, or friend of the country, in various concerns, military and fiscal, as weU as naval. His mercantile letters, though brief, and devoted to mat ters of business, contain allusions to passing events that are valuable as cotemporaneous authority. They have been already quoted, and further extracts will occasionally be made. To P. Vandervoort, October 22d, 1773, " In regard to the tea that is expected from England, I pray heartily that the colonies raay not suffer any to be landed. The people with us are determined not to purchase any that comes in that way." We have here a hint that apprises us of the spirit of the inhabitants of New London, in regard to the duty on tea. Aged people have related that some salesmen who had no scruples on the subject, hav ing received small consignments of custom-house tea, as experiments to try the market and tempt the people to become purchasers, were either persuaded or compelled to make a bonfire of it upon the Parade ; and that not only the tea-chests from the shops were emp tied, but some enthusiastic housekeepers added to the blaze by throwing in their private stores. It is further related that parties were made, and weddings celebrated, at which all ribbons, artificial flowers, and other fabrics of British manufacture, were discarded, and Labrador tea^ introduced.Shaw to Vandevoort, April \st, 1775. " Matters seem to draw near where the longest sword must decide the con troversy. Our Gen. Assembly sets to-morrow and I pray God Almighty to direct them to adopt such measures as will be for the interest of America." To Messrs. Wharton, Philadelphia, May Sth. " I wrote to you by Col. Dyer and Mr. Dean, our colony delegates to con gress, desiring you to let thera have what'money they should have occasion for to the amount of 4 or SOU pounds, I really do not know what plan to follow or what to do with my vessels " To the Selectmen of Boston, May Sth. "1 have received from Peter Curtenius, treas' of the com«« in New York, 1 This was probably the Ceanothus Amencanus, a plant sometimes used durmg the Eevolution as a substitute for tea, and usually called Jersey tea. 508 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 100 bbls, of fiour for the poor in Boston, He write\ie he shaU forward £350 in cash for the sarae use." To Capt. Handy, May 3Ut. " I never met with so much difficulty to get hard money since I was in trade, as within these two months past. I bave large quantities of West India goods in store, in Boston, in New York, and in Phils but cannot raise a shil ling." If such difficulties as are here described, were experienced by men of large resources, it may easily be imagined that aU the smaUer mer cantUe concerns must have been harassed and impoverished to the last extremity. The stagnation of business was general Neither cash nor merchantable biUs could be obtained. The most lamentable destitution prevailed ; every thing was wanted, yet no one had the means to buy. To Messrs. Thomas and Isaac Wharton, September ISth, 1775. " I shaU set out to-raorrow for the carap at Roxbury, and it is raore than probable that I raay come to Philadelphia on my return, and hope I shaU be able to procure Adams' Letters, which I have never seen." To an agent in Dominica, January l&th, 1776. " All our trade is now at an end and God knows whether we shall ever be In a situation to carry it on again. No business now but preparations for war, ravaging vUlages, burning towns," &c. At a very early period of the contest, Mr. Shaw took the precau tion to secure supplies of powder from the French islands. In De cember, 1774, he had represented to the government of the colony, the great destitution of New London, and other exposed places in this respect, and urged them to send without delay to the West In dies for a considerable stock, offering a fast sailing vessel of his own, to be used for this end. The Assembly acted on this advice, sending him an order to obtain six hundred half barrels, with all possible speed. In July, 1775, to the commander of a sloop fitted out with flour and pipe-staves for Hispaniola, he gave the brief direction : " Purchase gunpowder and return soon." Again, in January, 1776, he writes to William Constant, his agent in Guadaloupe, requesting him to purchase powder " to the amount of all the interest you have of mine in your hands." And adds, " make all the despatch you can ; we shall want it very soon." We learn from his accounts, that in 1775, he furnished the regiment of Col. Parsons with powder, ball and flints, and that in June, 1776, at the order of the governor, he forwarded an opportune supply of powder to General Washington. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 509 July 22d, he wrote himself to the commander-in-chief, stating that he had recently forwarded to him three cases of arms and a quantity of flints, adding, " and now, by the bearer, John Keeny, I have sent two cases of arms, and one chest and bar of continental arms and cutlasses, as per invoice." July Slst, he advises Robert Morris, chairman of the secret committee of Congress, that he has received another supply of powder, " 13,500 cwt,, arrived from Port-au- Prince and safe landed." The first naval expedition under the authority of Congress was fitted out at New London in January, 1776. The command was given to Commodore Hopkins — sometimes styled admiral. The fleet consisted of four vessels, the Alfred, Columbus, Andrea Doria and Cabot, varying in armament from fourteen to thirty-six guns.' The preparations were made with great expedition and secrecy, no notice being given respecting it in any of the newspapers. It w-as destined to cruise at the south, and annoy the British fleet in that quarter. Dudley Saltonstall, previously in command of the fort, or battery, on the Parade, was appointed senior captain ; Elisha Hin man a lieutenant ; Peter Richards and Charles Bulkley, enterprising young seamen of the place, were among the midshipmen — eighty of the crew were from the town and neighborhood. The fieet sailed about the first of February to its rendezvous in Delaware Bay — less than a month from the time in which the first preparations were commenced. The only results of this expedition, from which appar ently some great but indefinite advantage was expected, were the plunder of the British post of New Providence, and a fruitless com bat with the British ship Glasgow, on their homeward voyage, near the eastern end of Long Island. ' - The commodore re-entered New London harbor on the Sth of AprU ;^ he had taken seventy prisoners, eighty-eight pieces of can non, and a large quantity of miUtary and naval stores. Many of the heavy pieces of ordnance had arrived previously, in a sloop com manded by Capt. Hinman. Just at the period of the return of this fleet, the American army was on its way from Boston to N6w York.^ Gen. Washington met Commodore Hopkins at New London, April 9th. The brigade under 1 Cooper's Naval History, 2 New London Gazette. 3 Sparks' Life of Washmgton. 43* 510 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Gen. Greene was then here, ready to embark in transports. Wash ington slept that night at the house of Nathaniel Shaw.' Commodore Hopkins, immediately after his return, formed a plan for the capture of the Rose man-of-war, commanded by Sir James Wallace, then cruising upon the coast. Gen. Washington consented to furnish two hundred men to assist the enterprise, and the govemor and council ordered the Defence and the Spy to join the squadron for the cruise.^ Thus reenforced, the commodore sailed to the east ward ; but his plans were not accomplished. Neither the details of the project, nor the cause of its failure, are now understood. The disappointed fleet went into port at Providence. A large number of seamen belonging to the fleet, was left behind in New London, sick, and in the charge of Mr. Shaw. To him also was confided the care of the stores that had been disembarked. Mr. Shaw to Governor Trumbull, April 25th. " Inclosed is an invoice of the weight and size of thirty-four cannon received frora Admiral Hopkins, ten of which are landed at Groton, viz. three twenty- four-pounders, two eighteen, and five twelve. The remainder are at New Lon don. He has landed a great quantity of cannon ball. The mortars and shells General Washington desired might be sent to New York, and the Admiral has sent them. The remainder of the cannon are part sent to Newport, and part are on board tho fleet, whicii he wants to carry to Newport. The nine-pound ers are but ordinary guns, the others are all very good." To Francis Lewis, Esq., at Philadelphia, June 19th. " I have received a letter from Comraodore Hopkins, wherein he says that I was appointed by Congress as their agent for this port. I should be glad to have directions how to proceed. I am in advance at least a thousand pounds for supplies 10 the fleet and hospital iu this town ; one hundred and twenty men were landed sick and wounded, twenty of which are since dead ; the remain der have all since joined the fleet at Providence." To Hon. John Hancock, President of Congress, July 31st. " The cannon and stores deUvered me by Comraodore Hopkins, amount to £4,765, 4s. lOd. L. M. Last Sunday, a ship sent in as a prize by Capt. Biddle, in the AndrewDoria, ran on the rocks near Fisher's Island, being chased by a British ship-of-wat, and immediately a number of armed men frora Stonington went on board, and as they say, prevented the man-of-war from destroying her. The next day. 1 The chamber m which he reposed, has been retained of the same size and finish, ^d even the furniture has been but little varied since. -When La Fayette visited New London, in 1824, being shown into this room, he knelt reverently by the side of the bed, and remahicd a few minutes in sUent prayer, 2 Hinman, p, 356, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 511 Capt. Hinman, in the Cabot, went to their assistance, and hag saved and brought into port ninety hogsheads of rum, and seven of sugar ; remainder of the cargo is lost. The Cabot has been lying here ever since Coramodoie Hop kins set out for PhUadelphia, with a fine brave crew, waiting for orders." July 10th, 1776, Nathaniel Shaw, Jr., was appointed by the gov ernor and council of safety, " agent of the colony for naval supplies and taking care of sick seamen." From this period during the re mainder of the struggle, as an accredited agent of Congress and the colony, he furnished stores, negotiated the exchange of prisoners, provided for sick seamen, and exercised a general care for the public service in his native town. He was also engaged on his own account, as were also other prominent citizens of the place, in sending out pri vate armed vessels to cruise against the enemy. These for a time met with a success which stimulated the owners to larger adventures, but in the end, three-fourths, and perhaps a larger proportion of aU the private cruisers owned in New London were captured and lost. At the May session of the Legislature in 1776, the governor was placed at the head of the naval and custom-house business of the col ony, with power to appoint subordinate naval ofiicers for the ports of New Haven, New London, Middletown and Norwalk. Duncan Stewart, the EngUsh collector, was still in New London, where he dwelt without other restraint than being forbidden to leave town, except by permission from the governor. That permission appears to have been granted whenever solicited. In 1776, he spent three months in New York upon parole, and in June, 1777, obtained leave to remove thither with his family and effects, preparatory to taking passage for England, to which country the governor granted him a passport. Permission was also given him at first to take with him the goods of Dr. Moffatt, late his majesty's controUer of customs, but this was countermanded, representations having been made to the governor, that Dr. Moffatt had withdrawn from America in a hostUe spirit, and had since been in arms against her. His goods, which consisted only of some household stuff of trifiing value, were there fore confiscated. The populace took umbrage at the courtesies extended to the En gUsh collector. At one time, when some EngUsh goods were brought from New York for the use of his family, the mob at first would not permit them to be landed, and afterward seized and made a bonfii-e of them. The ringleaders in this outrage, were arrested and lodged in jaU ; the jail-doors were broken down and they were released ; nor were the authorities in sufiicieut force to attempt a re-commit- 512 HISJORY OF NEW LONDO,N. ment. It was indeed a stirring season, and the restraints of law and order were weak as flax. It is however gratifying to know that Mr. Stewart was allowed to leave the place with his famUy, without any demonstration of personal disrespect.' He departed in July, 1777. [Note on the Shaw Family. The elder Nathaniel Shaw was not a native of New London, but born in Fairfield, Ct., in 1703, to which place it is said, his father had removed frora Boston. He carae to New London before 1730, and was for many years a sea-captain in the Irish trade, which was then pursued to advantage. He had a brother, who sailed with hira in his early voyages, but died on a return passage from Ireland, in 173-2, Capt. Shaw raarried in 1730, Teraperance Harris, a granddaughter of the first Gabriel Harris of New London, and had a family of six sons and two daughters, Three of the sons perished at sea, at different periods, aged twenty, twenty-one and twenty-two ; a degree of calaraity beyond the comraon share of disaster, even in this com munity, where so many farailies have been bereaved by the sea. The other sons lived to raiddle age. Sarah, the oldest chUd, married David Allen, and died at the age of twenty-five. Mary, the youngest, has already been raention ed as the wife of the Rev. Ephraim Woodbridge; though dying at the age of twenty-four, she was the only one of Capt, Shaw's family who lefc descend ants. The parents lived to old age. Capt. Shaw died in 1778 ; his relict in 1796. Nathaniel Shaw, 2d, was the oldest son, and born Dec. 5th, 1735. He lived through the dark days of the Revolution, always active and enterprising, but was suddenly cut off by the accidental discharge of his own fowling-piece, be fore the nation had received the seal of peace, April 15th, 1782. His wife pre ceded him to the grave ; she died Dec. ¦,11th, 1781, of a malignant fever taken from some released prisoners, to whose necessities she ministered.] 1 Duncan Stewart, Esq., married in Boston, Jan. 6th, 1767, Nancy, youngest daugh ter of John Erving, Esq. They had three children bom in New London — a daughter that died in infancy, as we learn from a sniaU gravestone iu the old burial-ground, and two sons that went to England With their parents in 1777, Mr, Stewart's resi dence, with the adjoining custom-house, stood near the Cove, on Main Street; both were destroyed Sept, 6th, 1781, The site is now covered by the manufacturing estab Ushment of Messrs, Albertson and Douglas, CHAPTER XXX. MILITARY AFFAIRS. The Militia. — Two companies from New London at Bunker Hill, — Nathan Hale. — Tories. — Cannonade. of Stonington. — Fortification. — Building of Fort TrumbuU. — Offlcers on duty. — Enlistments. — Marauders. — Smugglers. — Shaving-raills, — "V^arious alarras, — British fleets in the Sound, — Exchange of prisoners. — Rumors and alarms of 1779 and 1780. — Notices of individual- soldiers. Early in the year 1775, an independent military company was formed in New London, under Capt. William Coit. It was well- trained and equipped, and held itself ready for any emergency. Im mediately after the news of the skirmish at Lexington was received, this gallant band started for the scene of conflict. They encamped the first night on Norwich Green ; the second, on Steriing Hill, and the third in Providence. Another militia company went from those parts of the town which are now Waterford and MontviUe, under Major Jonathan Latimer; Capt. Abel Spicer with another from Gro ton. Fifty towns in Connecticut sent troops to Boston on this occa sion. In May, the General Assembly ordered remuneration to be made from the colonial treasury for expenses incurred in the Lexing ton alarm, and the quota of New London was £251, ISs. 6d. This amount is the fifth highest on the list. Windham stands first ; Wood stock, from whence Capt. Samuel McLeUan turned out with forty- five mounted men is next ; then Lebanon, Suffield, New London.' Under the old organization, the mUitia of New London belonged to the third Connecticut regiment, and in 1774, the field-oflScers of this regiment were Gurdon SaltonstaU, of New London, colonel; Jabez Huntington, of Norwich, lieut, colonel, and Samuel H. Par sons, major. Major Parsons was of Lyme, but at that time residing 1 State Records, (Hinm'an,) p, 23, 514 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. in New London, in the practice of the law, being king's attorney for New London county. In April, 1775, six new regiments were formed, and the promotions after this period were so rapid, that it is difficult to keep pace w-ith the grade of the officers. Every new re quisition for volunteers, was followed by changes among the commis sioned officers, and generally by an advance in rank. In June, one of the six newly raised regiments, under the command of Col, Parsons, was reviewed in New London. Tbis is believed to have been the first regimental training in this state, east of Connecti cut River. Two companies of this regiment, the fourth and fifth, were raised in New London, and of these William Coit and James Chapman — names which by their townsmen were considered synon ymous with patriotism and hardy gallantry, were captains.' These two companies marched immediately to Boston, and took part in the battle of Bunker Hill.^ Of Capt. Coit's company, Jede- diah Hide was first lieutenant, James Day second lieutenant, William Adams ensign. Of Capt. Chapman's company, the corresponding officers were Christopher Darrow, John Raymond and George Lati mer. Capt. Coit, soon after the battle, entered into the navy, and was appointed, by Congress, to the command of the schooner Harrison, fitted out in Boston Bay, to cruise against the enemy.^ 1 State Eecords, (Hinman,) p, 169, 2 The foUowing minutes of the day before the battle, were copied from the origin als preserved in the sergeant's famUy, by the late Thomas Shaw Perkins, They are uiserted here as memorials of one of the New London companies that fought at Bun ker's Hill. " Sergeant Fargo's report to the Sergeant M.ijor of Capt, Colt's company— 4th company, in 6th regiment, mider Col. Parsons of the Connecticut line. " June 16, 1775. Morning Report. " Main guard 18. Barrack Guard 7, Sick 9. Servants 4, Present 68, Total 106, Signed, Moses Fargo. Orderly Sergeant. " General Orders, June 16, 1775, " Parole, Lebanon; Countersign, Coventry. " Field Officer of the day. Col. Nixon. " Field Officer of the Picquet, Major Brooks. " Field Officer of the Main-Guard, Lt. Col. Hutchinson. " Adjutant to-morrow, Holden. " Draft Capt. Coit's company— one subaltern, nine privates for the picquet guard: one sergeant and seven privates for the advance guard to-night. Sergeant Edward Hallam is detailed to this service." 3 Frothingham's Siege of Boston, p. 260'. Capt. Coit, claimed to be "the.first man in the states who turned his majesty's bunting upside down." This was a current be lief at the time, and has been preserved by tradition, but its correctness at this dis tance of time can not be deteimined. The Harrison w|| certainly one of the first ves sels commissioned by Congress, and may have been the first to take a prize. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 515 In July, two more regiments were raised in Connecticut, under Col. Charles Webb, and Col. Jedediah Huntington. Of Webb's regiment, Jonathan Latimer, Jr., was major and captain of the third company, having for his first lieutenant, Nathan Hale,' who at the time of re ceiving his commission, sustained the office of preceptor of the Union Grammar School, in New London. It has been frequently asserted that when the news of the battle at Lexington arrived in town, Nathan Hale immediately dismissed his scholars, harangued the citizens, and marching for Boston with the company of Capt. Coit, took part in the battle of Bunker Hill, This statement is not entirely accurate ; his proceedings were marked with more calmness and maturity of judgment. He had taken an active part in all the patriotic measures of the inhabitants, but not till he had been tendered a commission in the army, which was subsequent to the battle of Bunker Hill, did he decide to relinquish his office of preceptor before the expiration of the time for which he was engaged. His letter to the proprietors of the school, announcing his purpose^ was dated Friday, July 17th, 1775. In this communication, he ob serves, that the year for which he had engaged would expire in a fortnio-ht ; but as he had received information that a place was allot ted to him in the arm.y, he asked as a favor to be excused immedi ately. Before the close of July, the regiments of Webb and Hunt ington were ordered to Boston, where they were placed under the commander-in-chief. Lieutenant Hale shortly afterward received a captain's commission. Those who knew Capt. Hale in New London, have described him as a man of many agreeable qualities ; frank and independent in his bearing; social, animated, ardent ; a lover of the society of ladies, and a favorite among them. Many a fair cheek was wet with bitter tears and gentle voices uttered deep execrations on his barbarous foes, when tidings of his untimely fate were received. As a teacher, Capt. Hale is said to have been a firm discipUnarian, but happy in his mode of conveying instruction, and highly respected hy his pupils. The parting scene made a strong impression on their minds. He addressed them in a style almost parental; gave them earnest counsel, prayed with them, and shaking each by the hand, bade them individually farewell. The summer of 1776 was noted for the large number of arrests of persons charged with toryism. Many of these were brought to New 1 State Keooi-ds, (Hinman,) p, 186, 516 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. London, and from thence sent into the interior of the state, to keep them from intercourse with the enemy. In August, three vessels arrived in one week, with persons arrested on Long Island and in New York city. After a short confinement in the jail, they were forwarded to Norwich and Windham, for safe keeping. Green's newspaper sometimes announced them as " gangs of miscreants," and again as "gentlemen tories." In the interior towns, they were allowed to go at large, within certain Umits, and most of them after a few months were permitted to return to their homes. On the 25th of July, three British ships of war came athwart New London harbor and anchored : these were the Rose, commanded by Capt. Wallace ; the Swan, and the King-fisher. This was a virtual blockade, and created much alarm. The town had no defense ex cept the spirit of her inhabitants. The sole strength of the fort was its garrison, which consisted mostly of captains and mates of vessels that lay unemployed at the wharves. No other commander on this coast acquired a renown so odious as Capt. Wallace. He was the terror of the small ports and small vessels, capturing and plundering without discrimination, and threatening various points with attack. On the SOth of August, he verified his threats by a cannonade of the thriving viUage of Stonington, Long-point. On this exposed penin sula, about half a mile in length, formerly a moiety of the Chese brough farm, a hardy company of mariners and artisans had clustered together, and acquired a creditable share of the trade of the Sound- The tender of the Rose, whose business it was to destroy every thing in the shape of keel or sail that came in its way, pursued one of its victims to the wharf of the village. The citizens eagerly collected for its defense, Capt. Benjamin Pendleton, arid other brave and true men were there, and the tender was soon driven from its prey. But the Rose came up, and without summons or communication of any kind, opened her broadside upon the village. She continued firing at intervals for several hours, until the pursued vessel was cut out and conveyed away. Only sound shot were used, and therefore no houses took fire, though several were much shattered by the balls. One man was wounded but none killed.' 1 At the^October session ofthe legislature, 1775, the sum of £12, is. id. was aUowed to .Jonathan AVeaver, Jun,, a music man in the company of Capt. OUver Smith, who was dangerously wounded at Stonington, Long-point. Hinman, p. 192, It is singular that when Stonington waa again cannonaded by the British, August 9th, 1814, the result should have been so nearly the same ; buUdings damaged, one man severely wounded, no one kiUed. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 517 On the Sth and 6th of August, 1775, a fleet of nine ships and sev eral smaller vessels, gathered around New London Harbor, and ap peared as if about to enter. Expresses were sent forth to alarm the country, but it was soon ascertained that the object of the fleet was to secure the stock that was owned upon the fertile islands of the Sound. From Fisher's Island alone they took 1,100 sheep, beside cattle and other provisions ; for which they made a reasonable com pensation to Mr. Brown, the lessee of the island ; but from Gardiner's and Plum Islands, they took what they wanted without payment. This incident probably operated as a spur upon the higher powers of the colony, in regard to a subject much discussed in their councils, viz., the fortification of New London. Among the heads of inquiry' proposed by his majesty's secretary of state to the colony of Connecticut, in 1773, was this : ** What forts and places of defense are there w^ithin your government, and in what condition ?" To which Governor Trumbull replied, October, 1774 : " A small battery at New London, consisting of nine guns, built and sup ported at the colony's expense.'' This was then the only fortification in Connecticut when the war commenced. But the defense of the coast was a subject to which the attention of the legislature was soon called. April, 1775, a committee was appointed to examine the points of defense, and report on the best means of securing the country from invasion. Of this committee, Messrs. G. Saltonstall, D. Deshon and T. Mumford, reported in regard to New London, that the battery was in a ruinous condition, and that the only effective cannon in the place consisted of six new pieces ; (four eighteens and two twelves.) They proposed that three positions, Mamacock, Winthrop's Neck and Gro ton Height, should be fortified, and that fourteen new cannon (twenty- fours) should be procured.^ This judicious advice was not adopted, probably on account of a void in the treasury. All that was obtained at this time, was an order to repair and complete the old fort. This was done during the summer, under the direction of Col. Saltonstall, who in effect rebuilt the works and mounted upon them aU the can- 1 Heads of Inquiry, prmted by order ofthe Governor and Company; T. Green, 1775. 2 CotmcU Records, (Hinman, App.,) p. 645. 44 518 HISTORY OF NEW, LONDON. non in the town. It will be recollected that this fortification stood near the water's edge, where is now the ferry wharf. Here was the battlement, the platform, the cannon and tbe flag-staff; the magazine stood a Uttle to the west. The garrison, from twelve to twenty men, had their meals at Potter's, near Bradley Street. Nathaniel Salton stall, captain ; Stephen Hempstead, lieutenant. On the Groton side ofthe river, with a spirit of enthusiasm that did not wait for legislative aid, the inhabitants voluntarily threw up in trenchments, excavated ditches and erected breastworks, i^t sundry exposed places, which, though they had no ordnance except a few pieces at the principal battery on the heights, obtained from the sup ply brought in by Commodore Hopkins, they resolved to defend to the last extremity. On the river below Norwich, (at Waterman's Point,) a battery was erected under the superintendence of Benjamin Huntington and Ephraim Bill, and furnished with four six-pounders. Such were the preparations made to receive the enemy in 1775.' Two enUsted companies were stationed at New London, during the summer, under Major Latimer and Capt. Edward Shipman, of Say brook.^ These were ordered to Boston the last of September, on the requisition of General Washington. Their place was supplied by a new enlistment of seventy men, of whom Col. SaltonstaU took the command.^ The governor and council of safety, acceding to the oft-repeated request of the inhabitants that something further might be done for t'lem in the way of fortification, sent Col. Jedediah Elderkin to New London, in November, to view the premises and report what fortifi cation was necessary. After a general survey and consultation with the principal men on both sides of the river, he confirmed the judg ment heretofore given by the committee, and recommended the im mediate fortification of the three points designated by them. The neck of land bounding New^ London Harbor on the south, now called Fort Neck, but then generally known by its Indian name of Mamakuk, (or Mamacock,) presented near the point a broad, irreg ular platform of ' rocks, rising twenty feet above the water, and con- 1 CouncU Eecords in Hinman, pp, 328, 331, 2 Ibid, p, 328, 3 At the same time thirty were ordered for New Haven, forty for Stonington, ahd fifteen for Lyme, The pay was the same as to continental soldiers, which in 1775, was £2 per month for a private, tad £Q for a captam; five shUUngs and three pence per week for bUletuig, Ibid, p, 191, ? HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 519 nected with the main land on the east by meadovys and marshes. Thi/rocky point seems to have been projected into its. position pur posely to protect the harbor. A more advantageous site for a forti fication is scarcely to be desired. Could we allow that the benevo lence of nature would concur in any of the plans of war, we might suppose that this use of it had entered into her design ; for it is not only well adapted to this end, but seems nearly useless for any other purpose. On this point. Col. Elderkin proposed the erection of a rampart fronting east, eighty feet ; south, eighty feet ; north, eighty feet, but not at right angles ; with five embrasures in each bank, to be defended by five cannon, eighteen or twenty-four-pounders. The point selected on the Groton side was nearly opposite the center of the harbor. The ascent, within fifty rods of the water's edge, was 120 feet. The summit was toles^ibly level. Here it was supposed that a breastwork of turf and gravel, with some ten pieces of cannon, would be all that was necessary. Winthrop's Neck Ues north-east of the town, and projects more than half-way across the harbor ; the southern extremity, facing the mouth of the river, presents a level, bold bluff, twenty feet above the water. Here, also, it was recommended that a breastwork should be raised, and planted with ten cannon. These various positions would expose an invading fleet to be raked at so many angles, that it was thought the inhabitants might thus be rendered secure from all annoy ance by sea. The report of Col. Elderkin was made to the governor and coun cil, November 15th,' and on the 22d, orders were issued for the works to be commenced, under the direction of a committee of six persons? Col. Saltonstall, Ebenezer Ledyard, John Deshon, Nathaniel Shaw, Jun., Peter Avery and Josiah Watrous (or Waters,)^ Yet notwith standing this early and earnest action of the government, more than a year elapsed before either of the posts could take rank as a fortifica tion, and merit a name. Even in December, 1776, when the two principal works were honored with the names of the governor and deputy-governor, Trumbull and Griswold, they were imperfect and unfinished. Nor is this a matter of surprise when it is considered that the labor 1 Elderkin's report, in Hinman's App,, p, 551, The land at Mamacock was pur chased of Nathaniel Shaw; an acre and a quarter for the works at Groton, of Jona than Chester and EUsha Prior, Groton fort was commenced December Sth, 1775, 2 Hmman, p. 337, 520 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. was performed by relays of fresh recruits, changed every few weeks, who wrought under the direction of the civil authority and field-offi cers. These enlistments consisted in part of mere boys, with the spirit indeed, but not the experience of men, and in part of aged per sons, who had perhaps the judgment, but not the physical energy of maturity. It is interesting to note the difficulties which in those revolutionary times stood in the way of public works. In the case of these small fortifications, the legislature must first discuss the matter and pass the resolves ; the governor and council of safety must take it up ; Col. SaltonstaU must be consulted ; Mr. Shaw must be summoned to Hart ford, to give advice ; Col. Mott must be sent to New London, to sur vey ; Col. Dyer and Mr. Wales must examine and report. The works begin, stop, go on.^ The governor and council are at the trou ble of directing just the number of sledges, hammers, shovels, spades, crow-bars, pickaxes, chains, &c., that are to be provided for the work. Timber, teams, tools, and other necessary materials are to be procured by Col. Saltonstall, for Winthrop's Neck ; by Ebenezer Ledyard, for Groton ; and Nathaniel Shaw, for Mamacock. The tim ber was in the forests, and must be selected growing. The assembly must now apply to Congress for cannon to furnish their works, asking for some of the brass pieces taken at St. John's. Again they apply to Admiral Hopkins for some of the New Provi dence ordnance.' They can not obtain the necessary complement and it is decided that the heavy cannon must be cast in Smith's fur nace at Salisbury. In order to accomplish this, the furnace must be enlarged, new workmen obtained, higher wages given ; wood-land must be bought to obtain fuel for the furnace ; and all these details must be performed by the executive officers of the state ; Col. Elder kin and others must make journeys to and forth from Salisbury to Hartford, to manage the business. In the summer of 1777, the works were regarded as finished, though probably then very far from what military men, at the pres ent day, would call complete. The engineer of Fort Trumbull was Col. Josiah Waters ; of Fort Griswold, Col. Samuel Mott.^ The first commanders of these forts 1 Council Records, p. 365, Hinman, where wiU be found authority for most of the particulars in this sketch. 2 Their appointment as engineers was in February, 1776, but Col. Watei-s had been previously on duty. His services commenced NovembcrASd, 1775, and he was still at his post in April, 1777, as was also his assistant, Josiah Waters, Jun, Hinman p 430 ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 521 were appointed in February, 1776, and were captains of companies stationed at each place ; John Ely, of Lyme, at Mamacock, and Ed ward Mott, at Groton,' but in July, before the forts were half com pleted, they were both promoted to the rank of major. Their suc cessors were Martin Kirtland, of Saybrook, for Mamacock, and Oliver Coit, for Groton. Two artillery companies, one for each fortress, were afterward raised, and of these Nathaniel Saltonstall and WU liam Ledyard were the first captains. These must be regarded as the first actual commanders of Forts TrumbuU and Griswold. They were appointed July 3d, 1776.^ At the same date, Adam Shapley was ordered to take command of the old fort at New London, in the place of Dudley Saltonstall, resigned. August 2d, 1777, orders were issued by the governor and council to remove the platform from the old fort to Fort Trumbull. The bar rack, also, was soon transferred to the lower part of the town, and being subsequently used for a brewery, gave the name of Brewery, (now Brewer,) to the street in which it was placed. The old battery was left to decay, and its site afterward appropriated to the market and the ferry wharf. A redoubt on Winthrop's Neck was erected by Col. SaltonstaU- The importance of the site was overrated, and in the course of a year or two the post was abandoned. For the garrisoning of the various posts at New London and Groton, a regiment of foot was employed during a part of the year 1776, of which Col. Erastus Wolcott had the command. He was the superior mUitary commander of the district which included Stonington, for that year. Dr. John Ely of Lyme performed a tour of duty here, as captain and major, and also as physician and surgeon. In July he was sent to visit the northern army and employ his skill in arrest ing the small-pox, which was then raging in the camp with great virulence. In the various battalions raised for continental service, New Lon don was expected to furnish her full quota ; though, as we look back upon her exposed situation, we might deem that the services of her sons were of pressing necessity at home. Mr. Shaw, in writing to Governor TrumbuU, Aug. 7th, 1776, when new enlistments were de manded, observes : 1 Hinman, pp, 346, 364, 2 Ibid, pp, 365, 366, 44* 522 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. , " Till* town has been drained of raen already, so that there is scarcely a suf ficiency of hands left to get in the harvest," , In addition to the regular militia then in service, in June a large volunteer company was recruited in the town under Capt. Richard Deshon, and another in November, under Capt. Jonathan Caulkins. Groton was in a similar condition, nearly all its able-bodied men were in the army. In October, 1775, she had memorialized the assembly, praying that her soldiers might be allowed to return and defend their own homes, for the- British fleet was hovering near them, and the coast had been stripped of its men to recruit the army and navy. This was the sad truth, which might have been repeated every year of the war. How shall we describe the shifting scenes of plunder, stratagem and atrocity, exhibited on the bosom of Long Island Sound, during the years 1776 and 1777 ? What fury possessed the minds of men, that the inhabitants of the two shores, old neighbors and friendly associates, should thus become assassins and wolves, prowling for each other's destruction ! Long Island, having passed in a great measure into the occupation of the British, those inhabitants who had embraced the cause of lib erty, were obliged to seek safety by flight. The troops stationed at New London, with all the armament that the governor could command, were ordered to cross the Sound and assist in removing them and their effects to the Connecticut coast. Many of these unfortunate patriots, left all behind them, and homeless and destitute were thrown upon the mercy of the charitable. Long Island was abandoned by the Genius of Liberty, and the British rule was spread over it, far and wide. From that moment the two coasts were hostile, and an inveterate system of smuggling, marauding, plundering and kidnap ping took place on both sides, in comparison with which a common state of honorable warfare might be taken for peace and good neigh borhood. Sheep, cattle, effects and people, were seized and carried off by either party. On the Connecticut side this was done under the covert of secrecy, Gopds stolen from the island were carefully secreted ; and if discovered by honest persons were advertised, and the owners desired to come and take possession. This condition of affairs was fraught with mischief, misrule and villainy. There was no end to the strays and the thieves. Akin to this marauding system was the contraband trade— an ilUcit dealing with the enemy, and fur nishing them with supplies for the sake of their gold, and their goods. This was not often carried on b<^the tories, the professed I V HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 523 friends of the British, for they were too narrowly watched to allow of the risk, but by men who were patriots in pretension, but yet lovers of money, rather than lovers of their country. This trade was en tered into by many people who were otherwise considered fair and honorable in all their dealings ; but if discovered by their country men, they were marked for opprobrium and insult. A more odious occupation could not be mentioned, nor could any thing be said of a man better calculated to hold him up to public indignation than to call him a Long Island trader. The republican authorities were rigorous in their watch upon this trade .' Many houses were search ed and men imprisoned ; yet the contraband trade flourished. Goods that were bought for country produce, might be sold cheap, and the temptation to buy was great. Fine Holland shirts ready-made could be procured for half a Spanish dollar. Sloops and boats laden with provisions for the New York market were occasionally intercepted by the state cruisers, and the sad history of the day was often enliv ened by ludicrous anecdotes that w-ould gain currency respecting these night-traders. Thus, a story was told of two men from the Great Neck shore of New London, who put off one night in a whale- boat, with a lai-ge fat ox on board. The animal got loose from its fastenings and became so unmanageable that the men, in danger of sinking, were glad to make toward a country sloop near by, and meekly surrender their ox to confiscation and themselves to impris onment. On the Long Island side the harbors were infested with bands of the lowest and vilest refugees, from whence many a plundering de scent -R-as made on the Connecticut coast and robbery and extortion of every kind committed. The small sloops and boats in which these piratical excursions were made had the familiar name of Shav- intr-Mills. They were the terror of the coast, often committing atro cious robberies. The present generation, living in peace and quiet, and looking round upon the goodly heritage that has fallen to their lot, think but Uttle of those years of suffering, through which these blessings were attained.' They have no adequate conception of the scenes of alarm, panic, flight, destitution, poverty, bereavement, loneliness and even famine, throuo-h which their forefathers passed in the fierce struggle 1 Shaw to Governor Trumbull, Feb,, 1777 ; " I suppose Gen, Parsons has given you a history of the discovery we made of the correspondence carried on from our Neck on board the man-of-war," Shaw's Letter Book, (MS,) 524 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. for liberty. During the whole war, the inhabitants of New London could never Ue down with any feeling of security that they might not be roused from their beds by the alarm bell and the signal fire, pro claiming the invader at hand. There was indeed, in the early part of the war, no spoil to allure an eneray ; but the harbor, capacious, accessible and secure, would furnish a fine winter refuge for their ships, and it would be a vast benefit to their cause to seal up the state and have the whole Sound to themselves. During the winter of 1776-7, the frigates Amazon and Niger were stationed most of the time near the west end of Fisher's Island, so as effectually to blockade the mouth of the river. Several Brit ish vessels also wintered in Gardiner's Bay, and the Sound was the common haunt of the enemy. On the 3d of December, 1776, eleven ships passed Montauk Point and anchored within sight of the town. The next morning they were joined by a fleet of transports and war like vessels approaching eastward from New York, which gradually increased to 100 in number. This fleet, which was under the com mand of Sir Peter Parker, while maneuvering in the Sound made a truly formidable appearance. They remained nearly three weeks, recruiting where they could on the shores and islands — often secretly supplied by faithless men from the coast — and stretching their wings from Gardiner's Bay to Fairfield. New London was in daily appre hension of a bombardment. The women and children and aU valua ble goods were removed. On Friday, Dec. 20th, the admiral hav ing collected together his transports and made his preparations, began to weigh anchor. At that moment the public consternation was greater perhaps than has ever been experienced, before or since, on this coast. When this magnificent fleet came abreast the mouth of the river it seemed sufficient to sweep the foundation of the town from its moorings. Astonishment and dismay filled the minds of the inhabitants as from hill-tops and house-tops, they gazed on the dis tant spectacle. After a short period of intense anxiety, a sudden relief was experienced, as the leading ships passed off to the south and east of Fisher's Island, and it became apparent that Newport was to be the point of attack. The governor had ordered out all the miUtia east of the river and three regiments from the west side ; but the orders were countermanded when the destination of the fleet was ascertained.' 1 Col. John Douglas was encamped here with his regiment. . In January, 1777, Col, John Ely's regiment on duty at New London was ordered to Providence. He was remanded with four companies in March, ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 525 The 14th of March, 1777, brought another breeze of alarm along the coast. A fleet of eleven sail — the Amazon, Greyhound, Lark and seven transport^— came round the western point of Fisher's Isl and, and anchored near the Groton shore. An immediate descent was expected, and tumult and terror reigned for a time in the town. The object of the squadron, however, was to obtain, as they had the year before, the stock of Fisher's Island, aud this business they ex ecuted so thoroughly, as almost to sweep the island clean of produce. They took not only sheep, cattle, swine, poultry, corn, potatoes, wood and hay, but blankets, woolen cloth, sheeting and other necessaries, for all which they made a reasonable compensation to Mr. Brown, in British gold. While the enemy thus kept possession of the Sound, the sloops and boats belonging to the coast, melted away like summer snow-. The Amazon frigate kept a continual watch at the mouth of the river, capturing and destroying coasters and fishing vessels without mercy. Through the whole year 1777, New London, was blockaded almost with the strictness of a siege. April 12th, about thirty sail of armed vessels and transports pass ed along the mouth of the river : in fact, during the whole of this momentous summer the threatening aspect of a man-of-war, was scarcely absent from the vision of the inhabitants ; and from the high grounds twenty were frequently in view at one time, either at anchor, or flying east and west where, at the two extremities of the Sound, the strong forces of the enemy held undisputed possession of Newport and New York. May and June were months of almost continual alarm. On the 20tli of July a squadron appeared on the coast bending its course as if about to enter the mouth of the river. The alarm guns were fired and the militia set in motion ;"but it proved to be a fleet of transports and provision vessels bound to England under convoy of the Niger frigate. They passed by without any hostile demon stration but that of firing several shot at the armed schooner Spy, which they chased into the harbor. The next day, the Spy slipped out of the river, and cut off from the fleet two vessels that had Ungered to take in wood. In August, the Cerberus frigate lay for some time at anchor, off Niantic Bay, west of New London. A Une was one day seen from the ship floating upon the water at a Uttle distance, which the tender of the ship was ordered to examine. It was drawn up with great caution, and found to be 150 fathoms in length, and to have a ma- 526 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. chine attached to the end of it, weighing about 400 pounds. This, upon being hauled into the schooner, exploded on the deck, and as was currently reported at the time, killed several men.' The machine was undoubtedly one of the marine torpedoes invented by Mr. Bushnell, to blow up ships. This ingenious gentleman and pa- ttriotic soldier made other attempts to destroy a British vessel with his machine, but failed. In September, thirty or forty sail of English vessels were at one time in the Sound ; many of them taking in wood from the Long Island shore. In November, about the 14th, a fleet of vessels of all descriptions passing from Newport to Gardiner's Bay, encountered a gale of wind, by which the Syren frigate of twenty-eight guns was driven ashore at Point Judith and fell into the hands of the Americans with her crew (200 men) and equipments. She was stripped of her guns, stores, and every thing movable, and burnt; Sunday Nov. 15th. The military organization for the coast defense was arranged anew for the year 1777. The three posts of New London, Groton and Stonington were placed under the command of Major Jonathan Wells of Hartford. Two companies were raised and stationed at New London ; one of artillery consisting of fifty men, of which Nathaniel Saltonstall was captain ; the other of musketry, (seventy men,) of which Adam Shapley was captain. Two corresponding companies stationed at Grolon were commanded by Wm. Ledyard and Oliver Coit ; and a company of musket men was stationed at Stonington under Capt. Nathan Palmer. This was the stationary force for the year ; but being totally inadequate to the necessity, a regiment was raised expressly to defend the coast of New London county. Before this could be enlisted. Colonels Latimer, Ely and Throop, and Majors Buel and Gallop, performed tours of duty at New London and Gro ton, with parts of their respective regiments. In March, 1778, Capt. William Ledyard was appointed to the com mand of the posts of New London, Groton and Stonington, with the rank and pay of major. Under his direction the works were repair ed and strengthened and additional batteries erected. William Latham was captain of artillery at Groton, and Adam Shapley at New London. These appointments, it must be remembered, were not made by Congress or the commander-in-chief, but emanated from the governor and council of safety. 1 This incident is more minutely related in Thatcher's MUitary Journal, p, 123, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 527 Early in this year, a French ship called the Lyon, Capt. Michel came mto port with a valuable assortment of West India goods' This cargo was very opportune, being mostly purchased by the naval agent for the state and continental service. She had salt on board, which was then of pressing importance to the army ; and linen and other articles useful for the clothing of soldiers. The Lyon lay about three months in the harbor.' Several privateers were in at the same time recruiting, and the collisions that took place among the seamen, soldiery and populace, kept the town in a state of riot and disorder. The jail was forced, prisoners released and recaptured, and mobs oc casionally triumphant over the law. When a maritime war is rag ing, what can be expected in a seaport but misrule and demoraliza tion ? Flags of truce engaged in the exchange of prisoners were often arriving and departing from New London. The return home of American prisoners excited very naturally a deep interest. Their appearance alone without a word spoken, was sufBcient evidence that they had borne a rigorous confinement under merciless keepers. In July, 1777, a flag that had been sent to Newport with a band of well- fed, healthy English prisoners to be exchanged, returned with a conj- pany of Americans who were actually dying from starvation and close confinement. "They had but just life enough remaining," said the Gazette, " to answer the purpose of an exchange." Some were wasted to skeletons, others covered with vermin, or disflgured with eruptions, or dying of fever. Early in August, two other exchanges were negotiated and some fifty more arrived in the same condition. Unwholesome and scanty fare, crowded quarters, the want of fresh air and uncleanliness, had brought them to the verge of the grave. Some indeed died in the cartel before they reached the har bor, and some soon after their arrival. The few that remained meager, pale and tottering, crept slowly along the highways begging their way to their homes. In the month of December, 1778, by flags and cartels from New York about 500 prisoners arrived, released said the Gazette " from the horrible prison ships." They were sick with various diseases — they had frozen Umbs — and many were infected with the small-pox. 1 The Lyon took in a cargo for Virginia and sailed June 14th, A little south of Long Island she had an engagement of four hours' duration with a British frigate and then escaped. On her voyage from Virginia to France, laden with tobacco, she was captured by an English vessel of forty guns. 528 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. They died all along the way through the Sound, and every day after their arrival for three weeks ; sixteen the first week, seventeen the next, and so on. About 200 were Frenchmen, and of these fifteen died on the passage from New York. These poor foreigners were destitute of mone}' and suitable clothing ; and the high price of the necessaries of life, the gloom of the winter season, and the loath some diseases among them, made it no light task to render them comfortable. The small-pox and malignant fevers brought in by the prisoners, were communicated to those whose benevolent ministra tions afforded them relief, and in this way were spread through the town. The prejudices against inoculation were so strong that not withstanding it had a resolve of the General Assembly and a previ ous vote of the town in its favor, it had never been allowed. Infected persons were carried apart, and shut up by themselves, with the white cloth floating over them to betoken pestilence. With respect to the American prisoners, historic justice calls upon us to state, that those who were exchanged in later periods of the war, gave evidence of a beneficial change in the mode of treatment. The British had learned a lesson of humanity. In August, 1779, when the crew of the Oliver Cromwell were, released, they came home in good health, and frankly acknowledged that though they had been conflned in those odious prison ships, the Jersey, and Good-hope, they had been kindly treated, provided with good food, the sick attended by physicians, and nothing plundered from them. In the year 1778, a prison ship was fitted up at New London, by order of Congress, for the reception of British prisoners, with a guard attached to it, consisting of a lieutenant, sergeant, corporal, and twenty privates.' It was used only a short time. The events of the year 1779 seem like those of previous years, re hearsed over as in a scenic exhibition, with only slight changes of names and drapery. In February, a detachment of continental troops, under the command of Col. Dearborn, was sent to aid the mUitia in the defense of New London. Brigadier- General Parsons had the superior mUitary command of the district. N. Shaw, to the Marine Committee of the Eastern Department, March lith, 1779, " We are in such a wretched state in this town by reason of the smaU-pox, fever and famine, that I can not carry on my business, and am laying up my vessels as fast as they corae in, for every necessary of life is at such an extrav- 1 CouncU Records, (Hinman,) p«31. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 529 agant price tbat whenever I employ persons to do any thing, they insist upon provisions, which it is not in my power to give them." On the 23d of March, several scouting vessels came in, with the startling inteUigence that a fieet of twenty sail had passed Hurlgate, and were coming east, with fiat-bottomed boats, row-galleys and sloops of war in train ; that a sixty-four and a fifty gun ship had left Sandy Hook, to corae south of Long Island, around Montauk into the Sound ; that twenty-six sail of vessels had previously congregated at Sagharbor, and that General Clinton had left New York, and was mustering a large body of troops at Southampton. The same day a considerable force was seen to go into Gardiner's Bay, and about sun set the frigate Renown appeared off the mouth of the river and an chored. To what could all these preparations tend but an attack upon New London ? And now as on similar occasions, the alarm-bells were rung, and the bale-fires lighted. FamiUes were broken up, effects removed, and the neighboring militia came straggling in to the defense. But no attack was made. It was expected the next day, and the next ; and a whole week passed of agitation and uncertainty. It was then ascertained that the transports from New York had gone to New port ; that the fleet under convoj'-, w-hich had halted in Gardiner's Bay, was bound to New York ; that a part of the other fleet had gone on a plundering expedition to the Vineyard Sound and Fal mouth, (novy Portland, in Maine,) and that on the opposite coast of Long Island, from whence the invading army was expected to em bark, all was quiet and peaceful. No flat-bottomed boats were there, nor had been. The only force collected on that side of the island, consisted of 500 foot and fifty horse at Southold, and 100 men with two field-pieces at Sagharbor, which was a stationary arrangement to guard and assist the English vessels in taking off wood and hay. It is a little singular that the troops at Southampton had been assem bled in consequence of unfounded reports of a similar nature, that had been flying through the British lines. It was confidently affirmed in New York that General Parsons was at New London, with a body of 4 000 men, making hasty but secret preparations for a descent upon Long Island. In consequence of this report. General Clinton had hastened from New York, with a flying force, to prepare a re ception for the expected invader. In this manner, rumor flew from side to side, imagining evil, asserting its existence, and actually caus- 45 530 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ing it to exist. False report, though but a breath of air, has a mighty agency in aggravating the calamities of war. The militia on duty at this time in New London, were employed in erecting a fortification of timber, sods, &c., on Town Hill, which it was supposed would be of use in checking the advance of an enemy that might land below the harbor, and march to attack the town in the rear. Near this spot the gallows had stood on which Kate Gar rett, the Pequot woman, had perished ; it had likewise been noted for a large wind-mill. A breastwork was here thrown up, and sev eral field-pieces mounted. The inhabitants showed their apprecia tion of the work, by the name which they bestowed on it. Fort Non sense, the only name it ever received. The next alarm was on the 25th of June, when warning guns from Stonington gave notice of an approaching fleet. Forts Trumbull and Griswold took up the notes, and echoed them into the country. In the afternoon a squadron of about fifty sail, of which seven were ships. and the others of various size and armament, down to row-galleys, came within sight of the town. They anchored near Plum Island, for the night, and the next morning, instead of turning toward the town, as had been feared, they made sail to the westward. The militia had come in, as was observed, "with even greater cheerfulness and alacrity" than on former occasions. The brigade of General Tyler was on the ground, and being paraded, was dismissed with ad dresses and thanks. Only ten days later, (July 5th,) a simUar alarm agitated the coast. Expresses from the westward to Major Ledyard, brought informa tion that a fleet had left New York, with preparations for a descent on the coast, and was on its way through the Sound. The point of attack at this time proved to be New Haven, but New London was closely watched. The frigates Renown and Thames, and the sloop of war Otter, were plying in the neighborhood, and it was thought an attack would soon be made. A large body of miUtia remained three weeks, encamped near the town, or in Groton. General Ty ler's brigade, from Preston and Norwich, was again noted for its promptness and martial spirit. The counties of Berkshire and Hamp shire, in Massachusetts, sent their militia to aid in the defense of the coast. No attempt was, however, made by the enemy to land, ex cept upon Plum and Fisher's Islands, which the crews of the Brit ish ships plundered of every thing valuable to them, and then wan tonly set fire to the hay and buildings, which they could not remove. The year 1780 shows but Uttle variation^/f picture from the three HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 531 preceding years. The cold months were seasons of pinching poverty and distress ; sudden outbreaks of alarm and coiifusion were thickly scattered over the summer. Frigates and other vessels were contin ually passing up and down the Sound, and ships of the line were now hovering near Block Island, now anchoring at Point Judith, now running into Gardiner's Bay. On the 29th of July, the governor having received information that twenty sail of shipping, with 8,000 troops on board, were in Huntington Harbor, Long Island, immediately ordered out a body of militia to the defense of New London, but on the 31st, the much dreaded fleet made sail for New York. On the 5th of August, a fleet of fifteen vessels, under the command of Admi ral Graves, anchored off the harbor, and there lay about twenty-four hours, before running into Gardiner's Bay. This fleet had been on watch over the French, at Newport, and came into the Sound to col lect stock and recruit. In September, another British fleet, said to be Admiral Arbuthnot's, came into Gardiner's Bay, and there re mained through the months of October and November. It would be a laborious but pleasing task to go around among fam Uies, with a talisman to gain their confidence, read private letters, inspect documents, converse with the aged, take notes of tradition, and thus gather up and revive the fading names of patriots and he roes who assisted in the achievement of American independence. It was an era of brave and self-denying men, and even confining our attention to the limited sphere embraced in this history, the number is not small of those who performed deeds worthy of remembrance. 1£ only a few are here introduced, let it not be deemed that injustice is thereby shown to others, who may be equally worthy, but less gen erally known. General Gurdon Saltonstall, and three of his sons, were employed in various grades of service, during the whole war. The elder Sal tonstall, before the close of 1776, was raised to the rank of brigadier- general, and sent with nine regiments of Connecticut militia, to take post in Westchester county. New York. He was then sixty-eight years of age. Winthrop Saltonstall, the oldest of the brothers, held the office of register of the court of admiralty. Dudley was a cap tain, and then commodore in the navy. Gilbert, the youngest, was a captain bf marines, on board the ship Trumbull, in her desperate com bat with the Watt. Nathaniel Saltonstall, of another family, served in the war, both as seaman and soldier. He was captain of the old fort, on the Parade, and commander of the ship Putnam. 532 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Major James Chapman, of Selden's regiment, Wadsworth's brigade, was a man of strength and stature beyond the common standard, and as a soldier steady and brave. But what avail these quaUties against the aim of the marksman, or the force of a cannon ball ! He was slain in what was called the orchard fight, near Harlem, when the army was retreating from New York, September 15th, 1776. His son James, a youth of only fifteen years of age, was with him when he fell. His brother, Lieut. Richard Chapman, was slain in Grotpn fort. John Chapman, a third brother, was first lieutenant of the ship Oliver Cromwell, and after that was taken, of the Putnam. Joseph Chapman, a still younger brother, was an officer of the army. Col. Jonathan^ Latimer, (of Chesterfield society,) had served in several campaigns against the French upon the northern frontier, and during the war for independence, was much of the time in the field.' Two of his sons, George and Jonathan, were also in the ser vice.' Major Christopher Darrow (of the North Parish) fought bravely at Monmouth, and on other battle-fields during the war. The Gallops, of Groton, Ben-Adam and Nathan, were engaged in some of the earliest struggles, and both field-officers in 1777. William and Alexander P. Adams, grandsons of the former minis ter Adams, Richard Douglas, Thomas U. Fosdick, Edward and George HaUam, Stephen Hempstead, George Hurlbut, John and WilUam Raymond, WilUam Richards — these were all young men, starting forth impulsively at the commencement of the struggle, with high heroic purpose to serve their country, and if the sacrifice should be demanded, to suffer and die in the cause of Uberty. WiUiam Adams served in the army during the siege of Boston, but afterward enUsting in a private armed vessel, he died at Martinique, April 4th, 1778. His brother, purser of the ship Trumbull, was cut off at sea, before the close of the war. Douglas, Fosdick, Hempstead, Rich ards, were in the service from 1776 to the disbanding of the army. The last named, Capt. William Richards, was stationed in 1780, at Fairfield, and while there was engaged in the expedition against Fort , Slongo, on the opposite shore of Long Island. They crossed by night with muflled oars, took the works by surprise, and demolished them. Major TaUmage was the commander of the party. Captain Richards led the attack upon the battery. Edward HaUam, after a 1 Col, Latimer was the father of ten sons ; himself and six of them, measured forty- two feet An ancient Mumford family, of Groton, approached the same mark, having SIX members of the average height of si.x feet , accorduig to familiar report, " thirty-si^ feet of Mumford in one family." ^ i- i j- HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 533 tour of duty at Boston, and another at New York, was appointed commissary of troops at New London. WilUam Raymond, taken prisoner in an early part ofthe contest, was carried to HaUfax, and died, while immured in Mill-island prison. George Hurlbut and Robert Hallam, with a multitude of others, shouldered musket!and knapsack, and started for Boston, immediately after inteUigence was. received of the skirmish at Lexington. They subsequently joined Capt. Coit's company, and fought at Bunker Hill, one nineteen years of age, and the other twenty-one. HaUam's commission from Congress, giving him the rank of captain in Colonel Dui-kee's regiment, was dated July 3d, 1777, the very month that he was twenty years of age. He fought at Trenton, Princeton, Ger- mantown and Monnaouth, but withdrew from the army at the close of the campaign of 1779. Captain Hurlbut remained in the service till disabled by a mortal wound, at Tarrytown, in the summer of 1781. For the exploit that cost him, in the end, his life, he received the thanks of Washington, in the public orders of the army. It merits a particular relation. A vessel in the river containing a considerable quantity of stores for the American army, had been set on fire by the guns of the enemy. Capt. Hurlbut being an excellent swimmer, volunteered his service, swam to the vessel, and amidst a severe fire from the British ships, extinguished the flames, cut the cable, that the wind might drift her to the side where the Americans were encamped, and then took to the water again. Before reaching the shore, being much fatigued, he threw himself on his back, as swimmers often do for repose, and just then was struck in the groin by a grape shot. The ball was successfuUy extracted, and after a long conflneinent, he so far recov ered as to appear abroad. He belonged to the second regiment of Ught dragoons, and the first time that he was able to resume his post, the troops honored him with a salute. Unfortunately his horse be came restive, reared and threw him. The old wound was broken up, 'he languished many months in severe pain, and at last was brought home to die. The commander-in-chief himself gave orders that every requisite care and attention should be used in his removal. His friend, Mr. Colfax, and the surgeon. Dr. Euslis, (afterward governor of Massachusetts,) accompanied him to New London, where he ex pired 8th of May, 1783.' 1 Many of these particulars are taken from a certificate given in December, 1783, by General Washmgton, to Mrs, Welsh, a widowed sister of Capt. Hurlbut, 45* 534 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. In this connection another army incident may be mentioned, which, though in result a failure, illustrates the daring spirit of adventure for which the New London men of that day, whether sailors or sol diers, were remarkable. On the 16th of August, 1776, Commodore Tupper, lying at New York, sent two fire-vessels, a sloop and a schooner, up the river to make an attempt to burn the British frigate, Phenix, in the night. Of the eighteen men detached on this expedition, a large proportion were from New London. Stephen Hempstead and Thomas Updike Fosdick were two of the number. Fosdick, who was then an ensign in the company of Captain Nathan Hale, had command of the sloop. Owing to accidental circumstances, the enterprise failed ; but it was weU conceived, and as far as it went, executed with boldness and skiU. CHAPTER XXXI. Letters of marque and reprisal.— :-Capt. EUsha Hinman.— Other sea-captains. — The Schooner Spy. — Brig Defence. — Ship Oliver CroraweU, — Brig Resist ance, — Private ship Trumbull. — Ship Confederacy. — Privateering. — Private ship Deane. — Winter of 1779-80. — Ship Putnam. — Continental Ship Trum buU, While humanity, reason and religion, concur in deprecating the whole practice of war, and look forward with ardent aspiration to the time when other modes of accommodating the difficulties of na tions shaU prevail, we must not withhold from the brave soldier and adventurous seaman, that species of fame and merit, which is their due. If we would write history faithfully, we must go back to the era, and live and breathe in the scenes described. We must not look at the war of the Revolution by that light whicii has but just began to dawn on the Christian world in regard to the foUy and iniquity of war. Men fought under an exalted impulse for their homes and firesides, their liberties and their altars. It was the way in which the age manifested its devotion to truth, freedom, law and religion. Yet blessed will be the period when these sacred principles shall find a holier expression. It has been customary to make a distinction between the regular navy of the country and those private armed vessels, called letters of marque, or privateers, as if the former were an honorable service, and the latter but Uttle removed from piracy. The distinction is unjust ; one was as fair and lawful as the other. Both were sanc tioned by the custom of nations ; the object of each was the same. The continental vessels no less than the privateers seized upon peaceful merchantmen; and as much historical credit should be awarded to the brave privateersman, as to the commissioned officer. It is a fact also, that has not been sufficiently noticed m respect to 536 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. the seamen of the Revolution, that, often with undaunted spirit they went into battle against fearful odds, and in these unequal combats were not unfrequently successful — such power has Providence given to those who manfully contend for the right. The British after gaining possession of New York, fitted out a host of privateers from that port and from Long Island, that infested the Sound and the whole New England coast, and in the course of a few months nearly every packet, coaster and fishing smack belonging to New London was captured or destroyed. The inhabitants were driven in self-defense to. build privateers and to arm as cruisers what ever craft they had left, or could seize in their turn from the enemy, and set them afloat to defend their property. Aggression, leading to retaliation, and swaying back and forth over an increasing space with accelerated fury is the diagram of war. A place, whose great and almost sole advantage consists in com mercial aptitude, is necessarily dependant upon peace for prosperity. From the beginning to the close of the revolutionary contest a cloud of depressing gloom hung over New London. Her mariners and artisans were deprived of employment ; her shopmen and merchants were impoverished or bankrupt ; reUgion, education and morals were at a low ebb, and the shadows grew deeper from year to year. It may be doubted whether any two places in New England, ex hibited a greater contrast in these respects, than those near neigh bors, but by no means intimate friends, Norwich and New London. Norwich suffered in her commerce as well as New London ; but she was not kept in continual jeopardy : extraordinary inroads excepted, she was safe from invasion. Her growth was scarcely checked by the war, and setting aside the suffering from scarcity in the first years of the conflict, and the family privations resulting from the drain on the male population for the army, her prosperity was but Uttle dimin ished. It was a place of refuge for many families from Boston, Newport and other exposed situations on the coast, and this influx of residents, kept her currency easy. With a wise foresight and a prompt enterprise, favored by her situation and natural advantages, she early turned her attention to manufactures. These came in to fill the vacuum occasioned by her lost commerce. New London had no such wholesome resource. The privateering business very naturally stepped in, and as far as bustle and excite ment went, fiUed the void ; but as a path to gain, it was fraught with hazard and uncertainty. Neither merchants nor adventurers acquir ed wealth by privateering. Even the most %rtunate commanders HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 537 barely obtained a competent livelihood, for the time being, for their famUies. The history of the most successful is comprehended in two or three profitable voyages, a few briUiant exploits, and then capture and imprisonment. The alternations in this warfare succeeded each other like cloud and sunshine in an April day. The excitement of hazardous under takings, and the sudden changes continually taking place, gave to life a romantic and vivid interest. Often when the Sound was apparent ly pervaded by British vessels, a letter-of-marque would seize a fa vorable opportunity, push out of port, and return with a prize. As connected with New London, sea skirmishes and naval disasters were prominent features of the war. A band of sea-captains, prompt, valiant, experienced and danger-loving, had their rendezvous in this port. Some were natives of the town ; others belonged in Groton, Norwich, Middletown and Saybrook. Capt. Elisha Hinman was the youngest of three brothers who came from Woodbury, Conn., before or about 1760, and established themselves in New London. He was a veteran of the sea, before the commencement of the Revolution, and took an early part in the contest. He commanded the Cabot, a continental brig in the squad ron of Commodore Hopkins, and afterward succeeded Paul Jones in the ship Alfred, which he was unfortunately obliged to surrender to the Ariadne and Ceres, on a return voyage from France, March 9th, 1778. Being cairied a prisoner to England, after a short confine ment he found friends who aided his escape to France, from whence he returned home, and engaged for a time in private adventures. In 1779, he went out in the privateer sloop Hancock, owned by Thomas Mumford, and had a run of briUiant, dashing success. In 1780, he took command of the armed ship Deane. Peter Richards, Charles Bulkley, and John Welsh, the lieuten ants of Capt. Hinman in the Alfred, were confined in England for several months in Fortune Prison, near Portsmouth, from whence they escaped by digging under the outward waU, and reaching the coast of France in safety, returned home in the spring of 1779. These all went out subsequently in private armed vessels. William Havens, NicoU Fosdick, Samuel and Lodowick Champlin, William Leeds, Daniel Deshon, Nathaniel SaltonstaU — seamen more brave and skillful than these to harass an enemy or defend a coast, can not be found at any period of our country's history. The merchant service was not wholly abandoned during the -war. Several of the commanders that have been named, and others, made occasional voy- 538 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. ages to French ports, though in general with some armature. Capt. WilUam Rogers made a safe voyage to France and back again in 1779. Several cases occurred in which vessels that saUed before the war, unarmed, were long detained in foreign ports, and even laid up tiU the return of peace. Capt. John Lamb, sent by Nathaniel Shaw, in the ship America to Gibraltar, in 1774, was absent three years, the owner in the mean time receiving no remittances.' Capt. James Rogers, arrested by the war in a foreign port, suffered a deten tion of six years, but arrived in safety with his vessel, in September, 1781. New London Harbor was the recruiting ground of the state schoon er Spy, Capt. Robert Niles — a fortunate vessel with a skUlful com mander, which performed good service during the whole war, and closed her accounts in neat and beautiful style, by carrying safely to France the first copy of the ratifled treaty of peace. This vessel was of fifty tuns burden, carried six guns, (four-pounders,) and from twenty to thirty men. Her cruises were short, but she was contin ually upon the look-out ; ever ready, ever serviceable ; alert in dis covering smugglers, intercepting unlawful communications, taking, prizes, and giving notice of the movements of the enemy. She sailed from Stonington with a copy of the ratified treaty, and arrived at Brest in twenty-one days, having passed undiscovered through a British fieet that lay off that port ; owing her safety, probably, to her diminutive size, which prevented her character from being suspected. The brig Defence, fourteen guns, built by the state in 1775, at the ship-yard of Capt. Uriah Hayden, in Connecticut River, Was brought round to New London to be equipped, and to enlist her crew of one hundred and twenty men. She sailed on her first cruise in May, 1776, under Capt. Seth Harding, and in the course of it took two transport ships and a brig, all bringing Highland recruits to the Brit ish army. The Defence enjoyed a couple of years of prosperity, often dropping into New London Harbor to recruit. Three of her lieutenants, Leeds, Angel and Billings, had been sea-captains, sailing from the Thames. In 1778, this vessel was altered into a sliip at Boston, and the command given to Capt. Samuel Smedley ; but her career was closed March 10th, 1779, on Goshen Reef, within sight of New London. She struck, bUged, overset and went to pieces, as 1 Lamb arrived at Boston, from Martinico, in Dec, 1777, m a brig caUed the Irish Gimblet. Among his lading were seventeen brass cannon, with other warUke stores, for Congress, shipped by WUUam Bingham, of St. Petei!% Martinico, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 539 she was about to enter the harbor from a successful cruise. Several of her crew perished in the hold. Another state brig, called the Old Defence, under thg command of Capt. Daniel Deshon, was taken in January, 1778, 'by the enemy, and carried into Jamaica. » The Oliver Cromwell, a twenty gun ship, built at Saybrook in 1776 by the state, was also fitted out from New London. Her first commander was Capt. William Coit, and she was expected to sail in October, but difficulties existed among her people, and the British kept a constant watch over the harbor, so that she was detained through the winter. The next spring, Capt. Harding was transfer red to her fi-om the Defence, and she succeeded in getting out in May, 1777.' In June, she took a merchant brig, called the Med- way, and in July the brigantine Honor, which sold, with her cargo,, for £10,692. In September, she captured the Weymouth Packet, a brig of fifteen guns, whicii was fitted up for a cruiser, and called the Hancock, The Cromwell, after two and a half years of faithful re publican service, was destined to pass into the ranks of royalty. She sailed from New London in May, 1779, in command of Capt. Timo thy Parker of Norwich, a seaman of tried gaUantry and experience. She was absent twelve days — sent in four prizes, two of them armed vessels, and touched in herself to land her prisoners. She sailed again the flrst of June, and on the fifth, off Sandy Hook, had a sharp engagement with the British frigate Daphne. Her mainmast being shot away, three men killed, and another ship coming up to the aid of the Daphne, Capt. Parker surrendered his ship. She was soon cruising again under the royal ensign, and bearing the new name of Restoration.^ The Continental armed brig Resistance, ten guns, (fours,) Capt. Samuel Chew, was fitted out at New London at the suggestion, and under the orders of Nathaniel Shaw.' The officers were mostly New 1 In March, 1777, on the day of the man-iage of Capt. Elisha Hinman, the officers of the OUver CromweU ordered a complimentary salute to be fired from the ship. Some raischief-lover among the crew, charged the cannon with a hand grenade, which "whistled through the town the like was never known." The terrified mhabitants caused the oflender to be an-ested and put m h-ons, 2 From a New York (royalist) paper of July 24th, 1779, " The frigate Eestoration (formeriy the Oliver Cromwell) is now fitting for sea, and wUl be ready m six days to jom the associated refugee fleet, lying m Huntmgton Harbor, and intendmg soon to pay a visit to the rebel coast," 3 " It gives me pleasure to hear of Capt, Chew's success, as the fitting him out was apian of my own," Letter to the marine conunitteeof Congress, Feb, 2d, 1778, (MS,) 540 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. London men. On the fourth of March, 1778, in a desperate conflict in the West India seas, with a letter-of-marque, carrying twenty guns, Capt. ,Chew and Lieut. George ChampUn, of New London, were killed,' • The two vessels parted, and the brig was carried into Boston by Lieut, Leeds. She was taken by the British in Novem ber, and burnt. The Governor Trumbull, a privateer ship of twenty guns, built in Norwich by Howland and Coit, was considered a very flne vessel. She went to sea, on her first cruise, in March, 1778, Capt, Henry BiUings commander, and left the harbor for the last time in Decem ber of the same year. In March, 1779, whUe cruising in the West Indies, she was captured by the Venus frigate, which had formerly belonged to Massachusetts, and was originally caUed the Bunker Hill. Early in 1779, three privateers lying in New London Harbor, de termined to attempt the capture of the brig Ranger, a refugee priva teer of twelve guns, that infested the Sound, and had taken many prizes, and plundered the coast in some instances. The brig Middle- town, and sloops Beaver and Eagle, under Captains Sage, Havens and Conkling, fell upon her as she lay by the wharf at Sagharbor, cut her out and came back with her in triumph. This was on the thirty-first of January. The next day, the same associated trio made a bold but unsuccessful attack on seven vessels which had put into Sagharbor. In this affair, the Middletown grounded and was aban doned to the enemy. May 27th, 1779, Capt. Richard McCarty, of New London, in a sloop bound for the West Indies, was wrecked in a snow-storm, on Plum Island, and himself and crew, six persons, aU lost. The Confederacy, a continental ship of thirty-two guns, built in the Thames, near Norwich, and equipped at New London, sailed on her first cruise. May 1st, 1779, under Capt. Seth Harding. This ship was popularly said to have been built of tory timber. Most of the w-ood for her hull was cut in Salem, Conn., on the confiscated estate of Mr. Brown, a royalist ; and the trunnels of the ship were from locust trees that grew on land near the harbor's mouth. New Lon don, which had belonged to Capt. OUver, a former officer of the king's 1 Capt. Chew was a brave and skiUful officer, an emigrant from Virginia to New London, and brother of Joseph Chew, heretofore mentioned. The two brothers, like many others in that day of divisions, took opposite sides in the contest, Joseph Chew had been obliged to leave the place on account of his adlierence to the royal cause. HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 541 customs. To make up the complement of men for her crew, it was necessary to have recourse to the odious practice of impressment.' Able-bodied men were becoming scarce upon the coast, through the constant drain for army and navy. The call for " gentlemen volun teers,'' which was the customary soothing address of the recruiting officer, had been so frequently reiterated, that it had ceased to be answered with alacrity.^ • The privateering business was at no time so active, so daring in exploit, and brilliant in success, as in 1779. Both parties, the pat riots and the refugees, pursued it with eager rivalry. Between the 1st of March and 13th of June, nine New York or tory privateers, were captured and brought into New London. One of them, the Lady Erskine, a brig of ten guns, was taken within sight of the har- ,bor, by the sloops Hancock and Beaver, Captains Hinman and Ha vens, who cut her off from a fieet of twenty-one sail, which was pass ing toward Rhode Island, under convoy of the Thames frigate of thirty-six guns. A vivid illustration of the life and bustle which this fitful business created at intervals in the town, is furnished by Green's Gazette, of June 8d. In that paper were advertised for sale at auction on the Sth instant, the following prizes : brig Bellona, one hundred and sixty tuns, sixteen guns ; schooner Mulberry, seventy tuns ; sloop Hunter, ninety ; sloop Charlotte, sixty ; sloop Lady Erskine, sixty, ten guns — all prizes to the Beaver and Hancock : schooner Sally, fifty tuns, ten guns : sloop Despatch, fifty, eight swivels ; schooner Polly, forty — prizes to the American Revenue : also, three other prize sloops, with all their cargoes and tackle. In the court of admiralty, held at New London %, week later than the above, (June 10th,) eighteen prizes were libeled, aU taken in the month of May. The refugee adventurers fi-om New York and Long Island, if less enterprising, were far superior to the Americans in number and re- 1 " Monday night last, about fifty seamen and landsmen were pressed by a gang from the ship Confederacy, now lying in the harbor, and carried on board— a part of them have been since, released." Green's Gazette, of April 29th. 2 The last advertisement of the OUver CromweU, wiU serve as a specimen of this aUuring style : " The ship Oliver CromweU, Timothy Parker, commander, ready for a cruise agamst the enemies of the United Independent States, All gentlemen volunteers that have a mind to make their fortunes, are desired to repair immediately on board said ship m the port of New London, where they wUl meet good encouragement." 46 542 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. sources. If unsuccessful in one undertaking, they had means to urge forward another. Capt. Samuel Rogers, the most noted privateers man on that side of the Sound, was three times captured, brought to New London, and confined in jaU, between March and October, 1779. It was said that during this summer, forty refugee privateers had their rendezvous in Huntington Bay. In the end, they swept the Sound as with a besom, of every thing American ; at the close of the year scarcely a sail was left on the Connecticut coast. Everything. in this line was to begin anew at the keel. The fate of Capt. Edward Conkling was peculiarly heart-rending, Cruising off Point Judith, in the sloop Eagle, he captured and man ned six prizes in succession, which left the number of his crew less than that of the prisoners on board. The latter, seizing a favorable opportunity, rose upon their captors, and obtaining command ofthe vessel, exhibited the most savage ferocity. The brave captain and several of his men were cut down after they had surrendered, and their bodies brutally mangled. Only two boys were spared. This was on the 9 th of May. The Eagle, before the close of tbe month, whUe preparing for a cruise against her former flag, was destroyed, by an accidental explosion in the harbor of New York. " Several persons on board at the time,'' says the newspaper notice of the event, " lost their lives, and among them the infamous Murphy, who mur dered Capt. Conkling." In October, 1779, three large French ships, the Jonatas, Comte d'Artois, and Negresse, came into the harbor, under jury-masts, with valuable cargoes of West India produce. They had sailed -with the usual autumnal fleet of merchantmen from Cape Franqois, for Eu rope, but on the I'bih of September, were dismasted in a violent hur ricane, and so much damaged that they bore away for the American coast. By singular good fortune, they escaped the British cruisers, but were obliged to sell their damaged cargoes at a low rate, and to winter at New London. In the Negresse, which sailed for France early in May, went passenger Col. John TrumbuU, the son of the governor, and since well known as an historical painter. The Jona tas was purchased ofthe French owners, and fitted out by individual enterprise as a private cruiser. She carried twenty-nine guns — twenty-four nines and five fours — and sailed on a cruise June 1st, 1780, under the command of Capt. Hinman.' 1 She was called the Deane, but must not be confounded with tlie continental frig ate Deane, -wliich had previously taken the name of the Hague. Cooper's Naval Hist., vol. 2, p. 190, HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 543 The extreme severity of the winter of 1779-80, is w-eU known. On the 2d of January, a violent storm commenced ; the tide and wind together raised the waves, till they dashed over Beach or Water Street Uke a flood, fiUing the lower stories of the houses, and damaging the shipping and goods. To this succeeded about five weeks of extreme cold. The Thames was closed up as far down as the light-house — a sight which the oldest natives do not see more than twice, and seldom but once in their lives. A storm on the 7th of February opened the harbor at the mouth, but opposite the town it remained shut till the second week in March. The day previous, a barbecue had been served upon the Isle of Rocks, midway between New London and Groton ; but at night a furious south-east storm broke up the ice, and the next morning a dashing current w-as run ning where sleighs had crossed and people had feasted, the day before.' The Putnam was built on Winthrop's Neck, by Nathaniel Shaw, in 1778. Her armament consisted of twenty nines ; Capt. John Harman was her first commander. In the spring of 1779, she was fitted for a six months' cruise under Capt. Nathaniel Saltonstall. After being out three months, and sending in six prizes, she went into Boston Harbor, and was there impressed into the continental service, with her crew and equipments, and sent with the fleet under Com modore Dudley SaltonstaU, of the ship Warren, against the British post at Penobscot. The issije of that expedition was extremely dis astrous. The Putnam was one of the vessels driven ashore and burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. The officers and crew fled to the woods and escaped capture. The frigate Trumbull, twenty-eight guns, built by order of Con gress at Chatham, in Connecticut River, during the winter of 1779- 80, was brought into the Thames to be equipped and to enlist her crew. Capt. James Nicholson was her commander. On the 2d of June, 1780, she had an action with the letter-of-marque Watt, thirty- four guns and two hundred and fifty men, which is judged, aU things considered, to have been the best contested, the most equally matched. 1 Thomas Mumford, of Groton, was then recently married, and the night before the thaw gave an entertainment, which man^ guests from New London attended, cross ing the river m sleighs. The banquet and dance continuing late, and the storm com ing on suddenly and furiously, the party were not able to return as they went; and the next morning the swoUen river, full of fioating ice, rendered crossing in any way a hazardous attempt. Some of the guests were detained two or three days on that side of the river. 544 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. equally weU fought, and equally destructive battle during the war. In this engagement, several from New London and its vicinity were among the killed and wounded. Daniel Starr, second Ueutenant, Jabez Smith, (of Groton,) lieutenant of marines, died of their wounds. Gideon Chapman went overboard on the maintop and was drowned. Gilbert Saltonstall, captain of marines, Pygan Adams, purser, David Pool and Samuel Hearn, boatswains, were wounded. Three of the midshipmen were of New London — one of these, Capt. Richard Law, who died Dec. 19th, 1845, was the last survivor of the crew. In concluding this account of naval affairs, it may be observed in general terms, that during the whole war. New London was as a den of serpents to the British — constantly sending out its sloops and schooners, well manned by skillful and daring seamen, to harass the boats and tenders along the shore, or to cut off merchant vessels on the high seas. Rich prizes, in spite of their vigilance, would run into this open port, and if pursuit was apprehended, they might be hurried up to Norwich, entirely out of reach. The year 1777 forms, indeed, an exception to the universality of this assertion. So great was the vigilance of the British squadron on the coast, that between the summer of 1776 and that of 1778, not a single prize was brought into the harbor of New London. CHAPTER XXXII. Expedition of Arnold against New London,— Flight of the inhabitants,— A large portion of the town burnt,— Groton fort taken by storm.— Massacre of Col. Ledyard and the garrison. — Incidents after the departure of the eneray. — Estimate of the loss. — The anniversary celebration. — Groton Monument erected. Although New London had been repeatedly threatened, no di rect attack was made upon the town till near the close of the war in 1781. Gen. Arnold, on his return from a predatory descent upon the coasts of Virginia, was ordered to conduct a similar expedition against his native state, A large quantity of West India goods and European merchandise brought in by various privateers, was at this time collected in New London ; the quantity of shipping in port was also very considerable, and among the prizes recently taken, was the Hannah, (Capt. Watson,) a rich merchant ship from London bound to New York, which had been captured a little south of Long Island, by Capt. Dudley Saltonstall, of the Minerva privateer. The loss of this ship, whose cargo was said to be the most valuable brought into America during the war, had exasperated the British, and more than any other single circumstance is thought to have led to the expedi tion. At no other period of the war could they have done so much mischief — at no other had the inhabitants so much to lose. The expedition was fitted out from New York, the head-quarters of Sir Henry Clinton and the British army. The plan was well conceived. Arnold designed to enter the harbor secretly, in the night, and to destroy the shipping, public offices, stores, merchandise, and the fortifications on both sides of the river, with such expedition as to be able to depart before any considerable force could be col lected against him. Candor in judging forbids the supposition that the burning of the town and the massacre at Groton fort, entered into his original design, though at the time, such cruelty of purpose 46* 546 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. was charged upon him, and currently beUeved. As flowing from his measures and taking place under his command, they stand to his ac count ; and this responsibility is heavy enough, without adding to it the criminal forethought. Late in the evening of the Sth of September, information was re ceived in town that a British fleet was lurking under the shore of Long Island, neariy opposite the mouth of the river. So many false demonstrations of attack had been made during the war, that this m- teUigence caused but Uttle alarm. No pubUc notice was given of it, and no unusual precautions' were taUen against surprise ; soldiers and citizens alike retired to rest. As soon as it was dark, the hostUe fleet got under way, and arriving on the coast at one o'clock, would undoubtedly have accomplished their design and made themselves masters of the town and forts, without opposition, had they not been counteracted by Providence. The wind suddenly shifted to the northward, blowing directly outof the mouth ofthe river, so thatthe larger vessels were obUged to stand off, and the transports to beat in. According to the uniform testimony of eye-witnesses, the British fleet consisted of thirty-two sail of all classes of vessels ; and the troops were landed from twenty-four transports — eight hundred on the Groton side, and nine hundred or a thousand on the New Lon don side. Arnold, in his report of the expedition, says : " At ten o'clock, the troops in tw-o divisions and in four debarkations, were landed, one on each side the harbor, about three miles frora New London ; that on the Groton side consisting of the 40th and 54th regiraents, and the third bat talion of New Jersey volunteers, with a detachment of yagers and artiUery, were under the coramand of Lieut. Col. Eyre. The division on the New Lon don side, consisted of the 38th regiment, the loyal Americans, the Araerican Legion, refugees, and a detachraent of sixty yagers, who were iraraediately on their landing, put in motion." In the mean time, confused and hasty preparations had been made to receive them. At early dawn the fleet had been discovered, lying off becalmed, but the transports making preparations to beat in to the mouth of the river. Col. Wm. Ledyard was the mUitary command er of the district which comprised the two forts, the harbor, and the towns of New London and Groton. Capt. Adam Shapley com manded at Fort TrumbuU and the Town HUl Battery ; Capt. WU Uam Latham at Fort Griswold. An alarm was immediately fired from Fort Griswold ; it consisted of two regular guns at fixed inter vals — this was the signal to caU in assistance from the neighboring country, while three guns was the signal of rejoicing, to give notice HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 547 of a -victory or a prize. It was evident that these signals had been communicated to the enemy, for when the two distress guns were fired, one of the large ships in the fleet added a third,- so as to alter the import. This stratagem had some influence in retarding the ar rival of militia. In the town, consternation and fright were suddenly let loose. No sooner were the terrible alarm guns heard, than the startled citizens, leaping from their beds, made haste to send away their families and their portable and most valuable goods. Throngs of women and children were dismissed into the fields and woods, some without food, and others with a piece of bread or a biscuit in their hands. Women laden w-ith bags and pillow-cases, or driving a cow before them, with an infant in their arms, or perhaps on horseback with a bed under them, and various utensils dangling at the side ; boys with stockings slung like wallets over their shoulders, containing the money, the pa pers, and other small valuables of the family ; carts laden with fur niture ; dogs and other household animals, looking strange and panic- struck ; pallid faces and trembling limbs — such were the scenes presented on all the roads leading into the country. Many of these groups wandered all day in the woods, and at night found shelter in the scattered farm-houses and barns. Amid the bustle of these scenes, when each one was laden with what was nearest at hand, or dearest to his heart, one man was seen hastening alone to the burial-ground, with a small coffin under his arm. His child had died the day before, and he could not leave it unburied. In haste and trepidation he threw up the mold, and de posited his precious burden ; then covering it quickly, and setting up a stone to mark the place, he hurried away, to secure other beloved ones from a more cruel spoiler. Such was the confusion of the scene, that families, in many cases, were scattered upon different roads ; and children, eight or ten years of age, were sent off alone into the country, their parents lingering perhaps to bury or conceal some of their effects. Yet no one was lost, no one was hurt. The farm-houses were full, and unbounded hospitaUty was shown by their occupants. At Gen. MiUer's, a little off from the Norwich road, orders were given to open the dairy and the larder, to prepare food constantly, and to feed every body that came. When the house was overflowing, the servants carried out milk, cheese and bread, or porringers of corn-beans to the children, who sat under the trees and ate. This wiU serve as an example of the general hospitaUty. A number of famUies found shelter among 548 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. friends and relatives in the North Parish. Groups of fugitives gath ered on the high hills afar off, watching with intense mterest the movements of the enemy, whose course might be traced by their gleaming arms and scariet coats, untU clouds of smoke hid them from their view. ,,.ce n Some sick persons were removed from town with great difiiculty, and at the hazard of their Uves ; others who could not be removed, were guarded with solicUous care by wife, daughter or mother, who resolved to remain with them, and depend on Providence to soften the heart ofthe foe, and protect them from danger. Col. Ledyard, having visited the town and Fort TrumbuU, and made the best disposition of what force he could find, and having dispatched expresses to Governor TrumbuU at Lebanon, and to com manders of miUtia in the neighborhood, returned to Fort Griswold. As he stepped into the boat to cross the ferry, he said to some friends whose hands he pressed at parting, in a firm tone : " If I must lose to-day, honor or life, you who know me, cajj teU which it will be.'' The garrisons under Col. Ledyard were small ; barely sufficient to keep the posts in order ; and in cases of emergency they depended on volunteers from the neighborhood, or details of miUtia. These were now coming in, and the commander confidently anticipated the arrival of sufficient aid to warrant a defense. In the mean time great efforts were made to secure the shipping in the harbor, by getting it up the river, but at first neither wind nor tide favored the attempt. Toward noon, however, before the enemy had got possession of the town, a favorable breeze came in from the water, and a considerable number of vessels escaped. The ware houses were full of merchandise, only a small proportion of which could be sent off. Shaw's warehouse on Water Street, in particular, was packed with goods, and among them was the rich cargo of the Hannah. A sloop load of these were saved.' Such confusion reigned in the town — every householder being en gaged in the care of his family and effects — that it was difficult to 1 Mr. Shaw was himself absent from town at the tirae of the invasion. This was very much deplored at the time. He had gone out on a fishing excursion toward Montauli Point, and after discovering the fleet and its desthiation, could not get in be fore them, but was obUged to run into Pequonnuck Creek to escape capture. Dr, Simon Wolcott was with hira. * HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 549 form any concerted plan of action. But when the women and chil dren had departed, the men began to gather in groups, and consult respecting the course to be pursued. They could muster but few ef fective men, and fiight and concealment seemed the only prudent course for them to adopt. But about one hundred, hastily armed, and indignant at the thought of abandoning their homesteads with out a blow, collected on Town Hill, with a view of obstructing the course of the enemy. They were without a commander, and as the advancing files of regular soldiers, in firm array, with glistening steel, appeared in sight, they saw the rashness of their design, and scatter ing into the fields, concealed themselves behind rocks and fences, and annoyed the troops whenever they could find a chance. Arnold had debarked his forces a little west of the light-house, and came up in a straight course, through what is called Brown's Gate, into the Town Hill road. The division under his commsind, as already stated, consisted of the thirty-eighth British regiment,' and the regiment of loyal Americans, (Col. Beverly Robinson's,) with several companies from other refugee regiments, among whom were one hundred and twenty New Jersey loyaUsts, under the com mand of Lieut Col. Upham, and a band of sixty yagers, (Hessian light-infantry.) " Tbe armed vessels Association and Colonel Martin, went close into the shore, and covered tbe lan77q T UT ^ •, .„ -^«4'') Ephraim H, Douglas. 773 Jas. Mumford, (3 weeks.) = 1850, Henry Douglas, (in office, 1773, Gurdon SaltonstaU. 1852. Members of Congress, from New Lqndon. WilUam HilUiouse, from 1783 to 1786. Richard Law, from 1777 to 1778. Richard Law, from 1781 to 1784. Amasa Learned, from 1791 to 1795. Joshua Coit, from 1793 to 1798. EUas Perkins, from 1801 to 1803. Lyman Law, from 1811 to 1817. Thomas W. WUUams, from 1839 to 1843. Socii of Tale CoUege, from Netv London. Rev. Eliphalet Adams, from 1720 to 1738. A native of Dedham, Mass., but minister of New London from 1709 to 1753. He died among his people, and still has descendants here. Hon. EUas Perkins, from 1818 to 1823. He was born in Lisbon, Conn., Api-U 5th, 1767 ; but was from eariy life a resident in New London, where he died, Sept. 27th, 1845. Rev. Abel McEwen, S. T. D., from 1826, and stiU in office, (1852.) Hon. Noyes BiUings; graduated at Yale in 1819; Lieut.- Gov ernor of Connecticut in 1846, and by virtue of his office, feUow of the college. He is a native of Stonington, Conn,, but has been from early Ufe a resident of New London. 1 Edward Hallam was chosen Feb, 1st, 1719-20, but the authorities refused to tender the oath to him, on account of his not being a freeman, April 11th, 1720, another town meeting was held, and Edward Hallam was again chosen clerk, the inhabitants refusing to vote for any other; but again the magistrates objected to his taking the oath, Dec, 26th, he was chosen the third tune, and took the oath of office, 2 Daniel Coit died February 2d, 1773, James Mumford tvas chosen to supply his place, but died three weeks after taking the oath of office. 668 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Alumni of Yale College, Joseph Coit, of Harvard, 1697. Yale, 1702. John Picket, 1705. Gurdon SaltonstaU, 1725. WiUiam Adams, (Tutor,) 1730. John Picket, 1732. John StiU Winthrop, 1737. Christopher Christophers, 1737. Thomas Adams, 1737. Nicholas HaUam, • 1737. Thomas Fosdick, 1746. James Abraham HiUhouse, (Tutor,)' 1749. RosweU Saltonstall, 1751. RusseU Hubbard, 1751. Gurdon Saltonstall, 1752. Winthrop Saltonstall, 1756. Amos Hallam, 1756. John Richards, 1757. George Buttolph Hurlbut, 1757. Daniel Manwaring, 1759. James HiUhouse, LL. D., 1773. WiUiam HiUhouse, 1777. John CauUdns, 1788. Thomas Mumford, 1790. Lyman Law, 1791. Dudley Saltonstall, 1791. Winthrop Saltonstall, (M. D., Columbia,) 1793. Prentice Law, 1800. WilUam Law, 1801. William Fowler Brainard, 1802. natives of New London. Joshua Huntington, (et Harv.,) 1804. Francis Bayard Winthrop, 1804. John StiU Winthrop, 1804. Henry William Channing, 1807. Daniel Huntington, 1807. John StiU W. Parkin, 1809. WilUam Henry Winthrop, 1809. DyerT.Bra,inard, (M.D.,)^'l810. Nathaniel Shaw Perkins, (M. D.,)= 1812. Thomas Shaw Perkins, 1812. Richard Pet'r Christophers, 1814. John Law, 1814. Frederick Richards, 1814. John Gardiner Brainard, 1814. WUUam Pitt Cleaveland, 1816. John Caulkins Coit, 1818. Joseph Hurlbut, 1818. David Gardiner Coit, 1819. Francis Bureau Deshon, 1820. Thomas Winthrop Coit, S. T. D., 1821. WilUam Henry Law, 1822. Charles Griswold Guriey, 1827. Robert Alexander Hallam, 1827. Robert McEwen, (Tutor,) 1827. Gurdon SaltonstaU Coit, 1827. John Dickinson, 1827. Charles Augustus Lewis, 1829. George Richards Lewis, 1829. Ebenezer Learned, 1831. 1 James A, HiUhouse, was a native of the North Parish of New London, now Mont ville, He settled in New Haven, James and WilUam HilUiouse, graduates of 1773 and 1777, were nephews of the former, and sons of Judge WilUam HiUhouse, of the North Parish, They also settled m New Haven, and belong only in their birth to New London, 2 Drs. Brainard and Perkins are now the oldest resident physicians in New London, ha-vhig been in practice more thau tliirty years. HISTOEY OF NEW LONDON. 669 Jot; SlvTn Goddard, Im 1^'" ^''^r'^' ^"^"'""'^ ''''• Billings Peck Learned lH J^^ '^"^ ^'^^ beamed, 1840. ¦cir-i,- /-*-'' -^«'^™ed, 1834. Nathaniel Shaw Perkins 1842 WiUiam Cleaveland Crump, 1836. John Jacob Brandegeer' sS' Robert Co,t Learned, 1837. George WiUard Godded, 1845 ^hnPeAmsC, Mather, 1837. Augustus Brandegee, 1849. William Perkins Williams, 1837. Joseph Hurlbut, (Tulor,) 1849. HamUton Lanphere Smith, 1839. Robert Coit, 1850 Giles Henry Deshon, 1840. Natives of New London, who have graduated at other Colleges. Simon Bradstreet, son of Rev. Simon Bradstreet, born in New London, 1671, graduated at Harvard, 1693. Joseph Coit, Harvard, 1697; Yale, 1702; first minister of Plain- field, Conn. Christopher Christophers, Harvard, 1702. Andrew Pahnes, Harvard, 1703. RoseweU SaUonstaU, Harvard, 1720. Joshua Coit, Harvard, 1776. M. C. WilUam Green, Dartmouth, 1791 ; Yale the same year. Receiv ed Episcopal ordmation ; was the first preceptor of the female acad emy in Green Street, 1800 ; died Dec. 26th, 1801, aged thirty. Edward E. Law, Harvard, 1819. Sabin K. Smith, Harvard, 1842. Charles Sistare, Trinity College, Hartford, 1848. It would be scarcely possible at the present day, to j^repare a cata logue that would be complete and accurate, of the members of vari ous collegiate institutions, that have made New London their home, but were not natives of the town. The following Ust comprises aU that have come to the knowledge of the author, who became inhabit ants and died in the place. Simon Bradstreet ; Harvard, 1660; ordamed at New London, 1670 ; died, 1688; family removed. Gitrdon SaltonstaU; Harvard, 1684; ordained at New London, 1691 ; chosen governor of Connecticut in 1708; died, 1724. Eliphalet Adams ; Harvard, 1694; ordained, 1709; married Lydia, daughter of Alexander Pygan, of New London. Jeremiah Miller ; Yale, 1709; settled m New London, 1711; 670 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. married Mary SaltonstaU, second daughter of the governor ; died, 1761- Daniel Huhhard ; Yale, 1727 ; tutor in college two years ; settled as an attorney in New London, 1731 ; married Martha, daughter of John Coit ; died in 1741, aged thirty-five. David Gardiner; Yale, 1736 ; native of Gardiner's Island, mthe Sound; merchant in New London for many years ; died, 1776. The above were probably aU inferred in the old burial-ground. This is known to be the case in aU the instances except the first ; and there can be no reasonable doubt but that Mr. Bradstreet's re mains were also deposited in that inclosure, but there is no record that speaks of it, and no inscribed stone to mark the spot." Samuel Seabury; Yale, 1748 ; D. D. at Oxford; Bishop of Con necticut and Rhode Island ; died, 1796. Eichard Law ; Yale, 1751. M. C. and Judge of Connecticut District. Born in Milford, and youngest son of Jonathan Law, gov emor of Connecticut. He married Ann Prentis, of New London ; died January 26lh, 1806. Stephen Babcock ; Yale, 1761 ; attorney in New London ; died, 1787. Ephraim Woodbridge; Yale, 1765; ordained over the Congrega tional church in New London, 1769 ; died, 1776. Jedidiah Huntington ; Harvard, 1763; et Yale, 1770. Bom m Norwich, Aug. 15th, 1743 ; died in New London, Sept. 25th, 1818. Amasa Learned ; Yale, 1772. Born in KUUngly, -Conn., Nov. 15th, 1750. He came to New London soon after leaving coUege, and was one of the earliest preceptors of the Union School. In 1773, he married Grace Hallam, and in 1780, fixed his permanent residence in New London, where he died May 4th, 1825. His re mains were deposited in the Hallam tomb, in the old burial-ground. 1 There are two large, flat granite stones, partly imbedded in the earth, near the center of the ground, whicii are supposed to have been laid as temporary memorials over the remains of some distinguished persons. The author is of opinion that one of these indicates the grave of Mr, Bradstreet, and the other of John Still Winthrop. The former died in 1683, at a time when engraved stones were procured with difficulty; and the latter in 1776, just at the opening of the war, which made New London the seat of desolation. In both oases, it was undoubtedly the intention of surviving friends, to replace the rough granite, with more fitting monuments, as soon as it should be come practicable. But years elapsed, and It was not done : until it has become a sub ject of question, where these persons -were burled. It is, however, rendered tolerably certain, from the traces of letters yet remaining, that had been picked in the granite, that oneof the stones covers the grave of a Winthrop, ^ HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. 671 David Wright; Yale, 1777; a native of Saybrook, Conn,; attor ney of New London ; died in 1798, of the maUgnant fever, which then prevailed. His wife was Martha, daughter of RusseU Hub bard, of New London. Jeremiah Gates Brainard; Yale, 1779; a native of East Had dam, Conn. ; came to New London soon after leaving college, and engaged in the practice of the law. He had an office in the old court-house, on the Parade, at the time it was burnt by the British in 1781. He was for many years judge of the superior court ; died Jan. 7th, 1830, in the seventieth year of his age. His wife was Sa rah Gardiner, of New London. Elias Perkins ; Yale, 1786; married, in 1790, Lucretia Shaw, only daughter of Rev. Ephraim Woodbridge, deceased. His twin- brother, Elijah, (Yale, 1787,) died at PhUadelphia in 1806. William Pitt Cleveland; Yale, 1793; a native of Canterbury, Conn. ; settled in New London as an attorney, before 1800 ; died, Jan. 3d, 1844, aged seventy-four. Hon. Roger M. Sherman, his fel low-student at the law-school of Judge Reeve, in Litchfield, and through life his intimate friend, died four days before him at Fair field. Jirah Isham ; Yale, 1797 ; a native of Colchester, Conn,, but long in the practice of the law at New London; he died Oct. 6th, 1842, aged sixty-four. Elisha North, M. D., a native of Goshen, Litchfield Co,, Conn. He studied with Dr. Lemuel Hopkins, of Hartford, and afterward, under Dr. Rush, at the medical college in PhUadelphia. Settled in New London in 1812 ; died, Dec. 29lh, 1843. Archibald Mercer ; born in Newark, N. J., Dec. 1st, 1788 ; grad uated at Princeton, about 1807 ; M. D. at Philadelphia, and at New Haven, 1827 ; died, Oct. 3d, 1850. These aU died in New London, and most of them left their fami lies here. We may add to the Ust a few living residents, who, though not natives of the town, belong to it in aU but birth. Thirty years are reckoned a generation, and wherever thirty years of active life have been spent, there we may confidently say, the person belongs. _ Jacob B. Guriey; graduated at Dartmouth, m 1793, and was m- troduced at New London the next year, as preceptor of the Union School; was admitted to the bar in 1797, and is now one ofthe old- est attorneys in the county .^ ^ ^^^^ Ebenezer Learned , iaie,i/»o. tvt t a 27^, 1780, but from early infancy a resident m New London. 672 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. Abel McEwen ; Yale, 1804 ; a native of Winchester, Conn,; or dained over the Congregational church in this place, Oct. 21st, 1806, and now in the forty-sixth year of his ministry. This list might be considerably enlarged, by introducing other and younger names from the professional ranks. It would be a pleasure to the writer to gather up many honored names from all the depart ments of active life ; but the pen of history has extended its details far enough into the bosom of the present. Let the names of the gifted and the mature, as weU as of the young and the ardent of the present generation, be left for the future to record. They are stamp ing the impress of their genius and measures on the character of the town ; they have it in their power to mold its future history, and to win for themselves an honorable distinction among its sons and citi zens. May their deeds be such, that later generations shaU enroll their names in grateful remembrance, and some future historian find as much pleasure in recording them, as the writer of the present vol ume has experienced in reviewing the fortunes of their ancestors. NEW LONDON IN 1860. The leading distinction of New London in regard to natural advan tages, IS Its admirable situation for commercial pursuits. The harbor is of easy access and is easily defended; has great depth of water, is rarely frozen over, and is valuable as a refiige for vessels in storms, ¦ and as a station for the Navy ; particularly in the case of a hostUe squadron lying off" Sandy Hook. The charts of the United States Coast Survey show a depth of water in the main channel of entrance and withm the harbor, sufficient to admit and accommodate ships of the draught of the Great Eastern with perfect ease and safety. Of the descriptive beauties of the place, the predominating element is also fiirnished by its vicinity to the sea. On no part of our coast line can a position be found combining more varieties of the subUme and beautiful in scenery. From the surrounding bills, and from the cupolas of many private mansions, views are presented, changeful as the sky and waves, but always pleasing or magnificent, comprising a picturesque river landscape, the rugged headlands of the coast, the Sound and its cloud-like islands, and a constant succession of passing saUs. In addition to this, the whole region is historic ground. Here the ancient Nameaugs, a branch of the Pequots, Uved, hunted, fought, and wasted away. This was not purchased land, but a conquered terri tory, and the EngUsh settlers takuig possession of the wUderness, planted it -with towns, schools, churches and harvests. Repeatedly m the course of her history has New London experi enced great and sudden reverses. War is to her a death-blow, strUdng at the root of her prosperity. At the era of the Revolution the sword of Britam and the burning brand of the traitor swept over the town, and destroyed m one day her houses, wharves and shipping. The inhabitants stood afar off upon the hiUs, and saw the sky redden wi h the flames; returning afterward with sad hearts to then- desolate komes. T^e neighboring heights of Groton, with their decayed fort, anTstem monumental shaft, are memorials ever present to the view, of those^days of terror and treaoug- ' 67 674 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. After this blow, the town was literaUy obliged to begin the world anew. But the spirit of enterprize revived, and flo-wing with energy into the channel of the West India trade, she soon obtained a high degree of commercial prosperity. But she was again forced back and cut down by the restrictions of EngUsh and French poUcy, and the culminating stroke of the embargo in 1807. The war with England came afterward, and quenched the last remains of maritime activity. Not only was commerce prostrated, but fear and flight swept the town, at intervals, and the inhabitants endured the privations of a rigorous blockade. No other port in the United States suffered so severely from this cause. For two years a vigUant squadron, commanding the entrance into the Sound, and keeping guard in embattled Une, at the river's mouth, ruthlessly destroyed every species of craft that ventured forth upon the water. When this calamity had passed away, the energy of the town, seek ing new paths of enterprize, entered vigorously into the whaUng business. This was pursued with increasing ardor from year to year, untU New London became second only to New Bedford in this branch of commercial industry. In the year 1846 she had seventy ships and barks employed in the whale fishery, and some smaUer vessels. Since that period this interest has greatly declined. Other whaling ports have felt the depression in common with New London. The products of the fishery have become less profitable, whUe at the same time they are less abundant and are obtained at greater expense* Nor is there much hope of a revival in this business that wiU be per manent ; it remains therefore to be seen in what new pursuits the enterprize of the inhabitants wUl seek for remunerative results. Descriptive sketch of State Street. The site of New London in its original state, was an uneven, ridgy, semi-cn-cular bank of the river. Over this the streets and buildings have been graduaUy extended according to individual convenience, with but little aid from municipal regulations. It has no plan ; it is hamionious only in its extreme irregularity. But it is not without its desirable pomts and privileges. Among these we may reckon its broad side-waUjs, its numerous shade trees, and a soU and decUvity that speedily dispose of aU superabundant moisture. State sfreet, the lower part of which has long been known as the Parade, runmng at right angles with the river, and passing with gentle ascent into Broad HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 675 street, is worthy of special commendation. Its width, grade, position, and embowering trees, make it a fine street, notwithstanding the hreg- ularity of its buildings. Considerable changes have been made in this street -within the last eight years. A few of them -wiU be mentioned, and the dates given. They wiU serve as types of the progress of improvement, that has been going on, though in a less degree, in other parts of the town. Union Bank has been rebuUt from the foundation, and remodeled. It is now so arranged as to accommodate both the Union Bank and Bank of Commerce. Completed in AprU, 1860. The corner of State and Main street was formerly distinguished by the scarred and battered remains of a large sycamore or buttonwood free, which had given to the spot, time out of mind, the designation of Buttonwood Comer. Tbis was cut down in 1856. The Mechanic's Hotel, a dUapidated building, at the corner of State and Green sfreets, the coeval of the ancient sycamore, was demol ished, -with aU its rubbish of leantos, bams and sheds, in 1859. This site had probably been a tavern-stand from the first settlement of the town, and the buUding itself was of a date long anterior to the Revo lution. It was spared in the general conflagration of the town, Sept. 6th, 1781, through the intervention, it was supposed, of one of the tory officers of the invading force, who was a relative of the land lady. By the grading of the streets near the house, the lower story had ahnost become a cellar, and the whole sfructure had an indescrib ably forlorn aspect. A new brick building now covers a part of the lot. The City HaU, or HaU of Records, at the corner of Umon street, was commenced in 1854, and completed and occupied in the spring of 1856. It is a neat, quadrangular edifice, 52 feet by 54 upon the ground; constructed of polished free stone, and not deficient in simple grandeur, though plamied with reference to municipal service rather Than for ornament. It stands on the site of an ancient dweUing- house, owned and occupied for about eighty years by the Law famUy ; first bythe Hon. Richard Law, and afterward by his son, Lyman ^'i'the aty HaU the town and probate records are kept, the meet- ing^otthe Common CouncU, and the Probate and Police eourts held. St^d story a room is devoted to the Young Men's Library As- In tne tnira biui^ „ iskq has been occupied for a Post rr~ '™F- «»"'• ^" f"^ "" "»"' °' °°"' ' 676 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. commodious postal arrangements, than have been here fitted up under his direction. Cost of the City HaU lot $10,000 ; of the buildmg, $33,000. Architect, W. T. HaUett. In former times next to the Law house, on the opposite comer of Union street, stood the Pennunan house, built by James Penniman in 1770, but occupied in later days by Mr. Asa Dutton and others. This was removed in 1850 to enlarge the grounds of the new Stone Church, then just completed. The Trott house, another building on State street, antique and ven erable in its appearance, but of post-revolutionary date, was taken down in 1854. It stood at tbe corner of Meridian street, a site occu pied, in the infancy of the town, by the house of Mr. Charles HUl, which was one of the six fortified houses of PhUip's War, 1676. Though some of these changes may cause a sigh of regret to the artist and antiquary, they are undoubtedly triumphs in the march of improvement, opening the way to higher grades of usefulness and beauty. In this immediate vicinity, great changes have been -wrought within the last thirty years. Commodious and elegant dweUings now Une the streets on both sides. On the west of Meridian street, a rough and waste decUvity, where scarce even a scanty spot of herbage was to be found, has been rendered tastefully umbrageous by the present owner, who here erected his house on the rock in 1831. The old Court House at the head of State street is now in the seventy-fourth year of its age. It is a wooden building, ungraceful, common-place and generally regarded as an unsightly blot, disfiguring the neighborhood where it stands, yet, as a stately reUc of a former age, StiU doing service in this, — it maintains its respectabUity and is regarded with interest. The situation is admfrable. It stands on a rocky platform fronting the east, looking down State street to the river, and when the frees wiU permit, over upon Groton heights — and at the time of its erection was considered a magnificent edifice. Trav elers noticed it m their diaries, as an evidence of pubUc spirit and improvmg taste. It seems to stand on the frontier of the town as a guard and guardian m that dh-ection. A glen, or valley, known as the HoUow Lot, which in winter became a skating pond, lay behind it and the high grounds to the westward, now threaded by populous streets, or smUmg with cultivation, were but rugged pastures or dense woodlands. The character of the HoUow Lot has been entirely changed since 1840. The rocks have been dug out or sunk, the guUeys filled, the brook arched over and a group of large locust trees removed to make HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 677 way for Cottage street, which has been opened upon its western border. The city Burial Ground was first used for interments in 1793. The mansion house of General Huntington on the HaUam Lot opposite; was buUt in 1796. Between these two lots, a narrow, rocky lane. descending by a rough pitch, led into Church and State streets. The Hartford Turnpike Company opened it in 1800, and it is now apart of Broad street. Most of the buildings west of this are of very recent date. There are two exceptions, however, that look back into the former century. The Edgecombe house, (so called,) at the corner of State and Hemp stead, was built by Jesse Edgecombe in 1788, and the house of one story on the opposite corner, in 1789, by Nathaniel Hempstead, who had then a rope-walk in the rear. On a commanding eminence in Broad street, J. N. Harris, Esq., the present Mayor of the city, has recently erected an elegant family mansion, which is the highest and most conspicuous building in the place, towering first into view from sea and land, and from aU points of the horizon. From its cupola, Montaug Point and the Atlantic ocean beyond Montauk, may be discerned. The house stands upon a ridge of rock, graded and prepared for the purpose, and is con- stracted of brick and free stone, upon a model of Leopold Eidlitz. When the ground belonging to it thall be inclosed, planted and adorned, the cost includmg the site wiU probably amount to $40,000. Upon Broad sfreet, extending to Granite sfreet, is WiUiams' Park, an open square belonging to the city, which now lies nearly in its natural state, uncultured and unadorned. But when it shaU be threaded with waUjs, and embeUished by the hand of taste, it can not faU to become a favorite resort of the citizens for exercise and recre- ation.* CHraoH.. «» M,».ST»KS. Tbe city hi. ». ctoreh» Two „r these, the K„. ^^T'Tll^Cd"'' »7 =« "s^l fo^ James, are magnificent bmldmgs, unsurpassea oy ^ y architectural elegance. ^ ^ x„j *„ the oitv bv Gen, WilUam Williams, of Nor- VT:^ ^.tsTsTSiHafS'Jremembrance of his son Thomas 678 HIST0E7 OP NEW LONDON. lit connection with the Episcopal church, a parsonage house or mansion for the rector, was built in 1859-60, at an expense of about $11,000. It is constructed of brick, tastefully embeUished, and harmonizing in general effect with the church, near which it stands. Dr. HaUam, the rector of St. James, in the length of his pastorate, is now the senior clergyman of the city. The sermon that he preached on the twenty-fifth anniversary of his settlement, January 1, 1860, has been published. Three new churches have been erected within the last six years. 1. The Roman Catholic church on Truman street -was opened for service, and consecrated March 4, 1855. During the present year it has been furnished with a valuable organ. 2. The Methodist Episcopal church on Federal street was completed in 185S. It is, built of brick, and distinguished by^twin towers in front. 3. The First Baptist Society, that for more than fifty years had gone up to worship upon the granite ridge in Pearl street, (famUiarly known as the old Baptist Rocks,) have erected a stately brick church with free stone embellishments at the corner of Washington and State streets. It is distinguished by unequal towers in front, and is furnished with an organ and bell. Dedicated March 13, 1856. The old Methodist chapel, at the corner of Methodist and Union street, where Methodism under Bishop Ashbury and Elder Jesse Lee pitched its first tabernacle in New London, was destroyed by flre, Nov. 18, 1853. It had been long disused as a church, but was the property of the Bethel Society of Independent Protestant Methodists. This Society in addition to their chapel in Huntington street, (for merly the Union School House,) have purchased the church relm quished by the First Baptist Society on Pearl street, and use it for their Sabbath service. It is a free church; the seats are free, and the minister has no regular salary. Rev. Ezra Withey officiated for several years, without stipend, as the pastor of this church, but has recently removed to New York. First Congregational Church. Rev. Thomas P. Field was mstaUed as associate j)astor, with Rev. Abel McEwen, D. D., June 5, 1856. Dr. McEwen was thenceforward released from the active duties and reponsibUities of the pastorate. He preached a Half-Century Ser- HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 679 mon m January, 1859, and died among his people, Sept. 7, 1860, aged 80. Ministerial settlements have of late years been so fluctuating and transient, that it is worthy of special notice that Dr. McEwen Uved to old age and was never the pastor of but one parish. He came to New London after completing his theological studies, without having preached as a candidate in any other place, and ever afterward re jected aU in-vitations to settle elsewhere. Second Congregational Church. Rev. Tryon Edwards, D. D. Dismissed August 4, 1857. Rev. G. B. WUcox, previously of La-wrence, Mass., instaUed AprU 20, 1859. First Baptist Church. Rev. WUUam Reid, pastor since June, 1854. Elder Reid is a native of Scotland, but previous to his removal to New London, had been preaching for nine years in Bridgeport, Ct. Second Baptist. This church is now -without any stated ministry. For a few years past, it has been in charge, successively, of Elders O. T. Walker and J. S. Swan. Third, or Huntington Street Baptist. Rev. J. S. Swan, the flrst pastor of this church, was succeeded in 1858, by the present incum bent, Rev. S. B. Grant, formerly of New Haven. Elder Swan has officiated as the pastor of the three Baptist churches respecti-vely, in the order of First, Third and Second. He is now engaged in ministering to different churches, under the patronage of a Home Missionary enterprize of the Connecticut Baptists. Universaiist Church. Rev. Mr. Dennis removed m 1854 to Stoughton, Mass., and was succeeded by Rev. J. C. Waldo, the present pastor. The recent United States census fiimishes the foUowmg tabular estimate of the number of persons the city churches wUl accommodate, and the value of their property: Methodist Episcopal, . . • • 700 $1,000 Prote^ant Methodist, . • • .000 ^3,000 Third (Huntington Sti-eet,) . • • 600 12 000 First Congregational, • • • ' '^^^ Second Congregational, • • • ' Protestant Episcopal, • • •_ ^^OOO 7S000 rr?^U •.•.¦¦• ^00 12,000 680 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. Jonathan Coit, Esq., who died Dec. 12, 1855, was a Uberal benefac tor to the churches of New London. He belonged to a family honor ably connected with the town from its first settlement, and in the disposition of his property was not forgetfiol of the place that gave him birth, and where his declining years were spent. He left legacies to seven of the city churches, to assist them in the support of the minis try, and made three distinct charitable bequests to aid the poor and unfortunate of difi'erent classes ; the whole amounting to $42,000. These legacies were apportioned as foUows : To the two Congre gational societies, each $6,000 ; to the Episcopal society, two MQ(;ho- dist and three Baptist societies, each $3,000 ; the amount in each case to be invested and the interest or income paid annually to the pastor of the church for the time being. For the benefit of the poor of the town, $10,000. To the Lewis Cent Society, $3,000. To the Seamen's Friend Society of New London, $2,500.* V Schools. The Public Schools of New London are arranged into seven districts in which are twenty-two schools, and two High Schools, common to the whole town, viz., the Bartlett High School for boys and a High School for girls, which has superseded the former Female Academy. The census of 1860 gives the foUowing statistics of the schools of the to-wn : Two High Schools, 160 pupils and 4 teachers. Seven district schools, 1582 pupils, 28 teachers. Five private schools, 155 pupils, 7 teachers. This number of pupUs includes aU who attend during the year ; the average of attendance is somewhat less. The UberaUty of the to-wn in its appropriations for the support of schools, is worthy of honorable notice. Since 18S4 a -wise and salu tary course has been pursued in grading the schools, systematizing the * In the year 1858, Mrs, Amanda G. Williams, relict of Thomas W, Williams, 2d, left a residuary legacy of several thousand dollars to be funded for the benefit of seamen. Only the income of one-half is to become available, until the income of the -whole amount to $1 ,000 per annum, and then the whole income may be annually expended. The Ti-ustees of this bequest, which is called " The Thomas W, Williams, 2d, Fund," have been incorporated. To receive aid from this fund it is necessary for a seaman to have sailed, at least a year from the port of New London, aud for a seaman's family to have lived a year in the place. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 681 range of instruction, and providmg for the maintenance of the High Schools. The object in view is to fumish for the youth of both sexes, at the pubhc expense, a sound and comprehensive course of mstruction, connected with a healthy moral influence, adapted to raise them above low associations, and train them to become valuable members of society. In both of the High Schools a good academical education may be obtamed. The plan of study mcludes the Latin language, mathemat ics and the natural sciences. Gu-ls by attending to the whole course may be qualified to become teachers without further preparation. In the Bartlett High School, instruction is given in book-keeping, surveying and practical navigation. Greek is also taught, and students who are looking forward to a scholastic course, may be prepared to enter any of the New England coUeges. By far the greater part of the pupils, however, here complete their education and go forth from hence to the various calUngs and industrial pursuits of hfe. A new school-house was erected in 1859 in the fourth district, near the junction of Truman and Coit street, at the sole expense of the district. It is spacious, well-arranged, accommodated with grounds for the recreation of the pupUs, and is an ornament to that part of the town. Railroads. In January, 1859, the New London, WiUimantic anfl Palmer RaUroad passed by default into the hands of trustees for the benefit of the first bond-holders, the Company having been for some time previous, unable to pay the interest upon their bonds. The first bond-holders have since been uicorporated by the legisla ture under the title of the New London Northern Raihoad Com pany. The New London and Stonmgton Railroad Company, incorporated in 1852, was consoUdated in 1856 with the New Haven and New London RaUroad Company, under the title ofthe New Haven, New London and Stonington Raihoad Company. This Company has constmcted a road eleven miles m length, from the river Thames, opposite New London, to Stonington, which opens a communication that had long been considered desirable between the two raU roads that termhiated respectively at New London and Ston ington. This new route, which Unks them together, went mto opera- 58 682 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. tion in December, 1858, a steam ferry having been estabUshed by which to cross the river at New London. This arrangement not only completes a Shore Line route from New York to Providence, but during the present year, 1860, an arrange ment has been made with the Sound Steam-Boat Company, by which the Une of boats that has so long and so successively na-vigated the Sound from New York to Stonington, has been connected wdth this new road. These boats now run to Groton, where extensive wharf and depot accommodations have been pro-vided for them. The pas sage through the Sound by this route is shorter and less hazardous than before, and the arrangement is welcomed as an advance in the line of public accommodation. Recent Events. The New London Gas Company was incorporated in April, 1853. Capital $70,000, with Uberty of increase to $100,000. This company has obtained exclusive privUeges from the city for fifteen years, on condition of furnishing fifty lamp posts and charging the city only $2.50 per thousand feet of gas, and individuals not more than $4 per thousand. The price to be reduced hereafter to the rate of other cities, according to the amount used. The Pequot House, belonging to an organized association, was opened as a watering place, or Summer Hotel, in June, 1853. H. M. Crocker, landlord. . This elegant retreat is situated upon a high but level area, near the mouth of the river, and is connected with the city by an exceUent shore road about two mUes in extent. The drive thither in flne weather is exhilarating and deUghtful. No watermg place on our sea board offers greater attractions for flshing, bathing, sea-air, and aU the purposes of health, exercise, and the gratification of taste for beautiful scenery, connected with interesting historical associations. The sea-breezes are here modified and softened by the intervention of Long Island. The situation is therefore more favorable for some classes of invaUds, than watering places dfrectly upon the ocean. The guests at the Pequot House are occasionaUy enUvened by visits from excursion yachts that touch at their wharf, or Ue at anchor near the coast, or are seen shooting in and out of the river, with a fishing party, or a voyaging family on board, and music, with which they salute the shores. New London harbor has been for several years a HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 683 favorite resort for these Ught-winged and light-footed vessels. Some of those owned m New York are here laid up for winter quarters. In October, 1853, the U. S. troops at Fort TrumbuU were ordered to California. They took sad leave of their commodious quarters, and of the friends that they had made during their abode in the city. The removal would have been yet more disheartening could they have foreseen the disastrous voyage that ensued. A number of them per ished in the fearful wreck of the steamer San Francisco, in which they had embarked. Since that period Fort Trumbull has been left without a garrison. The winds and echoes seem to have acquired undisturbed possession of this beautiful and massive fortress. There it stands — silent and deserted ; yet ready at any moment to be re-occupied and take the attitude of defence and defiance. In the mean time it is well kept ; no rubbish, scarcely even a dry leaf is to be seen in its courts, and no weather-stain upon its fair waUs is suffered to remain. Between sixty and seventy cannon are kept mounted ; those within the fort are sixty-eight pounders, and those upon the parapets forty- two pounders. Others are of Ughter weight. Sergeant MulhoUand has had charge of the fort since the departure of the garrison. Fort Griswold and the Battery on the Groton side of the river are also left in the charge of a sergeant. In the winter of 1855, an agreeable excitement was produced in the city by the arrival in the harbor of the EngUsh ship Resolute from the Arctic regions, brought m by Captain James M. Buddmgton, of the whale ship George Henry, of this port. The Resolute was a ship of 600 tons burden, strong^^ buUt and sheared to encounter the hazards of polar navigation, and was one of ffl to' five vessels sent out by the British gov^nment under^e command of Sfr Edward Beleher, to search or SW^hnFrank^ and his crew. Her inimediate — n^^ej- w^ C^^^^^^^^^^^ ship became entangled m the icn^MdvU^^^^^^^ ,^^^^ .^ ^^^^^^_ ually surrounded by^a field ot ^^^ ^^ ^ 684 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. discovered by the crew of the whale ship George Henry, of New London, floating in Davis' Straits, near Cape Mercy, at a distance of eleven hundred mUes from the place where she had been abandoned. Captain Buddington took possession of the drifting vessel, transferred ' to her a part of his crew, and after a very stormy passage of one hundred days, arrived Dec. 24th in New London harbor. While lying here the Resolute was visited by thousands of people, who examined with eager interest aU the minute details of her equip ment and fumiture. When flrst discovered, the lamps, bottles and wine glasses, aU stood upon the table in the officer's room, just as they -had been left when they drank their fareweU to the ship, and books lay open in the cabin, as if just laid aside. The epaulets of the cap tain were there ; and many books and tokens were discovered, bearing memorial inscriptions of tenderness and friendship, that must have been left behind by heavy hearts, yielding to stem necessity. The Resolute lay seven months at New London. The United States government paid a liberal redemption fee to her captors, had her repaired at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, and sent her back to Eng land, as a present to the nation, under the command of Captain Hart- stene, of the U. S. Navy.* She arrived at Portsmouth, England, Dec. 16, 1856. The Queen visited the ship, received the transfer in person, and gracefuUy acknowledged the courtesy of the country in restoring it to its flrst owners. Lawrence HaU, a private building owned by Joseph Lawrence, Esq., is the principal HaU in the city for public lectures and exhibi tions. It was completed in Feb. 1856, and is 105 feet m length, 57 in breadth, and arched above to the height of 24 feet from the floor. It is a beautiful Hall in decoration, proportion and interior accommo dation, and with hs gallery or corridor, wiU accommodate 1,200 per sons. Architect, W. T. HaUett. Guano. Among recent events connected with the business of the city, the introduction of a new species of trade may be noticed. Dur mg the present year, 1860, three ships have arrived with Guano, from * Capt, Hartstene was the officer that had been sent by the government to the Polar regions, in 1855, on a relief trip with supplies for Dr, Kane, of the second Grinnell expeditiou. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 685 McKean's Island, in the Pacific Ocean, consigned to WilUams & Haven, of this port. McKean's Island is one of the group of Phenix Islands in the Pa cific Ocean, visited by C. A. WUUams, of New London, in February, 1859, whUe on an exploring expedition from Honolulu. These islands were found destitute of vegetation, and without inhabitants, or owners, being a desolate group of coral formations, beaten by the surf, and consisting of rock, salt ponds, and deposites of guano. He took pos session of them under the authority of an act of Congress of 1856. The title has since been recognized by the U. S. government, and vested in the Phenix Guano Company, who have made extensive arrangements for the preparation and shipment of the Guano to this counfry. Freemen. - At the State election in April, 1858, the number of votes cast was 1,497. For WilUam A. Buckingham, Govemor, 799. For Thomas H. Seymour, do. 698. This number was considerably larger than has been cast at any other period. In November, 1860, the whole number of votes for Presidential electors was 1,366, and the number of voters registered, somewhat less than 2,000. Results of the United States Census of 1860. Population, 10,116. DwelUng houses, 1,260. FamUies, (not mcluduig those in boarding houses,)^ 1,582. Number of colored mhabitants, 218; of whom 128 are males, and 90 females. Deaths ui the year endmg June 1, I860, 113, Number of paupers assisted within the year, 331, of whom 186 TultTpe™ of 70 years of age, and over, 244 ; of these, 89 aTe males, and 155 females; 7 are colored persons, and 25 of for- "^f'lhe whole number, (244) there are 16 males and 28 females, who are 80 yeaxs old and over, and of these, three of the females are 686 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. upwards of 90, viz. : Mrs. Mary Havens, 98 ; Miss Betsey Harris, 92,* and EUen Peterson, 91. The oldest male inhabitants enumerated are Joel Loomis, 88 ; Na thaniel Middleton, 87, and John Mason, 86. Valuation of Estate. Real estate, $2,679,743. Personal estate, $2,475,798. Total, $5,155,541. Annual amount of taxes for aU purposes, $26,000. Thirty-two persons reported estate, real and personal, to the value of $50,000 and over, and of these, ten reported over $100,000. The number of industrial estabUshments reported is 237. This includes all kinds of manufacture and handicraft. The most extensive estabUshments are the following : Wilson's Hardware manufactory; motive power, steam; articles manufactured, coffee miUs, vices, screws, bit-stocks, ship chandlery, . and other miscellaneous articles. Albertson & Douglas, manufacturers in iron and wood, and using steam power. They make steam engines, boilers, cotton gins, brass and iron castings, and miscellaneous articles for machinery. Both of these establishments, in prosperous times, employ over 100 hands. The clothing establishments of the town are an important branch of industry, particularly in furnishing employment to females. T. M. Lyon, in the manufacture and sale of clothing, employed during the year 1859-60, 25 males and 75 females. Shepard & Harris employed in the same Une, IS males and 50 females. Commerce. Merchant vessels, engaged in foreign commerce and the coasting trade, propellers, freight vessels, &c., are not included in the census returns. The number of fishing vessels reported is 51, viz.: 21 schooners, * Miss Harris is reported in the census 97 years of age, but her birth is regis tered in the town records, Feb. 27, 1768, HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 687 24 sloops, and 6 smacks. These are employed in fishing, chiefly for codfish, halibut, and sea-bass ; occasionally they bring in lobsters and blue fish. The voyages are from 7 to 12 months in length. The whaling vessels reported are 28, viz. : 9 ships, 12 barks, 1 brig and 6 schooners. But this enumeration is incomplete. The actual number of vessels engaged in the whale fishery fi-om this port, July 1, 1860, was 38, -viz. : 28 ships and barks, 2 brigs and 8 schooners. " • , ' -1 ' A Corrections and Additions. [Supplemental to the History of New London, printed in 1852.J Lines reckoned from the top of the page. Table of Contents, p. vU, ch. xi, for Mr. Lake read Mrs. Lake. In the heading to ch. xiii, for Tq-wt^ Officers, read To-wisr Affairs. p. 30, 1. 15, for in the harbor, read outside of the harbor. p. 33, 1. 37, for one man, read our men. p. 39, in the note for p. 164 read 64. p. 59, 1. 8, for should, read would. p. 77, in note for 20th, read 29th. p. 132, 1. 13, for Dec. 26th, read 6th. p. 188, 1. 20, " he was never heard of afterward." This is a mis take ; he was restored to his friends through the mtervention of a friendly Indian. The boy was Josiah Rockwell, oldest son of the man who was slain, and his age about 14. p 189 1. 15. This conjecture respecting the death of Mrs. Lucy ' Pataies is unfounded. From Bradstreet's Journal it is ascertained that she died at New London, Nov. 24, 1676, aged 36. p. 190, Unes 16 and 17, read shnply, his son John StiU Winthrop. p. 193, I. 8, for oldest son, read second son. p. 193, 1. 13, for 1638 read 1640. p. 250, I. 35, erase [Setler.J p. 269, 1. 12, for Sharon, read Long Island. n 292 I 18, for Elizabeth, read Hannah. _ p." 307^ 1. is! for WiUiam and Benjamin, read Thomas and Benjamm. 688 HISTORY OF NEW LONDON. p. 331, 1. 8. It appears from the Ms. journal of Thomas Minor, that Mrs. Brewster was buried March Sth, and Christopher Avery March 12th, 1679. p. 336, John Plumbe. It has since been ascertained that John Plumbe of Wethersfield removed to Branford and there died in 1648. He could not, therefore, be the person of that name who settled at New London. p. 348, 1. 5, " Of his death there is no account." This was printed before the pubUcation of Bradstreet^s Journal, which has the foUow mg notice: 1674. "Mayl. George Sherwood, of this town of N. London, dyed. His Sicknes was very painftiU, yet God gave him some good measure of Patience. I doubt not but he is at rest in glory." p. 369, 1. 11, Thomas Boiles married Mary Wheeler July 1, 1669. p. 436, first paragraph. The Uttle company of Dissenters that peti tioned the General Assembly in 1704, were residents on the east side of the river, in Groton, which was then a part of New "London, though made a distinct town in the course of that year. The error in the page referred to, consists in connecting them with the Fort- HiU Baptists of 1720. They were a distinct community, and probably the nucleus of the Wightman Baptist Church, of Groton. p. 437, last note. The manuscript quoted is erroneously attributed to Mr. Channing. It was probably written by Thomas Shaw, Esq., at the instance of Dr. TrumbuU, when the latter was collecting materials for the History of Connecticut. p. 460, 1. 31, for daughter, read grand-daughter. p. 498, 1. 16, erase Jeremiah and Elizabeth, and the word together, so as to read, Rebecca bapt. 1672. p. 532, 1. 32, for George Hallam, read Robert Hallam. p. 537, 1. 16, for the youngest of three, read one of three. p. 558, 1. 19, for 130 yards, read 130 rods. p. 582, 1. 29, for 1809, read 1804. p. 586, 1. 29, for Thaddeus, read Jonathan. p. 601, 1. 20, after children, insert six of them. p. 606, after line 15, add, " Rev. Spencer Baird was instaUed July 5, 1838, officiated nine years, and was then dismissed. p. 609, 1. 32. This is no longer a fact. The old Cong. Church in Chesterfield district was removed in 1857 to another part of the town, and devoted to manufacturing purposes. p. 619, 1. 22 and 23, erase his death in. CoL Richards died in 1825, aged 81. HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 689 p. 620. To the Ust of Mayors add, Henry P. Haven, 1853 to 1856. Jonathan N. Harris, 1856, still in office. p. 630, after line 4, add the date, June 13, 1834. p. 649. To the list of Collectors of the port, add, NicoU Fosdick remained in offlce to Sept. 1853, four years. 9th CoUector, Henry Hobart, in offlce four years, to Sept, 1857. 10th do. J. P. C. Mather, appointed Sept. 1857, in office 1860. p. 658, 1. 7. The New London Chronicle in Jan. 18S8, passed into the hands of WilUam 0. Irish, proprietor, and Charles W. Butler, • editor. C. F. Daniels, Esq., the previous editor, died Oct 20, 18S8, aged 69. The Repository, a smaU weekly, devoted principaUy to local and Uterary subjects, was commenced in Feb. 1858, by WiUiam H. Starr & Co., and is stiU continued. p. 662. Add at the bottom of the page : The Bank of Commerce was chartered by the Legislature in May, 1855. Capital, $200,000. p. 667. To the Ust of town clerks, add, Henry Douglas continued in office till Oct. 1855. Joseph C. Douglas, in offlce one year. GUes Bailey, chosen Oct. 1856, and stiU m office. p. 667. To the Members of Congress, add, Nathan Belcher, from 18S3 to 1855. p. 658. In the list of Alumni of Yale CoUege, for Daniel Manwaring, " read David Manwai-ing, After Daniel Huntmgton, 1807, insert Nathaniel Hewit, S. T. D. 1808. Dr. Hewit's name was inadvertently omitted. He was born m New London, Aug. 28, 1788. p. 669. Recent additions to the graduates of Yale CoUege. Joseph Ledyard Smith, 1857. FeUx Ansart, 1859. John C. Middleton, 1859. Pierre S, Starr, 1860. p. 669. To the Ust of natives who have graduated at other coUeges, add, John E. Elliott, Amherst, 1857. Thomas M. Boss, do. 1859. Enoch V. Stoddard, Jr., Trmity, 1860. 59 690 HISTORY OP NB'W LONDON. Blinman, Bulkley, Bradstreet. Some additional particulars have been gleaned respecting these early Ministers of New London. The date of Mr. Blinman's departure is more nearly ascertamed. It is probable that he embarked for England the 27 th or 28th of July, 1659. In a Journal kept by the first Thomas Minor, of Stonington, and StiU preserved in Ms. ; under date of that month, he notes briefly : "Mr. Blinman taught at london tusday 26." This was doubtless his fareweU service before leaving the country.. Some interesting memoranda in the hand-writing of the Rev. Mr. Bradstreet have been recently brought to Ught. In one article, enti tled, " Remembrances of the greatest changes in my life," he states : " I was bome in N, England, at Ipswltch, Septem 28, being Munday 1640, 1651, I had my Education in the same Towne at the Free School, the master of wch was my ever respected Friend, Mr, EzekieU Cheevers, June 25, 1656, I was admitted into the Vniversity Mr, Charles Chauncy being President, Anno 1660, I went ou.t Batchelour of Artes, Anno 1663 I took my second degree. May 1, 1666 I came to New London at the desire of the people and advise of my Friends, in order to a settlement in the work of the Ministi-y, Octob, 5, 1670, I was ordained by Mr, Bulkley and Mr. Haynes and established Pastour of the chh, of Christ at New London, The good Lord graunt I may so preach and so live, that I may save myself, and those who hear me," (Hist, and Gen, Keg, 9. 117.) A more extended journal left by Mr. Bradstreet is entitied, " A Brief Record of remarkable Providences and Accidents.'' In this record he notices the death of Mrs. Bulkley, mother of Rev. Gershom Bulkley. " Mrs, Grace Bulkley ye widow of Mr, Peter Bulkley sometime Pastour of ye chh, of Concord, deceased. She was a woman of great piety and wisdome and dyed in good old Age, Her sickness was long and very afflictive. She was sick neer 3 months before she dyed. She had not the use of her understanding but by fitts, the greatest part of her sicknesse. April 25, 69, (being Sabbath day) she was interred, her soul 3 dayes before was entered upon an everlasting Sabbath of rest. She dyed and was buried at N, London, Blessed are yse who dye in ye Lord &c, Apoc, 14, 13," (Hist, and Gen. Reg. 9, 45,) This excellent lady was the daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood. Her house in New London, (afterward the residence of Mr. Brad street,) was near the south-east corner of the Town Square, the cen tral part of which was then occupied by the Meeting House. Mrs. Bulkley has no memorial in the old grave yard, but it may be assumed HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. 691 tha,t she was interred not far from the spot where an ancient stone is inscribed to the memory of her great grandson. Major Charies Bulkley. Mr. Bradstreet records also the ordination of Mr. Bulkley at Weth ersfield, Oct. 27, 1669. It appears, therefore, that Mr. Bulkley, though offlciating for five and a haff years, [1661-1666,] as the sole minister of New London, had not then been ordained. Blue Lights. [See page 635,] It may be objected to the account here given ofthe blue lights, that it leaves the reader in needless uncertainty respectuig the truth of the story. Some further explanation, therefore, seems desirable, particu larly as a more thorough investigation of the subject seems to prove that there was no treason in the affair, and of course a slander so dis honorable to the country ought to be swept aside among au-y legends and convenient fabrications. There is no doubt but that on the night in question, 12th of De cember, 1813, blue lights were seen off the mouth of the harbor and on either side of it, as reported by the men on watch to .Commodore Decatur, and subsequently communicated by him to the Secretary of the Navy. But these Ughts were probably British signals made by guai-d boats, interchanged with one another or with the blockadmg fleet, as they rowed to and fro athwart the river, and were perhaps occasionaUy bewildered in the darkness near the coast. Different colored lights, it is weU known, are the customary night signals of a navy, when it is so situated as to make noiseless communications desirable. The American officers themselves afterwards ft-ankly acknowledged that the Blue Lights were inaU probabiUty signals from the enemy's guard boats, and Commodore Decatur wrote to this effect to the Secretary of the Navy. His letter was pubhshed at the time, but the origmal version of the story had become a popular belief which no counter report or after explanation could destroy. That the officers had no design to attempt an escape from the harbor on that night, the following testimony from a gentleman, Guy Richards, Esq., now of New York, who was then in daily intercourse with the American officers, affords presumptive evidence: " T ,r,ent*the evening up to eleven o'clock with Decatur, Jones and other offi cers of S^ua "on "'n the night it was supposed that the fleet would attempt to 692 HISTORY OP NEW LONDON. escape, (December 12, 1813,) They exhibited no more thoughtfulness or anxiety that evening, than on other occasions, " A more favorable night for such an attempt could not be desired nor found in twenty years. The -tvind was N, N, E,, blowing fresh, and it was very dark, so that the vessels in the stream could hardly be seen from the docks, and many people were assembled there in expectation of -witnessing the departure. My belief is that there was no intention to leave, or the officers would have been at their post and under sail before eleven o'clock, that they might be well out at sea before daylight." The position of Commodore Decatur at this period was very annoy ing. His squadron, consisting of three of the finest vessels in the navy, had long been pent up in the river Thames, and the neighboring coast kept in a state of exasperation by the ceaseless presence and harrass ing irruptions of the blockading squadron. A popular outcry was raised against the American officers, that they were wanting in cour age or fertility of resource, or they would contrive by skillful manage ment or gallant daring, to free themselves from durance. The clamor increased and deepened, and even the government was affected by it. The Commodore saw that he was imperatively caUed upon to do some thing to satisfy the public. The ships were accordingly warped five miles down the river, anchored in the harbor, and partiaUy equipped as if in readiness to seize the flrst favorable moment for escape. AU these measures were calculated to redouble the vigUance of the enemy. . The American squadron lay in plain sight from the decks of their ships. No preparatory step could be taken without their scru tiny. Decatur knew that there was no hope of escape under the veU of darkness or by secresy or deception of any kind, and to attempt to force a passage through the embattled Une before hun, must resuh in damage to his littie fleet, if not in its capture or total destruction. It is probable that he never fixed upon any tune, or formed any settled plan for escape. At this juncture, however, occurred the specious mcident of the Blue Lights. The casual surmise of their treasonable origin, was countenanced, or at least not contradicted by the officers. The public seized upon it as the best explanation ofthe inactivity ofthe squadron and the Commodore and his officers were henceforth exonerated from blame. INDEX OF FAMILY NAMES. Authors quoted, and persons to whom reference is made at the foot of the page, are not generally included in this index. AbeU, 159, 323, 340. Abbot, 86, Adams, 243, 341, 378-80, 391,405,410,420,446,8;450-55, 473, 486-89, 614, 532, 544, 586, 611, 667-89, Addis, 93, 113-116, 134, 147, 8; 338, Adgate, 172, Aery, (Arey,) 77, 250, 297, Albertson, 108, 512, Alden, 443, 606, Allen, 432, 447, 8; 453, 456- 58, 476, 7; 512, 678,9; 597, 602, 608, 611, 620, 2, 647, Allyn, 70, 1 ; 97, 104, 164, 157-59, 166-7; 178, 259, 354, 370, 3; 381,415,420, 1; 620,663,4. Ames, (Eams,) 264, 374, 613, 656. Andross, 193, 9; 207, 223, 281 Angei, 538, 582. Appleton, 350, Apsley, 172, Arnold, 344, 368, 384, 545- 670, Asbury, 595, 6, Ash, 148, 338, Ashby, 264, 351, Ashcraft, 249, 629. Astwood, 304, Atweh, 146, 253, 260, 305, 342, 428, Austm, 60, 61, Avery, 67, 71-74, 95-97, 127, 130, 3; 137-39, 142, 3; 152, 165,7; 174,180- 82, 4; 186-88, 190, 2, 5, 9; 211,247, 251, 9; 260, 5 280,331,346,350,416, 427, 432, 488, 519, 568, 563, 4, 7, 8; 588, 610, 11; 662, Aylmer, 637. 57 Babcock, 468, 474, 612, 670, Backus, 220, 371. Bacon, 658, Bailey, (Bayley,) 68, 97, 260, 6; 290, 346, 364, 564, 577, Baker, 66, 260, 4; 290, 6; 345, 362, 4, Bald-win, 146, 166, 168, 303, 591, Barber, 459, 460, 1; 601, 641, Barker, 77, 682, Barnard, 415, 642, Barnes, 64, 641, 4, 7; 662. Bamet, 195, 270, Bartlet, 60,1,6; 75, 93,5; 121, 135, 232, 274, 396-99, Bassett, 134, Batten, 173, Baxter, 497, 685, Beckwith, 70, 87, 94, 142, 209, 217, 231, 2; 248,259, 264,298, 557, 563, 4; 609, 611, 12, Bedell, 60, 1, 4, Beeby, 70, 1, 4; 91, 5, 8; 148, 168, 183, 6; 190, 5, 6; 202, 211, 213, 231, 248, 262, 269,262, 8; 291,314, 316, 338, 381, 411, Belden, 67, 502, 666. Bellamy, 452, 6, _ „ Bemas, 60,1; 74, 87, 136, 166, 283, Bemontj 341. Beniamin, 644, Bennet, 96, 236, 289, 328, Betts, 399, Biddle, 610, 636. Bill, 146, 198, 260 9; 264, 299, 320, 346, 317, 618, Biffing, 250, 638, 40, 604, 6207642,3; 662,7, Buigham, 638, 583, BhcTiard, 65, 251, 304, Bishop, 316, 608. Bissell, 657. Blackleach, 235. Blake, 264, Blakeslee, 594, Blatchford, 60, 6, 8; 74, 87, 98, 110, 136, 7; 164, 6, 310, Blmman, 66, 7, 9 ; 70, 1, 5, 6; 81,7; 94, 5, 8; 103,4; 111-117, 128, 144, 8; 162, 282, 296, Bliss, 170, 2; 323, 361, Block, Adrian, 21-24. Bloomfield, 93. Bloyd, 448, Bodington, (Buddmgton,) 198, 264, 324, Boies, 592, BoUes, 146, 215, 259, 298, 347,366,8; 397,576,587, 595, 627, Borden, 75, 144, 5; 172, 303. Bordman, 60, 1. Borrowdale, (Borradil,) 333, 334, Bos-well, 582, Botler, 172, 3. Bowdoin, 393, Bowen, 93, 132, 3. Bowers, 172, Bowman, 151. Boyes, 341, Braddick, 240, 440, 1, 4; 476, Braddock, 468, Bradford, 171, 260, 323, 372, 481, 2; 606, Bradley, 87, 232, 38; 261, 266,277-9^317, Bradstreet, 138-144, 167, 183, 191-197, 234, 396, 669, 70, Bramard, 452, 671, 620,625, 663, 8, 670. Bramble, Sarah, 468, Braudegee, 624, 669, Breed, 285. Brenton, 231, 674 INDEX OF FAMILY NAMES. Brewster, 56, 60-67, 75, 85, 87, 8 ; 90, 127, 8; 138, 141, 5; 159,162, 5; 236, 275, 278-80, 286; 317,18; 331, 346, 363, 666, Briggs, 582, Brinley, 236, Broadhurst, 407, Brockway, 172, 248, Broolts, 67, 8; 93, 264,514, 672, 686, 619, 629, Bromfield, Major, 562, Brown, 134, 176, 238, 326, 334, 517, 525, 647, Browne, 166, 408, 9, Brownell, 694, Bi-uen, 67, 71-76, 8 ; 84-88, 92,3,5; 109,111,113,115, 132,5, 9; 140,7; 154-156, 174, 194, 247, 9; 269, 70; 280, 304, 666. Bryan, 148, Bucknall, (Buckland,) 264, 321 Budd,' 77, Buel, 466, 626, Bulkley, 117, 131-39, 140, 151, 185, 6; 248, 252, 264, 279-80; 330, 486, 637, 674, 623, / Buor, 239, 402, 7; 440-42, Bull, 65, 171, Burbeck, 626, 633, 4, 7. Burch, 488, Burdick, 204. Burnham, 398, Burr, 391, 2 ; 489, Burrows, (Burroughs,) 67, 76, 96, 137, 162, 269, 301, 9;313, 353, 409, 423,695, Bushnell, 526, Buskirk, 667. Bussbraw, 60, 1, Butler, 264, 271, 299, 342, 351, 440, 1; 662, 3, Button, 264, Byles, Mather, 489-498, Cady, 655. Camp, 264, 322, 358, Campbell, 431, 2, Cannon, 264, Carder, Eichard, 264. Carpenter, 264, 303, 341, 631, Can-, John, 248, 9, Carter, 313, Carwithy, (Kerwithy,-) 67, Caulkms, (Calkin,) 87, 71, 74-76, 82, S, 8; 99; 101, 3, 10, 11, 15; 142, 154,8; 259, 294, 303, 353, 361, 522, 582, 668, Chalker, 261, Chambers, 360. Chamberhn, 381, Champlui,402, 7;457, 537, 640, 680, ' ' ' ' Champion, 175, Chandler, 264, 800, l. Chanell, 231, 2, Channing, 571, 7; 588-90, 668, Chapel(l,) 145, 252, 3; 260, 326, 346, 608, Chapman, 93, 176, 197, 248, 250,8; 260,2; 303,391,9; 411, 479, 614, 632, 544, 561, 577, 581, 2, Chappell, 60, 8; 74, 136, 248, 268, 9; 268, 352, 361, 370, 476, 582, 608, 813, 662, Chariet, (Chelet.) 75, 299, Chauncey, Sarah, 132. Cherry, 264, Chesebrough, 44, 78, 85, 88, 99-104, 194, 248, 304, 662, Chester, 145, 231, 5, 8, 9; 248, 363, 426, 7, 435, 519, 647, Chew, 463, 477, 506, 539, 40, Chitwood, 132, Christophers, 117, 145, 157, 166, 170, 183, 195, 9 ; 235, 8 ; 240, 1; 251-53, 260,1; 277, 8; 286, 303, 7,10,16; 336, 367, 373, 382-84, 397, 8; 401, 452, 466-67, 487, 606, 622, 666, 8, 9, Church, 391, 622, Churchwood, Hannah, 294. Chyimery, 87, 93, 98, Clap, 384, 667, Clark(e,) 65, 206, 250, 372, 381, 3, Clay, 88, 248. Cleaveland, 627, 662, 8 ; 671, CUnton, 629, 545, 556, 564, Codner, 77, 145, 197, 259, 289,328, Coffin, 640. Coit(e,) 62, 67, 70, 1; 84, 97, 134, 143, 4; 194, 6; 231, 5, 7.8; 240, 4; 260, 9,263, 276,283,358,389,90,94;407,410,476,502, 3; 613- 16, 521, 6; 533, 9; 568, 571, 9; 588, 627, 642,662, 667-70, Cole, 77, 292, 399. Coles, Sarah, 218, Colfax, 264, 39, 533, 619, 827, Colhns, 70, 87, 145, 228, 271, 289, 584, Comstock, 66, 8 ; 74, 96, 111, 116, 142, 3; 175,244,260, 305, 314, 16; 606, 660, Condy, 145, 167, 306, 353, Conkling, 540, 2, Constant, 508, 579, Cook, 586, 606, 6. Cooley, 146, 209, 274, Copp, 399, 432, 5, Corey, 316. Cotter, 144. Cowdall, 93. Crandsdl, 682, CranneU, 682, Crary, 260, 4; 292, 35L Crawford, 649, Crocker, 93,253, 8,9; 339, 352, 381, 374, 381, 612. Croghan, Col,, 343, Crombe, 300. Croswell, 420, 1 ; 464. Cramp, 669. CuUick, 250, CuUum, 652, Culver, 86, 96, 134, 5, 7; 302, 309, 315, 328, 494, Curtiss, 243, 386, 8, 407, 450, 2, 6, 7, Curtenius, Peter, 507. Gushing, 649, Daboll, 656, Dalrymple, (Lord,) 552, Daniel(s,) 145, 258, 60; 339, 351, 2; 403, 654, 658. Danforth, 341, Darrall, WiHiam, 236. Darrow, 260, 4; 339, 347, 439,614,532,598,611-13. Dart, 145 259, 277, 326, 367. Daun, (Marshal,) 473. Davenport, 116, 421, 450, 464-57, Davie, 199,259,264,415-17. Davis, 77, 284, 291, 380, 4; 605, 638, 842, 656. Davison, 239. Day, 514. Dayne, (Deane?) 145, 316. Dea, (Deane?) 145. Dean(e,) 507, 603. Decatur, 630-37. De Jean, 679. Delamore, (Dillamer,) 366. Denison, 77, 82, 5, 7, 8 ; 98, 103, 4, 6, 9; 115, 130,155, 185-88,194, 248, 9; 252, 3;264, 271, 286, 297,318, 332, 9; 347, 359, 363,389, 391, 8; 428, 432, 3,663, 7. Dennis, 264, 292, 343, 600, 624, Denslow, 188. Deshon, 370, 447, 484, 503, 5, 6; 617, 19; 522,537,9; 570,582,619,641,2,668,9. Dewolf, Edw,, 192. Dickinson, 668, Dixon, 431, Do(a)ne, 160, 392, Dodge, 264, 392, 428, 598. Dolbeare, 657. Dolph, 634. Dorrance, 418. Doty, 613. Douglas, 93, 134-144, 183, 5; 194, 259, 273, 4; 285, 291, 6; 300, 3; 335,353,8: 363, 7; 378,401, 503, 612, 524, 532, 695, 610, 627 641, 2; 666, 7. Dow, Ulysses, 622, Downer, Joshua, 567. J)owniiig, 113. INDEX OF FA.MILY NAMES. 675 Doxey, 68, 75, 82, 157, 232, 269. ' Dudley, 193, 304, 412, 18 ; 498, Dunke, 251, Durfey, 289, 360, 386, 390, 402, 8, 10; 462. Durkee, 533, DureU, 478, Dwight, 171, 4; 373. Dyer, 230, 478, 507, 520, Dymond, 146, 232, 6; 261, 278, 9; 283, 311, 350, Eaton, 311, Edgecombe, 183, 241, 269, 264, 346, 366, 370, 444, 560, Edgerton, 583, Edwards, 96, 458, 592, EeUs, 450, 1, 856, Eidlitz, 591, Elderkin,67, 8;82, 5, 8; 96, 103,8,9; 132,154,6,8,9; 191, 231, 306, 355, 518, 19, Eldridge, 502, 857, EUard, 402, EUiot, 138, 146, 197, 332, 385, 429, 666, ElUs, 145, 264, EUy, 475, Elmore, Edw,, 188, Eising, 269, Elton, 240, Ely, 171, 213, 250,2; 351, 521, 24, 26, Endicot, 29, 34, 113, Epes, 193, Erving, 512, 628, Eyre, (Col.,) 646, 550,7,8; 560, 3, 4, Fan-banks, 326, 431, Fannmg, 98, 142, 5 ; 306, Fargo, 264, 373, 514, Farnsworth, 623. Fenwick, 27, 8 ; 43, 6 ; 172-4, 250. Fish, 96, 259, 310, 14, 15; 415, 452. Fisk, 422, Fitcb, 137, 152, 185, 211, 12 ; 249,371, 8;386, 392,426- 29;433,551,583,641,647, Fitzpatrick, 600. Fones, 40, Foote, 264, 308, 346. Forbes, 60, 169, Ford, 310, Forster, (Foster,) 146, 236, 306, 312, 586. Forth, 39, Fosdick, 264, 286, 343, 368, 379, 389, 397, 532, 4, 7; 674I5; 625,649,668, Fossiker, (Fossecar,) 60, 1; 76, Fountam, 264, 339, Fowler, 409, Fox, 198, 202, 212, 259, 262, 4; 272; 308, 322, 370, 7; 436,502, Francis, 657, FrankUn, 416, 551. Freebetter, 666. Freeman, 448, 560. French, 272, Fi-mk, 192, 329, 351, 649, 620, 647, 663, Fry, 269, 70, Fi-yer, 113, Gager, 59,86,74,93,7:154, 8, 9; 268, 292. Gale, 596. GaUop, 29, 37,68, 74, 9; 87, 98, 144, 154, 184, 291, 329, 351, 502, 528, 632, 569', Gammon, 363. Gard, 146, Gardmer, 26, 34, 173, 241, 301, 383, 4; 398, 403, 8; 416, 471, 486, 810, 640, 670, 1, Garland, 637, Garlick, 77. Garmand, 146. Gary, 300, Gaylord, 169. Geer, 97, 157, 259, 364, 373, 415, 420, 502, 599, George, (Bishop,) 696, Gerrard, 231, 298, Gesbie, 77, Gibbons, 162, Gibbs, 233. Gibson, 251, 2; 262, 4; 457, 476, 622, Gifford, 292, GUbert, 264, 428, 436. Goddard,244,440, 1, 4;627, 8, 669. Gordon, 637, Gorges, 366. Goi-ton^436-39,Gove, 243, Graham, (Lord Lyndock,) 654, Grant, 145, 298, Graves, 330, 366, 446-47; 486, 531, Gray, 189, 360, Green, 260,4; 380,341,357, 379,391, 2; 471, 2, 8; 486, 8,9; 510,628,647,655, 6, 669, Greenslade, 331, Greenwood, 699, Griffin, 84, 338, 367, 695, 664, Gridley, 440, Grignon, 606, Griswold, 172, 208, 9; 251, 283,335,486, 8; 616,681, Griswold, Matthew, 126, 161-177; 203, 9; 248, 26 L Grose, 244. GuUiver, 359. Gurdon, Mariel, 383. Guriey, 623, 862, 9, 671. Hackburn, (Hagborn,) 134, 162. ' Haekley, 264, 404, Hadley, 252. Hale, Nathan, 516, 534, 622, Haley, 634, HaU, 135, 263, 8; 265,431, Hallam, 132, 193, 222-28 236, 38; 244, 253, 262, 285, 836, 341, 358, 399, 406, 441,476,4357614, 532,3; 552,594,662,3,7, 8; 670, Hallet, -WiUiam, 60, 4. HallsaU, (Hansell,) 144, 231, Halsey, 200, 265, 659, 578, Hamlin, Giles, 235, 240, Hammond, 605, 611, Hancock, 610, Handy, 508, Hanshut, 74, 5, Harding, 366, 538-40. Hardy, 630-33, Harman, 543. HaiTis, -84-88, 143, 240,258, 9; 269, 275, 292, 320,336, 8; 342, 396, 425, 8; 452,3; 474, 5 ; 512, 698, 647, Harrison, (Gen.,) 362. Hai-tley, 87, 137, 148, 152, 280. Harvey, 266, 348. Harwood, 70, 5 ; 96, 274, 368. Hatch, 262, 5. Haughton, 76, 102, 127,149, 150,247, 8; 262, 299, 338, 342, 374, 425, Haven, 647. Havens, 637, 540, 1 ; 640. Hawke, 265, 339. Hayden, 295, 638. Haynes, (Haines,) 38, 90, 102, 145, 261, 262, 6, 308, 9;314, 384, 437. Hazard, 682. Hearn, 544. Hempstead, 44, 57, 8; 60, 66-72 75, 81, 7; 96, 227, 260, 272, 283, 7; 301, 310, 16 ; 321, 359, 366, 400, 1, 9; 486,518, 632, 4,663, 5, 682. Henshaw, 594. HerteU, 448, 503. Hewet, 307. Hicks 409. Hide, '(Hyde,) 413, 514, 655, 657. Higby, 60. Hicrgmson, 43, Hill, 125, 143, 5, 8; 167,166, 183, 8; 190, 5; 235, 251, 260, 286, 307, 317, 396, 427, 8;348, 428, 432, 453, 821, 7; 666. HUlhouse, 418, 432-34, 502, 3, 6; 606, 667, 8. 676 INDEX OF FAMILY NAMES. Hinman, 509, 511, 537, 9; 541, 2; 674, 625, 661, Hiscox, 204. HoUoway, 266, 356. Hohnes, 198 266, Holmsted, 172, Holt, 266, 314, 339, 583,5; 665, 667. Hooker, 431, Hooper, 412, Hope, 242, Hopkins, 509-11, 518, 20; 537, 671, Hosmer, 330, 630, Hotham, (Admiral,) 637, How, 279, Howard, 467, 611, 12; 636, 640, HoweU, 640, Howland, 658, Hubbard, 204, 7; 265, 70; 312, 13; 349, 406, 427, 448, 476, 602, 640, 668, 70, HubbeU, 265, 338, 367, Hughes, 281, 654, HuU, 463, 477, Hungerford, 68, 9; 75, 86, 162, 7; 281, Hunter, 219, Hunting, 640, Huntington, 169, 172, 326, 513, 16, 18; 677, 689, 90; 621, 3, 6, 648, 649, 658, 662, 8, 670, Huntley, 296, 305. Hurd, 313, Hurlbut, 266, 368, 602, 632, 3;679, 582, 592, 603, 822, 8; 688,9, Hutchinson, 266, 614. Hutton, 240, 1. Ingason, 77, Inglis, 642, Ingraham, 685. Ireland, 301, IsbeU, 67, 71, 97, 272, 289, 342, Isham, 620, 633, 662, 671, Jackhn, 382, Jackson, 218, 19; 409, Jarvis, 448. Jayne, 637. Jeffers, 198, Jefirey, 241, 2, 4. Jennings, 266, 360. Jewett, 434, 5; 451, 3; 468, 605. Jiggles, 844, 379, Johnson, 265, 343, 359, 421, 486, Johnston, 608, Jones, 70, 197, 218, 285, 288, 307, 311, 329, 363, 428, 537,636, Jordan, 202, Joyner, Isabel, 821. Judd, 694. Kay, 440, Kearney, 661. Keith, 410, Keeny, 67, 71, 5; 94, 143, 4; 231, 259, 291, 306, 339, 346, 362, 361, 509, 587. KetcheU, 155, Kidd, 293, KunbaU, 619, Kimberly, 262, Kmg, 391, 3, Kinney, (Kiime,) 601. Kirby, 188, Kirtland, 419, 521, linight, 364, 5;371, 623, Laboissiere, 680. La Fayette, 510, Lake, 44, 5, 7; 68, 77, 87, 98, 154, 233f 291, Lamb, 327, 485, 538, Landfear, 606, Lane, 133, 154, 7; 161, 231, 3; 269, 270. Larrabee, 273, 282. Latham, 44, 68, 9; 64, 70, 4; 89, 97, 8; 103, 133, 5, 6; 163-67,269,306, 312,13; 324, 335,344, 9; 355, 401, 526, 546, Lathrop, See Lothrop. Latimer, (Lattemore,) 144, 171, 193, 227, 8; 231,2; 251, 9; 286, 8; 302, 326, 9; 359, 382, 403, 471, 504, 513, 15; 518, 526, 532, 551, 582, 8; 602, Law, 218, 394, 476, 502-506, 544, 575, 619-25, 649, 652, 667, 8, 9; 670, iLa-wrenoe, 270, 316, 647, 663. Lay, 152, 175, 7; 292,334, Leach, 285, 299, 374, Leake, (Lake,) 110, 233, Learned, 623, 662, ,7, 8, 9 ; 670, 1, Lechmere, 412, 441, 477, Ledyard, 244, 384, 407, 602, 519,20; 621, 6; 530,646, 8; 568, 9; 661, 2, 6, 7; 675, 603, Lee, 170, 5, 8; 262,391,458, 470,9; 684, 695, 8; 616, 17, 641, Leeds, 236, 7; 244,266, 312, 336, 637, 8; 540, 582, Leet, 470, Lefe-vre, (Fevor,) 428, LeffingweU, 186, 470, 677, Leighton, (La-wton,) 78, Lemoine, (Capt,,) 568. Lenard, - 93, Lennison, 274, Leslie, (Capt,,) 478, Lester, 67, 71,82,95,7; 116, 152; 193, 260, 273, 286, 310, 321, 340, 2,6; 362, 370,1; 411,612,649. Lewis, 60, 6; 74, 6; 144, 201,260, 9; 295,325,448, 663, 8, Lippitt, 620, Liveen, (Living,) 222-228, 236,7; 253,358, Livingston, 267, 357, 364, 373, 5; 381,404,412,428, 9; 433, Lockwood, 87, 306, 312. Longdon, 68, 60, 1 ; 74, 111, 284, Loomer, 266, 327, 340. Lord, 91, 133, 162-54, 235, 317, 384, 468, Lothrop,' (Lathrop,) 57, 60, 4,6; 96,123,7; 132,154, 9; 191,240,294,303,391. 2; 58L Loudon, (Earl of,) 469. Lovelace, Gov,, 337. Loveland, Kob,, 93, 133, 151, 233,4, Ludlow, 38, Lynde, 1.89, 213, 360, 488. Lyndock, (Lord,) 664. Mack, 617. Mackensie, 197, 235. McCarty, 265, 540, 682. McCurdy, SaUy, 589, McDonald, 592, 657. McEwen, 574, 690,629,667, 8; 672, McKay, 640, McLeUan, 513. McSparran, 440-42, 446. Madison, 477. Malbone, 300. MaUison, 562. Maniere, 579, Maiming, 378, 657, Manwaring, 129, 145, 170, 240,1; 252,8,9; 268,292, 317, 18; 347, 352,361,4, 6; 403,444,502,582,624, 668, Maples, 431. Maritt, (Marret,) 141, 230, 249, 259, 314, Marsey, 428, MarshaU, 70, 1,5; 145,248, 314, 347, Martin, 67, 145, 549, Mai-vin, 175, 252. Mason, 35, 8, 8 ; 43, 51, 6 ; 64,78, 9; 81, 98, 104r-6, 120,6,7; 164, 5; 170, 2, 4, 7; 180,2,4; 227,249, 308, 381, 410, 12; 426, 8; 430,3. Masters, 60, 74, 5 ; 312. Mather, 195, 7; 373, 416, 489, 498, 620, 651, 669, Mattle, 300, Mayhew, 238, 240, 265, 290, 316, 336, 381, Maynard, 265, 354, 610. Meach, 607. Meacham, 466. INDEX OP FAMILY NAMES. 677 Meades, 70, 1, 96, 144, 268, 369, 416. Measure, 145,249, 281, 334, MelaUy, 583, 624, Mercer, 662, 671, Merrick, Stephen, 250, Merrill(s,) 359, 582, • Merritt, 400, 432, 3 ; 440, 1, Messenger, 77, 89. Michel, 527, Migges, 270, MighUl, (MitcheU?) 266, 330, MUburne, 222, MUler, 244, 327, 340, 46; 384-86, 391, 8, 9; 477, 482, 502, 547, 553, 584, 622, 689. MUls, 622, 649. MUlett, 649, 50, , Milwood,113, Minor, (Miner,) 44, 56-61, 64,5; 72,74-76,80-85,98, 101-4, 129, 136, 143, 4; 162,3,6,8; 188, 196, 6; 237,280,5; 302,328,374, 459, 647, 656, Minter, 265, 283, 362, MitcheU, 266, 333, 623, Moffatt, 478, 497, 511, Montgomery, 568, 560, 4, Moore, 93, 193, 8; 260,273, 310, 14; 321, Morgan, 70, 71, 96, 98, 116, 132, 3; 135-39, 142-44, 152,161,2, 6; 198,9; 261, 259-61, 265,282,294,311, 12,19; 346,360,377,415, 418-20, 804. Moms, (Morrice,) 297, 409, 609, Morse, 608, 811, Mortuner, 265, 354, Mori:on, Wm,, 45, 63, 7;60, 6; 76,116, 133,149,150, 2; 287, Mott, 520, 1, Mould, 133, 4; 231,235-37; 260, 276, Mudge, 60, 74, 82, 289, 289, 322 Mulford, 317, Mumford, 244, 409, 441, 4, 6; 470, 502, 6, 6; 617, 532,7; 543,565,577,582, 622, 667, 8, MunseU, (Munson?) 265, 358, Murphy, 542. Mnrray, 686, Mussey, 649. Mynard, (Maynard?) 258, 265, 327, 364, 428, Nash, 261, Nest, 265, 324, 356.] Nettleton, 313. Newbury, 613, Newman, 96, 152. Newton, 391, 2. NichoUs, 60,6,6; 74, 121, 138, 141,4; 198, 270,2; 289, 342, Gov., 40, 157, Nicholson, James, 543, Niles, 588, 629, Nixon, 514. Norcott, 582, Norris, 442, North, 231, 671, Northrop, 295, Norton, 27, 30, 113, 441, Nott, 671. Noyes, James, 106, 130, 285, 297, 379, Moses, 286, Oakes, Edw,, 196, Oglesby, 344, Oldham, 28, 9, OUver, 233, 477, 540, 632, Olmsted, 628, Otis, 432, 3, 6 ; 579, Owen, 418-20, 454, 619-22, 667, Packer, 70, 5; 96,138,312, 16; 324,7; 347,9; 417, 440,1,4, Packwood, 578, 582, Paget, 402, Paine, 427, Palmer, 102, 4; 278, 285, 297, 304, 326, 334, 626, 577, 606, Pahnes, 90, 1,4, 5; 143, 152, 164-68, 170, 180, 83-89, 195, 223-27, 239, 249-53, 341, 360,1,4; 396, 402, 444, 666, 9. Parke, 66, 66, 7, 9, 70, 73-76, 96-98, 102-4, 8, 16 ; 138, 162, 158, 192, 268, 282, 311,16; 472,671. Parker, 67, 69-70, 73-76, 135,144,161,8; 183,231, 8; 291,308,312,329,353, 4; 448, 472, 624, 639; 541, 655. Parkin, 824, 668, Parry, 239, Parsons, 450,3; 479,503,8; 513,14; 528,9, Patrick, 36. Patten, 686, Peake, (Pike,) 142,5; 314, 16; 325, Pease, 250. Peck, 599, PeU, 138, Pember, 265, 356, Pemberton, 265, 345, PendaU, 266, Pendleton, 616, Perkms, 286, 614, 615, 620, 644,647,662,3,7,8; 671, Peters^'l8%0,43Hl7,52,3; 666, 7. Peterson, 252, PhiUips, 86, 146, 434, Phipps, 256, Picket, 76, 86, 97, 125, 152, 171, 108, 236,8; 240,1; 260,276,7; 285,308,318, 344, 350, 363, 470, 668, Pickworth, 77, Pierce, 325, 436, Pierpont, 462, Pierson, 156, 350, Pigot, 649, 630, Pinevert, 680, Piriou, (Pereau,) 579, 622, Plaisted, 240, Plimpton, 265, Plumbe, 91, 238, 260, 2, 8, 9; 265, 802, 336, 378, 398, 401, 428, 488, 570, Polly, 848, Pomeroy, 456, Pool(e,) 70, 132, 278, 290, 307, 644, 679, Porter, 663, Post, 60,2, 9; 76, 83, 141, 156, 303. Potter, 475, 595, 628, Potts, 265, 346, PoweU, 444, Powers, 169, 682, Pratt, 208,9; 249,298,416, 499, Prentis, (Prentice,) 83, 87, 94,135,6,9; 141,4; 162, 167, 170, 196, 208, 218, 235,8; 240,1; 262,8,9; 288,295,318,326,8; 360, 1; 382,6,6; 391-94; 398, 403,4; 427,8; 487,8; 602, 647, 670, Prior, 519. Proctor, 318, 368, Prout, 235, 371, 3. Prowse, 308. Pi-udden, 201, Prychard, 111, Punderson, 420, Pj'gan,142,199,223,5;234, 7;250,1;262,8;279,3«, 359, 486, 669. Pynchon, 96, 133, 4; 202, Quarry, 239, Randall, 288. Kansford, 216-18, Eathbone, 437, EawUns, 270. Eawson, 584. Ray, 240, 642, Eaymond, 83, 93, 117, 134, 145, 165, 181,3,4; 268, 262,292,301,317, 18; 323, 361,367,396,400,426,8;432,3,6; 614, 532, 3 ; 806, 627, Eead, (Eeed,) 40, 77, 145, 476, Eedfield,;(Eedfyn,) 250, 279, 290, 341, Eeeve, 671. 678 INDEX OF FAMILY NAMES. EeveU, (EeaveU,) 147, 8; 152, 280, Eeynolds, 172, 188, 360, Eice, 108, 266, 346, 682, 625, 644, Eichards, 152, 228, 263, 336, 364, 383, 404,6,8; 416, 502,3; 532,7; 652, 562, 582, 619, 622. Jolm, 93,258, 9; 263,318, 364,7; 381,6; 398, 487, 662, 8, 9, Eichardson, 76, 86, 91, 9 ; 123, 162, 260, 302, 356, 441, 622, Eipley, 169, 640, Eoaoh, 77,8; 268, 279, Eoberts, 67, 71, 87, 142, 154, 6; 163,274,9, Eobinson, 57, 60, 1 ; 138, 146,390,466,471,649, EockweU, 188, Eodgers, 661, Eogers, 74, 84, 90-92, 95, 6, 8; 108-110, 116, 133-38, 143,4, 7; 152,164,6; 183, 199, 200-221, (Ch, xiv,,j 227, 237, 240,4; 251,9; 286, 297, 322, 330,7,9; 846, 366, 398, 400, 1, 3, 4, 9; 425, 7, 8; 436, 471, 491, 638, 642, 669, 682, 610, 613,14; 647,653, Eose, 158, 261, 354, BoseweU, EUz,, 383, Eose-Morgan, See Morgan, Eosseter, 466, Eowland, 201, Eowe, 436, 7, Eoyce, 93,5; 139,140-44; 152, 154, 160, 311. Eudd, 48, Euddock, 654, 668, EusseU, 266, Sadler, 111, 113, Sage, 540, SaltonstaU, 196-98, 213, 15, 16 ; 224, 244, 262, 3 ; 295, 313, 376,9; 382-91,409, 413,427,8; 430, 462-65, 471, 486, 502-4, 609, 613, 617-21, 626, 631,7; 643- 45, 662, 577, 581, 619, 662, 667-70, Sanford, 236. Sands, 293, Satterly, (Shatterly,) 265, 283, Savage, 133, 152. Savefl, 470, Saxton, Hannah, 334, Sayre, 313, 641. Scarborough, 663, Scarritt, (Skanitt,) 285, 428. Scofield, 657, Scott, 69, Seabury, 266, 320, 419, 420, 443-45, 692-95, 600, 603, 626, 670, Seaman, 666. Searle, 286, Seller, 250, Seymour, 663,4; 661, Shackmaple, 239, 410, 441, 4, 477, 679, Shapley, 146, 236,9; 259, 285,317,343,456,621,6;546,9; 658, -561, 7; 679, Sharswood, 146, 308, 347, Shaw, 93, 242, 8; 286,338, 344,442, 3, 7; 474, 5; 482- 85, 498, 502-12, 619-21, 639,543,8; 570,688,619, 622, 637, Sherman, 629, 871. Shipman, 618, Shirley, 468, 9, Shepherd, (Shepard,) 333, 696, Shore, 75, Short, 357, 471, Shrimpton, 139, Shubnck, 637, Singleton, 265, 355,1 Sistare, 483,4; 685,9. Sizer, 698, Skidmore, 60, 1 ; 232, SkilUnger, (StiUinger,) 133, 6; 152, 247, Skinner, 583, Skohnks, 240, Sloan, 463, 474. Smedley, 538, Smith, 60, 61, 83-86 ; 92, 3, 6; 109, 135,6,8; 142,4; 160, 1 ; 168,171,2,5; 198, 9; 202,6,9; 262,3; 269 61, 294,9; 321,2; 368, 362, 370, 404, 415, 437, 440, 1 ; 516, 644, 617, 631, 643,4; 647,669. Southmead, (Southraayd,) 148, 338. Sparrow, 682. Spencer, 167, 281, Spicer, 146, 335, 513. Spooner, 666, Sprague, 438. Springer, 286, 656, Squire, 639, Stafford, 145, StaUion, (Sterling?) 68, 75, 84, 133, 162, 232,7; 261, 308,326,7; 346, 366. Stanton, 28, 65, 66-88, 75, 88 101, 108, 129, 181, 202, 237, 249, 285, 296, 328, 334, 428, 668, 9, Stapleton, 566, Starke, 96, 142, 313, 436, 7, Starr, 145, 241, 250, 1, 9; 277,9; 312,18; 415,544, 575, 592, 616, Stebbins, 44, 57,9; 60,5; 73,4; 81, 95, 143, 259, 268, 314, 321, Stedman, 68,9; 232, 272, 287,9; 342,371, Steer, 213, 266, 330, Steriing, 242, 440, 1, Stevens, 113, 151, 231,9; 250,270,6; 292, 34L Stewart, 361, 408, 444, 474, 476-78,511, 12; 584,615, 822, 668. Stillman, 574, Stinwick, 232, Stiles, 588, Stockman, 596, 662, Stoddard, 84, 169, 354, 419, 420, 647. Stone, 27-30, 666, Stoughton, 36-38, 42, 98, 106, 6, Strickland, 269, 268. SuUvan, 411, SuUaven, 145, 479. Sutton, 344, Swaddel, 266, 346. Swain, 640, 2, Swan, 598, 9, Sweezy, 283, 466. Sybada, 68, 350. Sylvester, 148. Taber, 70, 4; 243,436,8; Tappin, 84. ¦Talcott, 104,174,8; 185,6; 385, Talman, 290. TaUmage, 632. Taylor, 66,7; 74, 223,4; 416, 477, Tennent, 449. Ten-aU, (Tyrrel,) 145, 259, 310 357 Thatcher, 452, 626, 662. Thomas, 112, Thomson, (Thompson,) 103, 116,128,9; 132,3, 6; 149, 150,2; 285,313,332,412, 476, 596, 606, 662, Thorne, 268, 291, 346, Throop, 526, Tibbot, (Tybbot,) 111, 113, Tilley, 440, 628, Tillinghast, 240. Tmker, 92,3,6; 116, 132, 3,6; 147, 9; 150, 248,9; 280, 334, Tompkins, 155, Tongue, (Tonge,) 68, 88, 9; 101, 7 ; 134, 152, 233, 250, 274,8; 289,357,427,8. Townsend, 238. Towson, 146, Tozor, 339, Tracy, 161,2, Treat, 183, 5; 223,262, Treby, 146, 663, Trott, 621, 657, Trowbridge, 371, Truman, 142, 148, 260, 337, 350, 9, TrumbuU, 466, 517, 642, 8, INDEX OF FAMILY NAMES. 679 Tubbs, 145, 310. I Tudor, 240. Tupper, 534. Turner, 238, 243, 266, 277, 8; 291,317,320,346,662, TuthiU, 279, 456, Tuttle, 422, 802, Tyler, 448, 530, 568, Updike, 344. Upham, 549-62, Upjohn, 594, UnderhiU, 29-36. Vandevoort, 507, Vernon, 387. Vibert, (Vibber,) 432. Vincent, 77. Vme, Mary, 311, 681. Wadsworth, 280, 409, 431. Wait, 503, 822, 7, Wales, 620, Walker, 268, 410, WaUace, 610, 16, WaUer, 68,9; 76,111,132, 162,3,7,8; 175,260,260, 273; 4; 321,370,404, Waffis, 172, Walton, 661, Walworth, 244, 266, 345, 409. Wanton, 409, Ward, 391, Waring, 325, Warner, 233. Warren, 393, 599, 626. Washburn, 696, Washmgton, 468, 9; 482, 609, 10, 18. Wass, EUz., 486. Waterhouse, 44, 59, 60,1; 74-76, 95, 177, 248, 295. Waters, 619, 20, Watson, 60, 324, 8; 428, 431, 646, 570, Way, 211, 252,260, 286, 323, 363,6; 362,619,667, Weaver, 480, 616, 682, 647, Webb, 615, Wedge, Marv, 262. Weeks, 266, 270. Wells, 60, 74, 237, 312, 355, 6; 526, Welman, 67, 71, 6 ; 145, 231, 327, Welsh, 533, 37, Wescote, 436, 614, West, 326, 698, 613, 662, Wetherell, 93, 135-37, 140, 160, 5, 6; 180, 1,4, 5,9; 194, 6; 198, 9; 206, 211, 13, 16; 230, 249, 250,3; 268- 62, 271,7,9; 286, 294,7; 322, 334, 342, 363, 396, 428, 666, 7, Wetmore, 373, Wharton, 475, 507, 8, Wheat, 624, 658, ¦Wteeler, 148, 238, 252,8; 280, 290, 330, 476. ¦Wliite, 86, 574, Whitefield, 421, 468-60. Whitford, 467. Whiting, 365, 378-82, 391, 429, 638, Whitlock, 560, ¦Whittingham, 383. Wickham, 283, Wickwire, 260, 6; 290, 357. Wightman, 422, 438, 9. Wilkms, 160, WiUard, 195, WiUett, 286, 598, WUley, 44,56,7; 60,4; 72, 4,6; 94,9; 143, 157,250, 287,310,321,7; 348,354, WUliams, 24, 44, 56, 99, 107, 123, 146, 159, 248, 260, 6 ; 277, 308, 313, 346, 8, 9 ; 365, 420, 453, 466, 502, 568, 667-69, 591,9; 610, 629, 634, 641-44, 647, 662, 4 7 9, Wil'lis'ton, 622, WiUoughby, 262,- 266, WUson, 36-38, 112, 138, 240, 620, 8 ; 662, Winchester, 323, Winslow, 112, Winthrop, See, generaUy, the first five chapters; also, 116, 123, 6 ; 147, 162, 4,9; 164-66, 169,180-83, 188, 90, 194-96, 200, 1; 216, 223, 226, 27, 239, 250, 1; 266-62, 270, 284,5,7, 290,4; 300,337,345, 357, 360,6,9; 376,384, 402-4, 408-15, 427,8; 575, 668, 670, Wolcott, 174, 391,2; 409, 464, 621, 648, 588, 619, Wood, 60, 93, 308, 324,5; 370, 628, Woodbridge, 197, 379, 416, 18; 498-500, 512, 586, 670, 1, Woodmancy, 146, 313, 560, 563, Woodward, 685, 602, 628. Wooster, 391, Worthington, 605, Wright, 663, 670, Yorke, 338, Young, 266, 278. NAMES OF INDIANS. Ben-Uncas, 410, 429, 478, Canonchet, 187, Canonicus, 32, CaiShawasset, 52, 129, 130, (Same as Harmon Giir- rett and Wequashkook,) Cassasinamon, 52, 79,123, 129,130,184,5,7, (Same as Eobin,) Cesar, 410, 429-431, Foxen, 54, 67, 128, 260. Garrett, Harmon, See Cas hawasset, Garrett, Kate, 410, 530, Josiah, 353, 426, Jumpe, 260, Kutshamokin, 31, 32, Magnus, 186, Mahomet, 410, Mamaraka-gurgana, (the Giant,) 170, 252. Mejuarnes, 170, Menowniet, 188, Miantonomoh, 38, 43, Momoho (Mamaho,) 24, 130, 184, 6, 7, Nanasquee, 184, NUes, Harry, 629, 30, Ninigret, (Ninnicraft,) 99, 184, Nowequa. (See Wawee quaw,) Obed, 171. Occuish, (Okkuish,) 676, 588, 617, Owaneco, 165,185,7; 261, 363, 410, 425 30, Paguran, 170, Pekoath, 21, (same as Wo- pequoit,) Pessacus, 43. Philip, 181, 6, Pomham, Euth, 625 Puttaquonck-quame, 37. Eobin. (See Cassasina mon.) Sassacus, 20, 21, 24, 27, 31, 4,7; 55,120,423, Sassyous, (Sashious,) 27. Tatobam, 21, Tatto-bitton, 170. Toby, 604, Tomquash, 184, Towtukhag, 250. Uncas, 20, 21, 36, 8; 43, 6; 61-55; 64,6; 79, 101,120, 126-29, 162-65, 181, 5, 260, 2; 261, 299, 425-27, 61L Waweequaw, 53, 64, (Same as -Waweekus and No wequa,) Wequashkook, 52. (See Cashawasset. ) Wopequoit, (Wopequand,) (See Pekoath,) Yotash, 37. 3 9002 00613