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EDWARD HENRY ELWELL.

THE

Histoet of Maine

BY JOHN S. C. ABBOTT
REVISED THROUGHOUT AND FIVE CHAPTERS OF NEW MATTER ADDED BI
EDWARD H. ELWELL
LATE EDITOR OT THE PORTLAND TRANSCRIPT

SECOND EDITION, ILLUSTRATED

AUGUSTA, MAINE
PUBLISHED FOR E. E. KNOWLES & CO.
BY BROWN THURSTON COMPANY
1892

COPYRIGHTED 1892 Br
BROWN THURSTON COMPAHJT

BROIVN THURSTON COMPANY
ELKCTROTYPERS AND PRINTERS

PUBLISHERS' NOTICE.
It is seventeen years since the History of Maine was
published, and more than twelve years it has been out of
print, making it highly desirable that the growing inter
ests of the state should be placed before the people.
This edition has been under the careful supervision of
Mr. Edward H. Elwell, than whom no man in the state
was better fitted for the task. He had long been editor
of the Portland Transcript, and was a critical observer
of the topography, material, educational and political
condition of Maine. Every page has been carefully
scrutinized, corrections and additions made, and five new
chapters added upon subjects not treated upon in the first
edition. Resources and Industries,
Morals and Religion,
Population, Education, Politics.
The death of Mr. Elwell, shortly after completing this
work is a loss and bereavement to every intelligent citi.
zen of Maine. Brown Thurston Company.
poetland, 1892.

PREFACE.
Maine is the native state of the writer of this volume. Seventy
years ago, in the year 1805, he was born in Brunswick, within sound
of the roar of the falls of the Androscoggin.
His childhood was spent in Hallowell, then a small but thriving
hamlet upon the banks of the Kennebec. In the halls of Bowdoin
he received his collegiate education.
In his maturer years he ever repaired, for recreation, to the paren
tal home, then at Farmington in the beautiful and luxuriant valley
of the Sandy River.
In Maine he found the cradle of his infancy. There are the
graves of his fathers. Upon its soil he has spent the happiest years
of his life. To give a biographical sketch of his native state, of its
birth, growth and maturity, has been with him a labor of love.
It is not the object of this history to search out discoveries which
have hitherto eluded the scrutiny of antiquarians, or to settle dis
puted questions which have arisen in reference to minute details in
early days.
He' wishes to give a faithful and graphic record of the wondrous
past,— such a record as will be read with interest at every fireside.
It is indeed an exciting story he has to tell, — of perilous adventures
by sea and land, of struggles against the hardships of the wilder
ness, of terrible conflicts with a savage foe.
vn the rich libraries of Portland, Boston and Few Haven, the
writer has found ample material for his work. He has endeavored
to give the reader his authority for every important statement he
has made. Where there is irreconcilable discrepancy in the annals
of the past, he has endeavored faithfully to give each side.
The history commences with the landing of the Northmen upon
our shores about a thousand years ago, and closes with the present
grandeur of the State, when our prosperous Republic is about to
celebrate the centennial anniversary of its existence as an indepen
dent nation.
The writer has only to say, in conclusion, that he feels that this is
one of the last labors of his long life. He has spared no pains to
make this history as accurate as possible ; and he now commends it
to the kindly consideration of the sons and daughters of Maine.
Fairhavbn, Conkt, 1875. JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN AND OTHER EARLY EXPLORERS. PAOm
Country of the Northmen — Voyages to Iceland and Greenland — Voyage of
Thorwald — His Death — Expedition of Thorfinn and Gudrida — Visit to
Buzzard's Bay and Narraganset Bay — "First Description of New England —
A Mystery of History — Voyage of John Cabot — Voyage of his Son Sebas
tian Cabot — French and English Claims — Gaspar Cortereal — Verrazano —
Interview -with the Indians — Estevau Gomez — Norurnbega — John Rut . 13
CHAPTER n.
VOYAGES OF THEVET, PRING, DE MONTS, AND WEYMOUTH.
Journal of Thevet — Pring's Voyage — His Description of Penobscot Bay —
De Monts' Patent — His Strange Adventures — Takes Possession in the
Name of the King of France— Alarm in England — Weymouth's Expedi
tion — Anchors at Mohegan aud Pemaquid — Friendly Intercourse with the
Natives — Infamous Conduct of Weymouth — Kidnapping the Natives —
Exploration of the Kennebec — Planting the Cross — Homeward Voyage . 29
CHAPTER LU.
THE EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR GEORGE POPHAM.
Fate of Weymouth's Captives — Formation of the Plymouth Company —
Disastrous Expeditions — Organization of Popham's Colony — First Sight
of Land — Visit of the Indians — The Landing at Pemaquid — Suspicions of
the Natives — First Religious Service in Maine — Unavailing Explorations —
Ascending the Sagadahoci — The Colony located — Search for the Penob
scot — Casco Bay — The Androscoggin — Adventures with the Indians . 45
CHAPTER IV.
THE FAILURE OF POPHAM'S COLONY, AND ITS ATTENDANT RESULTS.
Indian Etiquette — Virtues of the Indians — Scenes in the Colony — Popham's
Death— Ruin in the Colony — Atrocious Cruelty — Revenge of the In
dians—The Explosion — Fears of the Indians — The Colony Abandoned —
Private Adventures — "bif amy of Poutrincourt— The Scenery of Mount
Desert — Monhegan in its Glory — Harlow the Kidnapper— Valor of the
Indians— Fate of the French Colonies — Adventures of Epenow— His
Escape— The Battle on Martha's Vineyard  63
5

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.
EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENTS. PAOB

John Smith's Career — Exploring the Coast — England and France at War —
The War of the Natives, and the Plague — Zeal of Gorges — Vines's Expedi
tion—Conflicting Claims — Damariscotta and its Surroundings— Levett's
Expedition — Views of Matrimony — Saco — General Lawlessness — Laco-
nia Company — Various Trading Posts — Pemaquid — Tact of the French —
Bagaduce — Scene in the Kennebec — Testimony of Gov. Bradford

81

CHAPTER VL
PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENTS.
Capture at Machias — The Career of Bagnall — The Two Retaliations — Men
acing Aspect of Affairs — The Twelve Provinces— Ferdinando Gorges
Governor of all New England— Expedition of D'Aulney — Energy of
Miles Standish — The Administration of William Gorges — Agamenticus —
Population of Maine — The New Grant to Gorges — The Province of
Maine — Thomas Gorges — The Constitution — Religious and Political Prin
ciples — Woman's Rights  97
CHAPTER VII.
COLONIAL JEALOUSIES AND ALIENATIONS.
Conflict between La Tour and D'Aulney — Its Strange Result — Attack of
Wannerton — Madame La Tour — D'Aulney attacks the Fort at St. John —
Heroic Defence of Madame La Tour — Her Capture and Death — Treason of
La Tour — Gov. Godfrey — Purchases of Indian Chiefs — Boundary Dis
putes — Final Settlement — Submission of Godfrey — Ecclesiastical Condi
tion — Sullivan's Testimony — Dutch Settlers — Savage Insolence . . .114
CHAPTER VTH.
THE PROVINCE OF MAINE ANNEXED TO MASSACHUSETTS.
Troubles on the Piscataqua — Career of La Tour — Menaces of War — Meas
ures of Cromwell — Conquest of Nova Scotia — Character of La Tour —
Trading Post on the Kennebec — The Oath Administered — Sale of the Right
of Traffic — Boundaries of Kennebec Patent — Political Connection between
Maine and Massachusetts — Code of Laws — Northern Limits of Massachu
setts — The Articles of Union — Rev. John Wheelwright — Correspondence
— Restoration of Charles H. — Petition of Gorges —Duke of York's Charter . 131
CHAPTER EC.
POLITICAL AGITATIONS.
The Duke of York — The Royal Commissioners — Conflict between the Com
missioners and the General Court — Their Unfriendly Report — Tyranny of
Charles n. — Character of George Cleaves — The Petition — Efforts of the
Commissioners — Treaty with the Indians — War between France and Eng
land — National Antipathies — Baron Castine — His Character and Career —
French Influence over the Indians — Anarchy — Ambition of the Duke of
York — War between England and Holland — Jocelyn's Description . , 149

CONTENTS. 7
CHAPTER X
THE FIRST INDIAN WAR. pAoa
The Indians — Their Manners and Customs — Fondness for Intoxicating
Drinks — Scenes in the Wigwam — The Catholic Missionaries — Adventures
of Rasle — Indian Intelligence — Population — Philip's War — Commence
ment of Hostilities — Awful Scenes of Blood and Woe — The Truce —
Efforts of Mr. Shurte — The War Renewed — The Ambuscades — Folly of
the English — Desperation of the Indians  168
CHAPTER XL
THE HORRORS OF WAR.
Dispersion of King Philip's Forces — Falmouth Desolated — Scenes of Hor
ror — Arrowsick Plundered — Treachery of Major Waldron — Munjoy's
Island captured by the Savages — The Indians ask for Peace — Anecdote
of Mugg — The English resume the War — Increased Ferocity of the In
dians — The Mohawks Allies of the English — The Ambuscade at Black
Point — Its Fatal Results  186
CHAPTER XH.
WARS AND WOES CONTINUED.
Ravages of the Indians — The Naval Expedition — Peace proclaimed — Losses
by the War — The Purchase of Maine by Massachusetts — The Regime of
Mr. Danforth — North Yarmouth incorporated — Baptist Church estab
lished — Menaces of War — Employment of the Mohawks — Sir Edmund
Andros — Thomas Dungan — Tyrannical Acts — Attack upon Baron Cas-
tine — War Renewed — Fate of Waldron — Expeditions to Quebec and
Montreal  206
CHAPTER Xm.
CAMPAIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS.
Character of Indian Warfare — Expedition of Captain Church — Battle at
Falmouth — The Sack of Berwick — The Massacre at Falmouth — Church
at Pejepscot — Incidents of the Campaign — Indian Gratitude — The
Truce — Deplorable Condition of Maine — The Disaster at York — Heroic
Defence of Wells — Church's Third Expedition — New Efforts for Peace . 224
CHAPTER XIV.
king William's war. — queen anne's war.
Efforts of the French to reduce Fort William Henry — Cruelty of Capt.
Chubb — His Fate — Camden Heights — Plunder on the Bay of Fundy —
Major Frost — Fearful Tragedies — Consultations for Peace — Assacom-
DUit  Impoverishment of the Province — Cruel Rumors and New Solici
tudes— An Intolerant Act — Gov. Dudley — Speech of Simmo — King
William's War — Policy of M. Rivieres — Shameful Conduct of English
men—Third Indian War — Siege of Winter Harbor — Arrival of Capt.
Southack  . . 245

8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XV.
THE RIVAL CLAIMS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. p4|j>
Jocelyn's Visit -The Destruction of Black Point -The Vicissitudes of
War — A Naval Expedition — Merciless Ravages — Destruction at Port
Royal — The Expedition to Norridgewock — Exchange of Prisoners — Trea
son suspected — Incidents of the Conflict — A Renewed Attack upon Port
Royal — Rage of Gov. Dudley — The Third Attack and its Failure -Naval
Battle at Winter Harbor — The Conquest of Nova Scotia— The Commis
sion to Quebec — Exchange of Menaces  26S
CHAPTER XVI.
BRITISH AND INDIAN DIPLOMACY.
Enthusiasm of the British Government — The Fleet for the Conquest of
Canada — Utter Failure of the Enterprise — Daily Perils — The Bridal
Party — Treaty of Utrecht — The Ravages of War — Character of the
Younger Castine — State of the Ministry — The Pejepscot Purchase — An
cient Dominions — Rearing the Forts — The Council at Arrowsic — Gloomy
Prospects — Character of Father Rasle  282
CHAPTER XVH.
THE VICISSITUDES OF WAR.
The War Renewed — Resolve of the British — Westbrook's Attempt on an
Indian Village — An Indian Fort — Expedition to Oldtown — Attempt
upon Norridgewock — Beauty of the Village — Savage Depredations —
Father Rasle and his Chapel — His Letters — Murder of Bomaseen —
Slaughter at Norridgewock — Death of Rasle — Tribute to His Memory —
Capt. Lovewell's Achievement — Drake's Narrative  300
CHAPTER xvrn.
THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF LOVEWELL'S WAR.
Encampment at Great Ossipee — Serious Contest — Death of Lovewell — Of
Frye — Fate of the English in Lovewell's War — Government Measures —
Native Honor — Indian Distresses — Incorporation of Orono — Heath's Expe
rt i tion — Attack npon Young Castine — The Dummer Treaty — Indian Let
ters — Cost of Indian Wars — Peace concluded  319
CHAPTER XLX.
THE DOOM OF THE INDIAN.
French Influence — Gov. Dummer — His Wise Policy — The Trading-Houses —
Life at Falmouth — Govs. Burnet and Belcher — Act against Duelling —
Encroachments of the English — Conference at Falmouth — Gov. Shirley —
Visit of Whitefleld — Council at St. George — The Indians desire Peace — In
dians refuse to fight their Brethren — The Capture of Louisburg — War
Proclaimed against the Indians — Peace — Subsiding Billows — New Claims
of the English — Fort at Teconnet  337

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XX.

THE OLD FRENCH WAR, AND THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION COMMENCED. F.AGH.
The Upper Kennebec Explored — New Forts Built — War with the Indians
Renewed — English Atrocities — War between France and England —
Feebleness of the Indians — Incorporation of Towns — Efforts of England
to enslave America— The Stamp Act — The Tea Tax — Battle of Lexing
ton — Patriotism of the People of Maine — Scenes in Falmouth — Visit of
the British Sloop-of- War — Capture of Capt. Mowatt — His Threats . .354

CHAPTER XXI.
THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION : FALMOUTH IN ASHES.
The British Fleet — The Doom Announced — The Conference — The Bom
bardment — The Expedition to Quebec — The Repulse — Frendliness of the
Indians — New Towns Incorporated — The British Repulsed at Machias —
Anecdote of John Adams — Arrival of the French Fleet — The Foe estab
lished at Biguyduce — Terrible Naval Disaster to the Americans — Barbar
ism of the English — Capture of Gen. Wadsworth — His Brave Defence —
His Escape  377
CHAPTER XXH.
THE WAR OF 1812, AND THE SEPARATION.
Expenses of the War — The Question of Separation — Increase of Towns —
Counties Formed — Bowdoin College Ch artered — The Farmington Schools —
Lewiston — Augusta and its Institutions — Waterville — Gardiner — The
War of 1812 — Causes of the War — Incidents of the Conflict — Increase of
Population and Towns — The Penobscot Valley Ravaged — General Alarm —
Scenes in Castine — Peace — The "Ohio Fever" — The Separation — Maine
an Independent State  ... 397
CHAPTER XXLH.
PEACE AND PROSPERITY.
William King — William D. Williamson — The Maine of Half a Century
Ago — A Journey to Boston — Succeeding Governors — The Aroostook
War — Origin of the Difficulty — Warlike Measure — Interesting Incidents —
The Truce— Final Settlement  426
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE SCANDINAVIAN IMMIGRATION.
Origin of the Movement — The Plan Adopted — Mission of Mr. Thomas to
Sweden — Wise Measures triumphantly Successful — The Voyage of the
Immigrants — Their Hospitable Reception — New Sweden — The Primeval
Forest — Labors of the Colonists — Their Industry and Prosperity — Increas
ing Immigration — Interesting Letter from Sweden — Present State of the
Colony — Future Prospects  436

1 0 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE PICTURESQUE ATTRACTIONS OF MAINE. PAG«.
Portland and Casco Bay — Seashore Resorts — Isles of Shoals — The Beaches
— Cape Arundel and Old Orchard — Bath to Rockland, and up the Penob
scot— Mount Desert — Lake Sebago — Mt. Pleasant and the Saco — The
Valley of the Androscoggin — Rangeley Lakes and Sandy River— The
Kennebec Valley — Moosehead Lake and the Aroostook  44ft
CHAPTER XXVI.
MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.
Military Condition of Maine — Proclamation of the President — Prompt
Action — The Greeting in New York — Welcome in Washington — Stove-
Pipe Artillery — Testimony of Gen. Sickles — Gen. Hiram G. Berry — The
liquor Shops — The Seventh Maine Complimented — Sufferings of Camp-
Life— Colored Regiments — Testimony of Gen. Naglee — Gen. Dow — Toils
of a Campaign — The Sharp-shooters — Lieut. Hill — Batteries of Light
Artillery — Courage of New Recruits  468
CHAPTER XXVTI.
MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, CONTINUED.
Battle of Cedar Mountain — Bivouacking in the Rain — Testimony of Gen.
Burnside — Scenes at Port Hudson — Arlington Heights — Campaigning in
the South — Patriotism of the Twenty-Seventh Regiment — Toilsome
March — Battle at Marianna — Ravages of Sickness — Summary of the Ef
forts of Maine — Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg — Major-Gen.
Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee  483-
CHAPTER XXVLTL
AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES.
Haine, its Location and Size — Mountains — Katahdin — Temperature — Agri
cultural Products — Various Industries — Ship-Building — Railroads — Slate
Quarries — Little Blue Quarry — Water-Power — Annual Rain -Fall — Manu
facturing Facilities— The Saco Basin — The Androscoggin— The Kenne
bec — The Penobscot Valley — The St. Croix — The St. John — The Salubri
ous Climate — Prospects of Emigration  499-
CHAPTER XXLX.
POPULAR EDUCATION.
Normal School in Farmington — Normal School in Castine — Maine Central
Institute — Oak Grove Seminary —Commercial College — State College of
Agriculture — Winthrop Grammar School — Kittery District School— Intel
lectual, Social, and Physical Advantages of Maine  gig

CONTENTS. H
CHAPTER XXX.
POPULATION. PAGE.
Homogeneous Character of Early Settlers — German Colony Settled
at Waldoboro — The Irish — French Canadians — Swedish Colony
— Immigration of Native Element — Growth of Population Since
1790 — Fragments of Aboriginal Tribes . . . . . . 533
CHAPTER XXXI.
MORALS AND RELIGION.
Morals of Early Settlers — Order Introduced by Massachusetts — In
temperance — Washingtonian Movement — Prohibition of Liquor
Traffic — Riot in Portland — Repeal of the Law — Re-enacted in
1S5S — Sustained by the People — Prohibition put into the Consti
tution — Good Results of the Law — Maine not Settled Through
Religious Impulse — Catholics and Episcopalians Failed to Obtain
a Contolling Foothold — Puritan Worship Introduced by Massachu
setts — The Standing Order — Struggles of Other Denominations to
Escape from Taxation — All Placed on an Equality by the Consti
tution of 1S20 — Religious Denominations in the State . . . 538
CHAPTER XXXII.
EDUCATION.
No Public Schools in the Early History of the Province — Introduced
by Massachusetts Under Penalty of a Fine — New Interest in Edu
cation after the Revolution — Establishment of Academies by Grants
of Land — Establishment of Colleges — The District System — Es
tablishment of Normal Schools — Schools Graded, and a System of
Free High Schools Introduced — Improvement in Schoolhouses —
State Supervision of the Public Schools — Compulsory Attendance
— Parochial Schools — Small Percentage of Illiteracy in Maine —
Newspaper Press — County Papers — Leading Journals — Number
of Periodicals Published in the State — Public Libraries . . . 553
CHAPTER XXXIII.
POLITICAL.
Division of Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers — Maine
Entered the Union as an Anti-Federalist State in 1820 — Became
Democratic in 1834 — Republican in 1856 — Fusion in 1879 — The
" Count Out" — Its Proceedings Condemned by the Supreme Court
— Fusionists Elect Governor by Plurality Vote in 1880 — Republi
cans Return to Power in 1882  560
CHAPTER XXXIV.
EBSOURCES AND INDUSTRIES.
Temperature and Climate — Area— Water Power — Forest Products
— Fish and Game — Agriculture — Shore and Deep-Sea Fisheries —
Shipbuilding — Granite, Slate, Limerock and Ice — Manuf actures
— Condition of Operatives — Deposits in Savings Banks — Railroad
Systems Pleasure Travel — Lake and Seaside Resorts — Reasons
Why the People Should be Contented with their Lot . . . 567

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE
Abbott Family School  406
Abbott School, Farmington  405
Agricultural College, Orono  526
Battle of Lexington  370
Blockhouse of Fort Halifax  376
Bowdoin College, Brunswick. . .402
B. & M. Railroad Bridge, Saco.. 452
Cascade at West Waterville  466
City Hall, Portland  44S
Colby University, Waterville. . .415
Custom House, Portland  449
Dam at Skowhegan  511
Edward H. Elwell, frontispiece
Falls, Bonny Eagle, Buxton  460
Falls, Cobbossee Contee, Gardi
ner  416
Falls, East Machias  385
Falls, Embden and Solon  513
Falls, Lewiston  410
Falls, Lisbon  461
Falls, Livermore  405
Falls, Madison Bridge  512
Falls, Oldtown  328
Falls, Pejepscot, Brunswick  229
Falls, Rumford  463,464
Falls, Ticonic, Waterville  362
Garrison House at York  234
Garrison, Kennebunk  318
insane Hospital, Augusta  430

PAGE
Lake Sebago.  . .459
Longfellow Statue, Portland  413
Maine Central Institute  321
Maine Gen'l Hospital, Portland.529
Maine Wesleyan Seminary  554
Normal School, Castine. ..... . .320
Normal School, Farmington  404
Observatory, Portland  447
Old Orchard Beach  454
Old Stone Tower, Newport  20
Paper Mills of S. D. Warren &
Co., front and rear views  508
Portland, view of  396
Post Office, Augusta  428
Post Office, Portland  450
Public Library, Portland  509
Residences of Col. Ebenezer
Webster and Others  524
Rasle Mon'm't, Norridgewock.. 316
Schoolhouse, Kittery  525
Schoolhouse, Winthrop  527
Soldiers National Home  496
State House, Augusta  560
The Cliffs, Cape Arundel  451
" The Willows," Farmington. . .408
Upper Dam, Ellsworth  514
Westbrook Seminary  522
Whitehead Cliffs  455

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

CHAPTER I.
VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN x AND OTHER EARLY EXPLORERS.
Country of the Northmen — Voyages to Iceland and Greenland — Voyage of
Thorwald — His Death — Expedition of Thorflnn and Gudrida — Visit to
Buzzard's Bay and Narraganset Bay — First Description of New England —
A Mystery of History — Voyage of John Cabot — Voyage of his Son, Sebas
tian Cabot — French and English Claims — Gaspar Cortereal — Verrazano —
Strange Interview with the Indians — Estevan Gomez — Norumbega — John
Rut.
EVENTS contemplated through the lapse of a thousand
years must be dim. In ancient times the region of north
ern Europe, which now comprehends Denmark, Sweden, and
Norway, was called Scandinavia. The hardy people who dwelt
in that frigid clime were called Northmen. They were a sea
faring people, regarded mainly as pirates. Shores far distant
were ravaged by their plundering expeditions.
It is said, that, ten centuries ago, one of these Northmen, Nad-
dod, who was called the sea-king, driven by storms, discovered
Iceland. It was, ere long, settled by a colony from Denmark.
It is said, that, about seventeen years after the discovery of Ice
land, a storm drove another vessel from that island across to
Greenland, a distance of but about four hundred miles. This
was in the extreme north-eastern portion of the North Ameri-
i For the following account of the voyages of the Northmen, I am mainly
indebted to the celebrated work entitled, " Antiquitates Amerieanse, Hafnie.
Copenhagen, 1839. By C. C. Rafn." So far as it is possible to obtain any accu
racy upon this subject, the authority of Mr. Rafn is unquestionable. 13

14 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
can Continent. Thus, according to this report, the Northmen
discovered America more than six hundred years before Colum
bus approached our shores.
About ten years after this, another Northman, by the name
of Biarne, seeking Greenland, was driven by fierce gales far to
the south. It is surmised, from his vague descriptions, that he
must have caught sight of Cape Cod, and that he thence
coasted north-easterly, back along the shores of Maine and Nova
Scotia, to Greenland.
As the story goes, four years after this, in the year 1000,
a man by the name of Leif took another vessel, and set
out on an exploring expedition. He touched at dreary, deso
late Newfoundland ; leaving the coast of Maine unseen far away ;
on his right, he directed his course south-west, till he reached
the head of Cape Cod. Sailing around the Cape, and turning
to the west, he entered a large bay, which it is supposed was
Narraganset, and landed, probably not far from the present
site of Newport in Rhode Island.
They found the climate so mild, the region so delightful, the
fruit so abundant, that they decided to spend the winter there.
As rich grapes abounded, they named the country Vineland.
In the shortest day of winter they recorded that the sun rose at
half past seven, and set at half past four. This would quite
•decisively indicate that they were in the region of southern New
England. In the year 1002 a brother of Leif, by the name of Thor-
wald, set out on another exploring tour to these newly dis
covered and attractive realms. Following his brother's track,
he reached the same bay in which Leif had wintered, and
occupied the same cabins which he had reared. In the spring
he sent out the long boat with a party of sailors, to examine
the coast west and south. We know nothing of the results of
this expedition.
It is inferred, from the accounts which are still quite vague,
that Thorwald spent another winter in Narraganset Bay, and
that he named the spot Leifsbuder, or Leifshouse. In the spring
he set sail in his ship, to follow the coast back to Greenland.
Sailing around Cape Cod, which he named Naeset, he turned

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 15
the bows of his ship due west, towards the main land, and came
to anchor not improbably in what is now Boston Harbor. He
was so delighted with the aspect of the wooded hill, and the
green vales, and the charming expanse of the bay studded with
islands, that he exclaimed, " Here it is beautiful ; here I should
like to spend my days ! "
While at anchor here, they discovered three small canoes, each
containing three natives. These barbarian Northmen, with
cruelty which would have disgraced savages, pursued the
harmless natives, and killed eight of them. One only escaped.
The fiend-like deed roused the tribe. Soon a fleet of canoes,
filled with Indian warriors, seemed to cover the bay. But their
puny arrows could make no impression upon the oak-ribbed
ship of their foes. The Northmen, sheltered by planks, could
bid defiance to the assaults of these justly exasperated natives.
The assailants, seeing the futility of their efforts, retired.
They knew not that one barbed arrow, God-directed, had
entered the vitals of Thorwald, piercing him just beneath the
arm. He was the only one injured. As the deeply imbedded
arrow adhered to the wound, and the blood gushed forth, he
had only time to say, —
" This is my death-blow. I advise you to depart as soon as possible ;
but first take my body to the shore, and bury it upon the promontory
before you. There I had intended to make my abode : I shall now dwell
there forever. Place two crosses at my grave, — one at the head and one
at the foot ; and let the spot, in all future time, be called Krossanaes." x
This event took place, as is supposed, near Boston Harbor.
It was the first conflict between the native Americans and the
Europeans. In this encounter the Europeans were palpably
and outrageously in the wrong. Thorwald's men returned to
Narraganset Bay, where they spent the winter. We have no
account of their having any intercourse with the Indians. They
probably set traps for beaver and other animals. It is stated
that in the spring they set sail for Greenland with a cargo of
wood and furs.
It would seem, from this account, that Thorwald and his men
l The Promontory of the Crosses.

16 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
were upoii the Rhode Island shore for two years. They made
sundry explorations, both east and west. The remarkable head-
, land, now called Cape Cod, they minutely described. They
gave it the name of Naeset, or the Nose. It is worthy of notice,
that when our Puritan fathers landed at the head of the Cape,
after the lapse of eight hundred years, the Indians called it
Nauset, there being the change of but a single letter in the
name. Erik had a third son, Thorstein. With fraternal affection, the
young man decided to fit out an expedition to Vineland, as the
country was then called, that he might obtain the remains of
his brother, and bury them by the graves of his fathers. He
fitted out the same ship in which Thorwald had sailed, and took
with him a crew of twenty-five picked men. His wife, Gudrida,
who is represented as a woman of remarkable prudence and
energy, accompanied him.
The ship encountered a series of terrible storms, and was
driven far away to sea, they scarcely knew where. Turning
homewards, they did not reach the ice-bound shores of Green
land until early in December, 1005. They landed at one of
these cheerless settlements, greatly exhausted by the tempests
against which they so long had struggled. Here Thorstein was
taken sick and died, with many others of his crew. It is prob
able that the ship was frozen in, for she did not leave her
dreary anchorage until the spring. The heart-stricken widow
then returned to her friends.
A year passed away, and Gudrida was married again to a gen
tleman of Iceland, by the name of Thorfinn. He was a wealthy
man, of illustrious birth, and distinguished for his virtues and
his energy. Our own New England, the Vineland of the Ice
landers, was to them, in comparison with their icy abode, the
land of fruits and flowers, of genial clime and sunny skies.
Thorfinn, influenced, it is said, by the glowing description he
had received from the lips of his wife, of these favored realms,
fitted out another exploring expedition. It was probably his
intention to establish a colony, for he took three ships and one
hundred and sixty men.
The expedition set out from one of the southern ports in

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 17
Greenland, in the summer of 1008. They sailed along the
coast of Nova Scotia, then called Markland ; and then, keeping
the land, of what is now called Maine, ever in sight, cruised
along the shore until they reached Cape Cod. It does not
appear that they landed at any point.
They sailed around Cape Cod, being much impressed with its
lotig and sandy beaches. Passing the group of the Elizabeth
Islands, with which they were much charmed, and where they
saw water-fowl in such wonderful abundance that they could
scarcely step upon the shore without treading upon their eggs,
they cast anchor in Buzzard's Bay.
From this point a small party was sent out on an exploring
tour to the north. The ships, with the remainder of the men,
sailed westward, and again entered the beautiful sheet of water
which their countrymen had previously visited, the Narraganset
Bay. It may be doubted whether there is anywhere a more
genial climate than that of southern New England. Farther
north the winters are too cold; farther south the summers are
too hot. In this temperate region there is perhaps as desirable
a blending of heat and cold as can anywhere else be found.
Thorfinn was delighted with the spot. He found grapes in
rich clusters, wheat growing wild. Through the winter no
snow fell, and the cattle fed in the open fields. The natives,
who may not have heard of the infamous assault of Thorwald
in Massachusetts Bay, gathered around in large numbers and
with the most friendly feelings. They brought in furs and
skins, which they were eager to exchange for the knives, hatch
ets, and beads, which the strangers brought. The little hamlet
of log huts which Thorfinn erected on the shore, he called
Thorfinn's Buder, or Thorfinn's Building.
The Icelandic chronicler of this enterprise writes that the
natives valued very highly the red cloth the strangers brought.
They would give furs of the richest fibre for a piece not broader
than a finger's* breadth, which they bound around their heads
like a crown.
We have mentioned, that, at Buzzard's Bay, an exploring party
had been sent out to visit the region north and east. This
company consisted of eight men, led by an Icelander of very

18 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
enterprising spirit, named Thorhall. He is represented as a
man of very dark complexion, of stout build, and great physical
strength. They embarked in a large boat, sailed along the
eastern coast of Cape Cod, and then struck across Massachu
setts Bay, north-westerly towards the coast of Maine.
On this passage he encountered a north-west wind of such
fury and continuance, that, according to the almost incredible
statement, he was driven entirely across the Atlantic Ocean to
the coast of Ireland. As the story goes, he and his men, upon
landing, were made slaves.
At the Narraganset settlement dissensions arose between the
Northmen and the natives. Battles ensued. The Northmen
were worsted in the conflict, as probably they deserved to be.
Impartial history must declare, that, perhaps without exception,
in the battles waged in this country between the Europeans
and the natives, the Europeans were the aggressors. The
natives seem invariably to have fought to avenge some wrongs
previously received.
The Northmen, who were but little better armed than the
natives, and far outnumbered by them, found their position very
perilous. Thorfinn decided to break up his colony and return
to Greenland, but he had heard no tidings from Thorhall: he
therefore took one of his ships, and sailed in search of him.
The rest of his company he left on the shore at Buzzard's Bay.
It is supposed that he reached the coast of Maine. There he
cast anchor at the mouth of a river. Endless forests were
spread out before him, with scarcely any open space. Thorfinn,
disappointed in his search for Thorhall, returned to his com
panions whom he had left at Buzzard's Bay, and there he passed
the winter. It was his third winter in Vineland.
In the spring of 1011 he again spread his sails, and returned
to Greenland. There are some indications in the narrative, that
a few men were left in the colony at the bay : this is, however,
uncertain. Thorfinn took with him two native boys. Whether
they were carried away by stealth, or of their own free will, is
not known. The report he gave of the climate and its produc
tions, and the exhibition he made of its furs and skins, and of
rare varieties of wood, inspired others with the desire to visit
these regions of so much promise.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 19
It was then supposed that Vineland belonged to Europe, —
that it was merely an extension of the coasts of Norway and
Sweden. They called the natives Skrellings, or little men,1 the
same name which they had given to the Esquimaux of the
extreme north. In a very celebrated work, written about that
time by Adam of Bremen, entitled " Ecclesiastical History of
the North of Europe," we find the following curious passage: —
" Sueno, King of Denmark, to whom I paid a visit, described to me, in
conversation on the northern countries, among many other islands, one
which had been called Vineland, because the vine would grow there without
any cultivation, and because it produced the best sort of wine. Plenty of
fruits grow in this country without planting. This is not mere rumor. I
have this news from very authentic and trustworthy relations of the Danes.
Beyond this land, however, no habitable country is found. On the con
trary, every thing to the north is covered with ice and eternal night."
This is the first description of New England which is given
to the reading public of Europe. It is supposed, from inciden
tal allusions which are found in the annals of those days, that
after this there were many commercial expeditions to Vineland,
to obtain furs, skins, wood, and other commodities, for the
Greenland and Iceland markets. Of these no special record
was made.
As it is stated, that, in the year 1121, a bishop by the name
of Erik visited Vineland on a Christian mission, it is proba
ble that there was some colony on the coast, or perhaps scat
tered colonies, where Northmen were engaged in trading with
the natives, fishing, and wood-cutting. The beauty, salubrity,
and fertility of the country, compared with Greenland and
Iceland, must have presented strong inducements to visit the
sunny realm, and to remain there.
In Newport, R.I., there are the ruins of a stone tower,
which have evidently been battered by the storms of ages. As
the origin of the building is entirely lost in the haze of dis
tance, it is by many supposed that the tower was built by the
bands of the Northmen. The architecture is neither above nor
below their capabilities. The building might have been con-
i This is probably the signification of the term, though various other interpre
tations have been suggested.

20

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

structed as a citadel of defence, or for industrial purposes. In
view of the facts contained in these pages, it is not unreasona
ble to suppose that the venerable tower remains a memorial of
the Northmen's visit. One or two hundred years
of silence pass away. The
storms of winter wail through
the forests of Vineland. The
suns of summer clothe the
extended landscape in verd
ure, opening the flowers, and
ripening the grapes. Indian
hunting-bands, of unknown
name and language, wander
through the solitudes in pur-
old stone towek, or mill, hewport. suit of the bear, the deer, the
moose, and, after life's brief and joyless dream, vanish in death.
But from these awful solitudes no voice reaches us. We have
no record of the joys or griefs of these benighted children of
the forest. We simply know that everywhere upon this globe,
¦ — this residence of fallen humanity, — man is born to mourn.
ln the wigwam of the savage, as in the palace of the monarch,
eyes must weep, and hearts must bleed.
As we have mentioned, the Northmen called Nova Scotia
Markland, or, " The Country of the Woods." As there were
no definite boundaries then conceived of, this name included
the northern portion of Maine, as Vineland included its south
ern portion. An Icelandic geographer, in his description of the
globe, writes, his language being translated into modern
terms : —
" From northern Russia, the land extends northerly to uninhabited des
erts, until Greenland commences. Thence, towards the south, lie New
foundland, Nova Scotia, and Vineland. It is supposed that Vineland
stretches out towards Africa. England and Scotland, form one island. Ice
land is a large island on the north of Ireland. All these countries are in
that part of the world called Europe."
The fact must forever remain inexplicable, why the North
men, after having discovered and partially colonized the fair

TBE HISTORY OF MAINE. 21
realms of Vineland, should have abandoned them entirely,
while they continued their settlements in the dreary regions
of Greenland and Iceland. They called the region " Vineland
the Good." They extolled, in merited praise, the capacious
harbors and the beautiful rivers with which this goodly land
was blessed. Here the purple grapes hung in clusters ; apples,
pears, peaches, and an innumerable variety of plums, grew in
orchards which Nature's hand had planted. Indian corn waved
gracefully in spontaneous growth. They found pure water,
fertile fields, and sunn}r skies. Wood was in abundance, for
buildings, to cheer the winter fireside, and for the mechanic
arts. Yet all this they abandoned for bleak and frigid realms
in the neighborhood of the north pole.
The Northmen, as we have said, did not consider Vineland a
new world. They thought it only a continuation of their own
Scandinavian land. Iceland became quite a noted republic.
Thriving colonies rose on the icebqund coasts of Greenland ;
and yet Vineland was left, for several hundred years, to the
undisturbed possession of its savage inhabitants.
The centuries passed slowly away, and Vineland was forgot
ten. The colonies in Greenland perished. Iceland, far away
amidst arctic seas, was isolated, and scarcely known to exist by
Southern Europe. When, in 1492, Columbus discovered the
islands of the West Indies, he supposed himself to be upon the
coast of Asia. Five years after this, Henry VII. fitted out an
expedition from Bristol, England, supposing that China might
be reached by crossing the Atlantic in very high latitudes.
The command of this expedition was probably intruded to
John Cabot." 1
This renowned voyager had three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and
Sancius, all of whom seem to have inherited in a degree the nau
tical taste and the love of adventure of their father. Sebastian,
in particular, subsequently attained world-wide renown. A fleet
of five ships sailed from Bristol, England, in the spring of 1497.
l There has been much discussion by antiquarians in reference to the voyages
of John Cabot and his son Sebastian, which it would be out of place to introduce
here. Those who feel interested in that question will find it fully presented in
the Documentary History of Maine, by William Willis, vol. i. I give the narra
tive here as it is generally received.

22 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
John Cabot was intrusted with the command.1 His three sons
accompanied him. In the instructions furnished by the king,
he was authorized to sail under the royal banner to all parts,
in search of islands or countries unknown to Christians. He
was to plant that banner, and to reign over the countries he
might discover, as the king's vassal. In this patent, as it
was called, the voyage was to be directed to the east, west, or
north ; it being understood that the south belonged to Spain and
Portugal, as the first discoverers. Cabot and his associates
were to provide every thing for the expedition at their own
cost. They had nothing from the king, but the royal authority
and protection as their passport.
We know but little in respect to this voyage. Sebastian
wrote an account of it ; but his manuscript is lost.2 It is con
jectured that the Cabots caught the first sight of the North- ¦
American Continent, on the coast of Labrador, on the 24th of
June, 1497.3 Some contend that the land which they first
made was the Island , of Cape Breton. Having run along the
coast, we know not whether north or south, three hundred
leagues, they returned to Bristol early in August, 1497. The
Cabots were received with great joy ; for it was supposed that
they had discovered the empire of China.
We hear nothing more of John Cabot. He probably soon
died. One year after this, in 1498, Sebastian Cabot sailed with
two ships from Bristol, in the month of May. It is said that
he touched the coast of Labrador far in the north. Finding it
intensely cold, even in July, with vast islands of ice floating
around, and the land trending to the east, he directed his
course to the south.4 Coasting the southern shores of Lab
rador, he cast anchor at Newfoundland. He was seeking a
passage to India. As he cruised along, he kept the coast
constantly in view on his right. Leaving behind him the forest-
crowned cliffs of Nova Scotia, he entered what is called the
1 Some authorities say that there were but four vessels, and that the vessel
which bore Admiral Cabot was called "The Mathew." It is also said that not
John Cabot, but his son Sebastian, had the command.
2 See Biddle's Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 221. London, 1832.
8 Biddle's Memoir, p. 52.
4 Galvano's Discoveries of the World, p. 88. . London, 1601.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 23
broad Gulf of Maine, eagerly examining all the indentations
of its sublime, jagged, solitary shores.
The highlands of Maine can be seen at a great distance on
the ocean. There was a continuous line of coast reaching out
before him. It is supposed that he continued his voyage along
the whole length of the coast of Maine, and across Massachu
setts Bay, until he found himself land-locked, as it were, by the
long curvature of Cape Cod.1 Rounding this hook of sand, his
hopes were probably greatly revived by seeing the open ocean,
extending far away to the west. Whether he discovered the
harbor of New York can never be known. Finding, to his dis
appointment, the land taking a southern turn, and his provisions
falling short, after reaching the latitude of Cape Hatteras he
entered upon his homeward voyage.
Great was his disappointment at this result of his voyage.
Instead of finding the rich and populous realms of China, he
encountered only uncultivated and savage wilds, blocking up his
way. He was the first to recognize that the new world was a
vast barrier between Western Europe and Eastern Asia.2
It was this voyage of Sebastian Cabot, along so large a por
tion of the coast of the North American Continent, upon which
England founded her claim to the possession of the country
from the Atlantic to the Pacific shore. The breadth of the
continent was then entirely unknown. It was a received law
of nations, that the discovery of a coast entitled the nation by
whom the discovery was made to the possession of that terri
tory, to the exclusion of the right of any other European power.
It was also an acknowledged principle of national law, that the
discovery and exploration of a river entitled the nation, by
which this exploration was made, to the territory which that
river and its tributaries drained.
English explorers were the first to behold the coast of these
limitless and unexplored realms. Their flag was the first to
wave over these waters. Hence England claimed the continent
for nearly its whole extent.
i Documentary History of the State of Maine, hy William Willis, vol. i. p. 141.
2 New York Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 23.
s Asher's Life of Henry Hudson. London, 1860.

24 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
But France discovered the St. Lawrence, the series of majes
tic lakes ; and her flag first floated upon the Mississippi, from its
source to its mouth. Hence France claimed the Valley of the
Mississippi, in its then unknown grandeur of expanse, — almost
a world in itself. These conflicting claims led to the clash of
arms, to demoniac battles, to horrors of blood, misery, and death,
which can never adequately be told.
Soon after the expedition of the Cabots, the Portuguese sent
vessels to explore the coast of North America. In the year
1500 Gaspar Cortereal, a man of a noble family, left Lisbon with
two ships. It is said that the first land he made was the east
coast of Newfoundland. Following the shore towards the
south, he came probably to the coast of Maine. He describes
the country as abounding in forests, well adapted for ship-build
ing, with large rivers, and a sea-coast well stocked with fish of
various kinds, especially with codfish.
With villany, which even the moral darkness of those days
cannot extenuate, he enticed fifty-seven of the natives, men and
boys, on board his ship, and, luring them below deck, closed the
hatchways upon them, and carried them off to sell as slaves in
Spain. Fifty of these he had on board his own vessel. Seven
he put in his consort. But an avenging God decided that he
should not return to Spain to sell, in her slave-marts, the victims
he had stolen. In some fearful, ocean tragedy, which no eye
but that of God beheld, the ship, its guilty commander, and
all its inmates were ingulfed.1
The Venetian ambassador at Lisbon witnessed the arrival, in
the Portuguese capital, of the seven Indians placed in the con
sort. In a letter which this Venetian, M. Pasqualigo, wrote,
describing their appearance, he says, —
" These natives are tall, well-built, and in color, stature, and aspect,
strongly resemble the Gypsies of Europe. They are admirably calculated
for labor, and will make the best slaves I have ever seen." 2
i History of the East Coast of North America. By Dr. J. G. Kohl. Bremen,
Germany. 2 This letter was published in Vicenza, Italy, 1507. It was entitled, "Pajsi
Novamenti Retrovati et NovaMondo," ( The Country newly discovered, and called thi
New World).

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 25
About twenty years passed away when Francis I., king of
France, fitted out an expedition of four ships to explore the
coast of North America. The enterprise was intrusted to the
command of an Italian from Florence, by the name of Giovanni
da Verrazano. We have not a very full account of this voy
age. The most careful investigation has led to the opinion,
that the little fleet sailed from France in the autumn of 1523.
In a storm two ships were separated from the rest. Whether
they were lost, or returned to France, we know not. We hear
of them no more.
After various adventures and delays, it is supposed that Ver
razano, on the 10th of March, 1524, caught sight of the land at
Cape Fear, on the coast of what is now North Carolina. He
sailed about thirty leagues south ; finding no good harbor, he
turned back to the north. He cast anchor, as is supposed, near
New River Inlet, about sixty miles west of Cape Lookout. The
following is his account of that region, as he then beheld it,
and as it still appears : —
" The first line of the coast is sandy. Behind this bar, there are small
rivers and arms of the sea, that enter at certain creeks, and wash the shore
on both sides. Beyond this, there is seen a country rising in height above
the sandy shore. It has many fair fields and plains, with forests of gigantic
trees. The water is shallow, and the shore without harbors."
Continuing his cruise, he sailed around Cape Hatteras, and, at
the distance of about one hundred and fifty miles north, cast
anchor near the land. A French ship had been wrecked in
this vicinity, and one poor boy was washed ashore. The In
dians nursed him as if he were their own child. They re
ceived Verrazano with the greatest hospitality. He requited
them by enticing a little Indian boy on board his ship, and
stealing him.1
Continuing to sail along in sight of the coast, coming to
anchor every night, he reached, as is supposed, New York Har
bor. It can scarcely be doubted, that, in the following descrip
tion which he gives, he alludes to that region, and that the
hills were the highlands of Neversink.
l Expedition of Verrazano ; Documentary History of the State of Maine,
vol. i. p. 225.

26 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" We anchored at a very pleasant spot among prominent hills. In the
midst of these there ran down to the sea a great body of water. It was so
deep at its mouth, that any heavily-laden vessel might pass into it."
Sailing along the southern shore of Long Island, he again
cast anchor, it is supposed, in the beautiful Narraganset Bay.
He remained here, probably in Newport Harbor, a fortnight.
The Indians, having forgotten the outrages of the Northmen,
and not knowing what a treacherous man they had to deal with,
received him confidingly, and welcomed him to their hospitable
wigwams. He made several excursions into the interior, and
was everywhere greeted with friendly words and deeds. Dur
ing this visit, it is probable that he kept the stolen boy carefully
concealed. Verrazano was the first European, after the Northmen, who
entered this lovely bay. It is interesting to observe how singu
larly his description accords with theirs in his allusions to the
beauty of the scenery, the fertility of the soil, and the luxuri
ance of its vines and grapes.
On the 5th of May he again spread his sails. Coasting along
the shores of New England, a distance of four hundred and
fifty miles, keeping the land ever in view, he must have .entered
the great gulf of Maine. He gives quite a minute report of
the coast of Maine, and of his intercourse with its inhabitants.1
He found the region mountainous, with dense forests of pines,
laemlocks, spruce, firs, and such other trees as flourish in cold
climates. He did not know that his predecessor in visiting
that coast, Gaspar Cortereal, had practised, but three or four
years before, villany upon the natives even surpassing his own ;
for, while he had stolen but one boy, Cortereal had kidnapped
fifty-seven of the unoffending Indians. He was therefore sur
prised to find that the Indians of Maine did not receive him
with smiles of welcome. He writes, —
" They seem very different from the other Indians we have met. The
others were very courteous and gentle. But these are rude and hostile.
They are so barbarous, that by no efforts could we induce them to have
any traffic with us. They clothe themselves with the skins of beasts.
Their food, so far as we could perceive, was obtained from hunting and
1 Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 295. London, 1G00.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 27
fishing, with certain fruits and roots whioh grew spontaneously. They had
no grain, and we saw no sign of tillage. They would sometimes come to
the seashore, and stand upon craggy rocks, while we approached in our boats
beneath. They would let down a rope with whatever they were pleased to
offer, demanding, in return, knives, fishhooks, and tools. They took no
account of our courtesy, but kept a careful watch, that we should not be
permitted to land. When we had nothing more to exchange, and departed,
they showed all the signs of hatred which it was possible to invent. We
went on shore with twenty-five armed men. They shot at us with their
bows, made great outcries, and fled to the woods." 1
There is something truly affecting in the account thus
given of the dread with which these outraged Indians regarded
the kidnapping Europeans. Everywhere in the New World,
where the Europeans first landed, they were received with
truly brotherly kindness by the natives. They manifested no
hostility until they became exasperated by the most atrocious
wrongs. During these years there were many privale expeditions
fitted out from England, France, Spain, and Portugal, of which
no record has been made. It is certain that many of these
unprincipled and reckless adventurers cheated, robbed, and
insulted the Indians without any mercy.
Verrazano returned to the port of Dieppe, in France, in July,
1524. In his report to the king, he had the assurance to say
that he had discovered a new country which had never been
seen by any one in ancient or modern times.2
About a year after the voyage of Verrazano, which we have
described, the Emperor Charles V. of Spain sent an expedition
to the north-east coast of North America to search for a pas
sage to the East Indies. Estevan Gomez was placed in command.
He sailed from Corunna on the 10th of February, 1525. We
know but little of his voyage, except that he entered many of
the bays and ports of New England ; that he named the terri
tory, of which Maine is a part, the " Country of Gomez ; " and
i It is supposed that this landing could not have been many leagues from
Portsmouth. But whether it was within the present bounds of Maine, or New
Hampshire, cannot be known.
2 The Italian historian, Ramusio, says that Verrazano made another voyage
to the New World, where he was killed in a battle with the natives. Others say
that he was taken by the Spaniards, and hanged as a pirate.

28 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
that he was guilty of the enormous crime of " catching as
many Indians as he could take on board his small vessels, and
carrying them to Spain." We are not told how these poor cap
tives were taken. But it seems probable that he conveyed
them to Cuba, a Spanish colony, where he sold them as slaves.
The French had. given the territory, then claimed and par
tially occupied by Spain, the Indian name of Norumbega. The
limits of the region were exceedingly undefined. At one time
it included the whole coast to the southern extreme of Florida.
Then it was restricted to New England, afterwards to Maine,
and finally to the region of the Penobscot alone. The Penob
scot they called The Great River of Norumbega.1
We have very vague accounts of an English expedition to the
coast of Maine in a ship " The Mary of Guilford," commanded
by John Rut. This was in the year 1567. It is said that he
frequently landed, with parties of his men, to explore the in
terior. The account which we have of this enterprise is
meagre in the extreme. This was the second English expedi
tion after that of Sebastian Cabot. Though Northmen, French
men, and Spaniards had previously landed on the coast of New
England, this is the first occasion upon which we are distinctly
informed that the feet of Englishmen pressed our soil.
1 Ramusio, torn. iii. fol. 433. See also Charts of French Discoveries, Maine
Historical Collection, vol. i. p. 231. Ramusio -writes, " Going beyond the cape
of the Bretons, there is a country which extends west south-west to Florida, a
good five hundred leagues. The inhabitants of this country are a very pleasant,
tractable, and peaceful people. The country is abounding with all sorts of fruit.
There grow oranges, almonds, wild grapes, and many other fruits of odoriferous
trees. The country is named by the inhabitants Norumbega. Between it and
Brazil there is a great gulf, in which are the islands of the West Indies."

CHAPTER II.
VOYAGES OF THEVET, PRLNG, DE MONTS, AND WEYMOUTH.
Journal of Thevet — Pring's Voyage — His Description of Penobscot Bay — De
Monts Patent — His Strange Adventures — Takes Possession in the Name
of the King of France — Alarm in England — Weymouth's Expedition —
Anchors at Mohegan and Pemaquid — Friendly Intercourse with the
Natives — Infamous Conduct of Weymouth — Kidnapping the Natives —
Exploration of the Kennebec — Planting the Cross — The Homeward
Voyage.
IN the year 1556, a French gentleman by the name of Andre
Thevet, a scholar and a writer of much repute, desiring to
see the New World, took passage in a vessel which sailed along the
entire east coast of both South and North America.1 Thevet
visited the coast of Maine, and gives the following description
of the Penobscot River : —
" Here we entered a river which is one of the finest in the whole world.
We call it Norumbega. It is marked on some charts as the Grand River.
The natives call it Agoncy. Several beautiful rivers flow into it. Upon
its banks the French formerly erected a small fort, about ten leagues from
its mouth. It was called the Fort of Norumbega, and was surrounded by
fresh water.
"Before you enter this river, there appears an island surrounded by
eight small islets. These are near the country of the Green Mountains.
About three leagues into the river, there is an island four leagues in cir
cumference, which the natives call Aiayascon.2 It would be easy to plant
on this island, and to build a fortress, which would hold in check the whole
surrounding country. Upon landing, we saw a great multitude of people
1 Thevet gave a very interesting account of this voyage in a work entitled,
"Les Singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement nomine" Ame'rique."
(The Singularities of Antarctic France, otherwise called America.)
2 Islesborough. 29

30 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
coming down upon us in such numbers that you might have supposed them
to be a flight of starlings. The men came first, then the women, then the
boys, then the girls. They were all clothed in the skins of wild animals.
" Considering their aspect, and mode of advancing, we mistrusted them,
and retired on board our vessel. They, perceiving our fear, made signs of
friendship. The better to assure us, they sent to our vessel several of their
principal men, with presents of provisions. We returned a few trinkets of
little value, with which they were highly pleased. The next morning, I,
with some others, was commissioned to meet them, to see if we could obtain
more provisions, of which we stood in great need. As we entered the house
of the chief, who was called Peramick, we saw several slaughtered animals
hanging on the beams.
" The chief gave us a hearty welcome. To show his affection he ordered
a fire to be built, on which meat and fish were placed to be roasted. Upon
this some warriors came in, bringing to the chief the dissevered heads of
six men whom they had taken in battle. The sight terrified us. Fearing
that we might suffer in the same way, we, towards evening, secretly retired
to our ship, without bidding our host good-by.
" This greatly displeased him. In the morning he came to the ship with
three of his children. His countenance was very sad, for he thought he
had offended us. He said to me, in his own language, —
" ' Go back on land with me, my friend and brother. Come and eat and
drink such as we have. We assure you upon oath, by heaven, earth, moon,
and stars, that you shall' not fare worse than we do ourselves.'
" Seeing the good affection of this old man, twenty of us went again on
land, all well armed. We went to his house, where we were feasted, and
presented with whatever he possessed. Meanwhile large numbers of his
people arrived. They all greeted us in the most affectionate manner, de
claring that they were our friends. Late in the evening, when we wished
to retire, they all entreated us to remain through the night. But we could
not be persuaded to sleep with them. And so we retired to our vessel.
Having remained in this place five days, we weighed anchor, and, parting
from them with a marvellous contentment on both sides, went out upon the

Nearly half a century passes away before we have any other
tidings of importance in reference to Maine. There were many
expeditions to other parts of the New World, an account of which
would not be in place here. In the year 1602 an English naviga
tor, Bartholomew Gosnold, crossed the Atlantic ; and it is said by
some, while it is disputed by others, that he touched the coast of
1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vii. p. 243.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 31
Maine near Mount Desert.1 The next year (1603) Martin Pring,
with two vessels, " The Speedwell " and " The Discover," sailed
from Milford Haven, with clothing, hardware, and trinkets, to
trade with the natives for furs and for sassafras, which was
deemed an herb of great medicinal value.
On the 7th of June, Pring entered Penobscot Bay. He gives
a glowing account of the almost unrivalled scenery there pre
sented. They found excellent anchorage, and fishing-ground
never surpassed. The majestic forests deeply impressed them.
Upon one of the islands they saw a number of silver-gray foxes.
This led them to give the name of Fox Islands to the group.
Sailing along the coast in a south-easterly direction, they passed
by the beautiful islands which stud Casco Bay, and entered a
river which was probably the Saco. This they ascended about
six miles. It seems probable that they also entered the Kenne
bunk and York Rivers. Finding no natives to trade with, they
sailed farther south, where they obtained quite a valuable cargo.2
The same year (1603) Henry IV. of France issued a patent
granting to De Monts the region of North America between the
fortieth and forty-sixth degrees of latitude ; that is, all the terri
tory between the island of Cape Breton and the mouth of the
Hudson River. There was no western boundary but tha Pacific
Ocean. He was entitled to the exclusive trade with the natives,
and was authorized to colonize and rule this vast territory accord
ing to his discretion. This realm of truly imperial territorial
grandeur was called Acadia, a corruption of Arcadia in Greece.3
De Monts first made the land near the present site of Liver
pool in Nova Scotia. It was on the 6th of May, 1604. Sailing
around Cape Sable, he entered the Bay of Fundy, and, cruising
along the eastern shore, found an admirable harbor, encircled by
protecting hills, and yet opening to fertile valleys. This place
1 Mr. Rufus King Sewall, in his valuable book entitled " Ancient Dominions of
Maine," argues that Norumbega was not a province, but a large Indian town at
the mouth of the Damariscotta River, between the Kennebec and the Penobscot.
See the question fully discussed pp. 31-35.
2 A Brief Narration of the Original Undertakings for the Advancement of Plan
tations in America. By Sir Ferdinando Gorges. London, 1658.
s British Dominion in America, book iii. part ii. 246. Some have argued that
the name was derived from an Indian tribe.

32 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
was selected for the location of a small colony, and it received
the name of Port Royal. Subsequently, upon the province
being ceded to England, the name was changed to Annapolis,
in honor of the British queen Anne. This was in the extreme
west of the present province of Nova Scotia.
De Monts, leaving a companion, M. Poutrincourt, in charge of
the colony, continued his voyage.1 Crossing the Bay of Fundy
to what is now New Brunswick, he discovered a large river, to
which he gave the name of St. John, which name it still retains.
He then continued his course to Passamaquoddy Bay, now the
extreme eastern border of the State of Maine. He explored this
bay, and ascended the St. Croix and Schoodic Rivers to an island
containing about fifteen acres. It being late in fall, De Monts
decided to pass the winter there. Selecting a spot easy of
defence, in the midst of a grand forest which afforded shelter
from the piercing northern winds, he built several log-cabins for
his men.
The winter was very severe, so that they kept much of the
time within their dwellings. Occasionally savages were seen ;
and it would appear that De Monts stood in great fear of them.
He planted cannon to command the approaches, kept a constant
watch night and day, and seems to have discouraged all advances
on the part of the Indians. He was probably unwilling to have
them know his weakness. His people suffered terribly from
the scurvy. Out of a ship's company of about eighty, thirty-six
died during the winter.2
It was not until the middle qf May that the survivors were
able to re-embark in search of a milder climate. Coasting west-
wardly, they entered Penobscot Bay. Thence, continuing their
cruise, they cast anchor at the mouth of the Kennebec. Here
De Monts raised a cross, and took possession of the country in the
name of the King of France. He traversed Casco Bay, occa
sionally casting anchor at attractive spots along the silent
shores, which seemed to invite a settlement. But his company
being greatly diminished, and the Indians being manifestly
l In reference to this settlement, see Holmes's Am. Ann., p. 148.
2 History of De Monts' Voyages, par Mark L'Escarbot, translated in Churchill's
Coll., p. 796. L' Escarbot accompanied De Monts on this expedition.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 33
unfriendly, as well they might be, after going as far south as
Cape Cod, he returned to Port Royal.
Here De Monts found another ship from France, and an acces
sion of forty men to strengthen the colony. He constructed a
fort, built several log-houses, and, having given minute direction
for the management of affairs, returned to France. Four
gentlemen of much distinction were left to administer the
government of the colony, and to explore the country.
Rumors of these important movements reached the British
government. The immensity of the territory which France
claimed, and the efforts of the French to colonize those countries,
created alarm. The Earl of Southampton, with Lord Arundel and
others, under the patronage of the crown, fitted out a ship to
visit these coasts. The object proclaimed was to find a north
west passage to India. The real object was to watch the
proceedings of the French, and to prepare the way for the
establishment of English colonies.
A thoroughly-built, well-furnished ship, " The Archangel,"
sailed from the Downs on the 31st of March, 1605. Capt.
George Weymouth was in command. On the 12th of May the
white sands of Cape Cod hove in sight. He directed his course
northerly toward the coast of Maine. On the 17th he came to
an island about six miles from the shore, and about noon cast
anchor upon its north side.
The island, to his eyes weary of gazing upon the drear
expanse of the ocean, appeared very beautiful. He judged the
island to be about six miles in circumference, embracing an area
of a thousand acres. The anchorage was good, and cod and had
dock were caught in abundance. Waterfowl in large flocks
were hovering over the cliffs. Weymouth went on shore in his
long-boat, and took possession of the island in the name of King
James I., King of England. He also erected a cross, in token
that the Christian religion was to be there established. He soon
after gave a very terrible exhibition of his practical piety. From
his mast-head he discerned far away in the distance the peaks
of a ridge of mountains. To the island he gave the name of St.
George. It is now generally admitted that this was the present
island of Monhegan.

34 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
After a tarry here of two days, taking in wood and water, on
Sunday the 19th Weymouth again spread his sails, and, passing
several other islands, reached the mainland at the distance of
about nine miles. Rosier, the historian of the voyage, writes:
" It pleased God to send us, far beyond our expectations, in a
most safe berth, defended from all winds, in an excellent depth
of water for ships of any burden, and which was named Pente
cost Harbor."
Weymouth, with a well-armed party, explored the shores :
others engaged in fishing. They obtained an abundance of
delicious salmon, and other fishes in great variety. They also
feasted upon lobsters and other shell-fish. Wild currants were
found, and luxuriant vines which promised an abundance of
grapes. They found the soil to be very rich. Digging a gar
den, they planted pease, barley, and other seeds, which in sixteen
days grew up eight inches. This was the first attempt made
by Europeans to cultivate the soil of Maine.
Fourteen well-armed men were sent out in a boat on an
exploring tour. From the account given, it is supposed that
they visited Squirrel Island and Cape Newagen. In accordance
with the custom of the times, Weymouth raised a cross upon
every important point at which he touched. On the 30th of
May, Capt. Weymouth, leaving fourteen men in charge of the
ship, which was carefully moored, took thirteen men, in the
pinnace, to survey the channels and the adjoining region.
About five o'clock in the evening of this day three canoea
were seen, in a distant part of the harbor, moving towards the
ship. They landed upon a point not far from the anchorage,
and the men built a fire. The crew of " The Archangel " tried to
make friendly signs, and beckoned them to come on board. Soon
a canoe, with three men, put off from the shore. Drawing
near, one of the men, standing up in the canoe, hailed the crew
m a loud tone of voice, but in language which they could not
understand. The crew exhibited knives, hatchets, beads, and other trin
kets, to lure them on board. But the Indians had doubtless
heard of the fiendlike treachery which previous European vis
itants had practised. They dared not trust themselves with

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 35
men who had been guilty of kidnapping crimes, at which even
savages might blush. But the bribe presented was almost
resistless. Cautiously they paddled alongside. A few articles
were tossed to them, which they received with evident delight ;
but nothing could induce them to go on board the ship. They
soon returned to their companions on the shore.
This canoe was of birch-bark. The Indians were men of
ordinary size, and of very symmetrical forms. Their bodies
and faces were painted with various colors. They were very
slightly dressed, with mantles of neatly tanned deer-skin fas
tened around the neck, and hanging nearly to the knees ; a flap
of beaver-skin covered the loins ; and their feet were shod with
leather buskins. The hair on the top of the head was long,
and bound in a tuft.
The next morning, apparently the same men came alongside
again. They were finally induced to come on board. They
ate heartily of the food which was presented, and gazed with
astonishment upon the various objects which met their eyes.
Being informed, by signs, that the object of the expedition was
to open a friendly trade with the Indians, exchanging with
them hatchets, knives, and other articles, for skins and furs,
they seemed much pleased, and returned to their companions
on the shore in a very happy frame of mind.
It is inferred, from the narrative, that Weymouth, in his
pinnace, ran along the coast to the north-east about sixty miles,
that he entered Penobscot Bay, and ascended the river as far
as Camden Heights, there they landed, and spent a day in hunt
ing. They then followed up the stream as far as Belfast Bay.
Here they erected a cross ; " which," Rosier writes, " was a
thing never omitted by any Christian travellers."
The charms of Penobscot Bay and River, as witnessed in the
illumination of bright June mornings, seem to have delighted
these voyagers as they had others who preceded them. The
scenery is described as beautiful in the extreme, with luxuriant
forests and verdant meadows. The river was wide, deep, and
of crystal purity. A great variety of birds of varied plumage
flitted, through the groves, and their songs filled the air. There
were many sheltered groves, with grassy banks, luring the voy-

86 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
agers to the shore. In glowing phrase the journalist of the
expedition writes, —
" Many who had been travellers in sundry countries, and in most famous
rivers, affirmed them not comparable to this. It is the most beautiful, rich,
large, secure-harboring river that the world affordeth."
The shallop returned to the ship. There is some diversity
of opinion as to the spot of this anchorage. Some have supposed
it to be at what is now called Townsend Harbor in Boothbay ;
others think that the vessel was moored in the harbor of what is
called Fisherman's Island.
The Indians began to regain confidence, and soon twenty-
eight appeared. Gradually they went on board the ship.
Quite a brisk trade was carried on in the exchange of knives,
beads, and such articles, for the skins of the beaver, the otter,
and the sable. The natives were quite astonished at the process
of writing, and watched with intense curiosity the writing
down the names of the articles bought and sold. The captain
excited their amazement by magnetizing the point of his sword,
and then taking up with it needles, knives, and other such
articles. Two of the Indians were invited to sup with the captain ;
and they remained to attend the evening religious service.
They behaved with the utmost decorum. Very modestly, and
with kind regard for their wives and daughters, which was
hardly to be expected, they asked the favor that a portion of a
delicious dish of pease might be sent to the ladies It was
given to them in pewter dishes, which in their eyes were more
splendid than plates of gold to their entertainers. The dishes
were all carefully brought back.
Some of the ship's company visited the little Indian encamp
ment on the shore. They were treated with all the hospitality
which could possibly be shown. A large fire was built, around
which the Indians silently and respectfully gathered. Seats
were carefully prepared for the guests, with cushions of deer
skin. The Indians had no delicacies with which to feast them,
but they offered pipes and tobacco. The interview was a very
pleasant one, though it could only be carried on by signs. The

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 37
bows, arrows, and javelins of the Indians were examined. The
bows were very strong : a feeble arm could scarcely bend them ;
but sinewy muscles would throw an arrow to a great distance.
The javelins were very skilfully made of wood, which had
almost the toughness and flexibility of steel. They were barbed
with some very hard bone.
One of the ship's company, Owen Griffin, was left on shore
for the night. He was watchfully to observe every movement,
to see if there were any indications of treachery. Three of
the Indians were taken back to the ship as hostages for the
safety of Griffin. The sumptuous couch prepared for the sav
ages was a mattress of old sails spread on what is called the
orlop deck. There were one or two dogs on board. It would
seem that these Indians were not very kindly received by the
fierce dogs of the English : they stood in great terror of them,
and feared to move about until the dogs were tied up.
The Indians, of course, knew nothing of the sabbath. On
Sunday morning five or six canoes came out, as usual, for traffic.
Apparently the news of the arrival of the ship was spreading
back into the country, and daily new parties of Indians were
arriving at their encampment. Capt. Weymouth waved a
signal for the canoes to retire. Though the reason must have
been a great mystery to them, they all obeyed promptly, and
did not return to the ship again during the day.
But it was a picturesque scene, as, in the sunlight of that
calm June sabbath, the voyagers gazed upon the panorama
which encircled them. The ship was at anchor upon the mir
rored waters of a solitary cove, far away in the New World.
Bays, inlets, and islands were opening in all directions behind
them. Birch canoes filled with Indian men, women, and chil
dren, diiven by the paddle, were gliding from shore to shore.
Not far from the ship, on the land, were the few frail wigwams
which the Indians had reared. The fire at which the women
were cooking, the ascending smoke, the groups gathered around,
all combined to present a picture as novel as it was attractive.
Early the next morning, June 3, the canoes of the natives
again approached the ship. Capt. Weymouth understood
them to signify, by their signs, that their chief, with many of

38 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
his followers, was at a little distance up the bay, with many
furs. The captain manned one of his boats with eight strong
rowers. First they rowed towards a point of land where the
'smoke of Indian fires was seen.
There was a birch canoe, propelled by but three paddles,
which brought the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit
the chief. It was noted that the Indians, apparently with the
greatest ease, could outstrip the boat, notwithstanding the
utmost efforts of the rowers. The savages would run ahead,
drop behind, circle round the boat, and play all manner of simi
lar antics. Capt. Weymouth, who soon after proved himself
capable of committing the most atrocious acts of treachery,
naturally suspected treachery on the part of the Indians. He
therefore sent Owen Griffin on shore in the canoe, while he
retained one of the Indians in the boat as a hostage. Griffin
was carefully to reconnoitre the encampment of the chief, and
to bring back his report.
The Indians seemed to attempt no disguise. There were two
hundred and eighty with the chief. They all had, as a matter
of course, bows and arrows. There were dogs and tamed
wolves with them. It did not seem that they had any furs at
the point of land for traffic ; but they urged him to go farther
up the stream now called Little River, where they said that
their articles were stored. Griffin did not dare to go. But he
was just as much in their power at the point as half a mile far
ther back ; and the Indian hostage was still in the boat. Had
the Indians any thing to conceal, they would hardly have invited
him to a more thorough examination of their strength and
resources. Griffin returned to the boat with the report which his timidity
suggested. Under these circumstances Capt. Weymouth did
not think it safe to land. There seems to have been no proof
whatever of treachery : still, as the Indians might not be more
reliable than the Europeans were, it was necessary to practise
the utmost caution. The boat returned to the ship.
That day the crew caught, from the ship's side, a large num
ber of cod and haddock. They also took many large lobsters.
A party was sent on shore for water, and returned with their

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 39
cask filled from a clear crystal spring. Mussels abounded
among the rocks, and in many of them they found small
pearls. It appears that the natives, from some unexplained reason,
had their suspicions again aroused, that Capt. Weymouth might
prove a foe in disguise. Two canoes, containing six men, cau
tiously approached the ship. They seemed afraid to go oh
board. At length two ventured to ascend the ship's side.
Capt. Weymouth endeavored to lure the rest on board, but in
vain. He exhibited to them a plate of savory pease, of which
they were very fond : still they shook their heads. He gave
them the pease. Rapidly they paddled ashore, and ate them.
Having finished their repast, one of the Indians, a very hand
some, athletic, bold youth, returned with the can to the ship.
He was lured to join the two in the cabin below, where they
were entertained with food, and the exhibition of articles to
excite their wonder. They knew not that the cabin-door was
locked against them, and that, by the foulest treachery, they
were kidnapped.
Capt. Weymouth was not satisfied with but three victims.
He manned one of his boats with a crew of eight of his
stoutest men, and sent them on shore, as if to traffic with the
natives. There were but three Indians on the shore. It
will be remembered that three were already locked up in
in the cabin. As the boat touched the land, one of the Indi
ans withdrew into the woods. The kidnappers approached the
other two with signs of friendship, and, as proof of their
brotherly intentions, sat down with them around their fire, and
presented them with another can of pease. They all ate to
gether in the most friendly manner.
Watching their opportunity, and dividing their force, suddenly
four of the crew sprang upon each one of their victims. The
poor Indians made the most frantic resistance, and raised loud
outcries for help. Their struggles were in vain. Their light
clothing was soon torn from them. Naked, in the grasp of the
men-stealers, they were dragged to the boat, and rowed to the
ship. Here the convulsive struggles and shrieks were renewed.
But the Indians were seized by the hair of the head, and

40 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
dragged on board. " Thus," writes Rosier, the historian of the
voyage, "we shipped five savages and two canoes, with all
their bows and arrows." 1
Edmund Burke says, that to speak of atrocious crime in mild
language, is treason to virtue. Every honest man's blood
should boil with indignation in contemplating a crime so
utterly atrocious and inexcusable as this. These young men
had come from their homes at Pemaquid to visit the strangers,
the tidings of whose arrival had reached them. One of them
was a chief. They were all men of rank.
The first Indian who visited the Pilgrim Fathers at Ply
mouth, was Squantum, one of these unhappy captives. Fortu
nately he fell into kind hands in England, and, forgetting the
crime of the men who stole him, became the warm friend of
those who proved his benefactors. By them he was restored to
his native country. It is believed that he became a sincere
Christian. His final career is quite fully given in the Life of
Miles Standish, as given in the " Pioneer and Patriot " series.
With dying breath he prayed that the Lord would receive him
to the Englishman's heaven.
Scarcely had these captives been made secure below, when,
about one o'clock at noon, two large and highly decorated
canoes were seen approaching. They composed a royal embassy
sent by the head chief of the Pemaquid tribes. They were
painted and dressed in the highest style of the barbarian court.
One of them wore a very ingeniously constructed coronet, indi
cating that he was of royal blood. They came with an invita
tion for Capt. Weymouth to visit, with his ship, the home of
their chief, which was distant but a few leagues. Little did
they imagine, as they trod the deck of " The Archangel," bear
ing this kind invitation to the strangers, that five of their
noblest men were languishing in a dark dungeon in the
hold. Weymouth, who was now anxious to get away from the region
as soon as possible, before the knowledge of his villany should
be spread abroad, declined the invitation. He allowed the
1 2 Belk. Biog., 135. Smith's Hist., p. 18. Prince's Ann., p. 15. Ancient
Dominions, p. 68.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 41
embassy to retire unmolested. Probably he had not room
enough, in his small and crowded ship, for more than five
captives. Immediately he made all sail, directing his course westerly.
There are nowhere on the North-American continent, shores of
more picturesque and sublime beauty than on the coast of Maine.
No description can do justice to the wonderful variety of scenery
presented by islands, craggy promontories, forest-crowned cliffs,
inlets, bays, and coves.
Through these charming views "The Archangel" moved cau
tiously along about twenty-six miles, until the mouth of the
Kennebec, then called the Sagadahock, was reached. It appears
that the Kennebec and the Androscoggin in the days of the
Indians were considered as terminating at what is now called
Merrymeeting Bay. The outlet from that bay to the ocean, now
called the Kennebec, was then called the Sagadahock. The
Androscoggin, from Lewiston Falls to Merrymeeting Bay, was
formerly called the Pejepscot.1
Prince says that Weymouth entered the Sagadahock through
Pemaquid River. This is a small stream but fourteen miles in
length from its source in Pemaquid Pond to its mouth.2 Thus,
by what may be called an inland passage, he reached the solitary
waters of the river which may now be considered the second in
importance in Maine.
" The river," he writes, " as it runneth up into the main very nigh forty
miles, toward the great mountains, beareth in breadth a mile, sometimes
three quarters, and a half at the narrowest. And you shall never have
under four or five fathoms water hard by the shore, and on both sides,
every half mile, very gallant coves."
Soon after entering the river, " The Archangel " cast anchor ;
and the captain took a boat, and, with a crew of seventeen well-
armed men, rowed several miles up the stream. Then, touch
ing the shore, six men were left to guard the boat, while the
remaining eleven, the captain included, set out to explore the
country in the direction of some hills which they had seen from
the ship, but which proved to be at a much greater distance than
had been supposed. They travelled five miles inland, through a
» Williamson's Hist, of Maine, vol. i. pp. 42-46. *New England Chron., p. 15.

42 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
region which seemed to them exceedingly beautiful. The his
torian writes, in the quaint style of ancient days, —
" In our march we passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit
for pasture, having but little wood, and that oak; like stands, left in the
pastures of England, good and great, fit timber for any use.
" And surely it did all resemble a stately park, wherein appear some old
trees with high withered tops, and others flourishing with living green
boughs. Upon the hills grew notable high timber trees, masts for ships of
four hundred tons."
Soon after the boat returned from this exploring expedition
to the ship, an Indian canoe appeared^ rapidly approaching
from one of the numerous inlets on the east. It was propelled
by the paddles of many men, and contained the royal ambassa
dor who had conveyed the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit
the head chief. He had heard of the captain's treachery and
of the captivity of his friends. Eager eyes had watched the
course of the ship. This Indian prince had followed in her
track, that he might, if possible, rescue his kidnapped country
men ; and, if that were impossible, that he might warn other
families, of the fiends who were hovering along their coasts.
Their tears and supplications were all in vain. They were as
powerless as the lamb in the jaws of the wolf. With wailings
they returned to the families of the kidnapped men with the full
conviction that the white man was a demon more to be dreaded
than the most ferocious beast or the most venomous reptile;
and that it was the consequent duty of the Indian to kill the
white man whenever and wherever he could.
The lapse of a century could not efface from the minds of the
Indians a sense of the outrage of which they had been the vic
tims. The story descended from father to son. Desire for ven
geance burned in the Indian's breast. The very name of English
men became hateful. The sight of an Englishman, with his long
and glittering sword and his death-dealing bullet, appalled them.
If Weymouth had intended to render all future friendly inter
course with the Indians impossible, he could not have adopted
measures better adapted to accomplish his ends.1
1 It is due to the memory of Waymouth to state his purpose in capturing
the Indians. It was not to sell them into slavery, or make gain of them,
but to obtain from them a knowledge of their country to be imparted to
those interested in making a settlement there. While en the coast,
Waymouth treated with great kindness all the natives ho encountered.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 43
To add to his infamy, he embarked in a boat, with a well-
armed band, and ascended the river to the mouth of the Andros
coggin. There, with religious ceremonies, he planted the cross,
the affecting emblem of Jesus Christ, — of that religion whose
fundamental principle is that God is our common father, and all
men are brothers. Thus he said to the Indian, "It is in the
name of Jesus Christ that I have kidnapped your friends. It is
Christianity which authorizes these deeds. Some of my coun
trymen will soon appear to teach you to embrace this religion."
Weymouth now made preparations to return to England.
Early in the morning of the 14th of June, just as the dawn was
reddening the horizon over the headland of Arrowsic, he weighed
anchor. The tide, but not the wind, was in his favor. Two
boats ahead towed " The Archangel " down the stream until
noon, when the anchor was again cast. The next day, the wind
favoring, " The Archangel" ran back to her former anchorage.
On Sunday, June 16, 1605, Weymouth, with his captives, spread
his sails for England.
There has been much discussion respecting the precise locality
of these operations. The question will probably never be set
tled to the entire satisfaction of all the curious in antiquarian
research. It is however safe to say, that it is not improbable
that " The Archangel " entered its anchorage from Monhegan
by Pemaquid Point between Liniken's Neck and Fisherman's
Island. Anchor was then cast between this and Squirrel's
Those whom he captured, after recovering from their surprise and alarm,
and perceiving by their kind usage that no harm was intended them,
became contented and tractable, and very willing to impart the informa
tion desired of them. Three of them were put in charge of Sir Ferdi-
naudo Gorges, and the other two were probably assigned to Sir John
Popham. Gorges, who has been well called " the father of English col
onization in New England," so well improved the opportunity thus given
him to acquire a knowledge of the region visited by Waymouth, that he
says the capture of these Indians " must be acknowledged the means under
God of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations." It was the
purpose to return the savages to their homes, and two of them wore dis
patched by Gorges on a ship which was captured by the Spaniards. One of
them was subsequently recovered. Another was sent over in a ship com
manded by Capt. Pring, and a third came over with the Popham colony in
the following year. Thus at least three of the five savages were returned
to their homes, and doubtless did much to promote a better understanding
between the English and the natives. Whether the end justified the means
is a question which casuists must determine. — Elwell.

44 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Island. It was probably on the beach of this latter island, that
the natives first appeared at their camp-fires. The two who
were captured by violence were probably taken from the side
of the cliff of Fisherman's Island. The Pentecost Harbor of
Weymouth was the Townsend or Boothbay Harbor. This is
situated between the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers.1
Weymouth on his homeward voyage, when about one hun
dred miles from land, found the water gradually shoaling.
From one hundred fathoms it dwindled to twenty-four fathoms.
One day he was becalmed. As his vessel rolled upon the
mighty swells of the Atlantic, one of the sailors, Thomas King?
cast out a hook. Almost instantly he drew up a very large fat
codfish. Other hooks were cast out, and the fishes were taken
almost as fast as the lines could be thrown and drawn. Thus
those bauks were discovered, swarming with the treasure of the
deep, which have subsequently proved such a blessing to man
kind. Some time before this, continental fishermen had visited
the coasts of Maine. 1 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 73.
Note. The river which Waymouth ascended, and the exact locality of
Pentecost Harbor, have been matters of much dispute. The theory origi
nally adopted, that the Penobscot was the river ascended, has now been
abandoned by general consent. In 1857, John McKeen, Esq., in a paper
read before the Maine Historical Society, took the ground that the Pente
cost Harbor of Rosier' s narrative was Boothbay Harbor, and that the river
which Weymouth ascended was the Kennebec, from which he passed into
the Androscoggin. R. K. Sewell, Esq., has ably advocated the theory that
Waymouth found his safe anchorage in Fisherman's Island Harbor, and
that he entered the Kennebec through Townsend Gut, Sheepscot Bay and
the Sasanoa River. In 1S58, Capt. George Prince of Bath started the theory
that Pentecost Harbor was probably George's Island Harbor, that the very
high mountains seen by Waymouth were the Camden Hills, and not the White
Mountains, and that the river which he ascended must have been George's,
and not the Penobscot or the Kennebec. This theory at first meeting with
much objection, gradually gained ground, until the publication, in 1887, of
Rev. Dr. Henry S. Burrage's very ably annotated edition of Rosier's Rela
tion. After a very thorough review of the whole question and all the liter
ature relating to it, and a personal view of the route which must have been
taken by Waymouth, as seen from Monhegan and the George's Islands, Dr.
Burrage comes to the conclusion that Pentecost Harbor was undoubtedly
George's Island Harbor, that the high mountains seen were the Camden
Hills, and that the river ascended by Waymouth was the George's. The
arguments presented by Dr. Burrage seem to be conclusive, and this view
of the long-disputed question is probably that which will be generally
adopted by historical students. — Elwell.

CHAPTER III.
THE EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR GEORGE POPHAM.
Fate of Weymouth's Captives— Formation of the Plymouth Company— Disas
trous Expeditions— Organization of Popham's Colony— First Sight of
Land— Visit of the Indians — The Landing at Pemaquid — Suspicions of
the Natives — First Religious Service in Maine — Unavailing' Explorations —
Ascending the Sagadahock — The Colony located — Search for the Penob
scot— Cruise through Casco Bay — Exploring the Androscoggin— Adven
tures with the Indians.
UPON the return of Weymouth to England, the report of
his discoveries excited wide-spread and deep interest. It
was indeed a glowing account which he could give ; for the sun
shines not upon more lovely bays and islands, hills and vales,
than Maine presents when reposing beneath the genial skies of
June and July. No one seemed disposed to question him too
closely respecting his mode of capture of the Indian nobles.
They were all men well-formed, good-looking, and of much
native dignity of demeanor. The interest they excited was
universal ; and it is certain that some of them, if not all, were
very kindly treated.
Three of them were received into the family of Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, immediately upon the arrival of the ship at
Plymouth. Gorges, whose name subsequently obtained much
renown, was governor of that important naval depot. He was
a young man but thirty years of age, and his conduct develops
a very noble and truly Christian character. Sympathizing
deeply in the wrongs the captives had suffered, he did every
thing in his power to convert their calamity into a blessing.
The account which he gives of the character which these untu
tored savages developed, is interesting and valuable. He
writes : — 45

46 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" After I had those people some time in my custody, I observed in them
an inclination to follow the better sort. In all their carriages there were
manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of our common peo
ple. The longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave me of
those parts where they did inhabit, for our uses, especially when I learned
what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors those parts abounded
with. These Indians were all of one nation, but of several families. This
accident must be acknowledged to be the means of God of puttmg on foot •
and giving life to all our plantations. ' ' 1
The names of these captives from the shores of Pemaquid
were Nahanada, Skitwarroes, Assecomet, Tisquantum, and
Dehamida.2 The region which Weymouth had visited became
a subject of all-absorbing interest in England. It was deemed
the fairest clime in the New World, the most desirable spot for
the location of colonies. It was said that nowhere on earth
could be found more sunny skies, a more genial clime, or more
fertile soil. The forests were of unspeakable grandeur, the
water of crystal purity, and it was a luxury to breathe its salu
brious air.
Speedily an association of English gentlemen was formed to
plant colonies in this newly found Eden. The hypocrisy of the
nominal Christian Weymouth, by no means proves that there
might not be other true Christian men, influenced by principles
of heartfelt piety. The religion which Jesus taught undeniably
is, that, to please God, men must try to do every thing that is
right, and to avoid every thing that is wrong. There were
many English gentlemen of the highest worth, who desired to
send the glad tidings of the gospel to these their benighted breth
ren in the wigwam and the forest.
Several of these men associated themselves into a band called
the Plymouth Company. They were intelligent and far-see
ing men, who believed that religion and civilization must go
hand in hand. They would send to the shores of Pemaquid
and the Sagadahock, the farmer, the carpenter, and the school
master, with the Bible, the Christian teacher, and the organized
church. James I. made a grant to this company of all the territory
1 See Drake's Book of the Indians, chap. ii. p. 2.
* Voyage of Weymouth, by John McKeen, Esq., p. 332.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 47
between the thirty-fifth and the forty-fifth degrees of north lati
tude, including all the islands within one hundred miles of the
coast. There was at the same time another company organized,
called the Colony of Virginia.
Both companies were united under the supervision of a
committee of thirteen men residing in England. They were
appointed by the crown, and took the name of the Council of
Virginia. The government of each colony, or its interior
affairs, was conducted by a council of thirteen select men
residing in the colony. These rulers could coin money, import
British goods free of duty, could lay taxes, and expel disorderly
persons or intruders.
Lord Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were prominent
members of the Plymouth Colony. The first effort which was
made to colonize seems to have been very feeble. A large ship
was provided and well supplied, but carrying only thirty-one
men, including the crew. Henry Chalons was the captain.
This was indeed a small number to establish a colony. Two of
Weymouth's captives, Dehamaida and Assecomet, were also
placed on board this ship, to be returned to their native land.
The destination of the expedition was the mouth of the Saga
dahock. The ship sailed from Bristol in the year 1606, prob
ably in the month of May.1
England was then at war with Spain. The ship fell in with
a Spanish fleet, and was captured. The Spaniards were in the
habit of making slaves of the Indians as they could catch them.
The ship, with all its inmates, was carried as a prize to Spain.
The Plymouth Company, uninformed of the disaster which
had befallen their ship, very soon sent out another, under
Thomas Hanham. This ship bore a number of additional
colonists with fresh supplies. It would seem that Hanham,
upon reaching the Sagadahock, and hearing no tidings of Cha
lons, returned to England. "He did nothing more," writes
Williamson, referring to the authority of Prince, " than to new-
vamp and repeat the encouraging accounts of the country, and
thereby enliven and perhaps invigorate the spirit of adventure."
» Strackey, the historian of the voyage, says May. Williamson, giving Prince's
Annals as his authority, says August.

48 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Lord John Popham, the most conspicuous member of the
Plymouth Company, was chief justice of England, a man of
wealth and of the highest rank. The next year, two vessels were
fitted out to make another attempt to plant a colony at the
mouth of the Sagadahock. One of these, called " The Gift of
God," was commanded by George Popham, a brother of Lord
Popham. Raleigh Gilbert, a nephew of Popham, was captain
of the other, which was called " The Mary and John." One
hundred and twenty " planters " were taken out in these ships,
and a large supply of needful tools and provisions. There are
some trivial diversities as to the details which are given of
these operations.
Gorges says that there were three ships in the expedition.
Others say, that, in consequence of some disappointment, two
only were equipped. The vessels sailed from Plymouth, the
31st of May, 1607. Their course was directed to the island of
Monhegan. The voyage was long but propitious. On the
Banks they stopped to fish three hours. In that time they
caught nearly two hundred large codfish, and said that they
could have filled their ships in a very short time.
About noon of the 31st of July they came in sight of
some island on the coast of Maine, where they cast anchor.
About two hours afterward a boat was seen approaching from
the shore, containing eight Indian men and a boy. They were
many leagues distant from Pemaquid. It is not probable that
these Indians had heard of the kidnapping crimes of Wey
mouth. At first they were very unwilling to trust themselves
on board. They rowed around the ships, gazed upon them with
much curiosity, but kept at a safe distance.
After this careful examination, they began to return towards
the land. Soon they stopped, held a short consultation, and
then, turning, slowly paddled back to the ship. Three of them
ventured on board. The other six made for the shore, having
by signs intimated that they would return the next day. The
next day they came back, in another and larger boat, laden
with beaver-skins. Several women were also on board. It
would seem that Popham and Gilbert were very different men
from Weymouth.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 49
We infer from the brief narrative, that the natives were
honorably treated, and the trade fairly conducted. It was a
fraternal traffic. The ship's company was enriched by the
furs ; and the natives retired delighted with they articles they
had received in return.
As the sun of that blessed day was sinking in its serene
glory, the moon rose full and unclouded in the east. The
happy Indians returned to their lowly homes, rejoicing at the
coming of the white men. The voyagers spread their sails, and,
gliding over a moon-illuminated sea, cruised along the shore
towards the south-west. The morning of the 3d of August,
1607, dawned beautifully upon them. They were swept gently
along through enchanting scenery of Islands, bays, and forest-
crowned cliffs, which it would seem that God's hand had
fashioned for the abode of peace and happiness.
The next morning they came to a headland, which they thus
described : " The cape is low land, showing white, like sand.
But yet it is all white rocks ; and a strong tide goeth in there."
It is supposed that this promontory seen in the west was
what is now called Cape Smallpoint, the extreme western
terminus of the town of Phippsburg. This is one of the
boundaries of Sagadahock Bay. The ebb and flow of the tides
are here remarkably strong. They cast anchor under the lee of
an island, a few miles east of the cape, and near Pemaquid.1
It appears from Strackey's narrative, that Skitwarroes, one of
the Indians kidnapped by Weymouth, was on board "The Mary
and John," to be returned to his friends. He was undoubtedly
familiar with all the localities of this region. Capt. Gilbert
manned a boat with fourteen men, and, taking Skitwarroes as a
guide, rowed across the bay, ten or twelve miles, to Pemaquid.
Skitwarroes conducted them to a village of Indian wigwams
containing about a hundred men, women, and children.
It will be remembered that two of Weymouth's captives,
Nahanada and Assecomit, had been placed under the care of
Capt. Chalons, to be restored to their native land. The ship
was taken by the Spaniards, and they were carried to Spain. In
i Ancient Dominions, p. 34.

50 THE II J STORY OF MAINE.
those days there were many private expeditions fitted out to
the American coast for fishing and trading. In some unknown
manner Nahanada had found his way back to his childhood's
home. He was a chief of high rank, and chanced to be at that
time in this little village. It is supposed that this was within
the limits of the present town of Bristol.
As soon as the Indians caught sight of the white men they
were terror-stricken. The women and children shrieked and
ran ; the men seized their arms. The dispersion was like that
caused by the leap of the wolf into the fold. The kidnapping
Weymouth had taught them that the strangers were as much to
be feared as demons from the world of woe. The terrified
Indians did not recognize Skitwarroes in his European garb,
and in the tumult did not distinguish his voice, calling out to
them not to be alarmed.
But Nahanada caught sight of his fellow-captive, and the two
instantly recognized each other. The most impressible white
men could not have manifested more joy than these two Indian
chiefs displayed, in thus unexpectedly meeting again. They
threw themselves into each other's arms, and the fabled stoicism
of the Indian entirely disappeared. The influence of the two
soon restored tranquillity.
Both of these outraged chiefs had received in England the
kindest treatment. They had fallen into the hands of true
Christians, who fed them, clothed them, and instructed them.
Every thing was done which could be done to repair the wrong
which they endured. They had forgotten the crime of Wey
mouth in gratitude for the favors which had been lavished upon
them in London. Thus the title of Englishmen became a pass
port to their hearts.
Two happy hours were passed in the interchange of cordial
greetings, and the reception by the strangers of such hospitali
ties as the Indians could furnish. The boat's crew then returned
to the ship, and all hearts were serene and joyous.
The next day was the sabbath. It was the 9th of August,
1607. It was a memorable day ; for it was probably the first
time since the world's creation that God, as revealed to us in
the person of Jesus Christ his Son, was worshipped upon that

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 51
portion of the globe's surface now called Maine. Gloriously
that sabbath morning's sun rose over the magnificent expanse
of islands, promontories, and bays of a yet unexplored world.
Boats were manned from both of the ships, conveying a party
of fifty men to the shore. They were all well armed. The
point of land to which they directed their boats is supposed to
have been what is now called Parker's Island ; though they soon
after disembarked* on Stage Island, but a short distance to the
east.1 At this point Weymouth had raised one of his crosses.
When the natives saw so formidable an armed force approach
ing, their fears were very naturally again aroused. But two
years had passed since Weymouth, with protestations of friend
ship and the foulest treachery, had torn five of their countrymen
from their homes. Two only had returned. To what fate the
other three had been doomed they knew not.
Nahanada had also learned, during his residence in London,
that nominal Christians might be the greatest villains in the
world. His apprehensions were excited in seeing the boats
approaching the shore, manned with bands so formidable in
numbers and so thoroughly armed. It is intimated that Wey
mouth's crew outraged the wives and daughters of the Indians
most infamously. In this hamlet of one hundred natives, there
might have been twenty men, with bows and arrows only for
their weapons, which were powerless against the bullets of the
white men. The remainder were women, with little boys and
young girls.
Well might the Indians, after the experience they had passed
through, recoil from such an irruption of British sailors into their
wigwams. The boats were steered directly towards the little
village. It appears that either the suspicions of Nahanada were
excited, or that he wished to persuade the strangers to pursue
a course less menacing in its aspect to his friends. He could
speak and understand English perfectly well.
Capts. Popham and Gilbert were both in the. boats. As they
neared the land, Nahanada came down upon the beach, and, hail
ing them, begged them not to come on shore in such strong
i Williamson, vol i p. 198.

52 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
military array, for the natives were greatly alarmed. The two
captains seem to have been very judicious and excellent men.
They were visiting the shore for divine worship. The crews
were weary of the long voyage. The land, with its green
mounds and cool springs and shady groves, seemed like an Eden
in their view, as it was illumined with all the splendors of the
early autumnal sun. It would have been a great and cruel
disappointment to them to have been forbidden to land.
The boatmen rested upon their oars, and an hour was spent
in negotiations. Then it was agreed that the crew might land,
but all the Indians prudently withdrew into the forest. Even
Skitwarroes went with them. He might have feared that the
sailors would be guilty of outrages which their captains could
not restrain. Or it might have been his object to assure his
friends that their alarm was groundless, and that these white
men could be safely trusted. It would seem that Capt. Pop
ham's suspicions were now aroused. He knew not how numer
ous the Indians might be in that vicinity. The distrust
shown by the natives, and their entire withdrawal, led him to
fear that they might have gone for re-enforcements, and that a
band of hundreds of warriors might come rushing upon him.
He, however, ventured to land. Religious services were held
beneath the cross which Weymouth had reared. Rev. Richard
Seymour, the chaplain, preached the sermon. Thus it was an
Episcopal clergyman from the shores of England, who first
preached the gospel of the Son of God upon the shores of Maine.
It was an occasion to have raised a man's soul. Deep must
have been the emotions excited, as the melody of their hymns
blended with the soft voice of the wavelets rippling upon the
beach, and the pensive whisperings of the breeze through the
fibrous-leaved pines.
After this service Popham re-embarked his crews, and rowed
to the other side of the water, where he encamped. Sewall
thinks that this was probably the Boothbay shore, near Hodg-
don's Mills.1 But it is impossible to extricate the details which
are given, from some entanglement. This might have been a
1 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. lOi

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 53
prudential movement to guard against attack. It is, however,
more probable that it was intended to relieve the natives from
their painful apprehensions. Popham might have made the
compromise with Nahanada, that he would land his crew for
religious service only, beneath the cross of Weymouth, and that
then they would retire.
The whole of the 10th and 11th was spent at this encamp
ment, while a party explored the Damariscotta River in search
of a suitable location for the establishment of their colony. In
the evening of the 11th, the boats returned to the ships, which
were still riding at anchor under what they called St. George's
Island. The morning of the 12th, the ships weighed anchor, and set
sail to enter the mouth of the Sagadahock. The next morning
found them south of Seguin, at the distance of but three miles.
There was a dead calm, and they could move in no direction.
At midnight a fierce storm arose. " Off Seguin " is notoriously
a rough point. The gale was blowing directly upon the shore.
In the darkness of the night, amidst the roaring of the tempest
and the dashing of the waves, they were in imminent peril of
shipwreck. There was no anchorage there, and no harbor into
which they could run. During the hours of this tempestuous
night they stood off and on, momentarily fearing that they
might be driven upon the rocks. The morning of the 14th
dawned luridly upon a storm-tossed sea. With its earliest rays
they looked for some spot where they could thrust in the ships
to save their lives.
Putting up the helm, they stood in for the shore, where they
soon saw two small islands. Under the shelter of one of them,
perhaps at George's Island Harbor, they found -good anchorage.
The St. George's Islands consisted of a group of about twenty,
many of them mere rocks. The storm ere long ceased, and the
wind came in fair. A party took a boat, and cruised around
among these islands. All were very rocky, and on most of.
them there was a dense growth of hemlock, spruce, firs, and
pines. Upon one they found four natives, one of them being a
woman. The next morning, the 15th, though the wind was rather

54 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
unfavorable, " The Gift " worked its way into the mouth of the
Sagadahock. A calm ensued. Capt. Popham sent his boats,
and, aided by the tide, towed in " The Mary and John," and
anchored her by the side of " The Gift." This occupied the
day. The autumnal sun rose bright and clear the next morning,
the 16th. Capt. Popham took thirty men in his pinnace, and
Capt. Gilbert eighteen in his long-boat, and commenced row
ing up the stream, between the banks of the silent, solitary,
beautiful Sagadahock. They ascended the deep and " gallant "
river, as they termed it, far into the interior. They passed
many goodly islands and branches of inlets and mouths of
streams or bays opening into the river. In the evening the
boats returned, having found no place for the establishment of
the colony which they deemed more favorable than the one
before them.
Accordingly the next morning, the 18th of August, 1607, all
went on shore to select a spot for their plantation, and to com
mence their works. The point chosen seems to have been near
the mouth of Sagadahock, at the south-western extremity of the
peninsula called Phipsburg. Williamson says —
" The Indians called this promontory Sabino, from the chief whose
authority was recognized there. They selected a pleasant and convenient
site on the south-east side of a creek, near what is now called Atkins Bay;
which stretches west into the land half a league, and forms a peninsula at
the southerly corner of the present town of Phipsburg. ' ' 1
The critical reader will perceive that the date of the landing
here given differs from the dates in some other histories. The
cause of this discrepancy probably is, that the landing at the dif
ferent points, to which we have already alluded, has been con
founded with this final landing. The recently, discovered man-
1 Coolidge and Mansfield say, in their valuable History of New England, that
some suppose that the landing was made at Parker's Island, others at Arrowsic,
and others at Georgetown, but that the recent discovery of the MS. of William
Strackey leaves scarcely room for doubt that they landed on the Phipsburg
Peninsula. The narrative given in the text is doubtless the correct one. There were sev
eral landings, and the final one was on the peninsula.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 55
uscript of William Strackey seems to render it almost certain
that the chronology here given is correct.1
The settlement took the name of the Sagadahock Colony.
The inauguration of the colony was solemnized by religious ser
vices. Rev. Richard Seymour, of whom we have before spoken,
preached on the occasion. The promontory contained one or
two hundred acres. The Plymouth Company had given sealed
directions containing the general laws they wished to have
established, and a list of the rulers they had appointed to exe
cute them. This colony was organized under the influence of
the British nobility. They were fully satisfied with the mon
archy of their native land. The idea of establishing a repub
lican government they had not even remotely cherished. The
company represented the crown; and all the laws were enacted,
and the officers selected, by the company. Capt. George Pop
ham was appointed governor ; and seven men were designated
as his assistants, with the several titles of admiral, master of
ordnance, commander of the militia, marshal, commander of the
fort, secretary of the colony, and searcher.
While thus laying the foundations of their little settlement
far away in the solitudes of a world as yet but little known
and slightly explored, three canoes full of natives were seen on
the distant waters. Cautiously the Indians gazed upon the
strange spectacle thus opening before them, but they did not
venture to draw nigh. They soon vigorously plied their pad
dles, and were lost to sight beyond the reaches of the river.
All hands were now summoned to work. They commenced
operations about the same time upon a fort, a large storehouse,
several log-cabins, and a small vessel to cruise along the coast,
and explore the rivers. The name of " Virginia " was given to
this first vessel built upon the shores of Maine. Her size was
thirty tons. The governor was invested with almost absolute
power, and he superintended all the works. They called the
fort St. George. The settlement also was frequently called by
the same name.
i Messrs. Coolidge and Mansfield date the landing on the 8th ; Williamson
places it on the 11th ; Vanrtiy, in liis pleasant History of Maine for young people,
places it on the 29th. But to my mind the evidence is conclusive that the land
ing was on the 18th, as given by Sewall in his very accurate " Ancient Domin
ions of Maine."

56 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
On the 28th of the month Capt. Gilbert took a boat's
crew, and set out on a voyage of discovery towards the west.
He sailed through Casco Bay, admiring, as well he might, its
cluster of beautiful islands, and anchored his shallop at night
under a headland which the Indians called Semiamis, but
which is now known as Cape Elizabeth. He inferred that the
land must be very fertile, from the gigantic growth of trees
which sprung from the soil.
During the day several native canoes were seen; but the
Indians carefully avoided approaching the shallop. They had
doubtless heard of the treachery of Weymouth, and regarded
the white man as a fiend, to be avoided and resisted at every
hazard. After an uneventful cruise of three days, the shallop
returned to Fort George, again traversing the beautiful Bay of
Casco, and sailing by " many goodly and gallant islands."
Had it not been for the crime of Weymouth, any number of
Indians might have been hired to work upon the fort, to draw
timber from the forest, and to aid with spade and hoe in break
ing up the ground for seed. A hatchet or a knife would repay
an Indian amply for many days' labor. The French in Canada
treated the Indians as brothers ; and they found no difficulty in
securing their services to bear burdens, and to toil in the field
and the ship-yard. But Weymouth's crime so appalled the
Indians of Maine, that not one was willing to lift his hand to aid
the white men. No smiles, no kind words, no hospitality, could
efface the impression which the kidnapper had cut deep into
their hearts.
About noon of the 30th of August nine canoes, filled with
forty Indians, were seen approaching the fort from Pemaquid,
which was distant but a few leagues on the east. Several of
these natives were women and children. Without any hesi
tancy, they paddled to the beach, and all landed. The mystery
of this apparent boldness was soon explained. The little fleet
was led by the Pemaquid chief Nahanada. He had also with
him Skitwarroes, and another subordinate chief, Sasanoa.
Gov. Popham received them with the greatest hospitality,
and did every thing in his power to dispel their suspicions.
The Indians remained for three hours ; but nothing could in-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 57
duce them to leave themselves in the power of such dangerous
visitors through the night. As the sun was sinking behind the
pine-crowned islands of Casco Bay, they nearly all entered
their canoes, and paddled across the water to the eastern
bank of the Sagadahock. Here they reared their frail shelters,
built their fires, and encamped.
Skitwarroes, and one or two other Indians, remained in the
fort. Capt. Gilbert, to show the Indians that he reposed con
fidence in them, and perhaps emboldened by the conviction that
there were two or three Indians in the fort, who would be held
as hostages for his safe return, took a boat, and with two others
of the governor's council, Robert Davis, commander of the
militia, and Ellis Bert, marshal, rowed across the river, and
passed the night in the native encampment.
It was, however, very evident that the cautious Indians did
not deem it safe to enter into any very intimate relations of
friendship with the Englishmen. Early the next morning they
all took to their canoes, and returned to Pemaquid.
A week of energetic labor upon fort and dwellings passed
away; and on the 8th of September Capt. Gilbert again took
the shallop, and, with twenty-two men, set out on another
exploring tour, toward the east in search of the Penobscot River.
It would seem, so far as we can judge at this distance of time,
that the affairs of this colony were conducted with a great want
of wisdom. The location was on a sandbank, bleak and bar
ren, with no surrounding region of fertility. The experience of
one winter led them to report, that " the country is intolerably
cold and sterile, unhealthy, and not habitable by our English
nation."1 It is difficult to imagine what object they could have
had in sending off these exploring expeditions, when, having
selected the location of their colony, they needed the energies
of every man in rearing their buildings, cutting and housing
wood for the winter, and in breaking the hard soil in preparation
for putting in seed in the spring.
The explorers in the shallop were retarded by calms and
head winds, and did not reach Pemaquid until early in the
i Prince's Annals, p. 35.

58 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
morning of the 11th of September. They found the Indian
village entirely deserted, and nothing remained but silence and
solitude. It is probable that the natives who had visited Fort
George were alarmed by the fortifications which were rising
there, so massive in their eyes, and by the other indications
of a strong and permanent settlement. They deemed it safe to
retire back into the country, that they might be at a greater
remove from neighbors whom they deemed so dangerous.
For several days the voyagers cruised along, exploring many
bays and inlets of this wonderfully indented coast, but search
ing in vain for the mouth of the Penobscot. They did not
return from their fruitless expedition until about the 20th.
On the 23d Capt. Gilbert again embarked in the shallop, tak
ing with him nineteen men to ascend the Sagadahock to Merry-
meeting Bay, and thence to explore the Kennebec to its
navigable source.
The party reached the bay on the 24th, and turning to the left,
instead of the right, entered the Androscoggin River, instead of
the Kennebec. Early the next morning they reached the falls
at Brunswick. Their description of the country, and of the
low flat island about a quarter of a mile below the falls, can
not be mistaken. The falls then consisted mainly of a series
of rapids, through which, by aid of a strong rope, they with
difficulty drew their boat. Rowing up the river about three
miles beyond these rapids, they landed, and camped for the
night. As they were constructing their camp, and kindling their fire,
they heard the shouts of Indians on the opposite bank of the
river. The Englishmen responded; but the shouts on both
sides were alike unintelligible. The next morning a canoe
crossed the river, bearing an Indian chief by the name of
Sebenoa, and four natives. The chief was a friendly, cour
teous man, but deemed it necessary to guard against treachery.
He would not land, and thus place himself in the power of the
strangers, until they placed one of their men in his canoe as a
hostage. The report which is given of the subsequent conduct of the
Indians, if we credit it precisely as given, is utterly incompre-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 59
hensible. It would seem that there must have been some great
misunderstanding on the part of the English in their interpreta
tion of facts which are unquestionable. If the report of the
historian is to be accepted as accurate in all its bearings, it
would prove that the Indians behaved like idiots, — a character
which they never developed before.
As soon as the hostage was received into the canoe, and
Sebenoa the chief, had by invitation taken a seat in the shallop,
where, it will be remembered, he was surrounded by nineteen
white men, the four Indians began to paddle very rapidly up the
river. The annalist assumes that they treacherously were mak
ing an effort to run away with the hostage as their captive.
The supposition is absurd. The Indians surely would not
surrender their chief in exchange for a common man. The
chief himself would not consent to so silly a sacrifice. Neither
could four men hope to escape from the pursuit of nineteen,
whose guns could throw the death-dealing bullet so great a
distance. The tidings of the power of the white man's musket
had spread far and wide among the tribes.
Unquestionably the chief had invited the white men to visit
his encampment. As they could converse only by signs, his
invitation had not been understood by Capt. Gilbert. But the
Indians supposed that it was understood and accepted. Imme
diately upon the friendly exchange having been made, the white
man being in the canoe, and the chief in the shallop, the In
dians commenced paddling up the river toward their village.
The birch canoe, light as a bubble, was driven with great rapid
ity over the waters. It was with difficulty that the heavily
laden shallop could keep up with it.
We are informed that great care was taken that the hostage
chief should not leap overboard ; but there is no intimation that
he made any such senseless attempt. What could one poor
man do, struggling in the water, with nineteen men at hand to
brain him with their oars ? Escape under those circumstances
was impossible.
Apparently Sebenoa sat in the shallop with tranquil mind,
entirely unconscious of the alarm which his hospitable invita
tion had given. The canoe led the way. A few rods behind*

¦60 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
came the shallop. Having ascended the river about three
miles, the canoe landed. The four Indians, with their one
white companion, entered a trail which led back to their village.
Capt. Gilbert hurriedly ran his boat upon the shore. Leav
ing nine men to guard the shallop, he took the other nine with
him, and followed rapidly along the trail to rescue the man
whom he supposed the Indians had kidnapped. Sebanoa min
gled with them, giving no sign that he suspected that he was
watched, or that he was thought to be practising treachery.
The well-trodden, narrow path led picturesquely around the
forest-crowned hills of the Androscoggin, for a distance of
about a league. Here they came upon the little hamlet of the
chief. The white hostage was there unharmed. The whole
village was, of course, thrown into great commotion by so sin
gular an event. The historian writes : —
" Here we found near fifty able men, very strong and tall : such as their
like before we had not seen. All were newly painted, and armed with bows
arrows." As there were fifty warriors, the village must have contained
about two hundred and fifty inhabitants. They could not have
been armed in anticipation of this visit ; for they had no more
reason to expect it, than they had to think that angels would
•descend among them from heaven. They had made no collec
tion of furs for trade ; for the idea of such a chance for trade
had not entered their minds.
But here were nine men, three miles from their boat, surrounded
by fifty well-armed and very po werf ul warriors. If treachery had
been intended, nothing could have been more easy than to cut
them off. They had no longer any hostage ; for Sebenoa was in
his own home, and at the head of his band. There were many
opportunities for lying in ambush among the rocks and forest-
trees and thickets which fringed the narrow trail. Thus every
white man could have been pierced with arrows, with scarcely
the opportunity to make any resistance. And yet not one of
these " very strong, tall savages " gave the slightest indication
of hostility. There was not a frown seen, not a menacing word
h >ard, not an arrow was placed upon the bowstring.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 61
On the contrary, the reception was hospitable in all respects.
We are told that " peaceful overtures prevailed, and proposals
for trade were made." After a brief visit, the whole party
returned to the boat. Not the slightest attempt was discovered
to molest the strangers, as in single file they threaded the narrow
pass, where the Indians, outnumbering them five to one, could
so easily in ambush, with one volley of their arrows, have struck
every man down.
A few moments after reaching the shallop, sixteen of the
natives appeared, apparently lured by curiosity to see them off.
We are simply informed that they were " natives ; " and it is rea
sonable to infer that they were men, women, and children.
It is very certain, that, if there had been any hostile intent,
fifty warriors would never have deputed sixteen of their num
ber to attack a band of nine white men, while the remainder
lounged indolently in their wigwams within half an hour's
distance of the scene of conflict.
The treachery of the white man had become proverbial.
The crime of Weymouth had infused suspicion into the mind
of every Indian. Fire-arms had then been but recently in
vented. The musket- which the white man bore was the an
cient matchlock. It was a clumsy weapon, and rested upon a
support. It could only be discharged by applying a match or
torch to the touchhole. Just as the boat was leaving the shore
where the camp-fire was burning, one of the men lighted a
torch to fire the guns.
An Indian standing by, undoubtedly feared that it was the
intention of the boatmen, as soon as they were at a little dis
tance from the shore, to fire upon the group left behind. The
lighting of the match, under those circumstances, was a men
ace, a hostile act. What other possible motive could there be
for thus making ready to fire their guns ? Upon the impulse
of the moment, he sprang towards the shallop, seized the
lighted match, and thew it into the water. The crew instantly
grasped their guns ; and a man, at the command of Gilbert,
leaped on shore to get more fire. Thus suddenly did a war
tempest seem to burst upon the band. The terrified Indians,
now convinced that hostilities were threatened, seized the rope

€2 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of the boat, and tried to prevent its putting off. But as the
men presented their muskets, ready to apply the glowing torch,
they dropped the rope, and the whole company fled precipitately
into the forest. As they fled, not a single arrow was thrown
back. This was indeed an untoward termination of Gilbert's visit
to Sebenoa. The shallop immediately withdrew to the opposite
side of the river. In this misadventure the natives certainly
appear to great advantage. It is recorded, —
" A canoe followed to excuse the hostile bearing of the natives. Gilbert
kindly entertained the messages of peace, but made the best of his way
back to the settlement and the fort. "
These events took place on the 26th of September, 1607.
Capt. Gilbert expresses his admiration of the magnificent
spruce-trees he passed on the way, suitable " to mast the great
est ship his majesty hath." Clusters of ripe grapes hung upon
the vines which festooned the trees, and the waters seemed to
abound in fishes of great variety. The next day, in a dismal
storm of rain and fog, the shallop returned to Fort George.

CHAPTER IV.
THE. FAILURE OF POPHAM'S COLONY, AND ITS ATTENDANT
RESULTS.
Indian Etiquette — Virtues of the Indians — Scenes in the Colony — Popham's
Death — Ruin inthe Colony — Atrocious Cruelty — Revenge of the Indians —
The Explosion — Fears of the Indians— The Colony Abandoned — Private
Adventures — Infamy of Poutrincourt — The Scenery of Mount Desert — Mon-
heganinits Glory — Harlow the Kidnapper — Valor of the Indians — Fate of
the French Colonies — Adventures ofEpenow — His Escape — The Battle on
Martha's Vineyard.
A WEEK passed away. On the 3d of October, Skitwarroes
came to the fort in a canoe, with two or three other
Indians. The native princes seem to have had their rules of
courtly etiquette, quite as distinctly defined as those which pre
vail at Windsor Castle or Versailles. It would seem that there
were, in that region, several tribes under one head chief, who
was recognized as supreme, and was called Bashaba.
Skitwarroes and his companions had come as envoys from the
Bashaba, to inform Gov. Popham that their sovereign had
sent his brother (Williamson says his son) as an ambassador to
visit the chieftain of the white men, and that he was on the
other side of the river, awaiting the white chieftain's pleasure.
The envoy was immediately invited over, and was received with
the distinction due to one of his rank. He spent the sabbath
at the fort, and with his retinue attended public worship, both
morning and evening. It is recorded that they all conducted
reverentially, and with much decorum.
The object of this mission was to establish friendly relations
with the new-comers, and to open a trade which might be
exceedingly beneficial to both parties. It would seem that
Nahanada and Skitwarroes had made such representations to
S3

64 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the Bashaba, that he generously overlooked the infamous con
duct of Weymouth, and presented the hand of reconciliation
and friendship to these new-comers. Every historian has ad
mitted that the conduct of the Indians in this respect was very
noble. There is no authentic record, thus far, of any act of
treachery, violence, or deceit on their part. The Indian wars,
which eventually ensued, were the undeniable result of outrages
inflicted by individual white men, who were beyond the re
straints of law, and who, in utter godlessness, had no more
regard to future retribution than had the wolves and the bears.
The Indians were honest in their dealings, and manifested
much gratitude for any favor conferred upon them.
On one occasion a straw hat and a knife were given to an
Indian, by the name of Ameriguin, as a present. He immedi
ately, in return, presented the giver with a rich beaver mantle,
which was then worth from ten to fifteen dollars in London.
The works in the settlement were driven so vigorously, and
the style of architecture was so simple, that by the 6th of
October, only seven weeks from the time of landing, the fort
was completed, intrenched, and twelve cannon were mounted.
The storehouse was also finished, and fifty log-cabins were
reared. With such imposing ceremonies as the occasion could
furnish, the town was named St. George.1
Winter came early, and with unusual severity. Storms of
sleet and snow swept the bleak expanse which had been so
unwisely selected for their home. Discontent arose, and, with
the discontent, quarrels among the colonists. Many cursed the
day in which they left their cottages in England, for abodes so
chill and drear and comfortless. They had made no suitable
preparation for winter. They had only green wood to burn.
Their cabins were frail, and filled with smoke.
It was a miserable winter to all. With wise foresight, and a
Christian spirit, the months of snow and wind and rain might
have passed even agreeably away. Their cabins might have
been warm and cheerful. Wood was abundant. They could
have laid in ample stores, and quite well seasoned. An abun
dant supply of furs could have been obtained of the Indians for
1 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 268.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 65
clothing and bedding, and couches around the brightly blazing
fireside. The Indians wished to be friendly. They would
gladly have brought in stores of corn and fish and game, had
they been kindly treated. But sin reigned in the camp ; and
where there is sin there must be sorrow.
Gov. Popham died. It was, perhaps, fortunate for him.
His heart would have broken, could he have lived to witness the
ruin of his colony. As the world was receding from his view,
and the sublimities of eternity opening before him, he said,
cheered by the hope that he had planted a colony which would
last while time endures, —
" I die content. My name will be always associated with the first
planting of the English race in the New World. My remains will not be
neglected away from the home of my fathers and my kindred."
His expectations were not realized. His colony perished.
No friendly hand conveyed his remains to England, that they
might repose amidst the graves of his fathers. No monument
has ever been reared to his memory. We now search in vain
for the spot, amidst the sands of the ocean shore, where his
body awaits that judgment trump at whose peal the dead shall
rise. The wail of the tempest, and the dash of the surge, have
been for two hundred years his mournful requiem.
There was no one left in the colony capable of filling the
place of Popham. His death was followed by that of three
other of the most prominent men. Comparative anarchy
reigned. The Indians were grossly and wantonly maltreated.
They have not been able to tell their own story ; but the
records of the white man's historians testify fully to this fact.
The colonists seem to have been selected, or accepted, without
any reference to moral character. In those days, there prob
ably could not have been found on earth a more fiendlike set
of men than the average crew of a British man-of-war. Ap
parently many of the colonists were reckless seamen, picked
up from the wharves of the seaports of England. One of their
outrages would seem incredible ; but we know not that the story
has ever been contradicted.
It is said that a large number of natives landed on one occa-
6

66 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
sion, at the little settlement, with a few furs and skins for sale.
They wandered peacefully around, gazing with much interest
upon the new objects which everywhere met their eyes. They
were new-comers from the interior, and every thing was strange
to them. Some of the men thought they would amuse them
selves in seeing how the Indians would be astonished and terri
fied at the report of one of their cannons. They loaded one of
the largest almost to the muzzle, but with powder only. They
attached two drag-ropes to the heavy gun, and requested the
Indians, as a favor, to help them draw the ponderous weapon
from one part of the grounds to another.
Joyously, with shouts and merriment, the obliging natives
manned the two ropes, in lines directly before the muzzle of
the gun. As they were rushing it along, one of these colonists
applied the match to the touch-hole. A terrible explosion,
with lightning flash and thunder peal, took place. Several of
the natives were killed outright ; others were horribly burned
and mangled.
The survivors returned to their homes, scattering in all di
rections the story of the horrible outrage. This was a fitting
sequel to the kidnapping crimes of Weymouth. It is not
strange that the heathen Indians should have thought that the
Christian white men were fiends. Universal indignation was
excited. The Indians met in large numbers, resolved to exter
minate the colonists who had thus brought blood and misery
and death to their lowly homes. They made an attack — the
"treacherous Indians," as they were called — upon the settle
ment. They captured the storehouse which contained all the
merchandise and provisions of the colony.
They drove the garrison, which was greatly diminished by
sickness and death, out of the fort. One man was killed ; the
others took refuge in a sort of citadel at some distance from the
magazine. As the ignorant Indians were rioting through the
captured fort, they knocked open some barrels containing some
kind of grain, of small, dark kernels, such as they had never
seen before. It was not corn ; it was not wild wheat, nor rye.
It was powder. The grains were scattered over the floor. Ac
cidentally they were ignited. A -terrific explosion -of the whole

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 61
magazine ensued. It was a phenomenon of thunder roar, and
of volcanic ruin, which would have appalled any community.
Timbers, cannons, merchandise, and the mangled bodies of the
Indians, were blown high into the air, but to fall back into a
crater of devouring flame.
The ignorant, superstitious Indians were appalled beyond
all conception by this carnage-. Had fiends come to the aid of
their brethren the white men ? Was the Great Spirit angry
with the* Indians for their attack upon the colony ? and had he,
in consequence, sent this terrible punishment upon them ? They
were bewildered, terrified.
They had not been struck down by bullet or arrow or club.
It was a supernatural, miraculous power, which had assailed
them. They had conquered the white man ; and then this new-
invisible, resistless ally had overwhelmed them with destruction.
They could not contend against thunderbolts, and upheaving
earthquakes, and bursting flames. It mattered not to them,
whether these tremendous energies were wielded by bad spirits
or good : their only safety was in immediate flight. They took
to their canoes, and paddled swiftly from the settlement, with
no disposition to approach it again.
Such is the story which has descended to us. It may not be
true in all its details. It unquestionably is true in its essential
features. We have found no historian who discredits it. " It
is certain," Williamson says, " that it was believed to be true
by the ancient and well-informed inhabitants on Sagadahock
River."1 The colonists, who had thus sown the wind, were now, in
the righteous judgment of God, reaping the whirlwind. There
were, doubtless, good men among them, men of philanthropy
and piety, who mourned and wept over these calamities. But
sin is a far more potent agent of action than holiness. A few
drops of poison will destroy the most vigorous frame. The life
which God's love has gradually developed through the long
years of infancy, childhood, and youth, to mature manhood, the
dagger of the assassin may destroy in an instant. The city
which the industry of a century has reared, the torch of the
incendiary may lay in ashes in a few hours.
» See Supplement to King Philip's War, 1675, p. 75.

68 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
There may have been even a majority of the colonists good
men. But, were one-third of their number thoroughly bad, they
could have thwarted all the measures of the good. They could
cheat the Indians, rob them, shoot them, insult their wives and
daughters, and thus inflict an amount of injury which all the
efforts of the true Christians could not repair. One kidnapping
Weymouth can arouse an hostility which many honest voyagers
may vainly endeavor to appease.
The colonists were now freezing, starving, and quarrelling
among themselves. In those dreary log-cabins there was no
happiness. Frowns were upon every brow, murmurs upon all
lips, gloom in every heart. It is to be inferred from the brief
narrative we have, that the two, vessels which had conveyed the
colonists to the Sagadahock had returned to England. These
ships could have carried back only the tidings of the successful
landing of the colony. The Plymouth Company promptly fitted
out another ship, with supplies. Early in the spring this ship
cast anchor before the already dilapidated, impoverished, decay
ing town of St. George. The colonists, instead of landing the
supplies, rushed on board the ship, determined with one accord
to return to England.
The Indians, bitterly hostile, could not be induced to venture
into their settlement with any provisions. It was only at the
imminent peril of their lives that the English could leave their
rampart of logs, to penetrate the interior on foraging expedi
tions. Their storehouse was burned. They had no articles
left for traffic. Whatever they obtained they would be com
pelled to grasp with robber hands.
Thus influenced, they all abandoned the colony. Their
return to England excited the surprise and the deep regret of
the Plymouth Company. They carried back the most deplora
ble report of the character of the country, its climate, its soil,
and especially of its inhabitants. "The. native Indians," they
said, " are the outcasts of creation. They have no religion, but
are merely diabolical. They are the very ruins of mankind;
the most sordid and contemptible part of the human species."
On tha .other .hand, the French, who, not many years after,
established a settlement among the Indians of the upper Ken-^

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 69
nebec, and who lived with them not only on terms of peace,
but of strong personal friendship, wrote of them, —
" The Indians are docile and friendly, accessible to the precepts of
religion, strong in their attachment to their friends, and submissive to the
rites and ceremonies of the Catholic faith." "¦
The disastrous issue of this attempt to establish a settlement
in Maine checked the spirit of colonization for several years.
There were still many private expeditions to these waters for
the benefits of the fishery, and to purchase furs of the natives
along the coast. Lord Popham, the most prominent member
of the Plymouth Company, died ; but his son, Sir Francis
Popham, for several years sent a ship annually to the coast
of Maine, for fishing and traffic. He, however, was not suc
cessful, and at length abandoned such operations. But it is
confidently asserted that other adventurers were frequently
visiting the coast, though no record was made of these private
voyages.2 The French were in Canada prosecuting a very successful fur-
trade with the Indians. There was a strange sort of telegraphy
by which the Indians conveyed tidings of important events to
the remotest tribes. Unquestionably the Indians of Massachu
setts had heard accounts of the conduct of the English in
Maine. A Frenchman, by the name of Poutrincourt, was in command
of the French trading post and mission at Port Royal, now
Annapolis, Nova Scotia. It must be remembered that at that
time there were no distinct territorial lines drawn. The whole
of this region was called Acadia. Poutrincourt seems to have
been a very reckless, passionate man, with but little regard for
Christian principle. He quarrelled with his clergy, and said
fiercely to them, " It is my part to rule you while on earth, and
it is your part to guide me to heaven."
The clergy had a difficult part, in this respect, to perform, if
all reports are true respecting the conduct' and character of
Poutrincourt. He went on an exploring and trading tour, along
* i History of Norridgewock, by William Allen, p. 12.
a Hubbard's New England, p. 37; Prince's Annals, p. 25.

70 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the coasts of what are now Maine and Massachusetts, as fai
south as Cape Cod. There he fell into an altercation and a
fight with the natives. We know not who was the aggressor,
or what was the cause of the conflict. Poutrincourt does not
inform us, and the Indians had no one to tell their story. Two
of the Frenchmen were killed, and others wounded. What
slaughter was inflicted upon the Indians we know not. Pou
trincourt continued his cruise several leagues farther, until he
cast anchor where the natives had not heard of his battle with
the Indians. Five of these innocent, unoffending men came
confidingly on board his vessel, and offered some furs for sale.
He seized them, and put them all to death, probably hanging
them at the yard-arm. This was his retaliation. There is
implanted in the bosom of most men a sense of justice, which
leads them, in view of such crimes, to find some degree of com
fort in the thought, that there is a day of judgment to come,
and that the wicked shall not go unpunished. It is recorded
that this circumstance led Poutrincourt to form a very unfavor
able opinion of the disposition of the Indians.
After such an occurrence it is not strange, that when, a few
years later, our Pilgrim Fathers landed upon Cape Cod, they
should have been attacked by the natives.1 It is thus that one
bad man can inflict an amount of injury which many good men
cannot repair. Poutrincourt returned to Port Royal, where he
and his companions lived in such revelry, probably outraging
the Indians in various ways, that the clergy, who were sincerely
devoted to the welfare of the natives, refused to remain in the
settlement. Biencourt, the son of Poutrincourt, was even worse
than his father. Ruling in the place of his father, who had
gone to England, his conduct was infamous. Annoyed by the
rebukes and remonstrances of the missionaries, he threatened
them with corporal punishment. They abandoned Port Royal,
and removed to Mount Desert, where they were received by the
natives as friends and brothers. The names of these two good
men, Messrs. Biard'and Masse, deserve to be perpetuated.2
Mount Desert is the largest, and certainly the most beautiful
1 See narrative of the first encounter in the Life of Miles Standish!
" Baird's Relation, L'Escarbot's Histoire, Charlevoix's Histoire.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 71
island on the coast of Maine. It has, indeed, but few rivals on
this globe. The island is fifteen miles long, and seven miles in
average breadth, containing sixty thousand acres. The scenery
is surpassingly beautiful. The towering mountains of the
interior raise their forest-crowned brows so high, that they can
be discerned at the distance of sixty miles at sea. Separated
from the main land but by narrow serpentine creeks, which
were sheltered from winds and waves, and were abounding with
fin and shell fish, it had been, for centuries which no man can
count, a favorite resort for the Indians.
The sublimity and loveliness of the scenery pleased the eye
of the natives. Here they reared their comfortable cabins, and
lined them with furs. Wood was abundant for their wintei
fires. There was a great amount of game in the mountains,
consisting of bears, raccoons, foxes, rabbits, and fowls of various
kinds. The marshes and meadows were stocked with beaver,
otter, and musquash. The sunny valleys, walled in by moun
tains and forests, were rich in verdure, and blooming with
flowers. They often waved with harvests of golden corn. Over
the placid waters of numerous creeks and inlets and bays, the
buoyant canoe of the native could glide in perfect safety.
There were many lakelets open to the sea, to which the ale-
wives in the spring resorted in enormous numbers, to deposit
their spawn. It has been well said, —
"Mount Desert is remarkable for its size, its singular topography, its bold
and wild scenery, and still more for its wilder and stranger history. Who
ever visits it, if he is familiar with its earliest records and legends, will, as
he sits upon some bold pinnacle of its mountains, and glances over its sea-
cradled islands, its sun-burnished creeks, its mountain lakes, and its Alp
like ravines, almost expect to see the savage emerge from some glen, or to
see, lying at anchor, the rude shallop of two hundred years ago ; or, stranger
still, to behold some wanderer from England, France, or Spain, in the habil
iments of his time, with steeple hat, peaked beard, slashed doublet, and
sword by his side, climbing the sea wall thrown up by the ocean, to seek his
rude cabin on the shore. " x
There is a large cluster of islands here, separated but by
narrow channels, the intricacy of whose waters it would be
i History of New England, by Coolidge and Mansfield.

72 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
difficult to describe. These islands, Great Cranberry, Little
Cranberry, Lancaster, and Duck, contain from fifty to six hun
dred acres each. Several families now reside upon them. Be
tween Great Cranberry and Lancaster Islands there is a fine
harbor called The Pool, which affords excellent anchorage.
Here, it is supposed, Messrs. Biard and Masse" located themselves
in the year 1609. The ruins of an old settlement at this place
are still visible.1 In the solitudes of this profound wilderness,
those self-denying men reared their lowly huts, cultivated their
little garden, and, uncheered by the presence of wife or child,
living upon Indian fare, and conforming to Indian customs,
labored with untiring zeal for five years, to instruct the Indians,
and to lead them to the Lamb of God which taketh away the
sins of the world. These men were Christians. It matters not
to what denomination they belonged. " By their fruits shall
ye know them."
The disastrous result of Popham's colony seemed, for a time,
almost entirely to extinguish the desire to form settlements in
this part of the New World. But Sir Ferdinando Gorges soon
recovered from the blow. Probably his investigations convinced
him that the failure was entirely owing to the folly of the
colonists, and that Maine was a goodly land, yet destined to be
the abode of wealth and culture. He wrote, —
" As to the coldness of the climate, I have had too much experience in
the world, to be frightened with such a blast. Many great kingdoms and
large territories more northerly seated, and by many degrees colder, are
plentifully inhabited; divers of them being stored with no better commodi
ties than these parts afford, if like industry, art, and labor be used." 2
Gorges purchased a ship, employed Richard Vines as captain,
but sought in vain for colonists. The region was now in such
bad repute that none wished to seek in it a new home. There
was much solicitude in the English court, lest the enterprising
French should plant their settlements along the coast, and
obtain the entire control of the country. Their colony at Port
• Williamson, vol. i. p. 79. The Cranberry Islands were so called because
those berries were so abundant there. Duck Island swarmed with those birds.
a Gorges' Narrative, p. 22.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 73
Royal was for a time quite successful. The colonists were
carrying on a very profitable trade with the Indians in furs,
and were supplied by them with an abundance of corn and
venison. Gorges seems to have found but little difficulty in hiring
men as sailors, to visit the coast for the purposes of fishing, and
purchasing furs of the natives. Many such voyages were made
by the agents of Gorges and others. Some of these enterprises
proved very successful. These adventurers, the common
sailors, were generally rude, unprincipled men, more brutal far
than the natives whom they contemptuously called savages.
Monhegan became the prominent point for traffic on the
coast of Maine. At this island the vessels first made the
land. Here they cast anchor, and established their rendezvous.
In the quaint language of the times, this was described as, —
" The remarkablest isle and mountains for landmarks, a round high isle,
with little Monas by its side, betwixt which is a small harbor, where our
ships can lie at anchor."
A man by the name of Abraham Jennings claimed to have
purchased this island of some Indians. It is not probable that
his title-deed would bear any very close investigation. He
was a fish-merchant from Plymouth, Eng., and was in partner
ship with Abner Jennings of London. They had opened quite
a lucrative trade in this coast, employing many vessels
annually in cod-fisheries and the purchase of furs. These men
had stations on the neighboring mainland of Pemaquid, and
probably also on some of the islands which encircle and thus
create Boothbay Harbor.
These stations amounted merely to points which they period
ically visited in the summer months, to dry their fish, and to
trade with the Indians. Thus Monhegan became not only
the prominent landmark for voyagers, but the important depot
for all the fishing and trading vessels.
In the year 1611 Samuel Argal, who subsequently became
governor of South Virginia, while on a voyage to that colony
was driven, by a series of gales, far away to the north. Find
ing himself near the coast of Maine, he decided to visit the

74 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
fishing-grounds of Monhegan, of which he had heard much.
He first made the land in the vicinity of Penobscot Bay : there
he found a small island so abounding in seals that he called it
Seal Rock. This name it still retains. He was in the vicinity
of Mount Desert. We know but little more respecting this
voyage ; but the familiarity he thus gained with these waters
enabled him, three years later, successfully to prosecute one of
the most important expeditions of the times, whatever may be
the verdict as to its justification. We shall soon allude to this
enterprise. About the same time Capt. Edward Harlow was sent to
explore Cape Cod and its surroundings. He directed his course
first to Monhegan, and took shelter in its snug harbor. The
natives were now in the habit of visiting the island in large
numbers, eager to traffic with the newly-arrived ships. This
man, without any provocation whatever, villanously enticed
three Indians on board his ship, and seized them as captives.
One of the three, Peckmo, being a very strong man, after a
desperate struggle broke away, and, plunging overboard, swam
to the shore.
Immediately he aroused all the Indians around to the rescue.
The valiant men, with arrows alone for their weapons, put off
in their canoes to rescue their friends thus treacherously im
prisoned in the oak-ribbed ship. Their heroic efforts were, of
course, unavailing. The long-boat of the ship was floating at
its stern. The Indians, sweeping the deck with a shower of
arrows, succeeded in cutting away the boat, and carrying it
ashore. As they knew that Harlow would make an effort to
recover it, they filled it with sand, having placed it in a position
where with their arrows they could defend its approaches.
Harlow sent an armed band on shore to recover the boat.
The exasperated natives fought with desperation. We know
not how many Harlow succeeded in killing ; but we are happy
to know that the natives drove Harlow off without his boat.
In this conflict, so disgraceful to Harlow, three of his men were
sorely wounded. The kidnapper, however, carried off two of
his captives, Monopet and Peckenine. Then, spreading his sails
for Cape Cod, the miscreant repeated the crime there. Three

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 75
unoffending Indians, who had come from a distance to the
anchorage, were lured to ascend his deck, with offers of traffic.
The unsuspecting victims were enticed into the cabin, and the
oaken doors were locked against them. Escape was as impossi
ble as from the stone and iron dungeons of the Tower. These
three unhappy victims of villany were called Sackaweston,
Coneconum, and Epenow.
All five were carried to London. Harlow exhibited Epenow
as a show, as if he had been a monkey or a gorilla. The Cape
Cod Indians and the natives from Monhegan, with abodes so
widely apart, could not understand each other's language.
Upon their arrival in England they were distributed in dif
ferent places. Some of them found Christian friends who
sympathized deeply with them in their wrongs. Sir Ferdinando
Gorges interested himself in their welfare. He rescued Assa-
comet, one of the victims of Weymouth's perfidy, who had then
been seven years in England; and it would seem that he
and Epenow were both taken under his protection.1
According to the narrative which has descended to us,
Epenow was a very shrewd man. Perceiving in what high
estimation gold was held by the English, he thought, that, if he
could make the English believe that he knew of a gold-mine in
his own country, he might be employed to accompany a party
to his native land, that he might guide them to the pretended
mine. He communicated his plan to Assacomet. We know
not why this man had been detained in England so long, when
vessels were every year sailing to the North-American coast.
Both of these men agreed in their story about the gold-mine.
Thus a decided impulse was given to the interest in the region
from which they came. The reader will be interested in the
account which Sir Ferdinando Gorges gives of Epenow.
" While I was laboring, by what means I might best continue life in my
languishing hopes, there came one Harlow unto me, bringing with him a
native of the island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape
Cod, whose name was Epenow. He was a person of goodly stature, strong
and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, by force, with
i Prince's Annals, p. 73; Belknap's Biography, p. 356.

76 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
some twenty- nine others,1 by a ship of London, which endeavored to sell
them as slaves in Spain. But it being understood that they were Ameri
cans, and unfit for their uses, they would not meddle with them. This
Epenow was one of them whom they refused; wherein they expressed more
worth than those that brought them to the market.
' ' How Capt. Harlow came to be in possession of this savage I know
not ; but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for a
wonder. It is true, as I have said, that he was a goodly man, of a brave
aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English
as to bid those that wondered at him, ' Welcome, welcome ! ' "
In the mean time the English were watching, with great
jealousy, the advance of the French colony at Port Royal, now
Annapolis. There was a French lady of deep religious feel
ing, Madame de Guercheville, who was strongly moved with
the desire to send the glad tidings of the gospel to these
benighted Indians. She was a lady of wealth, and of influence
at court. Having obtained from De Monts a surrender of his
royal patent, which it will be remembered granted him the
whole territory called Acadia, extending from the fortieth to
the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, she had the title of
this truly imperial territory confirmed to her by a charter from
the French monarch.
Thus this lady became nominally the possessor of the whole
seacoast, from the latitude of Philadelphia to the distance of
more than a hundred miles north of Halifax. The region
extended indefinitely into the interior, lt had no limits but the
Pacific Ocean.2 In the spring of 1613 Lady Guercheville sent
her agent, M. Suassaye, to take possession of the land in her
name, and to set up her arms. He" made a visit to Port Royal,
and thence sailed for Mount Desert. Here he landed, with
twenty-five colonists, and built a small fort and several log-cabins.
The crew of the vessel which brought over this colony consisted
of thirty-five men. They all co-operated with great energy in
rearing the habitations. They planted a cross, and named the
place St. Saviour.
1 It is supposed that Gorges here confounds those stolen by Harlow with those
soon after seized, with equal villany, by Hunt, in the region of the Sagadahock.
2 The whole of this remarkable grant, or patent, will be found, in French, in
Hazard's Historical Collection, vol. i. p. 45.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. TI
It is uncertain whether this settlement was on the eastern or
southern portion of the island. The lonely missionaries, Biard
and MassS, had reared their huts, as it will be remembered,
upon the southern shore. The intelligence of this movement
was speedily communicated to the magistrates of the Virginia
colony. They determined to expel these Frenchmen, as intrud
ers upon soil which the English claimed. Eleven vessels were
equipped, manned by sixty soldiers, and with an armament of
fourteen pieces of cannon. It was a formidable army for such
an enterprise, and entirely resistless by the feeble colony.
The French were taken quite by surprise, as this war-fleet
entered their harbor. Their .cannon were not in position ; and
most of the men were absent, engaged in the various industrial
employments their situation demanded. There were two French
vessels riding at anchor. They were both taken without resist
ance. The English landed. In the confusion, one of the
French missionaries was shot ; a few others were wounded. The
small number who were in the fort escaped through a private
passage, and fled into the woods. The victors tore down the
French cross, and erected another, upon which they inscribed
the name and the arms of the King of England. The next day
all of the French colonists came in, and surrendered themselves
and their stores to the English.
Terrible must have been their disappointment in finding their
anticipations thus suddenly and unexpectedly blighted. Capt.
Argal allowed his prisoners their choice, either to return to
France in the French vessels, or to go with him and join the
colony in Virginia. Fifteen decided to go with him, including
one of the missionaries.
Argal, thus victorious, directed the course of his fleet east
ward, and, having crossed the Bay of Fundy, cast anchor in the
harbor of Port Royal. Here again the French, unconscious of
any danger, were found unprepared for any conflict. They
were busily employed in felling trees, rearing buildings, and
preparing the soil for crops. The sight of eleven war-vessels
suddenly entering their harbor astounded them. No resistance
was attempted. Argal sent his armed boats ashore, applied the
torch, and in two hours the whole flourishing village was in

78 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ashes. The colonists, impoverished and utterly ruined, were
left to starve, or to find their way back to France as best they
could. Argal took a French pinnace, which was in the harbor,
and loading his vessels with the cattle, the provisions, and such
other articles of value as he had rescued from the flames,
returned to Virginia.
There was, at that time, no war between France and Eng
land. There seems to have been no effort to settle the disputed
claims by friendly conference. The only reason assigned for
these deeds of violence, conflagration, and blood, was, that the
French were trespassing upon territory which England claimed.
Many condemned the transaction as not only inflicting need
lessly great suffering, but as contrary to the law of nations.1
The next year (1614) Captain Hobson, in the employ of
Gorges, set sail in June for Cape Cod. He took with him
Epenow and Assacomet, as guides to the gold-mine of which
they had spoken. There was a third Indian captive, who
accompanied them, by the name of Wanope, who died on ship
board. It would seem, from Gorges' narrative, that Epenow and
Assacomet were held as prisoners. When the ship arrived at
the harbor to which Epenow guided them, thej7' were carefully
watched, lest they should make their escape. As soon as the
anchor was dropped, the principal inhabitants came crowding
on board. Some of the brothers of Epenow were with them.
The captain treated them all kindly, but kept a vigilant eye -
upon his captives that they should not go on shore. In the
evening the little fleet of canoes left the ship ; the natives
promising to return the next day, and to bring articles for trade.
Gorges the younger, who accompanied this expedition, writes, —
" But Epenow privately had contracted with his friends how he might
make his escape without performing what he had undertaken. For that
cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor, by all means, to prevent
hi j escape. And for the more surity, I gave order to have three gentlemen,
of my own kindred, to be ever at hand with him ; clothing him with long
garments fitly to be laid hold of, if occasion should require.
1 This subject is quite fuUy discussed in Prince's Annals, Smith's History, Belk
nap's Biography, British Dominions in North America.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 79
" Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the time ap
pointed, with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with their bows
ready, the captain calls to them to come on board. But, they not moving,
he speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was in the forecastle of the
ship. Epenow was then in the waist of the ship, between the two gentle
men that had him in guard. Suddenly he starts from them, and, coming
to the captain, calls to his friends in English, to come on board. In the
interim he slips himself overboard.
" And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet, being
a strong and heavy man, he could not be stayed. He was no sooner in the
water, but the natives, his friends in the boats, sent such a shower of
arrows, and came, withal, desperately so near the ship, that they carried him
away in despite of all the musketeers, who were, for the number, as good as
our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular voyage
made void and frustrate."
It cannot be denied that this was an heroic achievement of
the Indians, in rescuing one of their friends from the kidnap
pers. We learn, from other sources, that the musketeers killed
several of the natives, and wounded more. How great their
loss in this action so unjust on the part of the English, we do
not know ; but it is distinctly stated that Capt. Hobson and
many of his men were wounded.1
It is supposed that Capoge, the native place of Epenow, was
what is now called Martha's Vineyard, and that the events here
recorded took place there. It may be well to state, in this con
nection, that five years after this, in 1619, Capt. Dermer, in the
employ of Sir Ferdinand Gorges, visited this island. He met
Epenow, who could speak English, and who rather triumphantly
told him of the manner of his escape. Dermer had come on
shore with a well-armed boat's crew. Epenow and his friends,
in some way, had received the impression that Dermer's object
was again to seize him, and carry him back to England. A bat
tle ensued. The captain was severely wounded, and, with his
crew, was driven back to the ship. This was the last conflict
which took place upon that beautiful island, between the native
inhabitants and the adventurers from the Old World. It is said
that Squantum, whom Weymouth had stolen and carried to
England, and who the next year became the friend and inter-
l Smith's New England; Morton's New England Memorial, pp. 58, 59.

80 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
preter of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, was with Capt. Dermer on
this occasion, and saved his life. The captain writes, —
" The Indians would have killed me, had not Squantum entreated hard
in my behalf. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman
who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with
their murderers and small shot, when, as they say, they offered no injury on
their parts." l Drake's Book of the Indians, book ii. pp. 8-18.

CHAPTER V.
EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENTS.
John Smith's Career — Exploring the Coast — England and France at War —
The War of the Natives, and the Plague — Zeal of Gorges — Vines's Expedi
tion — Conflicting Claims — Damariscotta and its Surroundings — Levett's
Expedition — Views of Matrimony — Saco — General Lawlessness — Laconia
Company — Various Trading Posts — Pemaquid — Tact of the French — The
Sack of Bagaduce — Scene in the Kennebec — Testimony of Gov. Bradford.
PROBABLY all our readers are in some degree familiar
with the history of Capt. John Smith, whose life was
saved by Pocahontas, the daughter of the Indian chief Pow
hatan. In the year 1614 Capt. Smith sailed from England for
the Sagadahock, with two vessels, a ship and a bark. The
object of his voyage was to explore the country, and to engage
in the whale-fishery, and in traffic with the natives.
Smith was but thirty-five years of age. He had already
obtained much renown as a traveller. Six years before this time,
he had been president of the colonial council of Virginia. The
two vessels sailed from London on the 3d of March, 1614, car
rying but forty-five men. Smith commanded the ship, and
Capt. Thomas Hunt the bark. The two vessels reached Mon
hegan the latter part of April, and soon after continued their
course to the mouth of the Kennebec. Making this anchorage
his central station, he sent out his boats in all directions, to fish
and trade. In Penobscot Bay one of his boats came into col
lision with the natives. We know not what introduced the
strife. Several of the English were slain, and probably many
more of the natives. The voyage proved profitable. Capt.
Smith says, — 0 81

82 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" We got, for trifles, eleven thousand beaver, one hundred martens, and
as many otters. We took and cured forty thousand fish, corned or in
pickle." x
The net proceeds of this expedition, to the proprietors,
amounted to about seven thousand dollars. This was a very
handsome sum in those days, when a dollar was worth as much
as several now. Capt. Smith says that he made these purchases
with mere " trifles." It is a suggestive fact, that he states that
his " trifles " were not much esteemed in the region of the
Penobscot ; and the reason assigned was, that the French
traders there paid the Indians much more liberal prices for
their furs.
The captain himself engaged in these trading excursions, in a
boat with eight men. It was lovely summer weather. The
climate of the sea-coast .of Maine at that season is delight
ful. The magnificent headlands and Eden-like islands were
crowned in all their glory. I have wandered much over this
world, but I have seen no region which, in picturesque beauty,
surpasses the islands, bays, and promontories of Maine, when
glowing with the verdure of June and July.
Capt. Smith visited along the coast, between the Sagadahock
and what is now the southern part of Massachusetts, forty
Indian villages. He enumerates twelve somewhat distinct
tribes. They all, however, differed but little in language, cus
toms, and condition. The treachery of the white men had
inspired them generally with dread. They were in continual
fear of being shot or kidnapped, and consequently conducted
the traffic with the utmost caution. On one occasion there was
a skirmish, in which several of the Indians were killed.
In July, 1614, Capt. Smith returned with his well-freighted
ship to England. He left the bark at the mouth of the Ken
nebec, under the command of Capt. Thomas Hunt. He was
instructed, as soon as he had freighted his vessel with fish and
furs, to sail for Spain, and to dispose of his cargo there. Hunt
proved to be a consummate villain. Capt. Smith seems to have
been a very worthy man, and to have done every thing in his
1 Description of New England by Capt. John Smith. London, 1616.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 83
power to win and to merit the confidence of the natives. He
writes, —
" One Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, when I was gone, thinking
to prevent the intent I had to make a plantation there, and thereby to keep
this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer
chants might enjoy wholly the benefits of the trade and profit of this
country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor savages aboard his ship, and
most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind treatment of me and all our
men, carried them with him to Malaga, and sold them."
These poor creatures were caught, in small numbers, at
different points ; several of them were taken on the Kennebec.
They were all sold in Spain for one hundred dollars each. Capt.
Smith, in his history of his adventures, gave the country the
name of " New England." It was supposed to comprehend the
whole region between the Hudson River and Newfoundland.
The pecuniary success of these enterprises to the coast of
New England revived a general interest in the countoty. The
zeal of Gorges was roused anew. The next year (1615) he and
some of his friends equipped two ships for these shores. They
were placed under the command of Capt. Smith. He took with
him sixteen colonists, with directions to establish a settlement
on some favorable point which he might select.
But in this sad world war had again broken out. The mil
lions of England and the millions of France were grappling
each other. They were killing, burning, and destroying as
best they could. Smith and his companions were captured by
a French ship, and carried prisoners to France. The savages
were no better than the Christians. They also decided to
summon all their energies to destroy one another.
The Penobscot Indians were arrayed against the Kennebec
Indians. Of the origin of this war we know nothing ; of
its details, very little. The Indians had no historians. We
simply know that murderous bands prowled through all the
forests. The hideous war-whoop resounded far and wide.
Tomahawks gleamed, barbed arrows tore their way through
quivering nerves, villages blazed, blood flowed, and women and
children shrieked beneath the war-club. Now the waves of

84 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ruin and woe surged in one direction, and again in another.
Everywhere misery and death held high carnival.
'"Tis dangerous to rouse the lion,
Deadly to cross the tiger's path;
But the most terrible of terrors
Is man himself in his wild wrath."
This desolating war almost depopulated the realms of New
England. No seeds were planted ; no harvests were gathered.
The men could neither hunt or fish. All their energies were
employed in attack or defence. Their families, driven from
their blazing cabins, wandered in wretchedness through the
forests. Nearly all the warriors, on both sides, were slain.
Famine and pestilence, as is frequently the case, followed the
ravages of human passion. A fearful plague, one of the most
dreadful recorded in history, swept over the whole region.
Many tribes were quite annihilated. This terrible scourge
flapped its malarious wings from the Penobscot River to Narra
ganset Bay. There were not enough left living to bury the
dead. For many years their bones were seen bleaching around
the ruins of their homes. No one knows what this disease was.
Many have supposed it to have been the small-pox, since it was
described as very loathsome. Others have believed it to have
been something like the yellow fever, as it was said that the
sick and dead, in color, resembled saffron. Morton writes,
respecting this almost miraculous destruction of the Indians, —
" A short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such
a mortal stroke that they died in heaps. As they lay in their houses, the
living, who were able to shift for themselves, would run away, and let them
die, and leave their carcasses above ground without burial. In places where
many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of
the rest ; the living being not able to bury the dead. They were left for
crows, vermin, and kites to prey upon; and the bones and skulls, upon the
several places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my coming
into those parts, that, as I travelled in that forest, it seemed to me a new
found Golgotha." 1
* Morton's New English Canaan. Amsterdam, 1837. (He came over to this
country in 1622.)

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 85
It so happened that Capt. Richard Vines, with a vessel's crew,
passed this winter near Saco. He had been bred a physician,
and was in command of one of Gorges' trading vessels. It is
singular, that, while the natives were dying all around him, his
ship's company enjoyed perfect health.
"Though the mortality," Gorges writes, " was the greatest that ever
happened within the memory of man, yet not one of them ever felt their
head to ache, so long as they staid there." l
Capt. Vines named the place Winter Harbor. He had been
directed by Gorges to pass the winter there, that he might
report respecting the climate. Gorges had no faith in the
gloomy accounts of Popham's colonists, who represented Maine
as unfit for human habitation. It is manifest that Vines was
well pleased with both the country and the climate, for he sub
sequently took up his residence there. His dwelling was reared
upon a beautiful location on the west side of Saco River, in
what is now the town of Biddeford.
In the year 1620 the Pilgrims from England landed upon
Plymouth Rock, and commenced their colony, now world-
renowned, and whose fame can never die. That same year
seven English ships made voyages to the coast of Maine, for fish
and furs. The limits of the territory granted to the Plymouth
company by the crown had not been very clearly defined.
Through the influence of Gorges, a new patent was obtained,
increasing the powers and privileges of the company.
The new charter was issued Nov. 3, 1620. Forty noblemen,
knights, and gentlemen constituted its corporate members.
The territory conferred upon them consisted of the whole sea-
coast extending from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of
north latitude, and running back " from sea to sea," that is,
from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores. Thus their domain
extended, according to this grant, from the latitude of Philadel
phia to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and swept across the
whole breadth of the continent, about three thousand miles.2
i America Painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. London,1659.
2 Hubbard's History of New England, p. 620; Williamson's History of Maino,
vol. i. p. 222.

86 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The breadth of the continent was, however, at that time,
entirely unknown.
It was well known that France laid claim to a large portion
of this territory, and had many flourishing trading posts within
its limits. Perhaps on this account it was stipulated that no
Catholic should be permitted to settle here. The company had
the exclusive right to trade and to the fishery within these ter
ritorial limits, and the power to expel all intruders.1
About twenty miles north-west from Monhegan, on the main,
there is a short but broad and deep river, almost an arm of the
sea, called the Damariscotta. It is navigable for large ships
for a distance of -about twelve miles. A little south-west from
the mouth of this river, there is a group of five or six small
islands, which have become quite noted in history, called the
Damariscove Islands. One of these, Fisherman's Island, contains
about seventy acres. There was a very good harbor here, and
it was considered an important rendezvous in conducting the
fisheries. About a mile south there is a larger island, called
Wood or Damariscove Proper. It is two miles long, and half a
mile wide.
During the year 1622 thirty English vessels, engaged in
fishery and the fur-trade, cast anchor at the Damariscove
Islands. One of these vessels, " The Swallow," sent its shallop
to visit the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Gov. Winslow also repaired
to the island to obtain supplies for his famishing colonists. He
wrote, —
1 ' I found kind entertainment and good respect, with a willingness to
supply our wants, which was done so far as was able, and would not take
any bills for the same, but did what they could freely." 2*
This region was, at that time, far more conspicuous and impor
tant than Plymouth, in its silence and solitude, with its feeble
and apparently perishing colony. During the summer months
quite a fleet of vessels rode at anchor in its waters. Well-
manned boats were gliding in all directions among the islands
and along the shores. Notwithstanding the great depopulation
1 Belknap's History of New Hampshire. 2 Young's Chronicles, p. 293.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 87
of the country by the plague, there were the remnants of many
tribes left. From the borders of Canada, and from scores of
miles in the west, they came, eager to exchange their furs for
the hatchets, knives, and iron kettles of the strangers.
The account which Winslow gives, certainly indicates that
there was an enterprising and thrifty population gathered here.
Their log-cabins were scattered around upon the islands and
the shores of the mainland. They were, however, all mere
adventurers, coming and going, with no attempt at a permanent
settlement. When the storms of winter began to sweep those
bleak cliffs, they had all disappeared with the robins and the
swallows. At the south-western extremity of Damariscove Island, there
is a deep, sheltered inlet, which is entered by a narrow channel,
bounded by precipitous rocks. This inlet afforded an admirable
harbor for fishing-vessels. It is said that, on the south-eastern
slope of the island, there may still be found the remains of for
tifications which were reared in those days. There were at this
time two prominent points, where these trading and fishing ves
sels rendezvoused, and from which they pushed out in their
various excursions. These were the region around Monhegan,
which included Pemaquid and the Damariscove Islands ; and
next in importance came the mouth of the Sagadahock.
In the year 1623 Capt. Levett sailed along the coast in search
of a place to establish a colony. He landed at Pemaquid.
There he met an Indian chief, one of the lords of Pemaquid,
by the name of Samoset. The intelligent reader will remember
that this man is renowned in the annals of the Plymouth Colony.
He had been stolen by the kidnappers, and carried to England.
Thus he had been saved from the ravages of war ancl from the
plague. In England he met with Christian friends, who treated
him with the utmost kindness, and finally restored him to his
country. In gratitude he became the warm friend of the Eng
lish colonists.
But a few miles west of Damariscotta River there is Sheep
scot River, with bays and inlets, sprinkled with islands. The
whole region presents an aspect of wonderful picturesque
beauty. It is doubtless destined, in the future history of this
country, to attain great celebrity. The whole sea-coast, from
the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the capes of Florida, can
present no scenery to rival it.

OS THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Capt. Levett carefully explored this region. There were, at
that time, nine ships anchored near together iu these waters,
engaged in fishing. He remained there four days, and was
visited by many of the natives with their wives and children.
A man by the name of Coke had established what we should
call a country store, at the head of one of the coves. Here he
carried on a brisk trade with the sailors and the natives.
Several of the chiefs gathered about Capt. Levett; and he dealt
so honorably with them as to win their full confidence.
Several of these chiefs brought some very rich beaver robes
for sale. The sailors stole them. Levett made every possible
effort to detect the thieves, and recover the goods. He ran
sacked the cabins and the chests, but all in vain. The good-
natured chiefs bore their disappointment with great equanimity.
Convinced that the captain had done all that could be desired
to recover the stolen furs, they tried to comfort him, saying,
"Well, you cannot find them. The rogues have carried them
off into the woods, and hid them."
They were so much pleased with Capt. Levett that they
urged him to remain and settle in their country. The follow
ing characteristic dialogue took place, as given in intelligible
English. Three or four of the chiefs came to him and said, —
" Why will you go back to your own country ? Why can you not remain
with us?" v
"My wife," Capt. Levett said, "will not come here unless I go back to
fetch her."
"The dogs take your wife!" they exclaimed. If she will not obey your
message, and come, give her a good beating."
" But God," Capt. Levett replied, " would be displeased with me were I to
do that."
"Then," said they, "leave her alone, and take anothei'wife here."
" If you will remain," one of them continued, "your son and mine shall be
brothers, and there shall be friendship between us until Death comes to take
us to his wigwam."1
Levett coasted slowly along the shore until he came to a
small Indian settlement then called Quack, now York.2 It would
xLevett's Voyage. Maine. Hist. Soc, vol. ii. p. 86.
2 This is an error. The place called Quack was not the present York, but
what is now Portland harbor. Levett had a grant of a tract of land here,
and on one of the four islands at the entrance of the harbor, now known as
Cushings, Peaks, House, and Diamond (formerly called Hog) islands, built
a house — the first built by a white man within the present limits of Portland.
Levett proposed to call his settlement York, whence arose the error noted.
He returned to England with the purpose of bringing over a colony, but
never returned, and the exact site of his house is not now known. — Elwell.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 89
seem that he had inspired the natives with so much confidence
in him that they had no fears of being kidnapped. He writes, —
" The next day the wind came fair; and I sailed for Quack with the king,
queen, and prince, bow and arrows, dog and kitten, in my boat. His noble
attendants rowed by us in their canoes."
Much as Levett was pleased with the picturesque beauty of
the region about Pemaquid, he did not deem it a suitable loca
tion for the establishment of a colony. The soil was evidently
not fertile ; and the forests, composed mainly of evergreen trees,
did not afford suitable timber for ship-building.
It is said, that, during the year 1623, Richard Vines and others
commenced a permanent settlement at Saco. John Oldham, a
gentleman of property and high position, took up his residence
there with his servants. During the next six years he trans
ported many colonists to that place at his own expense.1
It is probable, that, during the year 1623, individuals com
menced a permanent residence upon Arrowsic Island, near the
mouth of the Sagadahoc, and upon the mainland, at the entrance
of the river at Sheepscot, at Damariscotta, at Pemaquid, and at
St. George's River.2 Seven years after this, it was reported that
eighty-four families, besides fishermen, were residing along the
coast in this region.
These men were generally reckless adventurers. Some were
runaway seamen, some fugitives from justice, and some those
vagrants of civilization, who, by a strange instinct, seek seclu
sion from all civil and religious restraints. The state of society
was distinguished for its lawlessness. Every man followed his
own impulses unchecked. The grossest immoralities prevailed.
The Indians were cheated and outraged in every way to which
avarice, appetite, or passion could incite depraved hearts.
There was no sabbath here ; no clergy to proclaim the gospel
of Jesus Christ, with its alluring promises and its fearful retribu
tions. Some royal commissioners were sent out to investigate
affairs. Their report was appalling. This led the Plymouth
Company to adopt vigorous measures to reduce society to some
condition of law and order.
Three gentlemen were sent over,— Robert Gorges as governor,
Francis West as admiral, and Rev. William Merrill, invested
with authority to manage public affairs. Their power seems
quite absolute. They were instructed " to do what they should
i Sullivan, p. 219. 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 228.

90 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
think just and fit in all cases, capital, criminal, civil, and mil
itary." Rev. William Merrill, an Episcopal clergyman, was
commissioned to endeavor to establish the institutions of religion
among this rude people, who were more difficult to be influenced
than the Indians. Mr. Merrill met with such a reception,
that he soon abandoned the effort as hopeless, and returned to
England in disgust.
It was probably during this year that Sir Ferdinando Gorges
established a colony on his own account, at the mouth of York
River, which was then called Agamenticus. He purchased
twenty-four thousand acres of land, one-half on each side of
the river, and sent out a company of mechanics and farmers,
with oxen and all needful tools. The management of the
colony was intrusted to his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, a
young man of rank and superior abilities, and to another young
man, Col. Norton, whose achievements had already won for
him considerable renown. The settlement was commenced on
the eastern side of the river, lfear the sea.1
It was just before this, that what was called the Company of
Laconia was organized. The Plymouth Company made a grant
to Gorges, Mason, and a number of others, who were wealthy
British merchants, of the whole territory between the Kenne
bec and the Merrimack Rivers. The region was called Laco
nia.2 The wealthy proprietors gave a very glowing description
of this country. It was in their view an earthly paradise. The
climate, midway between tropic heat and arctic ice, was perfect.
The soil was fertile, rewarding the slight labor of the husband
man with abundant harvest. The forests were magnificent,
furnishing the best ship-timber in the world, and were filled
with game. The bays and rivers swarmed with fish of every
variety, including an abundance of the most delicious of all
1 Belknap's Biog., vol. ii. p. 322.
3 Kecent investigations show that the territory between the Merrimack and
the Kennebec Rivers, granted to Mason and Gorges in 1622, was not that
known as Laconia. The latter, secured to Mason and Gorges by patent at
a later date (1629), was a province bordering on Lake Champlain and extend
ing half-way to Lake Ontario on the west, and northward to the St. Law
rence River. It was believed by Gorges and Mason that Lake Champlain
was only about a day's march from the coast, and a company was formed to
develop the anticipated trade; but their agents were never able to find the
province, and in 1634, after kicurring heavy losses, the company was dis
solved.— Elwell.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 91
fishes, the trout and the salmon. The atmosphere was invigor
ating and healthy in the highest degree, and the skies outrivalled
in splendor the far-famed skies of Italy. It is not strange that
such representations, spread broadcast over the land, should
greatly have revived the zeal for emigration.1
Settlements began rapidly to increase along the coast, and to
spread inland. The Pilgrims at Plymouth established a trad
ing house on the Penobscot, and another at the mouth of the
Sagadahoc near the site of Popham's settlement. They se
cured land on both sides of the river, which seemed then to be
called both Kennebec and Sagadahoc. A few miles up the
river they established a post, where they kept a store of corn
aud merchandise in deposit. Quite a lucrative trade was car
ried on with the natives for furs. The celebrated " wampum "
was introduced as the representative of money, or the currency
medium. This consisted 'of belts, very gorgeously embroidered
with blue and white shells. Subsequently brilliantly colored
beads were substituted for shells.2
It is difficult, if not impossible, to fix with precision the dates
of operations, thus gradual in their inception and growth. It
was probably in the year 1628 that these movements were
vigorously commenced upon the Kennebec.8
At this time Pemaquid was probably the most busy spot upon
the New England coast. Two British merchants had purchased
it, on condition that they would, at their own cost, transport
colonists there, and establish a settlement. A court was ere
long established. Thus Pemaquid became the centre both of
law and trade. It is said that it was then a more important
port than Quebec, the capital of Canada. Its population was
estimated at five hundred souls.4
The situation of Pemaquid, which was the most eligible
mainland site near Monhegan, was very alluring. The harbor
1 Hubbard's New England, p. 616; Belknap's Biography, vol. i. p. 396; Wil
liamson's Maine, vol. i. p. 225.
2 Young's Chronicles, p. 14; Sewall's Ancient Dominions, p. 113.
8 It is not certain whether this trading-house was at the mouth of the Kenne
bec or just above Merrymeeting Bay. See Prince's Chronological History of
New England, p. 169.
4 Thornton's Pemaquid, p. 65.

92 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
was a small circular basin, formed by the gently flowing river,
before its waters entered the ocean through a channel but a
hundred and fifty feet wide. This bay was many fathoms deep.
It was encircled on the west by rocky eminences, with a clump
of trees upon the extreme outmost point. This point was the
site of the ancient town and harbor of Pemaquid. Mr. Sewall
writes, —
" The peninsula has evidently, at some period, been entirely circumval-
lated with water, and thus separated from the main, with which it was prob
ably connected by an artificial way. It has also been walled in. The
outline of its defences can still be traced. Its streets were paved with peb
ble-stones, and many of its buildings were of like material. The principal
street, passing longitudinally between the extremes of this peninsula north
and south, was paved, and is still to be traced, though nearly overgrown with
grass or covered with earth. The outlines of the fort, and the position of
its tower, in the south-westerly extreme of the peninsula, and immediately
fronting the harbor's entrance, are, in distinct detail, traceable in every
curve and square, amid mouldering lime and rock, the fragments of its
masonry." x
It is indeed an interesting locality, not only from its rugged
and picturesque scenery, where the ocean, broken into lakelets,
and where islands and headlands, add charms to the view, but
from the historic associations which meet the visitant at almost
every footstep. The writer, with a party of gentlemen inter
ested in antiquarian research, visited, a few years ago, this
locality, by far the most memorable upon the coast of Maine.
A luxuriant mowing-field now covers the ground, where, two
hundred and fifty years ago, the hamlets stood, in whose streets
the moccasined Indian and the European adventurer met in
eager traffic. There is a small space enclosed where the ashes
of the dead repose. " Life's labor done, securely laid
In this their last retreat,
Unheeded o'er their silent dust
The storms of life shall beat."
With eloquence Mr. Sewall writes of this region, now so
silent and solitary : —
" About this devoted spot, armies have gathered hke eagles to the carcass,
and the din of war, in all its accumulated horrors of blood and carnage, has
• 1 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 115.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 93
raged. The ships of contending nations have tinged its waters with human
gore, and poured their iron hail in destructive broadsides upon its fortified
places, till the ruthless storm has swept its streets, and crushed out at once
the life and energy of its defenders. Here the red man with a howl of defi
ance, and the white man with the subdued voice of prayer, have bitten the
dust together, amid the shrieks of forlorn women and helpless children."
This region having passed into the proprietorship of Brit
ish merchants, rapidly increased in population ; and a better
class began to appear than the rude sailors of former years.
Mechanics and farmers came. The Pilgrims at Plymouth were
gaining strength, and their fields were waving with corn. A
brisk trade was opened between Plymouth and Pemaquid, shal
lop-loads of corn being exchanged for furs.
There was peace between the settlers and the natives. Still
there was no cordial friendship. With the French in Canada it
was different. They lived, in general, with the natives, affec
tionately as brothers. They sold powder and fire-arms to the
Indians as freely as any other articles. They travelled among
them as confidingly as they would have journeyed through the
provinces of France. But the English did not dare to trust
the natives with pistols and muskets. They seldom ventured
any distance from their fortresses unarmed. Even a royal
proclamation was issued, forbidding the sale of fire-arms to the
natives.1 Any attempt to describe the various grants at this time, made
to individuals and companies, would but weary the reader. The
Saco settlement was prosperous, and had the reputation of being
highly orderly. In the year 1630 a patent was obtained grant
ing a territory called Lygonia. It is said to have extended from
Kennebunk on the west, to Harpswell on the east. Three Lon
don gentlemen were the proprietors. To encourage emigration,
they published very glowing accounts of the region. In scene
ry, climate, soil, timber, fish, ancl game, it was every thing that
was desirable. Thus influenced, a company of emigrants landed
in Casco Bay, at some point now not with certainty ascer
tained.2 They remained but a year, when, dissatisfied with the
country, they scattered and disappeared.
l Williamson, vol. i. p. 234.
a Williamson, vol. i. p. 239; Sullivan, p. 305; Hubbard's New England, 616.

94 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
About the same time another patent was issued, which subse
quently attained much note as the Waldo Patent. It covered
a region of thirty square miles, .and extended from the Muscon-
gus to the Penobscot. Its principal object was to confer the
right of exclusive trade with the Indians.1 The various patents,
granted by the Plymouth Council, extended along the whole sea
board, from the Piscataqua to the Penobscot, excepting the small
region between the mouth of the Kennebec and Damariscotta.
The territory of Sagadahoc, extending from the mouth of
the Kennebec to Damariscotta, was about fifteen miles in width.
All along the coast, emigrants were gradually pushing their way
back into the country. There was a region called " Sheepscot
Farms," where fifty families were gathered. In what is now
¦called Boothbay and in Woolwich, many fishermen had reared
their huts. Various incidents of minor, importance must be
¦omitted in a narrative covering so much space as 'is included in
this history. One event occurring at this time merits especial
notice. A trading port had been established on the Penobscot at a
point called Bagaduce, now Castine.2 A very lucrative trade
was carried on with the Indians, mainly in furs. It will be
remembered that there was a dispute as to the proprietorship of
this region, it being claimed alike by the French and the Eng
lish. A small French vessel entered the bay, and, finding the
port defenceless, plundered it of all its furs, which were esti
mated to be worth two thousand dollars. Gov. Bradford,
¦of Plymouth Colony, gives thej following description of this
event : —
" It was in this manner: the master of the house, and part of the com
pany with him, were come with their vessel to the westward, to fetch a
supply of goods, which was brought over for them. In the mean time comes
a small French ship into the harbor, and amongst the company was a false
Scot. They pretended that they were newly come from the sea, and knew
not where they were, and that their vessel was very leaky, and desired that
they might haul her ashore, and stop her leaks; and many French compli
ments they used, and conges they made.
1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 243.
2 Some spell this Biguyduce, deriving the name from a Frenchman who once
¦resided there.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 95
"In the end, seeing but three or four simple men that were servants, and
by this Scotchman understanding that the master and the rest of the com
pany were gone from home, they fell of commending their guns and muskets
that lay upon racks by the wall-side. They took them down to look at
them, asking if they were charged. And, when they were possessed of them,
one presents a piece ready charged against the servants, and another a pis
tol, and bid them not stir, but quietly deliver up their goods. They carried
some of the men aboard, and made the others help to carry away the goods.
And, when they had taken what they pleased, they set them at liberty, and
went their way with this mockery, bidding them tell their master, when he
came, that some of the Isle of Rye gentlemen had been there."
It would seem that such acts of piracy were not infrequent
in those lawless days. A miscreant, by the name of Dixy Bull,
gathered a piratic gang, and, raising the black flag, ravaged the
coast of Maine, capturing several vessels, and plundering the
unprotected plantations. The freebooters attacked Pemaquid.
Though one of the gang was shot from the palisades, still they
succeeded in rifling the port. ~"
For several months Bull continued his ravages along the east
ern coast. Four vessels, with forty armed men, were sent out
in search of him. Bull, thus pursued, fled from those waters,
and continued his piracies farther south. At length his gang
dispersed, and he returned to England quite enriched. But
there he was arrested, tried, and executed.1
Another very serious difficulty occurred this year, on the Ken
nebec River, between the " Plantation of Piscataqua " and the
" Plymouth Colony." This latter colony claimed the Kennebec
River, and the exclusive right to trade with the Indians, for a
distance of fifteen miles on each side. A man by the name of
Hocking, or as some spell it Hoskins, from Piscataqua, entered
the Kennebec with a boat-load of goods to exchange for furs.
Sailing directly by the two trading ports of the Plymouth peo
ple, one of which was at the mouth of the river, near the
ancient Popham fort, and the other, as we have mentioned,
probably just above Merrymeeting Bay, he ascended the river
to Cushnoc, or Cushenoc, as it is sometimes spelled.2 This was
i Williamson, vol. i. p. 252; Ancient Dominions, p. 118; Varney's History of
Maine, p. 63.
2 See Williamson, p. 253.

96 . THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
where Augusta now stands. The importance of the trade of
this region may be inferred, from the fact that forty hogsheads
of beaver-skins were taken from the river during this year.
There is some discrepancy in the details which are given of this
transaction, but none whatever in the general facts. A boat
with armed men was sent up the river, to expostulate with
Hocking upon his illegal act. We cannot give the result more
accurately than in the language of Gov. Bradford : —
" But all in vain. He could get nothing of him but ill words. So he
considered, that now was the season for trade to come down, and that, if he
should suffer Hocking to take it from them, all their former charge would
be lost, and they had better throw all up. So consulting with his men, who
were willing thereto, he resolved to put him from his anchors, and let him
drift down the river with the stream; but commanded the men, that none
should shoot a shot upon any occasion, except he commanded them.
" He spoke to him again, but all in vain. Then he sent a couple in a
canoe to cut his cable, the which one of them performs. But Hocking takes
up a piece which he had laid ready, and, as the bark sheered by the canoe,
he shot him close under her side, in the head, so that he fell down dead
instantly. One of his fellows, who loved him well, could not hold, but with
a musket shot Hocking, who fell down dead, and never spake a word." 1
This event caused a great deal of trouble. It was finally set
tled without the clash of arms. Lords Say and Brook wrote to
the governor of New Plymouth : —
" We could, for the death of Hoskins,2 have despatched a man-of-war,
and beat down your houses at Kennebec about your ears. But we have
thought another course preferable. Let some of the Massachusetts magis
trates, and Capt. Wiggin, our agent in Piscataqua, review the whole case,
and do justice in the premises." 8
The case was brought before the Court of Colonial Assistants
in Boston. It was decided that the Plymouth Colonists had
the exclusive right of sale within their patent. It was adjudged
that the act of shooting Hocking, though in some degree a vio
lation of the sixth commandment, was, on the whole, excusable
homicide. 4
i History of Plymouth Plantation; also Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v. p. 169, 2d
series. 2 They so spelled it, while Bradford spelled it Hockins.
8 Winthrop's Journal, p. 64; Hubbard's N. E., p. 168.
4 Williamson, vol. i. p. 253.

CHAPTER VI.
PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENTS.
Capture at Machias — The Career of Bagnall — The Two Retaliations — Men
acing Aspect of Affairs — The Twelve Provinces — Ferdinando Gorges Gov
ernor of all New England — Expedition of D'Aulney — Energy of Miles
Standish — The Administration of William Gorges — Agamenticus — Popu
lation of Maine — The New Grant to Gorges — The Province of Maine —
Thomas Gorges — The Constitution — Religious and Political Principles —
Woman's Rights.
IN the year 1633 the English established a trading-post east
of the Penobscot, near where Machias now stands. The
station was on the west bank of the river, a little above Cross
Island. Mr. Vines of Saco was one of the principal owners
of the merchandise collected there. The property was placed
under the guard of five or six well-armed men. In establishing
this post, it was doubtless one of the objects of the colonial
proprietors to hold possession of the country.
Claude de la Tour, the French commandant at Port Royal,
considered this movement as a trespass upon territory which
had been granted to him by the king of France. He made a
descent upon the place, and captured it after a slight defence,
in which two of the English were killed. With his prisoners,
and booty amounting to about twenty-five hundred dollars, he
returned to Port Royal. The Plymouth Colony sent an agent,
Mr. Allerton, to that place, to endeavor to recover the prisoners
and the property, and to ascertain whether La Tour acted
under the authority of the French Government. He defiantly
replied, —
" I have taken them as lawful prize. My authority is from the king of
France, who claims the coast from Cape Sable to CM>e Cod. I wish the
7 97

98 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
English to understand, that, if they trade to the eastward of Pemaquid, I shall
seize them. My sword is all the commission I shall show. When I want
help I will produce my authority. Take your men, and be gone."
Whether the prisoners were released, or were sent to France,
is uncertain."1 Many of the traders were very worthless char
acters, who deemed it no sin to cheat an Indian. There is, in
Casco Bay, but a short distance from Cape Elizabeth, an island
called Richmonds, sometimes spelled Richman's Island. It is
about three miles in circumference, and contains about two
hundred acres of pretty good land. In the year 1628 an Eng
lish emigrant, by the name of Walter Bagnall, took possession
of this island without any title. His sole object seems to have
been to trade with the Indians. " Bagnall," writes Winthrop,
" was a wicked fellow, and had much wronged the Indians." 2
He had several boon companions with him, and became quite
notorious, under the nickname of " Great Walt." In a three-
years' trade he had amassed what was then considered a large
amount of property. The Indians became much enraged by
the wrongs inflicted upon them by this unscrupulous gang. In
the year 1631 a chief, by the name of Squidrayset, or as some
call the name Scitterygusset, with a few warriors, went to the
island, killed the Englishmen, plundered the house, and, apply
ing the torch, left behind them but smouldering ruins. The
savages, who had committed this crime, or, as they considered
it, performed this act of justice, retired with their booty.
Walter Neal was the agent of the London proprietors, Gor
ges, Mason, & Co. He had two residences. One was at Kit-
tery Point, and the other at Portsmouth, then called Strawberry
Bank. Five men were associated with him. They carried on
quite extensively the business of trade, fishing, salt-making, and
farming. As soon as Neal heard of the assassination of Bagnall and his
gang, he sent a party to the island in pursuit of the murderers.
They found a solitary Indian there, whom they seized, and hung
by the neck till he was dead ; with no evidence that he had
any thing whatever to do with the murders. The perpetrators
* Hubbard's New England, p. 163; Winthrop's Journal, p. 57.
2 Winthrop's Journal, p. 30.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 99
of the crime were probably then far away on the mainland. It
is not strange that the unenlightened Indians should, soon after,
have seized upon an innocent English traveller, wandering upon
the banks of the Saco, and, in retaliation, have put him to
death.1 But these outrages, far more excusable on the part of
theignorant Indians than on the part of enlightened Europeans,
were rapidly engendering a bitter hostility between the two.
The following is the account which Drake gives of this trans
action. It illustrates the difficulty of ascertaining the minute
details of many of these events, where the general facts are
undisputed. We give the narrative slightly abbreviated : —
" Manatahqua, called also Black William, was a sachem and proprietor
of Nahant. Out of his generosity this Indian duko gave^ this place to the
plantation- of Saugus. He was a great friend qf the whites. There was a
man by the name of Walter Bagnall, a wicked fellow who had much wronged
the Indians, who was killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some
of those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As soma
vessels were upon the eastern coast, in search of pirates, in January, 1633,
they put in at Richmand's Island, where they fell in with Manatahqua.
This was the place where Bagnall was killed about two years before. But
whether Manatahqua had any thing to do with it does not appear, nor do I
find that any one, even his murderers, pretended that he was in any way
implicated. But, out of revenge for Bagnall's death, these private hunters
hanged Manatahqua. On the contrary, it was particularly mentioned that
Bagnall was killed by Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to
that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scittergusset, for whose act
Manatahqua suffered, was the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth,
Me."2 The tribes, in the extreme eastern part of the State were
intimately associated with the French, and shared with them
their hatred of the English. They were much enraged with
those in the vicinity of Piscataqua, accusing them of acts
of hostility, and of sheltering themselves in a cowardly manner
under the protection of the English. At one time they fitted
out a fleet of forty war canoes to attack the Piscataqua Indians.
This was in the year 1632. There were several conflicts. Af
fairs were daily becoming more and more complicated, and war-
1 Williamson's History, vol. i. p. 251; Hubbard's History of New England,
p. 142; Winthrop's Journal, p. 30.
a Drake's History of the Indians, book ii p. 53.

100 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
clouds were rising in all directions. Thoughtful men among
the settlers, were filled with anxiety in view of the increasing
perils. The Indians were becoming more and more unfriendly.
The French were exerting all their influence to drive the
English out of Maine.
English pirates were sweeping the coast. Robbery and vio
lence were everywhere. Gorges became greatly disheartened.
His long-continued enterprises had brought him no returns.
He testified before the Commons of England in the following
terms : —
" I have spent twenty thousand pounds of my estate, and thirty years,
the whole flower of my life, in new discoveries and settlements upon a
remote continent, in the enlargement of my country's commerce and domin
ions, and in carrying civilization and Christianity into regions of savages."
In the year 1635 the vast territory of the Plymouth Council
was divided into twelve provinces. The first four of these were
within the territory of the present State of Maine. The first
division embraced the country between the St. Croix River and
Pemaquid. From the head of Pemaquid, the shortest line was
to be struck to the Kennebec, and thence to follow up that river
to its source. The second was a small division, extending only
from Pemaquid to the Sagadahoc River. The third embraced
the region between the Kennebec and the Androscoggin Rivers.
We suppose that both these rivers were then considered as ter
minating at Merrymeeting Bay. The Sagadahoc connected
that bay with the ocean. The fourth extended from the Sagada
hoc River to the Piscataqua. It embraced the previous dis
tricts of Lygonia, Saco, and Agamenticus. Thus the whole
territory of what is now the State of Maine was districted
from the St. Croix, its north-eastern boundary, to the Piscat
aqua at its south-western terminus.1
On the 25th of April, 1635, the Plymouth Council held its
last meeting. In surrendering its charter to the king, it entered
upon its books the following melancholy record : —
" We have been bereaved of friends, oppressed with losses, expenses, and
troubles; assailed before the privy council with groundless charges, and
1 Chalmers' Political Annals, p. 472; Hubbard's Narrative, p. 294; William
son's History, vol. i. p. 246

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 101
weakened by the French and other foes without and within the realm.
What remains is only a breathless carcass. We now therefore resign the
patent to the king, first reserving all grants by us made, and all vested
rights ; a patent we have holden about fifteen years."1
The king appointed a new company to superintend colonial
affairs. It consisted of eleven of his privy councillors, and
they were entitled " Lords Oommissioners of all His American
Plantations." This new company appointed Ferdinando Gor
ges governor of the whole of New England. There were eight
divisions, extending south-west along the coast to near the fortieth
degree of north latitude. Thus, according to this arrangement,
New England began near the Raritan River, in the present State
of New Jersey, and was bounded on the north-east by the River
St. Croix. Its northern boundaries were quite indeterminate.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges was a vigorous, energetic man of sixty
years. He decided to take up his abode in the extended realms
over which he was appointed to rule. A man-of-war was in
preparation to convey him to his domains. By an accident in
launching, the ship fell upon the stocks, and was badly broken.
This delayed the voyage, and the feet of Gorges never pressed
the soil of that new world which had absorbed so many of the
energies of his long life.
It is said that Gorges never took much interest in New Eng
land affairs, save in the four districts in the State of Maine ;
two of the most important of which he could almost regard as
his own personal property. In his interesting " Brief Narration
of the Advancement of Plantations in America," he writes very
sensibly and somewhat sadly, in view of past mistakes, —
1 We have been endeavoring to found plantations in a wilderness region,
where men, bred up in villages and farms and plenty, could hardly be hired
to stay; or, if they were induced to become residents, they must be fed in
idleness from their master's crib, yet with few or no returns. We have
made the discoveries, and opened the fields for others to take the harvest.
Trade, fishery, lumber, — these have been phantoms of pursuit; while there
has been a criminal neglect of husbandry, the guide to good habits, the true
source of wealth, and the almoner of human hfe." 2
1 This documentis given in full in Hazard's Historical Collections. See also
Hutchinson's Collections of State Papers.
i Gorges' Narrative, pp. 48, 49.

102 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The French possessions in North America were called by the
general name of New France. Acadia, or Nova Scotia, was
under the military command of Gen. Razilla, or Rosillon, as the
name is sometimes given. In the summer of 1635 he sent a
man-of-war, under Capt. d'Aulney, to take possession of the
Penobscot region, and to drive out the English.1 This man
seemed anxious to redeem his character from the imputation of
piracy, and to have it distinctly understood that he was acting
as the agent of his home government. He broke up the set
tlement, and drove away the settlers, giving them a schedule of
the property he had seized. It would seem that he claimed for
France the whole New England coast. As he dismissed the
plundered traders, he said to them, —
" Go and tell all the plantations southward to the fortieth degree, that a
fleet of eight ships will be sent against them, within a year, to displace the
whole of them. And know that my commission is from the king of
France." 2
Razilla established a garrison here of eighteen men. The
colonists at New Plymouth sent a large ship and a bark to drive
out these invaders. Capt. Girling, who was intrusted with the
command, was promised a sum amounting to about two thou
sand dollars, if he should succeed in the enterprise. But he
found the French firmly intrenched. After an unavailing bom
bardment, in which he expended all his ammunition, he retired
discomfited.3 There is considerable diversity in the details of many of these
events which occurred two hundred years ago, when there were
1 " In 1626 the Plymouth Colonists erected a trading-house at a place called by
them Penobscot, by the French Pentago'it, aud by us Bagaduce and Castine. In
1635 they were dispossessed by the French, under D'Aulney de Charnisray, com
monly called D' Aulnay by the English, — a lieutenant under the Acadian gov
ernor Bazilla." — The Centennial Celebration of Bangor, p. 23.
2 Hubbard's New England, p. 162.
8 "The reason, undoubtedly, why France at this time extended her claims no
farther south than the fortieth paraUel, was a fear of exciting the jealousy and
hostility of the Spaniards. £5pain, at that time, was the-great military and naval
power of Europe. There call be no doubt that the limiting of De Mont's- charter
to the fortieth paraUel of latitude, seven degrees short of all her previous claims,
was induced by a dread of Spanish interference." — Memorial Volume of Popham's
Celebration, p. 78.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 103
but few scholars in the land, and when the narratives were
vague and hastily written. In the annals of New Plymouth we
find it stated, that the ship of about three hundred tons was
called the " Great Hope." The name of the commander is
given as Golding. Capt. Miles Standish, with twenty men, was
in command of the Plymouth bark. He was to render all the
aid he could in the recovery of the post, and was intrusted with
seven hundred pounds of beaver-skins to be delivered to Gold
ing, or Girling, as soon as he should have accomplished his task.
If Girling failed he was to receive nothing.
Capt. Standish led the way into the harbor. He was one of
the most impetuous of brave men. Had he held the supreme
command, he would have made short work of it. But Girling,
without any summons to surrender, much to the indignation of
Standish, kept at a great distance, and unavailingly bombarded
the earthworks of the French, until he had not another shot to
throw. He then would have seized upon the beaver-skins
which he had not earned, but Standish spread his sails, and
returned to Plymouth. The French kept the port, and Plym
outh kept its beaver-skins.1
It is difficult to reconcile the somewhat contradictory accounts
which are given of this transaction. From some narratives we
should infer that Girling's vessels remained impotently moored
for a considerable length of time, before the French ramparts.
At length a very polite official communication was sent by the
French officers to the Plymouth colonists, stating that they
would claim no territory west of Pemaquid. For many years
the Penobscot remained the tacitly admitted boundary between
the French and English possessions.2
The following is the account which Gov. Bradford gives of
the attempt of the New Plymouth colonists to regain the port
at Castine : —
" Girling would take no advice; would neither summon the enemy, nor
permit Capt. Standish to do so ; neither would he have patience to bring his
ship where she might do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a
madman, and did them no hurt at all. The which, when those of the plan-
i Hubbard's New England, p. 162.
2 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 164.

104 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
tation saw, they were much grieved, and went to him, and told him he would
do no good, if he did not lay his ship better to pass, for she might lie within
pistol-shot of the house. At last, when he saw his own folly, he was per
suaded, and laid her well, and bestowed a few shot to good purpose.
" But now, when he was in a way to do some good, his powder was gone.
So he could do no good, but was fain to draw off again; by which means the
enterprise was made frustrate, and the French encouraged. For, all the while
he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close under a work of earth, and let him
consume himself. He advised with Capt. Standish how he might be sup-
pried with powder, for he had not to carry him home. So Capt. Standish
told him he would go to the next plantation, and do his endeavor to procure
him some; and so he did. But understanding by intelligence that Girling
intended to seize on the bark, and surprise the beaver, he sent him the pow
der, and brought the bark and beaver home. But Girling never assaulted
the place more, but went his way. And this was the end of this business." x
Sir Ferdinando Gorges had obtained what was considered an
absolute property in the territory between Piscataqua and the
Sagadahoc, called New Somersetshire. He sent his nephew,
William Gorges, over as governor of this province. He was an
intelligent, upright man, of much executive ability.
Saco was then the most flourishing settlement in the province ;
and Gov. Gorges selected it as his residence. It is estimated
that at that time the population of the place amounted to about
one hundred and sixty. The first court was opened the 28th of
March, 1636. It was held in a dwelling-house near the shore
on the east side of the river. Six commissioners aided in the
administration of justice. This court continued its sessions for
about three years.2
There were then five settlements embraced in the province
of New Somersetshire. The first was Agamenticus, or, as some
times called, Accomenticus. About eight miles north-west from
the present harbor of York, there was a commanding eminence
thus called by the Indians. It was a noted landmark for sea
men, as it was the first height caught sight of in approaching
i Gov. Bradford's New Plymouth, p. 208. "Tbe government of Massachusetts
Bay had given Plymouth some encouragement that it would assist them to regain
their trading-house ; but when called upon it had various excuses for declining.
Plymouth was in the wrong: the French had merely taken possession of their
own territory." — Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bangor, p. 24.
2 Chalmers' Political Annals, p. 472; Folsom's Saco and Biddeford, p. 49.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 105
that region from the sea. It was a majestic swell of land,
covered with a dense forest. From its summit one commanded
a view of the Atlantic coast from Cape Ann to Cape Elizabeth.1
There was a short salt-water river here, affording at its mouth
a safe harbor. Gorges, pleased with the description of the
place, had obtained, about the year 1624, a grant of twenty-
four thousand acres of land extending on both sides of the
river. Here a small agricultural colony commenced its labors.
The precise time of this settlement is not known.2
At Kittery Point there was another rambling settlement,
called the Piscataqua Plantation. The inhabitants were scat
tered along the shore, and were mainly engaged in fishing and
in the lumber business.
The third was called the Black Point settlement. It was a
very feeble colony, consisting of but few families in the present
town of Scarborough. Capt. Thomas Commock, or as some
times spelled Cammock, with Henry Joscelyn, had obtained a
grant here of about fifteen hundred acres. The settlers, too
poor to purchase lands, were generally their tenants.
The Lygonian Plantation, so called, embraced Richmand's
Island, and a considerable extent of territory on the mainland.
The population consisted principally of fishermen, hunters, and
traders.8 There were, at the same time, on the Androscoggin, on both
sides of the falls, a few scattered hamlets called the Pejepscot
settlement. The Pemaquid Plantation had been quite flourishing for five
or six years ; and in various other parts of the territory now
called Maine, settlers were scattered.4
The colonies of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut,
and even of New Hampshire, were in a more flourishing condi-
* Williamson's Maine, vol. i. p. 96.
2 Gorges' New England, p. 16; Belknap's Biography, vol. ii. p. 378.
8 Sullivan's History, p. 305; Hubbard's Narrative, p. 294.
1 Williamson gives the following estimate of the probable population of Maine
at that time : —
Piscataqua settlement, 200; Agamenticus, 150; Saco, including Black Point, 175;
Casco, orLygonia Patent, and Pejepscot, 75; Kennebec Patent, 100; Sagadahoc,
Pemaquid, Sheepscot, St. Gorges, and islands, 500: Isles of Shoals and other places,
290: total, 1,400.
Possibly tiie whole number might have been fifteen hundred. — Vol. i. p. 267.

106 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
tion than the Province of Maine. Gorges was anxious to induce
gentlemen of wealth and influence to emigrate to his domains.
In July, 1637, he made a grant of eight thousand acres of
land in the present town of Bowdoinham, to Sir Richard Edge
combe. The troubles then existing in England, in both Church
and State, caused many to seek civil and religious freedom by
emigrating to the New World. It is estimated that during ten
years, more than twenty-one thousand had sought a retreat on
these shores. Even Oliver Cromwell had formed the resolve
to take refuge in New England from the tyranny of king and
court. The king became alarmed at the amount of emigration,
and issued a decree that no one should leave his realms without
taking the oath of allegiance to him, and of obedience to the
decrees of the English Church.
On the 3d of April, 1639, King Charles I. issued a provin
cial charter to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, conferring upon him still
more extensive territory in what is now Maine, with extraordi
nary powers and privileges. The region embraced in this char
ter commenced with the mouth of the Piscataqua River, and
ran north-easterly along the Atlantic coast to the mouth of the
Sagadahoc ; it then ascended through that river and the Ken
nebec, in a north-westerly direction, a distance of a hundred and
twenty miles, which would make its northern boundary near
the mouth of Dead River ; it then ran south-westerly across the
country to near a point on Umbagog Lake ; there it met a line
running north from Salmon Falls River, a tributary of the Pis
cataqua, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles. Such were
the limits of this province, so far as we can now ascertain from
the descriptions of the charter. It also included the islands on
the coast within five leagues of the main.2
The region was designated the Province or County of Maine.
It contained about one-sixth of the present area of the State.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his heirs were lord proprietors of the
province. They were bound to take the oath of allegiance to
the crown, and a few unimportant claims were reserved by the
king. » Holmes' Annals, vol. i. p. 299.
2 This charter is given in full in Hazard's Collections, vol. i. p. 442.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 107
"The articles of faith and forms of ecclesiastical government, used by
the Church of England, were established; and to the proprietary was given,
the patronage of all churches and chapels, and the right of dedicating them
according to Episcopal usages." 1
There are two reasons assigned for the name of Maine, which
was given to this Province. The queen of England had inher
ited a province of that name in France ; and, again, there were
so many islands in that Tegion, that it was common to speak of
the main land, or the Maine.2
Thomas Gorges was deputy governor. He was a young man
of accomplished education and of great social and moral worth.
He was assisted by seven councillors ; the state officers, properly
so called, consisted, in addition to the governor, of a chancellor,
or chief justice; a marshal, who commanded the militia; a treas
urer ; an admiral, who had charge of the naval force ; a master
of ordnance, to whom military stores were intrusted ; and a
secretary. The latter office the governor took upon himself.
He, with his six councillors, constituted a supreme court of
judicature, and also, with eight deputies chosen by the several
counties, formed a legislative assembly. Such, in brief, was the
constitution adopted under the charter of the Province of Maine.3,
The Kennebunk River divided the Province into two dis
tricts, — the east and the west. The first "general court" was
opened at Saco on the 25th of June, 1640. But four council
lors were present. It is worthy of notice, that one John Win
ter, a trader, was indicted for charging a profit of more than five
per cent upon the cost of the goods he sold.
Packs of wolves were howling through the forest. A tax ( f
twelve pence was assessed upon every family between Piscata
qua and Kennebunk, to be paid in bounties for each wolf killed.
All parents in the western district were also ordered to have
their children baptized under penalty of being summoned to
appear before the court, and answer for the, neglect.4
1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 273.
2 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 277.
8 See this Constitution more minutely developed' by Williamson, vol. i. p. 281,
and in Sullivan's History of Maine.
* " Wolves then abounded all along the coast. The town of WeUs was infested
with them. Then- hideous howlings made night terrible to the settlers. The lit-

108 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges had looked with special interest upon
the pleasantly located little settlement at Agamentieus. On
the 10th of April, 1641, he organized a territory here, which,
from the description, we infer to have been six miles square,
into a town, or borough. The inhabitants were allowed to elect
a mayor and eight aldermen, and to manage their own internal
affairs. About a year after this, on the 1st of March, 1642, he
erected the borough into a city, extending the charter over a
region embracing twenty-one square miles. This forest city
was on the north side of the river. It had an ocean front of
about three miles, and extended seven miles back from the
river's mouth.1 He called this city Gorgiana.
The officers of the city government were, a mayor, twelve
aldermen, and twenty-four common councilmen. It is estimated
that at this time there were seventy-seven Christian ministers
in New England who had been driven from home by persecu
tion ; and there were about fifty towns or villages.2 The rela
tions with the Indians were continually growing more threat
ening. This was mainly caused by unprincipled traders and
wretched vagabonds, who were ranging the coast and country
in all directions beyond the reach of law, inflicting the most
intolerable outrages upon the natives. The governors of the
colonies, and the many good Christian men in the settlements,
were anxious to do every thing in their power to secure just
treatment for the Indians ; but it was impossible for them to
restrain the reckless adventurers who crowded to these shores.
In addition to the danger to which the colonists were exposed
from the angry attitude assumed by the. Indians, there were also
continual disputes arising in respect to boundaries, with the
Dutch in New York, and the French in Canada. Influenced by
tie stock on the farms was always in peril, and every precaution was necessary to
guard against their attacks. They were the worst enemies that the pioneers had
to encounter. Hitherto they had had free access to the coast; and it was impos
sible to drive them away from the old ground, while new temptations were offered
to them in the flocks of sheep and cattle which were rapidly being introduced into
their territories. Every settler was interested in their extermination, and at this
court it was ordered that every family should pay twelve pence for every wolf
that should be killed." — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne,
LL.D. 1 Hazard's Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 480.
2 Collections Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. i. p. 247.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 109
these considerations, the colonists of Massachusetts, Plymouth,
Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a confederacy in the
year 1643.1 The Province of Maine was not a member of this
confederacy. It is said that this was in consequence of the
strong royalist and Episcopal tendencies of its rulers.
The French called their dominions in North America, includ
ing Canada, Acadia, and Louisiana, b}^ the general name of New
France. For its government, Cardinal Richelieu formed an
association called the Company of France.2 It was estimated
that about sixteen thousand souls had emigrated to these re
gions. The intolerance of the court in England had roused the
Commons to an appeal to arms. This at once checked the tide
of emigratiou. The people, who had been fleeing from the
tyranny of the crown, were now disposed to remain at home,
and fight the battles of freedom on their own soil. So many
returned to England, that during the next twenty years the
New England colonies lost more from returning emigrants than
they gained by accessions from the mother country.3
The people of these colonies were generally republicans in
their political principles, and dissenters from the Established
Church of England in their ecclesiastical relations. Their sym
pathies were consequently warmly with the Commons in its war
fare against the Crown. The Commons, in gratitude, voted, in
the year 1642, that the merchandise of either country should be
exchanged free of duty.4
Jealous of the power of the king, and of the grants or patents
which he had conferred upon his favorites, they appointed the
Earl of Warwick, governor-general, and high admiral of all
the American Plantations. He was to be assisted b}' a board
of sixteen commissioners. They were enjoined to watch with
care that the colonists were protected in the true Protestant
religion and in the exercise of all their political rights.
Gov. Gorges, a partisan of the king, was much annoyed by
the attitude which public affairs were assuming. He determined
to leave the Province of Maine, and return to England. The
i Winthrop's Journal, p. 276; Hubbard's New England, p. 465.
2 History of the French Dominions, by Thomas Jeffreys, p. 101.
8 History of New England, by Daniel Neal, p. 218.
1 Hist. Coll. by Eben. Hazard, p. 494.

110 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
administration of affairs was intrusted to George Cleaves, as his
deputy. Cleaves selected Portland for his residence, then called
Casco Peninsula.1
He speedily summoned a court at Casco, that he might inform
himself more minutely respecting the affairs of the Province ;
but he found himself at once in conflict with the government
Gorges had established. Richard Vines convened a council at
Saco. In the controversy which arose, Cleaves sent a friend,
Mr. Tucker, to Saco, to propose submitting the questions in dis
pute to the magistrates of the Massachusetts colony. Vines
assailed the envoy with abusive language, threw him into
prison, and did not release him until he gave bonds to appear
at the next court at Saco.2
Though Sir Ferdinando Gorges had now reached his three
score years and ten, his zeal for the crown was such, that,
in the civil war then raging, he joined the royalist army of
Prince Rupert during the siege of Bristol. The great events
transpiring in England threw British affairs everywhere into
some degree of confusion. It would only bewilder the reader
to endeavor to explain all the entanglements. There seems to
have been for some time quite a conflict between Cleaves at
Portland and the court at Saco.
In the year 1647 Richard Vines had returned to England.
At a session of the court holden by Mr. Cleaves, the Piscataqua
plantations were formed into a town called Kittery. Its ter
ritory, at that time, embraced not only the- present town of
Kittery, but also North and South Berwick,,' and Elliot. It
would seem, from the following curious memorial presented to
the court at that time, that " woman's rights " were not then
very highly respected : —
" The humble petition of Richard Cutts and John Cutting, showeth, that
contrary to an act of court which says, ' No woman shall live on the Isles of
Shoals,' John Reynolds has brought his wife hither with an intention to live
here and abide. He hath also brought upon Hog Island a great stock of
goats and swine, which, by destroying much fish, do great damage to the
petitioners and others; and also spoil the spring of water upon that island,
rendering it unfit for any manner of use.
1 Hutchinson's History, vol. i. p. 163.
2 Hubbard's History of New England, p. 369.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. Ill
" Your petitioners therefore pray, that the act of court may be put in
execution for the removal of all women from inhabiting ther.e; and that said
Reynolds may be ordered to remove his goats and swine from the island
without delay."
1 he court ordered the removal of the swine, but decided, as
to the complaint against the wife, " It is thought fit by the
court, that, if no further complaint come against her, she may
enjoy the company of her husband." 1
Ferdinando Gorges died two years before the execution of
his royal master, Charles I. In the year 1635 Razilla, governor
of Acadia, died. Two of his subordinate officers struggled to
succeed him in the command. One of these, Charles de la
Tour established himself at the mouth of the River St. John.2
The other, D'Aulney de Charnisy, took his residence about a
hundred and fifty miles west, on the eastern side of the Penob
scot, at the point now called Castine.
The valleys of these two rivers were inhabited by two quite
powerful Indian tribes. The king of France, involved in a war
with Spain, paid but little attention to the quarrels of two offi
cers in the wilderness of the New World, separated from France
by an ocean three thousand miles in width. The strife between
the officers was imbittered from the fact that D'Aulney was a
Catholic, and was sustained by the powerful influence of the
Jesuits. La Tour was a Protestant, and looked for countenance
and aid to the Puritans of New England.
He sent from his settlement on the St. John, an agent,
M. Rochet, to propose free trade between the colonies, and the
co-operation of Massachusetts in the endeavor to drive D'Aulney
¦from the Penobscot. The result was, that free trade was intro
duced, but the military alliance was postponed.3
The Jesuit influence was such that the Protestant, La Tour,
had no chance of obtaining support of the throne of France, in
his conflict with his Catholic competitor. The Jesuits succeeded
ere long in obtaining a royal edict, which denounced La Tour
i Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vii. p. 250.
2 There are two De la Tours mentioned in this history, — Claude, the father, and
Charles, the son.
8 Hazard's Historical Collections, voL i. p. 198; Journal of John Winthrop,
p. 265.

112 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
as an outlaw and a rebel. Thus encouraged, D'Aulney fitted
out an expedition against his opponent, of four vessels, with five
hundred men. He blockaded the harbor of La Tour, cut off all
his communications, and reduced the garrison to the greatest
distress. In the night of the 12th of June, La Tour and his wife
escaped from the blockaded port, and proceeded in a vessel to
Boston. He was a man of persuasive address, and he exerted
all his powers to induce the government of the colony to aid
him with a military force. There was quite a division of senti
ment in the colony, upon this subject. Some were warmlj'' in
favor of espousing his cause ; for he showed them his commission
from the French cabinet, appointing him the king's lieutenant-
general in Acadia. La Tour's friends in the Massachusetts
Colony urged that he was the legitimate ruler, and that their
commercial interests,' and their religious principles, alike de
manded that they should support his claims.
But the opponents urged, that they could not be certain as to
the exact justice of the case ; that the French cabinet had man
ifestly vacillated ; that it was to be feared that La Tour's Prot
estantism was mainly the absence of all religion ; and that it
was not for the honor of Massachusetts to engage in war, as the
followers of a French adventurer.1
All the settlements in the Province of Maine were much agi
tated by this question. The deputy governor wrote, from his
residence at Kittery Point, to Gov. Winthrop of Massachusetts,
under date of June 28, 1643. In this letter he says, —
" Right worthy Sir, — I understand by Mr Parker, you have written
mo by Mr. Shurt, which, as yet, I have not received. It cannot be un
known to you what fears we are in, since La Tour's promise of aid from you.
For my part, I thought fit to certify so much unto you; for I suppose that
not only these parts which are naked, but all north-east, will find D'Aulney
a scourge. He hath long waited, with the expense of near eight hundred
pounds per month, for an opportunity of taking supplies from his foe; and,
should all his hopes be frustrated through your aid, you may conceive where
he will seek for satisfaction.
"If a thorough work could be made, and he be utterly extirpated, I
should like it well: otherwise, it cannot be thought but that a soldier and a
1 See these arguments in full, Haz. Coll., vol. i p. 502-516.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 113
gentleman will seek to revenge himself, having five hundred men, two ships,
a galley, and pmnaces well provided. But you may please conceive in what
manner he now besieges La Tour. His ships lie on the south-west part of
the island, at the entrance of St. John's River, within which is only an
entrance for ships. On the north-east lie his pinnaces. It cannot be con
ceived but he will fortify the island, which will debar the entrance of any
of your ships, and force them back, showing the will, not having the power
to hurt him.
" I suppose I shall sail for England in this ship; I am not yet certain,
which makes me forbear to enlarge at this time, or to desire your command*
thither. " Thus in haste I rest your honoring friend and servant, "Thomas Gorges."1
After much deliberation, the Massachusetts magistrates in
formed La Tour, that, though they could take no active part in
the conflict, he might purchase or charter ships, and enlist as
many volunteers as he pleased. It was all, however, to be done
at his own expense. He at once chartered four vessels for two
months, at the price, for the four, of two thousand six hundred
dollars. One hundred and forty-two men, sailors, and seamen
were placed on board, with thirty-eight pieces of ordnance.
The little fleet was well furnished with provisions and ammuni
tion. To raise the needful money, he mortgaged his fort at St.
Johns, with all its ammunition and stores, and also all his real
and personal estate in Acadia. The squadron, thus equipped,
sailed on the 14th of July, 1643. It would seem that he had
five vessels in his fleet; the " Clement," in which he had entered
Massachusetts Bay, and the four vessels he had chartered,
namely, "The Seabridge," " The Philip and Mary," "The In
crease, " and " The Greyhound." 2
It will be perceived that this trouble took place in Acadia a
year or two before some of the events in Maine, which we have
already described.
i Hazard's Hist. Coll., vol. i.p. 498. 2 Hubbard's History, vol. i. p. 150.

CHAPTER VII.
COLONIAL JEALOUSIES AND ALIENATIONS.
Conflict between La Tour and D'Aulney — Its Strange Result — Attack of
Wannerton — Madame La Tour — D'Aulney attacks the Fort at St. John —
Heroic Defence of Madame La Tour — Her Capture and Death — Treason of
La Tour — Gov. Godfrey — Purchases of Indian Chiefs — Boundary Disputes
— Final Settlement — Submission of Godfrey — Ecclesiastical Condition of
Maine — Sullivan's Testimony — Dutch Settlers — Savage Insolence.
IT would seem that La Tour made a sudden and furious
attack upon the vessels of D'Aulney, and drove them from
their station, and chased them into the Penobscot.1 Here
D'Aulney ran two of his vessels aground, and quite a brisk
action took place, in which several Frenchmen were either
killed or wounded on each side ; but not a man from the Massa
chusetts Colony was hurt. The chartered vessels returned to
Boston within the allotted time. La Tour brought with him a
ship of D'Aulney's, which he had captured, freighted with val
uable furs.2
D'Aulney was very indignant in view of the aid the Massa
chusetts Colony had rendered La Tour. He wrote a very angry
letter, to which the governor replied, —
" Had we been molested in the right of free trade, as you threatened us,
we should not have been backward to do ourselves justice. But the colony
government of Massachusetts has, in fact, taken no measures, nor granted
any commission, agamst you. To admit La Tour to enlist and hire forces
with his own money, violates no sound political rules. It is a mere attri
bute of our independence, while the laws of Christian duty require us to
relieve all distress. Yet surely nothing would be more grateful to our wishes
than reconciliation and peace." 8
1 So say both Sullivan and Hutchinson. Winthrop says they were driven to
Port Royal.
2 Hubbard's New England, p. 483.
8 Williamson, vol. i. p. 314. See also Hubbard's New England, p. 483.
114

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 115
D'Aulney applied to the court of France for aid, to take
revenge upon Massachusetts. He represented that the French
colonies in Acadia were in danger of destruction, from an
expedition which Massachusetts was fitting up against them ;
he also resolved to put a stop to all intercourse whatever be
tween Massachusetts and La Tour. Situated as he was, between
them on the Penobscot, he could, with his ships, easily inter
cept any vessels passing along the coast.
Three gentlemen of distinction from the English colonies
embarked for La Tour's port on the St. John River, to settle
some pecuniary claims. These were Vines of Saco, Shurt of
Pemaquid, and Wannerton (or Wanerton as Winslow spells the
name) from New Hampshire. When they reached the Penob
scot, D'Aulney caused their arrest and imprisonment. It was
with much difficulty, that, after several days of confinement,
they obtained their release. Neither of these gentlemen had
any connection with the Massachusetts Colony. They were
detained simply as Englishmen.
Wannerton was an impetuous man, who was thrown into a
fever of passion by the outrage. The envoys continued their
voyage to the St. John. There they learned that D'Aulney's
garrison at Castine, or Biguyduce as the place was then called,
was very feeble. Wannerton engaged a party of twenty men
to accompany him to the Penobscot, and take vengeance upon
D'Aulney. They were all thoroughly armed. D'Aulney had
a well-stocked farm about five miles from his fort. The aven
gers landed in their boat, and inarched to the buildings, which
were not far distant from the shore. It was a time of piracy and
robbery of every kind.
It would seem that the laborers saw the approach of the
armed band, and rushed into the house for defence. Wanner
ton led his party, and knocked at the door. It was opened, and
immediately a volley of bullets was discharged from within
upon the assailants. Wannerton fell mortally wounded ;
another of his party was struck by a bullet, and one was shot
dead. The men in the house, having offered this resistance,
threw down their arms, and surrendered.
The torch was applied. The house and all the outbuildings,

116 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
with the furniture, the tools, and the farming stores, were laid
in ashes. All the animals were killed. Nothing was left
behind but smouldering ruins and utter desolation. The
destruction was entire. The proud avengers scorned to take
any booty.1
D'Aulney's rage passed all bounds ; though Wannerton acted
solely upon his own responsibility, taking individual vengeance
for the affront he had received, D'Aulney breathed threatenings
and slaughter against all the English. He proclaimed loudly,
that he would make prize of every English colonial vessel he
could find east of the Penobscot River ; and he issued commis
sions to that purport. The governor at Boston addressed to
him a letter of remonstrance. After reminding the enraged
Frenchman of many acts of aggression of which he had been
guilty, he added, —
" Yet I inform you that no hostile act against either French or Dutch is
allowed. La Tour cannot expect any more succors from this place. A mer
chant's trade is permitted between us and St. John; and rest assured it will
be protected." 2
That which is done in a passion is seldom well done. D'Aul
ney soon became convinced that he had committed a blunder.
The French Government was not disposed to enter into a war
with England, upon the issue which their irate officer, in the
wilds of Nova Scotia, had raised. D'Aulney was mildly re
buked by the French cabinet, and was ordered to maintain
friendly relations with all the English.3
But, on the other hand, the French Government gave its sup
port to the Catholic D'Aulney, in opposition to the Protestant
La Tour. The latter and his wife were denounced as traitors,
and orders were given for their arrest. Madame La Tour was
apparently a woman of sincere piety, and conscientiously a
Protestant. She was then in Boston, having recently arrived
there on her way from Franee to St. John.
On the 4th of October, 1644, D'Aulney sent an envoy, M.
Marie, with an imposing retinue of ten attendants, to negotiate
* Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, p. 125.
2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 316. 8 Winthrop's Journal, p. 356.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 117
a treaty with the government of Massachusetts. Gov. Win
throp endeavored to bring about a reconciliation between the
two antagonistic French parties, and to secure a safe return
of Madame La Tour to her husband. But M. Marie angrily
replied, —
"No! nothing but submission will save La Tour's head if he be taken;
nor will his wife have any passport to St. John. She is known to be the
cause of his contempt and rebellion. Any vessel which shall admit her as
a passenger will be liable to arrest."
Under these circumstances the governor decided to stand
entirely neutral. It is, however, evident that his sympathies
were with La Tour. A commercial treaty was signed, and both
parties agreed to abstain from all hostile acts.1
The inhabitants of Maine greatly rejoiced over this result.
They were quite defenceless, and were in much fear that the
reckless, passionate D'Aulney would seize their vessels, and
plunder their settlements. Capt. Bayley, the master of the
ship which brought Madame La Tour from France, had engaged
to leave her at St. John. Instead of this, he had landed her
at Boston. She could now return to St. John only by equip
ping a force which would enable her to cope with the enemy.
She prosecuted for damages. The court, after a four-days'
trial, granted her a verdict for ten thousand dollars. With this
sum she chartered three London ships, and proceeded safely to
her home.
D'Aulney was exceedingly chagrined. He had fully ex
pected to make her his captive. His anger against the Massa
chusetts Colony was renewed. He denounced the governor as
having violated the treaty by allowing the ships to be chartered.
He obtained information that La Tour was absent on a cruise
in the Bay of Fundy ; that there were but fifty men left in gar
rison, arid that they had but a small supply of food and ammu
nition. Early in the spring, when winter breezes still lingered, and
snow covered the ground, he took a ship to capture the works
at St. John. He sailed, with his well-equipped war-vessel,
l Journal of John Winthrop, p. 357.

118 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
from the Penobscot. Soon he overtook a New England vessel
which was bound to the St. John with supplies. Regardless
of the commercial treaty, he seized the vessel, landed the crew
in an open boat upon a desolate island, and in his cruel rage
abandoned them, without even leaving them the means of kind
ling a fire. Very thinly clad, they succeeded in constructing a
miserable wigwam, where they suffered severely from cold and
hunger. Here they remained ten days, until they were taken
off, and sent home in an old shallop.
D'Aulney entered the harbor at St. John, moored his ship
opposite the fort, and opened a vigorous fire. But Madame La
Tour was already there. She was a true heroine. Her intre
pidity was sufficient to quadruple the strength of the feeble
garrison. She caused the fire to be returned, and with so much
skill, that, in a short time, the deck of D'Aulney's vessel ran
red with blood, and was strewed with the mangled bodies of
the dead and dying. Twenty were killed and thirteen wounded.
Every shot from the fort struck the ship. Her hull was shat
tered. The water was rushing in at the shot-holes ; and still
the deadly fire was kept up without intermission, while the gar
rison behind strong ramparts remained unharmed.
D'Aulney was effectually repulsed. To save his ship from
sinking, he hastily warped her under shelter of a bluff, beyond
the reach of cannon-shot. Having repaired his damages, buried
his dead, and dressed the terrible wounds inflicted by cannon-
shot, he spread his sails, and, greatly crestfallen, returned to
Castine. Massachusetts was justly incensed at the gross violation of
the treaty in seizing a New England vessel. An envoy was
promptly sent to D'Aulney demanding explanation and satisfac
tion. There was an angry and unsatisfactory interview. The
enraged Frenchman, losing all self-control in his reckless
charges, said, —
" You have helped my mortal enemy in aiding La Tour's wife to return
to St. John. You have burned my buildings; you have killed my animals
I warn you to beware of the avenging hand of my sovereign."
The envoy with dignity replied, —

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 119
" Your sovereign is a mighty prince; he is also a prince of too much
honor to commence an unjustifiable attack; but, should he assail us, we trust
in God, who is the infinite Arbiter of justice."
The only result of the conference was the establishment of a
sort of truce until the next spring. It was evidently impossible
to maintain peace and free trade with both of these French
generals, who were so bitterly hostile to each other. A little
more than a year passed away, with occasional diplomatic cor
respondence. In September, 1646, three commissioners arrived
in Boston from D'Aulney, and demanded four thousand dollars
damages for losses which he professed to have received from the
English. The governor and his magistrates, on the other hand,
deemed a larger sum due to them.
While this diplomacy was in progress, the shrewd and implaca
ble Frenchman was gathering his forces for another attack upon
St. John. It is said, that, through the treachery of the Cath
olic priests, he kept himself carefully informed of the precise
condition of affairs there. Taking advantage of La Tour's
absence on a cruise to obtain supplies, he suddenly entered the
harbor with a strong naval force, and assailed the fort by a can
nonade from his ships, and by storming it, at the same time, on
the land side. The walls were scaled, and with the loss of
twelve men killed and many wounded, on the part of the assail
ants, the fort was taken.
All the inmates were mercilessly put to the sword, with the
exception of La Tour's wife, who was taken captive. The
plunder which the victor seized, consisting of materials of war,
plate, jewels, and household goods, exceeded fifty thousand dol
lars in value. This ruin of La Tour caused great loss to many
New England merchants to whom he was indebted.
The fate of the virtuous and heroic Madame La Tour was
very sad. She was a beautiful and accomplished lady, of un
blemished piety. Catholic persecution had driven her from
her native land, and from the many friends who surrounded he-
there. Her new home in Acadia was now in ruins. All her
estate had vanished. Her husband was outlawed and a wan
derer, without the slightest prospect of ever again regaining hi*
fortunes ; and she was a captive in the hands of a proud and

120 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
implacable enemy. Her heart was crushed. Day after day she
drew visibly nearer the grave. In three weeks her spirit took
its flight, and entered, we trust, that world where the weary
are at rest.
We regret to add that La Tour subsequently proved himself
to be a man utterly devoid of principle. He went to Boston.
The tale of his impoverishment and his woes excited the sym
pathies of the kind-hearted Bostonians. Several of the mer
chants furnished him with a vessel, and with goods to the value
of about two thousand dollars, to enable him to trade with the
natives along the coast. They manned the vessel with a crew
of Englishmen and Frenchmen. It was a generous deed of
charity. In midwinter of 1647, La Tour sailed from Boston. When
he arrived off Cape Sable, in Nova Scotia, the ingrate conspired
with his own countrymen, and, seizing the vessel and cargo,
drove the English ashore. In the conflict La Tour, with his
own pistol, shot one of the Englishmen in the face. These
unhappy men, thus turned adrift upon the rocky and ice-bound
coast, would inevitably have perished but for the humanity of
those whom we call savages.
After fifteen days of awful suffering they chanced to meet a
small band of Mickmac Indians. These barbarians treated them
with all the kindness which Christianity enjoins. They took
the shivering, starving creatures to their wigwams, warmed
their half-frozen limbs, and fed them with delicious cuts of ven
ison. The Indians, having thus taken in the strangers, and
given food to the hungry, and drink to the thirsty, and clothing
to the naked, furnished them with a pilot to guide them along
the sinuous coast to their distant home. This was in May,
1646.1 La Tour, with his stolen vessel, disappeared. No one knew
where he went. For two years he was not heard from. The
1 "If they had not, by special providence, found more favor at the hands of
Gape Sable Indians than of those French Christians, they might all have perished ;
for, having wandered fifteen days up and down, they, at the last, found some In
dians who gave them a shallop with victuals, and an Indian pilot; by which means
they came safe to Boston about three months after." — Hubbard's New England,
p. 498.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 121
fortress of D'Aulney on the Penobscot, was, at that time, the
most prominent resort of the Roman Catholic missionaries from
France. D'Aulney was zealous in that cause, and for some
time was the undisputed ruler of Acadia. After three years
he died. In one year after his death, La Tour returned, and
married his widow, and entered upon the possession of his rich
inheritance ; a striking illustration of the truth of the oft-quoted
remark, that the romance of fact is more strange than that of
fiction. La Tour was now re-instated in all his former possessions ;
and yet he made no effort to pay his former creditors. He
seemed to surrender himself to a life of conviviality. He sel
dom left his province. Several children were born to him. The
French were at this time in occupancy of settlements at Pen
obscot, Mount Desert, Machias,1 and St. Croix ; but none of
these settlements were in a flourishing condition.
It will be remembered that the Province of Maine was
divided into four political sections. Gorges' region extended
from the southern border to the Kennebunk ; then on the east
came Ligonia ; beyond that was the Sagadahoc territory ; on
the extreme east came the region between the Penobscot, and
Passamaquoddy Bay, which was called Penobscot. Civil war
was raging in England. All political matters were in a state
of the greatest uncertainty. The people of Maine were much
discouraged. Under these circumstances a general court was convened at
Wells in October, 1648. Edward Godfrey was re-elected gov
ernor, and four councillors were appointed. The government,
thus organized, addressed an earnest petition to England for
directions in their political affairs. A year elapsed before any
answer came. The only tidings they received were, that Sir
Ferdinando Gorges was dead, and that no instructions could be
i " Mount Desert was so named by Champlain, in 1605. The English named it
Mount Mansell, in honor of one of their distinguished naval officers. It has, how
ever, retained the name of Mount Desert. The island has ever been celebrated
for the boldness of its shores, the beauty of its scenery, and the excellence of its
harbor. The French Jesuits, who landed there in 1613, called it St. Saviour." —
Memorial of Popham Celebration, p. 74."

122 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
expected from the parent country while distracted with the
tumult of civil war.1
Gov. Godfrey was a very peculiar man ; bombastic, vain, and
arrogant. He usually prefaced his proclamations or addresses
with these words : " To all Christian people to whom these
presents shall come, greeting in our Lord God everlasting."
" Still," writes Mr. Bourne, " Gov. Godfrey is worthy of commendation
for the persevering and indomitable spirit which he manifested in what he
considered to be right, and for his courage in seating himself down in York,
an entire wilderness, with none to whom he could look, in his solitude, for
any help which the emergencies of his condition might require. He located
himself there in 1630, building the first house in that place.. He was the
founder of York. "What his motive was in making such a selection for a
habitation does not appear. Possibly the fishing business might hav£
tempted him to the adventure. No location could have been better for that
purpose. His house was on the north side of the river. But thus away
from the intercourse and business haunts of men, he would be but little
likely to grow in the virtues of social life, or in the necessaiy qualifications
for gubernatorial authority." 2
For three years the affairs of the Province were administered
by the provincial government as above organized. One tribunal
was legislative, judicial, and executive. Pemaquid, which had
been settled a quarter of a century, was the principal plantation
of the Sagadahoc territory. It was the great resort of fishing
and trading vessels as they ran up and down the coast. Indi
viduals were very busy in purchasing large tracts of land from
Indian chiefs. They were not particular in their inquiries as to
the right of the chiefs to sell these extensive tracts.
John Brown, in 1625, purchased of two chiefs, on the eastern
shore of Pemaquid, a region extending along its southern bor
der from Pemaquid Falls to Brown's house, and running back
into the country twenty-five miles. It embraced nearly the
i "The nature of Gorges was generous, and his piety sincere. He sought
pleasure in doing good; fame, by advancing Christianity among the heathen; a
durable monument, by erecting houses, villages, and towns. When the wars in
England broke out, the septuagenarian royalist buckled on his armor, and gave
the last strength of his gray hairs to the defence of the unfortunate Charles." —
Bancroft, vol. i. p. 429.
2 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 21.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 123
whole of the present towns of Bristol, Nobleborough, Jefferson,
and a part of New Castle.
About the year 1662, three other chiefs sold Walter Phillips
a large portion of the same lands, and all the land on the west
bank of the Kennebec, from Winnegance Creek to the sea, and
west to Casco Bay. Christopher Lawson purchased of a chief
nearly the whole of the territory now covered by the town of
Woolwich. Thomas Clark and Roger Spencer bought of a
chief the whole of Arrowsic Island ; John Richards bought
of a chief the whole of Jeremisquam Island. Such sales were
continually made.1
We know not what right the chiefs had to sell these extended
territories, or what price was paid for them, or the circum
stances under which the chiefs were induced to sell. During a
period of sixteen years all the lands on both sides of the Ken
nebec, and all the islands in the vicinity of the mouth of that
river, were bought of Indian chiefs. Such purchases were
obviously liable to great abuses. Both the Massachusetts and
Plymouth Colonies had very judiciously prohibited such traffic,
without the license of the legislature. There were no such
restrictions in Maine.
In these pretended sales by the chiefs, the same lands were
often embraced in different deeds. The boundary-lines inter
sected each other. The same lands were sold by different
chiefs. Inextricable confusion ensued. There were conten
tions and lawsuits innumerable. The state of things was
deplorable. There were scarcely any legal titles, and no courts
were organized with powers to adjust these difficulties.
The Penobscot region, it will be remembered, was claimed
both by the French and the English. The French called it a
part of Acadia ; the English called it a part of New England.
La Tour, who succeeded D'Aulney, governed this region with
military absolutism, establishing no civil tribunals.
The Massachusetts Colony brought forward a new claim to
all the land in Maine, south of a point near Portland. This
was by virtue of her charter, which conferred upon her all the
territory within the space of " three English miles northward
1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 330.

124 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of the river Merrimack, and to the northward of any part
thereof." Now, it was found that the source of the Merrimack
was far north among the hills of New Hampshire, and that a
line running from that point due east to the ocean would strike
the coast not far from where Portland now stands. This led
to a very serious dispute between the two Provinces. Massa
chusetts appointed commissioners to ascertain with the greatest
accuracy the northernmost head of the Merrimack River, and to
run a line thence due east to precisely the same latitude on the
Atlantic coast.
These commissioners testified upon oath that they found, on
the 1st of August, 1652, the head of the Merrimack, where it
issued from the lake called " Winnepuseakik," 1 in the latitude
of 43°, 40', 12". The three additional miles extending into the
lake would allow three additional minutes to the distance.2
Against this claim Gov. Godfrey, of the Province of Maine,
entered an indignant remonstrance. In his protest to the Gen
eral Court of Massachusetts, he wrote, —
" An attempt to hold the Province of Maine under your charter, or by
any other legal title, without the pretence of purchase, prior possession, or
anterior claim, and also without the people's consent, is the height of injus
tice. Hitherto you have declared yourselves satisfied with your own pos
sessions, as bounded on a line parallel with the Merrimack, three miles distant
from its source and its northerly bank, following its meanders to its mouth;
whereas you are now bursting your bounds, and stretching your claims
across provinces to which till lately no man, however visionary, so much as
imagined you had any right."
To this the General Court of Massachusetts replied, —
" Worshipful Sir, — Our patent by divine Providence continues to be
firmly established under the great seal. Though the grand patent of Plym-
1 Williamson suggests that this was probably Lake Winnipiseogee. It may
have been what is now called "Newfound Lake," with which the latitude would
more nearly correspond.
2 Hazard's Collections, vol. i. p. 571.
The report of the commissioners of survey, given at the May session of the
General Court, was in the following words : —
" At Aquahattan, the head of the Merrimack, where it issues out of the lake
caued Winnepuseakik, on the 1st of August, 1652, we found the latitude of the
place 43°, 40', 12", besides those minutes allowed for the three miles farther north,
which extend into the lake." — Historical Collections by Ebenezer Hazard, voL i.
p. 511.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 125
outh has been dissolved, ours, sanctioned by a royal charter, has success
fully encountered every attack. Nor do we now claim an acre beyond its
true limits. And, had you attentively examined its articles, you must be
satisfied with the correctness of our construction. For several years the
extent of our jurisdictional rights was not fully understood; and so long as
doubts remained we w ere disposed to forbear, though we have never aban
doned the pursuit of our utmost claim and right.
" In your resistance, probably a majority of the provincial inhabitants are
your opponents; for they are greatly desirous of being united with us, andl
they richly deserve our protection and assistance. We are bound to inform
you that the inhabitants and lands over which you claim to exercise author
ity are within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and that we demand our
rights. If, however, neither rights nor reasons will induce you to hearken,
we shall continually protest against all further proceedings of yours, under
any pretended patent or combination whatever." x
Such, in brief, was the reply of Massachusetts. It will give
the reader a clear idea of the nature of the conflict which had
arisen. Gov. Godfrey angrily replied. This led to the appoint
ment by the Massachusetts government of three commissioners
to confer with Gov. Godfrey and his council. They met at
Kittery Point. Reconciliation was impossible, as both parties
were inexorable. The commissioners then issued a proclama
tion to the people of Maine, informing them that Massachusetts
would extend her jurisdiction over that portion of the territory
which she claimed, and promising them full protection in their
estates and all other rights.
Gov. Godfrey and his council issued a counter proclamation,
denouncing the conduct of Massachusetts in the severest terms.
Still the General Court at Boston, in its October session of this
year, declared its northern boundary or limit to commence
three miles north of the head of the Merrimack River ; to extend
directly east on that parallel, passing above the northern sources
of Piscataqua or Salmon Falls River ; thence crossing the Saco
near the month of, Little Ossipee, which was about twenty miles
from the sea, it touched the most southerly bend of the Pre-
sumpscot, and terminated at Clapboard Island, about three
miles eastward of Casco peninsula.
In the prosecution of this claim, the General Court of Massa-
1 Hazard's Collections, vol. i. p. 564.

126 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
chusetts sent two experienced shipmasters to ascertain the pre
cise latitude sought for on the coast. They fixed the point
upon the northern extremity of the little island we have men
tioned in Casco Bay. Here they marked the letters M. B. on
several trees, and also chiselled them into a rock about a quarter
of a mile from the sea.1 Six gentlemen were appointed to
organize a government in the country south of this line.2 On
the 15th of November, 1652,3 four of them met at Kittery, and
sent out their summons to the inhabitants to meet the next
morning at the house of William Everett, for the purpose of
establishing a court of justice. There was much diversity of
opinion respecting the adverse claims of Maine and Massachu
setts. Negotiations were protracted through four days, during
which angry passions were excited, and there was much mutual
recrimination and abuse. At length forty-one persons were
induced to subscribe to the following declaration : —
" We, whose names are under written, do acknowledge ourselves subject
to the government of Massachusetts Bay, in New England."
The commissioners, having thus triumphed, announced to the
people that their rights would remain untouched, and that they
were entitled to all the privileges of citizens of Massachusetts
without being required to take the oath of submission. They
then proceeded to Agamenticus, which in their report they
spelt Accomenticus. The inhabitants were summoned to appear
at the house of Nicholas Davis to assume the responsibilities,
and to be invested with the rights, of citizens of Massachusetts.
The meeting was held on the 22d of November. A few
were obstinate in their resistance, and a spirited controversy
ensued. Gov. Godfrey, who resided at this place, led the
opposition. But, when a formal vote was called for, a large
majority was found in favor of seeking the protection of the
salutary laws of Massachusetts. It was very certain they had
nothing to lose by the change, and something, at least, to gain.
The governor, finding himself entirely outvoted, yielded, and
1 Records, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. ii. p. 240
2 Hutchinson's Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 150.
8 Williamson, vol. i. p. 343.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 127
with fifty others took the oath of allegiance to the government
of the Massachusetts Colony.1
The territory of Maine, thus annexed to Massachusetts, was
called " The County of Yorkshire." Agamenticus received the
name of York, from that city in England, which, twelve years
before, had been surrendered by the royalists to the parliamen
tary forces, after one of the most bloody battles of the civil
war. A county court was established, to be held alternately at
York and Kittery.
It was universally admitted that the Massachusetts commis
sioners had discharged their duties with admirable wisdom, and
with triumphant success. They were richly rewarded for their
services, received a vote of public thanks, and a valuable present
of wild lands. At the next general court of elections at Bos
ton, two deputies from Maine represented the county of York
shire. Other towns rapidly came into this arrangement, such
as Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise.
The energy of the Massachusetts government soon began to
develop itself. The inhabitants of the three last-named towns
were required within a year to construct a road wide enough
for the passage of carts from house to house, within the town
limits ; and also to connect their several towns with paths suf
ficient for woodmen or horses.
The ecclesiastical condition of the Province of Maine was at
that time very discouraging. There was no ordained ministry.
Though there were probably many individual Christians, who, in
their humble, unostatentious lives, were developing the spirit of
that gospel whose fundamental tenet is, " to do justly, love
mercy, and walk humbly with God," yet the clamor of noisy
disputants and turbulent fanatics filled the land. Any brazen
faced man, however ignorant, however immoral, however atro
cious the sentiments he promulgated, could assume the position
of a religious teacher. Ecclesiastical anarchy reigned. There
was freedom of speech which no law restrained.
1 " One town after another, yielding in part to menaces and armed force, gave
in its adhesion. Great care was observed to guard the rights of property ; every
man was confirmed in his possessions; the religious liberty of the Episcopalians
was left unharmed ; the privileges of citizenship were extended to all inhabitants ;
and the whole eastern country gradually, yet reluctantly, submitted to the neces
sity of the change." — Bancroft, vol. i. p. 431.

128 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
It would seem that the good sense of the majority of the
people condemned these revolting proceedings of a bold and
vagabond minority. The General Court of Massachusetts passed
a law prohibiting any one from publicly preaching, without the
approbation of the four neighboring churches. Each town was
also required to support a pious ministry. It is supposed that
the population of the towns which thus came under the juris
diction of Massachusetts amounted to about two thousand one
hundred. There were many bitterly opposed to this " subjuga
tion," as they called it; but the minority was not strong enough
to present any serious obstacle to the measure.1
The year 1651 opened, on the whole, favorably for the inhab
itants of New England. By fishing, agriculture, and hunting,
the settlers obtained a competent support. The laws and
human rights began to be more respected. Still there was a
very radical difference in the ecclesiastical and political princi
ples of the early settlers of Maine and Massachusetts. Gorges
and Mason were the avowed enemies of both the civil and
religious views of the Massachusetts Puritans. They detested
republicanism, and were strong advocates of the Church of
England. With candor and truthfulness Mr. Sullivan says, —
" Gorges and Mason had been considered before the year 1640 as enemies
in principle, to the New England Colonies. They were both anti-republi
cans, and were strong Episcopalians. They settled no orthodox clergyman,
according to what the neighboring colonies called orthodoxy; nor did they,
indeed, before that year, establish or support any kind of government, or
even attempt to establish any form of worship; nor did they pay any atten
tion to public schools. It was very evident that they held all the Puritan
regulations in contempt. Their government over their servants, vassals,
and tenants, from a want of those regulations, became weak and inefficient.
We therefore find constant complaints of their being plundered by their
servants, cheated by their agents, and of being deserted by their vassals.
1 ' Gorges wishing to have the other colonies annihilated, and to have a,
general government over the whole country, urged the point of the king's
re-assuming the lands granted by his ancestor, and making new grants of the
whole; and according to this idea, he and Mason having surrendered their
title, he took the charter in the year 1639, for the Province of Maine." 2
1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 356.
¦ History of the District of Maine, by James Sullivan, p. 141

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 129
It was this underlying hostility between the Puritan and the
Cavalier, which led the government of the Massachusetts Colony
to take advantage of the civil war raging in England, to extend
their charter so far to the east as to embrace the whole territory
included in the Gorges and Mason patents. The political
storms raging in Europe raised billows whose surges dashed
against the rock-bound coast of the New World.
There was a little group of Dutchmen at the mouth of the
Hudson River. There were a few English hamlets scattered
along the coast of Massachusetts and Maine. Beyond the Pen
obscot were the straggling settlements, few and feeble, of the
French. Vast realms, boundless and unexplored, spread out
towards the west, whose grandeur the imagination was ex
hausted in the attempt to explore. One would have thought
that these few impoverished people, struggling alike against the
hardships of the wilderness, might have lived in peace as broth
ers, helping and cheering one another. They thus might have
had happy lives, notwithstanding all the ills that flesh is heir
to. Instead of this, a large portion of their energies were
expended in shooting one another, burning the houses, devas
tating the plantations, and filling the land with the wailings of
widows and orphans. Thus clouds and darkness ere long be
gan to overshadow the sky, and storms to arise, which put an
end to all hopes of happiness. The English, the French, and
the Dutch claimed the same territory, and were disposed to
fight for its possession.
In the year 1657 the alarming report was circulated that the
Dutch upon the Hudson were arming the savages of New Eng
land, and inciting them to a combined attack of extermination
against the English settlements along the coasts of Maine and
Massachusetts. The Indians of Maine were at this time quite
numerous. They had obtained, both from the Fiench and Eng
lish, guns and ammunition. Many of them had become skilful
marksmen. Being as well armed as the white men, and con
scious of a great superiority in numbers, they became bold, very
exacting, and often insolent. Not unfrequently a gang of half
a dozen savages on the hunt would approach the log hut of
some lonely settler. With swaggering air they would take pos-
9

130 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
session of the premises, feast themselves to satiety, occupy the
cabin for the night, and in the morning go on their way, without
saying so much as " I thank you."
The menacing attitude of the savages became alarming, and
their depredations intolerable, and the more intolerable, since it
was fully believed that they were stimulated to these outrages
by the Dutch authorities at the mouth of the Hudson. The
public agitation became so great, in view of these facts and
these rumors, that a convention was held of the commissioners
of the United Colonies, on the 19th of April, 1653, to take the
subject into consideration; It was apprehended that the French
on the east, and the Dutch on the west, were conspiring to crush
the English between them. The' reports were carefully inves
tigated. Indians were summoned before the court to give their
testimony ; and then a very earnest letter was written to the
Dutch governor requiring an explanation. Indignantly the
governor replied, —
1 ' There is not one word of truth in the scandalous report raised about
my conduct. I marvel much at the novel course pursued in placing any
confidence in the testimony of an Indian. I am ready at any time to make
explanations, and to any extent within my power."
This denial of the governor did not satisfy the commissioners.
Though they separated without declaring war against the Dutch,
all friendly intercourse between them was interrupted. Indeed,
the New Haven Colonists were under such apprehensions that
the Dutch were about to bring down the powerful nation of
the Mohawks against them, that they sent a petition to Crom
well, then Lord Protector of England, that he would aid them
with a fleet and well-armed troops.1
* Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 166.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE PROVINCE OF MAINE ANNEXED TO MASSACHUSETTS.
Troubles on the Piscataqua — Career of La Tour — Menaces of War — Measures
of Cromwell — Conquest of Nova Scotia — Character of La Tour — Trading
Post on the Kennebec — The Oath Administered — Sale of the Right of
Traffic — Boundaries of Kennebec Patent — Political Connection between
Maine and Massachusetts- — Code of Laws- — Northern Limits of Massachu
setts — The Articles of Union — Rev. John Wheelwright — Correspondence
— Restoration of Charles II. — Petition of Gorges — Charter to the Duke of
York.
IT will be remembered that the Piscataqua River was the
south-west boundary of the Province of Maine. This region
was one of the favorite resorts of the Indians. Early in the
spring of 1653, just as the settlers were about to put their seed
in the ground, the alarming rumor ran along the coast, that more
than a thousand Indian warriors were upon the upper waters
of the Piscataqua, resolved to lay all the defenceless settle
ments m ashes. It was still supposed, though probably very
unjustly, that the Dutch governor on the Hudson was instigat
ing this movement. The government of the New Haven Col
ony despatched agents to England, to implore the protection of
Oliver Cromwell, who was then in power. The Massachusetts
Colony promptly ordered Major-Gen. Dennison, with twenty-
four well-armed men, to reconnoitre the strength and position
of the foe.1
La Tour, whose life had been as varied and eventful as the
imagination of a romancer could fancy, was now residing at St.
John, with Madame D'Aulney as his bride. Upon receiving
his Catholic wife, he had renounced his Protestantism, and thus
he gathered around him the powerful influences of the French
1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, p. 156. 131

132 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
court and the Papal Church. He was a wild, bold, reckless
adventurer, but slightly influenced by anjr consciousness of right
or wrong. The Catholic missionaries had attained a wonderful
ascendency over the minds of the Indians. It was strongly
suspected that La Tour was combining the Indians of Canada,
Nova Scotia, and Maine, to sweep away the English settle
ments, and thus vastly to extend his realms. Under these cir
cumstances, the General Court of Massachusetts prohibited all
commercial intercourse with the French on the east, and the
Dutch on the west, under penalty of the forfeiture of both ves
sel and cargo.
This plunged La Tour and his colonies into great distress.
They had done but little towards raising food by cultivating
the land. The savages lived a half-starved life, upon the little
corn they harvested, esculent roots, fish, and clams. They had
no provisions to sell. The French, with their trinkets, pur
chased the furs of the Indians, which were then in great
demand. With these they had obtained ample supplies of food
from the more highly cultivated regions of Southern Maine,
Massachusetts, and Connecticut. This virtual blockade of their
ports doomed them to starvation. La Tour, assuming that he
was unjustly accused of conspiring against the English, bitterly
remonstrated against this unfriendly act, when there was peace
between the two nations.
It did seem to be a very harsh measure, for the Court acted
upon suspicion alone without any convincing proof. For a time
the General Court seemed disposed to change its policy. It
occurred to some, that by treating the French kindly, and win
ning their friendship through intimate commercial intercourse,
the Catholic priests among them might restrain and disarm the
ferocity of the savage. They therefore loaded a vessel with
flour and other provisions, and sent it to the St. John River.
In the mean time the energetic Oliver Cromwell had sent
three or four war-vessels to Boston, with orders to raise there a
volunteer force of about five hundred men, for the reduction
of the Dutch colony on the Hudson. Secret orders were also
issued, for this military expedition, which was very powerful
for the time and region, immediately upon the conquest of

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 133
Manhattan, to turn its arms against the French on the north
east, and make an entire conquest of the Province of Nova
Scotia. Measures were in vigorous operation in Massachusetts,
for organizing the naval and land force to strike these two col
onies by surprise, when the news reached Boston, on the 23d
of June, 1654, that articles of peace had been signed between
the English and the Dutch courts, and that hostilities against
the Dutch colony were immediately to cease.
The energies of the expedition were turned towards Nova
Scotia. By the treaty of St. Germain, executed twenty-two
years before, this country had been surrendered to the French.
It was one of the arbitrary acts of Charles I. ; but still, accord
ing to the laws of nations, it was a legitimate transaction. As
England and France were at peace, it would be difficult to jus
tify the conduct of Cromwell in sending, without any declara
tion of war, a military expedition to regain the territory. But
the Lord Protector assumed that the. king had no right to cede
this territory, in violation of patents which he had granted his
subjects ; and he affirmed that the purchase-money, of five
thousand pounds sterling, promised by the French government,
had never been paid.1
The expedition, having set sail, touched at the Penobscot, and
then proceeded to the St. John, where La Tour had his prin
cipal fortress. The force was so strong that at neither place
was any resistance offered. Indeed, La Tour seemed quite
indifferent in view of the prospect of the change of European
masters, so long as his territorial possessions and his personal
property were respected. The English speedily took possession
of tbe whole Province, and placed over it Capt. Leverett, one
of the leaders of the expedition, as temporary governor. The
French court complained of this operation, and for some time
it was the subject of a diplomatic controversy. The English
held the region for thirteen years, when, by the treaty of Breda,
it was re-surrendered to the French.2

1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 261. Williamson presents several
authorities to substantiate these statements.
2 Holmes's American Annals, vol. i. p. 301; Hubbard's History of New Eng
land, p. 550.

134 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Soon after this La Tour died. His character was as strange
as his singular and tumultuous career. He was a man of con
siderable ability, of good personal appearance, and of very
plausible address. Sometimes rich, sometimes poor, sometimes
a denounced outlaw, and again in favor with the court, he
seemed quite devoid of any sense of honor, as almost of any
distinction between right and wrong. Religion was with him
like a glove, which was to be put on and taken off at his pleas
ure. His first wife was apparently a noble woman ; in faith a
Protestant, and in heart and life a sincere Christian.
D'Aulney battered down the fortress of La Tour, took his
wife a prisoner, and kept her in captivity until her death. Upon
the death of D'Aulney, La Tour rebuilt his fortress, married
the Catholic widow of his deadly antagonist, surrounded him
self with Catholic priests, regained the patronage of the court,
and lived in comparative power and splendor until he died. He
left one child, Stephen de la Tour, to whom he bequeathed a
very large landed estate, leaving many debts unpaid. Crom
well confirmed Stephen de la Tour in the possessions he inher
ited from his father. He, however, claimed no territory south
of Passamaquoddy Bay.1
The Province of Nova Scotia was considered as of great
value. The French finally ceded the country to England, and
Cromwell appointed Sir Thomas Temple its governor. He
entered upon his office in 1657, and discharged its duties with
much ability, and with the courtesies of an accomplished gen
tleman, for ten years. When the Massachusetts government
was condemning Quakers, he sent them word that any of the
Quakers they wished to get rid of, he would cheerfully welcome
to his Province, and would defray all the expenses of their
removal. It will be remembered that the Colony of New Plymouth
had established an important trading-post on the Kennebec
River. For a time the traffic was very lucrative. The Indians
brought in large quantities of valuable furs, which they sold
for mere trifles. But gradually the number of traders increased.
1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 190; Williamson's History
of Maine, vol. i. p. 162.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 135
Competition arose. The Indians became better acquainted with
the value of their furs. Unprincipled adventurers crowded in,
defrauding the Indians ; and the colony at Plymouth was too
remote energetically to extend its laws over the distant region.
A question also arose as to the title of New Plymouth to any
territory on the Sagadahoc, between Merrymeeting Bay and
the sea. Indian chiefs were also going through the farce of
selling lands to individuals, to which the purchasers knew that
those chiefs had no title.
It was indeed a chaotic state of society, and the seeds of
innumerable lawsuits were being sown. Pressed by such em
barrassments, the Plymouth Colony decided to sell the right of
traffic with the Indians on the Kennebec possessions. Five
prominent gentlemen of the colony purchased this right for the
term of three years, for the annual sum of about one hundred
and fifty dollars.1 These gentlemen were Gov. Bradford and
Messrs. Winslow, Prince, Millet, and Paddy. But there was
no end to the complaints with which they were assailed, and to
the annoyances which they encountered. Still the purchasers
struggled on, breasting these difficulties, and at the expiration
of their lease obtained its extension for three years more. By
the terms of this renewal it was required that some one of the
lessees should continually reside within the patent. It was
deemed necessary to summon the inhabitants of that region, and
require them to take the oath of allegiance to the new govern
ment established in England, and to the laws enacted by the
New Plymouth Colony.
A warrant was issued to the inhabitants on the Kennebec, to
assemble on the 23d of May, 1654, at the house of Thomas
Ashley, near the banks of Merrymeeting Bay. Mr. Prince, as
commissioner, met sixteen men there, and administered to them
the following oath : —
"You shall be true and faithful to the state of England as it is now
established; and, whereas you choose to reside within the government of
New Plymouth, you shall not do, nor cause to be done, any act or acts di
rectly or indirectly, by land or water, that shall or may tend to the destruc
tion or overthrow of the whole or part of this government, orderly erect"il
1 Morton's New-England Memorial, p. 135.

136 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
or established; but shall contrariwise hinder and oppose such intents t
purposes as tend thereunto, and discover them to those who are in plao t i
the time being, that the government may be informed thereof with all m i-
venient speed. You shall also submit to and observe all such good » id
wholesome laws, ordinances, and officers, as are or shall be established witj »u
the several limits thereof. So help you God, who is the God of truth, a, id
punisher of falsehood." *
A brief code of laws was also established by the convention.
All capital crimes, such as treason and murder, were to be tried
by the General Court at New Plymouth. Minor offences, such
as theft, drunkenness, profaning the sabbath, and selling intox
icating drink to the Indians, came within the jurisdiction of the
local commissioner's court. Fishing and fowling were declared
to be free. All civil suits, not involving an amount exceeding
one hundred dollars, were to be tried before a jury of twelve
men.2 The value of the exclusive right of the fur and peltry trade
with the Indians was continually decreasing. With the increase
of population, game was becoming scarce. The Indians grew
more shrewd in trade, and demanded higher prices. For three
years, after 1656, the trade was let for an annual rent amount
ing to about one hundred and fifty dollars ; and even this
small sum the lessees declared, on the fourth year, that they
were unable to pay. At length the monopoly was offered at a
premium of fifty dollars a year.
The original patent, granted by the Council of Plymouth in
England, to the Colony of New Plymouth, consisted of " all
that tract of land or part of New England in America, which
lies between Cobbossecontee, now Gardiner, which adjoineth
the river Kennebec, towards the western ocean, and a place
called the Falls of Neguamkike, and a space of fifteen miles on
each side of the Kennebec."
It will be perceived that these boundaries were exceedingly
indefinite. The location of Neguamkike Falls is uncertain. It
is supposed that they were about sixteen miles above Cobbos
secontee River, near North Sidney.3 Mr. Williamson writes of
this patent : —
» Records of Plymouth Colony. 2 Hazard's Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 586
« Hist, of New England by Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 168, note.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 137
"Its limits, as ultimately settled, were in the north line of Woolwich,
below Swan Island, on the eastern side of the Kennebec, through the south
bend of the river Cobbossecontee, on the western side, and fifteen miles in
width on either side of the main river, to an easterly and westerly line which
crosses Wessarvnsett River, in Cornville, a league above its mouth; contain
ing about one million five hundred thousand acres." 1
This grant conferred the exclusive right of trade with the
natives, and at all times an open passage down the river to the
sea. For some time the proprietors claimed the whole territory
to the ocean. This led to litigation, an account of which would
only weary the reader. In the year 1661 the whole patent
was sold to a company, for a sum amounting to about two
thousand dollars. Soon after this the company erected a fort
at Maquoit.2
Years passed slowly away, while the affairs of this remote
and dreary trading-post continued to languish. No attempt
was made to establish a plantation there for agricultural pur
poses. The government was chaotic, and but little respect was
paid to laws or rulers. Emigration, for a time, was flowing
back from the New World to the Old ; and New Plymouth had
no surplus population to send to the banks of the Kennebec.
But the political connection now formed between Maine and
Massachusetts continued, with some slight interruptions, for a
period of one hundred and sixty-seven years. The salutary
laws of Massachusetts were gradually accepted by the people.
The Massachusetts government was administered by a gov
ernor, a deputy governor, a council of eighteen, and a house
of deputies. It was truly a republican government, the rulers
being chosen by the people. The towns elected the represen
tatives. Ten freemen entitled the town to one deputy ; twenty,
to two. None could have more than two. No one could be a
deputy " who was unsound in the main points of the Chris
tian religion, as held forth and acknowledged by the generality
of Protestant orthodox writers."8 Under the colonial charter,
Maine was never represented by more than five deputies at one
time. The reader who is interested in the details of the politi-
l Williamson, vol. i. p. 237.
* Greenleaf's Reports, vol. iii. p. Ill; Sullivan, p. 118.
* Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. ii. p. 238.

138 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
cal, ecclesiastical, and military ^administration, will find them
quite fully presented in Williamson's excellent History of
Maine. The people who were religiously disposed were encouraged
by law to congregate and embody themselves into a church
estate, to elect and ordain their officers, to admit and to disci
pline or to excommunicate their members. And yet it was
declared that no church censure was ever to affect any man's
property, civil dignity, office, or authority. It must be admitted
that the practice was not always in accordance with these
avowed principles. The connection between Church and State
was so intimate in England, that the colonists in their new home
could not entirely dissever them.
By a law enacted in 1644, it was declared, that to affirm that
man is justified by his own works, and not by Christ's righteous
ness ; or to deny the immortality of the soul, the resurrection
of the body, the sacredness of the sabbath, or the authority of
the magistracy, — tended to subvert the Christian faith, and to
destroy the souls of men. It was also enacted, in 1646, that it
was highly penal for men to withhold their children from bap
tism. It is a sad comment upon the times, that many were
severely punished by fines, whipping, and banishment, and some
few were even executed, for neglecting the baptism of their
children.1 Every ecclesiastic of the order of Jesuits, as " devoted to the
religion and court of Rome," was ordered into banishment,
unless he came as a public messenger ; even then he was to be
banished if he behaved offensively.
The Quakers were vehemently attacked. They were de
nounced as a cursed sect of heretics, pretending to be immedi
ately sent from God, and inspired to write blasphemous opinions,
despising government, reviling magistrates, speaking evil of dig
nities, and seeking to turn people from the true faith.2 Their
books were ordered to be burned by the hangman ; they them
selves were to be banished, and, if they returned, to be put to
death. The denial of the inspiration of the books of the Old and
1 Williamson , vol. i. p. 380. 2 Colonial Laws, p. 121.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. l39
New Testaments was punished, first by fine or whipping, and,
if repeated, by imprisonment and even death.
There can be no doubt of the sincere desire of the early col
onists to establish just laws, and such as would promote the
public welfare. We must not blame them too severely for not
being wise above their generation. The progress of the world,
in the direction of freedom and toleration, has been very slow.
Many of the enactments were humane ; and, in the general prin
ciples of freedom, the colonists were far in advance of most of
the governments in the Old World.
In every town a record was ordered to be kept of newly
arrived emigrants and their business prospects. All strangers
who were in want, the towns were bound to relieve. The help
less poor were to be provided for. All cruelty to brute animals
was strictly forbidden. Laws were passed to protect the Indians
in their fishing and hunting grounds. Every town of fifty
householders was required to employ a teacher to instruct the
children in reading and writing ; and every town containing a
hundred families was required to establish a grammar-school,
where boys might be fitted for college. Heads of families were
ordered to instruct their servants every week in the principles
of the Christian religion. It is sad to record that on the statute-
book torture was allowed, to compel a convicted criminal to
disclose his confederates. But no such instance of torture is on
record. It was a law which disgraced the statute-book, but
which was apparently never enforced.
The inhabitants of Maine accepted these laws from Massa
chusetts. They took but little interest in political questions,
save as they had a direct practical bearing upon their daily
lives. Perhaps a large proportion of the Massachusetts Colon
ists were men of intelligence and deeply fixed principles, who
had crossed the ocean that they might enjoy the civil and reli
gious institutions which were so dear to them. When they had
-made such immense sacrifices to secure these privileges for
themselves and their children, it is not strange that they should
have wished to shut out from their wilderness homes those who
would bring across the ocean those antagonistic civil and reli
gious views, which would promote controversy, discord, and
strife.

140 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
But most of the early inhabitants of Maine had been lured
to that region for purposes of traffic. " I came here," said one
of them, " not to worship God, but to purchase furs and pel
tries." Thus Maine became distinguished for what is often
absurdly called liberality, but which is, rather, indifference.
Influenced by such considerations, religious toleration was
exercised here. Noble as is that spirit, it must be admitted that
it was then not so much a virtue as the result of circumstances
which caused men to care for none of those things. Maine
became the asylum of fugitives driven from the other colonies
by persecution.1
It was in the year 1652 that Messrs. Sherman and Ince re
ported that the northern limit of the Massachusetts patent was
in latitude 42°, 43', 12". In accordance with this report, the
next summer two experienced shipmasters, Jonas Clark and
Samuel Adams, were sent to ascertain where this line would
touch the Atlantic. They found, as we have mentioned, that it
was at the northern point of an island in Casco Bay, called the
upper Clapboard Island. Here they cut the marks of the
Massachusetts boundary on several trees, and also chiselled it
into a large gray rock. A line running due west from this
point on the Atlantic, to the Pacific Ocean, then called the
South Sea, was supposed to be the northern limit of the Massa
chusetts patent.
Unwearied efforts were made to„ induce the people, on the
eastern portion of this territory, to yield to the government of
Massachusetts, as those on the western portion had quite
¦readily done. But several men, of commanding influence in
the vicinity of Saco, were very determined in their resistance.
The Massachusetts Court tried all the efforts of conciliation
and menace, for a time in vain. Gradually a number yielded to
the conviction that their interests would be promoted by the
annexation. Others were arrested, and were made willing by
the perils of fine and imprisonment. In 1658 a Massachusetts
¦commission opened a session in Lygonia, at the house of Robert
Jordan in Spurwink. Here most of the male population
1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 385.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 141
appeared, and took the oath of allegiance.1 The articles of
union were in substance as follows : —
I. All the people in these parts shall be exonerated from their alle
giance to Massachusetts, whenever a supreme or general governor shall
arrive from England.
II. All their opposition and other past wrongs shall be pardoned and
buried in oblivion.
HI. The same privileges shall be secured to them a3 are enjoyed by
other towns, particularly Kittery and York.
IV. Appeals shall be allowed in all cases to the General Court, when
sufficient indemnity is offered for the payment of costs.
V. None of the privileges hereby granted and secured shall ever be
forfeited by reason of any differences in matters of religion.
VI. A transcript of the rights and privileges, generally possessed by
other towns, shall be sent to these plantations and inhabitants.2
The towns of Scarborough and Falmouth were also organized.
Falmouth had a sea border extending from Spurwink River to
Clapboard Island, and it ran back eight miles into the country.
The union of Lygonia to Massachusetts was thus effected,
apparently to the satisfaction of all parties. It was unques
tionably a blessing to the inhabitants of Maine.8
On the 27th of October the inhabitants of York, Kittery,
Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise, presented to Cromwell, then
1 "After passing the ancient plantations of Kittery, York, Wells, and Saco, we
come to Scarborough, which has never changed its name since its first incorpora
tion. It extends towards the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the mouth
of Spurwink River, which seems to cut off, as it bounds, the eastwardly corner
of the town.
" Spurwink settlement was and is in the southerly angle of the town towards
Spurwink River." — Williamson, vol. i. pp. 29, 30.
2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 392.
8 Hon. William Willis, one of the most discriminating and accurate annalists,
expresses the opinion that Massachusetts had no claim over the jurisdiction of
Maine. He writes, —
"Massachusetts, taking advantage of the triumph of her principles in Eng
land, and dreading and hating the Episcopal power in Maine, under a forced
construction of the language of her charter, assumed title and jurisdiction over
all the territory southerly of a line from Lake Winnipiseogee to Casco Bay. She
was not long in asserting her pretended title.
"This usurpation of the Bay Colony corresponded with that of the Parlia
ment at home; and, though successful, it had no foundation in right. I will not
say that it was not eventually best for the people here; it resulted in giving them
a good and permanent government, and stable and just laws." — A History of The
Laws, The Courts, and the Lawyers of Maine, by William Willis, p. 23.

142 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Lord Protector, the following very expressive memorial. It
was a document testifying to their satisfaction with their annex
ation to Massachusetts, and praying for its continuance.
" Our numbers," they said, " are few ; and our dissensions, which have
been many, owing principally Ho malecontent loyalists, are happily quieted
by wholesome laws and watchful rulers. Through their provident care,
godly persons have been encouraged to settle among us ; our affairs have
become prosperous, and a barrier is opposed to an influx upon us of delin
quents and other ill-affected persons, the fugitives from punishment. Our
pious and reverend friend, Mr. John Wheelwright, some time with us, is
now in England,' whose thorough knowledge of our affairs he will, at your
highness's command, be happy to communicate." 1
Rev. John Wheelwright, to whom reference is here made,
was a man of undoubted piety, an eloquent - preacher, but very
zealous in the enforcement of doctrinal peculiarities, which few
could fully understand. He affirmed, that the " Holy Spirit
dwells personally in a justified convert, and that sanctification
can in no wise evince to believers their justification."
It seems a pity that the good man could not have been per
mitted to indulge to his heart's content in such harmless specu
lations. But the authorities of Massachusetts declared these
views to be Antinomian, denounced them as heretical, and
banished him from the State in the year 1636. Mr. Wheel
wright, at first,. removed from Braintree to Exeter, N.H., where
he settled on land obtained from the Indians, and gathered a
church ; but, as Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over
the territory upon which he had settled, he removed to Wells,
in Maine, in 1643.2 He died at Salisbury, Mass., probably
in 1679, at the age of eighty years.
The following letter from Mr. Wheelwright throws much
light upon the nature of the ecclesiastical conflicts of those
1 Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, p. 396.
2 "New Hampshire was about submitting to Massachusetts, in which case
Wheelwright and his companions would be exposed immediately to a new-
banishment. Gorges had assumed the authority over Maine; and they could not
fail to be assured that, under him, they might find a refuge which would not be
exposed to the spiritual tyranny of Massachusetts." —Bourne's History of Wells
and Kennebunk, p. 12.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 143
days, and certainly reflects credit upon both parties in the
unhappy contention : —
"Eight Worshipful, — Upon the long and mature consideration of
things, I perceive that the main difference between yourselves, and some
of the reverend elders and me, in point of justification and the evidencing
thereof, is not of that nature and consequence, as was then presented to me
in the false glass of Satan's temptations, and my own distempered passions,
which makes me unfeignedly sorry that I had such a hand in those sharp
and vehement contentions raised thereabouts, to the great disturbance of
the church of Christ. It is the grief of my soul, that I used such vehe
ment censorious speeches, in the application of my sermon, or in any other
writing, whereby I reflected any dishonor upon your worships, the reverend
elders, or any of contrary judgment to myself.
" It repents me, that I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt judg
ments, to the countenancing and encouraging of them in any of their
errors or evil practices, though I intended no such thing; and that in the
synod I used such unsafe and obscure expressions, falling from me as a
man dazzled with the bufferings' of Satan; and that I did appeal from
misapprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done very sinfully,
and do humbly crave pardon of your honored selves. If it shall appear to
me, by scripture light, that in any carriage, writing, word, or action, I have
walked contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of God, to give
satisfaction. Thus hoping that you will pardon my boldness, I humbly
take my leave of your worships, committing you to the good providence
of the Almighty, and ever remain your worships' in all service to be com
manded in the Lord. "J. Wheelwright."1
To this letter, the governor gave a very courteous response,
assuring Mr. Wheelwright that the court was inclined to release
him from his banishment. He also sent him a safe-conduct,
that he might make his appeal to the court in person. Mr.
Hubbard writes, —
"But the next court released his banishment without his appearance;
and so, if they had overdone in passing the sentence, it might in part help
to balance it, that they were so ready to grant him a release. Soon after
this he removed his dwelling; and being invited to the pastoral office in the
church of Hampton, after Mr. Batchelom-'s deposition, he accepted the calif
and tarried with them until his removal to England not long after, where
1 We give this letter, as recorded by Hubbard in his General History of New
England, p. 336. There are several verbal variations in the copy as preserved
by Winthrop.

144 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
he tarried many years, till, upon the turn of times, he came back to New
England again ; after which he was called to SaUsbury, where he accepted
of the pastoral office, in which he continued till the day of his death, which
happened about the year 1681. "1
The government of Massachusetts was the more inclined to
deal leniently with Mr. Wheelwright, since he was a zealous
Puritan, and a high-minded and earnest republican. Upon
visiting England, he was very cordially received by Oliver
Cromwell. The political changes taking place in England were very
sensibly felt through the remotest colonies of the kingdom.
The restoration of Charles IL, which was one of the most
memorable events in history, took place in May, 1660. The
Church of England and the crown of England were so insepar
ably united, that the royalists and Episcopalians formed one
party. The republicans were almost invariably dissenters. It
is estimated that the population of the English colonies in
America then amounted to a little more than eighty thousand
souls. Of these about five thousand were in the Province of
Maine ; thirty-eight thousand were in the more southerly parts
of New England ; in Maryland and Virginia there were about
forty-three thousand.2
It will be remembered that Ferdinando Gorges was an
earnest loyalist. He died while in arms in defence of Charles
IL, about two years before the execution of that unfortunate
monarch. His eldest son, John, succeeded to the titles and
estates of his father ; but after a few years John died, and the
succession passed to his eldest son Ferdinando.
It may be well supposed that Charles II. had no sympathy
with the dissenters and republicans of Massachusetts. Gorges,
with several associates, petitioned the king that the grant of
land in Maine, conferred upon his grandfather and others,
might be restored to the original proprietors. These petitioners
consisted of the representatives of Gorges, Mason, Godfrey,
and others.
In their petition to the king and royal parliament, they
1 Parmer says he died Nov. 16, 1679. 2 See Williamson, vol. i. p. 398,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 145
stated, that, by a grant from the crown, extensive territory in
Maine had been conferred upon Gorges, Mason, and Godfrey ;
that they had expended large sums of money in settling and
improving the realm ; that the government of Massachusetts,
by menaces and armed forces, had seized the Province, and
compelled the inhabitants to submit to its jurisdiction ; and
that the Massachusetts government was strenuously and per
sistently endeavoring to organize institutions independent of
the crown, and hostile to its interests.1
To counteract these representations, a delegation of several
gentlemen appeared from the towns of Maine, stating that they
had enjoyed, under the government of Massachusetts, great
prosperity and contentment ; and that the attempt to substitute
for the laws of Massachusetts the rule of men of inexperience
in government and doubtful abilities, would surely introduce
dissensions and anarchy, and would imperil all their interests.
In the year 1661 the General Court had incorporated the Isle
of Shoals into a township by the name of Appledore. Though
the towns of Maine, including those in this organization, were
entitled to send ten or eleven representatives to the General
Court, in the spring of 1662 not one was returned. Many
prominent men were denouncing the administration of the
Massachusetts government.
Gorges had returned to the Province, where he had previously
been deputy-governor. Though he had taken the oath of alle
giance to Massachusetts, and had accepted office under her
government, he entered upon measures decidedly hostile to her
claims.2 He even appointed several men to office, and, in con
junction with others, transmitted a petition to the king, urging
him to send over a governor-general for all of New England,
including New York.3
These measures somewhat alarmed the General Court of
Massachusetts. William Phillips of Saco was appointed com
mander-in-chief of the provincial militia. The following proc
lamation was also sent to the inhabitants of the county of York-
1 Belknap's History New Hampshire, vol. i p. 300.
2 Collection of State Papers, by Thomas Hutchinson, p. 322.
8 Hutchinson's History of New England, p. 234.
10

146 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
shire, as the portion of Maine subject to Massachusetts was
then called : —
"TO THE INHABITANTS OP YORKSHIRE.
" You and every of you are required in his Majesty's name to yield
faithful and true obedience to the government of this jurisdiction, estab
lished among you, according to your covenant articles, until his Majesty's
pleasure be further known."
A court was also instituted, consisting of three commission
ers, who were instructed to appoint or confirm in office any one
in whom they could repose confidence ; and also to punish
every one who pretended to hold office independently of the
General Court, unless he derived his authority directly from
the king.1
Several persons were punished, by this court, for opposition
to the Massachusetts government. Among others of note and
influence was Rev. Robert Jordan, the Episcopal clergyman at
Spurwink. He was arraigned by the grand jury fer saying,
" The governor of Boston is a rogue, and all the rest thereof,
rebels and traitors against the king." 2
The radical difference in both civil and religious views, be
tween the tyrant Charles II., and the republican General Court
of Massachusetts, could, by no possibility, be compromised.
While maintaining the semblance of courtesy, each regarded
the other with distrust and alienation. The king had no confi
dence in the loyalty of the colonists, and they knew full well
that he was eagerly watching for opportunities to curtail their
privileges. The ear of the king was always on the alert, to
listen to charges against them, while he was generally too busy
to attend to any defence which they might offer against their
accusers. " So violent and successful were the persecutions against the rights and
claims of Massachusetts in particular, that she not only feared the loss of
New Hampshire and Maine, but began to be apprehensive of having her
own charter taken from her. Therefore the General Court appointed a
1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol iii. p. 59.
2 History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 92.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 147
committee of both branches, to keep it and the duplicate in separate
places, thought by them most safe and secure." J
The apprehensions of the General Court of Massachusetts,
in reference to the hostility of the king, were soon realized.
On the 11th of January, 1664, a royal missive to the General
Court was granted to Gorges, ordering that court immediately
to restore to him the Province of Maine, or to assign the reasons
for declining to do so. It was also rumored, at the same time,
that several armed ships were about to cross the ocean to euforce
the authority of the king, and to convey to New England a
governor-general of his appointment.
The exultant court of Charles II. , then triumphant over the
spirit of religious dissent and the opposition to royalty, had
conceived the project of forming a grand empire, to consist of
twelve provinces, on the shores of the New World. In the
accomplishment of this plan, the king intended to seize the pos
sessions of the Dutch on the Hudson, and to bring all the east
ern provinces of New England under his complete control. In
those days might was right. On the 12th of March, 1664,
Charles II. granted to his brother James, who enjoyed the title
and emoluments of Duke of York and Albany, all the territory
held by the Dutch upon the River Hudson and upon Long
Island. The vast territory was called, in honor of the Duke's
English possessions, New York.
The duke was a greedy man. Looking eagerly into the
ancient patents which had been conferred and annulled, he
decided that there was no valid grant for the territory between
the River St. Croix and Pemaquid. He therefore induced his
royal brother to include this region, of thousands of acres, in
the charter conferred upon him. The boundaries of this por
tion of his grant are described as follows : —
' ' The region includes all that part of the mainland of New England be
ginning at a place known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New
England, thence extending along the seacoast to a place called Pemaquid,
1 This remarkable fact is fully sustained by the Records, Resolves, and Jour
nals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. iii. p. 89; also in Hutchinson's His
tory of Massachusetts, p. 210; and Political Annals of the United Colonies, by
George Chalmers, p. 254.

148 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
and up the river thereof to its farthest head, as it tends to the northward;
thence up the nearest to the River Kennebec, and so upward to the shortest
route to the river Canada northward. " x
This domain, truly princely in extent of territory, has been
denominated " The Duke of York's Property," " The Territory
of Sagadahoc," "New Castle," and "The County of Corn
wall."2 Charles IL, by thus making his brother James the
territorial proprietor of such immense possessions on the Hud
son, and also on the eastern borders of New England, was
shrewdly preparing the way for constituting him viceroy not
only of those realms, but of all the domain between.
l History of Connecticut, by Benjamin TrumbulL vol. i. p. 2(i'i.
2 Summary of British Settlements in North America, by William Douglas,
vol i. p. 381.

CHAPTER IX.
POLITICAL AGITATIONS.
The Duke of York — The Royal Commissioners — Conflict between the Com
missioners and the General Court — Their Unfriendly Report— ¦ Tyranny ol
Charles II. — Character of George Cleaves — The Petition — Efforts of the
Commissioners — Treaty with the Indians — War between Prance and Eng
land — National Antipathies — Baron Castine — His Character and Career
— French Influence over the Indians — Anarchy in Maine — Ambition of
the Duke of York — War between England and Holland — Jocelyn's De
scription of Maine.
THE Duke of York, who subsequently became King James
the Second, retained possession of his Sagadahoc ter
ritory about twenty-five years. The duke was the second son
of Charles I. Upon the death of his brother Charles II. , he
ascended the throne, where he developed the character of a
thorough despot, and of a still more inexorable fanatic. When
subsequently driven from the throne by William, Prince of
Orange, he repaired to France, and his American possessions
reverted to the British crown.
The region of Maine made but slow advances under the rule
of its new proprietor, whether duke or king. The duke was an
intense Catholic, and, when he attained the crown, was un
wearied in his endeavors to bring England again under the
ecclesiastical sway of the papal court. The Protestant religious
principles of the Dutch, who were established at the mouth of
the Hudson, excited strongly his jealousy and antagonism. He
co-operated with his unscrupulous brother Charles II. in send
ing an expedition of four frigates and about three hundred
armed men, to wrest the colony at Manhattan from the Dutch.
The feeble garrison was quite unable to resist so formidable a
force, and promptly capitulated. This was on the 27th of
149

150 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
August, 1664.1 Col. Richard Nichols, who with Sir Robert
Carr had command of the expedition, took the control of affairs
as deputy governor, declaring, at the same time, that he was
authorized to exercise the same command over the territory of
his royal highness at Sagadahoc.2
A commission of four men was appointed to investigate the
state of affairs in the New England Colonies. Col. Nichols was
at the head of the commission. He was a frank, genial, cour
teous man ; and, though of course an advocate for royalty and
episcopacy, his integrity and candor rendered him generally
popular. Sir Robert Carr, the next on the list, was a man of violent
temper, who hated both republicanism and any dissent from the
principles of the Church of England. His haughty and domi
neering spirit quite unfitted him for the delicate task in which
he was employed. It is said that he prepared a report filled
with the most bitter accusations against the colonists. Fortu
nately he died soon after his return, and his philippics perished
with him.
George Cartwright, another of the commissioners, was en
dowed with strong mental powers ; but he was unamiable,
morose, and suspicious in his disposition. He was a bitter foe
of the republican colonists, and drew up a very unfriendly
report to be presented to the king. Here again God seemed to
interpose in behalf of the feeble settlements. He was captured
by a Dutch ship, on his way home, and lost his report beyond
recovery. 1 We read with some surprise the following statement from Hubbard: "Di
vine Providence seemed to favor the design, in that so considerable a place of
strength, and so easily tenable, was so speedily reduced witiout the loss of one
man's life; and, without doubt, the right and title of the English to the place was
beyond all exception, which possibly made the former possessors unwilling to
dispute it with their swords' point." — General History of New England, by Rev.
WilUam Hubbard, p. 578.
2 " The county (of Cornwall) embraced all the settlements between the Ken
nebec and Penobscot Rivers, over which the governor of New York exercised
almost despotic jurisdiction. Quite a, large commerce was carried on with
Europe, and the other English colonies on the coast, of which masts, lumber,
furs, and fish constituted the principal exports, and for which wines, liquors,
coin, and various kinds of merchandise, were received in exchange." — His
tory of Laws, &c, of Maine, by William Willis, p. 33.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 151
Samuel Maverick was the fourth of the commissioners. He
is represented as a stubborn royalist, implacable in his hostility
to the political and religious principles of the Pilgrims. He
had for some time resided in Massachusetts, and was grievously
offended because the high merit, which he supposed himself to
possess, was not recognized by the people in conferring upon
him offices of dignity and influence. He was apparently watch
ing for an opportunity to strike the colonists a deadly blow.1
When, the appointment of these commissioners was made
known, it created great anxiety. Early in May, 1665, they
entered upon their task at Boston.2 As was to have been
expected, there speedily arose a downright altercation be
tween that body of royalists and the republican General Court.
The commissioners demanded an answer to the question, " Do
you acknowledge the royal commission to be of full force for all
the purposes contained in it ? "
The court evaded a categorical answer, saying, " The civil
power is conferred upon this colony through his Majesty's
charter. We prefer to abide by that."
The dispute ran high, and even violence was menaced. The
commissioners, unsustained by any popular support, dissolved
their session. Col. Nichols returned to his gubernatorial chair
in New York, and the others departed to investigate affairs in
New Hampshire and Maine. They, however, threw a parting
shot upon the government of Massachusetts, threatening them
with the doom due to rebels and traitors.
The events which we are now recording took place, it will
be perceived, before the death of Charles II. and the accession
of James. When Charles had become firmly seated upon his
throne, he issued a decree, denouncing the act of the General
Court of Massachusetts in extending its jurisdiction over the
Province of Maine, and demanding its restoration to the heirs of
i The commission is given entire in the Appendix to Hutchinson's History of
Massachusetts. See also, for the character of the commissioners, Williamson's
History of Maine, vol. i. p. 409.
2 This commission was procured by the earnest solicitation of the proprietors
of Maine and New Hampshire, supported by the exertions of aU the enemies of
Massachusetts, and was aimed at the power and influence of that colony. — History
of Portland, by WiUiam Willis, p. 161.

152 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Ferdinando Gorges. The General Court replied, defending its
course in receiving the provincials of Maine under the govern
ment of Massachusetts. They also boldly declared that they
would not surrender the jurisdiction of Maine until the king's
will were more distinctly known.
The three commissioners who repaired to Maine commenced
operations in the settlements at the mouth of the Piscataqua
River. There were quite a number of royalists here, who were
desirous of being taken again under the government of-the
king.1 In a letter from Charles II. to the inhabitants of the Province
of Maine, dated June 11, 1664, he wrote, —
" Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the grandfather of the present proprietor, and
a generous promoter of foreign plantations, obtained a royal charter of
Maine, and expended in settling it more than twenty thousand pounds; and
yet was wholly prevented from reaping the fruits of his expenditures and
labors by the unhappy civil wars, wherein he, though advanced in age,
bravely engaged in his master's service.
"In the mean time his opponents, intoxicated with success, as we under
stand, and deaf to the voice of justice, have given countenance to measures
by which the provincials have been brought within the jurisdiction of Mas
sachusetts Bay, and the proprietary deprived of all the issues and profits of
his property."
In conclusion, this royal mandate of the 11th of June, 1664,
said, —
" Since the restoration, he, by his commissioners, has endeavored to
repossess himself of his province, and, two years since, proclaimed his
Majesty king, established courts, and gave to many the oaths of allegiance.
But tiie government of Massachusetts prohibited all further proceedings of
those commissioners till they had orders from the supreme authority of the
kingdom. 1 ' We have therefore taken the whole matter into our princely considera
tion, and have thought fit to signify our pleasure in behalf of Ferdinando
Gorges the present proprietor, and do require you to make restitution of
the Province to him or his commissioners, and deliver him or them peaceable
possession thereof; or otherwise, without delay, show us reasons to the con
trary."2 1 " Now, it must be minded that, as to the Province of Maine, there were two
sorts that pretended a right to the government thereof; one that derived their
power from Sir Ferdinando Gorges' title, the other derived theirs from the Gen
eral Court of Massachusetts." — Hubbard' s History of New England, p. 584.
2 Hutchinson's Collections of State Papers, p. 3R6.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 153
The commissioners visited Kittery in June, 1665. The peo
ple were assembled, and were informed that if they persisted
in adhering to the government of Massachusetts they would be
punished with the utmost severity, as rebels and traitors. We
have not space to enter into the details of the measures which
were adopted. They were arbitrary and tumultuous. It was
a reign of terror. Oaths were administered, and many were
induced to petition the king for a new colony charter. But
still the measures of the commissioners were exceedingly un
popular. The people generally were well satisfied with the
virtual republic which they enjoyed. The commissioners seemed
disposed to gather all power into their own hands.
George Cleaves of Casco, whose name is sometimes spelled
Cleve and sometimes Cleeves, was one of the most distinguished
men of these days. He was an ardent royalist, and was warmly
attached to the Church of England. But he was very ambi
tious and self-reliant. The despotic course pursued by the
royal commissioners was offensive to him. He enjoyed a higher
degree of liberty under the institutions of Massachusetts, than
under the iron rule which the commissioners would introduce.
He therefore, with twenty-one of his neighbors, drew up a
petition to the king. This petition is one of the most import
ant documents of the times, as it throws so much light upon
the political aspect of affairs. The petition, slightly abbrevi
ated, was as follows : —
" The humble petition of the inhabitants of Casco, in the State of Maine,
represents, agreeably to your Majesty's command, our several reasons why
we could not submit to Mr. Gorges.
"But first, to our most gracious father, we, your humble subjects, in
habiting a wilderness in the northern parts of your dominions, would return
our most dutiful and hearty thanks for your princely care of us and of our
children. Required by your Majesty to render submission to Mr. Gorges,
or assign our reasons for declining it, we are frank to say we have no dis
position to oppose his government, whenever our obedience is expressly com
manded by your Majesty.
" In our union, however, with Massachusetts, we all pledged our alle
giance to her government, till our royal sovereign should otherwise determine
and direct. Yet we have found by happy experience, as your Majesty very
'justly intimates, that her maxims of policy, prudence, and moderation, and
her principles of amity and justice, so much the causes of her own eminence,

151 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
have, since our short connection with her, been the means of our content
ment and prosperity, far beyond what we have enjoyed during any former
period of the same length.
" The commissioners, nevertheless, forbid our submission to her govern
ment and likewise to Mr. Gorges. And in return she (the Massachusetts
government) withholds our allegiance from them. So unhappily situated,
we humbly entreat your Majesty not to believe us disloyal because our
names are not found on the petition for a change of government or rulers,
as we have no just complaint either against Mr. Gorges or Massachusetts,
being taught by the best authority, that ' obedience is better than sacrifice,'
and contentment is our duty wherever the allotment of God in his provi
dence, and your Majesty's commands, shall cast us.
" Threatened as we are for not signing the petition, and submitting to
the commissioners, we beseech your Majesty to take these reasons and our
case under your fatherly eye, and give us directions; for it is the design of
our hearts to act correctly and uprightly, and we would rather submit to-
whatever government may be appointed over us, than to contend or direct
what it should be. " 2
The commissioners spent about two months, mostly at York,
Scarborough, and Falmouth, making energetic efforts to revo
lutionize the government. They then followed along the coast
to the Duke of York's territory at Sagadahoc, or, as it was-
then frequently called, New Castle. About this time several
Dutch families moved from New York, and settled upon the
banks of the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta.2
The commissioners opened their court on the 5th of Septem
ber, 1665, at the house of John Mason, on the east bank of the-
Sheepscot River. They organized the territory into a county,
which they called Cornwall. The inhabitants were summoned.
to appear and take the oath of allegiance to the new govern
ment. But twenty-nine presented themselves. The county of
Cornwall was limited on the west, by the Sagadahoc. It, how
ever, included twenty or thirty families upon the island.
It seems to have been the decision of all subsequent jurists,
that the commissioners proved themselves utterly incapable of
1 Hutchinson's Historical Collections, p. 397.
2 " The government under the duke had never much energy or force in it, and
would very soon have been subverted by the Massachusetts, if the measures pur
sued in England in order to take away the colony charter, and the hostility of
the natives in this country, had not pre vented it. "— History of the District of Maine,
by James Sullivan, p. 29.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 155
discharging the duties which had devolved upon them. Nc
provision was made for the enactment of laws, for the imposi
tion of taxes, for education or religious instruction, or for the
public defence.
It is supposed that there were about three hundred families
within the county, and some of the settlements were forty years
old. The commissioners spoke of the settlers in very contempt
uous terms, underrating their numbers, and describing them .as
mere fishermen and fugitives from justice, who were entirely
unaccustomed to the restraints of government.1
In justice to the commissioners, it should be stated that they
entered into a very judicious treaty with the chiefs of the
neighboring tribes. The Indians had been atrociously wronged
by vagabond and unprincipled white men. It could not be con
cealed that these wrongs were goading them into a hostile
attitude. It was agreed between the commissioners and some of the
Indian chiefs, that, if any wrong were inflicted upon an Indian
by one of the English, the Indian, instead of taking private
revenge, should appeal to the courts for redress. If, on the
other hand, an Englishman were injured or defrauded by an
Indian, he should make his appeal to the Indian chiefs.
Contemptuously as the commissioners spoke of the settlers in
the region of the Sagadahoc, they gave a very glowing account
of the attractiveness of the country.2
" The islands, harbors, and outlets upon the coast," they wrote, "are
richly stored with great fish, oysters, and lobsters. The interior abounds
with ducks, geese, deer, and other game, and also with strawberries, rasp
berries, gooseberries, barberries, and several sorts of bilberries, in their sea-
i This report maybe found in fuU in Thomas Hutchinson's Collection of State
Papers, p. 424.
2 " In its native wildness the peninsula of Sagadahoc must have been a spot
of singular beauty. An open forest of mighty towering pines below, and hilltops
of overgrown beech and oak above, and on either side fringed with a clear, broad,
and grassy margin, terminating in a sand beach, sweeping from point to point on
its landward and sheltered northern point, must have commended the place as a
favorite camping-ground to the savages, as well as a site to the earhest English
colonists as a home. The indications are decisive that this peninsula was ever a
place of distinguished attraction to the natives."— Address of Rufus K. Sewall,
Esq., at the Popham Celebration, p. 137

156 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
son. We found also many kinds of oaks and pines, and the chestnut and
walnut trees, sometimes for four or five miles together." 1
Soon public attention was absorbed on both sides of the At
lantic, by the war which broke out between France and Eng
land. Very extensive preparations were made by the British
cabinet, for the conquest of Canada.2 Massachusetts was not
reluctant to engage in this enterprise. The militia of Massachu
setts, at this time, amounted to four thousand foot and four
hundred horse. The enlistments for the conquest of Canada
were not made until October. It was then deemed too late in
the season to attempt a northern campaign. The war was short,
and mostly waged in other regions. But, in its results, it was
very unsatisfactory to New England. The treaty of Breda was
concluded on the 31st of July, 1667, with both France and
Holland. England received the Dutch colony on the Hudson,
but resigned Nova Scotia to the French.
The English Protestants brought with them to this New
World a very strong antipathy to that bigoted Catholicism
which had been the bane of the Old World. They did not love
their French neighbors, and they were greatly annoyed at the
recession of the Acadian provinces to France. The troubled
times very speedily obliterated all the traces which the king's
commissioners had left behind them.
England was far away. The attention of her contemptible
king, Charles II. , to the remote colonies, was spasmodic and
transient. It was to Massachusetts alone, that the widely scat
tered inhabitants of Maine could look for sympathy in time of
peace, or for aid in war.
There were no bonds of union between the Catholic French
of Nova Scotia, and the Puritans of New England. They dif
fered in language, religion, and in all the habits of social life.
Those very traits of character, which admirably adapted the
French to win the confidence of the Indians, excited the repug
nance of the English. The pageantry of their religious wor
ship, which the strong-minded Puritans regarded as senseless
1 Hutchinson's Collections of State Papers.
2 American Annals, by Abiel Holmes, vol. i. p. 489.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 157
mummery, was well adapted to catch the attention of the child
ish savages. The Frenchman would build him a wigwam,
marry an Indian wife, perhaps two or three ; adopt the dress
of the tribe, and, in all the habits of his life, step at least half
way down to meet the savage. Thus the French and the Indi
ans lived far more harmoniously together than did the Indians
and the English.
In illustration of these views we may mention the case of
Jean Vincent, Baron of St. Castin or Casteins, as some spell
the name. He was a gentleman of wealth and rank, born in
Be*arn, at the foot of the Pyrenees. Naturally fond of adven
ture, he had entered the army, and had served with distinction
against the Turks.1 When about twenty-one years of age he
came to this country, and joined a tribe of Indians called the
Abenakis.2 He lived with them twenty years, adopting their
dress, and apparently conforming in all respects to their savage
habits. But his superior intelligence, his tact, and his adapta
tion of himself to all their prejudices, so won their regard, that
they considered him as more than human, or, to use the lan
guage of his biographer, " comme leur Dieu tutelaire."
He acquired their language perfectly, and married the daugh
ter of Madokawando, one of the most distinguished chiefs.
Some say that, according to the Indian custom, he took several
wives. He seemed perfectly contented with his lot, declaring
that he greatly preferred the forests of Acadia to the valley of
Pyrenees, where he was born. His French biographer writes, —
" For the first years of his abode with them, he lived in such a manner
a3 to secure their esteem to a higher degree than words can describe. They
made him their grand chief, which constituted him sovereign of the nation.
By degrees he accumulated a fortune, which any other person would have
appropriated to his own benefit, by retiring with two or three hundred thou
sand dollars in solid gold coin.
" Nevertheless Casteins made no other use of this wealth than to buy
merchandise, which he presented as gifts to his brother savages, who, return
ing from their hunting expeditions, presented him with beaver skins of triple
l Martin's History of Prance, vol. i. p. 263.
2 We give the name as spelled by the French. It was often spelled by the
English, Abenaquis. It is said that they belonged to broken tribes who had with
drawn from Saco, the Androscoggin, and the Kennebec to Canada.

158 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
their value. The governor-generals of Canada courted his favor, and the
rulers of New England feared him. He had many daughters. They were
all advantageously married to Frenchmen, and each one received ample
dowries. "He never changed his wife. By this he wished to teach the savages
that God does not love inconstant people.1 It is said that he endeavored to
•convert these poor natives, but that his words were without effect. It was,
then, of no avail that the Jesuits preached to them the Christian religion.
But these fathers were not discouraged, for they considered the baptism of a
single dying child worth many times more than the pain and the suffering
•of dwelling with this people." 2
The Indians, who were under the influence of the French,
readily imbibed their dislike for the English. There was, con
sequently, a growing animosity between the eastern and the
western tribes. There were no very definite boundary limits to
most of the territories portioned out in those days. In the ces
sion of "all Acadia" to France, mention was made of St.
Johns, Port Royal, La Heve, Cape Sable, and Pentagoet, as
the French then called Penobscot.3 The French took possession
•of the whole country, from Cape Breton to Penobscot, and
•erected stockaded forts at the most important points.
The political affairs of Maine fell into lamentable confusion.
By the action of the commissioners, the Province was sundered
1 This certainly seems to indicate that Casteins had but one wife; but Drake
-writes, "We do not apprehend that this amounts to a denial that he had but one
wife. His not changing his wife might be true in the plural, if he had several, as
-some authors state." — Drake's History ofthe Indians, book iii. p. 104.
2 Memoirs de V Amerique par Lahontan, 1. ii. p. 29.
" The site of the town of Castine is one of as much natural beauty as exists
-anywhere in New England. With its beauty is connected a harbor of great capa
city, and entire security for ships of any supposable size. This town was the first
in the State that received permanent settlers, on the eastern shore of Penobscot
Bay. " It had been occupied in the seventeenth century by Baron Castine, a Prench
gentleman, through thirty or forty years, as a temporary place of traffic with In
dians, by exchanging some cloths and trinkets of small value, for beaver and
•other furs. By means of this business he became very rich, and left the fort,
which had been erected by him at large expense, and which had protected him
against hostile attacks of Indians when drunk, as well as against plunderers of
his goods and moneys at other times." — History of the Law, the Courts, and the
Lawyers of Maine, by William Willis, p. 189.
It will be perceived, that, while there is a slight discrepancy in the statement of
ithe details of this man's career, there is none as to the prominent facts.
8 British Empire in America, vol. i. p. 22.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 159
from its connection with Massachusetts. And then, without
any sufficient government being organized, it was virtually
abandoned. Gorges became interested in other matters, and
the people generally doubted the validity of the justices ap
pointed by the commissioners. For three years no representative
from Maine appeared in the General Court of Massachusetts.
The General Court did not hesitate to denounce the action of
the commissioners in the following severe terms : —
" While the inhabitants were choosing to be under our charter, they were
deprived of their invaluable privileges, and thrown into the depths of dis
order by commissioners who were rather the destroyers than promoters of
his Majesty's interests and the people's good; men who have cast malignant
aspersions on our government, and have been the authors of transactions
for which they had, in fact, no lawful authority."
Under these circumstances the General Court issued a procla
mation, declaring, that, as the people of Maine were in peril of
being reduced to a confused state of anarchy, the court counted
it its duty to God to extend its jurisdiction over the county of
York as formerly. The transfer was easily made. The last
court held under the authority of the king's commissioners sat
in Saco on the 29th of May, 1668.1
Col. Richard Nichols, governor at New York, was greatly
disturbed by these proceedings. It will be remembered that he
had been appointed deputy governor at New York and Sagada
hoc, under His Royal Highness the Duke of York. He wrote
an angry letter to the governor of Massachusetts. The follow
ing extracts will show its spirit : —
"I am not a little surprised to find that you are preparing to usurp again
the government of Maine. You possess power enough, it is true, to compel
a submission of your weaker neighbors. And you may feel in duty bound
to re-establish your courts of law, in answer to the petition of a few unquiet
spirits, and under a plausible pretence of restoring order and peace. But I
ought not to be silent in view of measures so directly contrary to the injunc
tions of his Majesty's letter.
" Do you presume so much upon his forbearance and clemency as to sup-
i Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. 432.
" Saco may have contained a hundred and fifty inhabitants when the first
court ever duly organized on the soil of Maine was held within its limits." —
Bancroft, vol. i. p. 337.

160 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
pose that he will never stretch forth an arm of power to defend his subjects
from usurpation? Unable myself to visit you before I leave these parts, I
must express to you my fearful apprehensions, that if you compel an altera
tion of government in the Province of Maine, by subverting the present
establishments, you may, and probably will, be the cause of bitter quarrels
and even bloodshed. For it is a dictate of reason, it is nature's law, for men
to defend their rights against all officious invaders.1
This letter produced no change in the measures adopted by
the Government.2 Four commissioners were sent to restore the
County of Yorkshire to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.8 A
military escort accompanied them to York, which place they
reached on the 6th of July, 1668. Here some officers, who had
been appointed by the king's commissioners, met them with a
remonstrance. They stated that there were not more than four
or five men in a town, of any character, who were in favor of a
return to Massachusetts, and that they were resolved to main
tain the authority with which they had been invested.
The Massachusetts commissioners, who, according to some
accounts, " entered the Province in a hostile manner, with horse
and foot," replied, —
"All your papers and powers our General Court have too thoroughly
considered to require any re-perusal by us. Those under whom you aspire
to act, never lawfully possessed the authority which they assumed to exer
cise. His Majesty directed Massachusetts either to resign the Province to
Mr. Gorges, or to assign to him our objections. It is well known we have
chosen the latter alternative.
"The cause is still under his royal consideration. And when have we
been required by our common sovereign, to surrender the administration of
justice to your commissioners? By the returns we shall soon ascertain what
is the public sentiment; and, according to our ability, we shall discharge
the trust committed to us. If we are opposed, we shall advise upon meas
ures which will not be inefficient."
The commissioners repaired to the meeting-house, where they
read their commission to the assembled people, and explained
i Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 212 ; Chalmers' Political An
nals, p. 386.
2 See the letter in full in Thomas Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, p. 484.
8 The commissioners appointed were Major John Leverett and Mr. Edward
Ting, with Mr. Richard Waldron and Major Robert Pike as assistants. —Hub-
dard's New England, p. 693.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 161
the purposes of their visit. There was some slight opposition
manifested by the justices appointed by the royal commission
ers.1 The returns were brought in from five towns. It was
said that two towns had been prevented from voting by the jus
tices. The antagonism between the two parties caused great
excitement, and several persons were arrested by the Massachu
setts officers ; and at length quite angry feelings were elicited,
and the justices, who had become noisy in their opposition, were
driven out of the house by an armed force.2
In the afternoon they re-appeared, and again entered into
conference with the commissioners. They requested permission
to read a letter from the king, dated April 10, 1666, in which
the king gave directions to his commissioners as to what they
were to do until further commands were received from him.
The commissioners replied, —
" We are commissioned to hold a court, and settle the peace and order of
the Province. What we have begun, God willing, we shall finish. We are
fully aware of the irregularities occasioned throughout these eastern towns
and plantations, in 1665, by the king's commissioners, who were so bold as
to charge Massachusetts with treachery and rebellion, and to threaten her,
before the year's end, with the dreadful retributions of our sovereign's
severity. But through the divine assistance, and his Majesty's power, she
yet possesses authority, by royal charter, to assert her rights of government;
and we fear not to compare her acts of justice and clemency with the words
of those who can make words only their boast."
The government was then organized, and the commissioners
returned to Massachusetts with their report. They received a
vote of thanks, and ample remuneration for their services.8 In
May, 1669, three deputies from Maine took their seats in the
General Court of Massachusetts, and the restoration of the
Province seemed to be permanently settled. Gorges made but
slight if any efforts to recover his inheritance. Williamson says
that the eastern planters, being generally republican and Puritan
in their principles, were well satisfied with the change.4
1 See the details in Hubbard's History of New England, p. 597.
2 Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, p. 626.
8 The Report will be found in Hubbard's New England, p. 696.
* Williamson, vol. i. p. 440.
11

162 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
But in this world there is no end to troubles. Scarcely was
this question settled, when a new and portentous difficulty
arose. The French, being in full possession of Nova Scotia,
and the territory now of Maine as far as the Penobscot, laid
claim to the region as far west as the Kennebec River. It was
suspected that the Duke of York, who was an intense Catholic,
and who detested the political and religious principles of the
Puritans, favored these claims.1
It was seriously apprehended in Massachusetts, that the crown
might sell the entire eastern patent to the French. A new sur
vey was ordered. The most popular measures were adopted to
win the cordial support of the inhabitants of the Province.
The surveyors reported that a line running due east from the
most northern source of the Merrimac, to which, by the patent,
three miles still farther north was to be added, would cross the
Kennebec or Sagadahoc near where Bath now is, and that it
would strike White Island in Penobscot Bay.
But again war was declared between England and Holland.
The two angry nations were clutching each other by the throat.
The Dutch, in July, 1673, recovered the fort at New York.
With renewed activity, and with boldness ever characteristic of
Massachusetts, the government re-organized the militia, and
endeavored, in all ways, to consolidate the inhabitants of the
Province, that they might not be sold to Papal France.
In 1674 a new treaty of peace was signed between England
and Holland, and New York was restored to the British crown.
Again prosperity seemed to dawn upon the inhabitants of
Maine, scattered along the seacoast from Piscataqua to the
Penobscot. The French occupied the eastern side of the Pen
obscot Bay. The English, in large numbers, had reared their
dwellings, and were improving their lands, upon the western
banks of the bay, and westerly to the River Sagadahoc.
Capt. John Jocelyn, in the year 1670, visited the Province of
Maine. The next year he published a record of his voyage. It
contains by far the most minute account of the condition of the
Province at that time, which has descended to us. From this
narrative we make the following interesting extracts:2 —
1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 441. 2 See Jocelyn's Voyages, pp. 200-212.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 163
" Towns there are not many in this Province. Kittery, not fai from Pas-
cataway, is the most populous; next to that, eastward, is Gorgeana (York).1
Farther to the eastward is the town of WeUs. Cape Porpus is eastward of
that, where there is a town of the same name, the houses scatteringly built.2
All these towns have store of salt and fresh marsh, with arable land, and aU
well stocked with cattle.
' ' About eight or nine miles to the eastward of Cape Porpus is Winter
Harbor, a noted place for fishers.8 Here they have many stages. Saco
adjoins to this, and both make one scattering town of large extent, weU
stored with cattle, arable land and marshes, and a saw-mill. Six miles to
the eastward of Saco, and forty miles from Gorgeana, is seated the town of
Black Point (Scarborough).4 It consists of about fifty dweUing-houses,
and a magazine, scatteringly built. They have store of neat (cattle) and
horses ; of sheep near upon seven or eight hundred ; much arable and marsh '
salt and fresh, and a corn-miU. To the southward of the point, upon whieh
are stages for fishermen, lie two smaU islands. Beyond the point, north
eastward, runs the Biver Spurwink.
" Four miles from Black Point, and one mile from Spurwink Kiver, east
ward, lieth Kichmond Island. It is three miles in circumference, and hath
a passable and gravelly ford on the north side, between the main and the
sea at low water. Here are found excellent whetstones, and here, likewise,
are stages for fishermen.
1 ' Nine miles eastward of Black Point lieth scatteringly the town of Ca"s-
co,6 upon a large bay. It is stored with cattle, sheep, swine, abundance of
marsh and arable land, a corn-mill or two, with stages for fishermen. Far-
1 " Actuated by these generous designs, he (Gorges) determined now to erect
the borough into a city, and accordingly executed another and more perfect char
ter, March 1, 1642, by which he incorporated a territory of twenty-one square
miles, and the inhabitants upon it, into a body politic, which he, evidently in com
pliment to his own name, called Gorgeana. The whole lay in the form of a paral
lelogram, on the northern side of the River Agamenticus, extending up seven
miles from its mouth, and one league upon the seashore." — Williamson's History
of Maine, vol. i. p. 288.
2 Cape Porpoise, or Porpus as Jocelyn spells it, was but two and a half miles
from Wells. — Williamson, vol. i. p. 26.
8 The celebrated place called Winter Harbor, so called after an ancient inhabit
ant there by the name of Winter, is at the head of the tide, six miles below Saco
Bridge. See Williamson, vol. i. p. 21.
4 " After passing the plantations of Kittery, York, Wells, and Saco, we come
to Scarborough, which has never changed its name since its first incorporation. It
extends towards the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the mouth of Spur
wink River, which seems to cut off, as it bounds, the eastwardly corner of the
town. This part is called Black Point." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 29.
6 What is now called Portland was first called Cleeves' Neck, then Munjoy
Neck, and sometimes Casco, or Old Casco, from its position on Casco Bay. The
first settlement was made by George Cleeves and Richard Tucker, who settled
near the mouth of Spurwink River, in the year 1630. — History of New England, 6j
Coolidge and Mansfield, vol. i. p. 267-

164 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ther eastward is the town of Kennebec, seated upon the river. Farther yei
eastward is Sagadahoc, where there are many houses scattering, and aU
along stages for fishermen. These, too, are stored with cattle and com
land. " From Sagadahoc to Nova Scotia, is caUed the Duke of York's Prov
ince. Here are Pemaquid, Montinecus, Mohegan, Capeanawhagen, where
Capt. Smith fished for whales ; aU are filled with dweUing-houses and stages
for fishermen, and have plenty of cattle, and arable land, and marshes.
" The people of the Province of Maine may be divided into magistrates,
husbandmen or planters, and fishermen. Of the magistrates, some be royal
ists, the rest perverse spirits. The like are the planters and fishers. They
have a custom of taking tobacco, sleeping at noon, sitting long at meals,
sometimes four times a day, and now and then drinking a dram. The fisher
men take yearly upon the coast many hundred quintals of cod, hake, had
dock, and poUock. " x j
Capt. Jocelyn speaks of the inhabitants as indolent, and many
of them as very intemperate. Having earned a little money,
they eagerly spent it for strong drink, and could not be again
induced to work as hired laborers until their money was ex
pended. It is estimated that the whole white population scattered
along the coast of Maine, between Piscataqua and the Penob
scot, amounted to between five and six thousand souls.2 Chal
mers, in his Political Annals, states that the population of all
New England comprised about a hundred and twenty thousand
souls. Hutchinson places the number as high as a hundred and
fifty thousand. There were, in the year 1675, a hundred and
fifty-six families east of the Sagadahoc, and about a hundred
fishing vessels.3
In the year 1675, the deplorable war commenced between the
Indians under King Philip and the Plymouth Colony, — a war
fraught with woes beyond all computation. Through the im-
1 Mr. Williamson spells the name Joscelyn, and says that his account ends in
1673. Mr. William Willis, one of the most accurate of men, spells the name in his
History of Portland as we have given it in the text. He says that the period to
which Jocelyn's narrative relates is 1670, and that Jocelyn returned to England
in 1671. — History of Portland by William Willis, p. 882.
2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 447. He estimates that the whole Province, including
the Duke of York's domain, could furnish about a thousand soldiers.
3 Statement to the Massachusetts Assistants in 1675, by Sylvanus Davis. Mr,
Willis estimates that there were then four hundred families in Palmouth.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 165
prudence of well-meaning men, and the wickedness of the reck
less and the vile, the Indians of Maine were soon induced to
unite with those of Massachusetts in the attempt to extermi
nate the white man. Before entering upon the details of the
dreadful war which ensued, we will give a brief description of
the Indians of Maine.
The generic name, given to the several tribes between the
Penobscot River and the vicinity of the Piscataqua was Aben-
agues.1 The Indians, dwelling in the valley of the Penobscot,
are called by most of the ancient historians, Tarratines. Though
the Abenagues and the Tarratines had lived on friendly terms
until about the year 1615, a deadly war then broke out between
them. Each tribe of the Abenagues had its chiefs, though
there was one sovereign chief, called the Bashaba, who seemed
to wield a sort of imperial authority over the confederate
tribes.2 His principal abode was near Pemaquid ; his extended do
mains were called Moasham,8 and he could lead to the field
several thousand warriors. There were four tribes of the
Abenagues : —
1. The Sokokis, dwelling in the valley of the Saco River.
2. The Anasagunticooks,4 a powerful tribe, who claimed the
territory and waters of the Androscoggin, from Merrymeeting
Bay upwards, and on the west side of the Sagadahoc to the
sea. Their headquarters were at Brunswick Falls, called then
Pejepscot. This spot became the central rendezvous, where the
eastern and western tribes held their councils, and conspired for
• the extermination of the English. They had a large fort near
the falls. By fishing, hunting, and the culture of their fields,
they obtained an ample supply of food. But the early injuries
they had received from the whites had so exasperated them,
1 There is much diversity with regard to the spelling of these Indian names by
the annalists of those days. The Abenagues are called Abenakis, Wabenakies,
and Wapanachkis. There is the same diversity in the spelling of the names of
nearly aU the tribes.
2 See Smith, Purchas, Winthrop, Prince, and Hubbard.
3 Gorges' Description of New England, pp. 17, 54. Belknap calls his domains
Mavooshen, Biog. 149. Purchas writes it Maivooshen, p. 939.
4 Hutchinson gives this tribe the name of Aresagunticooks ; Douglass, Arouse-
gunticooks; Hubbard, Ameraseoggan ; Smith, Amarascoyen.

166 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
. that they were never cordially friendly, and at the first sound
of war they eagerly grasped both gun and tomahawk.
3. The Canibas. This tribe was found quite numerous upon
the Kennebec when the river was first discovered. It seems to
have been a conglomerate tribe, consisting of several branches
or families. The chief sachem, Kennebis, occupied a delightful
situation on Swan Island. The territory claimed by this tribe
extended from the sources ofthe Kennebec River to Merry-
meeting Bay, and included the islands on the eastern side of the
Sagadahoc River to the sea.1
One of the favorite locations of this tribe was at Norridge
wock, opposite the mouth of the Sandy River. Here the first
French missionary, Gabriel Dreuillettes, was stationed. It seems
difficult to imagine any motive sufficiently powerful to induce
a gentleman of refinement and culture to spend his days in the
wigwams of the savages, endeavoring to teach them the religion
of Jesus, but a sincere desire to serve God.
4. The Wawenocks 2 possessed the region east of the Sagada
hoc, as far as St. Georges River. Their territory was small in
its limits, and the tribe not large. The headquarters of the
tribe were on the westerly side of the River Sheepscot, near the
falls. Hubbard, in his History of the Indian Wars, speaks of
them as the Sheepscot Indians.3 The personal appearance and
habits of these Indians are thus described by Capt. Smith : —
" The name of Wawenock signifies fearing nothing. They were of comely
proportion, and quite athletic. They would row their canoes faster with five
paddles than my own men could their boats with eight oars. They had no
beards, and thought ours counterfeits. Their women, though of lower stat-*+
ure, were fleshy and weU favored; aU habited in skins like the men." 4
There was another powerful tribe, called the Etechemins,
occupying the region between the Penobscot and the St. Johns,
1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 466. Drake writes, "Kennebis was a sachem from
whom it has been supposed that the Kennebec River derives its name. But
whether there were a line of sagamores of this name from whom the river was
so called, or whether sachems were so called from their living at a certam place
upon it, is uncertain."— Book of the Indians, h. iii. p. 98.
2 This name is also written by different annalists, Waweenecks, Weweenocks,
and Wewenocks.
8 Hubbard, p. 301.
1 Journal of Thomas Smith, p. 19.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 167
including the valleys of both those rivers. There is some diver
sity of statement in reference to the definite boundaries of this
tribe. Williamson represents them as composed of three tribes,
— the Tarratines, the Openangos, and the Marechites. They
could bring six thousand warriors into the field. The Abena
gues he estimates could bring five thousand. This would fur
nish them with an army of eleven thousand men.1 Probably
all were accustomed to the musket, and were good marksmen.
They could obtain ample supplies of ammunition from the
French. This was a terrific power to be brought against the
settlers scattered through the forests of Maine.
The above estimate of the number of Indian warriors is given
for the year 1615, when it is supposed that the whole Indian
population of Maine amounted to about thirty-seven thousand.
1 Williamson, voL i p. 483.

CHAPTER X.
THE FIRST INDIAN WAR.
The Indians — Their Manners and Customs — Fondness for Intoxicating Drinks
— Scenes in the Wigwam — The Catholic Missionaries — Adventures of
Rasle — Indian Intelligence — Population — Philip's War — Commencement
of Hostilities — Awful Scenes of Blood and Woe — The Truce — Efforts of
Mr. Shurte — The War Renewed — The Ambuscades — Folly of the English
— Desperation of the Indians.
IT is important to perpetuate a correct idea of the numbers,
condition, and character of the native inhabitants of Maine.
They have nearly all passed away. The few remnants which
remain have lost all resemblance, in character and habits of life,
to their ancestors of two centuries ago.
The Indians of Maine were of ordinary stature, very erect,
and of great muscular strength. Their hair was long, very
black, and coarse. Their complexion was peculiar, with a red
dish tinge, which, at a glance, enabled one to distinguish them
from the negro, the mulatto, or the most dark-skinned European.
Though, in the South, a corpulent Indian was sometimes found,
it is said that none such were seen in Maine, neither was a de
formed Indian, or one dwarfed or cross-eyed, ever met with.1
The men were beardless. But, strange as it may appear, the
question is not yet settled whether this were a provision of
nature or the effect of art. Smith, in his history, says that they
had no beards ; others have said that the young men plucked
out their beards until the roots were entirely destroyed. Still
others say that the Indians anointed their bodies with an unc
tion, as a protection against flies and vermin, which prevented
the growth of the beard. 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 484.
168

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 169
Trained from infancy to acute perceptions, the Indian could
traverse the most dense and intricate forests without the slight
est fear of losing his way. Notwithstanding their hardships,
many of them lived to extreme old age.
Both men and women were fond of gay colors in their cloth
ing. Their dress consisted of furs in winter, and in summer of
skins from which the fur had been removed. Many were very
slightly clad in summer, and not unfrequently one was met
entirely naked. They were all exceedingly fond of ornaments,
and decorated their persons with gorgeously colored plumes,
shells, beads, and wings. An Indian chieftain, in full dress,
would outshine any of his brother lords in Windsor or Ver
sailles. Among themselves the Indians were remarkably honest.
They had. no locks, bolts, or bars. In trade they were fair, and
often expressed astonishment at the mean tricks to which the
white trader would resort. They were proverbial for their hos
pitality, being ever ready to share their last morsel of food with
the stranger who entered the wigwam. They were grave and
taciturn in their ordinary demeanor, and seemed never to forget
a kindness or an injury.
With no ambition to acquire property, no stimulus to exertion,
with nothing to rouse their energies but the chase and the occa
sional excitements of war, they were generally indolent. With
but little thought of the morrow, they were content with the
food and clothing of to-day. The atrocities of Weymouth,
Harlow, and Smith, in kidnapping the Indians, the cheating
practised by unprincipled traders, and the infamous conduct
of getting chieftains drunk, and then obtaining a deed of exten
sive territories for mere trifles, were sufficient to rouse the
indignation of the most patient people. The Indians have had
no historians. But, according to the testimony of white men,
their wrongs were unendurable, and their savage natures were
goaded, by the crimes of individual white men, to the most
dreadful acts of retaliation.
Their thirst for ardent spirits seemed to be an irrepressible
appetite. They would drink the strongest rum, unmixed, until
roused to the most dreadful degree of frenzy. They then

170 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
appeared more like demons than men, and were capable of any
. crime. The Indians generally lived in small villages. The writer
spent many an hour, sixty years ago, in the wigwams of the
Penobscot Indians. To his boyish eye, in a cold winter day,
the interior often presented an aspect peculiarly attractive. The
hut, built of boughs of trees and of bark, was always in the
majestic forest. It was sometimes circular, enclosing a space
about fifteen feet in diameter. Again, it was oblong in shape,
and about thirty feet in length and ten in width.
The floor was always carpeted with the green and fragrant
twigs of the hemlock. The walls generally afforded ample pro
tection against both wind and rain. From a bright fire, burn
ing in the centre, the smoke would generally rise through a hole
in the roof, leaving the atmosphere within the hut quite pure.
The indolent men would be lying around, sleeping or dozing.
The women were always busy. They sat easily upon the floor,
braiding their baskets, and chatting in low, musical, monotonous
tones, with rarely a smile.
As one day 1 came near sitting down upon an apparent
cushion, which proved to be a cradle in which a babe enveloped
in furs was sleeping, it excited a general smile from the squaws
seated around, but not a sound was heard. I always took with
me, as a gift, some tobacco, which insured me a warm welcome.
The emotions excited in my j'oung mind during those silent
hours, in the wigwam of the friendly Indian, can never be
forgotten. Nothing like what we call furniture was ever seen in the hut.
There was neither chair, stool, nor table. They had no regular
meals. They ate when hungry. One great and revolting de
fect of the Indians was their utter want of cleanliness. Appar
ently they never washed even their faces or hands, or their
clothes and cooking utensils. But, to my eye, the interior of
their cabins always appeared neat and alluring. Still in a dark,
easterly storm, with drenching rain and moaning wind, filling
the cabin with suffocating smoke, the interior must have been
extremely dismal.
The young girls were graceful in figure, and often possessed

THE HISTORY OF, MAINE. 171
pleasing countenances. Had they been cleanly, many of them
would have been deemed quite beautiful. All domestic and
farm labor devolved upon the women. They planted and hoed
the corn, gathered in the harvest, took care of the fish and
game, and cooked the food.
Christianity was first taught the Indians by the Catholic mis
sionaries from France. As early as 16Q8, Biard and Masse com
menced their self-denying labors at Mt. Desert.1 Gabriel
Dreuillettes Was the first missionary who settled upon the banks
of the Kennebec. In 1646 he built a chapel at Old Point,
Norridgewock, and for many years taught the Indians, win
ning their highest regard. In the French war of 1674, the
British laid his station in ashes. Upon the return of peace, the
Massachusetts government sent workmen to replace the rude
chapel which was destroyed, by another, far better, of hewn
timber. Dreuillettes was a highly educated and eloquent man.
Dreuillettes, or Dreuelettes as some spell the name, was suc
ceeded in the mission at Norridgewock by two brothers, Vin
cent and Jaques Bigot. They were of illustrious lineage, being
the sons of Baron Bigot of France. These, young men, cradled
in ancestral halls, and educated in the universities of Europe,
forsook all the attractions of cultured society, luxurious homes,
and ambitious aspirations, to spend their whole lives in savage
wilds, toiling to lift up the ignorant and the degraded to the
knowledge of salvation through faith in Jesus Christ.
They lived in a state of comfort but little above that of the
savages around them; with a wigwam of bark for their home,
with a bear-skin for a bed, and with only. such food as the
coarse fare of the Indians could supply.2
Sebastian Rasle 3 succeeded the Bigots in the mission to Nor
ridgewock. He was a gentleman by birth, education, and cul-
1 This was in 1609. It is supposed the place of residence selected by the mis
sionaries was on the western side of the Pool. Here they constructed u, habita
tion, planted a garden, and dwelt five years. With never-failing zeal they entered
upon the lifelong work of teaching the natives the principles of Christianity.
See Williamson, vol. i. p. 206,
2 The History of Norridgewock, by William Allen, p. 28.
8 The name is variously spelled, Rasle, Rasles, Ralle, Rale. We give it as in
scribed upon his monument by Bishop Fenwick.

172 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ture. Religious zeal incited him, also, to leave the endearments
of a home of opulence and congenial companionship, and to
spend thirty-five years in the then unbroken wilderness of
Maine. His remarkable character deserves more particular
notice. He sailed from Rochelle, in France, in the summer of 1689,
and, after a three-months' voyage, landed at Quebec. Having a
well-disciplined mind, and writing Latin with classical purity,
he found but little difficulty in acquiring the simple languages
of the natives. After spending several months in the diligent
study of the Indian tongue, he was first stationed in a village
of the Abenagues nation, in Maine. Here he found about two
hundred Indians, who, from the labors of previous missionaries,
were professing Christianity.
After spending two years in this village, he received an order
from his ecclesiastical superiors, to go far away into the depths
of the savage wilderness, to a mission among the Indians of
Illinois. Without a murmur, in August of 1691, he prepared
for this journey of two thousand four hundred miles, through
trackless wilds, towards the setting sun. Repairing to Quebec,
he there, with a few companions and Indian guides, set out on
his long and perilous journey, in the birch canoe.
They ascended the winding and rapid current of the St. Law
rence ; carried their canoe and its freight on their shoulders,
around the portages by which they passed the rapids. After
traversing the whole length of Lake Ontario, and threading the
forest around Niagara Falls, they again launched their canoe
upon Lake Erie. Weary days and nights of storm and sun
shine passed as they paddled along the shores of this inland
sea, through the straits, expanding in their centre into Lake
Clair, traversed Lakes Huron and Michigan, crossed the portage
to the upper waters of the Illinois River, and descended that
stream, to their destination amidst the thronged villages of the
Indians, situated upon its banks.
Every night they landed, built their camp-fire, cooked their
supper, performed their devotions, while the silent forest echoed
their vespers ; and, commending themselves to God, they enjoyed
that sleep which he gives to his beloved. Often, when it

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 173
rained, the upturned canoe afforded them their only shelter. Fre
quently they suffered from hunger, and eagerly devoured the
lichens which grew upon the rocks. Here Sebastian Rasle
spent two years in teaching the Indians. He was then recalled
by his superior, and stationed at Norridgewock on the Ken
nebec. We shall often have occasion to refer to this extraordi
nary man in the progress of this narrative.1
It can hardly be said that the Indians had any religious opin
ions. There were vaguely floating through their minds some
shadowy and inoperative ideas of a Great Spirit, and of hunt
ing-grounds beyond the grave. They had perhaps a more prac
tical faith in an evil spirit than in God. The machinations of
this malignant demon they greatly feared. The Catholic mis
sionaries gave them much more elevated views of religion and
of personal responsibility. Their teachings put an end to the
horrid orgies of the Indian pow-wows.2
Their government was of the simplest form. TJie authority
of the chiefs seems to have been mainly that which superior
intelligence and energy give. It was like the power which is
exerted over a New England village by a prominent man of
education, wealth, and enterprise. When the first settlers
reached the coast of Maine, there was one sovereign chief of
the Wawenoc tribe. These Indians occupied the valleys of the
Sheepscot, the Pemaquid, and the St. George's Rivers.
The Bashaba, as he was called, extended his nominal sway
over the western tribes as far as Agamenticus or York.3 Each
1 " Father Rasle lived among this people over thirty years. His influence was
very extensive, and deserved, not less for his zeal and entire devotion to their ser
vice, than for his learning and talents. The French writers place him among the
saints, while his English contemporaries give him a place the very opposite." —
History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 349.
2 Williamson writes, " So often had his (Rasle's) malignity, pride, and officious
interference awakened among the Indians new complaints, that the people of the
Province, for good reasons, regarded him ' among the most infamous villains,' and
would have given more for his head than for a hundred scalps of the natives." —
History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 106.
Williamson also writes, "He was a man of talents and learning; and by his
condescending manners, religious zeal, and untiring perseverance, he had greatly
endeared himself to the tribe. He had resided with them, and been their tutelar
father, thirty years, and many of them he had taught to read and write." — His
tory of Maine, vol. ii. p. 102.
8 Mr. Williamson suggests that the Camden Hills were the probable boundary
of Bushaba's dominions on the east. — Vol. i. p. 95.

174' THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
tribe had a head chief called a sagamore, and subordinate
chiefs, like the secondary nobility in Europe, called sachems.
The chiefs were chosen by. the men of the tribe, and the office
continued for life. The, successful candidate was often inducted
into office with great barbaric pomp. Representatives from
other tribes generally assisted at the ceremonies.
For fifty years the planters and traders of Maine carried on
their intercourse with the Indians without any open outbreak.
The Indians were often subjected to great wrongs at the hands
of individuals, and bitter complaints were not infrequent. As
the English grew more powerful, they became more arrogant
and domineering ; while the natives, crushed and irritated, were
ready to embrace any opportunity for direful revenge. But
there were some truly good men among the English adventur
ers, who treated the Indians with humanity, and won their af
fection. Thus there were two parties among the Indians, — the
friendly . and the unfriendly ; but the latter, in numbers, far
¦exceeded the former.
Many of the Indians possessed much higher intelligence, and
had clearer conceptions of their wrongs, than has generally been
supposed. They often argued their cause against the white
men with great shrewdness and invincible logic. Their amuse
ments consisted mainly of foot-races, wrestling, pitching quoits,
and bat and ball. They had no schools, and had no idea whatever
-of reading, writing, or arithmetic; Heckewelder says, that, in
their first endeavor to pronounce the word "English" they
-uttered the sound " Yengees," whieh is the origin of the term
Yankees.1 King Philip's war broke out in June, 1675.2 There were
then, according to the usual estimate, thirteen settlements, more
-or less scattered, in Maine.8 The English population of Maine
1 Writings as to the Indians, by John Heckewelder.
2 " This war has been ascribed to various causes. It has been represented,
with some spleen as well as truth, that the English were the aggressors. The
generous treatment and welcome they first received from the natives had been
repaid, as accusers say, by kidnapping their benefactors, by disturbing then- hunt
ing grounds and fisheries, and by a shameful mismanagement of the fur and pel
try trade." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 517 ; Mather's Magnolia, vol. ii. p. 493.
8 These were, 1, Kittery; 2, York; 3, Wells; 4, Cape Porpoise; 5, Saco; 6,Scar-
tinrough; 7, Falmouth; 8, Pejepscot; 9, Sagadahoc and Kennebec; 10, Sheepscot;

THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 175
was about six thousand souls. They were widely dispersed in
many small villages and lonely farmhouses, and almost in the
worst possible condition for either aggressive or defensive war.
The excitement rapidly spread among the tribes, from Plym
outh to Sagadahoc. The hunting gun had become to the In
dian almost necessary to his existence. The General Court
sent commissioners, with full military powers, to Maine, who
were directed to see that neither guns, powder, knives, nor lead,
should be sold to any Indian who was not fully known to be
friendly. They were also ordered, as far as possible, to disarm
the Indians, by taking from them their guns and knives.1
A more oppressive measure of hostility could hardly have
been inflicted upon the Indians. Just across the line, in Can
ada and Nova Scotia, the French sold every thing to the Indi
ans just as freely as to one another. They had no more fear of
a rising of the natives against them, than they had of an insur
rection on the part of their own brethren. Under these circum
stances we can easily imagine which party would secure the
sympathies of the Indians.
There was quite a renowned Indian chief, by the name of
Squando, who resided near Saco. He had been a friend of the
white men. One day his wife was ascending the Saco River in
a canoe with an infant babe in her arms. There were some
brutal British sailors on the banks. They had heard that Indian
babes could swim naturally, like puppies or ducks.2 To try the
experiment, they overset the canoe, plunging mother and child
into the river. The babe sank like lead. The mother, diving,
and groping along the bottom, at length found it, and brought
it to the surface. But the child soon died. This outrage roused
Squando, and he consecrated his tireless energies in the en
deavor to combine the Indians against the English.3
11, Damariscotta; 12, Pemaquid; 13, Monhegan. The country between the Pen
obscot and Passamaquoddy Bay had but few habitations. — Williamson, vol. i.
p. 615. i Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. iv. p. 29; see also Hubbard's
Indian Wars, p. 301.
2 "They can swim naturally, striking their paws under their throats like a
dog, and not spreading their arms as we do." — Jocelyn's Voyage to New England.
p. 142. 8 " The whites did not believe that the death of the child was owing to its im
mersion; still we must aUow the Indians to know as well as they." — Drake' I
Book of the Indians, b. iii. p. 99.

176 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Thomas Purchas resided about six miles below the Falls, at
Brunswick. He was a sharp trader, and had acquired a large
estate, though he had rendered himself very unpopular with
the Indians. Early in September, 1675, a party of twenty
Indians approached his house, apparently for purposes of trade.
Purchas and his son chanced both to be absent.
The Indians robbed the house of guns, ammunition, and such
liquors as they could carry away. They killed a calf and several
sheep, and enjoyed a luxurious feast. In the midst of the rev
elry, a son of Mr. Purchas appeared on horseback. Terrified at
the spectacle, he fled for life, putting the horse to his utmost
speed. An Indian, with a gun hid under his blanket, pursued
him for a short distance, but soon gave up the chase. Neither
Mrs. Purchas nor any members of the household were subjected
to any violence, though the Indians said, in retiring, " Others
will soon come, and you will fare worse."1
This was the first hostile act here, indicating that war had
actually commenced. In Falmouth, on the east bank of the
Presumpscot River, there was an old man residing, by the name
of Thomas Wakely. His lonely cabin, containing nine inmates,
was far removed from any neighbors. Mr. Wakely and wife,
his son John and his wife, and three children, were tomahawked.
Two were carried away as captives.2
Lieut. George IngersoU resided on Casco Neck, now Portland.
From his cabin he saw the flame and the smoke. The next
morning, with a small party of well-armed neighbors which he
had collected, he proceeded to the spot. Awful was the spec
tacle which met his eye. The body of old Mr. Wakely was
half consumed by the fire. Nothing remained of his wife and
son but their charred and blackened bones. The wife of his
son, who was near her confinement, had been cut down by the
tomahawk, and her body was mangled in the most shocking
manner. The bodies of three little children, whose brains had
been dashed out, were partially buried in the ruins. Of the two
children who were carried into captivity, one was never heard
1 When complained of for this depredation, they (the Indians) attempted to
justify themselves on the ground that Purchas had injured them in their trading.
— History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 195.
2 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 197.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 177
of more. The other, Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Mr.
Wakely, about eleven years of age, was eventually rescued.1
The poor orphan child, in the endurance of physical suffer
ings from cold, hunger, and weariness, which were almost in
tolerable, and of the most dreadful mental anguish from the
horrid scenes which she had witnessed, was retained in captivity
nine months. In June of the next year, she was released
through the kind interposition of Squando.2 Not long after
this, the son of Lieut. IngersoU was killed, and his house and
those of his neighbors were burned.3
The Indians having thus lapped blood, their savage natures
were roused. In small, demoniac bands, they scattered over
the whole Province of Maine, from the Piscataqua to the An
droscoggin. A large number of Indians were ravaging the
dwellings at the head of New Meadows River, near Brunswick.
A party of twenty-five Englishmen, in a sloop and two boats,
attacked them. There was a hotly contested battle. The Eng
lish were defeated, and driven back to their sloop. Many were
severely wounded. The victors uttered yells of triumph which
resounded through the forests.
On Saturday morning, Sept. 18, two dwelling-houses at Saco
were attacked. One was occupied by Mr. John Bonython. It
stood on the east of the river, about a mile below the Lower
Falls. A neighboring Indian, who was friendly to Mr. Bony
thon,4 came to him privately, and said, —
" Some stranger Indians, from the west, have been at my wigwam. They
have endeavored to persuade us aU to raise the tomahawk against the white
people. They have gone farther east, and wiU probably soon come back
with many warriors. "
1 According to Sullivan, this event took place in July, 1675. But Williamson,
following Hubbard's account, assigns it to the 12th of September of that year.
2 "When the family of old Mr. Wakely was murdered, a young woman was
carried away captive. Squando was the means of her being set at liberty. She,
having been carried up and down the country some hundreds of miles, as far as
Narragansett fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major Waldron's, by one
Squando, the sagamore of Saco; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty." —
Drake's Book of the Indians, b. iii. p. 100.
8 Williamson, vol. i. p. 521.
i We rind frequent reference, in the York Records and other writings of the
early annalists, to John Bonighton of Saco, and infer that, iu those days, the
name was sometimes so spelled. Still the allusion may be to some other person.
There was then great want of uniformity in the spelling of proper names.

178 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Thus warned, Mr. Bonython spread the alarm as far as he
could, and, with his neighbors, fled for refuge to the house of
Major William Phillips, who lived on the west side of the river,
and " near the corner where the traveller turns to go to the
bridge."1 He was a military man, and his house was tolerably
well fortified.
The next morning Bonython's house was seen to be in flames.
As Major Phillips looked from his chamber window, a lurking
Indian, hid behind a fence, shot at him. The ball struck him
on the shoulder, inflicting a severe wound. Had he not provi
dentially, at the moment, changed his position, he must have
been killed.
The Indian, supposing that he had accomplished his purpose,
gave a triumphant yell. It was the signal for a large number
of savages to leap from their ambuscade, and commence an at
tack upon the house. The Indians numbered about a hundred.2
Within the house, protected by the thick walls, there were ten
well-armed and resolute men, who were accustomed to throw
the bullet with unerring aim.3
For an hour the battle continued. The Indians, as was in
variably the case, were very wary as to the exposure of their
persons. They hid behind trees, stumps, rocks, and the angles
of out-houses, watching their chances to strike the foe. But
ere long they became convinced that they could not capture or
kill the inmates except by stratagem. They set fire to an im
portant mill, and to a small house in the vicinity, and endeavored
by insults and taunts to provoke the garrison to come out from
their fortification. Many of the Indians could speak English.
As the flames arose they shouted, " Come out, you coward Eng
lish dogs ! Come and put out the fire if you dare ! "
At last night came. The moon went down, and it was very
dark, and still the murderous savages filled the night air with
their howlings. They took a cart, which they loaded with
straw, birch-bark, and other combustibles. Planks were arranged
to protect them from the musketry of the house. This engine
1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 622.
2 History of Saco and Biddeford, by George Folsom, p. 155.
8 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 197.

1 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 179
they endeavored to push back against the dwelling, whose walls
of lbgs, baked in the summer and autumnal sun, were in the
highest degree inflammable. It was a fearful instrument of
attack. Upon the application of the torch, when the cart was
pushed against the house, the flames would envelop the build
ing beyond all possibility of extinguishment.
But the savages, as in their eagerness and in the darkness
the/ were running the fire-cart back, struck a gutter, into which
one of tbe wheels sank deeply, and such a sudden turn was
given to the vehicle, that, as it whirled round, the whole party
pushing it was exposed. The vigilant garrison instantly opened
a deadly fire. No bullets were wasted by these keen marks
men. Six fell dead ; fifteen more were wounded. This, to the
Indians, was a dreadful loss. With yells of rage they retired.1
The number within the dwelling, including women and chil
dren, was about fifty. None were killed. Two or three only
were wounded. Two days after this, on the 20th of Septem
ber, a band of savages entered Scarborough, burning houses,
and killing men, women, and children. Twenty-seven houses
were burned. From many of them the families had escaped
but to meet a doom more dreadful than death, — poverty, home-
lessness, friendlessness, and the storms of approaching winter.
It would require a volume, instead of the few pages which
can here be devoted to the subject, to describe the individual
scenes of violence, misery, and death, which ensued. For the
protection of the distressed inhabitants of Saco, sixteen volun
teers, under Capt. Wincoln, landed at Winter Harbor. They
were attacked by a hundred and fifty Indians. Two or three
of the English were soon killed. The rest, taking a stand be
hind a breastwork of logs, kept up so deadly a fire upon their
foes, that the savages were soon glad to retire, taking with them
many who were slain, and many more who were wounded.2
Hearing the report of the guns, twelve men from Saco hur
ried forward to the aid of those who had come to their rescue.
They were drawn into ambush, and were all shot down. De
moniac bands swept the valley of the Piscataqua, and laid many
of the dwellings of Wells in ashes.
» Williamson, vol. i. p. 523. 2 Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 310.

180 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. ,
A man by the name of John Tozier had a house and some
mills at Salmon Falls. He had left his family, consisting of fif
teen women and children, to join the company of Capt. Yv'in-
coln. During his absence a band of Indians, led by twn of
their most renowned warriors, — one called Andrew, from Saco,
and the other Hopegood, from the Kennebec, — attacked his
house. It was within the limits of what is now Berwick.
A young girl of eighteen, discovering their approach, gave
the alarm. While the family were escaping by a back way, to
the garrison, this heroic maiden fastened and held the- door, till
the savages had cut it down with their tomahawks. They
rushed in, and madly struck her down, with repeated blows,
until they supposed that she was dead. Pursuing the flying
family, they caught two of the youngest children, ipne of whom.
being but three years old, they instantly killed ; ' and the other
they took with them, and held as a captive sbt months. The
hemic maiden recovered, and lived for mariy years. It is
to be regretted that her name has not bee;h transmitted to
us.1 j
A larger party joined these Indians the/ next day. They
burned Capt. Wincoln's house, and his bairns, containing more
than a hundred bushels of corn. A counpany of the English
set out to pursue them ; but nothing wak accomplished. There
was the interchange of a few unavailing shots, but the fleet-
footed Indians escaped. /
Every day the animosity of the two hbstile parties increased
in virulence. The fiend-like deeds of tb\e savages so exasper
ated the English, that they were ready to shoot down an Indian
as they would a wolf or bear, without stopping to inquire
whether he were friendly or hostile. O
war of extermination. Under such cir
become fiends. Neither party could aft,„„.,, 
ceeding it in cruelty. The inhabitants/of Monhegan offered a
bounty of five pounds for every Indian's head that should be
brought to them.
1 Drake writes, in reference to this event,1, "Fifteen persons, all women and
children, were in the house; and Hopegood, uljith one only beside himself , Andrew
of Saco, thought to surprise them." — Book of i.he Indians, b. iii. p. 109.

n both sides it was a
cumstances men often
cuse the other of ex-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 181
Mr. Abraham Shurte l was then the chief magistrate at Pem
aquid. He seems to have been a sagacious and good man, and
to have won the confidence of the Indians. He induced several
of the sagamores to visit him for a friendly conference. In
this interview he said, " I have urged our committee of war tc
issue orders forbidding everybody to harm, or even threaten, a
peaceable Indian. I am determined to see all the wrongs you
have suffered fully redressed."
The Indians manifested no disposition for the horrors of bat
tle in which all lost and none gained. They were appeased by
these conciliatory words. A treaty of peace between these two
parties was the result. The Indians promised to do all in their
power to induce others to cease their depredations. This, how
ever, was but an individual act on the part of Mr. Shurte. In
other parts of Massachusetts and Maine, different counsels pre
vailed. In the desultory warfare, desperate white men wreaked
vengeance upon the Indians, their wives .and children, which no
savages could exceed.
The General Court of Massachusetts was disposed to try the
effect of humane measures. Quite a large sum was ordered from
the public treasury for the relief of those friendly Indians
whose harvests had been trampled down, and whose cabins had
been burned. A vessel was also sent to Maine, with military
stores and provisions, and a detachment of fifty soldiers, under
Lieut. Scottow. These were dark days throughout New Eng
land, — days "of terror, conflagration, tears, and blood." The
7th of October, 1675, was generally observed as a day of fasting
and prayer.
On that day a man and two bojrs were shot at Berwick. On
the 16th a party of a hundred Indians assailed the cabin of
Richard Tozier, burned it to the ground, killed him, and carried
his son into captivity. This was all done within sight of the
o-arrison house, where most of the inhabitants had fled for
protection. Lieut. Roger Plaisted, who was in command,
despatched a party of nine picked men to reconnoitre the foe.
1 Mr. Willis spells the name Shurt. He writes, "Shurt was about forty -four
years old when he came over, and was living in 1662, aged about eighty." This
would have made him a very old man in 1675. It is, however, possible that the
Shurt alluded to in the text may have been the son of the one to whom Mr. Wil
lis refers.

182 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
It is with amazement that we read of the readiness with
which the English, year after year, for more than a century,
would march into the ambuscades of the Indians. These war
riors made themselves merry in recounting the stupidity with
which the British officers would lead their men into the snares
which the Indians had set for them. Braddock and St. Clair,
in subsequent years, when they ought to have learned wisdom
by many a bloody lesson, manifested a degree of stupidity which
rendered them the laughing-stock of the savage chieftains.
After the terrific defeat of St. Clair, in Ohio, the Indian
chiefs amused themselves with a sham fight, in which they re-
enacted the folly of St. Clair in marching into the trap in which
the Indians virtually annihilated his army. Even the women
united in the shouts of derisive laughter which the foolishness
of St. Clair elicited.
The nine men despatched from the garrison by Lieut. Plais-
ted walked deliberately into an ambuscade. Three were in
stantly shot down ; the others, with difficulty, effected their
escape. The next day Plaisted sent out a team with twenty
armed men, to bring in the dead bodies. Plaisted himself led
them. He knew that there were more than a hundred sav
ages, whose cunning was proverbial, lurking around ; and yet,
apparently, he had taken no precautions against their wiles.
The cart was drawn by oxen. Just as they had placed in it
one gory body, a party of a hundred and fifty savages rose from
behind a stone wall, amidst logs and bushes, and opened upon
them a deadly fire. The oxen terrified, and probably struck by
balls, ran frantically towards the garrison. A few of the men
escaped. Lieut. Plaisted, one of the most fearless of men,
fought with desperation, until he was surrounded by the Indi
ans, and cut down by the tomahawk. Two of his intrepid sons
perished with their father.1 One of them, mortally wounded,
lingered a short time before he died.
The exultant Indians burned houses, barns, and mills, in all
directions. The wretched inhabitants were compelled to seek
shelter in the garrison-houses. Just before this terrible disaster
Roger Plaisted and a Mr. Broughton had sent a despatch to
Dover, then called Cocheco, for aid.
1 Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 250.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 183
"These axe to inform you," they wrote, "that the Indians are just now
engaging us with at least a hundred men, and have slain four of our men
already. Sirs, if ever you have any love for us and the country, now show
yourselves with men to help us, or else we are all in great danger to be slain,
unless our God wonderfully appears for our deliverance." x
At Sturgeon Creek they burned a house, and shot two men.
Capt. Frost was caught at some distance from his house. As he
fled, ten bullets were fired at him. There were but three little
boys in his house. With singular presence of mind he shouted
out, as if there were a whole garrison there, ordering them to
prepare to repel the foe. The Indians took the alarm, and did
not venture within gunshot.
The English settlements were scattered along the seacoast.
The Indian bands followed this line, burning and killing, ever
ready to vanish beyond pursuit in the interior forest, whenever
they encountered an overpowering foe. Many persons were
killed at Wells, and much property destroyed.2 No man could
move a few rods from the garrison-houses, where the inhabitants
were generally huddled together, without danger of being shot
down by a lurking savage.
Winter came, with deep snow and great severity of cold.
Even the Indians found it needful to abandon their extended
forays, and hover around their wigwam fires. They could
purchase ammunition only of the French. It required long
journeyings, through almost pathless forests, to reach their
trading-posts. The English seemed to act upon the impression that the
Indians had no more sense of right or wrong dealing, than had a
dog, a horse, or a cow. They would violate their most solemn
pledges, maltreat them in various ways, and then express sur
prise that their victims retaliated with savage vengeance. The
Indians had become weary of a conflict in which they received
1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 528.
2 "In this terrible posture of affairs, the governor appointed a general fast.
Had the English invariably acted upon the Christian principle of doing to all as
they would have all do unto them, this appalling calamity would never have
come upon them. It requires a wonderful boldness at the throne of grace, to
pray to be saved from the consequences of our own iniquities." — History of Wells
and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 143.

184 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
blows almost as hard as those which they gave. A truce was
entered into.
" This armistice," writes Mr. Bourne, "might have resulted in a lasting
treaty, had it not been for new acts of foUy and wickedness on our part.
Some had set in motion whispers of new enterprises on the part of the na
tives; and the fears of the people, from the scenes which they had just passed
through, prompted them to seize those who had been active in the war.
Under the authority of precepts for this purpose, some were seized near
Pemaquid, carried off, and sold as slaves in foreign countries ; a barbarity,
on the part of civilized man, fully a counterpoise for the Indian enormities.
And thus the fire was again kindled to sweep over the Province." x
Two vile kidnappers, in their vessels, ran along the eastern
coast, and caught several Indians, whom they carried into for
eign parts, and sold as slaves. Some of these poor captives
were Mickmaks from Cape Sable. Mr. Shurte, at Pemaquid,
remonstrated against these outrages in vain. The Mickmaks
were thus induced to join the eastern tribes in their avenging
warfare.2 There is something very touching in the imploring cry of the
Indians against these wrongs. They evidently desired peace,
and were goaded to war by intolerable grievances. Mr. Shurte
had won then confidence. A delegation waited upon him, and
said, —
"Your people frightened us away last faU, from our cornfields about
Kennebec. You have withheld powder and shot from us. We are thus
unable to kill either fowl or venison. Some of our Indians, last winter,
died of hunger."
Mr. Shurte assured them of his sympathy, of his utter detes
tation of the conduct of the kidnappers. He encouraged them
with the hope that the government would take prompt measures
to rescue the captives, and to restore them to their homes. The
Indians expressed themselves as very much gratified by this
parley. They delivered up a captive boy, and presented Mr.
1 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 145. The truce
into which the sagamores entered included, according to Hubbard, only the In
dians between Piscataqua and Casco. — Hubbard's IndianWars, p. 346.
2 Hubbard, pp. 332-344.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 185
Shurte with a belt of wampum. Arrangements were soon made
for the assembling of an important council at Teconnet, near
where Waterville now stands.
Messts. Shurte and Davis represented the white men. Five
prominent sagamores represented the Indians. But there was
a difficulty between them which no human wisdom could solve.
The Indians must have powder and shot. It had become with
them almost a necessity of life. But the western Indians were
in deadly hostility to the whites. If ammunition were freely
sold to the eastern Indians, it would inevitably soon reach those
in the west. The English commissioners were embarrassed, and
gave evasive replies. At length one of the chieftains, Madoek-
awando, became impatient of the distrust which was manifested.
He rose, and with much dignity said, —
" Do we not meet here on equal ground? "We ask, where shaU we buy
powder and shot for our winter's hunting? ShaU we leave the English, and
apply to the French for it? Or shall we let our Indians die? We have
waited long to hear you teU us. Now we want Yes, or No."
Thus driven to a decisive answer, one of them replied, though
still, as will be seen, rather evasively, —
' ' You may have ammunition for necessary use. But you yourselves say
that there are many western Indians who do not choose peace. Should you
let them have the powder which we sell you, what do we better than cut our
own throats? This is the best answer we are aUowed to return you, though
you wait ten years." x
The council was held in a large wigwam. The English were
entirely at the mercy of the Indians. But the savages, though
they took much umbrage at this reply, and broke up the council,
were guilty of no treachery.
" It is not our custom," they proudly said, " to seize messengers coming
to us. "We certainly never do as your people once did with fourteen of our
Indians sent to treat with you. You took away their guns, and set a guard
over their heads. Keep your arms. It is a point of honor. You are at
hberty." 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 532; Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 340. Drake gives an
interesting account of this council. " Here," he says, "as might reasonably have
been expected, ended the negotiation; and massacres and bloodshed soon after
desolated that part of the country." —Book of the Indians, book iii. pp. 100, 101.

CHAPTER XI.
THE HORRORS OF WAR.
Dispersion of King Philip's Forces — Falmouth Desolated — Scenes of Horror
— Arrowsick Plundered — Treachery of Major Waldron — Munjoy's Island
captured by the Savages — The Indians ask for Peace — Anecdote of Mugg
— The English resume the War — Increased Ferocity of the Indians — The
Mohawks Allies of the English — The Ambuscade at Black Point — Its Fatal
Results.
KING PHILIP was hunted down and killed in August,
1676. It is said, that, just before the commencement of
the war, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to-
him, to inquire why he was making hostile preparations. The
Indian chief haughtily replied, " Your governor is but a sub
ject of King Charles of England. I shall not treat with a
subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother.
When he comes, I am ready." a
The death of Philip did not terminate the war : it only scat
tered his forces. Many of his warriors retreated to Maine, and
joined the savage bands who were burning and plundering there.
Squando was particularly active. He professed to have received
a divine revelation, urging him to the conflict.2 Three of these
warriors, men of much shrewdness and energ}', took the Eng
lish names of Simon, Andrew, and Peter. They were desperate
1 The Indian name was Pometacom. It is various spelled. In familiar con
versation the first syllable was frequently dropped, and he was called Metacom.
Hubbard says that he was nicknamed King Philip, in consequence of his bold and
commanding spirit. — Drake's Book ofthe Indians, book iii. pp. 13 — 24.
2 " Squando pretended that God appeared to him in the form of a tall man in
black clothes, declaring to him that he was God, and commanded him to leave
Ms drinking of strong liquors, and to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear
the Word preached; all which things the Indian did for some years, with great
seeming devotion and conscience, observe." — Drake's Book of the Indians, book
iii. p. 99. 186

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 187
men. The terror of their deeds spread far and wide. Simon,
who was called by his associates the Yankee killer, boasted that
he had shot many a white man, and that he had never failed but
once in striking his victim to the ground.
Early in August, 1676, this Simon, with a party of savages,
entered the house of Anthony Brackett, in Falmouth. They
seized all the weapons in the house, and bound Mr. Brackett,
his wife, five children, and a negro servant. Mrs. Brackett's
brother, Nathaniel Mitten, made some slight resistance, and they
instantly killed him. The unhappy captives were all carried
away by the savages. Circumstances indicate that Mr. Brack
ett had, by his fair dealings, won the confidence of the Indians,
and therefore they spared his life and the lives of the members
of his family.
Brackett occupied a large farm at Back Cove. He had several
neighbors, whose cabins were scattered in the clearings around.
It was a pleasant, sunny day, the 11th of August, 1676. Eden
could enjoy no more delightful climate than does Maine in that
summer month. It was the custom of the settlers, in much of
their farm work, to unite, helping each other. Two of these
neighbors, Humphrey Durham and Benjamin Atwell, were as
sisting Robert Corbin to get in his hay. This was round the
cove at Presumpscot River.
The riotous savages shot them all down. The report of the
guns was heard in the several cabins. The terrified inmates
knew too well its import. The women and children, in one of
the houses which was near the water, ran to a canoe, and es
caped across the cove. The other families were taken captive.
And thus the Indians, encountering no resistance, proceeded
from cabin to cabin, killing, burning, and taking prisoners,
according to the suggestions of their capricious natures.
Atwell and Corbin were brothers-in-law. They lived on
adjoining farms. Durham's lot was on the other side of the
river. Richard Pike, with another man, chanced to be in a
canoe on the river, a little above Mr. Corbin's house. They
heard the fire of musketry, and immediately saw a little boy,
running terror stricken towards the river, pursued by the yell
ing savages. They were discharging their guns at him, and the
bullets whistled over the heads of the men in the boat.

188 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Simon himself soon appeared upon the bank, and called upon
them to come ashore. But they plied their paddles with the
vigor which the peril of death inspired, shouting the alarm to
several houses upon the banks, and calling upon all to run, with
the utmost speed, to the garrison-house.
On the extreme east of the promontory then called Cleeves'
Neck, but which is now covered with the dwellings of Portland,
there was a beautiful swell of land, which rose about a hundred
and sixty feet above the level of the sea. Upon the southern
slope of this charming spot, commanding a view of the sea
interspersed with islands, and wide reaches of the land, in all
their pristine luxuriance, the first settlers of Portland reared
their homes. Here also they erected their garrison-house to
protect them from a foe more to be dreaded than sickness or
famine or cold, or the most ferocious beasts of the forest.1
But the terror was so great, and those who had escaped to
the garrison were so few and feeble, that they dared not await
an attack from foes so numerous and merciless. The smoke of
their burning dwellings was ascending all around. These woe-
stricken fugitives, huddled into canoes, sought refuge upon one
of the islands near the mouth of the harbor. This spot is now
called Cushings Island. A messenger was immediately des
patched across the water to Scarborough, then called Black
Point, for help.
In the panic of their flight, they had left behind them a con
siderable quantity of ammunition. This was essential to their
defence. It would also greatly strengthen the savages should it
fall into their hands. In the darkness of the night, a small
party of brave men paddled stealthily across the harbor, and suc
ceeded in recovering much of the powder which had escaped
the scrutiny of the ransacking Indians.
During the next day several of the English settlers succeeded
in effecting their escape, and in joining the fugitives on Bangs'
1 " The situation had advantages of utility and beauty. It was open to the
sea by a small and handsome bay, accessible to fishing boats, and near the islands,
while it was protected from the north winds by the hill in the rear of it. Here
the first settlers cultivated the soil, and pursued their traffic with the natives, for
a number of years, holding the land by a mere possessory title." — History of
Portland, by William Willis, p. 47.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 189
Island. They saved, however, only their lives. Their homes,
and all they contained of food, clothing, farming and domes
tic utensils, were left to be plundered and destroyed by the
savages. It is difficult for the imagination to conceive the des
titution and the woes to which these sufferers were doomed.
Thus the peninsula of Cleeves, or Casco Neck, was laid deso
late. Thirty-four persons were either killed, or carried into
captivity.1 The amount of property destroyed was the all of
these humble settlers. The loss was irreparable. These fami
lies were left in the wilderness, utterly destitute, with the blasts
of a Maine winter rapidly gathering in the north.
Upon the receipt of these tidings in Boston, the General
Court immediately sent a vessel, with fifteen hundred pounds
of bread, to the starving, houseless fugitives on Cushings Island,
which was then called Andrews Island. The following extract
of a letter from Portsmouth, dated Sept. 26, 1676, will give the
reader some conception of the terror of those days. It was
addressed to Major-Gen. Denison, at Ipswich : —
" This serves to cover a letter from Capt. Hathorn, from Casco Bay, in
which you wiU understand their want of bread, which want I hope is well
supplied before this time; for we sent them more than two thousand weight,
which I suppose they had last Lord's Day night. The boat that brought
the letter brings also word that Saturday night the Indians burnt Mr.
Munjoy's house and seven persons in it. On sabbath day a man and his
wife, one Gouge, 2 were shot dead and stripped by the Indians at WeUs.
Yesterday at two o'clock, Cape Nedick3 was whoUy cut off; only two men
and a woman, with two or three children, escaped. So we expect now to
hear of farther mischief every day. They send to us for help, both from
i Hubbard's Indian Wars, pp. 339 — 369. See also a very carefully prepared ac
count of this tragedy, in the History of Portland, by William Willis, pp. 204, 205.
2 Mr. Williamson gives this name as Gooch, vol. i. p. 540. Mr. Bourne, in his
History of WeUs and Kennebunk, writes, "As the people were returning to their
homes, Mr. James Gooch and his wife were attacked. He was shot and she was
cut to pieces by the hatchet," p. 145.
Again he writes, referring to the same date and locaUty, quoting from a letter,
" On sabbath last, a man and his wife, namely one Gouge, were shot dead and
stripped by the Indians, at WeUs, about two or three o'clock," p. 146.
It can scarcely be doubted that both of these accounts refer to the same event.
8 This is usuaUy speUed Neddock. SulUvan spells it Neddick, p. 241. There
was here a very attractive coast region, about four miles from York River,
fringed with a beautiful beach of white sand. — Williamson's History of Maine, voL
Lp. 24.

190 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
WeUs and York; but we had so many men out of town, that we know not
how to spare any more.
" Sir, please send notice to the council that a supply be sent to the army
from the Bay ; for they have eaten us out of bread, and here is 1; ttle wheat
to be gotten, and less money to pay for it. The Lord direct you and us in
the great concerns that are before us; which dutiful service presented, in
haste I remain, sir, your servant, " Kichard Martin."
The Indians, under the exasperation of the war, were grow
ing more and more barbarous. The massacre at Cape Neddock
was attended with savage cruelty hitherto unpractised. Some
dead bodies were wantonly hewn to pieces with the tomahawk.
Forty persons were slain, or carried into captivity. Some of the
atrocities were too dreadful to be narrated. A nursing mother
had her brains dashed out. Her infant was fastened to her
bosom, and was thus found living, striving to draw, nutriment
from the cold breast.1
The Indians, with their captives, proceeded to the Kennebec
River, where they divided into two bands. Eleven ascended the
river ; the remainder followed down the stream to attack the
settlements near its mouth. They took the fort upon Arrowsic
Island by surprise, and killed many of the inhabitants. This
island, which was quite celebrated in the early history of Maine,
was separated from Pittston by a channel about half a mile in
breadth. It contained four thousand acres, and about fifty
dwellings had been reared upon its shores.
The battle here was desperate. One wearies of reading the
appalling account of these scenes of slaughter. But few escaped.
The little settlement had been in a high state of prosperity.
Capt. Lake, one of the opulent proprietors, had erected upon
the island a large and beautiful mansion, a strong fortress, with
mills and outbuildings, at the expense of many thousand
pounds. The Indians, about a hundred in number, came to the island
stealthily, by night, landing upon the south-eastern point, and
secreted themselves in those hiding-places which they knew so
well how to search out. The people were taken entirely by
surprise. The Indians crept in at the fort gate by stratagem,
1 Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 241.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 191
closed the port-holes, and with hideous yells proclaimed them
selves masters of the garrison. Terrible was the consternation.
For a few moments there was a hand-to-hand struggle ; but
Capts. Lake and Davis, finding themselves overpowered, fled,
with a few others, by a rear portal, and, seizing a canoe, en
deavored to escape to another island.
The Indians closely pursued them, and, firing upon them in
the boat, killed Capt. Lake, and with a severe wound utterly
crippled Capt. Davis. He, however, landed, and, creeping pain
fully along upon the shore, hid among the rocks. Here he re
mained, in dreadful suffering, for two days. He then succeeded
in reaching the mainland. About a dozen other persons, in
various ways, escaped from this midnight attack. Thirty-five
were either killed or carried into captivity. The torch was
applied to all the buildings, and, as the savages retired, the
island presented a scene of utter desolation.
The inhabitants throughout all this region were thrown into
a state of dismay. They generally abandoned their homes, and
many of them fled to Monhegan, where they thought that they
could more effectually defend themselves than on the main land.
A watch of twenty-five men was appointed to patrol the shores
by night. Clouds of smoke were seen ascending over the burn
ing dwellings of Pemaquid, New Harbor, Corbin's Sound, and
from many of the islands. At length the woe-worn fugitives
took a vessel, and in utter destitution crowded on board, and
sailed for Piscataqua and Salem.1
In the course of about five weeks, sixty miles of the coast
eastward of Casco Bay were ravaged and depopulated. Many
of the inhabitants were killed, many carried into captivity, and
some escaped in the extreme of terror and wretchedness.
Mountjoy's1 Island is about 3 miles from the mainland. There

1 Hubbard's Narrative of the Indian Wars, pp. 351-360.
2 The name is so spelled by Williamson, vol. i. p. 537. Mr. Willis spells it
Munjoy. He writes, " Cleeves, on the 28th of December, 1637, leased for sixty years,
to Michael Mitton who married his only child Elizabeth, the island at the mouth
of the harbor, now caUed Peaks. In the deed it was declared that this was called
Pond Island, and is subsequently to be known by the name of Michael's Island,
from Mitton. It was afterward successively called, from the owners or occu
pants, Munjoy's, Palmer's, and Peak's Island. — History of Portland, p. 50.

192 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
was here an old stone house where several families, abandoning
their homes, sought refuge.
These tragic events are alluded to in the following extract
from a letter addressed to the governor and council of Massa
chusetts. It was written by Brian Pendleton of Saco, and was
dated, " Winter Harbor, at night, Aug. 13, 1676."
" I am sorry my pen must be the messenger of so great a tragedy. On
the 11th of this instant, we heard of many killed of our neighbors, in Fal
mouth, or Casco Bay. On the 12th instant, Mr. Joslin sent me a brief let
ter, written from under the hand of Mr. Burras (Burroughs) the minister.
He gives an account of thirty-two kiUed and carried away by the Indians.
" Himself escaped to an island, but I hope Black Point men have fetched
him off bv this time, — ten men, six women, sixteen children. How soon it
wiU be our portion, we know not. Th« Lord in mercy fit us for death, and
direct Vour hearts and hands to acknowledge and do what is most needful in
such a time of distress as this! Thus, in haste, I commit you to the guid
ance of our Lord God, and desire your prayers for us.1
Some of the fugitives escaped to Jewell's Island, where there
was a partially fortified house, and did not return to their deso
late habitations until the peace of Casco was made April 12,
1678. The Indians, elate with their many victories, pursued in
a fleet of canoes. The plumed warriors landed, not secretly,
but with the shrill warwhoop shouting the battle-cry. It was
the 2d of September. It seems almost incredible that these peo
ple could again have allowed themselves to be taken by surprise.
The women were at some distance from the house, washing at a
brook. The children were scattered along the beach. The men
were absent fishing. No sentinel was stationed to announce the
approach of the foe.2
The Indians landed and rushed towards the house, thus cut
ting off the retreat of the women and children, and leaving to
1 " The original of this letter is in the family of John Palmer, Esq." — History
of Portland, by Mr. Willis, p. 206, note.
2 At the commencement of the first Indian war, 1675, there were in Falmouth
forty-six families: viz., on the east side of the Presumpscot, nine; on the west side
of the river, seven; around Back Cove, ten; at Capissic, toward Strandwater,
five; on the Neck, four; in Purpoodic, nine; at Spurwink, two; forty houses,
eighty militia, and four hundred inhabitants. In Aug. 11 of that year the town
was assailed by the Indians, when thirty-four of the inhabitants were slain, and
seventeen taken prisoners.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 193
the men no alternative but to return to almost certain death, or
to abandon wife and child and escape only with life.
There was a brave boy in the house. The little fellow fired
two guns, and shot two Indians. Thus the alarm was given to
the men in the boats. Mrs. Potts was washing, with several
children around her. The burly savages seized them all but
one. A small boy, seeing his father rapidly approaching in his
boat, rushed towards him. A savage gave chase, and grasped
the child just as he reached the shore. The distracted father,
seeing his whole family in the hands of the Indians, could easily
have shot the savage, but he was restrained through fear of kill
ing his child. It is difficult to imagine the anguish with which
he was compelled to seek safety in flight. From the brief
account we have, it seems probable that he fled to Richman's
Island to call for aid.
The other men, as intrepid as they were imprudent, landed
from their boats, cut their way through the Indians, who pru
dently never allowed themselves to be exposed to the guns of
the English in the open field, and regained the fortress. But
in the desperate movement two were killed, and five, probably
wounded, were made prisoners. The assailants did not venture
to approach within the reach of the bullets of these sharp shoot
ers. They soon retired, with their captives, across the bay to
Spurwink. Soon after, a government vessel arrived, and took
those of the English who remained, to a place of safety.1
Here again we regret to record an act of perfidy on the part
of the English. It was treachery governmental in its nature.
The General Court sent an army of a hundred and thirty Eng
lish and forty friendly Indians, from Natick, to the assistance of
the people of Maine. Upon reaching Dover, they were em
bodied with the troops under Major Waldron.
The major invited four hundred Indian warriors to come to
Dover for a friendly conference, to see if they could not agree
upon terms of peace. He pledged his honor for their safety.
Promptly they came. It is probable that they really desired
peace. But, when the English soldiers saw these savages, the
memory of past massacres, burnings, and tortures rose so vividly
1 History of Portland, by WiUiam WiUis, p. 208; WilUamson, vol. i. p. 229.

194 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
before them, that it was with very great difficulty Major Wal
dron could restrain them from falling upon the warriors in mer
ciless slaughter. He pleaded with the soldiers that his honor
was at stake, for that he had given his sacred word that they
should come and go in safety.
Harassed by the determination of his men, the major at last
shamefully consented to a deed of infamy. He invited the
Indians to unite with the English in a sham fight. During the
manoeuvres, at a given signal, there was to be a grand discharge
of all the guns. The English soldiers were secretly instructed
to load their muskets with balls, and not to fire. The Indians,
unsuspicious of treachery, discharged their guns. Thus ren
dered helpless, they were all seized and disarmed.
Some of these Indians had ever been friendly. So far as
known, they were picked out and set at liberty. Two hundred
of the rest were sent prisoners to Boston. All who were con
victed of taking life were executed. The remainder were sent
to foreign parts, and sold into lifelong slavery.
There were many in the community who denounced this atro
cious deed. There were many who applauded it; but, worst of
all, the government sustained it.1
The next day these troops proceeded to Falmouth in a vessel,
touching at Wells, Winter Harbor, Black Point, and Spurwink.
On the way they killed one Indian, and captured another, who
soon after, aided, it is said, by the friendly Indians, effected his
escape. At Casco they established a garrison, and remained
there three weeks. Under this protection several of the inhab
itants returned.2
On the 23d of September seven men went to Munjoy's
1 " The retribution for this iniquity was not long delayed. The Indian heart
felt very deeply any wrong to which they were subjected ; and civilized man was
thus laying up wrath against the day of wrath. All teachings of that character,
received by these wild men, took deep root in their untutored souls ; and, until so
reduced in numbers that all resistance to the encroachments of the white man
were in vain, they continued to bring forth, for nearly a century, their terrible
fruits." — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D. p. 145; see
also Williamson, vol. i. p. 538.
2 There is some diversify of statement in reference to the sequence of some of
these events, which it is not easy to disentangle ; but, as to the main facts, all the
annalists of those days are agreed.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 195
Island to kill a few slieep which had been left there. They
were attacked by the Indians, and, after a desperate defence,
were all killed. They were prominent men, heads of families.
and their loss was bitterly deplored.1
The Indians were very wary, and, without difficulty, kept
themselves at a safe distance from the troops. On the 12th ol
October the English returned to the region of the Piscataqua.
On the second day after they passed Black Point, a hundred
and twenty Indian warriors made a furious attack upon the gar
rison which was left behind.2 We have the list of sixty meD
who were in the garrison, which was said to be very strong.
An Indian chief of much renown, by the name of Mugg, led
the savages. Henry Jocelyn commanded the garrison. Mugg
proved himself to be far the abler captain of the two. He
summoned the inmates of the fortress to surrender, promising
that all should be permitted to retire from the point unharmed,
with their goods. Mugg must have had a good reputation; for
Capt. Jocelyn 3 left the fort to hold a conference with him, thus
placing himself in the power of the Indians.
No treachery was practised. He returned unmolested to the
fort. But there he found, greatly to his surprise, that, during
his absence, all within the walls, except the members of his
own household, availing themselves of the offer to retire with
their goods, had hastily seized their effects, hurried to the boats,
and had already put out from the shore. As Jocelyn had not
accepted the proffered terms, finding himself thus utterly help
less, he was compelled to surrender at discretion.
A naval expedition was sent to Richman's Island to rescue
the inhabitants and the property there. As the sailors were
removing the property, a part of them being on shore and a
part on board the vessel, they were attacked by so overpower
ing a force of Indians, that those on shore were immediately
shot or captured. Those on the deck were, by a deadly fire of
1 Mr. Willis thinks that this sad event occurred on what Is now caUed House
Island. —History of Portland, p. 209.
2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 540. Mr. WilHs writes, "They left this part of the coun
try in the beginning of October; and, about a week afterwards, the Indians ralUed
their forces, a hundred strong, and, Oct. 12, made an assault upon Black Point."
— History of Portland, p. 210.
* Mr. Willis spells this name Jocelyn; Mr. Williamson speUs it Joscelyn.

196 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the savages, driven below. The assailants approached the vessel
in their canoes, and cut the cables. A strong south-east wind
drove the vessel ashore.
Capt. Fryer, who was in command of the English party, had
been struck by a bullet, and was lying upon the cabin floor,
helplessly wounded and bleeding. The Indians shouted out to
them, that unless they surrendered they would set the vessel
on fire, and all should be burned to death. There were eleven
in the hold. They agreed to surrender upon condition that
they should be permitted to ransom themselves, by the payment
of a stipulated amount of goods within a given time.
Two of the prisoners were released to fetch the ransom.
They returned with the goods before the appointed time had
elapsed. But those Indians, who had agreed to the terms of the
capitulation, were absent on a new expedition. Other Indians
held the nine remaining captives. These savages killed one
of the bearers of the ransom, took the goods, and refused to
release the prisoners. " A true specimen this," Williamson
writes, "of Indian faith."
Winter came, with its fierce blasts and drifting snows. Still
the war raged. Cabins and wigwams blazed. Everywhere
terror and misery reigned. The Indians and the English were
alike homeless and starving. The chieftain, Mugg, was dis
pleased with the treachery of the vagabond Indians in refusing
to surrender the captives upon the receipt of the ransom. He
ventured as an ambassador of his superior sagamore, Madocka-
wando, to visit Piscataqua, in the endeavor to negotiate, if
possible, a peace. He made no attempt to disguise his earnest
desire for the cessation of hostilities.
Mugg took with him, and restored to his friends, Capt. Fryer,
who was dying of his wounds. He declared himself greatly
mortified and indignant that the other captives had not been
restored, and promised that they should speedily be set at lib
erty. According to Williamson, Mugg " was favored with an
immediate passage to Boston, where he, in behalf of Madocka-
wando and Cheberrind, negotiated a treaty." 1
1 Mr. Drake, in his valuable Book of the Indians, gives a less pleasing account
of this affair. He writes, " General GendaU of Massachusetts, being there, forced

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 197
The treaty was certainly as favorable to the English as they
could have desired. Indeed, it seems impossible that the Indi
ans could have fulfilled its stipulations. It was agreed that all
hostilities should cease ; that all captives, and all vessels and
goods, which had been seized by the Indians, should be restored ;
that the English should receive full satisfaction for all the dam
ages they had experienced ; that the Indians should purchase
ammunition only of agents appointed by the government ; and
that certain Indians accused of crime should be surrendered
for trial and punishment.1 In conclusion of the treaty, this
man, whom we call a savage, said, —
" In attestation of my sincerity and honor, I place myself a hostage, in
your hands, till the captives, vessels, and goods are restored; and I lift my
hand to heaven in witness of my honest heart in this treaty." 2
Two war vessels were sent to- the Penobscot to obtain from
Madockawando the ratification of the treaty. All the articles
received the sanction of the sagamore, and fifty or sixty cap
tives were restored to their desolated homes. But again we
come upon contradictory statements which cannot be recon
ciled. Several of the tribes were much displeased with the
terms of the treaty, in which every thing seemed to have been
surrendered to the English.
With considerable apparent apprehension, Mugg decided to
visit the Canibas tribe at Teconnet, opposite the present site of
Waterville-, to persuade those disaffected warriors to consent to
the peace, and to release their captives. In departing, he said
Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Boston; for which treacherous act
an excuse was pleaded, that he was not invested with sufficient authority to treat
with him. Madockawando's ambassador, being now in the power of the EngUsh,
was obliged to agree to such terms as the English dictated." — Book iii. p. 102.
i This treaty is given entire in the History of New England, by Daniel Neal,
vol. ii. p. 403.
2 " Mugg was the prime minister of the Penobscot sachem, an active and a
shrewd leader, but who, by his intimacy with the EngUsh families, had worn off
some of the ferocities of the savage character." — History of Portland, by William
Willis, p. 217.
"Mugg was a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in the wai
of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the same cause as Madock
awando, already stated. He had been very friendly to the English, and had lived
some time with them." — Drake's Book ofthe Indians, book iii. p. 105.

198 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
to Capt. Moore, " If I do not return in four days, you may con
clude that I am certainly bereft of my life or my liberty."
For some unexplained reason he did not return. Capt.
Moore, after waiting a week and hearing no tidings from him,
sailed back to Boston. Mr. Hubbard, however, states that it
was afterward reported that Mugg said boastfully to the Indians
at Teconnet, " I know how we can even burn Boston, and drive
all the English before us. But we must go first to the fishing
islands, and take all the vessels of the white men."1
We feel bound to record this speech, though it does not seem
to be at all in accordance with the character of Mugg, and rests
only upon the foundation of rumor. The following incident is
much more characteristic of this chief, and is sustained by
ample evidence : —
Among the captives found at Penobscot, there was a young
man by the name of Cobbet. He was the son of a Christian
minister at Ipswich. Having been disabled by a musket wound,
he was seized and bound. In the division of the captives, it
was his unfortunate lot to be assigned to one of the most bru
tal, drunken, and cruel of the savages. His sufferings were
terrible. Several times he narrowly escaped having the knife
of the savage plunged into his bosom. Just before Mugg's
departure to Teconnet, the friendly chief chanced to meet this
victim of demoniac cruelty, and to recognize him as one whom
he had seen before. He called him by name, and said, " I saw
your father in Boston. I promised him that his son should be
returned to him. You must be released, according to the
treaty." Madockawando and Capt. Moore were both standing by.
The sagamore feared the fiendlike ferocity of the captive's
master, and that Cobbet would certainly be killed if he were
released without a ransom.2 He therefore turned to Capt.
Moore, and begged him to give as a ransom a showy military
1 Narrative of the Indian Wars, by William Hubbard, p. 386.
2 "Madockawando demanded arausom, probably to satisfy the owner of the
captive, fearing to be killed by him if he yielded him up, without he were there
to consent ; for he was, he said, a desperate man if crossed, and had crumbed
(killed) two or three in that way." Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 102.
This may imply that Madockawando feared for his own life.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 199
coat which he had in the vessel. The request was granted,
and young Cobbet saw his master no more.1
Still there was no settled peace. Many of the Indians were
dissatisfied. Though active hostile operations had ceased, there
were rumors of threats to break the treaty, and it was said that
some captives had not yet been returned. The General Court
fitted out a naval expedition of two vessels to visit Casco, and
ascend the Kennebec River. There were ninety Englishmen
and sixty friendly Natick Indians on board the vessel. They
were instructed " to subdue the Indians in those parts, and to
deliver the English captives detained in their hands." Majors
Waldron and Frost commanded the two vessels.
This ill-starred expedition was as injudiciously conducted as
it was unwisely commenced. The troops landed first upon
Mare Point, in Brunswick, about three miles below Maquoit. It
was then, in Maine, mid-winter. Freezing blasts shook the
forests, and deep snow covered the ground. As a party stepped
on shore, a small band of Indians met them, accompanied by
Squando and the ferocious Simon, the " Yankee-killer." After
a short parley, in which Simon declared that they sincerely
desired peace, and that they sent Mugg to the English for that
purpose, the Indians retired, and were seen no more until noon
of the next day.
A fleet of fourteen canoes was then seen ascending tbe bay ;
and, propelled by paddles, they were rapidly approaching the
shore near the spot where the vessels were anchored. Soon
after, a log house was seen in flames. It was naturally supposed
that the Indians had recommenced their work of conflagration
and massacre. An armed band was immediately landed, and a
battle ensued, in which several of the Indians were killed and
many wounded. The English commenced the attack by firing
upon the Indians. At length a flag of truce was raised, and
the leaders of the two parties met.
" Why," Major Frost demanded of the chiefs, " have you not
returned all the captives ? Why have you set the white man's
house on fire ? Ancl why have you challenged us to fight? "
1 See Williamson, vol. i. p. 544, and Drake, book iii. p. 102. "The historians
of the war," writes Drake, " have aU observed that the prisoners, under Madock
awando, were remarkably well treated."

200 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The sagamores replied, " The captives are a great way off.
The weather is so cold, and the snow so deep, that we could
not bring them in. We did not set the house on fire : it took
fire accidentally. It was no deed of ours. Your soldiers fired
at us first, and we did but return the fire. This is our answer."
Assuming that this statement were true, as it probably was,
it must be admitted that, though the Indians were worsted in
the battle, they had the best of the argument. The English
.having only exasperated the natives, and provoked them to
revenge by the sight of their dead and their wounded comrades,
again spread their sails, and, pressed by wintry blasts, traversed
the icy seas to the mouth of the Kennebec. They landed on
the western shore, opposite the foot of Arrowsic Island. Here
they commenced building a block-house for the establishment
of a garrison. It was the latter part of February, 1677. One-
half of the men were set diligently at work there.
On the 26th of February, Major Waldron, with the remainder
of his company in the two vessels, sailed to Pemaquid to meet
two or three sachems, who were accompanied by Indians from
several tribes. It was arranged that a council should be held
the next day, each party repairing to the rendezvous unarmed.
The council met. Major Waldron complained of the hostile
spirit still manifested by the Indians, that several captives had
not yet been returned ; and he demanded that the tribes, then
represented, should enter into an alliance with the English to
attack the other Indian tribes which yet remained hostile.
An aged sagamore replied, " Only a few of our young men,
whom we cannot restrain, wish to enter upon the war-path.
All the captives with us were intrusted to our keeping by the
Canabas Indians. For the support of each one of them there
is due to us twelve beaver-skins and some good liquor."
The liquor was promptly supplied, and ample ransom offered ;
and yet but three captives were delivered. We have not been
informed whether there were others so far away that they could
not be delivered up in so short a time.
The council adjourned, to meet again in the afternoon. Major
Waldron was suspicious of treachery. In eagerly looking around
he discovered some hidden weapons, and, seizing a lance, he

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 201
brandished it in the air exclaiming, " You perfidious wretches !
you intended to rob us of our goods and then to kill us, did
you?"1 A tumult ensued. The Indians, in consternation, fled. A
well-armed party from the vessels hurried up, and pursued the
unarmed Indians, shooting them down. Two of the chiefs and
five of the Indians were killed by the bullet. Several of the
savages rushed to a canoe. The boat was capsized ; five were
drowned, the remainder were captured. One of the chiefs,
Megunnaway, was dragged by Major Frost and an English
sailor on board one of the vessels, and shot.2 Among the cap
tives there was a sister of Madockawando. It will be remem
bered that one of the daughters of this renowned chieftain had
married Baron Castine.3
In addition to the slaughter and the wounds thus inflicted
upon the unarmed Indians, the English plundered them of their
goods and of their provisions, amounting to a thousand pounds
of beef. In allusion to this event, Mr. Williamson, who was by
no means disposed to palliate the crimes of the Indians, has
very justly remarked, —
" The chastisement partook of a severity which the provocation by no
means justified; nor could it be dictated by motives of sound policy. It
must have reminded the Indians of the mock fight at Dover, and served to
increase their prejudices." 4
From this inglorious enterprise, Majors Waldron and Frost
returned to Arrowsic. There they captured and shot two In-
i "In February, 1677, Major Waldron and Capt. Frost, with a body of men,
were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians who still
remained hostUe. At Pemaquid they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but
the English, finding some weapons concealed among them, thought it a sufficient
umbrage to treat them as enemies. A considerable fight ensued, in which many
of the Indians were kiUed, and several taken prisoners." — Drake's Book of the In
dians, book iii. p. 102.
2 Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 110.
8 Madockawando was chief of the Penobscot tribe. Some mischief had been
done by the Androscoggin Indians. The EngUsh, following the example of those
whom they so much reprobated, retaUated on any Indians that fell in their way.
Madockawando was not an enemy; nor do we learn that his people had com
mitted any depredations until after some English had spoiled his corn and other
wise done him damage." — Drake, book iii. p. 100.
* WiUiamson, vol. i. p. 547.

202 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
dians whom they found upon the island. They also captured
an Indian woman, whom they sent up the Kennebec River to
Teconnet, to demand an exchange of prisoners. Taking some
anchors and large guns which had been left there, they returned
to their garrison on the main land. Leaving forty men for the
defence of the works, they returned to Boston, reaching that
port on the 11th of March. It was their boast that they had
not lost a single man during the enterprise. But, by their folly,
they had enkindled anew the flames of horrid war, in which
multitudes of men, women, and children were to be consumed.
The Mohawk Indians had the reputation of being the most
powerful and ferocious of all the savage tribes. The govern
ment authorities in Massachusetts sent Majors Pinchon and
Richards to the country of the Mohawks, to enlist them in the
war against the eastern Indians. Many opposed this measure
as barbarous ; others defended it on the ground that it was law
ful to make use of any advantage which Providence might place
in their hands.
Eagerly a band of Mohawks rushed to attack the Indians
against whom they had no ground of quarrel. Their first ex
ploit was to fall recklessly upon a small party of friendly natives
whom they chanced to meet, who were the allies of the Eng
lish. They pursued them hotly, and all but two or three were
killed, or wounded and captured. Among the slain there was a
noted chief, who, from the loss of an eye, was called Blind
Will. He was grievously wounded, and crept away into the
woods, where he perished miserably.1
The news of the arrival of the Mohawks, as the hireling sol
diers of the English, spread rapidly through the tribes in Maine,
and roused them to the highest pitch of exasperation. Imme
diate and vigorous measures were adopted by them .to attack
York, Wells, and the garrison at the mouth of the Kennebec.
Indeed, nearly all the other important points in Maine had
already been laid desolate.
1 "The death of Blind Will was the less lamented because of his supposed du
plicity, though his general conduct had always been in consistency with his pro
fessions. In any point of view the event -was unfortunate, as the introduction of
tho Mohawks to our assistance was altogether impolitic."— Williamson, vol. i. p,
548. See also Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 326; Hubbard's His.
tory of New England, p. 630; Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 130.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 203
A party of English, from the garrison, visited Arrowsic.
The Indians fired upon them from ambush, and shot down nine
upon the spot. Three or four only succeeded in recovering
their boat and escaping. This so disheartened and alarmed the
survivors, that the post was abandoned, and the men were sent
to other points.
Savage bands, breathing threatening and slaughter, now
pressed down from the northern and eastern portions of the
Province, where they had no foes to encounter, to ravage the
few trembling settlements in the vicinity of the Piscataqua.
Seven men were at work in a field at York. The prowling
savages shot them all down.
Wells seemed doomed to utter destruction. The savages
were as stealthy in their movements as the wolf in his midnight
prowlings. No man could leave his cabin door in the morning,
or go a few rods from his house into the field, without the
apprehension that a savage might be concealed behind every
rock, stump, or tree. The cattle were sure to be shot by an
invisible foe unless carefully housed.
On the 14th of April, a band of Indians, led by the cele
brated sagamore Simon, crossed the Piscataqua River to the
Portsmouth side. They burned a house, and took a mother,
with an infant child, and a young girl, captives. There was an
aged woman in the family. Simon said that she should not be
harmed, because in former years she had been kind to his grand
mother. He also gave the infant child to her to tend. It is
difficult to reconcile the contradictory reports about this strange
man. Sometimes he is represented as a demon ; and again he
develops traits of character remarkably humane. He was one
of the " praying Indians," so called, and seems certainly to
have known the better way if he did not always follow it.1
1 It is said that on one occasion Simon sat with an English justice to decide
upon a criminal case. Several women, Simoa's wife among the rest, had com
mitted some offence. Judge Almy thought that they should be punished with
eight or ten stripes each.
" No," -said Simon, "four or five are enough. Poor Indians are ignorant. It
is not Christian to punish as severely those who are ignorant as those who have
knowledge." This judgment prevailed. But then Judge Almy inquired, "How many stripes
shaU your wife receive?" Simon promptly replied, "Double, because she had1

204 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
On the 16th of May the Indians attacked with great boldnes?
the garrison at Black Point. Lieut. Tappan defended it. Foi
three days there was almost a constant battle. Three of the
English were shot. One was captured, and was put to death
with horrible torments.
In this conflict the chieftain Mugg was struck by a bullet,
and fell dead. This so disheartened the assailants that they
retired. They left, by water, in two bands. One fleet of eleven
canoes paddled to the eastward. The other band, in five canoes,
proceeded towards York and Wells, killing and burning as they
had opportunity.1
A new force was raised, by the General Court, of two hundred
Natick Indians and ninety white men, consisting principally of
those whom the Indians had driven from Maine. Capt. Ben
jamin Swett and Lieut. Richardson, two very brave and very
imprudent men, were placed in command. They reached the
fort at Black Point in high spirits, on the 28th of June. The
shrewd savages, who, in large numbers, were hovering around,
began as usual to prepare their ambuscade. The English offi
cers, as usual, commenced their march into it.
The Indians sent out their decoy. The ninety white men
rushed out upon them. The Indians feigned a retreat. Their
victims followed. With pell-mell inconsiderateness, the English
pursued their foes till they were entirely in the trap. There
was a dense forest on one side, a swamp, covered with an im
penetrable thicket, on the other. Both sides were filled with
Indian warriors, laughing at the folly of the white men. There
was a volley of musketry from an invisible foe, followed by a
knowledge to have done better." Judge Almy, out of regard to Simon, remitted
his wife's punishment entirely. Simon seemed much disturbed; but at the time
he made no reply. Soon afterwards, however, he remonstrated very severely
against the decision of the judge.
"To what purpose," said he, "do we preach a religion of justice, if we do
unrighteousness in judgment? " — Brake's Book of the Indians, book i. p. 22.
This anecdote may be apocryphal; but, if fabricated, it shows the reputation
he enjoyed as a man of discretion. It is said that this event took place when
Simon was an aged man, and when, by the power of Christianity, his character
may have been greatly changed.
1 " Mugg had alternately brightened and shaded his own character until the
most skilful pencU would find it difficult to draw its just portrait. His address
was inspiring, and his natural good sense and sagacity partially inclined him to
be an advocate for peace." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 650.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 205
continuous, rapid discharge. The dead and the wounded were
dropping in all directions. Lieut. Richardson was one of the
first shot down.
It was an awful scene of tumult and slaughter. The hideous
yells of the Indians almost drowned the rattle of musketry.
Capt. Swett, as brave as he was reckless, fought like a lion.
Slowly he commenced a retreat of two miles, endeavoring to
carry his wounded with him. The savages, flushed with their
victory, hung upon his rear, manifesting even more than their
ordinary ferocity. In their outnumbering strength they so
crowded the fugitives that there were frequent hand-to-hand
fights. In this terrible retreat Capt. Swett received twenty
wounds. At length, when exhausted by fatigue and the loss
of blood, he was seized by a burly savage, hurled to the ground,
and was literally hewn in pieces by the tomahawk. Sixty of
his men perished in this terrible disaster. It sent lifelong woes
to many families, whose cup of misery seemed already full to
the brim. Capt. Swett had won universal respect by his bravery
and his many virtues. His death was deeply lamented.1
There can be no question that the responsibility of this war
rests mainly with the white men. The Indians desired peace j
but, when goaded to war by intolerable \yrongs, they conducted
the conflict in accordance with the dictates of their own savage
natures. Mr. Bourne very truthfully says, —
" The wickedness of man was about to bring its deadly influences to the
ruin of the peace and progress of the settlement. King Phitip, believing
himself wronged in his intercourse with the white man, and ruminating on
the cruel kidnappings of his brothers and the EngUsh usurpation of his
domains, determined to destroy the cruel intruders. His inteUectual power
was far in advance of the generaUty of the sachems. He claimed to have
free communication with the Great Spirit, and to derive from this inter
course, instructions as to his manner of life; and he told the tribe that the
white men were bent on driving them from their possessions, and caUed
upon them, as with the voice of the great Father, to destroy them from off
the land."2
1 " There were slain at this time somewhat above forty of the English and
twelve of the friendly Indians that assisted ; very few escaping, but were either
killed right out or dangerously wounded." — Hubbard' s History of New England,
p. 634. See also- Belknap's History of New Hampshire, vol. i. p. 128; Collections
of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. vi. p. 263.
2 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D., p. 138.

CHAPTER XII.
WARS AND WOES CONTINUED.
Ravages of the Indians — The Naval Expedition — Peace proclaimed — Losses
by the War — The Purchase of Maine by Massachusetts — The Eegime of Mr.
Danforth — North Yarmouth incorporated — Baptist Church established —
Menaces of War — Employment of the Mohawks — Sir Edmund Andros —
Thomas Dungan — Tyrannical Acts — Attack upon Baron Castine — War
renewed — Fate of Waldron — Expeditions to Quebec and Montreal.
THE savages were now sweeping all opposition before them.
They ravaged the coast from Casco Bay to Wells. Prowl
ing into the harbors by night, they seized twenty fishing vessels.
Most of these were from Massachusetts. Each of these vessels
had on board four or five men and boys. Taken by surprise at
midnight, as a dozen Indian warriors leaped from their canoes
upon the deck, they could make no resistance.
Immediately a vessel of war was despatched, manned with
forty seamen, to pursue and capture the foe. This was indeed
like chasing a flea upon the mountains. They recovered most
of the fishing vessels, which the savages had abandoned with
out burning them ; x but not a solitary Indian was anywhere to
be found. It was feared that the French would take advantage
of these calamities to extend their sway to the Kennebec. Sir
Edmund Andros sent a military force from New York to
Pemaquid, to take possession of the country, and erect a fort.
He was quite successful in securing the confidence of the natives
in the immediate region around, and a beneficial traffic was
1 " The Indians, finding their inability to maDage such kind of vessels, much
too heavy for them to wield with paddles, grew soon weary of that sport, and
were pretty wUling to return the vessels to the EngUsh, after they had pillaged
out of them what was for their turn." — Hubbard' s History of New England, p. 635.
?,06

THL HISTORY OF MAINE. 207
introduced. They brought in fifteen captives, and surrendered
several vessels which they had taken. Thus pleasantly, in fra
ternal intercourse, the autumn and winter passed away at
Pemaquid. Other tribes heard of these blessings of peace, and
desii-ed to share in them. • Three English commissioners met
Squando, and the sagamores of the Kennebec and the Andros
coggin tribes, on the 12th of August, 1678, at Casco.1
The articles of peace were few and simple. All hostilities
were to cease. Every English family was to pay one peck of
corn annually, as a quit-rent for the land they had gained from
the Indians. Major Phillips of Saco, who had very extensive
possessions, was to give one bushel each year. All captives on
each side were to be surrendered without ransom. Some of
the English regarded these conditions as humiliating to them ;
but all considered them as preferable to the continuance of the
warfare which was desolating the colonies. - King Philip's war
was thus, ere long, brought to a close in Massachusetts as well
as Maine. It was generally admitted that the sagamores were
not unjust in their demands.
The Indians had certainly a possessory right to the country
which the English had invaded. Large tracts of territory had
been obtained from them by purchases of very questionable
legality. In many cases there was no question as to the fraud
by which the English title-deed had been gained. In the war,
the success of the Indians in Maine had been so remarkable
as to warrant them in assuming the tone of victors. Under
these circumstances their exactions were by many deemed mod
erate.2 The losses sustained during the war, by the inhabitants of
Maine, were enormous. Two hundred and sixty were killed, or
carried into captivity from which they never returned. There
were, undoubtedly, many others who thus perished, of whom no
record was made. The numbers severely wounded have never
been counted. The settlements at Cape Neddock, Scarbor
ough, Casco, Arrowsic, and Pemaquid, were laid in ashes. One
i Neal's History of New England, p. 407. See also History of New Hamp
shire, by Jeremy Belknap, vol. i. p. 129.
2 WiUiamson, vol. i. p. 553.

208 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
hundred and fifty men, women, and children, were taken captive,
who, after months of often terrible sufferings, were finally
restored to their friends. It is estimated, that, in the several
colonies, six hundred men were killed, twelve hundred houses
burned, eight thousand cattle destroyed, and seven hundred
and fifty thousand dollars expended in military operations.
The immense losses by the ravagesi of the war cannot be cal
culated.1 The purchase of Maine by the Colony of Massachusetts
greatly annoyed the tyrannical king of England. The dissolute
monarch was intending to make a transfer of the territory of
Maine and New Hampshire, to his son the Duke of Monmouth,
who was not of legitimate birth. He wrote angrily to the
Colonial Government, —
" We were much surprised, while Ustening to the complaints of Mr.
Gorges, that you should presume, without asking our royal permission, to
purchase his interest in the Province of Maine, acquainted, as you know we
are, with some of the effects of the severe hand you have holden over our
subjects there." 2
The Province of Maine, purchased by Massachusetts, was
supposed to contain about nine thousand six hundred square
miles. Its measurement was eighty by one hundred and twenty
miles.3 The question as to the government of the Province
was involved in many difficulties. Civil power, it was said,
could not be bought and sold ; and a public functionary could
not delegate authority which he had received from the king.
It was finally decided to frame a civil code in conformity
with the royal charter granted Sir Ferdinando Gorges. A
president was to be chosen annually. There was to be a legis
lature consisting of two branches. The upper house was to
consist of the president's council, of eight members. The lower
house was to be composed of representatives chosen by the
lowns. The legislative body was to meet once a year.
1 "Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. 4, pp. 147-359. See also, Hutch
inson's CoUection of State Papers, p. 493.
2 Idem, p. 451.
8 Summary of British Settlements ih North America, by WilUam Douglass,
vol. i. p. 389,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 209
Mr. Thomas Danforth of Cambridge, deputy governor of
Massachusetts, was appointed president. He was a gentleman
of accomplished education and great moral worth. An English
man by birth, he had in early life come to this country, and
had filled many offices of influence and honor. He was a firm
republican in his principles, and was ever ready to resist the en
croachments of arbitrary power.1
Pres. Danforth found many difficulties to be encountered.
There were, in Maine, many staunch royalists ; and all such
were warm advocates of the ecclesiastical polity of the Church
of England. These people were very unwilling to become the
subjects of republican Massachusetts ; and bitter were the com
plaints which they were continually sending to the crown. The
king threatened even to reclaim the Province. He wrote to the
General Court, —
" It is marveUous that you should exclude from office, gentlemen of good
Uves and estates, merely because they do not agree with you in the congre
gational way; especiaUy since Uberty of conscience was the principal motive
of your first emigration. Nor is this the only thing to be noticed. The
title-deeds of Maine, we expect, will be surrendered to the crown, on the
advancement of the purchase money and interest."2
An active and implacable minority may raise outcries which it
is very difficult even for a large ¦ majority to silence. Agents
were sent over from England to spy out defects, and to manu
facture complaints. One Edward Randolph was despatched
upon this mission, as searcher ; and he was particularly active in
the service. He hunted up all individual outrages, exaggerated
them, and ascribed them all to criminality of the government.
These malignant aspersions were scattered broadcast throughout
England. In response, the General Court with dignity re
plied, —
" Our Uves and our treasures have been unsparingly sacrificed to rescue
Maine from the utter ruin attempted by a barbarous and bloody enemy;
1 Biographical Dictionary of Rev. Dr. Allen, article Danforth, Thomas.
2 This important letter is given entire in Hutchinson's Collection of State
Papers, pp. 519-522.
Hutchinson says that the price paid was twelve hundred pounds. The York
Becords represent it as twelve hundred and fifty pounds.
14

210 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
sacrifices for which we have never received nor requested of the provincials
the least remuneration. We have, from many of them, the fullest assur
ances of their past satisfaction with our course, and of their desire still to be
connected with us, and their unwillingness to hazard a change. And as we,
without the least shadow of disloyalty, obtained title to the Province a
twelvemonth after his majesty had decided it to be in Gorges, it is our duty
to favor the inhabitants, and provide them with a free systematic admin
istration. ' ' x
Upon the southerly shore of Casco Neck, there was a fortress
called Fort Loyal. It was situated near the end of what has
since been called King's Street. It had a small garrison, under
command of Capt. Edward Tyng,2 and was well provided with
the munitions of war. In August, 1680, Pres. Danforth, with
Mr. Samuel Nowel3 and Mr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, as assistants,
accompanied by sixty soldiers, sailed for Fort Loyal.4
On the 22d of September, the township of North Yarmouth
was established. It took its name, probably, from Yarmouth,
England. Its boundaries then embraced Freeport, Pownal,
and Cumberland. This was the eighth town established, if we
except Appledore, which embraced the Isle of Shoals, and
which was incorporated in 1661, but which did not long retain
its name. The histoiy of Yarmouth is one of rather peculiar
interest. There is a small stream here called Royall or Weste-
custego River, about fifteen miles in length, taking its rise in
New Gloucester. It has a good harbor at its mouth, where the
ancient settlements were commenced. William Royall came
over in 1630, and purchased this region of Gorges in 1643. In
1658 he settled on the east side of the river, and erected a
fort ; but in the year 1676 the Indians laid all things waste.
In 1680 the settlement was revived.
In June, 1681, Pres. Danforth and his council met in general
assembly. It is not now known how many representatives were
sent from the towns. Four years after, there were twelve rep-
1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. iv. p. 469.
q WUliamson, vol. i. p. 563.
8 Rev. Samuel Nowel had been a Christian minister. He was a man of supe
rior mind and attainments, was universaUy respected for his virtues, and was
ardently devoted to repubUcan principles of government. — Hutchinson's Collec
tions, vol. i. p. 638.
* SuUivan, p. 182; WUUamson, p. 401.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.- 211
resentatives. Among other very judicious laws which were
enacted, one imposed a fine of twenty shillings for every pint of
intoxicating drink any one should sell to the Indians.
It seems probable that the Episcopal denomination was then
the leading one in the State. In the year 1681 the Baptists
first commenced operations. Several were baptized by immer
sion, in Kittery, and Rev. William Screven became their reli
gious teacher. He was born in England in 1629, and in early
life emigrated to this country. He appears to have been truly
a good man, of accomplished scholarship, and endowed with
unusual powers of eloquence.
His preaching was successful, and converts were multiplied.
The attention of the magistrates was arrested. Mr. Screven
was summoned before them, charged with preaching without
governmental authorization. He was fined , ten pounds, and
ordered no more to hold any religious service. His refusal to
obey was deemed contempt of his Majesty's authority. It was
therefore ordered, that —
"Mr. Screven, in future, forbear from his turbulent and contentious
practices, give bonds for his good behavior, and stand committed until the
judgment of the court be compUed with."
It is humiliating to record such intolerance on the part of
our forefathers ; but it should be remembered that it was the
intolerance of the age, rather than of the individuals. Notwith
standing this persecution, a church of eight members was
organized, and in September of 1682 they emigrated to Cooper
River in South Carolina. It is pleasant to state, that, so far
as is known, no other instance of religious intolerance has ever
been laid to the charge of the government of Maine.1
Prosperity was rapidly reviving throughout the Province.
Scarborough had risen from its ashes, so that it contained fifty-
six ratable polls, many well-cultivated fields, and eighty cows.
A tax was assessed, by the General Assembly, of two shillings
on every one hundred acres of woodland, provided they were
beyond the limits of any corporate town. It is said that thus
l WUUamson, vol. i. p. 570.

212 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
originated the custom of taxing unimproved lands at a lower
rate than other property. It is estimated that the population of
the Province in 1682 amounted to between six and seven
thousand. New Hampshire contained about four thousand.1
Oil the 16th of February, 1685, the infamous king of England,
Charles IL, died. His brother succeeded him, as James II.
A httle before this, a very important purchase was made of the
Indians, which was called the Pejepscot Purchase. By this
transaction Wavumbee and five other sagamores conveyed to
Richard Wharton a territory, as was supposed, containing
about five hundred thousand acres, embracing not only the
present towns of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, but ex
tending east to the Kennebec River. The bouudaries were,
however, so indefinite, as to cause subsequently much litiga
tion.2 Under Pres. Danforth, the legislative body had annual meet
ings ; and, for six years, the government was administered to
the general acceptance of the inhabitants. A pretty strong
garrison was maintained at Fort Loyal. Much attention was
paid to securing to proprietors a legal title to their lands.
Fort Loyal became the jail for Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth,
and North Yarmouth.
In the spring of 1685, the Indians of Maine were thrown into
a terrible panic by the rumor that the English were preparing
to send an army of ferocious Mohawks for their utter extermi
nation. The terror was profound and universal. The saga
more of the Penacook, tribe wrote imploringly to the governor
of New Hampshire, saying, —
" If you wiU not let the Mohawks come and kiU us, we wiU be submissive
to your worship forever."
1 Political Annals of the United Colonies, by George Chalmers, p. 404.
2 Wharton was a Boston merchant. He affirmed that the line extended from
the Upper Falls of the Androscoggin, which he declared to be Lewiston FaUs,
entirely across the country, in a nortli-east line, to the Kennebec; and that it in
cluded aU land between the two rivers, as far south as Merrymeeting Bay. On the
west it embraced territory four miles wide down to Maquoit. It also included the
land on the west side of the Kennebec, south of Merrymeeting Bay, down to
Cape Small Point; and on the eastern side of the Sagadahoc, to the ocean, in
cluding Arrowsic, and several other islands. — Summary of British Settlements in
North America, vol. i. p. 230.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 213
Suspicion led to animosity on both sides, and to various un
friendly acts. Even the panic-stricken flight of the Indians
was deemed an indication that they were preparing for another
war. Capt. Hook of Kittery wrote to Capt. Barefoot of Ports
mouth, under date of the 13th of August, 1685, saying, —
" From information received by a foot-post, there are just grounds for
apprehending some designs of the heathen against us. 'They have,' he
says, ' lately been guilty of affronts in the vicinity of Saco, threatening the
people, and kiUing their dogs; and, within the last three days, they have
gathered up aU their corn, and moved off, bag and baggage.' "
A council was held, which was promptly attended by the
sagamores, who declared that they had no desire for war, and
wished only for the continuance of peace.
The sagamore of Penacook, Kankamagus by name, usually
called John Hawkins, or Hoykins, was1 present. He had written
the letter to Gov. Cranfield o'f'New Hampshire, to which we
have above referred ; and it was signed by fourteen of his princi
pal men. He lived upon the Androscoggin, with another dis
tinguished chief by the name of Worombo,1 or Worombos.
The chiefs of four tribes were present at the council. They
not only manifested no antagonistic spirit, but seemed ready to
assent to any terms which the English might dictate. They
even yielded to the following extraordinary demand, that —
" Whenever the Indians shaU remove with their wives and children, with
out giving timely notice to the English, they may be apprehended, or war
may be made upon them tiU the sagamores shall render satisfaction." 2
1 "Kankamagus was a faithful man as long as he could depend upon the
English for protection. But when Gov. Cranfield of New Hampshire used *is
endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684,
who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the
EngUsh, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where they
came, fled, and joined the Androscoggins. Before he fled his country, he addressed
several letters to the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his fears,
and from which there is no doubt that he would always gladly have lived in his
own country, and on the most intimate and friendly terms with the English, — to
whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and
could read and write, — but for the reasons just stated." — Drake's Book of the
Indians, book iii. p. 106.
2 History of New Hampshire. By Jeremy Belknap, vol. i. p. 186. See, also,
Hutchinson's History, vol. i. p. 316.

214 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Affairs in Massachusetts were in rather a chaotic condition.
The king had annulled the Colonial Charter, had put an end to
the General Court, and had appointed Joseph Dudley president
of Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island.
Dudley was a graduate of Harvard College, a man of superior
abilities, and of boundless ambition.
After a brief but unpopular administration of but about five
months, he was superseded by Sir Edmund Andros. The local
government in Maine now ceased, and was not resumed until
1820, when Maine was finally separated from Massachusetts.1
Andros, it will be remembered, had been the appointed gov
ernor of the Duke of York, now James II., over the colonies at
the mouths of the Manhattan and the Sagadahoc Rivers. He
was the fitting servant of his master, imperious and tyrannical.
He turned his special attention to his Sagadahoc province.
He took formal possession of the country, and made preparations
to defend it against any enemy, whether Indians, French, or
Dutch. Nothing of especial interest marked his administration.
He was arrogant and tyrannical, and was very unpopular.
In 1683 Andros was succeeded by Col. Thomas Dungan.
He was a much better man, and cherished far more elevated
views of human rights, and still he was at a very considerable
remove from the Massachusett's principles of republican equality.
In New York he convoked a legislative assembly ; but, at Sag
adahoc, he appointed two commissioners, John Palmer and
John West, whom he invested with plenary powers.
In 1686 they repaired to Pemaquid. Many of the inhabitants^
who had been driven from their homes by the horrors of the
war, had returned. The region was at that time called the
County of Cornwall. The commissioners proved to be despotic
men, " arbitrary as the Grand Turk." 2 They contrived, in vari
ous ways, to extort enormous taxes from the impoverished and
war-stricken people. They took especial care of themselves
and friends, appropriating from six to ten thousand acres of
land to each.3 It is enough to make one's blood boil with
1 History of Portland. By WiUiam WilUs, p. 258.
' Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 510.
8 Hutchinson's Collection, p. 547.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 215
indignation to contemplate the leaseholds they forced from the
people, and the rents they imposed upon them for the occupa
tion of their own homesteads. Thus they wrested from these
settlers nearly three thousand dollars a year.
Mr. Sullivan gives us a copy of one of these leaseholds, in
flicted upon poor John Dalling of Monhegan, who had returned
penniless to his burnt cabin and wild lands. It is drawn up with
much legal formality, in the name of " Our most gracious sove
reign lord, James IL, by the grace of God King of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland." After a ludicrously detailed
account of the premises, John Dalling is authorized to plant
his corn there, upon condition of —
" Yielding and paying therefor yearly, and every year, unto our sove
reign lord the king, his heirs or successors, or to such governor or other
officer as from time to time shaU be by him or them appointed to receive the
same, on every twenty-fifth day of March forever, as a quit rent, or acknowl
edgment for the said land, one bushel of merchantable wheat, or the value
thereof in money."1
Dungan claimed the country as far east as the River St. Croix.2
A shipmaster from Piscataqua, not aware of this claim, and
supposing that the region beyond the Penobscot belonged to
the French, sent a cargo of wines there. As they were landed,
without having paid duties at Pemaquid, Palmer and West
seized and confiscated the cargo. This roused, not only the
indignation of the French, but that, also, of the Massachusetts
people. The clamor rose so loud, that the wines were restored.
Dungan's administration lasted five years. He influenced
several Dutch families to emigrate to the Sagadahoc. In 1688
Sir Edmund Andros was appointed captain-general and vice-
admiral of New England, New York, and the Jerseys. He
formed a council of twenty-five members, five of whom consti
tuted a quorum. All legislative, judicial, and executive func
tions were blended in this department. There were no consti
tutional limits. The governor and his council did as they
pleased.3 1 SulUvan's History of Maine, p. 163. 2 Hutchinson's CoUections, p. 548,
8 " But a few months before, he had been appointed governor of Massachusetts,
Connecticut, New Hampshire, Maine, Plymouth, Pemaquid, and Narragansett, or
Rhode Island." — Summary of British Settlements in North America, by William
Douglass, p. 374.

216 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The governor soon developed all the execrable traits of a
despot. He seldom convened more than seven or eight of his
council, and they were all the pliant instruments of his will.
The Church of England was recognized as the only legal form
of worship ; and all who assembled for congregational religious
service were threatened with the confiscation of their meeting
houses. Freedom of the press was restrained. The land-titles,
generally, were declared to be invalid ; and it was proclaimed
that new title-deeds must be obtained. The annoyances to
which the people were exposed were innumerab e, and vexatious
in the extreme.
Andros was alike greedy of wealth and of despotic power.
The king, James II. , from whom he derived all his authority,
was an avowed Papist. But the people of England were not in
sympathy with their monarch. Desiring to take military pos
session of the Penobscot and the St. Croix, Andros repaired to
Pemaquid, where he had ordered the frigate " Rose " to be pre
pared for his expedition. The frigate, having sailed, cast anchor
near the habitation of Baron Castine, at Biguyduce.1
The baron, with his family, fled into the woods, abandoning
every thing. The ignoble governor plundered his house of all
its valuables ; but he left untouched the Catholic chapel, with
all its rich adornments.
Andros returned to Pemaquid, where he had invited the
neighboring sagamores to meet him. They met in council.
Andros, addressing the most prominent chief, a Tarratine 2 sag
amore, said, —
" I warn you never to foUow the French, or to fear them. Be quiet, live
in peace, and we will protect you. Tell your friend Castine, that, if he
wiU render loyal obedience to the King of England, every article takeu from
him shaU be restored."
Andros was delighted with Pemaquid and its surroundings.
He took an excursion among the islands, and ascended the
Kennebec several leagues. He thought that Pemaquid was
destined to be the chief mart for all the eastern country, and
1 Hutchinson's CoUection of State Papers, p. 562.
2 It will be remembered that the Tavratines occupied the valley of the Penob
scot.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 217
made an effort to have an account taken of all the white in
habitants between the Penobscot and the St. Croix. They
amounted to less than fifty, counting men, women, and chil
dren.1 Andros returned to New York in 1688, having appointed
Nicholas Manning chief magistrate in the " Province of the
Duke of "York, called Sagadahoc, or the County of Cornwall."
Baron Castine was a man of great influence, not only with
his countrymen, the French, but with all the neighboring Indian
tribes, with whom he had so thoroughly identified himself. His
' indignation was, of course, aroused, and that of all his friends, by
the wanton plunder of his estate. He appealed to the Indians.
War-clouds soon began to darken the sky. Castine declared
that he would never submit to the domination of the English.
Andros began to enlist soldiers, and to erect forts at many
important points between Piscataqua and Penobscot. Hostilities
were commenced in August. It is impossible to follow, with
chronological accuracy, the details. The Indians killed the
cattle in the eastern settlements, and insulted and threatened
the inhabitants. At Saco, the magistrates unjustly seized fifteen
or twenty unoffending Indians, and held them as hostages for
the good behavior of the rest. The Indians retaliated by seiz
ing some Englishmen.
Andros, then in New York, wishing to try the effect of con
ciliatory measures, ordered the Indian prisoners to be set at
liberty. He issued a pacific proclamation. But all was in vain.
The inhabitants of Maine generally took refuge in garrison
houses. Stockades were constructed in North Yarmouth, on
each side of Royall River. A party engaged in constructing
these works under Capt. Gendall. A band of seventy or eighty
Indians attacked him. He repelled them, after a severe con
flict, in which several were slain on each side. This was the
first blood which was spilled in what was called the second
war. In the evening, after the skirmish, Capt. Gendall and his
servant fell into an ambuscade, and were both killed. John
Royall was taken captive ; but he was kindly ransomed by
Baron Castine.2
1 CoUections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. i. p. 82, 3d ser.
2 History of Portland, by WUliam Willis, p. 273.

218 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Early in November, seven hundred English soldiers were sent
to Pemaquid.1 About one hundred and fifty-six men were left
here to garrison the fort. Garrisons were also established at
several other places along the coast. Five hundred and sixty
soldiers were east of the Kennebec. The troops suffered severely
on this campaign, while they encountered not a single Indian.2
Gov. Andros became increasingly unpopular ; and his author
ity in the distant Province of Maine was subverted by a popu
lar uprising in April, 1689, in Boston, which threw the governor
and thirty of his most obnoxious partisans into prison. The
troops revolted from their officers, and many abandoned their
posts. The consequence was, that the French and Indians cap
tured the fort, and almost depopulated the country. The same
disaster took place at New Castle and Falmouth.3
At Saco the Indians were repelled ; but they took Dover
by surprise, and cruelly slaughtered many of the inhabitants.
We have no reason to doubt the accuracy of the following
account of this disaster, given by Samuel G. Drake : —
" The Indians rushed into Waldron's house in great numbers; and, whUe
some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted.
Waldron was now eighty years of age; yet, seizing his sword, he defended
himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him,
from room to room, until one, getting behind him, knocked him down with
his hatchet. They now seized upon him, and, dragging him into the great
room, placed him in an armed chair, upon a table.
" WhUe they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged
the family to provide them with a supper, which when they had eaten, they
took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful man
ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, ' I cross out my account.'
Others cut off joints of his fingers, saying, 'Now wiU your fist weigh a
pound?'"4 1 WUUs, following Belknap, says seven hundred ; Holmes, Am. Ann. p. 474,
says eight hundred ; Eliot states the number at a thousand.
2 " All this was merely a mUitary movement, or display, neither the result of
wisdom, experience, nor sound judgment. Had he been in the least acquainted
with the habits of the Indians, or Ustened even to the statements of hunters, he
would have known that these tenants of the forest retire in the autumn from
the seaboard, and pass the winter upon their hunting-berths in the interior of the
wUderness." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 596.
WUliamson gives a list of eleven settlements along the coast, at which these
troops were distributed.
8 Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d ser. p. 85.
4 Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 108.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 219-
After continuing this torture for some time, they let him fall
upon his own sword, and thus put an end to his misery. Wal
dron had the reputation of being one of the most perfidious and
unscrupulous cheats in his treatment of the Indians. When
they paid him what was due, he would neglect to cross out their
accounts. In buying beaver-skins by weight, he insulted the
intelligent Indians by insisting that his fist weighed just one
pound. The day of retribution came ; and the savages wreaked
their utmost vengeance upon their victim. They held the place
till morning. Then, with twenty-nine captives and all the-
plunder they could carry away, they set out for Canada. The-
French ransomed the prisoners ; and they were eventually re
turned to their friends.1
Upon the overthrow of Andros, the assembled people ap
pointed a council of thirty-seven men to secure the public safe
ty. A few weeks after this great revolution, the joyful tidings
reached Boston, that the tyrant James II. had been driven from
his throne and his kingdom, and had been succeeded by William,
Prince of Orange.
Maine was in a deplorable condition. Her people were with
out any settled government, and were involved in a war from
which they could reap nothing but disasters ; for victory could'
bring them no gains. The Council of Safety, apparently with
the cordial assent of the people of Maine, assumed the super
vision of the Ducal Province.
The illustrious chieftain Madockawando, whose daughter, it
Will be remembered, married Baron Castine, visited Boston, ac
companied by several sachems, in the endeavor to secure peace.
Their bearing was not that of savages, but that of uneducated1
men of strong common sense, who thoroughly understood the
true posture of affairs. The chief, Madockawando, was the
principal speaker. The substance of his communication was as
follows : —

i "The seizure at that place (Dover), of four.hundred Indians, more than
twelve years before, was a transaction never to be forgotten, never to be forgiven,
by savages. Lapse of time had only wrought their resentment into animosities,
malice, and r':g<? and an opportunity now offered to satiate their revenge." —
Williamson, v' ' p. 610.

220 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" Baron Castine was deeply offended by the unprovoked attack upon his
house, and the plunder of his premises. The French, his countrymen re
garded it as a national insult and a proclamation of war. The Indians who
had adopted Baron Castine into their tribe, and made him a chief, considered
it no less an act of hostility against them. Thus a terrible war must rage,
unless terms of peace can be agreed upon."
The government treated the distinguished Indian envoys with
great courtesy, assuring them of its entire disapproval of the
conduct of Andros, whom the people had ejected from office.
They loaded the chiefs with presents, and conveyed them home
in a colony sloop. They sent, also, a very conciliatory letter to
Baron Castine. But storms of war were rising in Europe, which
dashed angry billows upon the shores of the New World.
The Papist, James II. , had fled to Catholic France, where he
was received with open arms. War was the consequence,
imbittered not only by the hereditary hatred between English
men and Frenchmen, but by the still more virulent antagonism
which arose between Protestantism and Catholicism. France
and England entered with equal alacrity upon the deadly strug
gle.1 The patriotic pride, and the religious fanaticism, of the
French in Canada, were aroused to drive the heretical English
out of Maine. It was not difficult for them to rally the majority
of the Indians around their standards. French privateers were
promptly upon the coast, capturing the colonial vessels. It is
said, we know not upon what authority, that the French mis
sionaries exerted all their powerful influence to rouse the Indi
ans to drive the English out of Maine.. It is estimated that the
French in New France then numbered over eleven thousand.
The General Court, which had received the cordial sanction
of the new king, William of Orange, promptly prepared an
expedition to regain Nova Scotia, and capture Quebec. Seven
vessels, manned by seven hundred men, sailed from Boston in the
spring of 1690. Sir William Phips took the command.
This remarkable man was a native of Maine, being one of the
youngest of his mother's family of twenty-six children, twenty-
i "War was declared by England against France on the 7th of May, 1689; but
tidings of the proclamation did not reach Boston until Dec. 7." — Universal History,
vol. xii. p. 47.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 221
one of whom were sons. He was born upon the Sheepscot, in
the town of Woolwich, on the 2d of February, 1650. His father
died when he was youug; and he remained with his mother, in
the homestead, until he was eighteen years of age.
Favored with but a limited education, he learned the trade
of a ship-carpenter. The ravages of the Indians drove him
from home ; and he entered upon the roving life of a sailor. Ac
cidentally he heard that a Spanish ship, richly laden with bars
of silver from the mines, had been wrecked upon one of the
Bahamas. He succeeded in communicating this intelligence to
the Duke of Albemarle. An expedition was fitted out to re
cover the treasure. After sundry disappointments, extraordinary
success crowned the endeavor. Thirty-four tons of silver, be
sides gold, pearls, and jewels, were raised from a depth of nearly
fifty feet. The estimated value was one million, three hundred
and fifty thousand dollars.
The share of William Phips amounted to seventy thousand
dollars. The Duke of Albemarle presented Mrs. Phips a golden
cup worth four thousand dollars. The King of England con
ferred upon the successful adventurer the honor of knighthood,
and appointed him high sheriff of New England. James II.
was then king of England; and Sir Edmund Andros was in
power.1 The fleet sailed from Boston on the 29th of April. It con
sisted of a frigate of forty guns, two sloops-of-war (one carry
ing sixteen, and the other eight guns), and four ketches, which
were small vessels, schooner rigged, of about two hundred tons'
burden.2 The squadron proceeded first to Port Royal. The
garrison there was in no condition to resist so powerful a force,
and surrendered at discretion.8
Sir William took, as prisoners-of-war, the military governor,
i Mather's MagnaUa, vol. U. pp. 151-208. CoUection of State Papers. By
Thomas Hutchinson, p. 353.
2 Universal History, vol. xL p. 62.
8 "Du Mont, having received a commission as Ueutenant-general of France,
fitted out an expedition, with which he sailed along the coast of Maine, formed a
temporary settlement at the mouth of the Biver St. Croix, where his company
spent one winter, and then estabUshed a colony on the other side of the Bay of
Fundy, at a place which they named Port Boyal, and now called AnnapoUs.
This was in the year 1604." — History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 10.

"222 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
M. Maneval, and thirty-eight soldiers. He then ran back,
south-westerly along the coast of Maine toward the Penobscot,
¦capturing all the French posts on the way, and taking possession
of the islands. He appointed a governor over the province so
¦easily conquered, and returned to Boston with his prisoners, and
with sufficient plunder, as he judged, to defray all the expenses
of the expedition.1
The French population of the subjugated province was sup
posed to be between two and three thousand souls.* They hated
the English ; and the tribes under their influence sympathized
with them in these hostile feelings.
Flushed with victory, New England and New York combined
¦to root out all the French colonies in Nova Scotia and Canada.
Four thousand men were easily enlisted to enter upon the pop
ular enterprise. Sir William Phips, promoted to the rank of
¦commodore, commanded the fleet, containing two thousand
men. Quebec was its point of destination. The other half
-of the army, under Major-Gen. John Winthrop of Connecticut,
marched across the country to attack Montreal.
The fleet sailed onthe 19th of August, 1690. It was not until
the 5th of October, that the vessels cast anchor before Quebec.
•Count Frontenac, a haughty but able French nobleman, was
governor. To a summons to surrender, he returned the singular
reply, —
"You and your countrymen are heretics and traitors. New England and
•Canada would be one, had not the friendship been destroyed by your revolu
tion."8 In this he referred to the revolution in England, which had
¦driven the Papist, James IL, into France, and had placed the
Protestant, William of Orange, on the throne, and had thus
inaugurated the war. A landing was effected about four miles
below the town. Both the naval and the land forces commenced
a furious cannonade. But the French fought with courage and
1 Mather's MagnaUa, p. 522.
2 Hutchinson's Historical Collections, vol. ii. p. 13. Holmes, in his American
Annals, vol. i. p. 474, estimates the number at between three and four thousand.
8 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, voL i. p. 356.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 223
skill, and were greatly aided in their attack upon the land-force
by their Indian allies.
The troops were defeated, and were driven precipitately on
board the ships. Quebec was found far better armed with
heavy guns than had been supposed. The fleet suffered more
than the French works from the cannonade. A general feeling
of depression spread through the English troops. The enter
prise was abandoned ; and the vessels spread their sails to return.
To add to their disasters, the elements seemed to combine
against them. A violent tempest struck the fleet. Several
vessels, as they were emerging from the mouth of the St. Law
rence, were sunk, and others blown out to sea.
It was not until the 19th of November, that the residue of the
shattered squadron reached Boston. Between two and three
hundred men were lost by the casualties of war during this
unfortunate expedition.1
Gen. Winthrop was equally unsuccessful. Led by forty Mo
hawk warriors, he struggled through the forest to the shores of
Lake Champlain. Here, finding himself unable to transport
his army across the lake, he also abandoned the enterprise, and,
with his humiliated army, returned, having accomplished noth
ing.2 In the mean time, the war with the Indians and French com
bined was raging throughout Maine ; and the land was filled
with lamentation and mourning.
i According to Mather's MagnaUa, vol. it p. 522, the fleet consisted of thirty-
two sail.
2 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, vol. it p. 383.

CHAPTER XIII.
CAMPAIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS.
Character of Indian Warfare — Expedition of Capt. Church — Battle at Fal
mouth — The Sack of Berwick — The Massacre at Falmouth — Church at
Pejepscot — Incidents of the Campaign — Indian Gratitude — The Truce —
Deplorable Condition of Maine—The Disaster at Tork — Heroic Defence of
Wells — Church's Third Expedition — New Efforts for Peace.
IT will be remembered, that, in the year 1678, Massachusetts
had purchased of Mr. Gorges the Province of Maine, for
the sum of twelve hundred and fifty pounds sterling. King
James II. protested against this sale. It was, however, ratified,
in the year 1691, by King William, in a charter which included
not only what had been called the Province of Maine, but also
the more easterly provinces of Sagadahoc and Nova Scotia.1
We must now retrace the time for a few months. There
were many intelligent men among the Indians ; and they saga
ciously succeeded in forming a very remarkable union of the
several tribes.
The Indians always proved to be a prowling, skulking foe,
never venturing to meet their adversaries in the open field.
They hid behind fences, stumps, rocks, and, waylaying the Eng
lish, would shoot them down, strip off their scalps, and dis
appear in the forest. They would watch all night to shoot a
settler as he came from his cabin in the dawn of the morning.
Four young men went out together ; and the invisible Indians
shot them all down at a single fire. A well-armed party of
twenty-four went out to bury them. The Indians rose from
ambush ; and after a severe conflict, having shot down six, the
2 WiUis's History of Portland, p. 222
224

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 225
savages fled into the woods. The activity of these people was
so great, and their depredations so incessant and terrible, that
nearly all the settlements, and even garrisons, east of .Falmouth,
were abandoned; and many of the inhabitants sought refuge in
the stronger fortresses upon the Piscataqua.
For the protection of the despairing people of Maine, Massa
chusetts sent to their aid an army of six hundred men. The
troops were rendezvoused at Berwick, then called Newichawan-
nock. There were ninety Natick Indians in the party. Major
Benjamin Church, a man who subsequently gained great renown
in those wars, joined a detachment of these troops at Falmouth,
with two hundred and fifty volunteers, a part of whom were
friendly Indians.
The report came, that seven hundred Indians,1 with many
Frenchmen associated with them, were on the march to attack
Falmouth. Major Church, who was well acquainted with the
Indian mode of fighting, landed his troops secretly, in the night,
and concealed them in a thick growth of bushes, about half a
mile from the town. A severe battle soon took place, after the
Indian fashion, in which both parties displayed great skill and
bravery. The Indians finally retreated, after having killed or
wounded twenty-one of their assailants,2 six of whom were In
dians in alliance with the English. The loss sustained by the
Indians is not known. Major Church wrote to the governor of
Massachusetts, under date of Sept. 27, 1689,8 —
" We know not yet what damage we did to the enemy in our last engage
ment. But several things that they left behind them on their flight, we
found yesterday; which were gun-cases and stockings, and other things of
1 " Such was the statement of Mrs. Lee, a daughter of Major Waldron, who had
just been ransomed from the Indians. SuUivan also says seven hundred. Mr.
WUlis thinks this number overestimated. Capt. Davis of Falmouth states the
number to have been between three and four hundred." — History of Portland, by
William Willis, p. 277.
2 Church's Expedition, pp. 89, 106.
8 "There is no account of this action, excepting what Church gives in his His
tory. He has described the place where it happened, in such a manner, that it is
very difficult now to fix upon it with any degree of certainty. It is clear that the
Indians must either have gone up Fore "River, and landed above the town, or have
gone up Back Cove, and landed at the head of it. The latter may be beUeved the
most probable." — Sullivan's History of Maine, p. 202.
15

226 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
some value, together with other signs, that make us think that we did them
considerable damage." l
From this point, Major Church advanced, in his vessels, to the
Kennebec, which he ascended for some distance. He visited
several garrisons, and, returning, left sixty soldiers at Fort
Loyal, and then sailed for Boston. Capt. Hall was left in com
mand of the garrison. The terror-stricken people, apprehen
sive that the savages would return with increased numbers, and
inflict terrible vengeance, entreated Major Church to take them
away in his transports. But he persuaded them to remain, with
the assurance that efficient aid should be promptly sent them
from Boston. Upon his arrival there, he labored hard, but in
vain, to redeem his pledge.
Berwick had revived, and contained about twenty-seven
houses. Early in the spring of 1690, a party of French and
Indians, having laid waste the settlement at Salmon Falls, made
an attack upon Berwick. The assailants consisted of fifty-two
men, twenty-five being Indians, and the remainder Frenchmen.2
As usual, the attack was commenced by surprise, in the earhest
dawn of the morning. The Indians were led by a renowned
chief, called Hopehood.3 The French commander was a Cana
dian officer of distinction, by the name of Artel, or Hartel as it
is sometimes spelled.
The English fought with the energies of despair. When
almost every man (thirty-four in number) had been shot down,
the women and children were compelled to surrender. The
victors wantonly shot the cattle, laid all the buildings in ashes,
and with fifty-four captives, and all the plunder they could
carry, retreated.
A force of a hundred and fifty men, hastily collected, at-
1 WUlis's History of Portland, p. 280, quoting from Hutchinson Papers.
2 Mather writes, "Being half one, and half t'other; half Indianized French,
and half Frenchified Indians."
8 "Hopehood was a celebrated chief ofthe tribe of the Kennebeks, generally
known as the Nerigwoks (Norridgewock). His Indian name seems to have been
Wohawa." — Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 109.
' ' Many of the natives had both an Indian and an English name. Hopehood was
a son of the celebrated Negusset sagamore, caUed Eobinhood, but whose Indian
name was "Ramegin." — Drake, book ui. p. 97.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 227
tracted by the smoke of the burning village, pursued the united
band of civilized and uncivilized savages. The plunderers,
encumbered with booty and prisoners, were overtaken as they
were attempting to cross a small stream called Wooster River.
A fierce battle ensued, which lasted till the darkness of night
set in. Several were slain on each side. But it would appear
that during the night the marauders escaped.1
In May the French and Indians organized another expedition
against Falmouth. Between four and five hundred men com
menced the attack of the 16th of May, 1690. Prowling bands
had been for some time seen around, which led to the suspicion
that the foe was preparing to strike them by surprise.
Thirty young men volunteered to march out on a reconnois-
sance. Lieut. Thaddeus Clark led them7) and led them into an
ambush. They climbed Munjoy's Hill, whemguddenly a volley
of bullets was discharged upon them by invisible assailants,
concealed behind a fence. That one discharge cut down nearly
half their number, including their commander. The remainder
fled in consternation to their fortifications, pursued by the
French and Indians, filling the air with yells.
There were, in addition to Fort Loyal, four garrison-houses
in the town. All the people who were unable to effect a retreat
to one of these fortresses were either killed or captured. The
assailants, after plundering the houses, set them on fire. They
then combined all their energies to storm the forts. For four
days and four nights, they kept up almost a constant fire, dis
playing much military skill in their approaches. We give the
1 In this case, as usual, there is a sUght discrepancy in the details, as given by
the early annalists. Drake writes, —
"Hopehood had joined twenty-two Frenchmen, under Hertel, with twenty-five
of his warriors. They attacked the place, as soon as it was day, in three places.
The people defended themselves as well as they were able, in their consternation,
until about thirty of their best men were slain, when they gave themselves up to
the mercy of the besiegers. Sixty-four men were carried away captive, and much
plunder. They burned all the houses, and the barns with the cattle in them. The
number of buildings thus destroyed is unknown, but was perhaps thirty, and
perhaps two hundred head of cattle." — Drake, book in. p. 109.
Charlevoix, in his History of New France, says that two thousand cattle were
burnt in the barns.
I give the narrative in the text as recorded by Belknap, vol. i. p. 207, and the
very accurate WUliamson, vol. i. p. 619.

228 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
result, not in the words, but in accordance with the facts con
tained in the official report of Capt. Davis ; which document is
on file in the Massachusetts office of State.
The conflict commenced with the dawn of the 16th. It raged
until the afternoon of the 20th. Nearly all the inmates of the
garrison were then slain. Either the French were dressed as
Indians, or had so concealed themselves, that the English could
not tell whether there were any of that nation in the savage
band assailing them. They, therefore, sent a flag of truce, that
they might ascertain whether they could, by a surrender, hope
to save the lives of the survivors. Thus they learned that there
were many Frenchmen in the party ; and they were promised,
that, as a condition of surrender, the lives of all should be
spared, and that they should be conducted, under guard, to the
next English town, where they should be set at liberty. The
French commander took a solemn oath, by the ever living God,
that the articles of the capitulation should be sacredly per
formed.1 The gates were thrown open, and the savages rushed in.
Awful was the scene which ensued. Mons. Burneffe had prob
ably lost all control over his ferocious allies. No respect what
ever was paid to the terms of the surrender. There were
seventy living men within the garrison, many of whom were
wounded, and a large number of women and children. Nearly
all were slaughtered, and many with inhuman tortures.
The French rescued Capt. Davis, and succeeded in saving
the lives of, some say fifty, others say a hundred prisoners. It
seems to have been a custom among the Indians to put to death
as many of their captives as they themselves had lost in the
conflict.2 The whole village was laid in ashes. The dead were
i "The French and Indians were under the command of M. Burneffe, a Cana
dian officer. His Ueutenant was M. Corte de March. Most of the French troops
were from Quebec, under Capt. M. de Portneuf. The Indians were led by Baron
Castine and his son-in-law, Madockawando. They came to Casco Bay in a large
fleet of canoes. Charlevoix gives the command of the expedition to Portneuf,
and dates the surrender on the 27th. In both of these statements he is doubtless
incorrect." — See Letter of Capt. Davis in Collections of Massachusetts Historical So
ciety, vol. i. 3 ser., p. 104.
2 "When the prisoners marched out ol I he fort, fifty in aU, the savages raised
a shout, fell upon them with hatchet and sword, and killed all except four; and
these were wounded." — Histoire et Disi . Gen de la Nouvelle France, par Pere de
Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 78.

I I

III; ,,,,;,

230 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
left unburied. The number slain in this awful massacre is not
known. The French, after participating in this demoniac deed,
commenced their march back to Canada.
" I must say," writes Capt. Davis, " they were kind to me in
my travels through the country. Our provisions were very
short, — Indian corn and acorns. Hunger made it very good,
and God gave it strength to nourish."
Davis was a prisoner-of-war in Quebec for four months.
when Sir William Phips effected his exchange for a Frenchman.
The capture of Falmouth was a terrible disaster. The victori
ous Indians scattered in all directions, perpetrating the most
horrible deeds of cruelty and crime. Many of them were
demons in character, and recoiled from no horror. The cruel
ties they often committed are too revolting to be described.
Even the recital brings torture to the soul.
From all the feebler garrisons the people fled in dismay, west
ward, and took refuge in Storer's strong garrisons at Wells.1
The government sent them re-enforcements, with directions to
make a stand there, and resist all attacks.
The valiant Major Church was despatched with another expe
dition, of three hundred men, to visit Casco and Pejepscot, to
chastise the Indians, and regain captives, if possible. This was
early in September, 1690. He landed at Maquoit,and marched
at night across the country to Pejepscot 2 Fort, which, it will be
remembered, was located west of the Androscoggin, at the
Pejepscot Falls. The Indians held possession of the fort. The
accompanying illustration shows the appearance of these cele
brated falls, after the lapse of nearly two centuries.
A watchful eye discerned the coming, and spread the alarm.
The savages fled in all directions, leaving several English cap
tives behind. One Indian man was taken, with a few women
and several children. The horrors perpetrated by the savages
had created great exasperation against them. Church's men
1 " No other town in the province was so well provided with houses of refuge
as WeUs. This was due to the prudent foresight of Storer and Wheelwright.
There were here seven or eight' garrisons, some of them buUt in the best manner,
against assaults from without, and for the protection and comfort of those with
in." — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D. p. 196.
2 Williamson spells this both Pejepscot and Pegypscot, pp. 37, 724.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 231
were about to put the man to death, when the female white
captives, who had thus been rescued, earnestly pleaded for his
life. They said that he had ever been kind to them, and had
several times saved them and others from death.
The wives of two of the distinguished sagamores, Kankama
gus l and Worumbee, were among the prisoners. As they
promised that eighty English captives should be surrendered
for their ransom, their lives were spared, and they were sent to
the garrisons at Wells. The sister of Kankamagus was slain.
Worumbee's two children were carried, with their mother, into
captivity. Mr. Drake quotes the following statement from a
manuscript letter written at that time by Major Church, and
addressed to Gov. Hinckley of Plymouth : —
" We left two old squaws that were not able to march; gave them victuals
enough for one week, of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our provis
ions; and buried their dead, and left clothes enough to keep them warm,
and left the wigwams for them to lie in; gave them orders to teU their friends
how kind we were to them, bidding them to do the Hke to ours. Also, if
they were for peace, to come to Goodman SmaU's at Berwick, within four
teen days, who would attend to discourse them." J
This capture upon the Androscoggin took place on Sunday,
Sept. 14, 1690. The victors retired with five English captives,
whom they had rescued, and nine Indians prisoners.
Major Church and his victorious party, about forty in num
ber, ascended the Androscoggin seven miles, to another Indian
fort. There he killed twenty-one Indians, took one a prisoner,
and rescued seven English captives. The torch was applied,
and the works laid in ashes. The single savage whose life was
spared was a gigantic fellow, Agamcus, who was nicknamed
1 " Kankamagus, commonly called Hoy kins, Hawkins, or Hakins, was a Pen-
nacook sachem. He was faithful to the English as long as he could depend upon
them for protection. When the terrible Mohawks were sent to destroy the east
ern Indians, he fled westerly to the Androscoggin. Here he and another sachem,
caUed Worumbee, lived with their famUies. He could speak and write English.
His several letters to Gov. Canfield prove his fidelity. There can be no doubt that
he would have been true to the EngUsh, had they been true to him." — Drake's
Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 106.
2 Drake's Book of the Indians, book in. p. 108.

232 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Great Tom.1 On the march he escaped, and carried to the
Indians such reports of the strength and prowess of Major
Church's troops, that they retired far back into the interior
wilderness.2 Church sailed along the coast, touching at various points, and
inflicting all the injury he could upon the Indians. It was,
however, not often that they gave him an opportunity to strike
a blow. On the 21st of September, he landed three companies
on Purpooduck.3 Here a strong band of Indians fiercely as
sailed him. He repelled them with the loss of five of his own
men, after having slain eight or ten Indians, and taken thirteen
canoes. Major Church afterwards learned, from a returned
captive, that the savages put just as many English prisoners to
a cruel death as they had lost in the conflict.
In October, ten sagamores went to Wells, where the captive
women and children were restored to them. They expressed
unbounded gratitude in view of the kindness with which they
had been treated, and declared their earnest desire for peace.
" We are ready," they said, " at any time and place you may
appoint, to meet your head men, and enter into a treaty."
On the 29th of November, a truce between the Massachu
setts commissioners and six sagamores was signed. It would
appear that there was much difficulty in agreeing upon the
terms on which hostilities should cease. The Indians had even
abandoned the council, and retired to their canoes, before terms
were offered them which they were willing to accept. The
truce was to continue through the winter, until the 1st of May,
when they promised to visit Storer's garrison, in Wells, to bring
1 We hope that the foUowing statement made by Mr. WUUamson is a mistake.
" The wives of the two sagamores and then- chUdren were saved. But it is pain
ful to relate, and no wise creditable to the usual humanity of Major Church, that
the rest of the females, except two or three old squaws, also the unoffending chil
dren, were put to the tomahawk or sword." — Vol. i. p. 625.
2 " Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian HiU in Newbury was owned
by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands
in that town. In written instruments he styles himself, — ' I Great Tom, In
dian.' " — Drake, book in. p. 114.
8 The first inhabitants of Cape Elizabeth, which is separated from the penin
sula by Fore River, seated themselves opposite to the harbor, upon Purpooduck
Point; from which the plantation, commencing forty-four years prior to King
Philip's war, derived its name." — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 377.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 233
in all the English captives they held, and to establish a perma
nent peace.
The condition of Maine at this time was deplorable in the
extreme. All the settlements were devastated, but four. Those
were Wells, York, Kittery, and the Isle of Shoals. At the
appointed time, Pres. Danforth, with quite an imposing reti
nue on horseback, repaired to the strong garrison. But, for
some unexplained reason, the sagamores did not appear.1 Some
attributed it to the influence of the French. It is more proba
ble that they feared treachery. During the winter, the English
had been preparing to strike heavy blows, should the war be
renewed. The wary Indians, through their scouts, kept them
selves informed of every movement.
Capt. Converse, who had command of the troop of horse,
sent out a detachment, who brought in a. few of the neighbor
ing chiefs. To the inquiry why the sagamores did not come in,
according to the agreement, to ratify the treaty, they returned
the unsatisfactory reply, —
" We did not remember the time. But we now bring in and deliver
up two captives. We promise certainly to surrender the rest within ten
days."2 The chiefs were permitted to return to their homes. Ten
days passed away ; but no Indians appeared. Apprehensive
that an attack was meditated, Pres. Danforth returned to York,
and sent a re-enforcement of thirty-five soldiers to strengthen
the garrison at Wells. They arrived on the 9th of June, 1692.
It was none too soon.
In one half-hour after their arrival, a band of two hundred
savages made a fierce but unsuccessful attack upon the garrison.
The only account we have of this battle is the following : —
" We have inteUigence that the eastward Indians and some French have
made an assault upon the garrisons in and near the town of WeUs, and have
i "The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the
English deterred them. After waiting a while, Capt. Converse surprised some of
them, and brought them in by force. Having reason to believe the Indians pro
voked by this time, he immediately added thirty-five men to their 'his) force."
—Drake, book Ui. p. 102.
2 WilUamson, vol. i. D. 627,

234

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

killed about six persons thereabout-
killed them before their faces. " x

They drove the cattle- together, an*

The savages, thus baffled, retired, threatening soon to come
again. At Cape Neddock, in York, they burned several houses,
and attacked a vessel, killing most of the crew. Indian bands
continued to range the country, shooting down all they could
find, and inflicting all the damage in their power.
Another dreary summer passed away, and another cheerless
winter came. The Indians seldom ventured to brave the cold
and the storms of a Maine winter in their campaigns : conse
quently the inhabitants of York remitted their vigilance at that
time. The Indians, with the military skill they were accus
tomed to display, selected this season for their attack.
The little village was scattered along the eastern bank of the
Agamenticus River. There were several strong block-houses,
in which the inhabitants could take refuge in case of an alarm.
The accompanying illustration faithfully represents the struc
ture of one of those houses.

GAKRISON-HOUSE AT YOEK, BUILT ABOUT 1646.
1 Letter of Gov Stoughton of New York, dated June 24, 16(11.

The history" of maine. 235-
Early on a dark, cold morning of February, 1692, a band of
between two and three hundred French and Indians, having
traversed the wilderness from Canada on snow-shoes, made a
furious attack upon different portions of the hamlet. The peo
ple were as much taken by surprise as if an army had descended
from the clouds.
A scene of terror, carnage, and woe, ensued, which can
neither be described nor imagined. In one half-hour seventy-
five of the English were slain, and more than a hundred taken
prisoners, many of them wounded and bleeding. All the un
fortified houses were in flames. Those within the walls of
the garrison fought with the utmost intrepidity. The assail
ants, despairing of being able to break through their strong
walls, and fearing that re-enforcements might come to the aid
of the English, gathered up their plunder, huddled the dis
tracted, woe-stricken prisoners together, and commenced a
retreat. Awful were the sufferings of these captives, — wounded men,.
feeble women leaving the gory bodies of their husbands behind
them, and little children now fatherless. The French and the
savages co-operated in these demoniac deeds. The victors com
menced their march over the bleak, snow-drifted fields, towards
Sagadahoc. With the exception of the garrison-houses, the whole village
was destroyed. One-half of all the inhabitants were either
killed, or carried into captivity. Rev. Shubael Dummer was the
excellent pastor of the little church there. He was about sixty
years of age, a graduate of Harvard College, a man of devoted
piety, and greatly beloved. He was found dead upon the snow.
His wife, a lady from one of the first families, and distinguished
for her social accomplishments, and her mental and moral cul
ture, was seized, and dragged away with the crowd of captives.
But the massacre of her husband, the scenes of horror which
she had witnessed, and the frightful prospect opening before
her, soon caused her to sink away in that blessed sleep which
has no earthly waking. But few of those thus carried into
captivity, amidst the storms of an almost arctic winter, ever
saw friends or home again.

236 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
One pleasing event which occurred is worthy of especial
record. The Indians selected from their prisoners several aged
women and several children, just the number, and about the ages,
of those whom Major Church had treated kindly in the capture
of the Pejepscot Fort. These were safely returned, with ex
pressions of gratitude, to one of the English garrison-houses.1
A party from Portsmouth, N.H., set out in pursuit of the
Indians ; but they could not be overtaken.
In Wells, there were but fifteen men in garrison. They were
commanded by Capt. Converse. Two sloops and a shallop,
manned by fourteen sailors, were sent to them with supplies.
Before the dawn of the morning of June 10, 1692, an army
of five hundred French and Indians, under Mons. Burneffe,
attacked the place. The Indians were led by four of their most
distinguished sagamores. As usual, the assault was commenced
with hideous yells. The military science of the French was
combined with the ferocity of the savages. The strength of
the assailants was such, that they had not the slightest doubt of
success. Mather writes, —
' ' They fell to dividing persons and plunder. Such an English captain
should be slave to such an one. Such a gentleman should serve such an
one, and his wife be a maid of honor to such or such a squaw. Mr. Wheel
wright, instead of being a worthy counsellor, as he now is, was to be the ser
vant of such a Netop."
John Wheelwright was widely known. He was the most
prominent man in the town. His capture would have been
deemed an inestimable acquisition. The assailing army ap
proached the feeble garrison, according to European, not Indian
tactics. It appears that Capt. Converse had in the garrison
about thirty armed men. Probably half of these were inhabit
ants of the place. They had fled to that retreat in consequence
of suspicions that Indians were skulking around. We know
1 Collections Maine Historical Society, vol. i. p. 104.
It is extremely difficult to ascertain with accuracy the course which Major
Church pursued at Pejepscot. The accounts are very contradictory. Mr. Drake,
in his valuable Book of the Indians, represents him as acting with shocking inhu
manity, " knocking women and children in the head." But this fact seems to
imply that ho was guUty of no such atrocities.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 237
not how many women and children had taken refuge there.
Converse ordered his men to keep carefully concealed, and not
to fire a gun until they were sure of their aim. One of the
garrison, terror-stricken in view of the formidable array ap
proaching, tremblingly said, |' We cannot resist. We must
surrender." " Repeat that word," Capt. Converse replied sternly, " and
you are a dead man." The assailants opened fire. The garri
son returned it with several small cannon as well as musketry.
The women assisted in bringing powder, and in handling the
guns. The bullets, thrown with cool and accurate aim, created
great havoc in the ranks of the enemy. This was not the
Indian mode of fighting. Instead of admiring what was called
the gallantry of the French in thus exposing their lives, they
regarded them as fools in thus, as it were, courting death. Cot
ton Mather, in his description of the battle, writes, " They kept
calling to surrender ; which ours answered with a laughter and
with a mortiferous bullet at the end of it."
There is probably more poetry than prose in that statement.
We apprehend that there was little time for laughter on that
dreadful day, when the feeble little garrison was struggling
against a foe outnumbering it nearly twenty to one. They
believed that it was the determination of the Indians, incited
by the French, to destroy every vestige of the English settle
ments, and to put to death, or drive from the land, all the Eng
lish inhabitants.
Capt. Converse had but fifteen men in what was called the
Storer's garrison.1 The battle of the first day was mainly
directed against the garrison. But brave hearts behind strong
defences beat off the foe. The sloops were anchored in a nar
row creek, which was bordered with high banks. The vessels
were so near the shore, that the Indians, from their hiding-
1 " We know not whether the Uttle band on board the vessels, or the noble men
and women within the garrison, are entitled to the higher meed. History speaks
of fifteen soldiers within the latter; but we think there may have been thirty.
Whether the latter or the former is the true number, the victory over the assail
ants was one that entitles not only these soldiers, but aU who were within the
walls of the fort, to the grateful remembrance of those who have entered into
their labors." — Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 216.

238 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
places, could easily throw stones on board. They built a breast
work of planks, over which they cautiously took aim. With
fire-arrows they succeeded several times in setting the vessels
on fire. But the sailors extinguished the flames with mops on
the end of long poles.
At length the Indians built "a breastwork on a cart. This
they pushed within fifty feet of one of the vessels. Not a
shot could strike them. As they were carefully pressing it
forward, one of the wheels entered a rut. It could not be
extricated without exposure. A gallant Frenchman sprung to
the wheel, and was instantly shot down. Another Frenchman
took his place : he, also, fell, pierced by a bullet. The Indians
did not regard this as sensible warfare, but fled as fast as possi
ble. The next morning was Sunday. The enemy combined all
their energies in a renewed attack upon the garrisons ; but
their bullets produced no effect upon the strong block-houses.
Not a man was wounded. Many of the Indian chiefs could
speak English. They often called upon Capt. Converse to sur
render. To these summons he returned defiant answers. One
of the chiefs shouted, " Since you feel so stout, Converse, why
do you not come out into the field and fight like a man, and not
stay in a garrison, like a squaw?"
" What a pack of fools you are ! " Converse replied. " Do you
think that I am willing, with but thirty men, to fight your five
hundred ? But select thirty of your warriors, and, with them
only, come upon the plain, and I am ready for you."
" No, no ! " the chief replied in broken English. " We think
English fashion all one fool, — you kill me, me kill you. Not
so. We lie somewhere, and shoot 'em Englishmen when he no
see. That's the best soldier."
Another Indian exclaimed, " We will cut you into pieces as
small as tobacco, before to-morrow morning."
" Come on, then," the brave captain retorted : " we are all
ready for work."
Finding their efforts unavailing, the combined foe of French
and savages again turned their attention to the two small sloops
which were anchored close together. There were but seven or

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 239
eight sailors on board.1 An army of five hundred men attacked
them. Small, comparatively, as were the contending forces, it
is indeed true that a more heroic defence history has seldom
recorded. The savages constructed a raft about twenty feet
square, upon which they piled all kinds of combustibles, — dried
branches, birch-bark, and evergreen boughs. Applying the
torch, they converted it into an island of fire, the forked tongues
of flame rising twenty or thirty feet high.
The destruction of the sloops now seemed sure. Five hun
dred yells of triumph pierced the air, as the fire-raft swung
from its moorings, and floated down on the current towards the
apparently doomed vessels. No skill, no courage, could avail
agamst such a foe. But they were saved by a more than human
power. The wind changed ; and the floating volcano was driven
to the opposite shore, where it was soon converted to ashes.
One of the French commanders, Labocree, was shot through
the head. Many others of the French and Indians were either
killed or wounded. Thus baffled, the foe retreated, after inflict
ing all the damage in their power, in burning the dwellings, and
shooting the cattle. In the dusk of the evening they with
drew ; and silence and solitude reigned where the hideous clangor
of battle had so long resounded.2 But one man of the English
was killed. He was shot on board one of the vessels.
One unhappy Englishman, John Diamond, was taken captive.
The savages, in revenge for their losses, put him to death with
the most horrible tortures which their ingenuity could contrive.
Capt. Converse,3 for his heroic defence, was promoted to the
1 " Our sloops were sorely incommoded by a turn of the creek, where the ene
my could be so near as to throw mud aboard with their hands. Other accounts
make their distance from them sixty yards." —Mathers Magnolia, vol. ii. p. 532,
2 Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 103. See also Mather's Magnalia,
vol. u. p. 532; and Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 215.
3 " The courage of the brave and intrepid Converse kept that of all his com
rades from waning. He knew how much depended on his own resolution and
firmness: his noble manliness amidst the storm was the inspiration of all about
him. "History does not record a struggle more worthy of perpetual remembrance.
The names of those noble men, Gooch and Storer, should never be forgotten by
the townsmen of Wells. We know not who else was on board these vessels.
But, known or unknown, the whole crew were more worthy of monumental re
membrance than the thousands of more modern times whose memory is sanctified
in the hearts of their countrymen." — Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk,
p. 218.

240 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
important position of commander-in-chief of all the forces in
Maine. For seven years this dreadful war desolated the State.
Hundreds of terrible tragedies, of burning, scalping, torturing,
have never been recorded. It is heart-rending to contemplate
the woes into which so many families were plunged. No theol
ogy or philosophy can fully explain why God should allow the
depravity of man to inflict such misery upon his brother.
In the spring of 1692 a new administration commenced ; and
Sir William Phips was appointed, by the sovereign of England,
governor of Massachusetts. A legislature was convened at
Boston on the 8th of June. Eight representatives were re
turned from Maine. War always spreads a demoralizing influ
ence throughout the whole community. Pirates and freeboot
ers ravaged the unprotected shores of the Province. It was the
great object of the French, in the war in which France was
involved with England, to annex the territory between the Sag
adahoc and Nova Scotia to their domains.
In August, Gov. Phips, with a force of four hundred and
fifty men, repaired to a spot about three miles above Pemaquid
Point, on the east side of the river, where he built quite a mas
sive fort of quadrangular form, seven hundred and forty-seven
feet in measurement. While the fort was in process of con
struction, Major Church was despatched farther east, with a
strong force, to search out the enemy. The fort, which was
named William Henry, was built of stone, at an expense of
about a hundred thousand dollars. It was garrisoned by sixty
men, and mounted eighteen cannon, six of which were eighteen-
pounders. This armament showed that they were preparing to
repel not savages merely, but the well-equipped armies of
France. The expense of building and maintaining such a garrison was
great for those times, and excited much discontent. But the
Indians, who, unseen, watched all the movements of their enemy,
could not be caught sight of. They found scattered through
the wildernesii the lonely cabins of two or three Frenchmen who
had married Indian wives. It does not appear that these people
were molested. Two or three vagrant Indians were, by chance,
caught ; and a small amount of plunder was taken, of corn and
beaver-skins.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 211
Capt. Church, upon his return to Pemaquid, ascended the
Kennebec as far as Teconnet (Winslow). But the fleet-footed
savages very prudently avoided a battle. There were a few
guns discharged in the vicinity of Swan Island ; but we can
not learn that anybody was hurt. At Teconnet the savages, as
they saw the English troops approachiug, set fire to their huts,
and, like a covey of frightened partridges, vanished in the
woods.1 The French organized a strong expedition to batter down the
walls of Fort Henry. About two hundred Canadians were sent
to the Penobscot to be united with an equal number of Indians
under Madockawando. Two French frigates — one of thirty-
eight, and the other of thirty-four guns — were to co-operate.
But, when this powerful land and naval force reached Pemaquid,
an English man-of-war was riding at anchor, under the guns of
the fort ; and the works were found too strong to be attacked.
Thus the enterprise was abandoned.
The starving Indians, without homes or harvests, and living
in constant terror, were in great distress, and longed for peace.
On the 12th of August, 1692, eighteen sagamores, representing
nearly all the tribes from Passamaquoddy Bay to Saco, came to
the fort at Pemaquid, and proposed terms of peace. Three
commissioners met them.
The sagamores renounced subjection to France, and pledged
loyalty to the crown of England. They also agreed to release all
their captives without ransom, to leave the English unmolested
in all their claims to possessions and territory, and to traffic only
at the trading-houses which should be regulated by law. All
controversies were to be settled in English courts of justice.
Five Indians, of high rank, were delivered to the English as
hostages to secure the fulfilment of the treaty.2
Thus terminated the second Indian war. Still the Indians
could not be cordial and happy with the hard conditions im
posed upon them. They were treated as a subjugated people.
The Protestant English and the Catholic French were never
i Benjamin Church's Third Expedition, p. 131.
2 Mather's MagnaUa, vol. ii. p. 542, contains entire this treaty, so humiUatinf- *o
the Indians. 16

242 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
friendly. Occasionally they would cease to quarrel ; but that
was all. Religious differences imbittered national animosities.
It is said that the French were continually endeavoring to rouse
the Indians against the English, just as the English, a few years
afterwards, were unwearied in their endeavors to rouse the
savages against the Americans.
It is said that the Catholic missionaries were ever striving to
incite the savages to renew the war, incessantly preaching that
"it is no sin to break faith with heretics." That these self-
denying ecclesiastics, toiling in the wigwams to elevate and
instruct the Indians, were patriotic to their own country, when
war was raging between France and England, cannot be
doubted. But no man can read the record of their toils and
sufferings without the conviction that they were truly good
men, endeavoring, according to the best of their knowledge, to
seek and to save the lost.
Father Rasle, at Norridgewock, was denounced with peculiar
severity. " His entire devotion," writes Williamson, " to the
religious interests of the Indians, gave him an unlimited ascen
dency over them." 1 Frontenac, governor of Canada, appointed
Mons. Villieu resident commander at Penobscot. He succeeded
in enlisting two hundred and fifty Indians, under Madockawan
do, to accompany a French force in an attack upon Dover.
Having destroyed the place, on the 18th of July, 1693, they re
turned across the Piscataqua to Maine. They killed four men
near York, and took one lad captive. On the 25th of August,
they killed eight men at Kittery, and, with the hard-heartedness
of fiends, scalped a little girl. The child was found the next
morning, bleeding, and apparently dying. The scalp was torn
from her head, and her skull broken in by a blow from a toma
hawk ; still, strange to say, the child recovered.
This was considered such a violation of the treaty as to jus
tify any retaliatory acts. There was a Frenchman by the name
1 "After many attempts on the part of the English to induce the savages, by
bribes, and by promises the most flattering, to deliver the missionaries to them,
they offered a reward of a thousand pounds sterling to any one who would bring
them the head of Basle. Les Anglais mirent sa tSte a pris, et promirent mille
livre sterling a celui qui la leur porterait." — Histoire de la Nouvelle France, par
I'ere la Charlevoix, ii. p. 385-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 243
of Robert or Robin Doney, who had adopted the Indian style
of living, had become a chief among them, and had signed the
treaty at Pemaquid. He expressed great regret for the rupture,
and, with three companions, hastened to the new fort at Saco,
to seek some adjustment of the difficulty. He and his compan
ions were seized and imprisoned.1
Soon after this, an Indian chief, by the name of Bomaseen,
bccompauied by two Indians of high rank, visited the garrison
at Pemaquid. Bomaseen, or Bomazeen as Drake spells it, was
a sachem of the Canibas tribe at Norridgewock. He was a
friend of the English, and had communicated to them informa
tion respecting the designs of the French. It was known that
he had saved the life of a woman, Rebecca Taylor, whom a
savage was endeavoring to hang.2 The three were immediately
seized and incarcerated upon the suspicion that they were en
gaged in the rupture.3
It is humiliating to record that the government did not re
pudiate this bad faith. But there were many individuals who
denounced it with great severity, declaring it to be as impolitic
as it was unjust. It is reported by Williamson that the follow
ing conversation took place in Boston, between Bomaseen and
an English clergyman. The chief, speaking of the religious
instruction he had received from the priests, said, —
" The Indians understand that the Virgin Mary was a French
lady. Her son, Jesus Christ, the blessed, was murdered by the
English. But he has risen from the dead, and gone to heaven.
All who would gain his favor must avenge his blood."
The English clergyman replied, taking a glass of wine, " Jesus
Christ gives us good religion, like the wine in this glass. God's
i "Two years after this, in 1693, Bobin Doney became reconciled to the Eng
Ush, and signed a treaty with them at Pemaquid. But, within a year after, he
became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to
the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, was seized by the EngUsh.
What his fate was is rather uncertain; but the days of forgiveness and mercy
were not yet." — Drake's Book of the Indians, book hi. p. 116.
2 Drake, book Ui. p. 111.
8 "In 1694 he (Bomazeen) came to the fort at Pemaquid with a flag of truce,
and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Bos
ton where he remained some months in a loathsome prison." — Drake, book iii
p. 111.

244 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
book is the Bible, which holds this good wine. The French
put poison in it, and then give it to the Indians. The English
give it to them pure ; that is, they present them the Bible in
their own language. French priests hear you confess your sins,
and take beaver for it. The English never sell pardons. Par
dons are free, and come from God only."
To this Bomaseen replied, " The Indians will spit up all
French poison. The Englishman's God is the best God." l
The English retained the five hostages whom the chiefs had
placed in their hands, and also closely imprisoned Bomaseen
and his companions for the winter. Pestilence and famine were
raging among these unhappy perishing natives. Starvation
drove many to acts of plunder.
In May, 1695, the English sent one of their hostage chiefs,
Sheepscot John, to confer with the eastern Indians upon peace.
He induced the sagamores to come in a fleet of fifty canoes,
and meet him at Rutherford's Island, which was about three
miles from fort William Henry. There was a friendly confer
ence. A truce was agreed upon ; eight English captives were
released ; and the sagamores promised, at the end of thirty days,
to meet commissioners at the garrison of William Henry, and
conclude an abiding peace.
The commissioners met at the appointed time and place.
The sagamores were also prompt to their engagements. The
English, Messrs. Phillips, Hawthorne, and Converse, refused to
surrender their hostages, and yet demanded that the Indians
should surrender their prisoners before they would even treat
upon the subject of peace. We must respect these chiefs for
resenting such an indignity. They replied, —
" You have not brought us our friends, and yet you demand that we shaU
bring to you yours. This is not fair. We wiU talk no more. ' '
Abruptly they rose and departed. Thus the truce ended.
Again the storms of war spread their desolations far and wide.
It was a miserable warfare on each side, shooting individuals
whenever they could be found, burning cabins and wigwams,
and capturing and scalping without mercy.
1 WUliamson, vol. i. p. 641.

CHAPTER XIV.
ktng William's war. — queen anne's wak.
Efforts of the French to reduce Fort William Henry — Cruelty of Capt.
Chubb — His Fate — Camden Heights — Plunder on the Bay of Fundy —
Major Frost — Fearful Tragedies — Consultations for Peace — Assacombuit
— Impoverishment of the Province — Cruel Eumors and New Solicitudes —
An Intolerant Act — Gov. Dudley — Speech of Simmo — King William's
War — Policy of M. Rivieres — Shameful Conduct of Englishmen — Third
Indian War — Siege of Winter Harbor — Arrival of Capt, Southack.
T I IHE renewal of the dreadful war must be attributed to the
-L folly of the English. During the month of June, 1696,
more than twenty persons were shot in the vicinity of the
Piscataqua, and many houses were burned. The French
resolved to reduce Fort William Henry. In their view, it con
trolled all of Western Acadia.
Capt. Iberville was sent from Quebec, with two men-of-war,
and two companies of soldiers. At Port Royal he was to take
on board fifty Indians ; and at Castine he was to be joined by
Baron Castine and a large additional number. Charlevoix says
that there were two hundred savages in the expedition.1 Cas
tine, with his retinue, accompanied the ships along the shore in
canoes. The troops were landed without opposition, and the batteries
raised. By the 14th of July, 1696, the fort was invested.
Capt. Chubb, who was in command of the garrison, had fifteen
guns and ninety-five men, with an ample supply of food and
ammunition. Iberville, having placed his cannon and mortars
in position simply to show what he could do, sent a summons
for surrender. Chubb was particularly obnoxious to the Indians,
i Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. Fr., t. iii. p. 260. 245

246 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
who never forgot a wrong. Only five months before, on the
16th of February, 1696, he lured two sachems, Edgeremet and
Abenquid, into his fort, and put them both to death. " It was
a horrid and cold-blooded act," writes Drake. " Few are the
instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery,
as it is termed, can go before this." * To the demand for a sur
render, Chubb returned the spirited reply, " I shall not give up
the fort, though the sea be covered with French vessels, and the
land with wild Indians."
The bombardment was commenced with great energy.
Bombshells, those most terrible thunderbolts of war, fell thick,
with death-dealing explosions, within the enclosure. Baron
Castine, who seems to have been a humane man, some say a
religious man, convinced that the fort could not withstand the
cannonade, and knowing, from the antagonism of the Indians to
Chubb, that, should the fort be carried by storm, no earthly
power could restrain the ferocity of the savages, succeeded in
sending to him the following message : " If you delay to surren
der till the works are carried by assault, an indiscriminate
massacre of the garrison is inevitable."
Conscious guilt probably made Chubb cowardly. The white
flag was raised ; and the terms of capitulation were soon agreed
upon. All the garrison were to be conveyed to Boston, and, in
exchange for them, just as many French and Indian prisoners-
of-war were to be returned. The gates of the fort were thrown
open ; and the conquerors entered, unfurling the French flag
upon the captured battlements.
But the Indians found one of their people in irons. He had
a deplorable story to tell of the cruel treatment he had received
from Chubb. This so exasperated them, that, before Capt. Iber
ville could effectually interpose, several of the English were
1 Drake, book iii. p. 112. "Cotton Mather records the crime in language quite
unworthy of him. He writes, ' Know, then, reader, that, Capt. March petitioning
to be dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemaquid, one Chubb succeeded
liim. This Chubb found an opportunity, in a pretty Chubbed manner, to kill the
famous Edgeremet and Abenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or
two other Indians, on a Lord's Day. Some, that well enough liked the thing
which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it; because
there was a pretence of treaty between Chubb and the sagamores, whereof he
took his advantage to lay violent hands upon them.'" — Mather's Magnolia,
book vu.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 247
massacred ; but, by the aid of the French soldiers, he rescued
the rest, and removed them, with Chubb, to a small neighbor
ing island, where they were placed under a strong guard.1
Both French and Indians regarded this conquest as a great
achievement. The fleet returned to the Penobscot; and, flushed
with victory, new efforts were made by the French to enlist all
the tribes as allies in the renewal of the war.
The capture of Fort William Henry created much anxiety in
Boston. It was feared that the fleet would sweep the whole
coast, from the Penobscot to the Piscataqua, burning and
destroying. Five hundred men were promptly raised, and sent
to the Piscataqua, under the command of Capt. Church. But
no enemy appeared there.
Three British men-of-war, with a smaller vessel of twenty
guns, and a fire-ship, sailed from Boston for the Penobscot, to
attack and destroy the French squadron ; but the fleet was just
visible, far away in the distant horizon, on its return to Quebec.
Though it was pursued for a few hours, it was soon entirely
lost sight of in a dense fog. The English vessels, on their way
back to Boston, captured a small French shallop, commanded
by Capt. Villeau, with twenty-three French sailors on board.
Major Church embarked a portion of his division in a small
well-armed vessel, and sailed along the coast until he cast
anchor at the Island of Monhegan. He then boldly pushed on
to Penobscot Bay, and ascended, until abreast Camden Heights.2
1 " We wiU now inform the reader of the wretched fate of Capt. Pasco Chubb.
It was not long after he had committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian
sagamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and the Indians. He
was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suffered much disgrace for his
treachery with the Indians. He lived at Andover, in Massachusetts, where the
Indians made an attack, in February, 1698, in which he was killed. ' When they
found that they had killed him, it gave them as much joy,' says Hutchinson, 'as
the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance
of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen.' They shot him
through several times, after he was dead." — Drake, book iii. p. 113.
2 " Camden Heights are about ten miles overland from Owl's Head. There are
five or six of them, in a range from north-west to south-east ; and they are clothed
with forest-tvees to their tops. Mount Batty, which is about three-quarters of a
mUe from Camden Harbor, is about nine hundred feet high. In our second war
with England, an eighteen-pounder was placed upon its summit.
"These are probably the mountains seen by Capt. Weymouth in 1605, and by
Capt. Smith in 1614, when they explored Penobscot Bay."— See Williamson's History
of Maine, vol. i. p. 95.

248 , THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The pilot, who was familiar with that region, and who had once
been a captive there in the hands of the Indians, informed
Capt. Church, that, about sixty miles up the river, tliere was
a small island, which was a place of general resort by the
Indians. It is supposed that this was the ancient Lett, or Oldtown
Island. There was a village here, which, for a long time, con
tinued to be one of the most memorable of the Indian towns. It
was situated on the southerly end of an island, containing about
three hundred and fifty acres of very rich soil. Church as
cended the river in his vessel as far as what is called the Bend,
where Eddington now stands.1 Small vessels could usually
ascend nearly to this point. Here Church cast anchor. Land
ing a portion of his force, he commenced a march up the west
bank of the river.
It was the month of August. The region was beautiful, and
the climate in that latitude, at that season, charming. Ascend
ing a few miles, they passed many spots which the Indians had
formerly inhabited, but which were then abandoned. It was
the custom to hunt Indians as one would hunt wolves. Often
no respect was paid to sex or age. The men succeeded in kill
ing four or five of the natives, and in wounding several. A
shattered bone must be a terrible calamity to a poor Indian, who
can have no surgical aid.
The adventurers, having inflicted this amount of damage,
returned to their vessel, and sailed for the Bay of Fundy. A
few French emigrants had their scattered cabins on the northern
shores of this bay, where their wives and children lived, in the
extreme of poverty. They raised a few bushels of corn, caught
a few fishes, and occasionally trapped a beaver, or shot a bird.
Their comfortless homes were scarcely a remove above the wig
wam of the savage.
In terror, the inmates of these hovels fled into the wilderness.
Capt. Church burned their houses, destroyed their little har
vests, and plundered them of their furs and skins, and of what-
i "From the re-union of the Penobscot with the Stillwater, at the foot of
Marsh Island, the river flows south-westerly three miles to the head of the tide at
(he Bend, where its usual ebb and flow are two feet." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 68.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 249
ever else was worth carrying away.1 As he was sailing home
wards with his slender booty, he met, in the waters of
Passamaquoddy Bay, an English squadron of three vessels, from
Boston. Col. Hawthorne was in command. Capt. Church,
thus superseded, was directed to join the fleet, and accompany
them to an attack upon St. John. The enterprise was unsuc
cessful, and the vessels returned to Boston.
The inhabitants of Maine, the English, and the savages, were
now alike wretched. No man could leave his door without
danger of being shot. No family could lay down to sleep at
night without being liable to hear the horrible war-whoop
before the morning, and of being subjected to the awful tragedy
of conflagration, scalping, and massacre. Stern Nature seemed
in harmony with the cruelty of man. The winter was one of
unprecedented cold; and storms of sleet and snow howled
through the tree-tops, and swept all the dreary fields. Many,
both Indians and English, were starved to death. Nine Indians,
who were out hunting, after eating their dogs, were found dead,
the victims of famine.2
Major Charles Frost was in command at Kittery. He was
peculiarly obnoxious to the Indians, as they accused him of
several acts of treachery.3 A plan was formed to kill him.
Several Indians hid behind a large log, about five miles from
his house, to shoot him on his way to church. It was Sunday
morning, June 4, 1697. Apparently, his wife was riding
behind him, on a pillion ; and some one was walking by the side
of the horse. There was a simultaneous discharge of the guns
of the savages ; and all three fell to the ground in the convul
sions of death.

1 " Among the settlements on the north shore of that bay, he made great
destruction, and took considerable plunder," — Williamson, vol. i. p. 646.
2 Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 556.
8 " We have, in narrating the events in the life of Modokawando, noticed the
voyage of Major Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine. How much treachery
was manifested at that time by the Indians, which caused the English to massa
cre, many of them, we shall not take upon us to declare. Yet this we cannot but
bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy,
and not that of those on whom it fell. Capt. Charles Frost of Kittery was with
Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a principal actor in it." — Drake,
book Ui. p. 109.

250 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Two young men who were hurrying with the tidings to the
garrison at Wells were shot by the lurking Indians. Five sol
diers, who had ventured a little distance from the garrison at
York, were found scalped, and with their bodies pierced with
bullets. One unhappy man, who had incurred the rage of the
savages, was roasted to death at a slow fire. A few men from
Wells went upon Cow Island for fuel. A man and his two
sons were stationed to keep watch. The lurking savages seized
them, and carried them off in a canoe. There were several
canoes. Lieut. Larabee was out on a scout. He caught sight
of the little fleet, and shot three of the Indians, rescuing one
captive. The other two were carried away. Doubtless the
Indians, in revenge, tortured them to death.
The French raised an army of fifteen hundred French and
Indians to recapture Nova Scotia, and ravage all the coasts of
New England. This was a prodigious force for this country, in
those days. It created great alarm. At a vast expense of
money and labor, all the fortifications were strengthened and
supplied. Five hundred soldiers, under Major March, were
pushed forward to the forts in Maine. Ranging parties were
sent in all directions to intercept the Indians.
Major March cast anchor, with his troops, at Damariscotta.1
A band of Indians had discerned his approach. They knew
where he would attempt a landing, and concealed themselves in
ambush. Scarcely had the troops placed their feet upon the
shore of the silent and apparently solitary wilderness, when
tliere came a loud report of musketry, a volley of bullets swept
through their ranks, and their ears were almost deafened by
the shrill war-whoop. Nearly thirty were killed or wounded.
The English, now well accustomed to Indian warfare, rallied
for a vigorous defence. The savages fled, probably with but
very slight loss. It was their great aim to strike a blow, and
then run before the blow could be returned.2
Two days after this, on the 11th of September, 1697, peace
1 " Damariscotta is navigable for large ships about twelve miles from the sea.
It is about half a mUe wide. Rutherford's Island, a mile long, is at its mouth." —
Williamson., vol. i. p. 56.
2 Mather's Magnalia, vol. u. p. 553.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 251
between France and England was concluded by the famous
Treaty of Ryswick. Tidings of the happy event did not reach
Boston until the 10th of December. The Indians, unaided by
the French, could accomplish but little, though there were
occasional assassinations and plunderings. Early in the summer
of 1698, the savages sent in their flags of truce to our outposts,
imploring peace.
A conference was held at Penobscot on the 14th of October,
1698. Two commissioners from Massachusetts met six saga
mores, accompanied by a large retinue of Indians. The Indians
were very sad. Mournfully they sang requiems for the dead.
War to them had brought famine, and famine had brought
pestilence. A terrible disease was sweeping away hundreds of
their people. Many of their most illustrious men, the revered
Madockawando ' being of the number, were included among its
victims. The English commissioners insisted, that, in addition
to the return of all the captives, the Indians should drive all the
Catholic missionaries out of their country. It certainly speaks
well for the influence which these teachers had exerted upon
the minds of the savages, that the sagamores, as with one voice,
should have replied, " The white prisoners will be free to go
home, or stay with their Indian friends. But the good mission
aries must not be driven away."
Another conference was held at Marepoint, now in the town
of Brunswick, in January, 1699. Major Converse and Col.
Phillips met the sagamores of most, if not all, the tribes between
the Piscataqua and the Penobscot. Here a previous treaty was
signed and ratified, with additional articles. The dreadful war
had lasted ten years, impoverishing all, enriching none. The
woes it had caused, no finite imagination can gauge. It is esti
mated that between five and seven hundred of the English were
killed, and two hundred and fifty were carried into captivity,
many of whom perished. One Indian warrior, Assacombuit,2
i "Madockawando and Squando were the most powerful chiefs during this
war. They are described by Hubbard as 'a strange kind of moralized savages,
grave and serious iu their speech, and not without some show of a kind of
reUgion.' " — Willis's History of Portland, p. 213.
2 "This sachem was known among the French by the name of Nescambiouit;
but among the EngUsh he was caUed Assacambuit and Assacombuit. He was as

252 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
boasted, and probably truthfully, that he had killed or captured
a hundred and fifty men, women, and children.1
It is a remarkable fact, but well authenticated, that, in many
cases, young children captured by the savages, and brought up
among them, were often very unwilling to leave the wigwam,
and return to civilized life. The attachment between them and
the members of the Indian families became very strong. Very
affecting were the partings which sometimes took place. Even
in the present case, Mr. Williamson testifies, that " a few who
were captured in their childhood, becoming attached to the
society of the savages, chose to remain with them, and never
would leave the tribes."
It will be remembered that the royal charter of William and
Mary, dated Oct. 7, 1691, included essentially the territory of
the present State of Maine, in two great divisions. One of
these, extending from Piscataqua to the Kennebec River, was
called the Province of Maine ; the other, which included the
region between the Kennebec and the St. Croix, was denomi
nated the Province of Sagadahoc.2
Maine became virtually a province of Massachusetts, and so
continued for a hundred and thirty years.3 The administration
of Sir William Phips continued about two and a half years.
He died in London in the year 1694. Mr. Williamson pays the
following well-merited tribute to his memory:4 —
" He was a man of benevolent disposition and accredited piety, though
sometimes unable to repress the ebuUitions of temper. He was not only
faithful to the French as one of their own nation. In 1706 he sailed for France,
and was presented to his Majesty Louis XIV., at VersaiUes. Here, among other
eminent personages, he became known to the historian Charlevoix. The king
having presented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up
his hand, —
" ' This hand has slain a hundred and forty of your Majesty's enemies in New
England.' " Whereupon the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a
pension of eight livres a day (about $1.50) be allowed him for life." — Drake, book
ui. p. 130.
1 See Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 558; History of New England, by Daniel
Neal, vol. ii. p. 544; Williamson, vol, i. p. 650.
2 This region was inserted in the charter, without any specific name, though it
was usually called as we have mentioned. — Summary of British Settlements in
North America, by William Douglass, vol. i. p. 332.
8 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 10.
4 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 23.

TIIE HISTORY OF MAINE. 253
energetic and exceedingly persevering in his purposes, but Ue possessed good
abilities, unsullied integrity, and strong attachments. His unremitting as
siduities to promote the best interests of Maine, the Province of his nativity,
and to enforce measures devised for its defence and relief, are evidences
monumental of his patriotism, and his high sense of 'obligation and duty."
Massachusetts, in assuming the government of Maine, re-
bigned to the crown of England all jurisdictional rights to Nova.
Scotia. The community there consisted mainly of a mixed
breed of Canadians and Indians. They had been mostly under
French influence, were generally Roman Catholics, and their
sympathies were with France. The people of all Maine had
become essentially one with the people of Massachusetts in
their social habits, their political views, and their religious
observances. Massachusetts had ever been to Maine a kind and
sympathizing friend.
The impoverishment of the inhabitants of Maine at the close
of the war was dreadful, almost beyond comprehension.
Houses, barns, and mills, with all the implements of agriculture,
had been consumed by the flames.1 The people of York wished
for a grist-mill. They were unable to build one. They offered
a man in Portsmouth, if he would put up a mill, a lot of land
to build it upon, liberty to cut such timber as he needed, and
their pledge to carry all their corn to his mill so long as he kept
it in order.
The worn and wasted people gradually returned to the deso
lated spots which had once been their homes. Log-cabins again
began to arise in the solitudes of Falmouth, Scarborough, and
at various other points, over which pitiless war had rolled its
billows. In this state of affairs, some malicious persons set the
cruel report in circulation, that the colonists were making
preparation to fall upon the Indian tribes, and exterminate them.
It was said that this rumor originated with the French, who
were still anxious to extend their possessions farther west, and
to avail themselves of the aid of the savages.2
The Indians, greatly frightened, began to withdraw from the
1 "No mills, no enclosures, no roads, hut, on the contrary, dilapidated habita
tions, wide wasted fields, and melancholy ruins." — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 31.
2 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 113.

254 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
English settlements. This alarmed the English ; and they com
menced preparations for defence, apprehending that the Indians
were again to attack them. These hostile demonstrations con
firmed the Indians in their fears ; and in all probability the y
began to draw nearer to the Fiench. This confirmed the suspi
•cions of the English, ancl led to measures whose tendency w a
only to exasperate.
The militia was ordered to be in constant readiness. J-.
York, Wells, and Kittery, well-armed soldiers were posted. J
proclamation was issued, which, while it cautioned the peopl
against giving any just provocation to the Indians, ordered the n.
to be constantly on the watch to guard against treachery.
Guards were appointed to patrol the towns every night, from
nine till morning. This state of affairs necessarily put an end
to all peace of mind and to all friendly intercourse.
It would seem as though man was doomed to make his brother-
man miserable. The religion of the Son of God, that is the
religion which recognizes God as our common Father, and all
men as brethren, and whose fundamental principle is that we
should do to others as we would that others should do to us,
would have made Maine, from the beginning, almost a paradise.
But what an awful tragedy does its history reveal ! And such
has been, essentially, the history of all the nations. Such has
been life upon this planet from the fall of Adam to the present
hour. To add to these calamities, menaces of war began again to
arise between France and England. Unfortunately, by the
Treaty of Ryswick, the boundaries between the English and
French possessions on this continent had not been clearly de
fined. Both courts still claimed the territory between the Sag
adahoc and the St. Croix. The English said that they had
resigned Nova Scotia to France, but nothing more.
In 1699 Lord Bellamont arrived in Boston, appointed by the
king as governor of New York, Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
and Maine. He was an excellent man, intelligent and cour
teous, with enlarged views of both civil and religious liberty.2
1 Becords, Eesolves, and Journals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. vi.
,p. 57. 2 WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 32.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 255
James II. of England, who had been driven from the throne by
an indignant people, to give place to his son-in-law, William,
died at St. Germain, in France, on the 16th of September, 1701.
His son, called the Pretender, a zealous Catholic, claimed to be
the legitimate King of England. The Catholic court of France
supported his claim. Six months after, on the 8th of March,
King William died, deeply lamented. His wife, it will be
remembered, was Mary, a daughter of James II. She had a
sister Anne. She was declared by the British parliament to be
the legitimate successor of William. She ascended the throne
on the 4th of May, 1702. War was immediately declared
against France, whose court was maintaining a rival for the
crown. The war-cloud instantly threw its shadow upon our shores.
The British ministry claimed the whole Province of Sagada
hoc, and the right, in common with France, to the fisheries, on
all these northern seas.1 Both of these claims France resisted.
Queen Anne appointed Joseph Dudley governor of her New
England provinces. " He manfully applied," writes William
son, " his splendid abilities, his courtly manners, and his exten
sive knowledge, to render all the acts of his administration
acceptable to every class of people."
The war between France and England assumed very much
the aspect of a religious war, a conflict between Protestantism
and Catholicism.2
It was generally believed that the Catholic missionaries in
Maine were endeavoring to seduce the Indians from their alle-
i "The English people engaged inthe Newfoundland fisheries were making
great voyages. About twenty-seven hundred fishermen, and two hundred and
twenty vessels, were employed this single year (seventeen hundred and one).
They took and cured two hundred thousand quintals of fish, besides four thou
sand hogsheads of train and liver oil."— Williamson, vol. ii. p. 32.
2 Gov. Bellamont, in one of his addresses to the General Court of Massachu
setts, said, "Divine providence, in bringing to pass the late happy and won
derful revolution in England, has been pleased to make King WUliam the glorious
instrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and chains of Popery and
despotism, which had been artfully used to enslave our consciences, and subvert
all ourcivU rights. It is too well known what nation that king (James II.)
favored, of what reUgion he died, and no less what must have been the execra
ble treachery of him who parted with Acadia or Nova Scotia, and the noble fishery
on that coast."

25G THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
giance to the British crown, and to enlist their sympathies in
behalf of France. A legislative act was therefore passed, as
early as March, 1700, which ordered the Catholic missionaries to
leave the State before the tenth day of the next September,
under penalty of exemplary punishment.
This was an act of intolerance. But if it were true, as the
legislature fully believed, that these missionaries were endeavor
ing to incite the savages to renew their horrible scenes of con
flagration, scalping, and murder, this was the mildest punishment,
which, under the circumstances, could have been inflicted upon
them. Gov. Dudley arranged to hold a council personally with the
sagamores of the eastern tribes, that he might learn their
disposition and intentions. The assembly met at Falmouth, on
the Casco peninsula, the 20th of June, 1703. It was evident
that the sagamores did not feel that it was safe for them to rely
upon the honor of the English. They came, prepared to defend
themselves, if treachery were to be practised upon them.
Eleven sagamores appeared, representing five of the most
important tribes in Maine. Gov. Dudley, aware of the effect
of imposing appearances upon the savages, came in almost regal
pomp. A numerous retinue of gentlemen from Massachusetts
and New Hampshire accompanied him.
But the Indians, in the splendor of the occasion, quite eclipsed
their white brethren. The sagamores entered the fine harbor
of Portland in the balmy sunshine of a June day, with a fleet
of sixty-five canoes, containing two hundred and fifty plumed
and painted warriors, in their richest display of embroidered and
fringed and gorgeously-colored habiliments. They were all
well armed ; and the beholders were much impressed by their
martial appearance.1
The governor had brought a large tent, sufficiently capacious
to accommodate his suite and the Indian chiefs. When all had
assembled, the governor arose, and said, —
"I have come to you commissioned by the great and good Queen of Eng
land. I would esteem you aU as brothers and friends. It is my wish to
reconcile every difficulty whatever that has happened since the last treaty."
1 History of the Indian Wars, by Samuel Penhallow; Coll. of N. H. Hist. Soc,
vol. i. p. 20.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 257
A Tarratine chief, called Simmo, rose to reply. With great
dignity of manner he said, —
" We thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with us. . It is a
great favor. The clouds gather, and darken the sky. But we stUl sing
with love the songs of peace. Believe my words. So far as the suti is
above the earth, so far are our thoughts from war, or from the least desire
of a rupture between us."
Presents were then exchanged, and, with some simple yet
solemn ceremonials, professions of friendship were ratified. The
council continued in session for two or three days. Several
subjects were discussed. Bomaseen, of whom we have before
spoken, is reported, during the conference, to have said, —
" Although several missionaries have come to us, sent by the French, to
break the peace between the EngUsh and us, yet their words have made no
impression upon us. We are as firm as the mountains, and will so continue
as long as the sun and moon endure." *
Professions of cordial frendship were uttered on • both sides
Every thing seemed to indicate a settled peace. The fraterniza
tion was rather French in its character than English ; for there
was feasting, shouting, dancing, and singing, according to the
most approved measures of Freneh jollification.
The joyful tidings spread rapidly, and lifted a very heavy bui-
den from the hearts of the people, who were appalled in con
templating the horrors of another Indian war. Many were
preparing to flee again to the safer regions of Massachusetts.
But now they were encouraged to remain. A gentle tide of
emigration began also to flow in, influenced by the cheapness of
the land, the richness of the soil, the abundance of valuable
timber, and the fisheries, which were yielding such valuable
returns.2 Some suspected the Indians of having treacherous intentions
at this council. And this was simply because, in firing a salute
in celebration of the conclusion of peace, their guns were found
loaded with balls. But the Indians never thought of loading
i Drake, book iii p. 117.
2 PenhaUow's History of the Wars of New England, p. 6.
17

258 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
their guns with powder only. They had often been betrayed.
They had many not unreasonable suspicions, that the proposed
council was merely a trap, in which the treacherous English
were plotting to seize all their principal sagamores. They,
therefore, came prepared to defend themselves, should it be
necessary to do so.1
" King Philip's War," so called, lasted but three years ; but
they were years fraught with inconceivable woe. Even civilized
men in war gradually lose all humane attributes. The average
savage becomes a perfect demon. The second conflict was
usually called " King William's War." It originated in dissen
sions between the courts of France and England, which plunged
the two nations into hostilities. The French endeavored to
weaken her foe by the capture of her New England colonies. The
savages were not reluctant to engage in their service as allies ;
for they had a chance of thus recovering their country from
settlers whom they began to dislike and dread. This dreadful
war, in which savage ferocity received a new and terrible
impulse from French science and supplies, lasted ten years.
John Bull has never been a favorite in any land where he has
placed his foot. The Indians never loved the English. There
were individual exceptions ; but the English, generally, were
only tolerated by the natives. An air of melancholy now per
vaded the minds of all the reflecting sagamores. They saw
their tribes fast dwindling, while the English were increasing in
numbers and power. Extensive territory, formerly the undis
puted hunting-grounds of the tribes, was now claimed by the
invaders, either as theirs by the right of conquest, or by purchase,
which both parties knew to be fraudulent. The English were
arrogant, domineering, apparently regarding the Indian as one
who had no rights which an Englishman was bound to respect.
The French had identified themselves with the Indians, married
into their families, taught them many arts of war, and abundantly
supplied them with the best of arms and ammunition. They
1 " Bomaseen, a sachem of a tribe of the Kennebecs, whose residence was at an
ancient seat of the sagamores, called Norridgewock, in 1694, came to the fort at
Pemaquid, with a flag of truce. He was treacherously seized by those who com
manded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months in a loath
some prison." — Drake, p. 111.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 259
had very zealously imbued their minds with the principles of
the Catholic religion, whose ceremonies were peculiarly calcu
lated to captivate the untutored savage. They had also, in
some degree, transferred to their minds the Frenchman's hered
itary hatred of the Englishman. Mr. Williamson, in his admira
ble " History of Maine," fairly represents the prevailing English
feeling with regard to the Indians. He writes, —
' ' They agreed with the French in their aversion to the English, and in a
hatred of their free politics and religious sentiments. And when such pas
sions, in minds undisciplined, are influenced by fanaticism, they know
neither restraints nor Umits. AU their acquaintance with the arts of civil
ized life seemed rather to abase than elevate their character.
"They made no advancements in mental culture, moral sense, honest
industry, or manly enterprise. Infatuated with the notion of Catholic indul
gences, they grew bolder in animosity, insolence, and crime. Their enmity
was more implacable, their habits more depraved; and a keener appetite
was given for ardent spirits, for rapine, and for blood. Dupes to the French,
they lost all regard to the sanctity of treaty obligations. Indian faith, among .
the EngUsh, became as proverbiaUy bad as Punic among the ancient Ro
mans." x
M. Callieres, governor at Montreal, whatever may have been
his motives, in fact adopted a very different policy from that of
the English. He sent envoys to the broken and despairing
remnants of the tribes in Maine, inviting them to emigrate to
Canada. He set apart for them large and inviting tracts of
land on the banks of the Becancourt and the St. Francois,
— streams which flow into the St. Lawrence, from the south,
eighty or ninety miles above Quebec. On each of these rivers,
clusters of wigwams arose. The villages were pleasantly situ
ated, each with a church and a parsonage house. A ferry was
also established for the convenience of the Indians in crossing
the St. Lawrence to Trois Rivi&res, on the opposite shore.2
With such different treatment, there can be no question as to
the side to which the Indian would incline in case of hostilities.
The remnants of four tribes repaired to the spot to which they
i WilUamson, vol. n. p. 40.
" History of the French Dominions in North and South America, by Thomas
Jeffreys, pp. 9-11; Topographical Description of Canada, by Joseph Bouchette,
p. 338.

260 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
were thus hospitably invited, and blended into a new tribe, called
the St. Francois Indians. It is interesting to see how differently
precisely the same facts may be presented according to the views
of the writer. The very candid Mr. Williamson writes, and
perhaps with truth (for who can read the human heart ?), " At
these places, designed to be the rendezvous of the natives, the
French intended to command their trade and plunder, to plan
their excursions, and direct their motions against the English
frontiers." 1
Baron Castine had returned to France from his extensive
landed estate on the Penobscot. He had left behind him, in
possession of the large property, his son and heir, called Castine
the Younger. He was the child of Castine's Tarratine wife,
who, it will be remembered, was the daughter of the renowned,
and at least partially-civilized, sagamore, Madokawando. A
riotous band of worthless Englishmen met at the house of
young Castine, under pretence of making him a friendby visit.
Regarding their host as half Indian, they treated him with
every indignity. Rioting through his house like veritable
savages, they plundered it of every thing which they deemed
worth carrying away. It was one of the basest acts of treachery,
and was so regarded by all respectable men.2 The government
denounced it in severe terms, promising M. Castine restitution,
'and assuring him that the offenders, if they could be arrested,
should be severely punished. The event was the more deeply
deplored, since there were indications of another war between
France and England. Such a war would inevitably involve the
colonies ; and Indian warriors, led by French officers, might
inflict an incalculable amount of injury.
Soon France and England again grappled in what was called
" Queen Anne's War," and, in the New England colonies, the
" Third Indian War." All over the world, Frenchmen and
Englishmen deemed themselves enemies, who were bound to do
each other all the injury in their power. A special effort was
i WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 40.
2 " Outrageous, however, as it was, the weU-minded sufferer only complained
and expostulated, without avenging himself ; for, in poUcy and sentiment, he was
the friend of tranquUUty." — Williamson, vol. U. p. 42.

I
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 261
to be made in the New World, by the EngUsh, to wrench colonies
from the French, and, by the French, to wrest them from the
English. Unfortunately, the savages were far more ready to
rally beneath the banners of France than beneath those of Great
Britain. Early in August, 1703, a body of five hundred French and
Indians entered upon the eastern frontiers of Maine. These
well-armed troops had but feeble foes to encounter. They
divided into six or seven parties, of about seventy-five men
each, to attack the infant settlements, where scarcely any resist
ance was to be anticipated. On the same day, the 10th of
August, Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scarborough, Spurwink,
Purpooduck, and Casco were assailed. The consternation and
destruction were such, that no detailed record was made of
the awful scenes which ensued. In Wells, thirty-nine of the
inhabitants were either killed, or carried into captivity.1 This
is all we know of the terrible tragedy. What dwellings were
burned, what scenes of individual anguish and suffering oc
curred, must remain untold, till, at the day of judgment, all the
secrets of this fearful drama of time and sin shall be revealed.
Mr. Bourne, in his valuable " History of Wells and Kenne
bunk," after tireless research, has collected a few interesting
traditionary narratives, which are probably founded in fact, and
which are but a repetition of those scenes of horror with which
the reader is already familiar.
A few fishermen only resided at Cape Porppise. The demo
niac assailants plundered their humble homes, laid them in ashes,
and carried the inmates, all whom they could seize, off as prison
ers. At Winter Harbor 2 there was a small garrison. They
fought for a short time bravely ; but after having several killed
1 " The horrors of that day cannot be depicted, — families broken up, hus
bands, wives, or chUdren taken from the home circle. Almost every one had lost
a friend dear to his heart. Many were wounded, barely escaping death or cap
tivity. Valuable citizens, on whom reliance was placed for protection and support
in this terrible crisis, were either killed, or carried away, exposed to the relentless
cruelty of the savage enemy." — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E.
Bourne, p. 245.
2 " The celebrated place called ' Winter Harbor,' after an ancient inhabitant
there by the name of Winter, is above Wood Island, six miles below Saco bridge,
and the head of the tide." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 26.

262 ' THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
and wounded, and being overpowered by numbers, the survivors
were compelled to surrender themselves to captivity. Eleven
were killed, and twenty-four were captured.
The people of Scarborough seem to have received some inti
mation of the approach of the foe ; and all, hurrying into the
garrison, prepared to defend themselves to the last extremity.
A flag of truce was sent to the fort by a captive. The bearer
was detained, and no answer returned. After a " long siege,"
when the men were completely exhausted, and were on the
point of capitulating, re-enforcements arrived, and the baffled
foe retired. Undoubtedly every thing outside of the garrison
was destroyed.
In Spurwink,1 twenty-two were killed, or taken captive ; and
the little settlement was laid entirely desolate. Purpooduck
contained but nine log-cabins. The families were taken entirely
by surprise. It so happened that all the men were away. Only
women and children were left behind. The savages, allies of
men who called themselves Christians, burned down the dwell
ings, butchered twenty-five of the helpless inmates, and carried
away eight as prisoners. The horrid spectacle of mangled
bodies which they left behind is too revolting to be recorded.
The little settlement at Casco,2 where there was a garrison,
was the most remote eastern frontier. A new fort had been
constructed here, which was placed under the command of
Major John March, with a garrison of thirty men.8 The three
Indian chiefs who Jed the assailing party were Moxus, Wanun-
gonet, and Assacombuit, all sagamores of great renown. The
last will be remembered as the chief who was knighted by
Louis XIV., and received a present of an elegant sword.
1 Scarborough extends toward the east, six mUes in width on the coast, to the
mouth of Spurwink "River, which seems to cut off, as it bounds the eastwardly
corner of the town." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 24.
2 "The old Indian name 'Casco ' continued to be used all the first century after
the settlement, notwithstanding the town had received from Massachusetts the
corporate name ' Falmouth,' as early as 1658. The plantation upon the Neck, and,
indeed, all others in the bay, were called by the general name of ' Casco ' or ' Casco
Bay.' No boundaries were defined; but, when a particular spot was designated,
the local terms, borrowed principally from the Indians, were used." — History of
Portland, by WilUam Willis, pp. 49-96.
•The site of this fort was not on Casco Neck, where Portland now stands, but at what was
called New Casco, on the shore ot the bay, in the present town of Falmouth. The Neck had
been lying desolate since 1690, and was known as Old Casco in distinction from the New Casco
which had sprung up on the shore of the bay.— Elwell.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE 263
It is said, we know not by what authority, that the three
sagamores sent a flag of truce, inviting Major March to a con
ference. Though he suspected treachery, he went out upon the
plain to meet them, unarmed, and taking with him only two
very aged and infirm men. The chiefs saluted him with civility,
and then, drawing their tomahawks from beneath their robes,
the three fell furiously upon Major March ; while his two com
panions, Messrs. Phippen and Kent, were shot down by Indians
in ambush.1 March, being a very strong man, wrested a toma
hawk from one of his assailants, and valiantly defended himself
against the three. All this could scarcely have occupied one
single minute of time ; and yet, at that very minute, Sergeant
Hook arrived, with a file of ten men, from the fort, and rescued
the major from his peril. This story seems so very improbable,
that it is impossible to give it full credence.2
The siege continued six days and six nights. There was no
repose for the inmates of the garrison, as every moment an
assault was expected from overpowering numbers. At the close
of the six days, the enemy received a re-enforcement, increasing
their number to about five hundred.3 The new arrivals con
sisted of detachments flushed with victory. M. Bobassin, a
French officer, then assumed command. He brought with him
a sloop and two shallops, which he had captured, and also
much plunder. Scientifically he went to work in an attempt
to undermine the fort on the water-side. As the fort was situ
ated on a high bank, this could be done without exposure to
any fire from the garrison. Their force was so superior to that
of the English, that they had nothing to fear from a sally.
They were advancing in this engineering very rapidly and
prosperously, and were on the eve of the capture, when an
armed vessel, commanded by Capt. Cyprian Southack, came to
the aid of the despairing garrison. Probably the vessel was
armed with cannon, which the assailants, having muskets only,
could not resist. The tide of victory was turned. The French
i Penhallow, in his history of Indian wars, writes, " Phippen and Kent, being
advanced in years, were so infirm, that 1 might say of them, as Juvenal said of
Priam, ' They had scarce blood enough to tinge the knife of the sacrifice.' "
2 WUlis's History of Portland, p. 314.
8 WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 42.

264 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
and Indians, abandoning every thing, fled precipitately. This
magnificent bay was full of indentations, into which the canoes
of the savages could glide. Capt. Southack recaptured the
sloop and two shallops ; but the French and Indians, having a
flotilla of two hundred birch canoes, effected their escape.
The soldiers of the garrison now came out to view the deso
lations which this savage warfare had caused. Every thing
which would burn was reduced to ashes. Nothing remained but
shapeless ruins. When Major March was appointed to the com
mand of this post, he moved there with his family. Being a
gentleman of considerable means and great energy, he was soon
in possession of a very thrifty farm. He wrote to the General
Court, that he had lost, by the attack, a sloop and its furniture,
eighty-nine head of sheep and cattle, five acres and a half of
wheat, six acres of excellent pease, and four acres and a half of
Indian corn. His whole loss exceeded five hundred pounds.1
It is estimated, that, in this brief campaign, the enemy killed or
captured one hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Maine.2
1 Bourne's History of WeUs and Kennebunk, p. 314.
2 " To arm a force sufficient to repel their cruel invaders, government deemed it
necessary to call to its aid the avarice of the people ; and they offered a bounty of
forty pounds for every Indian scalp that should- be brought in. This excited a
spirit of enterprise in the inhabitants, which made them endure incredible hard
ships in pursuing the enemy through the forests, in the depths of winter, to
procure this valuable merchandise." — History of Portland, by William Willis,
p. 319.

CHAPTER XV.
THE BIVAL CLAIMS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
Jocelyn's Visit — The Destruction of Black Point — The Vicissitudes of War—
A Naval Expedition — Merciless Ravages — Destruction at Port Royal — The
Expedition to Norridgewock — Exchange of Prisoners — Treason suspected
— Incidents of the Conflict — A Renewed Attack upon Port Royal — Rage
of Gov. Dudley — The Third Attack and its Failure — Naval Battle at Winter
Harbor — The Conquest of Nova Scotia — The Commission to Quebec —
Exchange of Menaces.
THIS sudden outburst of savage violence threw the whole
region into a state of terrible confusion. Many fled ; others
assembled their families in the crowded and consequently com
fortless garrison-houses, and went armed, and in bands, to their
work. Massachusetts, with her customary energy, sent prompt
aid. A troop of horsemen was quartered at Wells. Three
hundred and sixty men were marched to Pegwacket,1 which was
one of the principal resorts of the Indians. Another well-armed
band was sent to Ossipee Ponds.2
The hostile bands of French and Indians continued to ravage
the seacoast, apparently resolved to destroy every garrison, to
lay every settlement in ruins, and entirely to depopulate the
country of its English inhabitants. There was a region called
Black Point, then quite noted, which was a portion of the
1 "Betwteen Fryeburg Academy and Saco Biver is the celebrated Lovell's
Pond, half a league in length, though less than a mile in width at any place. This
beautiful section of country was anciently called Pegwacket (Peckwalket, Pe-
guawett), one of the principal and most favorite lodgements of the Sokokis tribe,
and also the theatre of a desperate battle with the Indians. Here are curious
mounds of earth, one sixty feet in circumference, artificially raised by them, of
which no tradition nor conjecture can give any satisfactory account." — William
son, vol. i. p. 28.
2 The Ossipee Biver, one of the principal tributaries of the Saco, takes its rise
among these ponds, a few miles across the Une in New Hampshire. 265

266 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
present town of Scarborough. Capt. Jocelyn, to the record of
whose voyages we have before referred, touched at this place,
in the year 1638, to visit his brother Henry, who then resided
there. In his journal he writes, —
" Having refreshed myself for a day or two at Noddle's Island, I crossed
the bay in a smaU boat to Boston, which was then rather a viUage than a
town, there being not above twenty or thirty houses. The 12th of July I
tooh boat for the eastern part of the country, and arrived at Black Point, in
the Province of Maine, which is a hundred and fifty miles from Boston, the
fourteenth day; the country all along, as I sailed, being no other than a
mere wUderness, here and there, by the seaside, a few scattered plantations
with as few houses." x
Here the families were collected in the garrison-house. On
the morning of the 6th of October, 1703, most of the men,
nineteen in number, all well armed, went out together to work
in the meadows. Lieut. Wyatt and eight men were left to guard
the garrison. Two hundred Indians rose from ambush upon
the working-party, and either killed or captured all but one.
The victors then attacked the fort. There chanced to be two
small vessels in the harbor. The crews, alarmed by the report
of the guns, hastily repaired to the aid of the garrison. They
made a bold resistance. At length, seeing evidence that the
fort must fall into the hands of the overpowering assailants,
they all succeeded in escaping to the vessels.
The savages, with hideous yells, applied the torch to all the
dwellings, and, like fiends, danced around the flames. The ves
sels bore their melancholy freight, many of them widows and
orphans, to some place of safety, where they could be fed and
clothed by the hand of charity. A gang attacked Arthur Brag-
don's house in York, and tomahawked himself, his wife, and five
children. Mrs. Hannah Parsons (a widow) and her daughter
were carried into captivity. It is said, that, returning to Canada,
the savages came near starvation. In this great extremity, they
were about to kill the child, and built a fire to roast and eat her,
when a dog fell in their way, and supplied the place of the little
girl.2 At Berwick, two houses were burned, one man was killed,
1 Jocelyn's Voyages, pp. 18, 20.
' Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, voL u. p. 149.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 267
one wounded, and three carried into captivity. They attacked
the garrison, but were repulsed. In their rage they bound one
of their prisoners, Joseph Ring, to a stake, and tortured him to
death with every device of demoniac cruelty. They danced
around their victim, responding to every groan with shouts and
yells of delight.
Major March of Casco, with three hundred men, pursued a
band of the retiring foe as far as Pegwacket, where he suc
ceeded in killing six, in capturing six, and in recovering consid
erable plunder. It is said that this was the first loss which the
savages experienced in this desolating campaign. The liberal
reward offered by the legislature for Indian scalps, which in
cluded a bounty of twenty pounds for every Indian child under
ten years of age, induced Capt. Tyng and several others to>
organize hunting-parties to traverse the wilderness on snow-
shoes, in mid-winter, to hunt down the savages ; but all these
expeditions were unsuccessful.
During this melancholy winter, the government expended
nearly a thousand dollars in establishing a strong garrison near
the falls in Saco. Spring came, with its sunny skies and swell
ing buds, only to renew the terror of the people. This was the
season for the savages to re-open their campaigning. The
French, in Canada, had furnished their allies with ample sup
plies. Major Mason, with nearly a hundred friendly Indians, belong
ing to the Pequods and Mohegans of Connecticut, was stationed
at Berwick. Still the prowling savages succeeded in shooting.
several persons, and, in expression of their hatred, horribly
mangled their remains. In addition to these marauding-parties,
plundering, burning, and murdering on the land, French pri
vateers swept the coast. Not a fishing-boat could leave a bay
or inlet without danger of capture. It is often said that an
offensive is the best defensive war. It was decided to be expe
dient to attack the French in Canada and Nova Scotia. Thus
the desolations of war would be removed from Maine into the
regions of the enemy, and the French would be constrained to
retain their forces at home for the protection of their own fire
sides.

268 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
An expedition, was intrusted to Major Benjamin Church, who
had obtained much renown in Indian warfare. He was invested
with the title of colonel ; and five hundred men were placed
under his command. Three vessels-of-war convoyed his little
fleet of fifty-one boats, of various sizes. One of the war-ships
carried forty-eight guns, the other thirty-two. The third was a
province galley. The fleet sailed from Boston the 21st of May,
1704. The vessels first cast anchor at the Island of Metinicus, just
out of Penobscot Bay. Two armed boats were sent to a neigh
boring island, where they captured a French family and a
Canadian Indian. The captives were not disposed to be com
municative. But threats extorted from them the information
that there were several other cabins along the shores in the
vicinity, and that some French officers were building a fort at
Passamaquoddy. The prisoners were compelled to act as pilots
in conducting several armed boats to the dwellings of their
friends. These were not days of forbearance and mercy. The atro
cities which had been perpetrated by the French and Indians
were such, that the avengers were ready to shoot down men,
women, and children as pitilessly as if they had been so many
wolves. Still it was expedient to take as many captives as pos
sible, that they might be used as ransom for English prisoners.
Quite a number of both French and Indians were killed ; and
several captives were taken. Among the latter was a daughter
of Baron Castine with her children, we know not how many.
Her husband, a gentleman of wealth and culture, was then on
a visit to France.
Again the fleet spread its sails. After a brief tarry at Mount
Desert, the party proceeded to Passamaquoddy Bay, in whose
lonely waters a secret place of anchorage was sought.1 A
squadron of whale-boats was despatched, led by Col. Church
1 " Passamquoddy Bay lies partly in the State of Maine, and partly in the
British Province of New Brunswick. It is six mUes wide, and twelve miles long.
It has a sufficient depth of water for the largest vessels, and is never closed by ice.
It abounds with cod, mackerel, herring, and other fish. The boundary of the
United States passes through it, on its west side, into St. Croix River, which
enters its north-west part." — McCulloch's Geographical, Dictionary.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 269
himself, to explore the shores. That the settlers in the lonely
cabins might not be apprised of his approach, and thus escape
into the woods, he rowed by night, and kept concealed by day.
Orders were given, that not a gun should be fired, even to shoot
an Indian, if he could possibly be killed, or taken, in any other
way. Thus he succeeded in capturing, one after another, four
French emigrant families. They were all poor, and there was
but little plunder in their log-cabins worth taking ; but, such
as it was, it was seized, and placed in the boats. One of the
captures consisted of the family of a poor French widow, with
her orphan-children. Col. Church was energetic and merciless.
The scenes of horror he had witnessed had roused his soul to
the highest pitch of rage, and had hardened his heart. The
readiness with which he would retaliate upon helpless ones, no
matter how innocent, the wrongs which demoniac men had in
flicted upon the dwellers in Maine, drew down upon him severe
censure, and has materially dimmed the splendor of his other
wise great exploits. He then ravaged the surrounding region
with the indiscriminate mercilessness of the tornado. The
widow and the orphan were alike the victims of his fury.1
From Passamaquoddy Bay, the armament sailed out into the
Bay of Fundy, that immense sheet of water which separates
New Brunswick from Nova Scotia, and renders the latter prov
ince so nearly an island, that it is entered by a neck of land
only about twenty miles wide. Here the avenging squadron
divided. The ships, with several of the boats, crossed the bay,
a distance of about sixty miles, to Port Royal (Annapolis).
The day before the arrival of the fleet, Castine the Younger,
with about sixty Canadian soldiers, had re-enforced the garrison
in their strong works. The fort was deemed too formidable to
be attacked.2 But the troops in garrison could not venture
beyond the protection of their ramparts.
Col. Church made terrible havoc of all the settlements around.
Many persons were killed ; and utter desolation took the place
» CoUections of New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. p. 32-35; Hutchin
son's History of Massachusetts, vol. U. p. 133.
a Universal History, vol. xl. p. 152.

270 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of peaceful homes and smiling fields. Gov. Dudley, in his ad
dress to the legislature, proposing a vote of thanks as a reward
for these services, said, " Col. Church has destroyed all the set
tlements in the vicinity of Port Royal, and taken a hundred
prisoners and a large amount of plunder, with the loss of only
six men."
The whale-boats ran along the shores, destroying all the
remoter settlements, killing, plundering, capturing, and burn
ing. The triumphant fleet returned to Boston, having been
absent but about three months. " War," says Gen. Sherman,
" is cruelty : you cannot refine it." This dreadful, woe-commis
sioned, expedition accomplished the purpose for which it was
intended. Terrible as was its infliction upon the Acadians, it
averted from the humble homes of Maine a doom still more
¦dreadful. By the English, captives were at least treated with
ordinary humanity, and were never put to the torture. But
what imagination can gauge the misery of a Christian family,
¦consisting of father, mother, and little children, dragged by
brutal savages through the wilderness for hundreds of miles,
and doomed, perhaps, to see a husband, a father, or a son tor
tured to death for a savage holiday ! 1
The fort at Winter Harbor, not far from the mouth of Saco
River, was placed in the best condition for defence during the
winter of 1705. At the same time Col. Hilton, who had
accompanied Col. Church as major in his late expedition, was
sent, with a force of two hundred and seventy men, to attack
the Indian village and French missionary station at Norridge
wock. Twenty friendly Indians were included in this party ;
and they all travelled, in dead of winter, through the wilderness,
on snow-shoes. Each soldier took, in a pack upon his back,
food for twenty days. Their fare must indeed have been frugal.
Immediately upon the proclamation of war between France
and England, the governor of Canada sent the tidings to Nor
ridgewock. A council was held ; and the Indians decided to
become the allies of the French. The French missionaries
must, of course, have had much influence in this decision.
There were about two hundred and fifty warriors who met there
1 Church's Fifth Expedition, p. 158.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 271
in this council. The priest, as usual, appointed religious ser
vices, that the hearts of the savages might he inspired by the
sanctions of religion.1
The Indians were not often taken by surprise. Their scouts
kept vigilant watch. When the little army reached Norridge
wock, after their long and painful tramp, there was no one
there : all had fled. A large chapel, with a vestry, was standing,
and a cluster of very comfortable Indian wigwams. These the
soldiers laid in ashes. Being much disappointed in not finding
either captives, food, or plunder, they commenced their march
home through drifting snows and wintry gales.
In war, blows must be received as well as given. Gov. Suber-
case of Nova Scotia gathered an army of five hundred and
fifty French and Indians ; the savages being led by the noted
Assacombuit. He made terrible havoc among all the English
settlements within his reach. An uncounted number were
slain ; a hundred and forty were taken prisoners ; and a large
amount of plunder was seized. He exacted conflagration for
conflagration, prisoner for prisoner, blood for blood. At length
the prisoners had so accumulated on both sides as to be quite a
burden. Gov. Vaudreuil of Canada sent one of his captives,
Capt. Hill, to negotiate an exchange. Many of the friends of
the lost did not know whether they had been killed, or had
been made prisoners. William Dudley, a son of the governor,
was sent to Canada with seventy prisoners, to receive an equal
number in return. He could however, obtain but sixty. Mr.
WilUamson writes, —
" Guilty of detestable hypocrisy, Vaudreuil pretended that the Indian?
were an independent and freeborn people, and that he had no right or power
to demand their captives ; whereas they were in fact weU known to \>e
entire dupes and vassals to his wiU." 2
In point of fact, the statement of the French governor was
undoubtedly true. The Indian chiefs regarded the captives,
whom their own war-parties had taken, as exclusively their
own, and entirely beyond any control of the French. They
l History of Norridgewock, hy WiUiam AUen, p. 34.
2 WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 50.

272 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
kept them to exchange for their own captive warriors. The
French could obtain possession of these victims only by paying
for them a high ransom.
Young Dudley protracted his discussions as long as possible,
under various pretexts. While the negotiations were under
consideration, there was a virtual truce. He thus, in some
degree, prevented the excursions of hostile war-parties upon the
English frontiers.
It is mournful to contemplate how little confidence, at times,
man can repose in his fellow-man. Capt. William Rowse was
twice sent in a vessel, with a flag of truce and twenty-four
prisoners, to Nova Scotia, to effect an exchange of captives.
He was accused of treacherously being an accomplice with two
merchants of Boston, and Samuel Vetch, subsequently the Eng
lish governor of Nova Scotia, in carrying arms, ammunition, and
other military supplies, to the enemy. Thus the love of gain in
fluenced them to take advantage of the flag of truce, with which
they had been intrusted by their own government, to supply
the Indians with the means of ravaging, with conflagration and
slaughter, the settlements of the English. They were thrown
into prison, and condemned by the legislature. The neglect of
the queen to give her signature to the verdict averted their
doom. More deplorable still, Gov. Dudley himself was suspected of
being engaged in this nefarious traffic. Though not proved
guilty, and perhaps he was entirely innocent, still the imputa
tion rested upon him. Gov. Dudley was aristocratic in his
tastes, and was by no means a cordial advocate of a republican
form of government. He was consequently unpopular; and
several of the measures which he urged upon the legislature
were frowned down.
During the summer of 1705, French privateers and English
cruisers were continually running up and down the coasts of
Maine. The French succeeded in capturing seven of the Eng
lish vessels. It will be remembered that the garrison at Port
Royal had driven off their English assailants. And, though the
English ravaged all the region around, the banners of the French
still floated from the ramparts of the strong fort. Small war-

TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 1T&
bands of savages, sometimes united with a few French, con
tinued to prowl about, killing, capturing, ancl burning, as they
could find opportunity.
In Kittery, five were killed, and a number of captives were
taken. Among these was Mrs. Holt, an accomplished lady of
high connections. For such a person to be a prisoner in the
hands of brutal savages must be awful beyond conception.
There were several cases of the utter ruin of families in assas
sination and capture. A band of eighteen Indians, rushing from
the forest near York, seized four little children belonging to the
family of Mr. Stover. One, being too young to travel, they
knocked in the head.. As one of their own warriors had been
shot in their retreat with the children, these demoniac men took
vengeance by putting a little boy to death with awful tortures.
On the 29th of April, a party sprang from ambush, at Kit
tery, and seized Mr. Shapley and his son. The wretches, to
gratify their love of cruelty, gnawed off the first joint of each
finger and thumb of the unhappy young man, and stopped the
bleeding by inserting the mangled stumps into the bowl of
tobacco-pipes, heated red hot. This seems to have been one of
their favorite modes of torture. Much havoc was perpetrated
this year, in the unprotected settlements of Massachusetts and
New Hampshire.
The war had continued three years ; and the Indians, ever
fickle, never persistent, began to grow weary of it. Terrible as
had been the suffering they had caused, they had reaped but
little benefit for themselves. The French, in Canada, proposed
neutrality. While the courts of France and England continued
to carry on the war, they proposed that the French and Englis h
colonies, struggling against the hardships of the wilderness iu
this new world, should stand aloof from the conflict.1
From this peace-offer, Gov. Dudley, we must think very un
wisely, dissented. He thought and said that the only way to
secure a permanent peace was to drive the French entirely out
of Acadia, and to take possession of the whole country in the
name of the Queen of England.2
i Williamson, vol. n. p. 53.
2 Histoire de la NouveUe France, par Charlevoix, vol. u. p. 313.

274 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Thus the dreary year of 1706 passed away, with continued
burnings, assassinations, and captures. In January, 1707, Col.
Hilton was sent in a vessel to Casco, with supplies for the garri
son there. There were two hundred and twenty men stationed
at that point, with orders to range the country as they could, in
pursuit of Indians. This was necessary but inglorious warfare.
One day a party struck upon an Indian trail, which they fol
lowed until they came upon a wigwam, where there were four
Indian men, with a middle-aged woman and a babe. They shot
the men, and took the woman and child captives. They then
compelled the woman, by threats of death, to conduct them to a
spot where eighteen of her companions were encamped. They
were all asleep, unsuspicious of danger. It was just before the
dawn of the morning. A well-aimed volley of bullets instantly
killed all but one, and he was captured.
This event caused great rejoicing. The Indians were so wary,
that it was with the utmost difficulty that any of them were
caught. In the spring of 1707 another naval expedition, of
more than a thousand men, was fitted out against Port Royal.
Col. March was placed in command. Numerous transports and
whale-boats were convoyed by a well-armed vessel of war.1
But to attack a scientifically-constructed French fort, defended
by veteran French soldiers, with formidable cannon frowning
through the portholes, was a very different undertaking from
that of burning the cabins of poor settlers, and shooting Indians,
either asleep in their encampments, or running in terror before
their foes. A thousand men were disembarked. The inhabit
ants around all fled into the fort for protection. A council of
war decided that the fort was too strong to be taken by the
raw troops encamped before it.
The troops were re-embarked in haste, and returned to several
of the English garrisons along the coast. The chagrin of Gov.
Dudley manifested itself in undignified violence of speech. He
denounced March as unfit for command, and declared, that, if
another vessel of the squadron should return to Boston, he
would put to death every man who should step on shore.
1 " He (Gov. Dudley) was exceedingly anxious to see Port Koyal reduced, as
such an event would complete the entire conquest of Nova Scotia, and convert it
into an EngUsh province." — Williamson, vol. n. p. 53.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 275
Another armament was speedily organized. Gov. Dudley
was encouraged, in this operation, by the promise that England
would send an efficient fleet to co-operate with him in the com
plete conquest both of Nova Scotia and Canada. Col. March
was so popular, notwithstanding the tirades which had been
launched against him, that the governor did not venture to
supersede him. He, however, appointed three members of his
council to be the colonel's associates in command.
These troops relanded before the fort at Port Royal, on the
10th of August, 1707. In the mean time, the French had been
strengthening their works, and increasing their numbers. Sick
ness had invaded the little army of Col. March. Even inexpe
rienced soldiers could see that the works 'presented an impreg
nable front against any force they could bring against it. All
were alike disheartened. In ten days, having accomplished
nothing, the troops returned to their vessels, and sailed back to
Casco, Boston, and other English ports.
The French took advantage of this signal defeat to rouse the
Indians to new endeavors to drive the invading EngUsh from their
hunting-grounds. There were now but six English settlements
surviving in Maine, — those of Kittery, Berwick, York, Wells,
Casco, and Winter Harbor. Towards all of these the Indians
marched in wolfish bands. They fell upon a house in Kittery,
and massacred all the inmates. Four men, with a lady, Mrs.
Littlefield, were caught on the road between York and Wells.
They were probably hastening to some garrison-house. Mrs.
Littlefield had two hundred dollars in money with her. A
volley from savages in ambush shot them all down but one man.
He escaped. The dead were scalped and plundered, and left
in their blood.
The Indians in their canoes lurked around all the spots to
which fishing-vessels were likely to resort. These vessels had
usually two or three men and a boy on board. Half a dozen
canoes, filled with armed savages, and darting out like arrows
from the land, easily captured them.
On the 21st of September, 1707, a hundued and fifty Indians
made an attack upon Winter Harbor. They came in a fleet of
fifty canoes, three warriors in each canoe. Two shallops were

276 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
in the harbor, manned by eight very determined men. They
knew that the vessels would be first attacked. Unintimidated
by the fearful odds of one hundred and fifty to eight, they
made preparations for a desperate defence. Concealing them
selves behind bulwarks of plank, they made every gun ready for
rapid discharges. The fleet came swarming on, while the
savages rent the air with their hideous yells.
The English waited till the canoes were so near, that every
bullet was sure to strike its target. All then fired at once. A
few canoes were disabled, and their inmates thrown into tem
porary confusion ; but the rest pressed undaunted on. They
would soon surround the small vessels, and in resistless num
bers be leaping over their' sides. The English abandoned one,
and, entering the other, cut the cables, spread a sail, and en
deavored to put out to sea. The Indians seized the forsaken
shallop, and, raising her mainsail, commenced the pursuit.
A slight breeze caused both vessels to move, though they
crept along slowly. The English had taken the best vessel ;
and the Indians were unskilled mariners. When the savages
saw that they were falling astern, they placed a dozen canoes
ahead to tow their vessel along, with fishing-cords for tow-lines.
The English, also, got out oars. The pursuers and the pursued
were often so near each other, that the Indians endeavored to
grapple the blades of the oars of the English. A perpetual
firing of musketry was kept up. Both parties were ingenious
in devices to avoid exposure to the bullet. This singular en
gagement was continued for three hours. The Indians lost, in
killed and wounded, about thirty. Only one man, Benjamin
Daniel, was killed on board the vessel. His last words were,
" I am a dead man ; but give me a gun to kill one more before
I go." The loaded gun was placed in his hand, but he had no
strength to fire it.
The people around, warned of the approach of the Indians by
a cannon fired at the fort, hurried to the garrison. The savages,
disheartened by their losses, did not venture an attack.1
Soon after this, two men at Berwick, returning from pubhc
i WilUamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 55; Bourne's History of WeUs and
Kennebunk, p. 266.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 277
worship, were shot down by the Indians. The neighbors pur
sued and overtook them, and, by an unexpected fire, threw
them into such consternation, that they dropped their packs,
and fled. Some plunder was regained, and three scalps.
This was a year of great suffering throughout Maine. The
inhabitants, often with a very small supply of food, were very
inconveniently crowded into narrow garrison-houses. No man
could pass a few rods from the door of the garrison, without
danger of being shot down. Not a rod of land could be safely
tilled beyond reach of the sentry-box. As to lumbering and
fishing, those pursuits had to be entirely abandoned. Thus
passed the fifth summer of this desolating war, in which man's
inhumanity inflicted untold misery upon his fellows.
The next year, 1708, was, in Maine, a season of general
paralysis. No industrial pursuits could be undertaken. The
settlers kept carefully huddled together in the garrisons. Scouts
and spy-boats were continually vigilant. The French made an
effort to unite all the northern tribes to exterminate the English ;
but various obstacles thwarted their plans. Gov. Dudley also
endeavored to organize another expedition against Port Royal ;
but it proved an entire failure.1
In February of 1709, Gov. Dudley sent a scout of one hun
dred and fifty men to visit all the old settlements of the Indians,
and see that they were laid utterly desolate. He said that it
was his object to teach the Indians that the French, whom they
had so zealously served, were unable to protect them from the
punishment they so richly merited, from the avenging hands of
the English. " We shall never," the governor added, " be long
at rest, until Canada and Nova Scotia constitute a part of the
British empire."
In the summer of this year, the Indians of the Kennebec sent
a flag of truce to Boston to sue for peace. But it is quite evi
dent that the English were not in favor of peace with France,
until, at least, Nova Scotia should be wrested from the French
crown. The sufferings of a few hundred poor emigrants in
Maine they deemed too trivial to be thought of in these great
national issues. 1 Massachusetts Records, vol. vU. p. 426.

278 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
In 1710 a new effort was made for the conquest of Port
Royal, in which the British Government took an active part. A
fleet of thirty-six sail, warships and transports, conveyed a for
midable armament and twelve hundred men to the Bay of
Annapolis. The troops were landed safely on the 24th of
September, excepting one transport, containing twenty-six men,
which was wrecked, and all were drowned.
The French governor, Subercase, had but two hundred and
sixty men in garrison. The assailing batteries were soon raised,
and a heavy cannonading commenced. The next day Subercase
found himself compelled to capitulate. The fortress and all its
stores were surrendered to the crown of England. All the
inhabitants within a league of the fort, four hundred and eighty-
one in number, were to be protected, upon condition of their
taking the oath of allegiance to the British Government. The
soldiers taken in the garrison were to be sent to France, or to
be permitted to remove to Canada.1
In honor of Queen Anne, the name of the place was changed
from Port Royal to Annapolis Royal. Thus Nova Scotia
passed into the hands of the English. Col. Samuel Vetch was
appointed governor of the conquered Province ; and a garrison
of four hundred and fifty men was left under his command.
Major Levingston and young Castine were sent as English
commissioners to Gov. Vaudreuil, in Canada, to inform him that
Acadia, as they termed it, had fallen into the hands of the
English ; that, consequently, all the French inhabitants of that
region, excepting those who had taken the oath of allegiance,
were prisoners-of-war ; and that any barbarities practised by
savages under the control of the French would be followed by
severe reprisals upon the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia.
It was nearly midwinter when the commissioners set out on
their arduous journey through the wilderness, to Quebec.
They crossed the Bay of Fundy to the Penobscot, and remained
several days at Castine's beautiful residence at Biguyduce (Cas
tine). Here Mr. Levingston received from the attractive family
of his host the most hospitable and warm-hearted attentions.
1 Penhallow's Indian Wars ; Hutchinson's History, vol. U. p. 167; HaUibur-
ton's Nova Scotia, vol. i. p. 88.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 279
On the 1st of November, they took a canoe, and, with three
Indian guides, paddled up the Penobscot River. About eight
miles above the present city of Bangor, they came to an island
called Lett. Here, probably where the village of Oldtown now
stands, they found a cluster of Indian wigwams, containing
about one hundred inhabitants, with fifty canoes upturned upon
the greensward.
The Indians were not disposed to let them go any farther.
They detained them for several days. Mr. Levingston would
undoubtedly have lost his life, but for the interposition of Mr.
Castine, whom the savages regarded as an adopted Indian,
the child of the daughter of one of their most illustrious chiefs,
and their friend.
The journey was resumed on the 4th of November ; the com
missioners, with several Indian guides, still ascending the river
in two canoes. On the second day Levingston's canoe was
overset, an Indian guide was drowned ; and he lost his gun and
all his personal effects. The ice was making fast. The other
canoe soon became torn and leaky, so that it had to be aban
doned. For forty days these hardy men travelled through the wilder
ness on foot, guided by the compass alone. The weather was
so stormy, or they were enveloped in such dense fogs, that, for
nineteen days, they did not see the sun. They waded through
snow, knee deep, crossed as they could unbridged and icy
torrents, forced their Avay through swamps encumbered with
almost impenetrable entanglements of spruces, cedars, and
underbrush. A week before they reached any human habita
tions, they had consumed all their food. They then lived upon
the rinds of trees, and such dried and withered berries as the
wintry gales had not yet torn from the branches.
They reached Quebec on the 16th of December, where they
remained about two months, accomplishing but little. Indeed,
their mission seemed to be one rather to utter threats than to
propose terms of peace. The governor of Canada, in response
to the menacing letter sent him by the English authorities,
replied, —

280 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" Never have the French, and seldom have the Indians, treated their
EngUsh captives with inhumanity. The French are, in no event, accounta
ble for the behavior of the Indians. A truce, and even a neutrality, might
long ago have terminated all these miseries of war, had the English been
wiUing to accept such neutrality. If the English adopt any retaUatory
measures, they wiU be amply avenged by the French."
The conquest of Nova Scotia settled many disputed questions
as to boundaries. Though the ravages of war were slackened,
there still was no confirmed peace. More than a year before,
the sagamores had sent a flag of truce to Boston, supplicating
peace. But the English, intent upon seizing Nova Scotia, and
perhaps still hoping to gain Canada, were certainly not eager
to accept the olive-branch : consequently, a desultory warfare
was kept up ; marauding bands of savages inflicting occasional
deeds of awful individual suffering, while nothing of victorious
result was accomplished. In August a man and woman were
shot in the vicinity of York, and two men were carried away
captive. In Saco three persons were killed, and six captured.
There were two cases of barbarity, which should be recorded.
One was on the part of the Indians. They wantonly skinned
one of the English, whom they had killed, and cut up his skin
into belts.
The other was on the part of the English. Col. Walton,
with one hundred and seventy men on a reconnoitring tour,
had reached Sagadahoc. By a decoy he seized a sagamore,
with his wife, and several other Indians. Because the sagamore
was not, as he thought, sufficiently communicative in betraying
his friends, Col. Walton allowed the savages, who were of his
own party, to amuse themselves in cutting him to pieces with
their tomahawks.
Soon after this, Walton captured, at one time three, and
again five prisoners. It is not known whether he killed them, or
carried them away as captives. On the other hand, the Indians,
having captured a man by the name of Ayres, treated him
kindly, and sent him, with a flag of truce, to Fort Mary, again
soliciting that peace which had so long been denied them.1
While Nova Scotia was in the hands of the French, thej
1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 62.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 281
claimed possession as far west as the Kennebec, and actually
held the country as far as the Penobscot. This dispute, as to
boundaries, being now settled, the English were intensely
desirous of extending their conquest over the whole of Canada.
In this design, the men in power were not to be thwarted by
the moans ascending from a few log-cabins in the wilderness of
Maine : consequently the appeals, both of the Canadian French
and the Indians, for peace, were alike unheeded.
Col. Nicholson, returning to Boston triumphant from the con
quest of Nova Scotia, repaired to England to solicit the efficient
aid of the government for the new enterprise. He took with
him five Mohawk sagamores. These plumed and painted war
riors, the bloodhounds of the human race, were allies of the
English. They were ready to fight on any side which would
pay them the highest wages.
In England these barbaric chieftains, in their gorgeous ap
parel, attracted great attention. Immense crowds followed
them whenever they appeared in the streets of London. The
highest of the nobility called upon these their brother aristo
crats. Queen Anne's husband, Prince George, had recently
died ; and the court was in mourning. At the royal charge, the
Indian chiefs were all richly clad in robes of black broadcloth,
with scarlet cloaks edged with gold fringe.
Thus prepared for presentation to royalty, they were con
ducted to the palace of St. James, in two regal coaches, with
all the emblazonry of courtly splendor. The lord-chamberlain
introduced them to her Majesty the queen. One of the saga
mores, addressing Anne, and speaking in behalf of his com
panions, said, —
" Should you capture the Canada country, and put the French under your
feet, it would give us great advantage in hunting and in war. Let your
princely face shine upon us. We are your aUies. We wiU never turn our
backs. We wiU aU stand firm. Nothing shaU mov-) us."

CHAPTER XVI.
BRITISH AND INDIAN DIPLOMACY.
Enthusiasm of the British Government — The Fleet for the Conquest of Cana
da — Utter Failure of the Enterprise — Daily Perils — The Bridal Party —
Treaty of Utrecht — The Ravages of War — Character of the Vounger Cas
tine — State of the Ministry — The Pejepscot Purchase — Ancient Dominions
— Rearing the Forts — The Council at Arrowsic — Gloomy Prospects —
Character of Father Rasle.
THE English Government, cheered by the conquest of Nova
Scotia, and animated by the presence of the Mohawk
chiefs, who, it was said, could bring a large number of warriors
into the field, engaged with enthusiasm in fitting out an expedi
tion for the conquest of Canada. A fleet was speedily equipped,
consisting of fifteen ships-of-war, forty-three transports, and six
store-ships. Seven veteran regiments of the Duke of Marl
borough's army were placed on board, with a fine train of heavy
artillery. Admiral Walker, an officer of established reputation,
was intrusted with the command. When this powerful arma
ment arrived in Boston, six hundred and fifty provincial troops
were added to the force.
On the 30th of July, 1711, the fleet sailed from Boston for
the capture of Quebec. But God seemed to frown upon the
enterprise. In entering the mouth of the St. Lawrence, eight
ti ansports were wrecked, and a thousand men sank beneath the
waves. It was an awful spectacle as viewed from the other
vessels of the fleet. The loss was so terrible, both of men and
the munitions of war, that the energies of officers and crew
seemed alike paralyzed. Overwhelmed with disappointment
and chagrin, they, with one accord, abandoned the enterprise.
Returning to Boston, they were greeted only with condemna
tion and obloquy. 282

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 283
Expeditions were still sent out from the Massachusetts colo
nies, to cruise along the shored of Maine in pursuit of Indians ;
but the savages were on their guard, and could not be found.
Prowling bands of Tndians succeeded in shooting a few of the
English who had here and there ventured into the fields. Dur
ing the next summer (that of 1712), twenty-six of the English
settlers were killed or captured in the vicinity of York, Kittery,
and Wells. The settlers were completely disheartened. They
could not move without danger of assassination. A child could
not play upon a doorsill without being exposed to seizure by
some burly savage, and dragged screaming, before the eyes of
its agonized parents, into the forest. The Indians became
increasingly bold in these petty acts of warfare.
Still England, intent upon the conquest of Canada, did not wish
for peace. And, while there was war between France and Eng
land, it could not but be that the savages would be enlisted on
the one side or the other. The Indians, though invisible, seemed
to be everywhere. Not a movement escaped their notice. A
scouting-party was marching from the garrison at York towards
Cape Neddock. It was on the 14th of May, 1712. Suddenly,
from the silent wilderness, a band of thirty savages sprang up,
and poured in upon them a deadly fire. One, the leader, Ser
geant Nalton, was instantly killed : seven others, probably
struck down and crippled by wounds, were captured. The
survivors fled precipitately, and, with the utmost difficulty, suc
ceeded in regaining the fort. Mr. Pickernel, at Spruce Creek,
alarmed by the rumor of the vicinity of the Indians, was leaving
his door, with his family, to take refuge in the garrison, when a
bullet from a concealed savage struck him dead. His wife was
also wounded, and his little child scalped. The poor child, left
for dead, recovered from the dreadful wound. There were
several similar individual acts of suffering and death.
A very exciting event took place at Wells, on the 16th of
September. There was a large bridal party held at the garri
son. Elisha Plaisted, a young man of Portsmouth, was to be
married to Hannah Wheelwright, a beautiful girl of eighteen,
a daughter of one of the first families. The family connection
was large, and the acquaintance extensive. Prominent guests

284 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
were invited from Portsmouth and other adjacent settlements.
Some came by water ; others, in well-armed bands, on horseback.
Plaisted was accompanied by quite an escort of his young
friends from Portsmouth.
A band of nearly two hundred Indians came uninvited to the
wedding. Threading their way inthe dark, with the stealthy
tread of the tiger, through the obscurities of the forest, they
placed themselves in ambush to cut off all the divisions of the
bridal party, by whatever paths they might set out on their
return to their homes. It was evident that they were not only
perfectly familiar with all the region, but that, in some way,
they had gained an acquaintance with the number of the guests,
and with the general arrangements for the occasion.
The nuptials were celebrated ; and in feasting and frolic the
hour of midnight had passed, and it is probable that the morn
ing had dawned. Some of the friends were preparing to leave,
when it was found that two of the horses were missing. Three
young men — Joshua Downing, Isaac Cole, and Sergeant Tucker
— went out to find them, apparently without any thought of
Indians. They had not proceeded far, when, from the perfect
silence and solitude of the forest, a volley of musketry assailed
them. Two fell dead. Tucker, severely wounded, was cap
tured by the ambushed savages.
The report of the guns instantly conveyed the terrible tidings
to the garrison. The most able and the bravest men of the
region were there, and nearly all with military titles. Totally
unaware of the number of their foes, with singular imprudence,
but with chivalric bravery, they rushed out to grapple with
them. They sprang upon their horses, and, in small bands, rode
in different directions to cut off the retreat of the Indians.
Bu i; the wily savages had placed themselves in ambush on
each of these paths, and were quietly awaiting the approach of
their victims. The bridegroom, a very heroic young man, led
one of these parties of seven or eight men on horseback. Soon
they fell into an ambush. At one discharge, every horse was
shot down ; one man was killed ; and young Plaisted, in his
bridal attire, was seized by the savages leaping from their con
cealment : the others, in the darkness, escaped.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 285-
The savages seemed to understand perfectly the enterprise in
which they were engaged. Plaisted was, in their view, the son
of a rich father. They wished, if possible, to capture him, that
they might extort a heavy ransom. It was this desire which
probably led them to shoot down the horses, instead of the men.
In their great eagerness to secure him, the others were allowed
to escape.
The Indians, having accomplished their purpose, rapidly fled.
A party of seventy soldiers was immediately mustered to pursue
them. They came up with the foe in a forest, where every
Indian could take his station behind a tree. The English soon
found that they were outnumbered by the Indians more than
two to one. After a brief skirmish, in which one only was
killed on each side, the English ceased firing, and sent forward
Lieut. Banks, with a flag of truce, to ascertain on what terms
young Plaisted could be ransomed. Six Indian chiefs met the
flag. Among them was the noted Bomaseen, of whom we have
before spoken.1
The chiefs were not prepared to make an immediate arrange
ment. They wished for more time to consider the matter.
They promised to bring their captives, in five days, to Richman's
Island, where they would be ready to settle the question. Not
withstanding the large force at the Indians' disposal, they at
tempted no further raids, but immediately retired. Plaisted
was finally redeemed ; his father being compelled to pay a ran
som estimated in value at three hundred pounds, equivalent to
about fifteen hundred dollars.2
On the 30th of March, 1713, the celebrated Treaty of Utrecht
was signed. There was now peace between France and Eng
land. Nova Scotia, the ancient Acadia, was formally surren
dered to the English. Thus this dreadful and wicked war was
ended. The Indians had long desired peace. Great was their
1 It wUl be remembered that Bomaseen was one of the Norridgewock sachems.
Upon visiting Pemaquid with a flag of truce, he had been treacherously seized by
the English, and carried a captive to Boston. The savage could now have easily
retaUated; but he did not.
2 Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. Ui. p. 140; see, also, the
account of this affair as given by WUliamson, vol. u. p. 66, and also by Bourne, in
his History of Kennebunk and WeUs, p. 280.

286 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
joy. Promptly they sent envoys to Casco to establish friendly
relations. The English were haughty, and domineering in their
exactions. They demanded of, the Indians a humiliating con
fession of their offences,. compelled them to take the oath of
allegiance to the British crown, to promise to sign whatever
articles the governor and council might dictate, to give hostages
for the faithful performance of these stipulations, and to maiiv
tain these hostages at their own expense.
For the ratification of these severe terms, a council was held
at Portsmouth on the 11th of July. Eight sagamores from the
Rivers St. John, Penobscot, and Kennebec, met the governor
with twenty councillors and a large number of attendant gen
tlemen. The Indians were crushed in spirit, and pliant to the
will of their conquerors.1
The war had lasted ten years. During that time, more than
a fourth part of the inhabitants of Maine had been either killed
or captured. Hutchinson, in his History of Massachusetts,
estimates, that, in the thirty-eight years between 1675 and 1713,
six thousand of the youth of New England had perished from
the casualties of war.2 Many families had become extinct.
Nearly all mourned some members lost. In Maine, the desola
tion was awful. The log-cabins were crumbling to decay. The
fields, long uncultivated, presented a revolting aspect of briers
and thorns, and all wild shrubs.
The fur-trade had become entirely extinct. Lumbering and
fishing were at an end. Maine was in a state of impoverish
ment scarcely conceivable. Fathers and sons, mothers and
daughters, who had been captured, were far away in the wilds
of Canada ; and no one knew whether they were living or dead.
There were no facilities for travelling, in those days, or for com
municating intelligence. Nearly a year passed before a ship
was sent to Quebec to bring home the captives ; and then they
were found so widely dispersed, that it required four months to
collect them. Many were lost, and never were heard from.
During this ten-years' war, it is estimated that one-third of
1 The articles of this treaty are given entire in the Collections of the New
Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. pp. 82-86.
2 Hutchinson's History, vol U. p. 183.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 287
the Indian warriors of Maine perished, and probably as many
more of their women and children, from the bullet, exposure,
and starvation. Several tribes had become so enfeebled as to
have lost their individual character. The terms of the treaty
which the English exacted were so abasing, that the Indians
never would have accepted them, had they not been compelled
to do so by poverty, suffering, and helplessness.
Castine the Younger, the son of Baron Castine, and whose
mother was the honored daughter of one of the most illustrious
and powerful of the sagamores, was, by universal admission, a
very extraordinary man. The blood of two lines of nobles
flowed through his veins. From his father, he inherited the
courteous manners of the French noblesse ; and he became a
man of intelligence and culture. From his excellent mother, he
inherited sympathy for her race, and was ever heroically dis-
posed-to cast in his lot with that much injured people. His
intelligence taught him that the Indians were gaining nothing,
and losing every thing, by the wars ; and he was the most zeal
ous of all the chieftains in urging peace. Mr. Williamson pays
the following well-merited and beautiful tribute to the memory
of this excellent man : —
" He appeared to be entirely free from the bigoted malevolence of the
French, and the barbarous, revengeful spirit of the savages. He was a chief
sagamore of the Tarratine tribe;' and he also held a commission from the
French king. By his sweetness of temper, magnanimity, and other valua
ble properties, he was held in high estimation by both people. Nor were
the EngUsh insensible of his uncommon merit. He had an elegant French
uniform which he sometimes wore; yet, on all occasions, he preferred to
appear in the habit of his tribe. It was in him both poUcy and pleasure to
promote peace with the English. And, in several instances where they had
treated him with abuse, he gave proofs of forbearance worthy of a philoso
pher's or Christian's imitation." x
The perfect confidence which the English reposed in his
honor was manifested in their trusting him, as a friend and
companion, to conduct Major Levingston through the wilder
ness from Port Royal to Quebec.
i WiUiamson, vol. U. p. 70. For further particulars of this remarkable man
see Universal History, vol. xl. p. 180.

288 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
A new era of peace and prosperity, it was hoped, was now
about to dawn upon Maine. A stable government began slowly
to be organized. Institutions for education and religion began
to arise. Earnest endeavors were made to promote purity of
morals. For thirty-eight years, the inhabitants of Maine had been
engaged in an almost incessant conflict with the Indians. But
for the wickedness of man, these might have been happy years,
in which beautiful villages would have been reared, and gardens
would have bloomed, and parents and children would have lived
happily together, with ever-increasing prosperity. But they
were years of general impoverishment and woe. The war had
suspended all the meetings of the Superior Court of Maine. In
answer to petitions from Maine, the General Court of Massa
chusetts, on the 5th of June, 1711, ordered the Superior Court
to hold an annual session at Kittery.
On the 9th of June, 1713, the town of Berwick was incor
porated. This was the ninth town in the State. The other
towns were Kittery, York, Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scar
borough, Falmouth, and North Yarmouth. The village rapidly
increased ; for the soil was good, and the original settlers highly
respectable. It speaks well for this people, that, as early as
1702, a church was organized there. John Wade was its first
pastor. He was succeeded by Rev. Jeremiah Wise, a man
eminent for his scholarship and his piety. For forty-eight years
the community was blessed with his ministrations.
Kittery was divided into two parishes. The new one was
called Eliot. Rev. John Rogers was settled here in 1715. The
stable character of the people may be inferred from the fact
that he continued to fill the pulpit for fifty-eight years. In the
old parish at Kittery, the people, as early as 1669, built a par
sonage, and supported a faithful pastor for fifteen years. In
the year 1714, there was a church there of forty-three members.
Rev. John Newmarch, a scholarly man, and a graduate from
Harvard University, was the faithful preacher to an affectionate
people for thirty-five years. In York, Rev. Samuel Moody
ministered, with untiring fidelity, for forty-seven years. He
was a man of many eccentricities, but highly esteemed for his
accomplished scholarship and his many virtues.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 239
The eastern provinces of the State presented, at the close of
the war, truly a melancholy aspect. More than a hundred miles
of coast, along which had been scattered the comfortable dwell
ings of the settlers with their cultivated fields, were laid utterly
desolate. Not a dwelling remained. Title-deeds and records
were all lost. In re-settling the region, it was deemed expedi
ent that the people should gather in small villages of twenty or
thirty families, with home lots of but four or five acres. For
the sake of the fisheries, these little settlements were generally
on the seacoast.
Emigrants began slowly to return to the demolished towns of
Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and North Yarmouth. In the
year 1714 there were about twenty families in Falmouth ; and
these famines, notwithstanding their great impoverishment, at
once commenced building a meeting-house. North Yarmouth
was one of the last of the dilapidated towns which was re-settled.
Upon the death of Richard Wharton, the proprietor of the
Pejepscot purchase, the whole immense territory included in
that purchase was sold to a company for one hundred pounds.
The boundary line, it will be remembered, as then understood,
ran from five miles above the Upper Falls,1 in a north-east direc
tion, to the Kennebec River. Four miles west of the falls, it
took a strip of land, four miles wide, to Maquoit Bay ; and
thence down the Kennebec, and through Merrymeeting Bay, to
the mouth of the Sagadahoc. Such, in general, were the boun
daries of this purchase.
The proprietors laid out three townships ; those of Bruns
wick, Topsham, and Harps well. The two first were six miles
square ; one on the north or east side of the river, the other
on the southern side. The third town, Harpswell, included a
peninsula running down into the bay, and two islands. Fort
George was built near the falls at Brunswick. Settlers came very
slowly to these towns. In the year 1718 there was not a single
dwelling in Brunswick excepting the fort at the falls, and a
1 "At Lewiston, twenty miles above Brunswick, the cataract is caUed the
Upper Falls of Pejepscot, where the water tumbles over massy rocks, and rushes
through narrow passes about one hundred feet perpendicular from the surface
above to the bed below." — Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i.p. 45.
19

290 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
block-house at Maquoit Bay. Three families had settled in
Topsham. It was not until about 1720 that any families en
tered Harpswell.1
Gradually families began to return to the utter desolation
which reigned at the mouth of the Sagadahoc. A Boston gen
tleman erected at Arrowsic Island2 a large brick dwelling,
which remained there for more than half a century. In the
year 1715 there were twenty-six residents on the island. In
answer to a petition from the inhabitants, it was incorporated,
together with Parker's Island,3 in the year 1716, by the name
of Georgetown. Fifteen new settlers immediately repaired to
the place ; and the governor of Massachusetts sent a sergeant's
guard of twenty men to protect the inhabitants for six months.
This was then the most remote settlement on our eastern
frontier. The Sagadahoc plantations have been appropriately
called the " Ancient Dominions " of Maine. In the early his
tory of the State, this region had more celebrity than any other,
with perhaps the exception of York and Falmouth. Here a
colony was established as early as 1607, thirteen years before
the commencement of the Plymouth Colony. In 1623, but
three years after the landing of the Pilgrims, there were eighty-
four families residing in this region ; and quite a fleet of fisher
men annually visited those waters.
There were two patents, which embraced all the land in this
vicinity. The one was the Pejepscot, to which we have just
referred. The other was called the Plymouth or Kennebec
patent. The proprietors of each of these territories offered
such families as would remove there, one hundred acres of good
land, and promised to pay the expenses of their removal. As
an additional inducement they offered to contribute liberally
1 WilUamson, vol. U. p. 89. See also CoUections of Massachusetts Historical
Society, p. 141.
2 Arrowsic Island is about five miles long with a mean breadth of about one
mile. It contains, according to Williamson, four thousand acres of land. Coolidge
and Mansfield say twenty thousand acres. There is much marsh land and many-
ledges, which in the estimate of acres, perhaps the one writer discards and the
others reckon. —Williamson, vol. i. p. 53 ; Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 34.
8 " Parker's Island lies north-easterly of Arrowsic, and is separated from it by
Back Biver. It is nine miles long, and on an average a mile and a half in width,
containing about ten thousand acre3." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 53.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 291
towards the support of a minister of the gospel. Soon a strong
stone fort was built at Augusta, then called Cushnoc or Cush-
enoc. It was the strongest fortress in the eastern country, and
was for some time maintained at the public expense. In refer
ence to the encouragement given to emigrants, Penhallow
writes, " Several towns, as of Brunswick, Topsham, Georgetown,
and Cushenoc began to be settled. A great many fine build
ings, with saw-mills, were erected. Husbandry began to thrive,
and great stocks of cattle were raised." l
The sturgeon-fishery was then deemed a very important
branch of industry. In some seasons more than twenty vessels
were engaged in this employment. All sorts of timber were
also sent to Boston, and even to foreign -ports. During the
winter of 1716, the fort of Pemaquid was repaired, and a garri
son was established there. The Indians were alarmed in view
of the strong forts which the English were raising at important
points. Again there were rumors of another war between
France and England. It is said that the French endeavored to
fan the flames of Indian jealousy, by pointing to the encroach
ments of the English, as evidence that the English claimed all
their lands, and intended to take possession of the whole coun
try. The Catholic missionaries, by identifying themselves with
the Indians, and becoming incorporated into their tribes, had
obtained a wonderful ascendancy over them. The Indians had
ceased to regard them as foreigners, and looked upon them as
the wisest and best of their own people.
The English authorities had tried in vain to drive the
French missionaries from Norridgewock. They now decided to
make the endeavor to supplant their influence by establishing
English missions among the tribes.2 By previous appointment
the governor and his council met a large number -of the Indian
chiefs at Arrowsic. It was in August, 1717. The governor
was a haughty man, and was not inclined to be conciliatory in
speech or manner. He presented the sachems with the Bible,8
i Penhallow's Indian Wars was printed in the year 1726.
2 The General Court offered to pay any minister one hundred and fifty pounds
annuaUy who would reside at Fort George (Pemaquid), learn the dialect of the
tribe, and become their instructor. — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 92.
8 In the year 1683, the second edition of the Indian Bible, by Mr. EUot, was
completed. — Drake's Book of the Indians, book n. p. 57.

292 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
in the Indian language, and said to them, " This book contains
the true religion. Mr. Baxter, who has accompanied us, will
remain with you, and teach you its principles."
One of the sagamores promptly replied, " All people have
their own religious teachers. Your Bible we do not care to
keep. God has given us teachers. Should we abandon them,
we should offend God."1
The chiefs then turned to the political questions which were
creating trouble ; and, in the conference which ensued, they
showed themselves to be men of remarkable strength of mind,
and good common-sense. Their principal speaker said, " We
admit that the land west of the Kennebec River, the English
have a claim to regard as theirs ; but certainly no sale has ever
been made to them, of the country east of that river."
The governor, with dogmatism and discourtesy which those
dignified chieftains keenly felt, instead of arguing the point
at all, exclaimed, " You may be assured that we will never part
with one inch of our lands in that quarter."
There was for a moment silence ; and then these chieftains
simultaneously rose, and, without uttering a word, left the
council, repaired to their canoes, and paddled to another island.
1 According to the account given in the "Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses
ecrites des Missions Etrangeres," one of the chiefs gave the following answer to
the proposition that they should dismiss their missionary, and take au EngUsh-
man in his stead : —
"You astonish me by the proposition you make. When you first came here
you saw me a long time before I saw the French ; but neither you nor your min
isters spoke to me of prayer, or of the Great Spirit. They saw my furs, my skins
of beaver and elk. Of these only they thought. These they sought with the
greatest eagerness. Iwas not able to furnish them enough. When I carried them
a large quantity, I was their great friend, but no farther.
" One day, my canoe having missed its route, I lost my way. After wan
dering a long time I landed near Quebec. Scarcely had I arrived when one of
the Black Robes came to see me. I was loaded with furs ; but the French Black
Robe scarcely deigned to look at them. He spoke to me at once of the Great
Spirit, of heaven, of hell, and of prayer which is the only way to reach heaven.
" I heard him with pleasure, and remained a long time in the village to listen
to him. I demanded baptism, and received it. At last I returned to my country,
and related what had happened to me. My friends envied my happiness, and
wished to participate. They departed to find the Black Robe, and demand of him
baptism. It is thus that the French have acted towards me. Thus I teU you that
1 hold to the prayer of the French. I shall be faithful to it untU the world is
burned up."

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 293
They had brought with them to the council an English flag, as
indicative that they were the friends and allies of the EngUsh.
This flag they left behind them, the silent token of their dis
pleasure. The English claimed the land belonging to the Indians, east
ward of the Kennebec River, on the ground that the king of
France had ceded those lands to them by the Treaty of Utrecht.
The sagamores, as usual, appealed to their revered friend and
advocate, Father Rasle, for advice.1 He immediately wrote to
the governor of Massachusetts, that the king of France had
never conceded to the English, lands which belonged to the
Indians. He had merely withdrawn the French flag from those
lands where he had been the protector of the Indians, and had
surrendered to the English the right of purchasing and coloniz
ing their lands. And the king of France, he said, would feel
bound to protect those Indians, should the king of England
assume that France had given England authority to seize upon
their territory.
Armed with this letter, the sagamores, probably on the even
ing of the next day, returned to Arrowsic.2 The conference
was renewed. The governor did not conceal his indignation at
what he pronounced to be " the insolent interference of the
Jesuit." Knowing full well that the Indians had suffered so
severely, that they would submit to almost any indignity, rather
than consent to the renewal of the war, he assumed a menacing
attitude, and threatened again to draw the sword. This brought
the sagamores almost to their knees. They said, through their
principal speaker, —
" It is our desire to live in peace. We wish to open friendly trade at
fair prices. And we are wining to relinquish, for the present, all talk about
boundary lines ; and we give our consent that the English should settle un
molested wherever their fathers had settlements. But we are very much
disturbed in seeing so many forts going up."
1 The name of this man, according to our English authors, was Ralle"; but ac
cording to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Rasle.
2 Mr. Williamson says, on the evening of the same day. But it was impossi
ble for the chiefs, in that time, to have sent to Norridgewock, and have obtained a
return. It is, however, not impossible that Father Rasle may have accompanied
the sagamores to their encampment on a neighboring island; but wo have no
intimation to that effect.

294 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The governor had conquered. New articles of agreement
were entered into, such as he dictated. The humiliated saga
mores returned to their homes, feeling that the English were
their enemies, and that the French were their friends.1
Energetic efforts were made to extend the settlements east
ward of the Kennebec River. Several families reared their log
cabins on the Damariscotta.2 It is said that at that time there
was not a house between Georgetown and Annapolis, with the
exception of a single fisherman's hut on Damariscotta Island.
A strong and capacious fort, much to the annoyance of the
Indians, was built on the easterly bank of St. George's River,
near where Thomaston now stands. At a short distance from
that, a block-house was erected. The large area between was
enclosed by palisades. This fortress, which could bid defiance
to all Indian assailments, afforded ample accommodation for a
garrison of two hundred and fifty men. Another strong fortress
was built on the east side of the Kennebec River, opposite
Swan Island. It was called Fort Richmond.3
The spring of 1721 opened gloomily. The Indians were
much dissatisfied in view of the encroachments of the English.
The strong forts they were building indicated that the English
were determined to hold possession of the country. In these
views the Indians unquestionably had the sympathy of Father
Rasle.4 1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 199 ; Collections of New
Hampshire Historical Society, vol. ii. p. 89.
2 " The Damariscotta River issues from the Damariscotta fresh ponds, which
are in Jefferson and Nobleborough, and which are three or four leagues in length
from north to south. The river is navigable for ships of any burthen, about four
leagues from the sea to the lower faUs, and is, on an average, half a mUe in
width." — Williamson, vol. i. p. 56.
8 "The site of Richmond Fort was not far from the margin of the river, on
ground twelve or fifteen feet above the water; from which the land graduaUy
ascends. There was thereabouts, in 1820, a hamlet of fifteen or twenty houses,
a few stores, and two or three wharves." — Williamson, vol. U. p. 98.
* Father Basle, in one of his official communications found in the " Lettres
Edifiantes et Curieuses," writes, —
"At the time that the war was about to be rekindled between the European
powers, the English governor (Dudley), who had lately arrived at Boston, re
quested a conference with our Indians by the seashore, on an island which he
designated. They consented, and begged me to accompany them thither, that
they might consult me with' regard to any artful propositions which might be
made to them, so that they could be assured their answers would contain nothing

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 295
At the eastern extremity of Nova Scotia there is a narrow
strait called Canseau, which separates the peninsula of Nova
Scotia from the island of Cape Breton. This large island,
embracing an area of four thousand square miles, the English
asserted, was included in the surrender of Nova Scotia. This
claim the French denied, and prepared to make it the depot for
their future fisheries. The English also, in maintenance of
their claim, established a post on the southern extremity of the
island. The Indians of that region attacked the English post,
and plundered it of its fish and merchandise. The Indians of
Maine had nothing to do with this remote transaction.
But the Legislature of Massachusetts assumed that Father
Rasle had instigated the movement, and that he was endeavor
ing to inspire the Indians to enter upon a new war with religious
fanaticism. A vote was passed that a detachment of a hundred
and fifty soldiers should be sent to Norridgewock, with a reward
of five hundred pounds offered, if the body of Rasle were
brought to Boston dead or alive. The council, however, did
not agree, as it was thought that two hundred pounds was a
sufficient reward to offer.
In this gloomy state of affairs there was a general apprehen
sion that another war was about to open its horrors. Many of
the settlers in Maine began to abandon their homes.1 The
governor was angry, and issued a decree forbidding it. But
the fathers of young families had more fear of the tomahawk
of the Indians than of the displeasure of the government of Mass
achusetts. The chiefs frequently visited the forts, and always
with sincere protestations of their desire for peace. At the
same time they made no attempt to disguise their sense of the
wrongs which were inflicted upon them. In addition to the
encroachments constantly made, the English were grossly vio
lating the terms of the treaty which they themselves had
dictated. The Indians had pledged themselves not to purchase any
contrary to their religion or the interests of the king's service. I therefore fol
lowed them, with the intention of merely remaining in their quarters to aid their
councils without appearing before the governor."
» Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. U. p. 236.

296 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
goods excepting at established trading-houses. But no trading-
houses had been established ; consequently they could have no
trade. The Indians had been dependent upon the French for
the repairing of their arms and tools. The English, depriving
them of this, had promised to send smiths and armorers among
them ; but none had been sent. Private adventurers, prowling
around, had grossly defrauded them ; and there was no redress.
There were, at this time, two French Catholic missions in
Maine, the one at Norridgewock and another on the Penobscot.
It would seem that these missionaries had succeeded in winning,
to a very extraordinary degree, the love of the Indians. They
very naturally associated the Catholic religion with French pro
tection, and the Protestant religion with British encroachments.
There had been some individual acts of outrage on the part of
vagabond young Indians, which the sachems deplored, but
which they could not prevent.
There was a large meeting of the sachems at Norridgewock,
in the year 1721, to choose a new chief in the place of one who
had died. These veterans in the miseries of war were so
anxious to prevent a renewal of hostilities, that they sent an
envoy to Boston with a present of two hundred beaver-skins as
a pledge of their desire for peace. The messenger was also
instructed to offer them, four hostages for the future good
behavior of their young men, and to promise that ample
reparation should be made for all the damage they had caused.
When the governor of Canada was informed of this, it is said
that he felt that the sachems had humiliated themselves, and
that he wrote as follows to Father Rasle : —
" The faint hearts of your Indians, in giving hostages for damages done
those who would drive them from their native country, have convinced me
that the present is a crisis in which a moment is not to be lost. Therefore
I have applied to the viUages of St. Francois and Beaucourt, and prevaUed
upon them to support with vigor their brethren at Norridgewock, and to
send a deputation to the place appointed, for negotiating the proposed treaty,
who dare let the English know they will have to deal with other tribes than
the one at Norridgewock if they continue their encroachments ' ' x
T I give this important letter upon the authority of Mr. Williamson, though he
does not state the source from which he derives it. He is generally very accu
rate, though perhaps not ready to make full acknowledgment of that British
intolerance which goaded the savages into war.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 297
According to Mr. .Williamson, the governor of Canada invited
the Indian sagamores and sachems, from the Kennebec and the
Penobscot, to meet on Padeshal's Island, near Arrowsic, for a
general council. On the 1st of August, 1721, ninety birch
canoes bore to that island two hundred Indians. Father Rasle
accompanied the Kennebec Indians, and young Castine accom
panied those from the Penobscot. We are not informed as to
the results of this council. According to Mr. Williamson, a
letter was sent to Capt. Penhallow, who commanded the gar
rison at Arrowsic, stating that, if the English settlers did not
remove from that region within three weeks, the Indians would
come and kill them all, and burn their houses, and kill their
cattle. It is hardly possible that such a menacing letter could
have been sent by the sachems there convened. It is univer
sally admitted that ' the sagamores were very anxious to avoid
the renewal of hostilities. The Kennebec Indians convened at
Norridgewock, where the influence of Father Rasle was para
mount, had just sent to Boston proposals for peace, couched in
the most humble and imploring terms. It is universally known
that young Castine, by far the most potent chief among the
Penobscots, was the constant advocate of peace ; and, more
over, the three weeks passed away, and there was no hostile
movement whatever among the Indians. Not an Englishman
was killed, not a house was burned, not an act of plunder took
place. The general feeling of the British towards Father Rasle was
that of the most intense hostility. Mr. Williamson undoubtedly
expresses the popular feeling, when he writes of this Catholic
missionary, —
" So often had his malignity, pride, and officious interference awakened
among the Indians new complaints, that the people of the province, for good
reasons, ranked him among the most infamous viUains, and would have
given more for his head than for a hundred scalps of the natives." x
i In reference to these events, Charlevoix, the French historian, writes, " Apres
plusieurs tentatives d'abord pour engager ces sauvages, par les off res et les
promesses les plus se'duisantes, h, le Uvrer aux Anglais, ou du moins & la renvoyer
a Quebec, et a prendre en sa place un de leurs ministres ; ensuite pour le sur-
prendre et pour l'enlever, les Anglais resolut de s'en defaire, quoiqu'il leur en dut
couter, mirent sa tete a pris, et proinirent mille livres sterling a celui qui la leur
porterait." — Charlevoix, t. u. p. 380.

298 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
We think the statement of Messrs. Coolidge and Mansfield,
in their admirable " Description of New England," far more in
accordance with the facts. They write, —
" In aU the ulterior designs of the EngUsh upon the Indians, whether in
wresting their territory from them, or in cheating them in trade, they were
held in check by their dread of this tribe (the Norridgewocks). Under
these circumstances only one remedy remained, which was the destruction
of the viUage, and the murder of Kasle and his Indians."
The following additional passage, from their candid and accu
rate history, explains truthfully the reason why the French
had so much more influence over the Indians than the English
had: —
" It may seem strange to some, that the Indians were always found on
amicable terms with the French, while they were ever making inroads upon
the settlements of the EngUsh. But the means used by the two nations
were entirely opposite. While the French, with their social fascination and
flexibihty of character, used every method of conciliation towards them,
giving them warUke implements, accompanying them on their hunting ex
cursions, and becoming intimately identified with them by marriage, the
English looked upon them with detestation and horror, taking every oppor
tunity for their extermination, and using every means to annoy and exasper
ate them." J
The threatening aspect of affairs greatly alarmed the Indians.
They had no opportunity of purchasing those arms and that
ammunition which had now become indispensable to them in
hunting, unless, in violation of the treaty, they repaired to their
French friends in Canada. On the other hand, they saw strong
garrisons rising on territory which they deemed their own, and
crowded with soldiers who could set all their efforts to reclaim
the la'nds at defiance.
The Indian hostages, who had voluntarily surrendered them
selves, were rather loosely guarded on an island in Boston Har
bor. They made their escape. This was considered by the
English a very hostile act. Expresses were sent immediately
to all the fortresses on the eastern frontiers of Maine, ordering
all to be ready for war, and to arrest any Indian huntsmen they
1 History and Description of New England, by Messrs. CooUdge and Mansfield,
vol. i. p. 233

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 299
could find, and hold them in custody until the hostages were
surrendered. A special meeting of the General Court was con
vened at Boston, on the 23d of August, 1721 ; and it was
decided to pursue and punish the Indians for the crime of
Rebellion against the English government.
Three hundred soldiers were enlisted to .prosecute the war.
A proclamation was issued, demanding of the Indians that they
should deliver up to the English Father Rasle and every other
French missionary. They were also required to make ample
reparation for all past injuries. If these terms were not promptly
compUed with, the soldiers were commanded to seize the Indi
ans wherever found, and send them captives to Boston.
It is not to be supposed that these stern measures were
adopted without opposition. Many good men remonstrated
against them. They declared that the stipulations made in the
treaty of Arrowsic had never been fulfilled, that the Indians
had been atrociously wronged without having any opportunity
to obtain redress, and that they had been guilty of nothing
which warranted a resort to such measures of violence. These
loud remonstrances, together with the recapture of the hostages,
caused a slight relaxation of the war movement, but no relaxa
tion in the uncompromising spirit of those in power.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE VICISSITUDES OF WAR.
The War Renewed — Resolve of the British — Westbrook's Attempt on an
Indian Village — An Indian Fort — Expedition to Oldtown — Attempt upon
Norridgewock — Beauty of the Village — Savage Depredations — Father
Rasle and his Chapel — His Letters — Murder of Bomaseen — Slaughter at
Norridgewock — Death of Rasle — Tribute to His Memory — Capt. Love-
well's Achievement — Drake's Narrative.
THE English had seized many peaceable Indians, who were
guilty of no crime and charged with no act of hostility,
and were holding them as hostages for the good behavior of
the tribes. On the 13th of June two parties of Indians, the
one from the Androscoggin and the other from the Kennebec,
met at Merrymeeting Bay. There were twenty canoes in all,
containing sixty men. By way of reprisal they seized nine
families. All were treated humanely. They soon liberated
the women and children, and all the men excepting four. These
they held as indemnities for the safety of the four Indian hos
tages in the hands of the English.
It was now again war, mad, deadly, ruinous war. Each party
struck blows as fast and heavy as possible. The Indians en
deavored to surprise Fort George, near Thomaston. They
burned a sloop, and killed several prisoners, but they were com
pelled to retire before obtaining a surrender. The attack was
soon renewed, but with equal want of success. The British
lost five men, and the Indians, according to the English account,
lost twenty. This fortress was built by the individual proprie
tors of what was called the Waldo Patent. The government
adopted it as a public garrison, sent to it a re-enforcement of
forty-five men, with a sufficient supply of ammunition. Col.
300

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 301
Thomas Westbrook was placed in command. Two or three
Englishmen were captured from a boat which landed from a
vessel in Passamaquoddy Bay. One Englishman was killed at
Casco, and several Indians were pursued and shot down.
Capt. John Harman ascended the Kennebec in pursuit of
Indians. His boats conveyed thirty-five well-armed men. He
saw the gleam of camp-fires in the woods. Silently he landed
his troops, and, in the darkness, crept through the forest. They
reached the encampment. The Indians were asleep without
any guard. Deliberate aim was taken. There was one deadly
volley. There remained only the corpses of fifteen Indians.
We know not that one escaped. The victors gathered up the
guns, the ammunition, and the blankets of the Indians, and
returned triumphantly to their boats.
In July, 1722, the governor and council proclaimed that the
Indians were " traitors and robbers," and declared war against
them as the king's enemies.1
The Indians were feeble. They could no longer inflict any
extensive injury. They could not wander far. All that they
could accomplish was occasionally to shoot an Englishman, cap
ture a boat, and burn a cabin, tomahawking or capturing the
inmates. The British prepared to prosecute the war with great
vigor, being apparently resolved to exterminate the race.
Several armed vessels were employed, with a fleet of whale-
boats, sufficierit to cruise along all the coasts, and penetrate all
the rivers where Indian villages could be found. An army of
a thousand well-armed men was employed upon the various
expeditions now undertaken. A hundred soldiers were stationed
at York, thirty at Falmouth, twenty at North Yarmouth, ten at
Maquoit, twenty-five at Arrowsic, and twenty-five at Fort
Richmond. A detachment of three hundred men was sent to the Penob-
1 " Both in and out of the legislature there were men who doubted whether a
war upon the natives would be justifiable. ' We have been,' they said, ' dereUct
both as to moral and stipulated duties. We have not performed our engagements
towards the Indians in the estabhshment of trading-houses, and the prevention
of frauds and extortions, according to treaty promises. The measures of strong
drink dealt to them are a scandal to our reUgion, and reproach to our country ' "
— Williamson, vol. U. p. 117.

802 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
scot, with orders utterly to destroy every thing there belonging
to the Indians. Four hundred sailors and soldiers were de
spatched to ravage the coast between the Kennebec River and
the Penobscot, and sweep away every vestige of Indian habita
tion. We blush to add that a bounty was offered of fifteen
pounds for the scalp of every Indian boy of twelve years of
age. Soon after, the government encouraged the adoption of a
sort of land-privateering in pursuit of scalps. To all volunteers
who, without pay or rations, would embark, at their own ex
pense, in the search for scalps, a bounty of a hundred pounds
was offered for each one taken.1
A sloop of war was sent to Nova Scotia against the Canseau
Indians ; thus the Canadian, the Nova Scotian, and the Maine
Indians were all involved. A large party of Indians made an
attack upon the flourishing settlement at Arrowsic, which, it
will be remembered, was then called Georgetown. It was early
in the morning of the 10th of September, 1722. The inhabit
ants all took refuge in the garrison, after having killed one of
¦the Indians and wounded three others.
The Indians attacked the fort ; but, finding that they could
make no impression upon it, they killed fifty head of cattle, and
laid twenty-six houses in ashes. One Englishman only was
shot, through a porthole. The Indians ascended the Kennebec
as far as Fort Richmond; but, finding these works also too
-strong for them to carry, they retired up the rivar.
On the 11th of February, 1722, Col. Thomas Westbrook
embarked from the mouth of the Kennebec River, with a
detachment of two hundred and thirty men, to ravage the coast
as far as the Penobscot. He had several small vessels well
armed, and a good supply of whale-boats. They apparently
found nothing to employ them until they reached Mt. Desert,
where they made a short stop. They then ascended the river,
and cast anchor, as is supposed in Marsh Bay.2
There they left their vessel and boats, and commenced a march
• WilUamson, vol. U. p. 118.
2 Marsh Bay is an expansion of the Penobscot River a few mUes above Bucks-
port. Here the majestic stream is more than a mUe wide. The pleasant vUlage
-of Frankfort is situated on the western banks of this bay, at the head of winter
navigation. See WilUamson, vol. L p. 69; CooUdge and Mansfield, p. 127.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 303
through the forest, still ascending the river in search of an
important village and fort of the Indians which were known to
have been in that region. At length they reached a spot which
is supposed to have been the lower Stillwater in Orono, about
six miles above Kenduskeag River.1 Here Col. Westbrook left
a guard of a hundred men to protect the provisions and tents,
while he selected fifty veterans in Indian warfare to go in search
of the fort. It was soon found, without the scouts being dis
covered by the Indians.
Forty men were left on guard on the west side of the river.
The whole of the remaining force was then ferried across in
canoes hastily prepared. Rapidly traversing the trails on the
eastern bank, they reached a point opposite the fort and village,
about six o'clock in the evening of the same day. It was about
the 10th or 11th of March. Tt was dark. The fort was on an
island. The winter had been remarkably open, and the stream
was not frozen over ; still immense blocks of ice were swept
along by the black current.
But not a camp-fire was burning ; not a torch glimmered
through the darkness ; not a sound was heard to disturb the
wintry silence of the drear scene. The morning light revealed
only desolate and abandoned habitations. The wary Indians,
apprehending such a visit, had in the previous autumn retired,
taking with them every thing of the least value. The English,
after their long voyage and painful march, found nothing, not
even a poor scalp to reward them.
The Indians had probably received instruction from French
engineers in building the fort. It was quite scientifically
arranged, being seventy yards in length and fifty in breadth.
The stockades were of heavy timber firmly planted, and fourteen
feet in height. Within the stockades there were twenty-three
comfortable, well-built houses, regularly arranged. On the
south side of this little fortified village, there was the largest
and finest structure in the place. It was the chapel which the
1 " Bangor is on one of the noblest rivers in the Northern States, the product of
an almost countless number of tributary streams. The city is seated upon both
sides of the Kenduskeag River, and is the mart of one of the most extensive and
one of the richest aUuvial basins east of the Ohio Valley." — Coolidge and Mansfield,
p. 47.

304 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
missionaries had reared, and it was handsomely finished both
within and without. This edifice, consecrated to Christian
worship, was sixty feet in length and thirty in breadth. Just
south of the chapel was the parsonage, a large and commodious
dwelling-house. The English applied the torch to fort, dwellings, chapel, and
parsonage. Having seen all reduced to ashes, they returned to
their tents, marched down to their transports, and on the 20th
of the month cast anchor at Fort George.1
Another winter campaign was attempted, which proved even
more futile. An expedition was sent to destroy the village at
Norridgewock, and to kill Father Rasle. On the 6th of Feb
ruary the troops reached the falls at Brunswick. The storms
of winter were beating upon them, and its drifting snows
encumbered their path. It surely was not wisdom which dic
tated such an enterprise at that season of the year. Painfully
they toiled up the banks of the Androscoggin until they reached
a remarkable bend of the river, in the region of the present
town of Jay. By crossing the country from this place in a
northerly direction, a few miles would take them to the Sandy
River, where the beautiful town of Farmington now adorns the
landscape. By following down the valley of the Sandy River,
they could reach Norridgewock by a totally unexpected route.
Thus they hoped to strike the Indians entirely by surprise.
But just then occurred that remarkable phenomenon known
in Maine as the January thaw. A warm rain, followed by the
raj's of almost a summer's sun, melted the deep snows. Every
little rill was swollen to a torrent. All the fields were covered
more than knee deep with that melting snow appropriately
called slosh. The icy moisture penetrated leather as though it
were brown paper. The discomfort was so extreme that further
journeying became impracticable. The soldiers, dividing into
small parties, returned, not having caught sight of a single
Indian.

1 Mr. Williamson, in reply to the question, "Where was the site of this im
portant fortress and village ? " after discussing various suppositions, says, "The
alternative, then, is, that the site must have been Oldtown, or the ancient Lett
mentioned by Levingston." — Williamson, vol. it p. 121, note.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 305
During the year 1723, the Indians could boast but little more
success in this petty and miserable warfare than had attended
the English. Prowling about in small bands, they succeeded
in killing or capturing between twenty and thirty of the inhabit
ants of Maine. One man fell dead, struck by eleven bullets.
Mr. Sullivan speaks of another who died of fifteen shot-wounds.
Roger Deering and his wife, in Scarborough, Were shot. Their
three little children, who were out picking berries, were seized
and carried into captivity.
The government of Massachusetts made strenuous efforts to
induce the Mohawks to enlist in the war against the Indians of
Maine. This ferocious tribe, in the month of August, 1723,
sent sixty-three of their most renowned warriors to confer with
the government at Boston. They were received with the
greatest hospitality, loaded with presents, and feasted with a
fat ox in their own style, with songs and dances. Yet for some
unexplained reason they persistently refused to take up arms
against their brethren in Maine, unless they themselves were
molested. They, however, consented that any of their young
men who wished to do so, might enlist in the service of the
English. Only two of the Mohawks enlisted. They were lawless men.
Soon getting sick of the bargain, where no plunder "was to be
obtained, and still less renown, they abandoned the service, and
returned to Boston. The Indians in the eastern part of the
State, while eluding all pursuit, were very vigilant. Exposed
dwellings were sure to be burned, and unguarded boats or
unwary individuals were certain to be captured or shot. There
was no safety but within the garrison-houses. A boat's crew
was landing at Mount Desert. A band of Indians who had
been watching them sprang from ambush, and captured
all. It is remarkable that, exasperated as were the Indians at this
period of the war, they generally treated their prisoners very
humanely. As we have before mentioned, the children, even
of good families, often became so much attached to their captors
that they were quite unwilling to return to civilized life. At
Vaughan's Island a man was shot, and another near by. On
20

306 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Kennebunk River two families were attacked. Some were
killed, and others carried into captivity.1
On the 25th of December, a very determined band of about
sixty warriors made a desperate attack upon the fort at St.
George's River.2 For thirty days they continued the siege, with
a degree of persistence which they had never before manifested.
The defence was heroic. At length re-enforcements arrived,
and the Indians retired, taking with them one captive.3
For the protection of the frontiers during the winter months,
three ranging parties were organized of fifty men each, who
were to be continually on the move in search of Indian bands.
There were, at that time, fifteen forts or garrison-houses, all of
which were strengthened, re-enforced, and fully supplied.4 But
the Indians, as the snows fell heavily in the forests, and the icy
winds swept the plains, undertook no campaign, but gathered
around the fires in their far-distant wigwams.
The desire to capture Father Rasle continued unabated. A
thousand livres were offered for his head.5 In mid-winter Capt.
Moulton was sent with an armed force up the Kennebec River
to Norridgewock, to kill or to capture him. But the vigilant
eye of the Indians had detected the movement. They all fled,
taking their missionary with them. Capt. Moulton was a
humane man. The little Indian village at Norridgewock seemed
to be emerging from barbarism to civilization. He therefore,
hoping that his example of forbearance might exert a salutary
influence upon the minds of the Indians, ordered his soldiers to
inflict no wanton injury. The men returned from their fruitless
expedition, leaving all things as they had found them.
1 SuUivan's History of Maine, p. 230.
2 St. George's River rises in MontvUle. After running south twenty-five mUes,
affording a variety of miU privileges, it meets the tide in Warren, twenty mUes
from its mouth. The old fort was on the east side of the river, about sixteen
miles above its mouth. The residence of Gen. Knox was subsequently buUt near
its ruins. — Williamson, vol. i. p. 50.
8 Hutchinson's History, vol. ii. p. 276.
* These were at St. George, Arrowsic, Richmond, North Yarmouth, Saco,
Anindel, Kennebunk, WeUs, York, Kittery, and Berwick. — Records, Resolves, and
Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. ii. p. 198.
6 Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. vUi. p. 266. A Uvre was
a French coin valued at about eighteen and three-quarters cents. It is now super
seded by the franc.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 307
The Kennebec was famous for its rich fishery. Sturgeon and
salmon were in abundance. Water-fowl crowded its shores.
Its fertile meadows, free from forest, afforded the Indians invit
ing fields for their corn. To prevent them from fishing, fowl
ing, or planting, and thus to distress them with famine, thirty
men were sent early in the spring to range the river in boats.
Early in March of 1724, the Indians recommenced their
depredations. More than thirtj' people in Maine were either
killed, wounded, or carried into captivity, in the course of three
months. Like wolves they came rushing from the forest, and
no one could anticipate their point of attack. One man was
shot upon his door-sill. Mr. Mitchell, with his two little boys,
was at work in his field, when unseen; savages, skulking behind
stumps and trees, shot him down, and carried away his boys as
captives. At Kennebunk the savages captured a sloop, after
killing all of the crew. Near by, three men, at work in a saw
mill, were killed. At Berwick Mr. Thompson was shot, one of
his children tomahawked, and the other left for dead, bleeding,
gasping, and scalped. Such was the character of this wretched
warfare. There was another tragic adventure which merits more special
notice. A boat's company of sixteen well-armed men left the
fort on St. George's River on a fishing excursion. It was the
30th of April, 1724. They embarked in two strong whale-
boats, led by Capt. Josiah Winslow, who was commandant of
the garrison. The boats passed down the river, and sailed along
the coast to the east, until they reached the Green Islands in
Penobscot Bay. It seems that the Indians caught sight of
them, and nearly a hundred warriors gathered in ambush on
the banks of the St. George, to cut them off on their return.
They hid in the thick underbrush at a narrow point of the
stream, on both banks. They had thirty canoes carefully con
cealed. The Indians waited until one boat had passed by, and
then poured a deadly volley of bullets into the other. Nearly
every man was killed or wounded. The savages then leaped
into their canoes, and, outnumbering their foes more than ten
to one, ventured upon an open attack, completely surrounding
the boats.

308 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The English, seeing their destruction to be inevitable, re
solved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They fought
desperately until all were shot down. How many warriors the
savages lost in the bloody fray, was never known. It appears
that there were three friendly Indians in the boats, and these the
savages allowed to escape. The death of Capt. Winslow was
deeply felt. He was a young man of great worth, a recent
graduate from Harvard College, and a member of one of the
most illustrious families of Massachusetts.
The savages succeeded, during the summer, in capturing
twenty-two fishing vessels. They made a fleet of fifty canoes.
These light birch-bark structures they could carry through the
forest paths almost as easily as they could carry a musket.
Each canoe was generally sufficient for three warriors. Launch
ing them at any designated point, they would push out with
great rapidity, and entirely surround a small vessel, whose crew
ordinarily consisted of but from five to eight men. The capture
was then easy. Any one who exposed himself upon the deck
was sure to be shot down.
In these encounters twenty-two men were killed, and twenty-
three carried into captivity.1 The triumphant Indians, having
destroyed sixteen of the garrison of the fort in the whale-boats,
now paddled up the river, hoping to capture the fort itself, and
seize all its valuable contents.2
This fortification bade defiance to all their efforts. It was
built of hewn timber, twenty inches square. It was quadran
gular in form, each side being a hundred feet in length and
sixteen feet high. Within the enclosure there was a good sup
ply of comfortable barracks and a good well of water. From
the southern wall there was a covered way, constructed of logs,
leading to a large, strong block-house upon the bank of the
1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. n. p. 278; PenhaUow's Indian
Wars. 2 "The EngUsh asserted that the Indians had sold the land to Gov. Phips, the
deed having been signed hy one of their chiefs, Madockawando. In reply to this,
the Indians maintained that the Madockawando and Sheepscot John, who signed
the deed, were not Penobscot Indians, one belonging to Machias and the other in
the vicinity of Boston ; consequently these chiefs had disposed of what did not
rightfully belong to them, and the deed was therefore null and void." — History
of New England, by Coolidge and Mansfield, vol. i. p. 324.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 309
river, where several pieces of cannon commanded the stream.
The Indians, finding that they could make but little impression
upon these strong works, retired, and soon made their appear
ance again at Arrowsic. They succeeded in capturing three of
the inhabitants, and in killing many cattle.
About the middle of July a band of twenty-seven made an
•attack upon a house near the garrison at Spurwink. They shot
Mr. Solomon Jordan as he was incautiously leaving the gate of
the garrison. They were driven off, and a heroic band from
the fort pursued them. The Indians, taken by surprise in
their encampment, fled, leaving behind them twenty-five packs,
twelve blankets, a gun, and several other articles. The Indians
generally carried away their dead. One only was found killed.
Him the English scalped, and for the revolting trophy received
a bounty of a hundred pounds in Boston.1
There was no village of the Indians which presented more
attractions- than Old Point, where the pleasant little hamlet of
Norridgewock stood. The Kennebec here makes a large bend,
forming a beautiful and rich intervale of about a hundred acres.
The village was regularly built on the land as it gently rose
above the intervale. The huts were erected on one street or
path, about eight feet wide. The church, surmounted by the
cross, was by far the most imposing building in the place. It
stood a little back from tbe street, at the lower end of the
village, and was neatly constructed of hewn timber. A spring
of deUcious water gushed from the bank, affording to all an
ample supply.2
i History of Portland, by WiUiam WUlis, p. 349.
2 Francis, in his Life of Father Rasle, writes, " Whoever has visited the pleas
ant town of Norridgewock as it now is must have heard of Indian Old Point, as
the people call the place where Basle's village stood; and perhaps curiosity may
have carried him thither. If so, he has found a lovely sequestered spot, in the
depths of nature's stillness, on a point around whieh the waters of the Kennebec,
not far from their confluence with those of the Sandy Biver, sweep on iu their
beautiful course, as if to the music of the rapids above ; a spot over which the sad
memory of the past, without its passions, will throw a charm, and on which he
will believe the ceaseless worship of nature might blend itself with the aspirations
of Christian devotion.
•' And he will turn from the place with the feeling that the hatefulness of the
mad spUit of war is aggravated by such a connection with nature's sweet retire
ment "

310 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The rich intervale, entirely free from forest or brush, afforded
an admirable cornfield ; and, under the careful culture of the
women, an ample harvest of the golden grain was generally
gathered. About two miles above the village there were some
falls where salmon, shad, and alewives were taken in great
abundance. The poet Whittier, in his poem of " Mog Megone,"
gives a very graphic description of the chai «ning scenery of this*
spot. Alluding to the log-built chapel, he writes, —
" Yet the traveller knows it a house of prayer,
For the sign of the holy cross is there ;
And should he chance at that place to be,
Of a sabbath morn, or some hallowed day,
When prayers are made and masses are said,
Some for the living and some for the dead, —
WeU might that traveller start to see
The taU dark forms that take their way,
From the birch canoe on the river shore,
And the forest paths, to that chapel door;
Marvel to mark the naked knees,
And the dusky foreheads bending there,
WhUe in coarse white vesture, over these,
In blessing or in prayer,
Stretching abroad his thin pale hands,
Like a shrouded ghost the Jesuit stands."
The church was well adapted to make a deep impression upon
the minds of the Indians. It was quite richly decorated with
paintings of the crucifixion, and of other momentous events in
biblical history. Silver plate was provided for sacramental ser
vices. Father Rasle, with apostolic self-denial and zeal, had
been laboring amidst the solitudes of that remote wilderness
for thirty-five years. He had made many converts, and had
won, to an extraordinary degree, the love of the whole tribe.
The converts were put on probation for a time; and after
suitable instruction, when Father Rasle became convinced of
their sincerity, they were baptized, and admitted to full com
munion. About forty young Indians were trained to form a
choir, and in other ways to assist the pastor in his religious
exercises. They were clad in surplices and other clerical robes,
intended to impress the people with a sense of the solemnity of
their service.
Morning and evening the Indians were assembled in the

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 311
chapel for prayer and singing. Living generally a listless life,
with but little to do and but little to occupy their minds, the
households gathered eagerly in the chapel to enjoy these observ
ances. In one of his letters he testifies to the- sweetness with
which the young Indians sang, and to the unvarying propriety
and devoutness with which they performed their religious
duties. •
We have before mentioned that Father Rasle was by birth a
gentleman of illustrious family, and that he had received an
accomplished education ; yet we can never detect in his letters
a murmur in view of the hardships of his lot. To his nephew
in France he writes, —
"Here I am, in a cabin in the woods, in which I find both crosses and
reHgious observances among the Indians. At the dawn of the morning I
say mass in the chapel, made of the branches of the fir-tree. The residue
of the day I spend in visiting and consoUng the savages. It is a severe
affliction to see so many famished persons, without being able to relieve
their hunger."
Many years ago thirty-four volumes of " Lettres Edifiantes
et Curieuses," written from distant missionary stations, were
pubUshed in France. The following extract from one of Father
Rasle's letters will be read with interest. It was dated at
Narantsouk, which is the Indian name for Norridgewock, Oct.
15, 1722, only about two years before his death : —
" None of my converts fail to repair twice each day to the church, —
in the morning to hear mass, and in the evening to assist at the prayers
which I offer at sunset. As it is necessary to fix the imagination of these
Indians, which is too easily distracted, I have composed some appropriate
prayers for them to make, to enable them to enter into the spirit of the
august sacrifice of our altars. Besides the sermons which I deliver before
them on Sundays and festival days, I scarcely pass a week-day without
making a short exhortation to inspire them with a horror of those vices
to which they are most addicted, or to strengthen them in the practice of
some virtue.
" After mass I teach the catechism to the children and young persons,
while a large number of aged people who are present assist, and answer
with perfect docility the questions which I put to them. The rest of the
morning, even to mid-day, is set apart for seeing those who wish to speak
with me. They come to me in crowds to make me a participator in theii

312 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
pains and inquietudes, or to communicate to me causes of complaint against
their countrymen, or to consult me on their marriages and other affairs of
importance. " It is therefore necessary for me to instruct some, to console others, to
re-estabUsh peace in families at variance, to calm troubled consciences, to
correct others by reprimands mingled with softness and charity; in fine, as
far as possible to render them aU contented.
" After mid-day I visit the sick, and go around among the cabins of those
who require more particular instructions. If they hold a coimcU, which is
often the case with these Indians, they depute one of their piincipal men to
ask me to assist in their deUberations. I accordingly repair to the place
where their council is held. If I think they are pursuing a wise course, I
approve of it. If, on the contrary, I have any thing to say in opposition to
their decision, I declare my sentiments, supporting them by weighty reasons.
My advice always fixes their resolutions.
" In the midst of such occupations, you cannot imagine with what rapidity
the days pass by. When the Indians repair to the seashore, where they
pass some months in hunting ducks and other birds which are found there
in large numbers, they build on an island a church, which they cover
with bark, and near it they erect a Uttle cabin for my residence. I take
care to transport thither a part of our ornaments, and the service is per
formed with the same decency and the same crowds of people as at the
village. "You see, then, my dear nephew, what are my occupations. For that
which relates to me personally, I will say to you that I neither see, nor hear,
nor speak to any but the Indians. My food is very simple and light. I
have never been able to conform my taste to the meat or smoked fish of the
savages. My nourishment is composed only of corn which they pound, and
of which I make, each day, a kind of hominy, which I boil in water. The
only luxury in which I indulge is a little sugar, which I mix with it to
correct its insipidity. This is now wanting in the forest. In the spring
the maple-trees contain a Uquor very similar to that which is found in the
sugar-canes of the southern islands. The women employ themselves in col
lecting this in vessels of bark as it is distilled from the trees. They then
boil it, and draw off from it a very good sugar."
On the 19th of August, 1724, a party of two hundred and
eight men, accompanied by three Mohawk Indians, left Rich
mond Fort, opposite Swan Island, for an attack upon Norridge
wock. The troops ascended the river in seventeen whale-boats.
The next day they reached Teconnet, now Winslow, where
they landed. Forty men were left to guard the boats ; the
remainder of the party commenced a rapid march, on the morn
ing of the 21st, through the woods, to strike the foe by surprise.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 313
The party was led by Capts. Harmon l and Moulton. Towards
the evening of that day they overtook the noted chief Boma
seen, with his wife and daughter. The chief and his child
were both shot ; the wife was taken captive.2
It was a little after noon of the 22d when the soldiers came
in sight of the village. The party was divided into three
bands of nearly equal numbers, so as. to encircle the village, and
cut off all escape. Two of these were placed in ambush, while
the remainder were marshalled for an impetuous charge. There
is considerable diversity in the details of the narratives which
are given of the massacre which ensued. After examining
several different accounts, the writer thinks the following as
impartial as any which can now be given : —
The thickets which surrounded the village were so dense that
the assailants were not discovered until they poured in a volley
of bullets upon the wigwams and their inmates. Immediately,
with loud shouts, the English rushed upon their victims. The
consternation was terrible. The only thing thought of was
escape by flight. There were but about fifty men in the village.
It is evident that nothing like a defence was attempted, since
the Indians were skilled marksmen, and yet not an Englishman
was shot.
The savages endeavored only to save their aged men, their
wives, and their children. In a tumultuous mass, the women
and children shrieking, they rushed towards the river. The
encircling foe cut off escape in every other direction. Though
the water was low, in the channel it was six feet deep, which
precluded the possibility of wading across. The husbands and
fathers endeavored, by swimming, to aid the helpless. A dread
ful slaughter took place. Those placed in ambush rose, and all
rushed forward, hurling a storm of bullets upon the crowded
assemblage of men, women, and children struggling in the
water. The deed was soon accomplished. Many were drowned, and
1 SuUivan, p. 175, probably by mistake, calls the senior officer Hammond.
2 They fell in with Bomaseen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was
escaping through the river. His wife and daughter were in a barbarous manner
fired upon ; the daughter killed and the mother taken. — Drake's Book of the In
dians, book iii. p. Ill

314 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
many pierced by bullets were swept down by the stream to
their watery graves. It was estimated that about eighty were
slain. This seems a small number when we reflect that nearly
two hundred practised soldiers were discharging their guns as
rapidly as possible upon them, taking deliberate aim. The
awful deed of slaughter was soon accomplished. The pursuers
returned to the village, where they found Father Rasle in the
parsonage. As he came forward to meet them, a shower of
bullets pierced his body, and he fell dead.1
The slain, such as could be found, including Father Rasle,
were scalped, and the soldiers retired. Gradually the Indians
who had escaped returned to their utterly desolated homes.
Even the stoicism of the savage was overcome, as he gazed upon
the smouldering ruins, and the gory bodies of his relatives and
friends, men, women, and children, which were strewed around.
Their first care was to search for the remains of their beloved
missionary. These they washed, and with prayers and loud
lamentations buried below the altar, where he had so often
ministered to them in sacred things. Over the remains they
reared a rude cross. Their chief Bomaseen, and the others of
the dead, they also buried with such solemnities as they had
been taught to exercise.2
The tribe was destroyed. The few woe-stricken survivors,
having completed their mournful task, turned sadly from the
homes endeared to them by all the associations of childhood,
and which their ancestors had occupied through countless gen
erations, and sought refuge with the Penobscots. The name
of the Norridgewocks was blotted forever from the register of
Indian tribes.
The reader will be interested in reading the account which
the French historian, Pere de Charlevoix, gives of this tragic

1 " Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair,
according to their own account; such as kilUng women and children, and scalping
and mangling the body of Father Rasle." — Drake's Book of the Indians, book in.
p. 119. 2 For further particulars see Belknap's History of New Hampshire, vol. ii.
p. 50; Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 279; Penhallow's Indian
Wars. It wiU be perceived that there are considerable discrepancies in tha
details.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 315
event in his " Histoire et Discoverie Gene"rale de la Nouvelle
France." We give a literal translation from the French : —
" There were then but fifty warriors in the vUlage. They seized their
arms, and ran tumultuously, hot to defend the place against an enemy who
had already entered it, but to aid the aged men, the women, and the chUdren
in their flight, and to give them time to gain the other side of the river.
Father Rasle, apprised, by the clamor and the tumult, of the danger in
which his converts were involved, presented himself unintimidated to his
assailants, with the hope of drawing upon himself alone their attention, and
thus to secure the safety of his flock at the perU of his own life.
" His hope was not in vain. Scarcely had he appeared when the EngUsh
gave a great shout, which was followed by a shower of buUets, of which he
feU dead near a cross which he had planted in the middle of the village.
Seven Indians who had accompanied him, and who had wished to make for
him a rampart of their own bodies, were kUled at his side.
" Thus died this loving pastor, giving his life for his flock, af ter a labori
ous mission of thirty-seven years. Thrown into consternation by his death,
the Indians fled. The English, finding that they had none left to resist
them, feU first to piUaging and then to burning the wigwams. They spared
the church so long as they thought proper to profane the image of the adora
ble Saviour and the sacred vessels, and then they set it on fire. At length
they withdrew in so great precipitation that it was rather a flight. They
seemed to be struck with a perfect panic.
" The Indians immediately returned to their village. It was their first
care to weep over the body of their holy missionary, while the women were
looking for plants and herbs to heal their wounded. They found him shot
in a thousand places, scalped, his skull broke to pieces with the blows of the
hatchets, his mouth and eyes fuU of mud, and the bones of his legs frac
tured, and aU his members mangled in a hundred different ways. After his
converts had raised up and oftentimes kissed the precious remains, so
tenderly and so justly beloved by them, they buried him in the same place
where he had, the evening before, celebrated the sacred mysteries ; namely,
where the altar stood before the church was burned.1
In the year 1833, Benedict Fenwick, bishop of Boston, re
paired to the site of the little chapel of Rasle, in Norridgewock,
and on the anniversary of its destruction, Aug. 23, erected
a monument to the memory of the self-denying missionary.
It was of granite, surmounted by an iron cross. From the
foundation to the highest point of the cross is eighteen feet. A
Latin inscription, of which the following is a literal transla
tion, was cut into the stone : —
* Histoire Generale, t. ii p. 332.

316

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

" Rev. Sebastian Rasle, a native of France, a missionary of the society
¦of Jesuits, at first preaching for a few years to the Illinois and Hurons,
afterwards for thirty-four years to the Abenaquis, in faith and charity a
true apostle of Christ; undaunted by the danger of arms, often testifying
that he was prepared to die for his flock; at length this best of pastors feU
amidst arms at the destruction of the viUage of Norridgewock and the ruins
of his own church, in this very place, on the twenty-third day of August,
A.D. 1724.
"Benedict Fenwick, Bishop of Boston, has erected this monument, and
dedicated it to him and his deceased children in Christ, on the 23d of
August, A.D. 1833, to the greater glory of God."
About two years after, some mischievous individuals over
turned the monument. To the credit of the inhabitants of
Norridgewock this conduct was not approved by them, as was
evinced by their immediately replacing it. The accompanying
•cut represents this tribute to the memory of Father Rasle.

MONUMENT OF RAST.E, >'ORKIDGKWOCK.
On the 27th the victorious detachment returned to Port
Richmond without the loss of a single man. This was con
sidered the most brilliant exploit in the Indian wars since the
death of King Philip. Capt. Harmon proceeded to Boston witfc

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 317
the scalps to obtain the rich reward. He was at once promoted
to the rank of lieutenant-colonel.
Still desperate Indian bands infested the frontiers. A regi
ment of three hundred men was raised to range the country
from the Kennebec to the Penobscot. This region was the
favorite resort of the Indians for fowling and fishing. But the
Indians were watchful, and but few were caught. In December
Capt. John Lovewell, or Lovel as his name is sometimes spelled,
went on a military excursion, with thirty men, to Lake Winni-
piseogee, in New Hampshire. They succeeded in killing and
scalping one Indian, and in capturing an Indian boy. For these
they received in Boston the reward promised by law.
Again in February, 1725, Capt. Lovewell, with forty men,
was on the march upon the margin of a small lake, since called
Lovewell's Pond, near the head of Salmon Falls River. They
came suddenly upon a party of ten Indians, all soundly asleep
around their camp-fires. The English silently took deliberate
aim, and at a simultaneous discharge of their muskets killed
nine, and sorely wounded the tenth. The wounded man sprang
to his feet, and endeavored to escape ; but a powerful dog which
accompanied the English soon overtook him, and held him till
he was despatched with hatchets. For these ten scalps the
victors received in Boston uuiversal applause, and the more
substantial reward of a thousand pounds sterling.1
The savages still succeeded in occasionally shooting a man.
Two very worthy farmers were killed in North Yarmouth.
Several others were attacked, and one severely wounded at
Cape Porpoise. At Maquoit two Indians captured a man by
the name of Cochran. The first night they bound their captive
securely ; the second night he was more loosely confined, and
1 Drake gives the following account of this adventure : "Lovewell, with forty
men, came upon a small company of ten Indians who were asleep by their fires,
and, by stationing his men advantageously, killed them all. After taking off their
scalps these forty warriors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten
scalps, extended upon hoops, for which they received a thousand pounds. This
exploit was the more lauded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians were upon
an expedition agamst the EngUsh upon the frontiers, having new guns, much
ammunition, and spare blankets and moccasins to accommodate captives. This,
however, was mere conjecture. Whether they had kUled friends or enemies was
not quite so certain as that they had killed Indians." —Book Ui. p. 121.

318

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

the two Indians, weary with a long day's march, fell soundly
asleep. Cochran succeeded in loosing his bonds, and, rising
softly, with his hatchet killed then* both. He took their scalps
and their guns, the indisputable proofs of his achievement, and
returned to the fort.

CHAPTER XVIII.
THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF LOVEWELL'S WAR.
Encampment at Great Ossipee — Serious Contest— Death of Lovewell — Of
Frye — Fate of the English in Lovewell' s War — Government Measures —
Native Honor — Indian Distresses — Incorporation of Orono — Heath's Ex
pedition — Attack upon Young Castine— The Dummer Treaty — Indian
Letters — Cost of Indian Wars — Peace concluded.
ON the 15th of April, 1725, Capt. John Lovewell set out on
another expedition against the Indians. He left Dunstable
with forty-six volunteers, thoroughly equipped. They directed
their march toward the Ossipee Ponds, near the upper waters of
the Saco River. Three of the company gave out under the
fatigues of the way, and returned.
When they reached the westerly side of the Great Ossipee
Pond, in New Hampshire, about ten miles beyond the west line
of Maine, they built a small stockade fort. This was intended
as a place of retreat in case of disaster, and also as a hospital
for eight of their number who were sick and unable to go any
farther. They were then about one hundred miles from home.
Here Capt. Lovewell left the sick men with a surgeon and a
guard. With but thirty-two men he resumed his march towards the
north-westerly margin of Lovewell's Pond, a distance of about
twenty-two miles. This sheet of water, situated in the town of
Fryeburg, is about two miles long, and its average width is
about half a mile. They moved with much caution, for about
two miles west of them there was an Indian village called Peg
wacket. Like most other Indian hamlets, it was delightfully
situated in a fertile and romantic spot, commanding a charming
view of land and water. 319

320 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Here they noiselessly encamped for the night. They heard
the confused murmur of distant voices, which they supposed
proceeded from the Indians, but encountered no alarm. A
chaplain accompanied the party. He was a very noble young
man, a recent graduate of Harvard College, by the name of
Jonathan Frye. It was their invariable custom to have morn
ing prayers.
While engaged in their devotions they were startled by the
report of a gun. Cautiously approaching the edge of the pond,
they saw, across the water, at the distance of nearly a mile, a
single Indian hunter, who had just discharged his gun at some
game. His scalp was worth five hundred dollars. Immediately
the party set out to capture him. They had not proceeded far,
when they came to a small plain, smooth as a floor, covered
with pine trees, and entirely free from underbrush. Such
plains often present the most lovely spots in our forest land
scapes. To expedite their march, the soldiers threw off their packs,
and left them in a pile together, without any guard. They
could easily retrace their steps and find them. Hurrying on,
the whole party soon disappeared amidst the thickening glooms
of the forest. After travelling about a mile they came again in
sight of the Indian. He was not in the least aware of his dan
ger, and was sauntering along with a shot-gun upon his shoul
der and a few birds in his hand. Several guns were immedi
ately fired at him ; but so hurriedly, and the distance was such,
that they all missed their aim. The Indian sprang behind a
tree, and saw, at a glance, that escape was impossible. Taking
deliberate aim, he fired at Capt. Lovewell, inflicting a serious
wound. Almost at the same moment Ensign Wyman fired, and
the Indian fell dead, pierced by his bullet. They took his scalp,
and returned for their packs.
Tn the mean time two renowned Indian chiefs, Paugus and
Wahwa, returning from a scout down the Saco River, caught
sight of the pile of knapsacks. They knew that the owners
would soon return for them. By counting the packs they ascer
tained the number of the English. It was not difficult to trace
the path upon which the English had advanced. There were

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 321
between seventy and eighty warriors in the Indian band.1
They placed themselves in ambush, and awaited the return of
their intended victims.
About ten o'clock in the morning of the 8th of May, the
English were marching leisurely along, on their return, when
they reached the ambush. The Indians, completely surround
ing them, suddenly rose, and with presented guns and loud
shouts rushed upon them. These Indians had frequented the
western settlements of Maine, and were well acquainted with
Capt. Lovewell2 and most of his men. Mr. Drake, in his
account of the battle, says that the savages were loath to kill
these their former friends, and wished to take them captives;
In attestation of this fact, he quotes Mr. Symmes's minute
account of the conflict, published the same year in which it
took place. It is certain that they did not fire from the ambush
when they might so easily have shot down every man without
being seen themselves.3
" They presented their guns," says Drake, " and threw away
their first fire." This only encouraged the English. Facing
their foes, they poured in upon them a deadly fire, and several
Indians fell. This ushered in the unequal battle in hot
earnest. The Indians, outnumbering the English more than
two to one, immediately sprang, each man behind a tree, and,
entirely surrounding their victims, commenced the awful
slaughter. At the first volley of the Indians, Capt. Lovewell
and eight of his men fell dead, and two more were wounded.
But these valiant men, torn by the bullets, fought their way
to the pond, which was at the distance of but a few rods.
There was here a sandy beach, with a bank rising five or six
feet high. The Indians could no longer surround them. The
bank presented a rampart to protect them from the bullets of
the savages, and from behind which they could take deliberate
aim at any foe who should venture to expose hand or head.
Here, for eight dreadful hours, these men fought. They were
l Penhallow says that there were seventy; Hutchinson and Symmes, thirty;
Belknap, forty-one; Williamson, sixty-three.
2 Mr. Willis, in his History of Portland, spells Lovewell, Lovell, and calls the
Indian village Pequakett, instead of Pegwacket, p. 250. Drake spells it Pigwoket.
s Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 123
21

322 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
so outnumbered that flight was impossible. They had no food.
Their knapsacks, with their spare ammunition, were seized by
the savages. There was no chance of any re-enforcements.
It would seem that their doom was sealed, and that by no pos
sibility could one escape.
At times there was a brief lull in the battle. The Indians,
retiring beyond gunshot, seemed to be holding a council. In
one of the councils, or conferences, Ensign Wyman crept
through the forest, and shot one of the chiefs. Still the Indians
sent a bold warrior within hailing distance of the English, who
shouted out, " Will you have quarter ? " It is probable that
the English felt assured, that, after they had killed so many of
the Indians, no quarter would be granted, and that their inevit
able doom would be death by torture. Their reply was, " We
will have no quarter but at the muzzles of our guns."
The firing had become quite desultory. The combatants,
upon each side, kept concealed as much as possible, and fired
only when quite sure of striking their foe. About the middle
of the afternoon, Chaplain Frye received a mortal wound. He
lived for several hours, but was heard praying earnestly that
God would preserve his surviving companions. There were
among the Indians praying men. These also, doubtless, with
expiring breath, pleaded with God in behalf of their country
men. Both were unquestionably sincere. Alas for man ! How
strange must have been the meeting, in the spirit land, of these
fellow Christians, who had killed each other !
During the engagement, the combatants often conversed with
each other, from behind their ramparts, separated by but a few
yards. They called each other by name, and talked in almost
friendly terms. John Chamberlain was a very bold, magnani
mous man, of large stature. His gun had become, by repeated
firing, too foul for use. He stepped down to the water to wash
it out. Just at that moment Paugus, the Pegwacket chief, who
was also a man of herculean size, jumped down the bank to
wash out his gun. They were at the distance of but a few
yards from each other. They were well acquainted, and had
formerly met as friends. Paugus could speak English.
The contest now was to see who would get his gun first in

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 323
order. As Paugus rammed down the bullet, he said to his old
friend, "I shall now very quick kill you." — "Perhaps not,"
said Chamberlain, who had the advantage of a gun which, in
charging, primed itself. There was an instantaneous flash, fol
lowed by a report, and the Indian chief fell dead.
The savages took great care to keep themselves concealed;
and it is not probable that many of them were slain. At night
the Indians withdrew, when it would seem that they must have
known that the English were entirely at their mercy. Many of
them had fired from twenty to thirty times, and their ammuni
tion was nearly exhausted. It is, however, not improbable that
the Indians had expended all theirs. They could only obtain
supplies by tedious journeys through the forests to Canada.1
Both Messrs. Penhallow and Symmes, the two most authentic
narrators of the battle, estimate that the Indians lost between
forty and fifty of their warriors. This is apparently merely con
jecture, and is quite incredible. As they were decidedly the
victors, withdrawing of their own accord, not being driven
from the field, it is scarcely possible that they could have lost
more than half of their number.2
Solomon Keys received three bullet-wounds, and was appar
ently dying. To save his dead body from being mangled by the
savages, he rolled himself down the beach to a canoe, which
chanced to be there. Almost senseless he succeeded in creep
ing into it. A gentle breeze blew the canoe across the pond
diagonally, and landed it but a short distance from the stockaded
fort into which he contrived to creep.
1 " In going to Quebec it is necessary to take more than a fortnight to reach
there. They have to furnish themselves with provisions for the journey. They
have different rivers to pass, and frequent portages to make. The Indians are
aware of these inconveniences, and are by no means indifferent to their interests.
But their faith is infinitely more dear to them. They believe, that, if they detach
themselves from our alliance, they will shortly find themselves without a mission
ary, without a sacrifice, and in manifest danger of being plunged Into their former
heathenism. This is the bond which unites them to the French." — Father Rasle' s
Letter, found in " Lettres Ediflantes et Curieuses."
2 Penhallow, in his History of the Indian Wars, represents the number of
Indians engaged in this conflict, at seventy. Of these he says that forty were
kiUed outright, and eighteen were mortally wounded who soon died. This makes
a total loss, in dead, of fifty-eight. Thus, according to this estimate, twelve only
escaped with their lives. In every battle there are many wounded, who subse
quently recover. Did these twelve escape wounds? or was every Indian either
kiUed or wounded?

324 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
As the sun went down the moon rose, shedding its pale light
over the gloomy forest. The savages had disappeared, leaving
solitude and silence to reign over the dismal scene of slaughter.
It is impossible to account for the fact that they left the dead
bodies of Capt. Lovewell and his men unscalped. The survivors
felt that not a moment was to be lost in the attempt to gain the
fort. There were but twenty-two living. Two of these were
mortally wounded. They could not be removed. They were
left to die alone. There was no possible escape for them from
this cruel fate. They had cause to fear that the savages would
return and wreak vengeance upon them, in the most direful
tortures. Eight others were wounded more or less severely ; but
still they were able to hobble along in the awful midnight
retreat. There were but twelve unwounded. This heroic band
had fought all day, without food ; and, half famished, they com
menced their painful march. Dreadful was the situation of the
exhausted, bleeding troops, without food, tents, blankets, or any
means for dressing a wound. The dead were left unburied, as
these war-stricken men commenced their retreat.1
Chaplain Frye, a dying man, mortally wounded, as we have
said, toiled along a mile or two, when he threw himself upon the
ground saying, " I cannot take another step. Here I must die.
Should you ever, through God's help, reach your homes, tell
my father, that I expect in a few hours to be in eternity, but
that I do not fear to die." 2
All the night long the survivors toiled through the forest,
expecting every moment to hear the war-whoop of the approach
ing savages, who had probably gone to their village for fresh
supplies of ammunition. Perhaps they found none there ; and
this may account for their relinquishing the pursuit. In the
1 Accuracy, in the details of these events, is impossible. The same annaUst
wUl often give contradictory statements. WilUamson says, " CoUecting together
in the evening, they found that there were ten already dead, nine uninjured, one
missing, and fourteen wounded."
Again he writes, " Twenty of them, leaving the fatal spot, directed their march
towards the fort. Eight were lame or fuU of anguish from then- wounds." —
Williamson, vol. ii. p. 132.
2 This noble young man, who had displayed great heroism, was the son of Capt.
James Frye of Andover, Mas3. His amiable and promising character had given
him many friends ; and he died greatly lamented. He had kept a journal of their
march, which, unfortunately, was lost with him.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

32^

morning the fugitives divided into three bands, hoping thus to
be able to conceal their trail. Nearly twenty men, walking in
single file, would leave a track which the eagle-eyed Indian
could easily discern.
At length sixteen of them reached the fort, where they had
hoped to find refreshment and a reserved force. In a direct
line it was distant from the battle-field but about twenty miles.
Still by the circuitous route which they took, and encumbered
by the wounded, several of whom soon died, three or four days
were spent on the journey. To their bitter disappointment
they found the fort deserted. It appeared afterwards, that
when the savages first sprang from their ambush, deafening the
ear with their hideous yells, one of the Englishmen succeeded
in escaping. He saw the utter hopelessness of his companions
surrounded by apparently three times their own number.
Upon reaching the fort, he gave an account, no less true than
frightful, of the condition of his comrades. Capt. Lovewell
and several others were already killed. The rest were sur
rounded, and were selling their lives as dearly as possible.
The feeble band, for only the sick had been left behind, ex
pecting every moment to hear the yells of the approaching
savages, precipitately fled. Fortunately they left behind them
some provisions. The starving fugitives, after a short rest,
resumed their doleful march. Their sufferings from famine,
pain, and weariness, cannot be adequately described. Fourteen
finally reached their homes.1 Such are the particulars, so far
as can now be ascertained, of what has been called " Lovewell's
Victory."2 A provincial poet of those days commemorated
the event in verses which at the time obtained much renown,
and which were pensively sung in many farmhouses. We give
the three closing stanzas : —
" Ah! many a wife shall rend her hair,
And many a child cry ' Woe is me,'
When messengers the news shall bear
Of LoveweU's dear-bought victory.
l Drake's Book of the Indians, book iu. p. 125.
2 Mr. WiUiamson writes, "The battle of Pegwacket broke the heart and spirit
of the Sokosis natives. In a short time they withdrew, and resided no more in
those pleasant and ancient dweUing-places, till peace. After this event the star
of the tribe, pale and declining, gradually settled in darkness." — Vol. U. p. 141.

826 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" With footsteps slow shall travellers go
Where LoveweU's Pond shines clear and bright,
And mark the place where those are laid
Who fell in LoveweU's bloody fight.
" Old men shall shake their heads, and say,
' Sad was the hour, and terrible,
When LoveweU's brave 'gainst Paugus went,
With fifty men from Dunstable.' " J
The wretched state of the country induced the legislature to
adopt more vigorous measures to bring the war promptly to a
close. The Indians had greatly dwindled away. Poorly armed,
and with but scant ammunition, they were much disheartened.
The loss of a single warrior was, by them, very sensibly felt.
All the eastern garrisons were strengthened and replenished
by the government. Liberal pay was offered to volunteers. A
large number of friendly Indians, from Massachusetts, were
employed as allies. The Indian hostages, detained in Boston,
became exceedingly impatient of their restraint. It speaks well
for them, that one of these hostages, together with a captive
taken in war, was liberated with permission to visit their tribe
upon their parole of honor to return ; and they both faithfully
came back, and surrendered themselves to imprisonment. They
had been absent two months. They brought back with them
the following report, so melancholy for them, so encouraging
for the English : —
" The losses our tribes have met with, and the daUy terror they experi
ence, causes their Uves to be miserable. They long for peace. The
Indians on the Penobscot are about to propose a negotiation, that the war
may be brought to a close."
Again they were permitted to go back to their friends, with
the stipulation, that within twentjr-three days they should
return with a delegation of chiefs for a peace conference. It
was supposed that they would aid in urging forward peace
measures. In a former chapter we have given a narrative of the destruc
tion of the fort and pleasant little village of the Indians, at Old-
town, far up the Penobscot. This was in February, 1723. Col.
Thomas Westbrook led the expedition. In his official report to
1 Farmer and Moore's Historical CoUections, vol. Ui.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 327
Lieut-Gov. Dummer, he wrote, after describing the commodious
structures which the French and Indians had reared, —
" We set fire to them all, and by sunrise the next morning they were aU
in ashes. We then returned to our nearest guard, thence to our tents. On
our arrival at our transports we concluded we must have ascended the river
about thirty-two miles." a
The Indians, after the retirement of the English, returned to
the ruins of their former homes. Their losses and sufferings
were terrible. The foe, against whom they were contending,
was infinitely their superior. Game in the forests had become
scarce. With difficulty could they obtain ammunition for hunt
ing. It was necessary for them to rear their humble villages
on the seashore or on the banks of rivers, that by clamming
and fishing they might lengthen out their miserable existence.
But here the English could easily come upon them in their
ships and strong whale-boats. Even if they retired far back
into the country, and planted their fields with corn, after wait
ing half-famished, weary weeks for the harvest, they knew, by
bitter experience, that energetic English bands would, in all
probability, pass through the trails of the forest, lay their vil
lage in ashes, and trample their harvest in the dust.
Their doom was dreadful. It was no wonder that they
longed for peace. Sadly the returning fugitives wandered
through the desolations of their former homes, with no heart to
attempt to rebuild. Oldtown, the site of this Indian village,
was upon an island of the same name, about twelve miles above
where Bangor now stands. In the year 1806, the township of
Orono, previously called Stillwater, was incorporated, including
the region of Oldtown. It took its name from a celebrated
Indian chief Orono, of the Tarratine tribe. He was a warm
friend of the Americans in the war of the Revolution. In the
year 1840, Oldtown was incorporated as a separate town.
Orono was the one hundred and sixty-second town incorporated
in the State, and contained then about three hundred inhabitants.
The unhappy, despoiled, half-famished savages wandered
down the western banks of the river, until they came to the
spot where Bangor now stands. The region was then an un-
1 CoUections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. viii. p. 264, 2d ser. ; Hutch
inson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 273.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 329
broken wilderness, through which the Kenduskeag River flowed
silently into the Penobscot. Here they rebuilt their village.
It is probable that six or seven French families were with them ;
for seven houses were found with cellars and chimneys. There,
were about fifty Indian huts, indicating, in their structure, a
people slowly emerging from barbarism.
Capt. Joseph Heath commanded the garrison at Richmond,
He heard of this Indian village, situated but about one hundred
miles north-east from him, through the trails of the lonely, un
inhabited forest. In the month of May, 1725, Capt. Heath
took a company of men, and marched across the country, from
the Kennebec to the Penobscot. The Indians heard of his
approach ; and the whole population, men, women, and children,
fled into the forest. They could take with them only such
articles as they carried upon their backs. It is difficult to con
ceive how they could have escaped utter starvation. Probably
many of them did perish of hunger.
Finding the village deserted, Capt. Heath burned all the
dwellings, including a commodious church, and destroyed the
cornfields. His party then returned to Richmond, not having
caught sight of a single Indian. It was thought by many that
this was a very injudicious expedition, considering that the
Indians had already made proposals for a peace conference.
The village destroyed was situated on what has since been
called Fort Hill. The Indians never attempted to rebuild upon
this spot. They subsequently returned to Oldtown, where they
re-estabUshed themselves near the graves of their fathers.
There was another deed perpetrated by the English, of so
atrocious a character that no English historian has been willing
to dwell upon its details. The Indian village on the Penobscot
was destroyed in May. On the 20th of June a few Indian
chiefs, with a flag of truce, were approaching Fort St. George,
at Thomaston, to sue for peace. A detachment from the fort
attacked them, killing one and severely wounding another.1
There was still a third adventure, which, as a descendant from
the English, one blushes to record. Young Castine, of whom
we have before spoken, who was ever the friend of peace, and
1 WiUiamson's History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 144.

330 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
who had often attested his magnanimous spirit toward the
English, was in a small sail-boat, at anchor just off the south
east point of the present town of Sedgwick, which was then
called Naskeag Point. He had on board his boat a lad supposed
to have been his son, the child of his wife, who was a chieftain's
daughter, and another boy by the name of Samuel Trask, a
captive from Salem, whom he had humanely redeemed from the
Indians. He saw an English sloop approaching ; but there was no war
then between France and England, and Castine had no thought
of any danger. They were probably fishing. As soon as the
sloop came within musket-shot the crew opened fire upon him.
Fortunately none were struck by the bullets. Castine and his
companions speedily took shelter upon the land. The captain
of the sloop then raised the white flag, and shouted out to
Castine, upon the shore, that the firing was a mistake.
The guileless young man, incapable of treachery himself,
immediately, with his companions, rowed out to the sloop. As
soon as they stepped on board the Englishman seized young
Trask, and turning to Castine said, " Your bark and all it con
tains are lawful prize. You yourself are justly my prisoner.
You may think yourself well off to escape without further
molestation." Castine and his son returned to the shore. Some of the crew
accompanied them. One of them then seized the lad with a
firm grasp, apparently intending to kidnap him. Castine, find
ing it impossible to extricate the boy, shot the miscreant dead,
and with his son escaped into the woods. Mr. Williamson
writes,1 " The conduct of these mariners was a great reproach
to them, and in every respect the height of impolicy ; for the
Indians were now entertaining thoughts of peace, and Castine,
who still possessed great influence among them, had more than
once attested his magnanimity by instances of friendship and a
forbearing spirit towards the English."
Notwithstanding these occurrences so calculated to exasperate
the Indians, they still persevered in their endeavors to obtain
1 Penhallow's Indian War. CoUections of New Hampshire Historical Society,
vol. i. p. 120.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 331
peaoe. Thirteen chiefs met two commissioners from Boston, at
Fort St. George. The commissioners, John Stoddard and John
Wainwright, were not disposed to be courteous.
" Why," they demanded, " did you make war upon the set
tlers?" One of the chiefs, speaking in behalf of the rest,
replied, " Because you have taken possession of our lands, even
as far as Cape Newagen.1 You also, at that place, seized two
Indians, and beat them to death."
" We did not seize your lands, " was the reply : " we bought
them. We have the deeds which were given us, and can show
them. If our men did kill yours it was wrong. But why did
you not, according to the treaty, appeal to our government ?
Why did you take the hatchet ? "
To this the chief replied, " We come for peace. We wish to
recall all our young men from the war."
The result was that a general council was appointed to meet
in Boston at the end of forty days. Still there was no peace ;
only a prospect of peace. Distant war parties, on both sides,
unaware that negotiations were opening, continued their cruel
ravages. Early in November four of the most distinguished
sagamores of the Kennebec, Penobscot, and other eastern In
dians, repaired to Boston. The discussion which ensued lasted
for more than a month. The Indians felt very deeply that
their hunting-grounds were encroached upon, and that they
were defrauded of their territory by pretended purchases from
Indians, who, having become intoxicated, were ready to sign
any contracts which their betrayers might present to them.
At length the Indians were compelled to relinquish all their
demands. Hostilities ceased. Professed friendship was estab-
Ushed. The English were left in undisputed possession of all
the land which they claimed as their own. The government of
Massachusetts was authorized to arrange aU the trade and
i Boothbay, Lincoln County, is a peninsula situated between the mouths of
.he Sheepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers, and is what was formerly known as
3ape Newagen. It is supposed to have been settled as early as 1630. WilUam
son speaks of the island of Cape Newagen, about four and a half mUe3 long, and
of an average width of one mile, separated from Boothbay by a narrow channel
caUed Townsend Gut. See Coolidge and Mansfield's Description of New Eng
land, vol i. p. 59, and WUliamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 65.

332 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
intercourse between the two parties. If any Indians declined
to ratify the treaty, the chiefs in council pledged their tribes to
join the English, and compel the opposers to submission.
It was, in fact, an unconditional surrender on the part of the
Indians. Dire necessity compelled them to yield to the humil
iating terms.1 This celebrated document, since known in his
tory as the " Dummer Treaty," was signed on the 15th of
December, 1725. It continued in force for many years. The
Indians were too feeble in strength and too broken in spirits to
venture to violate its terms.
The General Court immediately established quite extensive
trading-houses at Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec, and on the
far away banks of St. George's River, where the flourishing
village of Thomaston now stands, but which was then almost
an unbroken wilderness. Goods for Indian traffic were deposited
there to the amount of three thousand five hundred dollars.
There were but four sagamores present to sign this treaty.
It was deemed important that there should be a fuller represen
tation of the chiefs of all the tribes. Another meeting was
appointed. It was held at Falmouth, on the 30th of July, 1726.
Forty chiefs attended. They represented nearly all the Maine,
Nova Scotia, and the Canada tribes. Many of these Indians
had become Christians. They declined doing business on the
sabbath day. There were several vessels in the harbor, and
there were taverns on the shore.
A large number of Indians had accompanied their chiefs.
The lieutenant-governors of Massachusetts and New Hamp
shire were also attended by quite a brilliant retinue of soldierly
young men. All were much impressed by the intelligence and
high moral qualities manifested by many of these chiefs. They
most earnestly requested of the English authorities, that they
would prohibit the sale of any intoxicating liquors to their
young men. Lieut.-Gov. Dummer assured them that positive
orders should be given to that effect.
After deliberately examining and explaining the treaty in the
meeting-house, it was signed, on the part of the English, by
» Records, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. xii.
p. 88.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 333
Lieut.-Gov. Dummer and a number of his councillors ; and, on
the part of the Indians, by Wenemovet, a chief sagamore, and
twenty-six of his associates. It is said that this treaty may still
be seen in the government archives at Boston, with all the
signatures or respective marks of the Indians.1
There is no power of law which can restrain individual acts
of outrage. The most efficient government cannot prevent the
perpetration of crime. In this respect the influence of the
Indian chiefs was superior to that of the white man's laws. Still
there were drunken and vagabond Indians who easily yielded
to any temptation.
A fishing vessel from Plymouth entered a forest-encircled
bay in Nova Scotia. A fellow by the name of John Baptiste
(we know not whether he was a Frenchman or an Englishman),
with his son and three Indians, whom he had inveigled into the
service, endeavored to seize it. Instead of capturing, they were
all captured. They were taken to Boston, tried for piracy,
condemned, and all were hanged. There were a few other
similar acts of outrage. But, when we reflect upon the character
of the times, it seems surprising that there should have been so
few. One of the chiefs, by the name of Wenunganet, who
lived on the River St. George, wrote to Gov. Dummer, —
" We look upon such Indians as much our enemies as yours. We are in
as much danger from them as any of your people are. We are resolved to
punish them for the wrongs which they have done."
The English traders persisted in selling rum to the Indians.
Under the influence of intoxication the young men became
frenzied, and lost all self-control. One of the chiefs, by the
name of Loron, who seems to have been a very noble man,
wrote to Gov. Dummer, —
" Do not let the trading-houses deal in rum. It wastes the health of our
young men. It makes them behave badly both to your people and to their
own brethren. This is the opinion of aU our chief men. I salute you,
great governor, and am your good friend."
i PenhaUoVs Indian Wars. CoUections of the New Hampshire Historical
Society, voL i pp 128-132.

334 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Another sachem, Wivurna, wrote to the governor in the fol
lowing elevated strain : —
" My brother, I am fully satisfied; for aU the blood that before lay boil
ing in my breast has flowed away. I now labor for peace in oar land.
Should any stormy clouds arise, I will immediately inform you, that they
may do us no harm. In three things you make my heart glad. My grand.
son, who was to me dead, is alive, and has returned to me safe. Canava,
who was a captive, has come home alive and weU. He is encouraged to do
good service. I thank you for your kindness to me and to my people. I
am now old and gray-headed. I have seen many good men, English, French,
and Indians; but of aU I have not found one Uke Gov. Dummer for stead
fastness and justice. Were I a sagamore, and young, the first thing I should
do would be to see you; but as I am old, and not able to travel, I heartily
salute you, my good friend. FareweU. " Wivubna."
Gov. William Dummer, who had become so prominent, was
born in Boston, in the year 1677. He went to England, proba
bly for his education. There he was appointed, by the crown,
lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. This was in 1716. His
father-in-law, Gov. Joseph Dudley, had just retired from office,
after a stormy administration of fourteen years.
Gov. Dummer was a man of irreproachable morals, and of
firm religious faith. Without possessing any brilliant qualities
of mind, he manifested sufficient abihty for all the great emer
gencies which rose before him. His highly eulogistic funeral
sermon was preached by the celebrated Rev. Mather Byles.1
It is thought that during this war one-third of the four Abe
naquis tribes had perished.2 The war, Penhallow estimates, had
cost the government a hundred and seventy thousand pounds,
in addition to the forts, which had been reared and repaired at
a cost of not less than seventy-five thousand pounds. These
wretched wars had impoverished the whole land. Every man
forty years of age had seen twenty years of war. Every boy
was trained to arms. The scenes of cruelty and blood every
where witnessed hardened the heart and brutalized the charac-
1 See the admirable biographical sketch of the Dumrners in the Centennial
Discourse delivered at Newbury, by N. Cleaveland, Esq.
2 The Abenaquis inhabited the region between the Piscataqua River and the
Penobscot. The nation formerly consisted of eleven aUied tribes. See Drake's
Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 91, and WiUiamson's History of Maine, vol. U.
p. 464.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 335
ter. During this last war, about two hundred of the inhabitants
of Maine were killed or carried into captivity. The anguish
which was thus sent to many a humble cottage, no tongue can
tell. Some of the captives were put to death by all the demoniac
inflictions of Indian torture ; some perished from cold, exhaus
tion, and hunger ; some were never heard of more, and what
their fate was none can know.
The Indians were fickle as children. They could be gentle,
confiding, affectionate, at one moment ; and then, at some sud
den exasperation, become cruel as fiends. And yet it was an
extraordinary and inexplicable trait in their character, that they
never thus transformed themselves from friends to enemies
without what they supposed just cause ; and they always gave
notice of their hostility before striking a blow. The habit of
giving this warning was invariable. The restoration of peace
they hailed with undisguised and almost childish delight. We
now speak of the majority of the Indians, the common people.
The chiefs were truly the aristoi, the best of the land. They
were almost invariably intelligent, serious, thoughtful men, whose
minds were oppressed with the magnitude of the responsibiUties
thrown upon them, as they saw their tribes dwindling away,
and their hunting-grounds passing to the ownership of strangers.
Upon the settlement of the terms of peace, they flocked to
the villages of their former foes, with faces radiant with joy.
In very many cases the Indians and the white families had been
well acquainted with each other. They had often met in
familiar intercourse, called each other by name, and had ap
parently cherished for each other sincere friendship.
The Indians now came rushing back, with smiles and cordial
greetings, as if totally unconscious of the fiend-like deeds
which, upon both sides, had been recently perpetrated.1 ' There
was one very noble Indian, by the name of Arabereuse, who
lived on the banks of Mousom or Mousam River.2 He was
1 See some discriminating remarks upon this subject, by Mr. Edward E. Bourne,
LL.D. in his excellent History of Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 327, 328.
2 Mousom River, as Mr. WilUamson speUs the name, was formerly caUed Cape
Porpoise River, or Maguncook. It issued from ponds in Shapleigh, twenty mUes
distant. It was but two and a half mUes from WeUs. — Williamson, vol. i. p. 27.

336 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
eminently a man of peace, a " praying Indian," and no persua
sions could induce him to engage in the war on either side.
Through all the bloody conflict he continued to visit the Eng
lish, as if peace had never been disturbed. Mr. Sullivan,
writing of him, says, —
" There came to Berwick an Indian named Ambereuse, with his wife.
He said he hated war, and only wanted to live where he could make his
brooms and his baskets, and Uve in peace. He remained there for several
years, and then removed to the Kennebec."
There were more than two hundred Indians present at the
conference in Falmouth, when the treaty of the former year
was confirmed and ratified. Over forty gentlemen composed
the retinue of the governor. The convention was held beneath
a spacious tent on Munjoy's Hill. At the close of the con
ference, quite a splendid banquet for those times was given
beneath the canvas of the tent, at the expense of the Massa
chusetts government. So large a concourse of people had never
before been gathered in any of the settlements in Maine.
Though vessels at anchor in the bay had brought supplies, there
was such an entire consumption of the articles of food, that
one of the annalists of that day wrote, " They left us quite
bare ; and nothing of the country's produce was left, only three
bushels of corn and some small things." :
The three-years' war, thus terminated, was usually called
LoveweU's War, from the important part he took in its cam
paigns. It was carried on by the Indians without any recog
nized assistance from the French. There was, at that time,
settled peace between France and England. Undoubtedly the
sympathies of the French in Canada were with their long-tried
friends, the Indians. But they could not take any active part
in favor of the savages, without violating solemn treaty obliga
tions. 1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 362.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE DOOM OF THE LNDIAN.
French Influence — Governor Dummer — His Wise Policy — The Trading-
Houses — Life at Falmouth — Governors Burnet and Belcher — Act against
Duelling — Encroachments of the English — Confeience at Falmouth — Gov.
Shirley — Visit of Whitefield — Council at St. George — The Indians desire
Peace — Indians refuse to fight their Brethren — The Capture of Louis-
burg — War Proclaimed against the Indians — Peace — Subsiding Billows —
New Claims of the English — Fort at Teconnet.
A SACHEM was asked, " Why are you all so ardently
attached to the French, from whom you can never receive
so much benefit as you may receive from the English ? "
The chief, after a moment's pause, gravely replied, " Because
the French have taught us to pray unto God ; which the Eng
lish never did."
This question was often asked of the chiefs and of the com
mon Indians. Invariably answers were returned essentially the
same. I give a summary of those answers, made on different
occasions, but here brought together : —
" The French are our friends ; they advocate our rights, and become, as
it were, one with us. They sell us whatever we want, and never take away
our lands. They send the kind missionaries to teach us how to worship the
Great Spirit ; and, like brothers, they give us good advice when we are in
trouble. When we trade with them, we have good articles, fuU weight, and
free measure. They leave us our goodly rivers, where we catch fine salmon,
and leave us unmolested to hunt the bear, the moose, and the beaver, where
our fathers have hunted them. We love our own country, where our fathers
were buried, and where we and our chUdren were born. AVe have our
rights, as weU as the EngUsh ; we also know, as weU as they, what is just
and what is unjust.
22 837

338 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" When you English came, we received you with open arms. We thought
you children of the sun ; we fed you with our best meat. Never did a white
man go hungry from our cabins. But you returned evil for good. You
put the burning cup to our lips. It filled our veins with poison. When
you had intoxicated us, you took the advantage, and cheated us in trade.
You now teU us that our country is yours, that it has passed from us for
ever. " You say that you have bought our lands from our sagamores. It is
not true. Our chiefs love their tribes too well, and have too great souls, to
tnrn their children from the homes of their latuers. Where can we go V
We own no other land. There is no other land so dear to us. The forts
which you have built on our territory are contrary to treaty ; and they
ought to be laid low." x
Such were the feelings of the Indians. They were sincere
and unalterable ; but the utterances were eventually silenced
by hopeless defeat. Gov. Dummer was anxious to withdraw
the Indians from their intercourse with the French. Had the
spirit which animated him prevailed from the beginning, there
need have been no war whatever with the Indians.
Gov. William Dummer, an American by birth, had been
acquainted with the Indians from infancy. For some of
them he had undoubtedly formed a strong attachment. Many
of the natives were noble, warm-hearted men. Gov. Dum
mer knew how to sympathize with them in their wrongs.
The course of conciliatory measures, upon which he ener
getically entered, seemed, for a time, almost to obliterate from
the minds of the Indians the remembrance of their former
grievances. In addition to the trading-houses at Fort George and Fort
William, he established a third at Fort Mary, near Winter Har
bor. Men of established reputation for integrity and discretion
were appointed to preside at these stations. The most valuable
articles for Indian use were deposited in each of them, to the
amount of four or five thousand dollars. The keepers of these
stores were instructed to sell them at an advance only sufficient
to cover the prime cost with the freight and waste. Full value
was allowed for the furs and skins of the Indians. Those who,
1 WiUiamson, vol. n. p. 113.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 339
by any calamity, were in want, were assisted by a generous
charity.1 There was no longer any motive to induce the Indians to
take long journeys to Canada for purposes of trade. Indeed,
the Canada Indians resorted to the English trading-houses, find
ing that they could purchase commodities there better and
cheaper than either at Quebec or Montreal.
York and Falmouth were now the principal towns in Maine.
York was the shire-town, the political centre. Falmouth was
the commercial emporium. It may be mentioned, in illustra
tion of the luxuries in which our ancestors indulged, that the
only house in town which contained a papered room was the
parsonage ; and the paper in that house was • fastened upon
the walls by nails, and not by pas'te.2
At one time, in the year 1727, there were thirty vessels riding
at anchor in the harbor of Falmouth. There were then sixty-
four families in the town. The number increased, in two years,
to about two hundred. Rev. Thomas Smith was settled as
pastor of the church. Brunswick was one of the first towns
resettled after the desolations of these disastrous wars. Still
this, Uke all other settlements, advanced slowly. In 1750 there
were but twenty families in the place.
Soon after the accession of George II. , he appointed William
Burnet governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine.
He was a very handsome man of imposing stature, and of very
popular manners. His scholarly tastes, his practical common-
sense, and his remarkably cheerful disposition, rendered him
very popular. In the year 1730, Burnet died. Jonathan Bel
cher was appointed by the crown to succeed him. He also
was a native of Boston, a graduate of Harvard CoUege, and the
son of one of the most opulent merchants. Endowed naturally
with fine powers of mind, he had travelled extensively abroad ;
and his naturally graceful manners were much improved by
intimacy with the best European society.
One of the first acts which the governor signed was against
1 Records, Resolves, and Journals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. xii
pp 88-512.
2 History of Portland, by WilUam WilUs, p. 364.

340 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
duelling. By this it was enacted that whosoever should kill
another in a duel should be hanged ; and that his body, together
with that of the one he had killed, should be buried without a
coffin, and that a stake should be driven through them both.
In the autumn of 1732, the governor made quite an extensive
tour through the settlements of Maine. In his next address to
the Massachusetts Legislature, he said, —
" It gave me surprising pleasure to see so large a part of this Province
accommodated with fine rivers and harbors, islands and main, capable of
many and great improvements. The three rivers, St. George's, Kennebec,
and Saco, are bordered with fine lands fuU of timber. I cannot but think
this country will, in time, be equal in every thing to any part of New
England." To induce emigration to Maine, several townships were sur
veyed, and farm lots of a hundred acres each marked out. One
of these farms was offered to any man who would within three
years settle upon it, erecting a house eighteen feet square,
and who would clear from five to six acres for mowing and
tillage. In the year 1735, the population of Maine probably amounted
to about nine thousand souls. There were nine towns, and
several settlements called plantations. About fifteen hundred
of these inhabitants were iu the Sagadahoc region. There were
about three hundred and seventy men there capable of bearing
• arms.1 Commerce was reviving. The articles of export were
fish, fur, and lumber. The forests of Maine were a great store
house of wealth. Masts, boards, shingles, and timber were
shipped in considerable quantities.
But again the Indians became alarmed. The increasing
settlements were encroaching upon their territories, and the
thoughtful men saw clearly that the time was fast approaching
when they would be driven from all their possessions. The
English were building new fortifications, and repairing the old
ones. The sagamores sadly complained of this ; while, at the
same time, they stated that they were extremely anxious that
peace should be perpetuated. The subject was referred to a
i Summary of British Settlements in North America, by WiUiam Douglass,
vol. I. p. 304.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 341
committee of the Massachusetts Legislature. After conferring
with the chiefs, they made the following report, which we give
slightly abbreviated : —
" The Indians have unquestionably possessory rights to the lands in the
extensive wilderness where they dwell. This has often been recognized by
the purchases which have been made. In the year 1694, Madockawando
ceded to Sir WiUiam Phips lands on both sides of the St. George's River, as
far as the upper falls, but no farther. The chiefs acknowledge that they
have consented to have English settlements made as far as the falls; and
they claim that the English have no right to take possession of the lands
above the falls until they have fairly purchased them." x
The report was accepted. A present of five hundred pounds
was sent from the government, by the hands of the chiefs, to
the tribe, and they returned to their homes very happy. In the
year 1737, Brunswick was incorporated, the eleventh town in
the State. It was originally called Pegypscot,2 and its first
inhabitant was Thomas Purchas. In 1735 there were between
thirty and forty men in the settlement. After the lapse of half
a century it contained a population of thirteen hundred and
eighty-seveu. The governor generally visited Maine every year. He had
frequent and friendly interviews with the Indians. He was
deeply impressed with the value of the harbor at Pemaquid,
and repeatedly urged upon the legislature the importance of
putting it in a better state of defence. He arranged for a con
ference with a large delegation of Indians, at Falmouth. The
meeting took place in the month of July, 1732. The governor,
with a large retinue of gentlemen, took passage from Boston to
Falmouth in a man-of-war.8
Soon after the governor's arrival, about two hundred Indians
' WiUiamson, vol. U. p. 191.
2 Mr. WUlis speUs this name Pejepscot; it is also so spelled by CooUdge and
Mansfield; but we follow here the orthography of Mr. WUliainson, who seems to
have taken it from the Journal of the House of Representatives, p. 28.
« Mr. WiUiamson gives the year 1739 as the date of this council. Mr. WilUs
thinks this a mistake. He writes, "The misa prehension of Mr. Freeman, in re
gard to the year, led WilUamson into an error in his History of Maine, vol. n. p.
201 in assigning to this year a treaty with the Indians at Falmouth. This took
place in 1732, and there was no conference here or occasion for it in 1739." — Jour-
nai of Rev. Tlomas Smith, p. 90.

342 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
came. They were all well clad, seemed friendly, and professed
the most ardent wishes to perpetuate amicable relations. But
they brought with them, floating at the head of their canoes, a
French flag, which excited some suspicions of their sincerity.
It is, however, not improbable, that as they had no flag of their
own, and as the English always appeared under their flag, they
considered this merely as an ornament, which they regarded as
an accompaniment of their fringes and their plumes. If they
had meditated treachery, they certainly had too much shrewd
ness to commence operations by flaunting an obnoxious banner
in the eyes of those whom they wished to deceive.
The Indians encamped on Hog Island. Each morning they
paddled, in their fleet of canoes, to Munjoy's Hill, where the
council was held under an immense tent. The signal for the
meeting was the firing of a gun from a man-of-war in the har
bor, and the raising the royal Jack at the maintop. As the
English objected to the display of the French flag, the Indians
laid it aside, and raised an English banner at the head of their
leading canoe. A renowned Penobscot chief, by the name of
Loron, was the principal captain and speaker of the Indians.
In accordance with their custom, they brought presents of furs
as pledges of the sincerity of their speech. A chief by the
name of Toxus spoke first. Addressing the governor, he
said, —
" It is God who has the overruling power over aU things. He has brought
us here at this time. The reason of our coming is our hearty desire for love
and friendship. As a token of our being glad to see your ExceUency, I
shake hands, and offer these furs as our money."
The governor urged them to dismiss their French religious
teachers, and to accept English missionaries in their stead.
Loron requested a little time to consider the matter. The next
day, with diplomatic skill which would have honored Talley
rand, he replied, —
" Friend, we have been thinkmg of what your Excellency said to us yes
terday. As to prayers, it was mentioned in the treaty, that there should be
no dispute about reUgion. It would be trifling on our part to attempt to
answer what you have said on that subject. We are too few to enter upon

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 343
this question, which is a weighty matter. There are other tribes to be con
sulted. When we have ascertained their minds, we shall be bettei able to
answer you. We had the advice of the other tribes with regard to the
peace: we therefore think it proper to seek then- advice in this affaii."1
The interview was in all respects cordial and friendly. The
governor assured them of his good-will, and made them some
valuable presents. At the close of the council they partook
together of a public dinner in the tent.
Gov. Belcher, after a stormy administration of ten years, was
succeeded as governor of Massachusetts and Maine, by William
Shirley. About five years before this, in 1734, the town of
Windham was laid out and settled mainly by a colony from
Marblehead, Mass. The township consisted of twenty-five
thousand five hundred acres on the eastern bank of the Pre
sumpscot River. Each man had a farm of a hundred and
twenty acres. There were also sixty-three compact ten-acre
lots surveyed, that the settlers, for the advantage of protection,
schools, and reUgious privileges, might dwell in something like a
village.4 In the year 1741, the renowned George Whitefield visited
Maine. He went to York, Wells, Biddeford, Scarborough, Fal
mouth, and North Yarmouth, preaching the gospel of salvation
through faith in an atoning Saviour, with wonderful power.
Large numbers were influenced to commence a new and better
Ufe. He was indefatigable in his labors, having been known to
preach sixteen times, and to travel over those rough roads a
hundred and seventy miles, in a single week.
Gov. Shirley was an Englishman by birth, and a lawyer by
profession. He had resided in Maine six or seven years, and
had thus become acquainted with the manners of the people.
His ability and integrity had secured their confidence. England
and Spain were then fighting each other. By the promise of
large pay and a share in the booty, between five and six hun
dred men were recruited from the Province of Maine, for an
l Journal of Rev. Thomas Smith, p. 76. Mr. Smith was at that time the honored
pastor of the church in Falmouth. For many years he kept a daily record of
passing events.
2 History of Windham, by Thomas Laurens Smith, p. 51.

344 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
expedition to Cuba. But few of them ever saw their homes
again.1 During this conflict the British commenced impressing inhab
itants of Maine, and forcing them on board their men-of-war.
This infamous course, persisted in, led to the war of 1812. The
continued encroachments of the settlements in Maine led many
Indians of the diminishing tribes of the Saco, the Androscog
gin, and the Kennebec, to withdraw to the unbroken forests of
Canada, where they were sure of a cordial welcome from the
French authorities.
This excited alarm in Boston. The governor, with a large
escort from both legislative branches, repaired to St. George's,
to hold a council with the sagamores of the Etechemin tribes.
These Indians, as has been mentioned, occupied the country
between the Penobscot and the St. John, both inclusive. The
Indians were prompt in their attendance. They came in a large
fleet of canoes, and entered the harbor, not with the French,
but with the British flag at the head of their fleet. This would
seem to indicate that the French flag, under which they had
previously entered the harbor at Falmouth, was intended merely
as an ornament, not as a menace. The meeting was harmoni
ous. Both parties were exceedingly anxious for peace. But
the English wanted, and felt that they must have, the lands of
the Indians. On the other hand, the Indians clung tenaciously
to the homes of their fathers ; and yet they despairingly felt
that influences, quite beyond their control, were each year driv
ing them farther away from their ancient hunting grounds, and
that,, ere long, all their possessions would pass into the hands
of strangers.
This was evident alike to both parties. Agitating questions
which could lead to no good results were avoided. The time
was passed in the interchange of courtesies ; and the governor
made valuable presents to the Indians, of powder and shot, and
of other articles which had become to them necessaries of life.
It was deemed very important to prevent their applying to the
French for such purchases.
1 Summary of British Settlements in North America, by WiUiam Douglass,
vol. i. p. 554.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 345
On this excursion the governor made a careful examiuation
of the country. In his address to the legislature, on his return,
he said. —
" The inexhaustible supplies of wood and lumber, and the several kinds
and great quantities of naval stores which this region is capable of produ
cing, no less than the navigable rivers, the numerous harbors, and good soil
it possesses, render it highly deserving the encouragement and protection of
government." By the census of 1743, it appeared that there were in Maine
eleven towns, and a probable population of twelve thousand
inhabitants. The poor Indians were fast dwindling away by
death and by emigration to Canada.
The Spanish war raging in Europe drew France into an
alUance with Spain, against Great Britain.1 This, of course,
led to a conflict between the French and EngUsh colonists on
these shores. Each party exerted its utmost endeavors to
engage the Indians as allies. The French, as was to have
been expected, were the more successful. Again horrid war
recommenced its ravages of shrieks, misery, blood, and death.
The war was commenced by an attack made by the French
and Iudians upon an English settlement at Canseau, in Nova
Scotia. The French governor of Cape Breton sent several
armed vessels, with about nine hundred men, and took possession
of the island. Soon after, three hundred Indians, led, it is said,
by a French missionary, M. Luttre, attacked Annapolis. They
laid siege to the place ; but, re-enforcements arriving from Bos
ton, they were compelled to retire.
War is the most expensive of all earthly employments. New
forts were reared, and the old ones strengthened. A hundred
and twenty-one men were sent to be distributed to the garrisons
at Fort George, Pemaquid, Richmond, Brunswick, and Saco.
Three hundred men were organized into scouts, which parties,
ever on the move, were generally led by friendly Indian guides.
1 This famous war for the Austrian succession, commenced by Frederick IL of
Prussia not only drew aU Europe into its vortex, but also led French Canadians
and EngUsh colonists and savage Indians to cutting each other's throats, who had
not the slightest idea of what they were fighting for.

346 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Ninety-six barrels of gunpowder were sent to be distributed
among the towns.
A delegation was appointed by the governor to visit St.
George, and ascertain the feelings of the Penobscot Indians.
They met many of the chiefs in council, and received from
them the assurance of their continued desire for peace. It was
decided to commence a vigorous war against the Indians of
Nova Scotia. The tribes residing in Maine were forbidden, by
the government of Massachusetts, from holding any intercourse-
with the tribes east of Passamaquoddy Bay. A hundred pounds
was offered for the scalp of every male Indian over twelve years
of age. Fifty pounds was offered for that of a child younger
than twelve, or for that of a woman.1
The Indians still continued peaceful. But a vagabond band
of white men fell upon an unoffending band of Indians on the
eastern side of St. George's River, killing one, and severely
wounding others. The government did all in its power to atone
for this crime. Forty pounds in money, a blanket, and many
other articles were given to the widow. The wounded were
furnished with medical aid, and were carefully conveyed to their
homes on the Penobscot.
According to the Dummer treaty, the chiefs engaged to join
fifty of their men to every band of a hundred and fifty of the
EngUsh, raised to subdue any refractory Indians who might
attempt to disturb the peace. To test the Indians, the English
now demanded that the sagamores should furnish their quota
of warriors to march against the tribes in Nova Scotia. This
demand was made with the not very courteous menace, that, if
it were not complied with within forty days, the government
of Massachusetts would declare war against the Indians of
Maine. The sagamores were in great perplexity and distress. Several
councils were held, and the subject was earnestly discussed.
The result was, that in January they sent an express to Boston
to inform the government that they found it impossible to
induce their young men to take up arms against their brother
Indians of the St. John.
1 Summary, by Douglass, p. 320; WilUamson, vol. U. p. 218.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 347
For carrying on the war against the French and their allied
Indians, two regiments were raised in Maine. One, from the
vicinity of Kittery, consisted of fifteen hundred and sixty-five
men, under Col. William Pepperell ; the other, of twelve hun
dred and ninety men, was formed from the towns adjoining
Falmouth, and was commanded by Col. Samuel Waldo.
Louisburg, upon the island of Cape Breton, was one of the
most important and best fortified of the posts of the French.
With its ramparts, its ditches, its batteries, one of them mount
ing twenty-eight forty-two pounders, it was justly considered
the Gibraltar of America. The labor of twenty-five years had
been expended upon these fortifications, and they had cost the
French crown thirty million livres.1 It would seem that all the
English colonies embarked with great enthusiasm in the enter
prise of making the conquest of Louisburg.2 Col. Pepperell,
with the rank of lieutenant-general, was first in command.
Though trained to war, he was a devout man. He applied to
Rev. Mr. Whitefield, then preaching in Maine, for his opinion
of the enterprise. He replied, —
" The scheme is not very full of encouragement. The eyes of all wUl be
upon you. Should you not meet with success, the widows and orphans will
utter complaints. Should you be successful, many wUl look upon you with
envy, and endeavor to ecUpse your glory. You ought, therefore, to go with
a ' single eye ; ' then you wiU receive strength proportioned to your neces
sities. "
Mr. Whitefield, at the earnest suggestion of Col. PeppereU,
gave him a motto for his flag. It was "Nil desperandum,
Christo duce." 3 An army of four thousand men was embarked
in a fleet of thirteen vessels, besides transports and store-ships.
The vessels carried two hundred guns. On the 24th of
March, 1745, the squadron sailed. Before casting anchor in
the waters of Louisburg, the fleet was joined by ten other
British ships of war, mounting four hundred and ninety guns.
1 HaUburton's History of Nova Scotia, vol. i. pp. 98-112.
2 "AU the talk is about the expedition to Louisburg. Thereis a marvellous
zeal and concurrence through the whole country with respect to it. Such as the
Uke was never seen in this part of the world." — Smith's Journal, p. 116; date Feb.
11, 1745.
* In o'-Mng is to be despaired of, Christ being the leader.

348 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Early in the morning of the 30th of April, the squadron
appeared before the doomed city. The men, with the heavy
guns and ammunition, were landed with scarcely any opposition.
The assault and the defence were conducted with like bravery
and skill. For forty-four days the battle raged, with scarcely a
moment's intermission. We have no space here to enter into
its details. On the 15th of June, the French capitulated, and
Louisburg passed into the hands of the English. There were
four thousand one hundred and thirty inhabitants within the
defences. Of these, two thousand were able to bear arms.
According to the terms of the capitulation, they were trans
ported to France, where, in the extreme of impoverishment,
they were left to struggle against life's dire adversities.
Nine thousand cannon-balls and six hundred bombs were
thrown into the cit3r before the surrender. During the conflict,
the English lost a hundred and thirty men, and the French
three hundred. It now seemed to be inevitable that there was
to be a fifth Indian war. The refusal of the Indians of Maine
to march against their brethren in Nova Scotia was considered,
by the English, as indicative of hostile intentions, and almost
equivalent to a declaration of hostilities.
No more trading-masters were appointed, and trade with the
Indians ceased. Thus they were constrained to resort to the
French for their supplies. The English made vigorous prepara
tions for the conflict. Block-houses were built, ramparts were
thrown up ; parties were organized as scouts, to be continually
perambulating the country ; and almost every able-bodied man
was converted into a soldier. The English were strong ; the
Indians were weak. The Indians had nothing to hope for from
the war. The English, who could have no doubt of success in
contending against so feeble a foe, could add to their territorial
possessions vast regions of fertile lands which they greatly
coveted. On the 23d of August, 1745, the government of Massachu
setts declared war against all the eastern tribes of Maine with
out exception. Large bounties were offered for captives or
scalps.1 It would seem that the Indians were entirely unpre-
1 Williamson, p. 240; Smith's Journal, p. 120.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 349
pared for this outbreak. In terror they abandoned their homes
to seek the protection of the French. Rev. Mr. Smith, of Fal
mouth, in his valuable Journal, writes, under date of Oct. 2,
1745, that not an Indian had been seen or heard of on the
eastern frontier, for nearly a month. He says, that, immediately
upon the announcement of hostilities, they fled away to Canada.
It was a miserable war. There was no such thing as a battle
between the English and the Indians. There was no array of
forces against each other. Scouting parties of the English
ranged the woods, hunting Indians, as they would hunt wolves
or bears. Prowling bands of savages killed cattle and swine,
occasionally burned a house, and shot at the white men when
ever they could get a chance to do so unseen. To describe
these events would only be to repeat what has already been
recorded. But terror reigned in every lonely farmhouse. Every
few days the tidings would be heard of some man shot, or some
family massacred. These reports were often greatly exagge
rated. The great desire of the English was to capture Canada.
Mr. WilUamson writes, —
" In none of the Indian wars were the savages more subtle and inveterate,
yet in none less cruel. They despaired of laying waste the country, and
expelling the inhabitants. They rather sought to satiate their revenge upon
particular individuals or famUies; to take captives and scalps, for the sake
of the price or premium paid them therefor by the French, and to satisfy
their wants by the plunder of houses or slaughter of cattle; a cow or an ox
being frequently killed by them, and nothing taken but the tongue." *
The English trained furious dogs to chase the Indians, and to
tear them down, women and children, with bloody fangs.
Orders were issued for the organization of troops to drive all
the Indians and the French settlers out of Nova Scotia.2 Amidst
these horrors, it is pleasant to record an occasional act of human
ity. A few Indians, by stratagem, captured Capt. Jonathan
WilUamson, of Wiscasset. He was one of the most prominent
men in the settlement. In his capture they were careful not to
wound him. Two others, whom they might have killed, they
allowed to escape. He inquired the reasons for this conduct.
1 WUliamson, vol. il p. 244. 2 WilUamson, vol. n. p. 247.

350 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
" We have been requested," they said, " by the governor of
Quebec, to secure an intelligent prisoner, who is capable of
giving information respecting the plans of the English."
In conducting him through the wilderness to Quebec, they
treated him with the utmost kindness, liberally sharing with him
all the provisions they could procure.1 Winter came, with
unusual severity, and great depth of snow. Military expeditions
had engrossed the energies of the people. There was almost a
famine. The whole civilized world was thrown into commotion
by this miserable war, commenced by that scourge of humanity,
Frederick of Prussia. Hundreds of thousands perished on the
battle-field and in the gloomy hospital. More homes were des
olated, and widows and orphans made, than can be numbered.
There was misery everywhere, happiness nowhere ; and all
this merely to decide whether one individual or another should
sit upon the throne of Austria. The imagination could scarcely
create a more astonishing record of folly and of crime, than the
history of the human race presents.
The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, signed Oct. 7, 1748, gave
peace to the world. Several of the chiefs of the Maine Indians
met the governor in the council chamber at Boston, on the 23d
of June, 1749. There was quite a numerous delegation, rep
resenting mainly the Kennebec and the Penobscot tribes. One
of the chiefs, addressing the governor, said; —
" We speak from our hearts the words of sincerity and truth. We have
brought with us other credentials than our own hearts. These brothers
present know that the voice of peace makes the Indians everywhere smile
and rejoice." 2
A general council of the chiefs to meet the Massachusetts
commissioners was appointed to assemble in Falmouth. The
commissioners, five or six in number, were attended by a mil
itary guard of about fifty men. We know not how many
Indians attended. Nineteen chiefs signed the treaty of peace.
It was essentially the same as the " Dummer Treaty." It was
called the " Submission and Agreement " of the tribes.
When such a storm has been raging over life's ocean, it takes
i WiUiamson, vol. u. p. 253. 2 WiUiamson, vol. u. p. 268.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 351
some time for the billows to subside. Vagabond white men
continued to shoot the Indians. In vain the natives appealed
to the legal tribunals for redress. " Certain it is, that whenever
a white person was tried for killing an Indian, even in times of
profound peace, he was invariably acquitted, it being impossible
to impanel a jury on which there were not some who had
suffered by the Indians, either in their persons, families, or
estates." l
Predatory bands of savages from Canada, accustomed to
plunder, continued for a time their banditti excursions, killing,
plundering, and burning. " But it was manifest that the in
stances of mischief were principally acts of mere revenge com
mitted by stragglers and renegadoes, unencouraged probably
by any tribe. The sagamores of Penobscot, and even of Nor
ridgewock, declared that they had no share in the late rupture,
and expressed strong desires of immediately renewing their
former trade and connections with the English."1
The intelligent Indians could not look upon the continued
encroachments of the English without anxiety. Though con
scious that this could not be prevented by any force of arms
which they could wield, they made frequent and earnest appeals
to the government, in vindication of what they deemed their
rights. Permanent and steadily increasing settlements were
•established at Woolwich, Edgecomb, Bath, Dresden, Bowdoin-
ham, Topsham, and many other places. Strong fortifications
were arising at many important points.
It is supposed that the whole population of Maine, in 1744,
was from twelve to fifteen thousand.2 Falmouth was the largest
town in the Province. The hunting grounds and fishing sites
of the natives were fast passing from them. Soon after this,
the English claimed all the land from the Kennebec River east
to the Sheepscot, and as far up the Kennebec as Norridgewock.
They were taking possession of the territory, and strengthen
ing themselves in it. Gov. Shirley, with several commissioners,
met a number of the sagamores at Fort Richmond. There is
something pitiable in the tone of the chief Indian speaker on
this occasion. He said, —
1 WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 272. 2 Smith's Journal, p. 137.

352 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
' ' Here is a river which belongs to us. You have lately biult a new gar
rison here. We now only ask that you wiU be contented to go no farther
up the river than this fort. We live whoUy by this land, and Uve but poorly.
The Penobscot Indians hunt on one side of us, and the Canada Indians on
the other. Therefore do not turn us off this land. We are wUling that you
should hold possession of aU the lands from this fort downward to the sea."
The governor exhibited deeds, signed by Indian chiefs, in
proof that the English had purchased the lands. Ongewasgone
replied, and without doubt very truthfully, —
" I am an old man, and yet I never heard any of my ancestors say that
these lands were sold. We do not think that these deeds are false; but we
apprehend that you got the Indians drunk, and so took advantage of them,
when you bought the lands."
At the close of this conference one of the chiefs said, " I
would add one word more. Our young men are very apt to
get drunk. We entreat you to give orders to Capt. Lithgow,
not to let any one of them have any more rum than one quart
in two days." 1
The question as to the title to the lands, the EngUsh decided
in their own favor, declaring that they had been deeded to them
by the Indians. Of course the Indians felt deeply aggrieved.
The first town incorporated, within what was called the territory
of Sagadahoc, was Newcastle, so named from the Duke of New
castle, who was secretary of the king, and was deemed friendly
to the colonies.
There were increasing dissatisfaction and murmurs with in
dividual Indians. It was also asserted that the French were
endeavoring to incite them to renew hostilities. The most con
venient route from Quebec to the eastern provinces of Maine,
was to follow up the Chaudiere about a hundred miles, then to
cross the unbroken wilderness through an Indian trail, a dis
tance of about fifty miles, to the Kennebec, near the mouth of
Dead River. This point was about fifty miles above the Iudian
settlement at Norridgewock. It was apprehended that the
Indians far away upon these upper waters of the river, gather
ing from Maine and Canada, and aided by the French, might
i Journal of the Rev. Thomas Smith, pp. 153, 154.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 353
estabUsh a general rendezvous, and make raids upon the lower
settlements. No such attempt was, however, undertaken, and
there is no evidence that such was ever contemplated. Subse
quent events render it much more probable that the rumor was
started by designing men, as an excuse for taking possession of
the lands on the upper waters of the river, by erecting forts.
The governor ordered six companies to be organized ready to
march at the shortest notice. He also issued the severe com
mand, that, should any Indians of Norridgewock be guilty of
any mischief, the troops should advance upon their village,
utterly destroy it, and either kill or capture every member of
the tribe.1 The government ordered a very strong fort to be
built at Teconnet, on the eastern bank of the Kennebec, at the
junction between that river and the Sebasticook. This was
making an advance from Fort Richmond, thirty-five miles up
the river, into the territory which the Indians claimed as their
own, and from which they had so earnestly entreated that they
might not be driven. This fort was garrisoned by eight hun
dred men. In anticipation of another war with the French and
Indians, an alliance was formed by the English with the
Mohawks, the fiercest warriors on the continent.
The great and terrible struggle was approaching between the
two most powerful kingdoms on the globe, France and England,
for the possession of this continent. France was beginning to
rear her forts from the Lakes to New Orleans, intending to hold
control of the majestic valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi,
and to shut up the English upon the narrow border east of the
Alleghanies. England was resolved to drive the French from
Canada, and to take possession of the whole country. In the
awful conflict which ensued, not only the poor Indians were
doomed to be crushed, but thousands of humble European emi
grants suffered woes the very recital of which tortures the soul.
i History of Maine, by WiUiam WiUiamson, vol. 0. p. 297.

CHAPTER XX.
THE OLD FRENCH WAR, AND THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION
COMMENCED.
The Upper Kennebec explored — New Forts built — War with the Indians
Renewed — English Atrocities — War between France and England — Feeble
ness of the Indians — Incorporation of Towns — Efforts of England to En
slave America — The Stamp Act — The Tea Tax — Battle of Lexington —
Patriotism of the People of Maine — Scenes in Falmouth — Visit of the
British Sloop-of-War — Capture of Capt. Mowatt — His Threats.
FIVE hundred troops were sent up the Kennebec River to
explore the carrying-places between that river and the
Chaudi^re. It was ascertained that no fort had been attempted
in that region, by either the French or the Indians. The site
selected by the English for the new fort was beautiful. It was
three-quarters of a mile below Teconnet Falls. It was built of
solid timber, twenty feet in height, and sufficiently capacious to
accommodate a garrison of four hundred men. The name given
this structure was Fort Halifax.
Two other forts, quite similar in strength, were built farther
down the river, each of them on the eastern side. One was at
Cushnoc,1 now Augusta, near the eastern end of the present
bridge. They gave it the name of Fort Western. The other
was about a mile above the northern end of Swan Island. It
was called Fort Shirley.2 From Fort Western to Fort Halifax
was a distance of eighteen miles, through a pathless and unin
habited wilderness. The governor ordered a road to be cut
through the forest suitable for wheel carriages. Arrangements
1 This name is sometimes spelled Cushenoc.
2 As this was situated in the plantation of Frankfort, it was sometimes caUed
Fort Frankfort. 354

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 355
were also made, so that an express might be sent, by means of
whale-boats and videttes, from Falmouth to Fort Halifax, in
twenty-four hours.
On the 6th of November, 1754, couriers reached Falmouth
with the tidings that a band of Indians had assailed some men
from the garrison of Fort Halifax, who were cutting timber,
and killed one man, and carried away four others as captives.
Also a rumor had reached the fort, that five hundred French
and Indians were about to march from Quebec to make an
attack upon the fort. A re-enforcement of a hundred men was
immediately sent to strengthen the garrison. Six companies of
minute-men, in Maine, were ordered to be ready to march at
the shortest notice.
It soon appeared that this hostile outbreak was perpetrated
by the Canada Indians of St. Francois.1 Public opinion was
greatly aroused against these Indians. Many demanded that
they should be utterly exterminated. A hundred pounds was
offered by the General Court, for the scalp of any one of them,
and ten pounds more for an Indian taken alive. There were
mutual recriminations and retaliations by which France and
England gradually drifted into the deplorable " French war,"
without war having been formally declared by either party.
Awful tragedies ensued, which could scarcely have been exceeded
in Pandemonium.
We have no space here to enter into the details of the conflict.
We can only briefly allude to the events which transpired in
Maine. The most awful scenes of distress were witnessed.
The civilized combatants, in their rage, proved that savages
could not exceed them in cruelty. Several months lapsed before
there were any acts of violence in Maine. It is very evident

1 It wiU be remembered that the governor of Canada had invited the fragments
of tribes, broken by war, to settle on lands which he had assigned to them on the
two smaU tributaries of the St. Lawrence, Besancourt and St. Frangois. Here they
were aided in building their houses. A church and a parsonage were erected,
and a missionary and interpreter furnished them. They were caUed the St. Fran
cois Indians, and were, of course, entirely devoted to the French, who had treated
them with such brotherly kindness.— Williamson, vol. U. p. 40; Jeffrey's History of
the French Dominions, p. 9; Topographical Description of Canada, by Joseph Bon-
chette, p. 67. 23

356 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
that the Indians there were exceedingly reluctant to be drawn
into the war. During the summer of 1755, five or six men, in
different localities, were shot, several houses were burned, and
eight men were carried in captivity to Canada. It is probable
that all this was done by straggling bands from Canada ; still
on the 11th of June, 1754, the General Court, in retaliation for
these acts, declared war against all the Indians in Maine, except
ing those on the Penobscot. Two hundred pounds were offered
to volunteers for every Indian scalp. It was known that the
feeble and disheartened Indians could make no show of battle.
They were to be hunted down like bears and wolves. The
Indians were struck with dismay. " They retired back," writes
Mr. Williamson ; " and we hear, after this, of no more mischief
perpetrated by them this season, on our frontiers." J
As a general rule, the English settlers hated the Indians, and
were anxious to get entirely rid of them. They made but little
distinction between friends and enemies. If a Canadian Indian
engaged in any act of aggression, the English were prompt to
take vengeance upon any Indians they might chance to meet,
no matter how inoffensive in conduct or how friendly in heart.
Capt. James Cargill, of Newcastle, was commissioned to raise
a scouting company. He chanced to meet a band of Indian
hunters, peaceful men, who had no thought of any hostile act.
He shot down twelve, and took their scalps. They were worth
to him and his party two thousand four hundred pounds. Soon
after they met a friendly Indian woman, Margaret ; she was
well known, and was returning from a visit to the garrison, with
her babe in her arms. They shot her down. With dying breath
she entreated them to protect her child. They killed the babe
before its mother's eyes.2
Cargill was apprehended for murder : as usual, no verdict
could be found against him, though there was no denial of
the facts ; but there were many good men whose hearts were
filled with grief by such atrocities. The General Court offered
all the Indians who would enlist in the public service, the same
pay as other soldiers had. Nine of the chiefs were invited into
i WiUiamson, vol. fl. p. 312. (
a Eaton's Narrative, pp. 12, 13, as quoted by Mr. WiUiamson, vol. ii. p. 315.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 357
St. George's Fort to confer upon this matter. They were all
seized as prisoners, and were assured that they would not be
liberated until they enlisted. Dreadful was their embarrass
ment. The Canadian Indians were their friends and brethren.
The French had ever treated them with the utmost kindness ;
and yet they were informed, that, unless they would enlist to
fight these their friends, a war of extermination would be waged
against them. On the 5th of November war was declared
against this Penobscot tribe, and large premiums were offered
for their scalps.1
It was not until June, 1756, that England published a declar
ation of war against France. Gov. Shirley, whose administra
tion had lasted sixteen years, became very unpopular, and was
withdrawn. Several months passed before a successor was ap
pointed. The Indians, goaded to desperation, on the 24th of
March, 1756, killed two men and wounded a third, near Fort
George's. On the 3d of May one man was shot in Harpswell,
and two escaped by flight. There were but three Indians, who,
in ambush, attacked these three well-armed white men. They
carried their captive to Canada, where, in about a year, he
obtained his liberty. On the 14th of May two men, in Wind
ham, were shot and scalped by a party of Indians in ambush.
One Indian was shot and another wounded. At the head of
Arrowsic Island, in Georgetown, Mr. Preble and his wife were
kiUed, as they were planting corn, and their three children were
carried to Canada.
The Indians treated these little orphans with great tenderness,
carrying them upon their backs when they were fatigued, and
sharing liberally their food with them. These children became
60 much attached to their Indian parents that they wept bitterly
when, being ransomed, they were taken from them to be restored
to civilized life. Their mother's father, Capt. Harnden, of
Woolwich, went to Canada for them, and such is his testimony
respecting their treatment. At Fort Halifax two men fishing
were shot and mortally wounded.
Such was the character of this needless war. Though but
» Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, vol. ix. p. 248.

358 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
few in Maine were killed, the alarm was universal. The lonely
settlers did not dare to cultivate their fields. No one could
move from his house without danger of being shot at. The
Indians were despondent. Gloom was everywhere. There was
famine in the land. To add to the woes, the small-pox broke
out, and raged in garrison, cabin, and wigwam. The Penobscot
Indians, who had been so ruthlessly assailed, appealed in piteous
tones for peace, to Capt. Bradbury, who commanded the garri
son at St. George's. Very truthfully does Mr. WiUiamson
write, —
" No other eastern tribe had treated the English with so much forbearance
and honor. And the good man's heart must be touched with sympathy for
their melancholy condition, when he reflects, that, in the present war upon
them, our own people were the first and principal aggressors. ' ' x
The Indians were deemed so powerless, that, during the year
1757, only two hundred and sixty men were employed to hunt
them down, besides those in garrison. Early in June, Mrs. Hall,
a lady of remarkable beauty and many accomplishments, was
captured, with her children, after her husband had been killed.
They were carried to Canada, where they were separated. Mrs.
Hall was eventually ransomed. But this unhappy woman, not
withstanding her lifelong endeavors, could never obtain the
least knowledge of the fate of her chUdren.
It was difficult to find the Indians. They very generally
abandoned the frontiers. In 1758 Harpswell was incorporated.
Its atmosphere was even then deemed so salubrious that it was
resorted to by the sick. There were, during this year, only two
or three acts of violence, on the part of the Indians in Maine.
In other portions of our extensive country, the struggle between
France and England raged with great violence. In August an
attempt was made by a party of French and Indians from Can
ada, upon Fort St. George's. It is estimated that the band con
sisted of about four hundred. Re-enforcements were promptly
sent to the place, and the assailants were driven off after butcher
ing about sixty cattle in the vicinity. Soon after an attack was
1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 324.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 359
made upon Meduncook, now Friendship, where eight men were
either killed or captured.
" These," writes Mr. Williamson, " so far as our knowledge
extends, closed the scenes of massacre, plunder, and outrage
by the Indians, during the present war and forever." l
During the next year, Quebec, Ticonderoga, Niagara, and
Crown Point fell before the valor of British armies ; and the
banners of France, not long after this, were driven from this
continent.2 It was a great achievement; but it was accom
plished through woes to humanity which no tongue can ade
quately tell.
The Indians were no longer to be feared. A military force
was sent to Penobscot to take possession of that magnificent
valley. A site was selected for a fort, about three leagues below
Orphan Island, in the present town of Prospect. It was both
fort and trading-house. Though the Indian tribes were greatly
broken, and were crumbling to decay, there were still many
thousand Indians in that region, eager to sell their furs for the
commodities which the English offered in exchange. A gentle
man who visited the fort soon after its erection, wrote, " I have
seen one of its rooms as full as it could be well stowed, with the
first quality of furs, beaver, otter, and sable."
The structure was called Fort Pownal. It cost five thousand
pounds, and was garrisoned by a hundred men. The governor,
in his message to the legislature, said that he had taken military
possession of a large and fine country, which had long been a
den for savages, and a lurking-place for renegado Frenchmen.
In October, 1759, the plantation of Nequasset, sometimes called
Nauseag, was erected into a town, by the name of Woolwich.
The Indians were compelled to confess their rebellion, and that
consequently they had forfeited all their lands, and to take the
oath of allegiance to the king of England. The once powerful
Penobscot tribe had dwindled to five chiefs, seventy-five warriors,
and five hundred souls. The English granted the Indians per
mission to hunt through the unoccupied forests, and to rear their
villages upon such spots as might be assigned to them.
l Williamson, vol. ii. p. 333.
2 Quebec, the capital of New France, capitulated on the 5th of October, 1759.
—Smollett, vol. iii. p. 475.

360 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
At this time nearly all the houses at St. George's River were
of logs. They were very humble structures. Nine were built
in one day. It, was twenty miles to the nearest mill. There
were no carts or cart-roads. Bears and wolves were numerous
in the forests. Moose and deer were abundant. At one time,
when the snow was deep and covered with a crust, seventy
moose were taken in one winter.
On the 13th of February, 1760, Pownalborough was chartered
as a township. It embraced the three present towns of Dres
den, Wiscasset, and Alna, and also Swan Island. Two new
counties, Cumberland and Lincoln, were also established.1 Upon
the retirement of Gov. Pownal this year, Thomas Hutchinson,
a graduate of Harvard, was placed in the gubernatorial chair.
From a valuation taken in the year 1761, it is estimated that
the population of the State then amounted to about seventeen
thousand five hundred souls.
Sir Francis Bernard was soon appointed governor by the
crown. Maine was then regarded as a remote but important
district of Massachusetts. The new governor was an English
man by birth, a graduate of Oxford University, and a thorough ;
aristocrat. In heart he was probably strongly opposed to the
republican views prevailing in the colonies, and his great desire;
was to increase the ascendancy of the crown. He became
unpopular from his evident efforts to curtail the influence of the
people. The rich valley of the Penobscot was fast drawing
settlers. The General Court made Gov. Bernard a present of
the far-famed island Mount Desert. It is said that this gift was
probably intended to secure his influence with the crown in
obtaining its consent to the establishment of thirteen townships
in the Penobscot region. These townships would send represen
tatives to the General Court. This would increase the popular
power. The governor had therefore opposed the measure.
There was still an immense amount of ungranted land in the
eastern portion of the State. Commissioners were appointed to>
1 There were consequently, at this time, three counties. York contained eight
towns, Cumberland seven, and Lincoln five. There were perhaps as many more
small and scattered settlements, called plantations. The Neck, now Portland,
contained a hundred and thirty-six dwelling-houses. — Smith's Journal, p. 74.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 361
run the dividing line between Maine and Nova Scotia. In 1762
Windham, Buxton, and Bowdoinham were incorporated. This
last town was named in honor of Dr. Peter Bowdoin, a Protes
tant, who had fled from France after the revocation of the Edict
of Nhntes. On the 10th of February, 1763, a general treaty
of peace was signed at Paris, between France and England.
France renounced to Great Britain all her northern dominions
in America. At this time there was not a settler in the vaUey
of the Penobscot above Orphan Island.
The Indians were no more successful than the English in pre
venting acts of murder and robbery on the part of lawless vaga
bonds. An Indian was hunting and trapping near Fort Pownal.
Four Englishmen killed him, and stole his traps and furs. The
villany escaped unpunished, and the Indians attempted no
revenge. There were several such cases which the Indians bore
with wonderful forbearance.
This year the census was taken, but it is thought not very
accurately. According to the report made, there remained but
thirty warriors of the Norridgewock tribe, sixty of the Penob
scot, and thirty of the Passamaquoddy Indians. The whole pop
ulation of Maine amounted to about twenty-four thousand.
In the year 1764, three plantations of considerable note,
Topsham, Gorham, and Boothbay, were incorporated. Tops-
ham was named from a town in England ; Gorham was so called
in honor of Capt. John Gorham, a revered ancestor of one of
the grantees. The first settler in that plantation was Capt.
John Phinney, who reared his lonely cabin in that wilderness
in the year 1734. Boothbay was the ancient Cape Newagen
settlement. The plantation was settled in the year 1630, soon
after the first adventurers landed at Pemaquid. A century of
earth's crimes and woes had since passed away, and dreadful
were the ravages those settlers had experienced during the
Indian wars.
The next year two more towns were incorporated, Bristol
and Cape Elizabeth. These were the twenty-second and
twenty-third towns of the district of Maine. Bristol embraced
the ancient and renowned Pemaquid. A settlement was com
menced here as early as 1626. The name was given from the

W St' oS5Mo'A<Hkt— t
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aEho
Io

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 363
city of Bristol in England. Cape Elizabeth was taken from
the old town of Falmouth. The first inhabitants settled upon
a neck of land to which we often have had occasion to refer as
Purpooduck Point. Nearly all the inhabitants of the place
were, at one time, massacred by the Indians.
On the eastern side of Salmon Falls River, above Berwick,
there had long been a plantation of considerable note, called by
its Indian name, Tow-woh. In the year 1767, it was incorporated
as a town, by the name of Lebanon. The tide of emigration
was flowing rapidly towards the fertile and beautiful banks of
the Kennebec. In the year 1771, four towns were incorporated
upon that river, embracing an area of three hundred and twenty-
five square miles. These were Hallowell, Vassalborough, Wins-
low, and Winthrop. They constituted the twenty-sixth, twenty-
seventh, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth corporate towns of
the State.
Hallowell was so called from a distinguished English family
of that name. It embraced the present territory of Augusta.
There had been occasional inhabitants in this region, which was
called Cushnoc and the Hook for more than a hundred years.
Vassalborough, which then included also Sidney, was named
from the Hon. WiUiam Vassal, a prominent citizen of Mass
achusetts. Winslow was also incorporated this year, including the present
town of WatervUle. Here was the famous Teconnet of the
Indians ; and it was at this point, on the neck of land formed by
the union of the Sebasticook and the Kennebec, that Fort Hali
fax was reared. As early as 1754, eleven families built their
cabins at this frontier fort in the wilderness.
Winthrop also was incorporated, embracing territory which
was subsequently set apart as Readfield. The territorial plan
tation established here was called the Pond Town Plantation.
There were forty-four lakes of rare beauty, within limits now
comprising Winthrop, Readfield, and a part of Wayne. It is a
beautiful region, commanding sites for villas, as the country
shall -increase in wealth and population, which perhaps no por
tion of our extensive domain can surpass. This beautiful chain
of lakes was the great water-course over which the canoes of

364 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the Indians were paddled as they passed from the Kennebec to
the Androscoggin.1
On the shores of these lakes, the Indians, with a high appre
ciation of landscape beauty, reared their villages. One of these
lakes, Cobbosseconte, is twelve miles long and two wide. The
outlet of these lovely sheets of water is into the Kennebec, at
what is now Gardiner, by a stream which the Indians called
Cobbossecontecook. All the names the Indians gave appear to
have had some particular significance. It is said that Cobbosse
meant sturgeon, conte, abundance of, and cook, place.2
In the year 1764, Timothy Foster, with his wife and ten chil
dren, wandered through the traUs of the forest to the margin
of Cobbosseconte Lake. Here he reared his log cabin, and
obtained what he probably considered an abundant and luxuri
ous livelihood, by hunting, fishing, trapping, and cultivating a
small patch of corn. The farm granted him by the proprietors
was a hundred rods on the shore of the lake, running back a
mile. The conditions were simply that he should buUd a house
twenty feet square and ten feet stud, should reside, himself or
heirs, on the premises three years, and clear five acres of land
fit for tillage.
The thirtieth town in the State, Pepperellborough, was incor
porated in the year 1772. It was formed by cutting off a sec
tion from Biddeford, and was named in honor of William
Pepperell.3 After bearing that name for thirty-seven years, it
1 "The late Dr. Benjamin Vaughan of Hallowell, an early settler there,
formerly a member of the British Parliament, but obliged to flee from England
because of his sympathy for and interest in the American colonies, was accus
tomed to take his distinguished visitors to Winthrop. He would come by the
charming view of Cobbosseconte Lake at East Winthrop, over the old Meeting-
House Hill, and return by the Narrows Pond; and he often said this ride gave
.him the most interesting scenery in Now England." — Historic Address by the Hon.
S. P. Benson, p. 35.
2 Collections of Maine Historical Society, vol. iv. p. 113. For a more minute
description of this lovely region and its early settlement, see the admirable his
torical discourse of the Hon. Samuel P. Benson, one of the most iUustrious of the
sons of Winthrop, given at the centennial celebration of the first town-meeting
held in the place.
3 "William Pepperell was, at this time (1739), colonel-commandant of the
Yorkshire Regiment; a gentleman whose moral worth and military talents had
already given him an elevated rank in the confidence of the pubUc." — William-
ton, vol. iv. p. 200.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 365
was changed to Saco, which, by a gradual growth, has become
one of the most important towns in the State.
Governor Hutchinson became a vigilant and unscrupulous
advocate of unlimited prerogative in behalf of the crown of
England. The colonies were now in peace and comparatively
rich and prosperous. The great object of the EngUsh Govern
ment was to gather all the reins of power into its own hands, to
tax the people in every adroit way in which it could be done
without raising too loud a clamor, and to thwart the colonists in
all their endeavors to secure popular rights. The tyrannical
government claimed the right of appointing the governors, of
removing the judges at will, of framing the laws, and of
imposing taxes at its pleasure ; while, at the same time, the
right was denied the Americans of being represented in parlia
ment. The detail of these encroachments, which gradually brought
the Americans and the English into battle array against each
other, belongs rather to the general history of the United States
than to that of Maine. To overawe the people, a fleet of war
ships entered Boston Harbor on the 28th of September, 1768.
Under cover of its guns, seven hundred British regulars were
landed, and with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, marched
through the streets to an encampment on the common. Gen.
Thomas Gage was placed in command, with orders to enforce,
by bullet and bayonet if necessary, all the requisitions of the
ministry. The blood of the Bostonians, and of nearly all the American
people, almost boiled with indignation. There were but little
more than two millions of white people scattered along the
coast for hundreds of leagues of this New World. The most
powerful empire then upon the globe, and, if we consider the
destructive enginery of war in their hands, we may say the
most powerful empire that ever existed, was rousing all its
energies of fleets and armies to crush out the liberties of these
feeble colonies. For such an infant David to venture to engage
in battle with such a gigantic Goliath, was the bravest, perhaps
we should say the most reckless measure, ever undertaken on
earth.

366 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The king of England, by an act of parliament, " for the bet
ter regulation of the government of the province of Massachu
setts Bay," appointed the governor. This governor, thus en
tirely at the disposal of the king, appointed the justices of the
supreme court and the sheriffs. Jurors were no longer to be
appointed by freeholders, but by the sheriffs. By this law the
king was placed in absolute control.1 In apprehension that the
people might resist the soldiery, andbe defended by the colonial
courts, a law was passed that, if any one were indicted for cap
ital offence, he might be sent to England for trial.
The people began to meet in conventions, pass resolutions of
remonstrance, petition for redress, and to organize for resistance,
should circumstances compel a resort to that dire extremity.
There were here and there various acts of violence, but no
serious conflict until the battle of Lexington roused the whole
country to arms.
The little village of Lexington was situated about twelve
miles north-west of Boston. A few straggling houses partially
surrounded a small unfenced green, or common. Here the
meeting-house and public tavern stood, forming, with a few
¦other houses, one of the boundaries of the common. Near this
green the road divides. The left branch, stUl bearing to the
north-west, leads to the village of Concord, about six mUes
farther on. Here, about eighteen miles from Boston, the Ameri
cans had deposited some provisions and military stores.
Gen. Gage sent out a detachment of from eight hundred to a
thousand regular soldiers, secretly and at midnight, to seize and
destroy them. It was the night of the 18th of April, 1775,
when the troops, in boats, crossed the Charles River, and, in
the darkness, commenced a rapid march toward Concord.
Every precaution had been adopted by Gen. Gage, to prevent
any intelligence of the movement from spreading into the
country. He hoped to take the place by surprise, to destroy
the stores, and to return to Boston before any resistance could
be organized.2
1 Ancient Charters, p. 785.
2 See account of the expedition, by Frederic Hudson, in Harper's Magazine,
vol. i. ; also History of the Battle at Lexington, by EUas Phinney.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 367
In Boston tliere were stationed ten regiments of veteran British
troops ; and several men-of-war rode at anchor in the harbor.
Notwithstanding all the efforts for secrecy, vigilant eyes watched
every measure of the arrogant, insulting, detested soldiery. In
addition to many other watchful ones, Paul Revere had arranged
with a friend, to signal any important movement. He had a fleet
horse on the other side of the river, with which he could speedily
spread the alarm. Mr. Longfellow, our own poet, a native of
Portland, Me., has given deathless renown to this midnight ride,
in his own glowing verse, —
" Listen, my children, and you shall hear
Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere,
On the eighteenth of April in seventy-five :
Hardly a man is now alive
Who remembereth that day and year.
He said to his friend, ' If the British march,
By land or sea, from the town to-night,
Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch
Of the North Church tower as a signal Ught, —
One if by land, and two if by sea, —
And I on the opposite shore wiU be,
Beady to ride, and spread the alarm,
Through every Middlesex viUage and farm,
For the country folk to be up and to arm. ' "
The signal appeared. Revere mounted his horse, and galloped
along the road to Lexington, shouting the alarm to every family
as he passed. In almost every dwelling there were minute-men,
with guns and ammunition, ready to rush forth at the first warn
ing. Hancock and Adams were both at Lexington. One object
of the British expedition was to capture them.
Revere reached Lexington. The village was roused. The
alarm spread like wild-fire. A small group of men, with their
guns in their hands, pallid not with fear, but with intensity of
emotion, gathered in the gloom upon the green, to decide what
to do in the terrible emergence. There were but between sixty
and seventy present. The report was, that there were between
twelve and fifteen hundred disciplined, thoroughly armed British
regulars approaching under the command of experienced gen-

368 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
erals, who had obtained renown in the wars of Europe. Of
course a forcible resistance was not to be thought of.1
In the mean time the alarm was spreading from farmhouse to
farmhouse in all directions. The village church bells were
rung, signal guns were fired, and there was mustering in " hot
haste." The British troops marched rapidly, arresting any person
they encountered by the way. A little before five o'clock, the
solid column appeared but a few rods from Lexington Green,
marching at double-quick time. Seeing dimly the unformed
group of Americans upon the green, they halted for a moment,
doubled their ranks, and then rushed on. Quietly and with no
signs of resistance the Americans awaited the approach of the
troops. No war had been declared. ¦ The Americans had been
guUty of no act of violence. They supposed that the British
were on the march to seize the stores in Concord. Still even
this was uncertain, and they waited to learn what were the in
tentions and the will of the hostile band.
The troops came along upon the run. When within a few
rods their commander, Lieut.-Col. Smith, shouted, " Lay down
your arms and disperse, you damned rebels ! " Then, turning to
his men, he exclaimed, " Rush on, my boys ! Fire ! "
It was a mean and cowardly act, to order at least eight
hundred soldiers to fire upon a confused group of farmers,
amounting to not more than seventy at the most. Even the
British troops recoiled from such shameful butchery, and with
held their fire. The infurate colonel discharged his pistol at
the Americans, and, brandishing his sword like a maniac, again
shouted, " Fire ! God damn you, fire ! " At this second summons
the soldiers in the first platoon discharged their muskets, but
took care to throw their bullets over the heads of those whom
they seemed to be assailing.
1 At the same time that Paul Revere commenced his midnight ride, Ebenezer
Dorr rode over the Neck, disguised as a farmer, with a flapped hat and scantily
filled saddle-bags. He bore the following despatch from Gen. Warren to Hancock
and Adams: —
" A large body of the king's troops, supposed to be a brigade of about twelve
hundred to fifteen hundred, were embarked in boats from Boston, and have gone
over to land on Lechmere's Point, so caUed, in Cambridge ; and it is suspected
that they are ordered to seize and destroy the stores belonging to the colony
deposited at Concord."

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 369
The Americans thought that this was done to frighten them,
and that the muskets of the English were loaded only with
powder. They therefore remained calmly at their post, neither
running away in panic, nor returning the fire. The troops now
discharged a volley in earnest. Eight of the Americans fell
dead, and ten were wounded. A few guns were discharged at
the English, as the panic-stricken Americans fled in all direc
tions. John Parker fell wounded. He fired his gun at the foe,
and was again loading it when a British soldier ran him through
with the bayonet. Resistance was hopeless, but a few others
discharged their guns as they fled, or lay wounded on the
ground. The English continued to fire so long as a single re
treating American could be seen within gun-shot.1
Thus was the dreadful war of the American Revolution
ushered in. History records many atrocious crimes perpetrated
by the government of Great Britain ; but, among them all,
perhaps there is no one more unnatural, cruel, and criminal than
this endeavor to rivet the chains of despotism upon her own sons
and daughters, who were struggling against the hardships of the
wilderness, and who had come to these solitudes that they might
enjoy civfl and rehgious liberty. There were thousands of the
noblest men in England who detested these infamous measures,
and who remonstrated against them with the utmost vehemence.
Lord Chatham on the floor of Parliament exclaimed, in words
we have already quoted, " Were I an American, as I am an
Englishman, I would never lay down my arms, — never, never,
never I "
The EngUsh suffered but little from the few buUets which
were thrown at them in return. One man was shot through the
leg, and one was wounded in the hand. The verdict which the
civiUzed world has pronounced upon this attack is, that it was
a cold-blooded and cowardly massacre. In the dreadful struggle
which ensued, our unhappy land was doomed to woes, inflicted
by what was caUed the mother country, far exceeding any
i There is some diversity in the detaUs which are given of this conflict ; but
the general facts, as given above, are beyond aU dispute. There were probably on
the green at Lexington fifty or sixty farmers with muskets, and thirty or forty
unarmed spectators. 24

THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON, APRIL 19, 1775.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 371
sufferings which had been endured in the warfare with sav
ages. After a delay of but twenty or thirty minutes, the king's
troops resumed their march six miles farther to Concord. They
reached the place without opposition. Before leaving Lexington
they drew up on the common, fired a triumphant salute, and
gave three cheers in token of their great victory. Concord con
sisted then mainly of a little cluster of dwellings, scattered
around in the vicinity of a large meeting-house. The regulars
destroyed all the ammunition and stores they could find.1 Be
coming alarmed by the indications of a popular rising, and of
the gathering of the farmers to assail them, they commenced a
rapid retreat.
The troops marched into the village of Concord about seven
o'clock. It was one of the most lovely of spring mornings.
Nearly a hundred minute-men had assembled in the vicinity of
the court-house, and re-enforcements from the neighboring vil
lages were fast approaching. The retreat of the British soon
became a precipitate flight. The Americans, rapidly increasing,
pressed upon them with great bravery, firing into their ranks
from every grove, and stone wall, and eminence where they
could find a natural rampart. Hour after hour the fugitives
were assailed by a galling and destructive fire, continually in
creasing in severity. It was with the utmost difficulty that the
officers could preserve any order. All was confusion. It is said
. that the whole country was so aroused, that it seemed as if men
came down from the clouds. The British retreated, as they
advanced, with flanking parties, and with van and rear guards.
With the Americans tliere was no military order. " Every
man was his own general." Not a shout was heard. Scarcely
a word was spoken. The English thought only of escape. The
Americans, exasperated by months of oppression, insolence, and
insult, thought only of shooting down the haughty foe who had
affected to regard them with the utmost contempt. At one or
i " WhUe at Concord the enemy disabled two twenty-four pounders, destroy
ing their carriages, wheels, and Umbers; sixteen wheels for brass three-pounders;
two carriages with wheels for two four-pounders; about five hundred weight of
baUs, which they threw into the river and wells; and stove about sixty barrels
of flour." — Gordon's Account.

372 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
two points the British made a brief stand, when something like
a battle ensued, and several fell on each side. At length, how
ever, the British were driven almost upon the fuU run before
the Americans, in a race for life. Their sufferings from thirst,
hunger, and exhaustion were dreadful. They would all have
been inevitably killed or captured, had not a re-enforcement of
eleven hundred troops, with two field-pieces, come from Boston
to their relief.1
An eye-witness writes, " When the distressed troops reached
the hollow square formed by the fresh troops for their recep
tion, they were obliged to lie down upon the ground, their
tongues hanging out of their mouths like those of dogs after a
chase." This, re-enforcement met the retreating British troops
near Lexington, about two o'clock in the afternoon. For a
short time the fire of the field-pieces seemed to stagger the
Americans ; but they soon became accustomed to the crashing
of the baUs through the forest, and resumed the pursuit. It
was, however, necessary to practise increased caution in attack
ing a desperate foe so greatly augmented in strength.
The British were savage in their vengeance. BuUdings were
shattered and despofled as far as possible. Many would have
been laid in ashes had not the close pursuit of the Americans
enabled them to extinguish the flames. Several of the aged
and infirm, unable to flee, were bayoneted in their dwellings.
Houses were set on fire where women were helpless in bed
with new-born babes. No alternative was left them but to be
consumed by the flames, or, with the infants on their bosoms,
to rush into the streets.
At seven o'clock in the evening, the exhausted, bleeding,
breathless troops reached Charlestown. They took refuge on
Bunker Hill. Here they were protected by the guns of vessels
of war in the harbor. According to the best estimate which
can be made, the casualties on each side were as follows : —
Americans kiUed, 49; wounded, 36; missing, 5.
British " 73 " 172 " 26.s
1 See the minute and admirable account, by Mr. Frederick Hudson, in Harper's
Magazine, vol. 1.
2 Harper's Magazine, No. 300, p. 804.
24

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 373
The battle of Lexington sounded the tocsin of alarm through
out all the colonies. The news reached York in the evening of
the same day. The next morning a company of sixty men,
with arms, ammunition, and knapsacks full of provisions, set
out on their march for Boston. This was the first company
organized in Maine for the war of the Revolution. On the 21st
of April, Falmouth sent a strong company ; soon after, Col.
James Scammon, of Biddeford, led a full regiment to Cam
bridge, where the American troops were being rendezvoused.1
The little town of New Gloucester raised twenty men. In a
few days, more than fifteen thousand patriotic Americans had
left for the battlefield their homes and their farms, in seedtime,
the most important season of the year. Every man was appar
ently ready to pledge his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor,
in defence of the liberties of America.
Falmouth was the seat of justice for Cumberland County.
Here there was estabfished the most remote custom-house in
New England. There was an Episcopal church here, under the
pastoral care of Rev. Mr. Wiswall.2 This church became the
nucleus of a party of crown officers and their political friends,
who were hostile to popular government, and warmly advocated
the claims of the British crown.
But many of the prominent citizens, together with the over
whelming majority of the people, were earnestly patriotic.
Many conventions had been held, where strong resolutions were
passed condemning the encroachments of the crown. A very
bitter feeling sprang up between the people and the royalist
office-holders. These advocates of the crown denounced Fal-

1 "Col. Scammon was well fitted to shine in the mUitary profession; possess
ing vigor of mind and body, and a gayety of temper which secured the good wiU
and attachment of all such as were under his command." — History of Saco and
Biddeford, by George Folsom, p. 283.
2 Rev. Mr. Wiswall graduated at Harvard CoUege, and in 1756 settled in the
ministry as a CongregationaUst, over the Casco parish in Falmouth. In 1764 he
changed his religious sentiments, went to England to receive ordination, and re
turning became pastor of an Episcopal church, which had just been organized on
the Neck. On the breaking out of the Revolution, he joined the royaUst party,
took refuge on board the British fleet, and saUed for England. At the close of
the war he returned to Nova Scotia, and took charge of a parish in Cornwallis,
where he remained until he died. — History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 370.

374 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
mouth to the British authorities, as second only to Boston in its
rebellious spirit.
When the odious Stamp Act was passed, in 1765, an English
vessel brought packages of the hated stamps to Falmouth, and
they were deposited in the custom-house. The people assem
bled, marched to the custom-house, seized the stamps, carried
them in solemn procession through the streets, and burned them.
When the tax was imposed upon tea, a popular assemblage
expressed their hostility to the despotic act in the following
terms : " Resolved, that we will not buy nor sell any India tea
whatever after this third day of February, until the act that
lays a duty on it is repealed."
When the English Government closed the port of Boston, in
1774, the bell of Falmouth meeting-house was muffled, and
tolled funereally from sunrise to sunset. By vote of the town,
a county convention was held to deliberate upon the alarming
state of affairs. Thirty-three delegates met, from nine towns,
in " Mrs. Greele's little one-story tavern." Among other im
portant measures, one was that each member pledged himself
not to accept any commission under the late acts of parliament.
There was a wealthy man in the place, Capt. Samuel Coulson,
who had rendered himself very obnoxious to the people by his
violent opposition to the popular sentiment, and his support of
the measures of the crown. He had built a large ship. In
May, 1775, a vessel arrived from England, bringing sails, rig
ging, and stores for the ship.
As England was laying a heavy duty upon all her products,
an " American Association " had been formed in the several
colonies to thwart the British monopoly of manufactures and
trade. The committee in Falmouth met, and decided that the
packages should be sent back to England unopened. Capt.
Coulson sent to Boston, and secured the aid of a sloop of war,
the " Canseau," under Capt. Mowatt, to enable him to land the
goods. The excitement among the citizens was such that
Mowatt hesitated in resorting to violent measures.
While affairs were in this menacing posture, Col. Samuel
Thompson, a bold, reckless man, came from Brunswick, with
fifty picked men, resolved to seize the sloop of war. They

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 375
came in boats, and secretly encamped in a thick grove on Mun
joy's Hill. It so happened that the day of their arrival Capt.
Mowatt and his surgeon, accompanied by Rev. Mr. Wiswall,
were taking a walk upon this commanding eminence. The
captain and his surgeon were seized and held as prisoners. The
rash measure excited general consternation. The houses were
entirely at the mercy of the guns of the sloop. The second
officer in command threatened, that, if the prisoners were not
released before six o'clock, he would open fire upon the town.1
Some of the prominent citizens called upon Col. Thompson,
and entreated him to liberate the captives. The colonel refused,
declaring that relentless war was now raging between the two
countries ; but, finding the whole town against him, he, at nine
o'clock, released them for the night, upon their giving their
parole that at nine o'clock the next morning they would return
to his encampment. Two citizens of Falmouth, Messrs. Preble
and Freeman, pledged themselves as sureties of the prisoners.
Nine o'clock came, but Mowatt did not appear. Col. Thomp
son angrily arrested the two sureties, and held them all day
without food. In the afternoon he sent to the sloop-of-war to
inquire why Mowatt 2 did not keep his parole. He replied that
his washerwoman had overheard threats to shoot him as soon
as he appeared on shore.
The intelligence of the peril of Falmouth spread rapidly.
Five or six hundred militia-men from the small settlements
around, were in a few hours marching into the place. They
were intensely excited. A sort of court-martial was established,
to examine suspected citizens, that they might learn who could
be relied upon as patriotic, and who were in sympathy with the
enemy. Rev. Mr. Wiswall was summoned before this revolu
tionary tribunal. He declared, on oath, that he abhorred the
i "Our women were, I believe, every one of them in tears, or praying or
screaming; precipitately leaving their houses, especially those whose husbands
were not at home, and widows; hurrying their goods into countrymen's carts,
never asking their names, though strangers, and carrying their children either out
of town or to the south end." — History of Portland, by William Willis, note, p. 509.
2 Mr. WUliamson spells these names Mowett and Wiswell; Mr. WUlis speUs
them Mowatt and Wiswall, as also Wiswell. I follow the spelling, and in the
main the narrative, of Mr. William Goold, in his minute and graphic description
of the "Burning of Falmouth."

376

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. He was
released. Several others were questioned, but none were con
demned. Capt. Coulson's house was entered, and his wine freely drank.
An intoxicated soldier fired two bullets which penetrated the
huU of the " Canseau." A musket was discharged in return, but
no harm was done. Gen. Preble and Col. Freeman were still
held as captives, and treated with severity.
It was Tuesday, the 9th of May, when Mowatt was arrested.
On Wednesday afternoon, the 10th, the militia marched into
Falmouth. Thursday, the Ilth, was observed as a day of fast
ing and prayer for God's interposition. It was a day of fearful
excitement. The soldiers succeeded in capturing one of
Mowatt's boats. He threatened to lay the town in ashes unless
the boat were returned. On Friday, the soldiers left the town
and returned to their homes. Thompson's men took with them
the captured boat. On Monday, the 16th, Mowatt, still breath
ing threatenings and slaughter, raised his anchors, and sailed for
Portsmouth. He took with him Coulson and his new ship.
But the end was not yet.

-**&fS'CLj#a://A#aSOiV

LAST BLOCK HOUSE OF FORT HALIFAX.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION: FALMOUTH LN ASHES.
The British Fleet — The Doom announced — The Conference — The Bombard
ment — The Expedition to Quebec — The Repulse — Friendliness of the
Indians — New Towns incorporated — The British repulsed at Machias —
Anecdote of John Adams — Arrival of the French Fleet — The Foe estab
lished at Biguyduce — Terrible Naval Disaster of the Americans — Barbarism
of the English — The Capture of Gen. Wadsworth — His Brave Defence —
His Escape.
THE storm of British vengeance was rapidly gathering, which
was to doom unhappy Falmouth to destruction. On the 8th
of June the " Senegal," a war vessel of sixteen guns, arrived, and
cast anchor in the harbor. Four days after, the Tory Coulson
came with his new ship, and anchored by the side of the " Sene
gal." Coulson hoped, under the menace of such a force, to
obtain masts for his ship. But as he was a declared enemy of
the town, and the Provincial Congress had passed a resolve to
prevent Tories from conveying their property out of the country,
the people would not allow him to take the masts.
Again both vessels departed, and nothing of special interest
occurred until the 16th of October. That morning quite a fleet
was seen entering the harbor. Capt. Mowatt led the way in
the " Canseau." He was followed by a ship-of-war, the " Cat,"
two armed schooners, and a bomb-sloop. These five vessels
anchored abreast of the town, bringing their broadsides to bear
upon it. In consequence of strong head-winds, this was not
accomplished until the next day.
Late in the afternoon a flag of truce was sent on shore, with
a letter to the town authorities. The officer bearing the letter
landed at the foot of what was then called King Street. An
377

378 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
immense throng of the excited people met him, and followed
him, without noise or violence, to the Town House, where he
delivered the letter. It was a document ludicrous for its bad
grammar, but clear in its terrible announcement. In brief it
was as follows : —
" You have long experienced Britain's forbearance in withholding the
rod of correction. You have been guilty of the most unpardonable rebel-
Uon. I am ordered to execute just punishment on the town of Falmouth.
I give you two hours in which you can remove the sick and the infirm. I
shaU then open fire, and lay the town in ashes." x
Terrible was the consternation which this letter created. For
a moment there was perfect silence. All seemed stupefied.
There was scarcely a moment's time for deliberation. Three
gentlemen were chosen to visit Mowatt, and see if it were not
possible to avert the threatened calamity. But Mowatt was
inflexible. He said that his orders were peremptory, and that
he had risked the loss of his commission by allowing his
humanity so far to influence him as to give them any warn
ing whatever ; that he was ordered to anchor " opposite the
town with all possible expedition, and then burn, sink, and
destroy."2 It is worthy of remark that the three gentlemen of the com
mittee were all Episcopalians, and members of Rev. Mr. Wis-
waU's parish, and thus supposed friends of the English. It was
late in the afternoon. A long, cold October night was at hand.
Mothers and babes, the sick and the dying, were to be driven
out into the bleak fields shelterless ; there, with tears of agony,
to see their homes, their furniture, their clothing, their provis
ions, all consumed by the cruel flames. A more barbarous order
was never issued by a band of Mohawk savages.3
The committee expostulated with Mowatt upon the cruelty
of his order. They were his friends. They had treated him
1 See this letter in fuU, in WUlis's History of Portland, p. 517.
2 Burning of Falmouth, by William Gould, p. 12.
s " The vessels came here directly from Boston; and no doubt can be enter
tained that the order for the destruction of the town proceeded from Admiral
Graves, who then commanded in this station." — History of Portland, by William
Willis, p. 518.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 379
with great hospitality on his previous visit. There were several
Tory families in the place who had already suffered much from
their adherence to the British Government. Their homes must
be consumed with the rest. The flames would make no discrimi
nation. Mowatt was confused and perplexed, and manifested
some shame in view of the barbarous order he was caUed upon
to execute.
At length he consented to delay the bombardment until nine
o'clock the next morning, if the people would consent to the
humiliation of entirely disarming themselves, by delivering to
him all the cannon, small arms, and ammunition in the place. If
eight small arms were sent before eight o'clock that evening,
he would postpone the destruction of the town until he had
sent an express to Boston, and received further instructions.
The committee told him frankly that they did not think that
the citizens would accept those terms. They returned to the
town, and communicated them to the authorities. An anxious
multitude was assembled at the Town House to learn the result
of the conference. As with one voice the heroic people rejected
the humiliating proposal. They however, in order to gain
time for the removal of the women, the children, the sick, and
as many of their effects as possible, sent the eight small arms,
with a message to Mowatt, that they would summon a town
meeting at an early hour in the morning, and give him a definite
reply before eight o'clock.
In the morning the meeting was held. The citizens, with
heroism worthy of Sparta in her brightest days, resolved that
they would not surrender their arms to save their property.
This answer was sent back at eight o'clock the next morning by
the same committee. The members were allowed half an hour
to row ashore and escape beyond the reach of the bombard
ment. Promptly at nine o'clock, the signal of attack was run up to
the mast-head of the flag-ship, and at the same moment the
blood-red pennant of British vengeance was unfurled from all
the other vessels.1 It was a beautiful autumnal morning, with
1 The Burning of Falmouth, by WilUam Gould, p. 14.

380 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
a cloudless sky, a gentle breeze, and an invigorating atmosphere.
The whole lovely expanse of bay and island and continent
seemed to repose in the smiles of a loving God. Falmouth
was charmingly situated, on the southern slope of a gentle emi
nence facing the bay. It was the largest and richest town in
the State. There were about four hundred dwelling-houses,
quite compactly built, though each had its garden. Some of
these dwellings were quite elegant in their structure. There
were also capacious churches, a library, and several public build
ings of importance, together with many barns and store-houses.
Such was the town which was destroyed, and such the day
on which this atrocious act of crime and inhumanity was perpe
trated. The bombardment was terrific. From nine o'clock in
the morning until six in the evening an incessant storm of can
non-balls, bombs, carcasses, shells, grape-shot, and bullets, fell
upon the doomed town. In the mean time one hundred men
were landed in boats to apply the torch to the buildings which
might be out of the range of shot and shell.1
No resistance could be of any avail. The inhabitants ran
great risks in their endeavors to save their furniture, while this
tempest of war was raging around them. The town soon
presented a roaring volcanic sheet of flame. Most of the build
ings were of wood, which had been thoroughly dried in the sum
mer sun. Dreadful was the spectacle which the evening of that
awful day presented. Two hundred and seventy-eight dwell
ing-houses were in ashes, in addition to other public and private
buildings, which brought the whole number destroyed up to
four hundred and fourteen. We cannot here enter into the
details of individual misery. Many cases were truly heart
rending. Edmund Burke says that to speak of atrocious crime in mild
language is treason to virtue. There can be no language too
strong in which to denounce this fiend-like outrage.2 A very
1 History of Portland, by WUliam Willis, p. 519.
2 We are in cordial sympathy with the spirit manifested hy the Rev. Samuel
Deane, D.D., who was then pastor of the Congregational church in Portland, and
who witnessed the bombardment. He wrote, —
" That execrable scoundrel and monster of ingratitude, Capt. H. Mowatt of
Scotland, who had been treated with extraordinary kindness a few months before

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 381
careful estimate was made of the amount of the losses experi
enced. They reached the enormous sum, in those days, of fifty-
four thousand five hundred and twenty-seven pounds, thirteen
shillings. This was lawful money, which was then equivalent
to two hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred and
thirty-nine dollars in silver.1
Soon after this the General Court commenced rearing some
fortifications at Falmouth, and sent four hundred soldiers to
aid in guarding the coast of Maine. Gen. Washington projected
an expedition against Quebec. The force consisted of about
eleven hundred men, mainly infantry. Col. Benedict Arnold,
whose gallantry was established, and whose patriotism was then
unsullied, was placed in command. The troops rendezvoused
at Newburyport, Mass., and sailed thence, in ten transports, for
Fort Weston, which, it will be remembered, was at the head of
tide-water on the Kennebec River. They ascended the river
still farther in boats, and marched along the pathless banks,
encountering the most exhausting difficulties, until they reached
a point about thirty miles above Norridgewock. It was then
about the 12th of October.
Here a small fort was built, and a small division left in gar
rison. A series of terrible disasters ensued. There were gales
of almost wintry wind, floods of rain, swollen torrents, swamps,
rugged hills, tangled forests, and faUing provisions. There was
reason to fear that the whole army would actually perish of
hunger in the wilderness. Many barrels of food were lost, with
by the town of Falmouth, obtained an order from Graves, one of King George's
admirals lying at Boston, to burn and destroy the said town.
" He came before it on the 17th of October, 1775, and near sunset made known
his infernal errand, by a flag, with a letter full of bad English and worse speUing;
at the same time proposing to spare the town, and endeavor to get the order re
versed, if the cannon and arms, with some persons as hostages, were delivered into
his hands. The inhabitants assembled, and voted by no means to submit to this
infamous proposal. Therefore he spent the next day in cannonading, bombarding,
and throwing an immense quantity of carcasses and sheUs into the defenceless
town, and kindling some fires with torches, whereby more than three-quarters of
the buUdings were reduced to ashes, and the remaining ones greatly torn and
damaged; by which horrible devastation many hundred persons were reduced to
extreme distress.
" If you do not Uke the words execrable scoundrel, you may substitute infamous
incendiary, or what you please." —Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 241.
l History of Portland, by WilUam Willis, p. 524.

382 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
silver, clothes, guns, and ammunition. Upon reaching the mouth
of Dead River, far away in the savage wilderness, Col. Enos, in
command of the rear guard, and having the sick under his care,
abandoned the enterprise, and returned. He had with him
about one-fourth of the army. For this movement he was at
first severely denounced ; but a court-martial decided that he
had not acted unwisely in so doing.
Arnold, with his small force, pressed on across the countiy,
a distance of about one hundred miles, toward the Chaudi&re.
He had to force his way through wilds never before trodden but
by Indians and the beasts of the forest. On the 30th of Octo
ber he reached, through toils and sufferings which cannot be
adequately described, the northern end of Lake Megantic,
where the River Chaudiel'e flows from that vast sheet of water.
Their distress was then so great, and their remaining provisions
so small, that Arnold divided all the supplies among the compa
nies, and directed them to press on, regardless of military order,
in search of the Canadian villages.
For a month they toiled along without seeing a house, or any
human being save their own disheartened and emaciated com
panions. Every morsel of food was consumed before they had
arrived within thirty miles of the first Canadian village. They
killed their dogs, and devoured them. They boiled, and then
broiled upon the fire and ate, their breeches, moccasins, and bayo
net-belts, which were made of tanned moose-hide. On the 4th
of November they reached the mouth of De Loup River. In
that northern latitude it was cold, dreary, and stormy. Quebec,
on the St. Lawrence, was still ninety miles north of them.
Many died of fatigue and hunger. Often a man would drop
down in such utter misery, that in less than five minutes he
would be dead.
The situation of the army was awful. To retreat was im
possible ; for there was nothing but certain starvation before
them in the wilderness. To stop where they were, was inevita
ble death. To inarch forward was almost hopeless. They were
in utter destitution. The men tottered along so feebly that they
could scarcely shoulder a gun. Washington, with his charac
teristic humanity, had instructed these troops to abstain from
every act of violence upon the people of Canada.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 383
" I charge you," he wrote, " that you consider yourselves as
marching, not through an enemy's country, but that of your
friends and brethren ; for such the inhabitants of Canada and
the Indian nations have approved themselves in this unhappy
contest between Great Britain and America."
Col. Arnold had been furnished with money, in specie, to the
mount of about four thousand dollars. His troops now began
to reach thriving Canadian and Indian villages. With great
'•.heerfulness the inhabitants supplied him with food. With
recruited energies the army pressed on, hoping to find Quebec
undefended and without a garrison. On the 8th of November
they reached Point Levi, on the southern bank of the river
opposite Quebec. The appearance of the American troops,
emerging from the vast and dreary wilderness, was as unex
pected as if they had descended from the clouds. It is said, that,
could they have immediately crossed the river, Quebec might
have been taken.
But the men were greatly exhausted. There was a high,
piercing wintry wind, roughening the wide surface of the stream.
Boats could not readily be procured. Thus the golden oppor
tunity was lost. The British authorities fortified the city.
Arnold had about seven hundred men at Point Levi, fifty of
whom were friendly Indians. On the first of December, Gen.
Montgomery arrived with three armed schooners, six hundred
men, and a supply of food, clothing, and ammunition. They
made a united attack upon Quebec, on the 31st of December.
The assailants were repelled, Montgomery fell, and the Ameri
cans evacuated Canada.
The General Court, that winter, organized Maine into a mili
tary division. A brigadier-general was appointed over the militia
in each county. All able-bodied males, between sixteen and
sixty, were enrolled to do military duty, with the exception of
settled ministers of the gospel, Quakers, colored men, and
Indians. The awful war of the Revolution was raging south of Maine,
while a small garrison was stationed at Falmouth with a battery
of six cannon. The cruelties perpetrated by the British Gov
ernment were so great that every hour the resentment of the

384 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Americans, against the unnatural mother country, was increas
ing. On the 4th of July, 1776, the Continental Congress
declared these colonies to be free, sovereign, and independent.
The Indians of Maine had, thus far, remained quiet. Trading-
houses had been established at Fort Pownal, near where Bangor
now stands, and at Machias. The Penobscot and Passama
quoddy Indians were cordially friendly to the Americans. Ten
of the chiefs of the tribes still farther east repaired to Massa
chusetts, and entered into a treaty of. alliance with the govern
ment, engaging to send six hundred men to join the army of
Gen. Washington. The small settlements of Camden and
Machias raised two hundred men for the defence of the country.
Thirty men, ten of whom were Indians, were stationed at Fort
Pownal for the defence of the valley of the Penobscot.
On the 7th of November, 1776, the town of Warren was
incorporated. It was named in honor of Gen. Warren who fell
at Bunker Hill. This was the thirty-fifth town of the State,
and was the first one which had been incorporated on St.
George's River, though that valley had been settled for about
forty years. There were for many years two settlements in this
region, — one at Warren, and one at Thomaston. St. George's
Fort was their common resort in times of peril. They were
caUed the "Upper and Lower Towns." In the year 1753,
seventy emigrants from Sterling, in Scotland, settled in a
cluster in this vicinity. Subsequently their village took the
name of the city which they had left.
England found that her colonies developed unexpected ener
gies. Our cruisers were remarkably successful. During the
war they captured prizes to the amount of about seven mfllion
dollars. Amidst many reverses and many woes, the victory at
Trenton filled the country with exultation. Our ally France, in
the spring of 1777, sent to the colonies a large amount of arms
and military stores. For the defence of the coast of Maine,
companies were raised and stationed at Falmouth, Cape Eliza-
1 Warren contains twenty-seven thousand acres. The river is navigable to
Andrews Pond, for vessels of one hundred tons. Shad and alewives were for
merly taken in immense quantities in the river. The natives marked a tree,
near the first falls, above which they forbade the English to fish. — MS. Narrative
of Warren by Cyrus Eaton, as quoted by Williamson, vol. U. p. 456.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

385

beth, and Boothbay. At the latter place there was a battery
of five cannon, the largest of which was a twelve-pounder.
They were supplied with fifty rounds of cartridges.1
Machias became a very important place. It was raised to a
continental establishment. There was an important mill privi
lege here which attracted settlers. Three hundred volunteer
soldiers were placed there in garrison. Ample stores for trade
with the Indians were shipped to that place, that their continued

.LOWER FALLS, EAST MACHIAS, ME.

friendship might be secured. The Indians remained friendly.,
and many of them enlisted in the service of the Americans.
On the 11th of January, 1777, the flourishing plantation of
Fryeburg was incorporated. The place had renown as the
former seat of a large village belonging to the tribe of Sokokis
Indians. It was also the theatre of LoveweU's disastrous fight
in the year 1725. The Indians called the place Pegwacket.2

i Bradford's Mass., vol. n. p. 133.
25

* WiUiamson, vol. u. p. 459.

386 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
On the 20th of March, Thomaston was incorporated. This
made the thirty-seventh town in the State. Its Indian name
was Georgeekeag. Thomaston received its name from a brave
officer of Massachusetts, Major-Gen. John Thomas, who had
died the preceding May, in the service of his country. The
fort in this place gave it celebrity above any other town in the
valley of the St. George. In 1750 the fort was so crowded, in
consequence of the Indian war, that about twenty families built
two rows of block-houses, one hundred rods from the fort, and
surrounded them with palisades ten feet high. All the men
served alternately as guards and sentinels, ever ready to muster
to repel an attack.
The British sent four war-vessels, to batter down Machias-
They anchored about a mile below the junction of East and
West Machias Rivers. They burned two dwelling-houses, and
several other buildings. The barges then, in a dead calm,
towed two of the vessels, a brig and a sloop, to the mouth of
Middle River, about half a mile below the falls. The garrison,
aided by the Indians, opened a deadly fire from each shore upon
the barges, and drove the sailors from their boats on board the
brig. The current swept her ashore. The men were driven by
the bullets, from the deck into the hold. The rising tide soon
floated the brig ; but the fire from the north shore was kept up
so briskly that the men could not work her, and she soon
grounded again.
It was indeed a wonderful scene which was then and there
witnessed. There were fifty Passamaquoddy Indians engaged
in the attack upon the vessels. It was congenial work for them.
They could run along the shore, hide behind the trees, stumps,
and logs, and take deliberate aim at their foes, without en
dangering themselves. Every man in the place, capable of
bearing arms, rushed to the conflict. The Indians kept up an
incessant, shrill Avar-whoop. The white people re-echoed the
shout. These yells, from foes who were scarcely visible, echoing
through the forest, led the English to suppose that the shores
were lined with thousands of savages.
A breeze arose. Aided by this the two vessels effected a
retreat to the other two vessels which were at anchor. The

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 387
officers, surprised at the vigor of the resistance which they had
encountered, after the delay of a few days abandoned the enter
prise. The Indians merited and received the gratitude of the
Americans for their faithful adherence to their cause. Had they
listened to the appeals of the English, they might easily, with
their aid, have destroyed all the eastern settlements.1
In the year 1777, Burgoyne's surrender caused nine thousand
of our enemies to lay down their arms.2 There was no longer
any fear of the invasion of Maine from Canada. During the
progress of the war Maine gained much celebrity from the hardy
and skilled seamen she furnished our infant navy. In addition
to their almost perfect seamanship, they were generally young
men of good character and habits. Commodore Samuel Tucker,
one of the bravest of the brave, who conveyed in a Continental
frigate Hon. John Adams as American envoy to France, was
a native of Bristol, Me. Hon. Mr. Sprague, in his eulogy of
Adams and Jefferson, relates the foUowing well-authenticated
anecdote of an event which occurred on the passage : —
On the 14th of March, a vessel hove in sight. Capt. Tucker
soon came up with it, and found it to be an armed British
cruiser. After a hotly contested battle it was captured. In the
midst of the tumult and the carnage, Capt. Tucker, much to his
surprise, saw his illustrious passenger on deck, musket, in hand,
fighting like a common saUor. The captain, who was a very
powerful man, rushed up to Mr. Adams, and in excited accents
exclain»ed, " You here, sir ! You have no business here, sir !
I am commanded to carry you safely to Europe ; and, God help
ing me, I will do it." So saying, he seized Mr. Adams in his*
arms, and carried him, as though he were a child, down into
the cabin.8
In the year 1778, two new towns were incorporated. The
first was CoxhaU, subsequently Lyman, named probably in
honor of Theodore Lyman of Boston. A few settlers had
1 " Great credit is due to the Indians for their rigid adherence to our cause ;
although, at times, the commissary's department was destitute of sufficient pro
visions and clothing for them." — Judge Jones.
2 The British force surrendered was 6,280; Burgoyne's other losses amounted
to 2,933. Total, 9,213. —Holmes's American Annals, vol. n. p. 391.
* Life of John Adams. Lives of The Presidents, p. 74.

388 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
penetrated the wilderness at this place, about ten years before.
The other town was Gray, so named from one of its proprietors.
Nearly thirty years before, an attempt had been made to establish
a settlement here ; but, during the French war, the plantation
had been laid waste. In aU these new towns the inhabitants
were ardent friends of liberty. The Tories resided in the more
opulent towns, where officers, under the British Government,
exerted a powerful influence over the aristocratic circles of
society. This year a law was passed confiscating the estates of
three hundred and ten of the Tories, who had resided in the
State, but who had many of them fled, taking refuge on board
the British fleet. They generally deemed it impossible that the
Americans could resist the power of Great Britain, and doubted
not that they would soon be returned in triumph to their homes.
The battle of Monmouth, on the 28th of June, 1778, gave
new hopes to the Americans ; which hopes received another
impulse from the arrival of a French fleet of twelve ships of the
line and six frigates, to aid them in their struggle against their
gigantic foe. The territory of Massachusetts, which included
Maine, was at this time divided into three districts, the North
ern, Middle, and Southern. The counties of York, Cumberland,
and Lincoln received the distinctive name of the " District of
Maine." Timothy Langdon, Esq., an eminent lawyer of Wis-
casset, was appointed judge.
In 1779 Pittston was incorporated. It was the fortieth town
in the State, and the last which was incorporated by the Gteneral
Court under the royal charter. A settlement had been com
menced there about eighteen years before. In May of this
year, the British sent a fleet of seven or eight war-ships, to
plunder and burn the settlements on the Penobscot. Nearly a
thousand men embarked in this fleet at Halifax. They landed
on the 12th, at Biguyduce,1 now Castine, and commenced
building a strong fort that they might command the whole of
the valley. The detested Mowatt was assigned to this station,
with three sloops of war.
This movement created much alarm. The General Court of
i This name, taken from a French gentleman, Major Biguyduce, who formerly
resided there, was pronounced Bageduce.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 389 •I
Massachusetts, with the approval of the Colonial Government,
promptly fitted out for the capture of the port, a fleet of nineteen
armed vessels and twenty-four transports. The fleet carried
three hundred and forty-four guns, and was amply supplied with
material of war. The command of the expedition was intrusted
to Commodore Saltonstall, of New Haven, Conn. He was un
doubtedly a patriot and a brave man ; but he was sadly deficient
in military skill. The enterprise proved a total failure, followed
by an awful loss of life and property. It is very clear that the
fort could have been taken had proper measures been adopted.
Gens. Lovell and Wadsworth, who commanded the land force,
conducted with great bravery, but they were not supported by
the commodore. The assaults which were made were so feeble
that the garrison was enabled to strengthen its works, and to
send to Halifax for aid.
On the 14th of August, a formidable British fleet of seven
vessels entered the harbor. The result was that the American
fleet was annihUated. Some of the vessels were captured by the
English. Some were run ashore and burned. Nearly all were
abandoned. The sailors and marines commenced a retreat
through the vast wilderness, to the Kennebec. After great suf
fering, most of them reached the forts on the river. This utter
defeat was extremely humiliating. The General Court, after a
thorough investigation of the affair, pronounced sentence in
capacitating Commodore Saltonstall from ever after holding a
commission in the service of the State, and honorably acquitting
Gens. Lovell and Wadsworth.
The British now seemed to be securely established at the
mouth of the Penobscot. The American settlers, on the banks
and the island, were exposed to constant insults and injuries.
After the repulse of the fleet, the British sent a party up the
river to Bucksport, where they burned five dwelling-houses and
aU the out-bufldings, and returned to the fort with the plunder.
The people of the struggling little settlement in Belfast were
plundered, and so outrageously abused that they were forced to
abandon their homes and all their possessions, and in destitution
and tears to seek refuge where they could. It seems difficult to
account for the fact that British officers, who had wives and

390 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
children, and who were generally gentlemen by birth, could be
guilty of such inhumanity as to burn the log cabins of poor
settlers, rob them of their little all, and drive out mothers,
babes, and maidens to perish of hunger and exposure in the
wilderness. There was a poor man by the name of John Gilky, living
upon an island. He was absent, and only his wife and children
remained in the lonely cabin. A boat's crew of Englishmen
landed. They plundered his house, and shot his five cows,
though the mother, with tears and on her knees, implored them
to spare her at least one for her children. These men, sent
on this diabolical mission from an English ship, then retired,
leaving the family in the depths of woe.
An English soldier fled from one of these ships. It is proba
ble that he was in favor of American liberty, and did not like
the employment he was in. Faint and hungry he came to the
house of Shubael Williams. The kind-hearted American, poor
as he was, gave him a seat by his cabin-fire, and fed him. Wil
liams was seized by the British, and was charged with encoura
ging the man to desert. These English officers, who called
themselves civilized and even Christian men, sentenced the poor
man to receive five hundred lashes at the whipping-post.1 The
writer regrets to record such deeds, but history is unfaithful to
its trust if atrocious acts are not held up to public execration.
Many Tories from Massachusetts fled to this region, to be under
the protection of the English. All the eastern towns were now
in great peril from a foe more to be dreaded than the Indians.
The General Court sent three hundred men to Falmouth, two
hundred to Camden, and a hundred to Machias. The command
of this eastern department was assigned to Gen. Wadsworth.
His headquarters were at Thomaston.
The island of Mount Desert suffered severely from the rav
ages of the enemy. Boats' crews were often landing, shooting
the cattle, and plundering the helpless inhabitants. Bath, the
forty-first town in the State, was incorporated in the year 1781.
It had previously been considered the second parish of George-
1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. n. p. 430.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 391
town. The first settlement here was in about the year 1 670.
The land was purchased of two sagamores, Elderunkin and
Nenement. Bath has become one of the most important commercial towns
in Maine. It is admirably located on the western bank of Ken
nebec River, twelve miles from its mouth. The largest ships
can float in its secure harbor, which is never impeded by ice.
Capt. George Weymouth, as we have mentioned in , the early
part of this history, ascended the river to this point, in the sum
mer of 1605. He landed, with a boat's crew, and wrote, —
" We passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, and fit for pas
ture, having but little wood, and that oak, like that standing in our pastures
in England, good and great, fit timber for any use. There were also some
smaU birch, hazel, and brake, which could easily be cleared away, and made
good arable land." J
Ship-buUding has been its principal business. In the year
1847 it received a city charter, and in 1854 became the shire-
town of Sagadahoc County.
During the vicissitudes of the war, Gen. Wadsworth was
residing in a secluded habitation, on the banks of a small rill in
Thomaston. His family consisted of Mrs. Wadsworth, an infant
daughter, a son five years of age, and a young lady, Miss Fenno,
a friend of Mrs. Wadsworth. Six soldiers were on guard. The
English at Biguyduce heard of his defenceless condition, and
sent a party of twenty-five men, under Lieut. Stockton, to cap
ture him. It was the 18th of February. The ground was
covered with snow, and it was intensely cold.
At midnight the party approached the house. The sentinel,
outside at the door, seeing such a band approach, rushed into
the kitchen, which was used as a guard-room. The English dis
charged a volley of bullets through the open door. The house
was immediately surrounded, the windows dashed in, and vol
leys discharged into the sleeping apartments of the general and
of Miss Fenno. The general, armed with a brace of pistols, a
fusee, and a blunderbuss, fought with great intrepidity, driving
the foe from before his window and from the door. The attack
1 Maine Historical CoUection, vol. v. Address by John McKeen, Esq.

392 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
i
was renewed through the entry. The general defended him
self with a bayonet until a bullet passed through his arm,
rendering him helpless. He then surrendered. He would have
been shot down in cold blood had not an officer pushed aside
the gun of the assassin.
Awful was the spectacle then witnessed. The general and
nearly all of his guard were wounded, and their persons and
the floors were stained with blood. One poor creature, writh
ing in anguish from a dreadful wound, begged them to shoot
him and thus end his torture. The windows and the doors were
dashed in, and the house was on fire. The thickly flying bul
lets fortunately struck neither of the females nor the children.
The general had sprung from his bed, and was in his night
dress. The bullet had struck his elbow, and the arm, from
which the blood was gushing, hung helpless at his side ; and he
announced a surrender. An English officer came into his room
with a lighted candle, and said, " You have defended yourself
bravely. But we must be in haste. We wfll help you put on
your clothes."
The excruciating pain of his wound rendered it impossible
for him to wear his coat. It was given to a soldier to carry,
and a blanket was spread over his shoulders to protect him from
the piercing wintry blast. His wife begged permission to exam
ine and dress the wound. This was not permitted. A handker
chief was bound around the arm to stay, in some degree, the
rapid gushing of the blood.
Several of the British soldiers were wounded. Two of them
were placed upon the general's horse, which was brought from
the barn, while he, faint from loss of blood, was compelled to
walk four miles, through the snow, to the vessel from which
the party had landed. After toiling along for a mile, his
strength entirely gave out. As one of the wounded British
soldiers who was riding was apparently dying, they left him
at a house, and the general was placed upon the horse behind
the other soldier. When they reached the shore, off which the
vessel, which was an English privateer, lay at anchor, the cap
tain approached him, and exclaimed ferociously, " You damned
rebel, go and help them launch the boat, or I wUl run you
through with my sword."

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 393
Gen. Wadsworth replied, "I am a prisoner, wounded and
helpless. You may treat me as you please."
Lieut. Stockton came promptly to the rescue, and, addressing
the brutal fellow, said, " Your conduct shall be reported to your
superiors. The prisoner is a gentleman. He has made a brave
defence. He is entitled to be treated honorably."
The general was granted a berth in the cabin, and such other
comforts as circumstances would aUow. The next day the ves
sel reached Biguyduce. The place was thronged with British
officers, sailors, soldiers, and Tories, who had taken refuge there.
They crowded the shore to see the captives landed, and assailed
them with shouts of rage and contempt.
Protected from mob violence by a guard, they were marched
half a mile to the fort. A surgeon dressed the general's wounds,
and he was treated with great humanity. Gen. Campbell, who
commanded at the fort, expressed his high admiration of the
heroic defence Gen. Wadsworth had made against such fearful
odds. " I have heard," he said, " of the treatment you received
from the captain of the privateer, and I shall compel him to
make to you a suitable apology."
A comfortable room was assigned him, he breakfasted and dined
at the table of the commandant, and books were furnished him
to reUeve the weariness of his imprisonment. There was an
encampment of American soldiers at Camden, on the western
side of Penobscot Bay, about twenty-one miles from Biguyduce.
Lieut. Stockton allowed his prisoner to send to that station,
which was but four miles from the place where he had been
captured, a letter to his wife, and another to the governor of
Massachusetts, by a flag of truce.
Gen. Wadsworth felt extreme anxiety in reference to his
family. He had been so hurried away that he knew not their
fate. At the close of a fortnight he learned that they were
safe. His little son, buried in the bed-clothes, had escaped the
bullets which had been flying so thickly through the chamber.
The wounds of the general proved to be very severe. It was
five weeks before he could move about. He wished for the
customary permission of going abroad on his parole ; but this
privilege was denied him.

394 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
After close confinement of two months, his wife and Miss
Fenno were allowed to make him a short visit. He then ascer
tained that he was to be sent to England, to be tried as a rebel.
The British authorities were treating the American prisoners
of war with the utmost brutality. If sent to London, there
was but slight chance of his escaping the gibbet. About this
time Major Benjamin Burton was captured, and was imprisoned
in the same room with Gen. Wadsworth. He was a very brave
man, who had been attached to a fortress in the present town
of Cushing. His intrepidity had attracted the attention of the
EngUsh, and excited their malevolence. It was soon evident
that they were both to be transported to England.
Goaded by this peril, they effected their escape through toils
and sufferings, scarcely exceeded by the world-renowned adven
tures of Baron Trenck. They were in a grated room within
the fort. The walls of the fort were twenty feet high, sur
rounded by a ditch. Sentinels were stationed upon the walls,
and on the outside of the portals which opened from the for
tress. Guards were also stationed at the door of their room.
Outside of the ditch there was another set of soldiers, who were
patrolling through the night. The fort was on a peninsula, and
a picket-guard was placed at the isthmus to prevent any escape
to the mainland. Under these circumstances it would seem
that escape were impossible.
With a penknife and a gimlet, they, in three weeks' labor, cut
an aperture through the pine-board ceiling of their room.
Every cut was concealed by paste made of bread moistened in
their mouths. On the 18th of June the long wished for night
of darkness, thunder, and tempest came. The midnight gale,
with flooding rain, drove aU to seek shelter. At twelve o'clock
they removed the panel which they had cut out. By the aid
of a chair they crept into an entry above. The darkness was
like that of Egypt. They groped their way along, and soon
became hopelessly separated. Wadsworth succeeded in reach
ing the top of the wall by an oblique path used by the soldiers.
Fastening his blanket to a picket, he let himself down until he
dropped into the ditch. Cautiously creeping between the sentry
boxes, he reached the open field.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 39&
The gale still swept the plains, and the rain fell in floods.
He groped his way through rocks and stumps and brush, till he
reached an old abandoned guard-house on the shore of the back
cove. This was the rendezvous where the two friends had
agreed to meet. He waited half an hour ; but as Major Burton
did not appear he sadly gave him up as lost. It was low water.
He waded across the cove, which was a mile in width, the water
often reaching nearly to his armpits. Thence he pressed on
another mile, through a road which he had formerly caused to
be cut for the removal^of cannon.
The sun was now rising. He was still on the eastern banks
of the Penobscot, about eight miles above the fort. It was a
beautiful June morning. The smiles of God seemed to be rest
ing upon a world which its wicked inhabitants were fining with
misery. At that moment the general, to his inexpressible joy,
saw his companion approaching. The meeting was rapturous.
They found a boat upon the shore. With it they crossed the
broad river, and landed on the western bank, just below Orphan
Island. They had but just landed, when a barge of the enemy
was seen in the distance, evidently in pursuit. Gen. Wads
worth had a small pocket compass. Guided by this they directed
their course in a south-west direction, and after three days of
toil and suffering reached the habitations of American settlers.
They obtained horses, and were soon with their friends in
Thomaston. 1

1Gen. Peleg Wadsworth was born in Duxbury, Mass., May 6, 1748, and
ftaduated at Harvard College in the class of 1769. Immediately after the
attle of Lexington he raised a company of minute-men, and was second in
command of the expedition against Biguyduce. He came to Falmouth in
1784, and in 1785-6 built the first brick house in the town, still standing, and
in which the poet Longfellow passed his youth. In 1792 he was elected the
first representative to Congress from the Cumberland district. He died in
Hiram, Me., in 1829, at the age of eighty-one. He was the maternal grand
father of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, the poet, his daughter, Zilpah,
having married Stephen Longfellow, the poet's father, in 1804.

CHAPTER XXII.
AND THE SEPARATION.
Expenses of the War— The Question of Separation — Increase of Towns —
Counties Formed — Bowdoin CoUege chartered — The Farmington Schools
— Lewiston — Augusta and its Institutions — WatervHle — Gardiner — The
War of 1812 — Causes of the War — Incidents of the Conflict — Increase of
Population and Towns — The Penobscot "Valley ravaged — General Alarm
— Scenes in Castine — Peace — The "Ohio Fever" — The Separation —
Maine an Independent State.
THROUGH aU this dreadful conflict with England, the In
dians of Maine remained firm in their alliance with the
Americans. The coasts were ravaged by English cruisers.
This led many settlers to push farther back into the wilderness.
Four years after the capture of.Burgoyne, the British army, under
Lord Cornwallis, on the 27th of October, 1781, surrendered at
Yorktown, to the combined force of France and America. The
British were vanquished. Their cause was hopeless. A treaty
of peace was signed at Paris, on the 3d of September, 1783. All
hostilities ceased, and the British armies were withdrawn from
our shores. England, in this senseless war, sacrificed one hun
dred thousand lives of her own subjects and mercenaries, and
added a sum amounting to six hundred mfllion dollars to her
national debt. America gained her independence at an expense
of the Uves of fifty thousand of her patriotic citizens, and a debt
of forty-five million dollars ; and this was in addition to indi
vidual losses and expenditures which can never be adequately
estimated. 1
The Indians had won the kindly feelings of all. But they
1 WiUiamson, vol. U. p. 604 ; Mass. Hist. CoU., vol. ii. p. 402.
397

398 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
were no longer freeholders of the soil. They were allowed
restricted territory, and all other regions were in the possession
¦of the State. The District of Maine embraced, it was estimated,
thirty million acres. An immense tide of emigration began to
flow in upon these rich lands. A day of prosperity had dawned.
In 1784 Machias, which had been deemed the most noted plan
tation in Maine, was incorporated. It took its name from a
river passing through it, which the Indians called Mechises.
The Tories of Maine generally retired across the Bay of Fundy,
to the English province of New Brunswick.
In March, 1785, James Bowdoin was elected governor of
Massachusetts. Three new towns were incorporated this year, —
Shapleigh, Parsonsfield, and Standish. The last was named in
honor of the renowned Capt. Miles Standish. The question
arose respecting the separation of the District of Maine from the
State of Massachusetts. But the inhabitants of Maine were so
widely scattered, that it was impossible to obtain an expression
of public opinion. Conventions were held, addresses issued, and
various measures adopted, to form and to ascertain the views
of the people.
In the year 1786, Falmouth was divided. The peninsula and
several of the adjoining islands were incorporated into a town
by the name of Portland. For more than a hundred and fifty
years there had been cabins and hunting camps on the Neck.
Turner and Union were also incorporated this year. In the town
of Union there were but seventeen families. The whole popula
tion amounted to but one hundred and fifty souls. Great efforts
were made to ascertain, by a general convention, the wishes of
the people of the State in reference to separation. It was
found that the whole number of towns and plantations in the
State amounted to ninety-three. This was in the year 1787.
At the convention nine hundred and ninety-four votes were
thrown. Six hundred and forty-five of these were in favor of
separation. But, when the motion was made to petition the
legislature for a separation, it was lost. The question was re
considered ; and, after a very hot debate, it was carried by a
majority of but two votes. The majority was not deemed suf
ficient for pressing so important a measure. Massachusetts,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 399
desiring to retain the district, was very generous in its legisla
tion. Wild lands were exempted from taxation. Roads were
constructed at the public expense. Every permanent settler
was granted a deed for a hundred acres of land, upon paying
five dollars. During this year, Penobscot, Limerick, and Water-
borough were incorporated. Penobscot embraced the present
town of Castine.
In the year 1788, a convention in Boston adopted the Federal
Constitution, and abolished slavery from the Commonwealth.
Maine was entitled to send one representative to Congress.
Harvard University had long been established. It was
deemed important that a literary institution of high order
should be established at Maine. The legislature appropriated
the township of Dixmont for that purpose. Bowdoin, Orring-
ton, Norridgewock, Greene, Fairfield, Canaan, and Noblebor
ough were incorporated this year.
The next year, 1789, a great cluster of towns came into being ;
namely, Sedgwick, Cushing, Islesborough, Bluehill, Deer Isle,
Freeport, Trenton, Goldsborough, Sullivan, Mount Desert, Dur
ham, Frankport, and Vinalhaven. This rapid progress indicates
the prosperity of the State. In 1789 George Washington was
elected President of the United States, and was inaugurated in
New York on the 30th of April. The rapid increase of towns
led to the formation, in 1789, of two new counties, Hancock and
Washington. Penobscot, now Castine, became the shire-town
of Hancock, and Machias of Washington County.
A federal census was taken this year, when it was found that
the population of Maine had reached the unexpected number
of ninety-six thousand five hundred and forty souls. The
territory was now formally organized into a district, and invested
with various rights of jurisdiction. Both the lumber and the fur
business continued very profitable. In the year 1791, three
towns were incorporated, Camden, Bangor, and Readfield. The
Indian name of the first of these was Megunticook. Its new
name was given in honor of Lord Camden, a warm friend of the
Americans during the Revolution.1
* When the royal proclamation was issued to employ the savages against the
Americans, Lord Camden indignantly exclaimed in ParUament : —

¦mrA-nrw WATT,. SAMPSON HAM..
BI-ETHEN HAM.. BEARCE HALL*
MAINE WESLEYAN SEMINARY AND FEMALE COLLEGE, REST'S HILL.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 401
Bangor had been called Kenduskeag. Rev. Seth Noble was
influential in obtaining the act of incorporation. It had been
urged upon him that the town should be called Sunbury, in
reference to its charming location. But he, not fancying the
name, took the liberty of substituting that of his favorite tune,
Bangor.2 Readfield, the seventy-fourth town of the State, was taken
from Winthrop. It subsequently became the seat of the Maine
Wesleyan Seminary. This is one of the most important and
flourishing literary institutions in the State. It is alike dis
tinguished for its intellectual, its moral, and its religious influ
ence. Though it was not instituted until the year 1825, its
graduates may now be found in almost every State in the Union.
The reader will find, annexed, a very correct pictorial sketch
of the seminary buildings.
The next year six towns were incorporated. Monmouth,
which, as a plantation, had been called Wales, took its new
name in memory of the celebrated battle fought in June, 1778.
Here also an academy was established in 1809, which obtained
much celebrity throughout the State.
Sidney was taken from Vassalborough. Limington had pre
viously been called the Ossipee Plantation. Hebron with its
BibUcal name was called originally Philip Gore. Here also
there was a very important academy, endowed with a half
township of land. Bucksport had been called Buckstown, from
one of its first settlers, Col. Jonathan Buck. The viUage is
beautifully situated on the eastern banks of the Penobscot, and
enjoys one of the finest harbors that magnificent river affords.
Mount Vernon commemorates the sacred spot on the Potomac,
which every American, in aU time, will approach with veneration.
Two towns only, from the vast expanse of wild lands, were
incorporated in the year 1793. Buckfield had been caUed Num
ber Five. Benjamin Spaulding first entered its forests in the

" Such a proposition ought to be damned. It holds forth a war of revenge, such
as Moloch in Pandemonium advised. It wiU fix an inveterate hatred in the
Americans agamst the very name of EngUshmen. This wiU be left a legacy, from
father to son, to the latest posterity."
* Williamson, vol. u. p. 552.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 403
year 1776, and cut down a few trees. With several associates
he purchased the township in 1788, of the Commonwealth, for
two shillings an acre. Paris was formerly Number Four. The
axe was, for the first time, heard in its densely wooded solitudes
in the year 1779. It became eventually the shire-town of
Oxford County.
Upon the commencement of the French Revolution in 1789,
(here was much division of public opinion in Maine. The
Americans saw no French newspapers. All the information
they could gain, of the tremendous events which were trans
piring, was drawn from the British press. Very many were
consequently in sympathy with the British Government, in its
warfare against the new institutions in France. But there were
also many in sympathy with the French people, in their efforts
to throw off the despotic yoke of their ancient kings.
In the year 1794, the population of Maine had so increased
that the District was entitled to three representatives in Con
gress. On the 24th of June of this year, a charter was granted
to Bowdoin College. A Protestant from France, whose French
name was Pierre Bauduoin, but who took the English name of
Bowdoin, fled from Catholic persecution to Falmouth. He soon
died in Boston, leaving a widow and family in charge of his
eldest son James. This son became very wealthy, and, at the
age of seventy, bequeathed his large estate to his two sons,
James and William.
James became governor of Massachusetts, increased his prop
erty, and left a large fortune to his son James. This wealthy
young man graduated at Oxford University in England, travelled
extensively through Europe ; purchased a large and very valua
ble library, particularly rich in French literature and science.
He also had a gallery of seventy elegant paintings, and a col
lection of fine models of crystallography. All these he be
queathed to Bowdoin College, with seven thousand acres of
land, and other property to the amount of about five thousand
five hundred dollars, and several valuable articles of philosophi
cal apparatus.1 1 Decade of Addresses, by Dr. Allen, p. 267.

404

THE HISTORY OF MAINE

Rev. Joseph McKeen, D.D., was the first president of the
coUege. He was distinguished for his noble character and his
superior attainments. Under the succeeding presidents, the
college has taken rank among the highest institutions in our

land. This is not the place to enter into the details of its his
tory; but we cannot refrain from saying that the incumbent
of this difficult and responsible office, in 1875, Gov. Cham

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

405

berlain had alike distinguished himself as a college professor,
as a major-general guiding patriot troops on the-field of battle,
as governor of the State of Maine, and as president of the
college. The accompanying illustration gives a correct view of
the coUege buildings.
Maine seems to have been regarded as a peculiarly favored
region. Population flowed into it so fast, that, in the next
thirteen months, nineteen new towns were incorporated, nearly

TH

SCENERY AT ABBOTT' FAMILY SCHOOL, FABMINGTON, MB.
all of which contained at least five hundred inhabitants. One
of these, Farmington, deserves rather special notice. Upon the
rich meadows through which the sandy river glides, the corn
fields of the Canabus Indians formerly waved in the breeze.
This beautiful village has become quite renowned for its cluster
of literary institutions.
Farmington Academy was incorporated in 1807, and for about

mi

w. mm W5* Ufi-.' #..|l

HISTORY OF MAINE. 407
half a century enjoyed a high reputation for its classical, math
ematical, and scientific instruction. In August, 1864 it was
merged into the first state normal school, which has been effi
ciently and successfully managed from the start. Up to 1892, it
has graduated, in the regular course, 596 female and 174 male,
and in the advance course, 24 female and 9 male, teachers, whose
improved work in our common schools has raised them to a
high rank. A view of the building is given on page 404.
Another institution, a family school for boys, called Little
Blue, has obtained celebrity far beyond the limits of the state.
The most prominent object in the landscape of this region is
Mount Blue. Upon the grounds upon which the beautiful clus
ter of school edifices is reared, there is a winding brook, a small
pond, and a very singular natural mound, seventy or eighty feet
high, covered with dense forest. To this mound the name of
Little Blue was given, and hence the name of the school. The
institution is sometimes called the "Abbott Family School," as
the original building was the residence of the Rev. Jacob Ab
bott; and his brother Samuel established the school. It is
impossible without a series of views, to give a correct idea of
the varied and picturesque beuaty of the grounds. See one
view on page 405 and principal buildings on opposite page.
A popular educational seminary was established in 1868 in
Farmington by the sisters, Julia H. and Sara R. May, who evin
ced a remarkable aptitude for the work. At length a valuable
donation was received from Dr. Abraham Wendell, a native of
the place, though residing in Peru, S. A. ; a charter was obtained
1870, under the title of Wendell Institute. In 1881 at the
earnest solicitation of friends, who built and presented them a
building, they removed to Strong, their native place, and con
tinued till 1892. Forty-five of their pupils have (entered colleges.
In the spring of 1870, a family school for girls was started by
Miss Lucy G. Belcher in Farmington, and the buildings shown
on page 408 were dedicated Dec. 26, 1871, by the name of "The
Willows," from a magnificent row of willow trees fronting the
grounds. It was successfully continued till 1875, when it was

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SHlF

HISTORY OF MAINE. 409
discontinued. In 1887 the property was purchased by an as
sociation, mostly citizens of Farmington, and converted into a
hotel, known as Hotel Willows.
Farmington has one of the best systems of graded public
schools in the state. A handsome two-story with basement
wooden building contains the high, grammar, and intermediate
grades ; while the building formerly the Wendell Institute, con
tains the first and second primary grades. Young men and
ladies are fitted for college in the high school.
Of the new towns incorporated in 1794, Alfred was named
from Alfred the Great. Bridgeton took its name from Mr.
Moody Bridges, of Andover, Mass., one of its chief proprietors.
Prospect was so called from the beautiful scenery which, from
one of its eminences, charmed the eye of every beholder.
Hampden honors the name of England's illustrious son, John
Hampden. Newfield, Cornish, New Sharon, Unity, Dresden,
and Alna, were wilderness regions which poor emigrants had
penetrated for the sake of cheap land, and where, having cut
clearings in the forest, they reared their log huts, planted their
wheat and corn amidst the blackened stumps, and, with great
tofl, obtained but frugal fare.
In the year 1795, Poland, Litchfield, Lewiston, Steuben^
Fayette, Livermore, Starks, and Clinton, were incorporated.
Lands in Maine were in great demand. In twelve years after
the close of the war, the Commonwealth sold three million five
hundred thousand acres. Troubles in Europe were causing a
great flood of emigration to this country.
Lewiston became oue of the most important manufacturing
districts in the State. The Androscoggin has here a natural faU
of forty feet in a distance of two hundred feet. By aid of a
dam this has been increased to fifty feet. This valuable fall is
utilized, by machinery of various kinds, to the amount of five
thousand four hundred and fifty horse-power. And this is
secure against any contingencies of ice or flood. Lewiston is
connected with the seaboard by two lines of railway ; one lead
ing to Bath, and the other to Portland, lt is distant from Bos
ton, by rail, six and a half hours, from Portland one and a half,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 411
and from Bath one and a quarter. There are in the place, in
cluding Auburn, which is on the other side of the river, fifteen
manufacturing companies, with an aggregate capital jf over
$7,000,000. About 6,000 hands are employed. The population
of the two cities, by the census of 1880, was 28,654.1
Lewiston is also the seat of an important literary and scien
tific institution, called the Maine State Seminary, which was
incorporated and endowed by the State in the year 1855.2
A controversy arose, about this time, between the Indians on
the Penobscot and the government respecting land titles. The
government claimed, that, by the treaty of 1785, the Indians had
no lands remaining excepting the islands in the Penobscot
River ; but the chiefs claimed the territory from the head of
the tide, six miles in width on each side of the river, upward,
indefinitely into the northern wilderness. Three commissioners-
were appointed to meet the chiefs. The question was amicably
settled. The commissioners assented to the claim of the In
dians, and, for a small sum, purchased its relinquishment with,
a few modifications. This tribe, called the Tarratines, which, at
the commencement of the Revolution, could bring four hundred
warriors into the field, had dwindled down to but about three-
hundred and fifty men, women, and children. The territory
which the Indians relinquished, by this treaty, amounted to one
hundred and eighty-nine thousand, four hundred and twenty-
six acres.
Still the tide of emigration and prosperity was flowing into
Maine. The next year, 1796, seven new towns were incorpo
rated. These were Belgrade, Harlem (which waa twenty miles
beyond any other settlement, and which was buried in a forest
swarming with moose, bears, and wolves), Castine, Northport,.
Eden, on Mount Desert, so named from its beautiful scenerjv
and Bethel. These were all incorporated on the 10th of June.
Soon after, June 17, Addison, Augusta, Waterford, Norway, and
Harrington were incorporated.
Augusta has become one of the largest, wealthiest, most intel-
i The Water Power of Maine, p. 394.
2 In 1363 a collegiate course of study was instituted, and the name of the institution change. l>
to lutes College, in honor of Beuj. E. Bates, of Boston, its munificent patron. It is now
(1889) ina very nourishing condition. — ELWELL.

412 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
lectual and most beautiful cities in the State. It is the shire-
town of the county, and the capital of Maine. The river is
spanned by a fine bridge, and elegant mansions are found on
both sides of the river. The State House, of granite, stands
in a commanding position, on a plateau on the western banks.
A water-power of great value is established here, by the con
struction of a dam entirely across the river. The length of the
Augusta dam is 584 feet, and its height fifteen feet. The water-
power thus afforded is of immense value, and must eventually
give employment to a very large manufacturing population.
Improvements on this power are now in prospect on an im
mense scale. Six hundred acres of land have been purchased
around it. The power can be enormously increased by connect
ing with it nearly three hundred square miles of lakes which
are tributary to the Kennebec. It can hardly be doubted that
Augusta is destined eventually to be one of the largest manu
facturing cities in the United States.1
Among other public buildings of much interest in Augusta,
there may be mentioned the United States Arsenal. This
building is situated on beautiful grounds on the eastern bank
of the river. " The insane hospital is an honor to the State
and to humanity." It has pleasure grounds seventy acres in
¦extent. The scene of landscape beauty presented from the
gentle eminence upon which the hospital stands can hardly be
surpassed. An awful calamity occurred here in the year 1850,
when the building was consumed by fire, and twenty-eight of
the inmates, including one of the keepers, were burned.
Eight new towns were incorporated in the year 1798, —
Wayne, Otisfield, Eastport, Cornville, Hollis, Anson, Hartford,
and Sumner. In 1799 Kennebec county was established, with
Augusta for its shire-town. Lisbon was the only town incorpo
rated this year. On the 14th of December George Washington
died, and all America was clothed in mourning. The popula
tion of Maine, in the year 1800, amounted to one hundred and
fifty-one thousand seven hundred and nineteen.2 Maine was
* See Water Power of Maine, p. 175.
* York County contained 87,729; Cumberland, 79,921; Kennebec, 24,394; Lin
coln, 30,100; Hancock, 16,316; Washington, 4,436. — Williamson, voL u. p. 589.

LONGFELLOW STATUE, PORTLAND.

-414 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
now entitled to four representatives in Congress ; still new
towns were born with wonderful rapidity. Rumford, Orland,
Ellsworth, and Lovell came into being in the year 1800, and
the next year gave birth to Strong and Leeds.
Maine was now enjoying peace and great prosperity. Ten
towns were incorporated in the year 1802. These were Minot,
Chesterville, Brownfield, Vienna, Avon, New Vineyard, Dan
ville, Baldwin, Lincolnville, and WatervUle. This last town
constituted the one hundred and thirty-eighth. It is one of the
most beautiful towns in the State, and is the site of a well-
endowed and highly flourishing college. The institution is
under the control cf the Baptists, but is open to the students
of all denominations. The name of "Colby University" is
taken in honor of one of its most munificent patrons. The sit
uation of the buildings, on the western bank of the river, is
singularly beautiful.
Twenty-one towns were incorporated in the year 1804. The
very important and opulent town of Gardiner was named from
Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, to whom most of the township was
•granted, near the year 1754, by the Plymouth Company. Robert
H. Gardiner, one of the most distinguished citizens of Maine,
revered for his intelligence, his public spirit, and his Christian
probity, came into possession of the place by inheritance, in the
year 1803. There were then but about six hundred inhabitants
in the limits of the territory. The town owes much of its pros
perity to Mr. Gardiner, and his generous devotion to all its
interests. His energies and wealth gave impulse to every branch of
business. Mills rose, dams were built, machine-shops con
structed ; and a commanding eminence was adorned with a fine
Gothic church of stone, which is considered one of the most
beautiful buildings in New England. The falls of Cobbossee-
conte gave this place its peculiar value.
The other towns incorporated this year, were St. George,
Harmony, Temple, Albany, Industry, Raymond, Surry, Dixfield,
Wilton, Rome, Madison, Albion, Unity, Embden, Mercer, Hope,
Palermo, East Andover (now called Andover), and Gilead.
The next year but two towns were incorporated, Harrison and
.Newry.

Couuru lia.il. Gymnasium. Chaplin Hall,

Champlin Hall, South College.
COLBY UNIVERSITY, WATERVILLE, ME.

Library.

416

THE HISTORY OF MAINE

Improvements were rapidly advancing all over the State.
Bridges, roads, turnpikes, canals, and booms were constructed.
These last were of immense importance. They consisted of
chains of logs crossing the rivers upon which there were saw
mills, to prevent the logs, cut in the winter, and swept down
by the spring freshets, from being carried out to sea.
In the year 1805, Oxford County was organized, and Paris
was made its shire-town. Orono, which had previously been

COBBOSSEE CONTEE PALLS, GARDINER, ME.

caUed Stillwater, was incorporated in 1806. This was a noted
place in the days of the Indians. It was about the year 1775
when the first white settler ventured to rear his cabin in those
awful soUtudes. The renowned chief Orono had his residence
here. He seems to have been a man of many virtues. From
him the town takes its harmonious name.
Eight towns were incorporated in the year 1807 : Montville,
Denmark, Porter, Jefferson, Friendship, Hiram, Dixmont, Pal
myra. Three were incorporated in 1808, — Pownal, Freeman

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 417
and New Portland. The county of Somerset was established
in 1809, and Norridgewock was appointed its shire-town. There
were also incorporated the towns of Windsor, Jonesborough,
Calais, and Whitefield.
A census was taken in the year 1810 ; and it was found that
the State contained two hundred and twenty-eight thousand, six
hundred and eighty-seven inhabitants. One town only, Eliot,r
"^as incorporated this year. The next year, however, nine were
added to the prosperous State. These were Exeter, Charleston,
Garland, Robbinston, Eddington, Washington, Corinth, Carmel,
and Lubec. Seven towns were incorporated in the year 1812 ;
namely, Bingham, Troy, Brewer, Dearborn, Phillips, Sebec, and
Foxcroft. There were, at this time, a hundred and ninety-four
municipal towns. Since the close of the Revolutionary war, a
period of but thirty years, a hundred and fifty-four had been
incorporated. The outrages which England had for years been inflicting
upon our commerce, and her practice of impressing our seamen
at her pleasure, had become unendurable. On the 18th of June,
1812, Congress passed an act declaring that war existed between
Great Britain and the United States. Maine was called upon
to furnish two thousand five hundred mUitia. As we now look
back upon those days, it seems strange that a single word could
have been uttered in favor of submitting to those outrages in
which England was trampling upon our most sacred rights.
Four towns were incorporated in 1813, — Sweden, Freedom,
Levant, and St. Albany. To meet the immediate expenses of
the war, the National Government assessed a tax of seventy-four
thousand two hundred and twenty dollars on Maine. It is said
that more soldiers were enlisted in the District of Maine, accord
ing to its population, than in any of the States. Troops were
established at most of the important maritime towns. The
whole number of militia, ever ready to march, amounted to
twenty-one thousand one hundred and twenty-one men.
There was a British brig called " The Boxer," which had been
for some time cruising along our coast, committing great depre
dations. The brig, which mounted eighteen guns, and had a
crew of a hundred and four men, was commanded by Capt.

418 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Blythe, who was twenty-nine years of age. The American brig
" Enterprise," which carried sixteen guns and a hundred and
two men, was at anchor in Portland Harbor. It was commanded
by Capt. Burrows, twenty-eight years of age.1 " The Boxer "
was ordered to cruise off the harbor for the purpose of bringing
" The Enterprise " to an engagement. The two vessels met on
tbe 5th of September, 1814, and at three o'clock in the after
noon commenced action within half pistol shot.
For thirty-five minutes they poured their deadly broadsides
into each other. Both captains were shot down, and the decks
were covered with blood. " The Boxer " then struck her colors,
having lost, in killed and wounded, besides her captain, forty-
six men, nearly half her crew. On " The Enterprise " only two
were kiUed and twelve wounded. The next day the victorious
brig returned, with her prize, to Portland. The public exulta
tion was chilled by the death of the intrepid Capt. Burrows.
The remains of both the officers were buried, side by side, with
mUitary honors, and a monument raised to their memory.
The general history of this war belongs to the history of the
United States rather than to that of Maine. But in many
respects the conflict was disastrous to the District. Maine was
peculiarly a commercial district, and commerce was annihilated
by the war. Money became scarce, prices high, and many of
the rich became poor, and the poor suffered severely. The
English declared the whole of our Atlantic coast in a state of
blockade. The entire seaboard was infested by British cruisers.
Still, in this sad world of sin and sorrow, adversity often intro
duces renewed prosperity. There is, however, but Uttle comfort
in the thought that the prosperity of one must be purchased at
the expense of the ruin of another. The destruction of our
commerce rendered it necessary for us to engage, more than
ever before, in mechanic arts and manufacturing establishments.
Thus England " gained a loss " in this cruel war.
The government of Great Britain claimed the right of stop
ping, by the menace of her guns, any American vessel found
upon the seas, of sending a lieutenant on board, who would
1 Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 403.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 419
muster the crew before him, and pick out any number he was
nleased to say were of English birth. These he would seize,
drag on board the British men-of-war, and compel them to fight
Britain's battles. Where resistance was attempted the cudgel
and cutlass were freely used. Official records prove that more
than a thousand American citizens were thus torn from home and
friends, and were compelled for years to man British guns, and,
when war was opened against America, to fight their own
countrymen. Even our armed vessels were thus searched, and
fired upon if they refused to submit. Over six thousand men
were thus taken from the American vessels upon the simple
assertion of a British lieutenant, that he considered them subjects
of Great Britain.
It was in the enforcement of such an atrocious claim as this,
that the British Government commenced war against the United
States ; thus blighting the prospects of humanity, filling lonely
farmhouses with widows and orphans, and creating an amount
of wretchedness which can never fully be known until, at the
Day of Judgment, all things shall be brought to light. It is hard
for any one, whose heart is moved by the moans and tears of
the helpless, to forgive such crimes on the part of haughty foes,
who were rioting amidst the splendors of their castles and their
palaces. The victims of this impressment were not allowed any trial.
There was no chance for any appeal. A pert young lieutenant
from a British war-vessel, followed by his armed band, would
descend the deck of any American vessel, pick out from the
crew any men he pleased, and saying, " I think these men are
Englishmen," carry them off.
We give England's plea in justification of this outrage, in the
language in which the prince regent himself, subsequently the
infamous George IV., endeavors to soften down its atrocities.
In a cabinet manifesto dated Jan. 8, 1813, he wrote, —
" I am surprised that the exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undis
puted right of searching neutral merchant-vessels in time of war, and the
impressment of British seamen when found therein, could be deemed any
violation of a neutral flag ; or to take such seamen from on board such
vessels, could be considered by any neutral state as a hostile measure, or
a justifiable cause of war."

420 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
In the year 1813, the taxable property in Maine amounted to
one million five hundred thousand dollars.1 Notwithstanding
the desolations of war, nine towns were this year incorporated ;
namely, Phippsburg, — where the earliest colony ever attempted
in Maine was located, and where Popham's fort was reared, —
Searmont, Belmont, Bloomfield, South Berwick, Westbrook,
Sangerville, Hermon, and Newport.
The Bloomfield region was called by the Indians, Wessarunset.
The first settlers, in 1771, were so delighted with the beauty and
fertility of the country, that they called it Canaan. In the year
1777, several men were captured by the Indians, and carried
to Canada. They were however, it is believed, all eventuaUy
restored to their friends. In the year 1807, an academy was
incorporated here, which obtained much celebrity throughout
the State.
South Berwick was in a region called Quampeagan by the
Indians. Here also a flourishing academy was established.
From the beginning Maine has manifested great zeal in the
education of her sons and daughters.
During the first two years of the war Maine was not actually
invaded by the enemy, though often menaced. A smaU miUtary
force was stationed at Eastport. Major Perley Putnam, of
Salem, was in command, with two companies of militia.
On the 11th of July, 1814, a British fleet of five war-vessels
and several transports anchored abreast of Eastport, and de
manded the surrender of the fort, allowing jive minutes for an
answer.2 Major Putnam did not need even that time to reply,
" The fort will be defended against whatever force may be
brought against it." But the inhabitants rose promptly in
strong remonstrance against resisting an armament, which, in an
hour, could lay the whole town in ashes. Major Putnam was
thus compelled to strike his flag.
Eastport was very eUgibly situated on Moose Island, which
the British claimed belonged to them by the treaty of 1783.
1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. C36.
2 The fleet consisted of " The Eamilies," a seventy-four-gun ship, having on
board the Commodore, Sir Thomas Hardy ; " The Martin," a sloop-of-war ; the
brigs " Eover," " Breame," and "Terror;" a bomb-ship, and several transports
crowded with troops.

THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 421
They took possession of the place and all the public property it
contained, hoisted the British flag, dragged the American sol
diers on board their prison-ships, and commanded all the inhabit
ants of Moose Island, and of the other islands in Passamaquoddy
Bay, to assemble at the schoolhouse in Eastport on the 16th
instant, and take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty,
or within seven days to depart from the islands.1 About two-
thirds of the islanders submitted to this requirement.
The success of this expedition encouraged the British to fit
out another against Penobscot (now Castine) and Machias.
The fleet consisted of three seventy-four-gun ships, two frigates,
two sloops-of-war, an armed schooner, a large tender, and ten
transports. The number of troops embarked were probably
about three thousand five hundred, though some have placed
the number as high as six thousand.2 On the 1st of September,
1814, this formidable armament cast anchor in the harbor of
Castine. Successful resistance was impossible. The garrison
blew up the fort, and fled back into the country. The British
took undisputed possession. One of the generals then, with six
hundred men, crossed the bay and captured Belfast. They
plundered the unfortunate town, and returned to Castine. This
was the second time this quiet village had been ravaged by this
British soldiery. Their first visit was in 1780, when their
brutal treatment drove the inhabitants into the woods.
The fleet ascended the bay and river until the ships were
within about fifteen miles of Bangor. They cast anchor near
Hampden Village, and landed a strong force. The Hampden
militia made a feeble resistance, but were soon dispersed by the
fire of the British regulars. The conflict of an hour placed
Hampden at the mercy of the enemy. They plundered the
houses and the stores, killed the cattle, treated the most prom
inent citizens with shameful abuse, burned several vessels, and
spared others by extorting a bond of twelve thousand dollars.
The loss which the little village of Hampden experienced from
1 The British claimed all the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay as within their
boundary line.
2 It is certain that the forces consisted of the Sixty-second and Ninety-eighth
Regiments, two rifle companies of the Sixtieth Regiment, and a detachment of
royal artillery.

422 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
this raid was estimated to amount to forty -four thousand dollars.
A committee of the citizens waited upon the British commander,
Capt. Barrie, and implored him to treat the community with
more humanity. He angrily replied : —
" Humanity 1 I have none for you. My business is to burn, sink, and
destroy. Your town is taken by storm. By the rules of war we ought to
lay your village in ashes, and put its inhabitants to the sword. But I will
spare your lives, though I mean to burn your houses."
An order came from the more merciful British commander at
Castine, Gen. Sherbroke, not to burn the houses. The vessels
again spread their sails to ascend the river, while two-thirds
of the troops marched along by land. No terms were allowed
to Bangor but unconditional surrender. The ships anchored at
the mouth of the Kenduskeag. A few Congreve rockets were
thrown over the village, as an intimation of the doom which
awaited the citizens should they attempt any resistance.
The best buildings in the place were taken as barracks for
the soldiers. All public property was seized. One hundred
and ninety-one of the principal men were compelled to sign a
document declaring themselves prisoners of war, and stipulating
not to serve against the British Government until exchanged.
But little respect was paid to private property. Many stores
were plundered ; and several vessels were saved from the flames
only by giving a bond to the amount of thirty thousand dollars,
that four, which were on the stocks, should be delivered at
Castine. Fourteen vessels were burned, mostly on the Brewer
side of the river ; and six were carried to Castine.1 It was esti
mated that the losses at Bangor amounted to forty-five thou
sand dollars.
After a stay of about thirty hours in Bangor, the fleet de
scended the river to Frankfort. Here they took from the people
1 In this case, as in most other narratives of deeds of violence, there . s some
slight diversity in the details. There is, however, here no question in regard to
the general and important facts. The narrative, as we give it, is probably as
accurate as can no w be ascertained. Williamson gives the following summary :
"Burnt, the brig 'Caravan,' 'Neptune's Barge,' 'Thinks I to Myself,' 'Eunice,
and Polly,' ' The Gladiator,' ' The Three Brothers,' the sloop ' Ranger,' three un-
launched vessels in Brewer, and one iu Bangor. There were also three others in
the harbor that were destroyed: fourteen in all." — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 648.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 423
forty oxen, one hundred sheep, and an indefinite amount of
poultry. On the 7th, the ships returned from this marauding
excursion to Castine.
The inhabitants of the Kennebec valley were terror-stricken.
It was apprehended that the same fleet would visit their river
with the same destruction. The whole surrounding region was
kept for a time, in a state of great alarm. Wiscasset was
menaced ; and the militia from a region of nearly thirty miles
.around flocked to its defence.
The region between Passamaquoddy Bay and the Penobscot
River had passed under the control of the English. Castine
was made a port of entry. Several war-vessels guarded the
harbor, and two thousand two hundred troops were placed there
in garrison. The British commander organized a provincial
government for the territory. All the male inhabitants over
sixteen years of age were compelled to take the oath of alle
giance to the British king. A custom-house was opened at
Hampden for the introduction of British goods.
Castine became quite a gay resort for the officers of the
British army and navy. A temporary theatre was opened, and
there were music and dancing. Many of the officers were gentle
men by birth, culture, and instinctive sentiment. On the 11th
of February, 1815, news reached our country that peace was
established by the treaty of Ghent, which was signed on the 24th
of December, 1814. The glad tidings were received with every
demonstration of joy, throughout the whole country. The
British troops evacuated Castine on the 25th of April, after an
encampment there of eight months.
War is always demoralizing. The two great vices which this
war augmented throughout Maine were intemperance and pro-
faneness. But Maine sustained no diminution in her population.
The loss experienced from the casualties of war was more than
made up by immigration. In 1815 Woodstock was incorpo
rated. Twelve new towns were organized in the year 1816.
These were, Kingfield, Moscow, Wales, Greenwood, Weld,
Guilford, Cherryfield, Dexter, North Hill, Brooks, Corinna, and
Ripley. There were now two hundred and twenty-one towns in the

424 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
State. The whole number of legal voters was thirty-seven
thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight. The following ques
tion was submitted to the people, convened in their several
towns and plantations, —
" Is it expedient that the District of Maine be separated from
Massachusetts, ancl become an independent State ? " 1
The unexpected result of this vote was, 11,969 yeas, and
10,347 nays. A convention was chosen to assemble in the
meeting-house at Brunswick, count the votes, and, if a majority
of five to four were found in favor of separation, to appoint a
committee to draft a constitution. Though the majority was
less than the statute required, the convention declared the vote
to be in favor of an independent State, and chose two com
mittees ; one to draft a constitution, and one to apply to Con
gress for admission into the Union. A large minority protested
against these measures ; and the General Court, being then in
session, disapproved of the illegal decision, and dissolved the
convention. There arose at this time what was called the " Ohio fever."
Hundreds were seized with the almost insane desire to emigrate
to Ohio. The journey, generally taken in wagons covered with
canvas, was long, expensive, and exhausting. Often the suffer
ings by the way were very severe. The flat, rich, alluvial plains
of Ohio seemed to be covered with a malarious atmosphere.
Whole families often wilted down together, now shaking with
exhaustive chills, and again burning with fever. Many mourned
the day in which they departed from the healthy, invigorating
breezes of Maine. But return was impossible. Their means
ware entirely exhausted. It is estimated that Maine lost
between ten ancl fifteen thousand inhabitants by this sad infat
uation. There was a dispute respecting the north-eastern boundary
of the State, which subsequently came near involving us in:
another war with England. There was but one town, Brooks-
1 Such is the form of this question, as given by the accurate Mr. Williamson
The form suggested by the General Court was, "Shall the Legislature be requested
to give its consent to the separation of the District of Maine from Massachusetts '
and the creation of said district into a separate State V "

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 425
ville, incorporated in the year 1817 ; but the next year seven
were established, — China, Monroe, Perry, Mexico, Dennysville,
Swanville, and Jackson.
The Indian tribes had dwindled almost to extinction. Of the
Penobscot Indians but about two hundred and fifty remained.
Two-thirds of these were women and children. They had
become a dispirited, humiliated, and inefficient people, supported
mainly by charity. Quite readily they relinquished their claim
to all the extensive territory still recognized as theirs, for four
townships, each six miles square, and for a yearly contribution
of five hundred bushels of corn, fifteen barrels of flour, seven
of pork, one hogshead of molasses, a hundred yards of broad
cloth, fifty blankets, a hundred pounds of gunpowder, four
hundred of shot, oue hundred and fifty of tobacco, six boxes
of chocolate, and fifty dollars in silver.
Henceforth the Indians cease to be of any consideration in
the history of the State. The dwindling families became pub
lic paupers ; and now probably not a single full-blooded Indian
can be found in all the wide realms of Maine, over which, two
centuries ago, they roamed in almost undisputed power. In
the year 1819, another effort was made for separation. Seven
teen thousand and ninety-one votes were cast. Of these but
seven thousand one hundred and thirty-two were nays. A
committee of thirty-three, selected from each county, was chosen
to report a constitution. John Holmes, one of the most dis
tinguished sons of Maine, was chairman. This document was
submitted to the people, and ratified by a large majority of
votes. Gov. Brooks announced the event in his message to the Gen
eral Court, in January, 1819. After alluding in almost affec
tionate terms to the harmony which had so long prevailed
between Massachusetts and her foster-child, he added, —
" But the time of separation is at hand. Conformably to the memorable
act of June 19 last, the sixteenth day of March next will terminate for
ever the pohtical unity of Massachusetts proper and the District of Maine;
and that District, -which is bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, will
assume her rank as an independent State in the American confederacy."

CHAPTER XXIII.
PEACE AND PROSPERITY.
Wiliiam King — William D.Williamson — The Maine of Half a Century Ago
— A Journey to Boston — Succeeding Governors — The Aroostook War —
Origin of the Difficulty — Warlike Measure — Interesting Incidents — The
Truce — Slnal Settlement.
THE first governor of Maine was William King. He is
often spoken of as " the first and best of our governors."
He was born in Scarborough, in the year 1 768. Native strength
of mind and elevated character supplied the place of a liberal
education. He was one of the most prominent in advocating
the separation. With superior business qualifications, he be
came opulent, and when elected he was a prosperous merchant
in Bath. He resigned the office upon being appointed one of
the commissioners of the National Government on the Spanish
claims. The remainder of the term Mr. William D. Williamson, Pres
ident of the Senate, became acting governor. Mr. Williamson,
became the author of the voluminous and admirable history of
the State, which will ever secure to him the gratitude of the
sons of Maine. One of the first acts of the Legislature was
the adoption of a State seal. The moose, the noblest animal in
our forests, and the majestic pine-tree, the most valuable of our
timber, became the central figures. An anchor and a scythe, as
the emblems of commerce and agriculture, were placed upon
either side. Above, the north star shines, signifying the posi
tion which Maine occupies in the constellation of the States.
Two figures, representing a sailor and a farmer, are conspicuous.
Over all is the Latin word " Dirigo " (I lead).
The Maine of half a century ago was verj^ different from the

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 427
Maine of the present day. Before the Revolution there was
not a four-wheeled passenger carriage in the State. Two-
wheeled chaises were not introduced into Portland until 1760.
They were then not in common use, but were articles of luxury
which were brought only on festive occasions. It was about
the year 1800 when the first four-wheeled carriage was seen in
the streets of Augusta. Men and women generally journeyed
on horseback. The women sat on pillions behind the men. The
horse-block, for mounting, was a very important adjunct to the
churches. It was deemed a memorable event when, in the year 1787,
a stage-coach was established to run between Portland an<}
Portsmouth. The line was extended to Augusta in 1806. At
a very early hour in the morning the stage left Augusta, and in
four or five hours, if the travelling were good, reached Bruns
wick to breakfast. At Freeport they dined ; worn and weary
they reached Portland in the evening to lodge for the night.
Starting the next morning at an early hour, the coach stopped
at Kennebunk for breakfast, and Portsmouth for dinner, and
lodged at Newburyport 'the second night. At two o'clock the
next morning the coach again started, breakfasted in the early
dawn at Salem, and reached Boston about noon of the third
day. In the year 1823, Capt. Seward Porter commenced run
ning a steamboat, " The Patent," from Portland to Boston.
Five passengers were considered a very goodly company. The
boat was about a hundred tons burden. In the years 1823 and
1824, queer looking little steamboats, with stern-wheels, began
to run up the Kennebec River.
The second governor of Maine was Albion K. Parris. He
was elected in the year 1822. A farmer's son, born in Hebron,
Me., he worked on the fields of his father until he was four
teen years of age. At fifteen he entered Harvard College. . At
twenty-six he was chosen representative in the national Con
gress ; at thirty he was appointed judge of the United States Dis
trict Court ; and when but thirty-three years old he was elected
governor. He was a man of great energy, of indomitable per
severance, and of great administrative ability. His unblemished
integrity and courteous manners secured the affection and
respect of all who knew him.

428

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

Enoch Lincoln succeeded Gov. Parris in 1827. He was a
very able man, a well read lawyer, and had enjoyed the educa
tional advantages of a seat in the national Congress. His mes-

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sages were much admired for the comprehensive views they
presented in language remarkably terse and expressive.
Jonathan G. Hunton, of Readfield, succeeded Mr. Lincoln.
Under his administration Sebago Pond was connected by a
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 429
canal with Casco Bay. In the year 1831, Samuel E. Smith was
chosen governor, and was re-elected in 1834. During Mr.
Smith's term of office the seat of government was removed from
Portland to Augusta. The State House, built of the finest
granite, cost about a hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars.
Half of this sum was paid from the proceeds of the sale of ten
acres of land. It is a beautiful building ; but, unfortunately, it
is never approached from its front, and the side views are not
imposing. Robert P. Dunlap, of Brunswick, succeeded Mr. Smith in the
chair of chief magistrate. His irreproachable character and
suavity of manners rendered him very popular, and he continued
to fiU the responsible office for four years. Under his adminis
tration our first scientific survey was undertaken, and the admir
able asylum for the insane was instituted at Augusta. In 1838,
Edward Kent of Bangor was chosen governor. He was suc
ceeded in 1839 by John Fairfield of Saco.
The question respecting our north-eastern boundary had for
some time been attracting much attention. It soon culminated
in a series of measures which threatened to involve the United
States in another war with Great Britain. These events demand
some minuteness of narrative.1
What was called the Aroostook War was quite a memorable
event in the history of Maine. By the treaty of 1783, at the
close of the Revolutionary struggle, one-half of the St. John's
River belonged to Maine ; but, at the close of the war of 1812,
Great Britain claimed the whole, including both banks. There
was, at this time, on the north or eastern side of the river, an
American settlement of scattered log huts, extending for a dis
tance of nearly twenty miles. The inhabitants were principally
of French descent, and had emigrated to that American region
when the English took possession of Acadia.2 This plantation
had been incorporated as the town of Madawaska, and a repre-
1 For most of the facts of the Aroostook War I am indebted to a lecture
delivered in the Representatives Hall in Augusta, by Mr. George J. Varney of
Brunswick. Mr. Varney is the author of the admirable " History of Maine for
Young People." In this small volume he has, with great skill and accuracy, com
pressed most of the essential facts in the history of the State.
2 Description of New England, by Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 969.

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THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 431
.sentative was sent to the Legislature of Maine ; but the British
authorities, in the vicinity, remonstrated against this, sent an
armed, force, and broke up the meetings.
In June, 1837, Congress sent an officer to Madawaska to take
a census of the people, and, at the same time, to distribute the
surplus money which had accumulated in the United States
treasury. A British constable arrested this agent, and carried
his prisoner to the nearest English shire-town. But the sheriff
there, alarmed in view of so reckless a procedure, refused to
receive the prisoner ; and he returned to Madawaska, and con
tinued to prosecute his mission.
Gov. Harvey of New Brunswick, hearing of the distribution
of money to the people, assumed that it was a bribe to induce
the inhabitants to continue their allegiance to the United States.
He therefore ordered the agent to be re-arrested, and he was
lodged in Frederickton jail. Gov. Dunlap, who then occupied
the gubernatorial chair of Maine, issued a general order an
nouncing that the soil of our State had been invaded by a
foreign power. The militia were therefore called upon to hold
themselves in readiness for active service. A flame of indigna
tion swept over the State. A few weeks after, the British
authorities, influenced by a message from Pres. Van Buren, set
the imprisoned agent at liberty. There had been a great mus
tering of forces on both sides, and many ludicrous events which
provoked much ridicule. But both parties wisely decided to
refer the question to arbitration, and the Madawaska war was
ended. After the war of 1812 the British claimed the whole of the
upper part of the vast valley of the St. John. They demanded all
the land above the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, which
included about one-third of what was supposed to be the ter
ritory of Maine. The question in dispute was referred to Wil
liam, king of the Netherlands. He decided that the line should
run about half way between the boundaries claimed by the two
powers, which was a very strange decision. The question sub
mitted to him was, Which of the two boundaries is the one
authorized by the treaty ? And he decided in favor of a line
which the treaty certainly did not indicate, and which neither

432 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of the parties had thought of. To enter into the detafls of this
discussion would be very wearisome to the reader.
The people of Maine were indignant at this decision. The
national government, anxious to avoid war, generously offered
Maine a million acres of land in Michigan, in exchange for the
territory she would thus lose. This offer was declined, and
prolonged negotiations ensued. Matters remaining unsettled,
and there being some indications of an outbreak, Gov. Kent, in
1838, took measures to increase the efficiency of the militia,
and Gen. Wool was sent to inspect the fortifications on the
Penobscot, the St. Croix, and the Kennebec. The line which
Maine claimed by the treaty of 1773 was again surveyed.
The territory thus in dispute became the prey of plunderers.
The region of the Aroostook River was robbed of its most
valuable lumber. The State Legislature, in secret session, au
thorized Sheriff Strickland to raise a force of two hundred volun
teers, drive off the trespassers, destroy their camps, and seize
their teams. The command was placed under Capt. Stover Rines.
The first company left Bangor on the 5th of February, 1839,
and reached Masardis, then township No. 10, on the 8th. The
trespassers, not aware of the force coming down upon them,
made a slight show of resistance. The lumbermen and their
teams were, however, easily captured.
Capt. Rines advanced to the mouth of the Little Madawas
ka. Here he met with a reverse, was captured with a company
of his men, and they were hurried off, in a sleigh, to Frederick-
ton jail, in New Brunswick. The sheriff and his forces retreated.
The trespassers, much elated, armed themselves, about three
hundred in number, and bade defiance to the American author
ities. The sheriff, learning of the capture, retired to Number
Ten, and fortified his party, whUe he repaired as rapidly as pos
sible to Augusta, to report the posture of affairs.
Gov. Harvey, of New Brunswick, issued a proclamation,
declaring that British territory had been invaded, and ordering
out a thousand of the militia. Affairs now began to assume a
very serious aspect.
Immediately, though it was Sunday morning, fifty volunteers
set out from Augusta, for the scene of action. At the same

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 433
time Gov. Harvey sent a communication to the governor of
Maine, at Augusta, demanding the recall of the American troops
from the Aroostook, and announcing that he was instructed, by
the British Government, to hold exclusive jurisdiction over the
disputed territory, and that he should do so by military force.
This roused to a high pitch the indignation of the people of
Maine. The legislature passed a spirited resolve for the pro
tection of the public lands, and appropriated eight hundred
thousand dollars to that purpose. A draft was also ordered for
ten thousand three hundred and forty-three men from the mili
tia, to be ready for immediate action. Early Monday morning,
the unwonted sound of the clarion of war was heard in the
peaceful streets of Augusta, as the troops, by hundreds, then
and there were " mustering in hot haste."
Gen. Bachelder was commander of the western division of
militia. It was midwinter in Maine, and bitter cold. The
regular uniforms afforded no sufficient protection for a winter
campaign, through drifted snows and freezing gales, in a region
where the mercury often sank twenty-five or thirty degrees be
low zero. Extra garments were speedily supplied, of thick red
shirts and pea-green jackets. Within a week ten thousand
American troops were either in Aroostook County, or on the
march there.
The National Government was roused. Congress passed a
bill authorizing the President of the United States, should the
governor of New Brunswick fulfil his threat of maintaining
exclusive jurisdiction over the territory in dispute, to raise fifty
thousand troops for the support of Maine, and appropriating
ten million dollars to meet the expense. On the 5th of March,
Gen. Scott, with his staff, reached Augusta. He informed the
governor that he was " specially charged with maintaining the
peace and safety of the entire northern and eastern frontiers."
He took quarters at the Augusta House, and immediately en
tered into correspondence with both Gov. Harvey of New Bruns
wick, and Gov. Fairfield of Maine. Having thirty thousand
troops whom he could call into the field, he humanely endeav
ored to act the part of a peacemaker. The result was that Gov.
Harvey pledged himself, that, in prospect of the peaceful settle-
28

434 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ment of the question between the two nations, he would not
take military possession of the territory, or endeavor to expel
from it the civil posse or the troops of Maine. On the other
hand, Gov. Fairfield pledged himself that he would not, without
renewed instructions, disturb any of the New Brunswick settle
ments in the Madawaska region. He agreed to withdraw his
troops, and leave uninterrupted communication between New
Brunswick and Canada.
This settlement brought peace. The prisoners on both sides
were set at liberty. In March, the Aroostook region, which
had previously formed a portion of Penobscot and Washington
Counties, was erected into a new county bearing its original
name. It was generally supposed that the prompt military
preparation we had made, which gave us unquestionably the
command of the position, had great influence with the British
authorities in securing a peaceful settlement.
This, however, was but a temporary arrangement. The rival
claims were still to be adjudicated. Two years passed away
while the question continued to be discussed by the two gov
ernments. In the year 1841, William Henry Harrison was
President of the United States, and Daniel Webster Secretary
of State. The sudden death of Pres. Harrison introduced the
Vice-President, John Tyler, to the Presidential chair. The
importance of the boundary question induced Mr. Webster still
to remain in the office of Secretary, though differing with Mr.
Tyler in political views. In the year 1842 Lord Ashburton
came to Washington, the British ambassador authorized to form
a new treaty for the settlement of the boundary. An extra
session was called of the legislature of Maine. Commissioners
were appointed to confer with Lord Ashburton and Secretary
Webster upon this subject. The troublesome question was soon
brought to an amicable settlement. England greatly needed a
portion of this territory, that there might be free communi
cation between New Brunswick and Canada.
Maine surrendered a considerable tract which was of but
little value. In compensation the United States received terri
tory of much greater value, on the borders of Lakes Champlain
and Superior. The National Government paid Maine one huu-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 435
dred and fifty thousand dollars for the surrender. The State
also received two hundred thousand dollars, as re-imbursement
for the expense she had incurred in defending the integrity of
Am erican territory. The Senate of the United States ratified
the A.shburton Treaty, as it was called, on the 20th of August,
1842. Impartial judgment must pronounce the conduct of
Maine, in this whole affair, to have been patriotic and wise.
In the year 1841, Mr. Edward Kent again filled the chaii of
shief executive. The subsequent governors have been : —
1842 John Fairfield  Saco.
1843 John Fairfield (elected to TJ. S. Senate) . Saco.
1843 Edward Kavanagh (acting) .... Newcastle.
1844 Hugh J. Anderson  Belfast.
1847 John W. Dana  Fryeburg.
1850 John Hubbard  Hallowell.
1853 W. G. Crosby  Belfast.
1855 Anson P. Morrill  Beadfleld.
1856 Samuel Wells  Portland.
1857 Hannibal Hamlin (elected to U. S. Senate) Hampden.
1857 Joseph S. Williams (acting) . . . Augusta.
1858 Lot M. Morrill  Augusta.
1861 Israel Washburn, jr  Orono.
1863 Abner Coburn  Skowhegan
1864 Samuel Cony  Augusta.
1867 Joshua L. Chamberlain .... Brunswick.
1871 Sidney Perham  Paris.
1874 Nelson Dingley, jr  Lewiston.
1876 Selden Connor  Augusta.
1879 Alonzo Garcelon  Lewiston.
1880 Daniel F. Davis  Corinth.
1881 Harris M. Plaisted  Bangor.
1883 Frederick Kobie  Gorham.
1887 Joseph K. Bodwell (died Dec. 15, 1887) . Hallowell.
1887 Sebastian S. Marble (acting) . . . Waldobore*
1889 Edwin C. Burleigh  Augusta.

CHAPTER XXTV.
THE SCANDINAVIAN IMMIGRATION.
Origin of the Movement— The Plan adopted— Mission of Mr. Thomas to
Sweden — Wise Measures Triumphantly Successful — The Voyage of the
Immigrants— Their Hospitable Reception— New Sweden — The Primeval
Forest — Labors of the Colonists — Their Industry and Prosperity — Increas
ing Immigration — Interesting Letter from Sweden — Present State of the
Colony — Future Prospects.
ONE of the most interesting events which has ever occurred
in the State of Maine is what may be called the Scandi
navian immigration. For this important movement, the State
is mainly indebted to the sagacity and energy of Hon. WiUiam
W. Thomas, jun., of Portland.
Mr. Thomas graduated at Bowdoin College in the year 1860.
Two years after graduating he was appointed vice-consul at
Constantinople, and soon after consul at Galatz in the princi
pality of Moldavia. His services there were considered so
important, that the Department of State deemed him worthy of
a vote of " special thanks."
In the year 1863 he was appointed consul at Gothenburg,
in Sweden. He remained there three years ; became familiar
with the language, and acquainted with the manners and
customs of the people. Upon resigning this important office,
the State Department again took occasion to express its high
appreciation of his measures as a public officer.
In the year 1866 he opened an office, as a lawyer, in Portland ;
and in 1869 became one of the commissioners in the settlement
of the public lands of the State. In 1870, invested with the
office of Commissioner of Immigration, he sailed for Sweden,
where he recruited a colony, returned with its members to
436

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 437
Maine, and founded New Sweden in our northern forests. He
then took a seat in the State Legislature, and, in the years 1874
and 1875, was Speaker of the House.
Such, in brief, was the origin of this very important move
ment, which merits a more minute detail of its progress from
its commencement to its present success.
The subject of Swedish immigration had been, for some time,
a topic of public discussion, when Gov. Washburn called the
attention of the legislature to it, in his message of 1861. The
troubles of the times engrossed all the energies and thoughts of
the people, until Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain was called to the
gubernatorial chair. He eloquently urged the question upon
the legislature. It was fully discussed. Three commissioners
were appointed to report what measures were necessary to in
duce settlemehts in the unpeopled tbwnships. These were
Hon. Parker P. Burleigh, William W. Thomas, jun., and Hon.
William Small. The commissioners, having carefully explored
Aroostook County, reported, in 1870, in favor of making vigor
ous efforts to establish a Swedish colony in Maine. It was pro
posed that an agent should be sent to Sweden ; that he should
endeavor to collect twenty-five families, with their pastor, and
conduct them across the Atlantic, to what was then township
No. 15, in the 3d range. Here, in a perfectly healtlry climate,
very similar to their own, with fertile soil, abundant timber^
pure water, and pure air, ample farms were to be assigned them
without cost. None were to be received but honest and indus
trious farmers and laborers with their families, who had suffi
cient property to pay the expenses of their passage.
Mr. Thomas was sent on this important mission. Taking
passage on the steamship " City of Brooklyn," he landed at
Gothenburg, Sweden, on the 16th of May, 1870. Here he
established his office, and spread broadcast over the land circu
lars inviting immigration, and truthfully describing the country
offered them for their future homes. Mr. Thomas also travelled
extensively, conversing with the people upon the subject, by
the road-side, in the pubUc vehicles, and at their homes.
Particular stress was laid upon the fact, that none would be
accepted but those who could bring the most satisfactory testi

438 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
monials for integrity of character, and for industry and skill in
their several callings.
The Swedes are a highly industrious, moral, and Christian
people. Their religious institutions were essentiaUy like those
prevailing in Maine. Recruits soon began to appear. Each
man brought credentials from his pastor. No doubtful case was
accepted. In this way a colony of picked men, with their wives
and families, was collected.
The colonists and their friends met on the 23d of June, in
the Baptist Hall in Gothenburg, to enjoy a public collation.
Over two hundred Swedes were present. Addresses were
made by the commissioner and by Swedish gentlemen. It was
a momentous occasion, and appropriately closed by prayer.
At noon of Saturday, June 25, Mr. Thomas, with his
adventurous and confiding band, sailed from Gothenburg, in
the steamship " Orlando." The commissioner had been in
Sweden but forty days. There must have been something
singularly potent in the influence of Mr. Thomas, to enable him
to induce these worthy and intelligent men to abandon home
and country, to cross a stormy ocean of four thousand miles,
and to hew out for themselves new homes in the wilderness of
a strange land ; with no contract, and nothing upon which they
could rely but their faith in the honest}'' of the commissioner.
It is indeed refreshing to one who is weary of describing the
wrong and outrage with which earth is filled, to be able to
record that Mr. Thomas was true to his trust.
The colony consisted of twenty-two men, eleven women, and
eighteen children; fifty-one in all. The noble character of
these men may be inferred from the fact that they took with
them their pastor, their sabbath, and their church observances.
In addition to the farmers and their religious teacher, there was
a civU engineer, a blacksmith, two carpenters, a basket-maker,
a wheelwright, a baker, a tailor, and a shoemaker. The women
were neat, iiidustrious, and expert in the use of the spinning-
wheel and the loom. It was said of the men, " All are tall and
stalwart, with blue eyes, light hair, and cheerful, honest faces.
There is not a physical defect or blemish among them." '
1 Commissioners' Report, p. 5.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 439
The emigrants landed at Halifax on the 13th of July,
traversed the peninsula, crossed the broad Bay of Fundy, and
ascended the River St. John. They arrived at Tobique, on the
St. John, in New Brunswick, on the 21st of July, and the next
day, Friday, July 22, drove across the border into Maine. At
Fort Fairfield the American flag was raised to welcome them,
a salute was fired in honor of their arrival, and they were wel
comed by addresses from Judge William Small, and from Rev.
Daniel Stickney of Presque Isle. There was quite a festivity
at the Fort on this joyful occasion ; and many settlers from the
surrounding region had assembled to present the hand of frater
nal welcome to the strangers. How beautiful is peace !
The Swedes were invited to a sumptuous collation in the
Town Hall ; and then, with grateful hearts and strengthened
resolutions, they continued their journey still farther north, to
find their new homes. As they approached Caribou, five hun
dred people met them, and escorted them into the village with
the salute of cannon and the music of a fine brass band. Here
again their hearts were cheered by words of welcome from
John S. Arnold, Esq. ; and their bodies were refreshed with an
abundant feast, and they were hospitably entertained through
the night. Mr. Thomas acted as interpreter on these occasions.
At noon of Saturday, July 23, 1870, the emigrants reached
their new home, to which they gave the name of New Sweden.
It is said there is no better township in the State. It is in the
latitude of the flourishing city of Quebec. The land is undu
lating, and covered with a splendid growth of maple, birch,
beech, and ash. Brooks flow through all the little valleys, and
the soil is remarkably free from stones. The State, previously
to the arrival of the strangers, had cut a road through the
forest to the township ; had felled one hundred and twenty-five
acres of trees, and had constructed for them six comfortable
log houses. The long line of heavily loaded wagons wound
their way along the newly constructed road, with the primeval
forest, in its gigantic grandeur, rising on either side. The
colonists, upon their arrival, used one of these houses as a store
house, while the fifty men, women, and children, though
crowded, were comfortably accommodated in the other five.

440 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The sabbath dawned happily upon this favored little band.
Sweetly the melody of their Swedish hymns blended with all
the voices of nature around them. There was, of course, some
choice in the farms; but the question was amicably adjusted
by drawing lots. The settlers were divided into groups of four
friendly families, and the farms into clusters of four, with the
cottages to be reared at the contiguous corners. Thus intimate
friends could form one neighborhood. Mr. Thomas reports : —
"Every Swede was convinced that just the right lot had fallen to him;
and was enabled to find something about his possessions which, in his eye,
made it superior to all others. So surely does ownership beget content
ment."1 With hands made stronger by joyful hearts, the Swedes went
to work clearing up their farms. One hundred acres of forest
were assigned to each. The houses, which had been built for
them, were very comfortable residences, of peeled logs, eighteen
feet by twenty-six, on the ground. They were one and a half
stories high, with seven feet between the floors. There were
two logs above the second floor beams, which, with a square
pitch roof, gave ample room for chambers. The ground floor
was divided into three apartments. There was one front room
sixteen feet by eighteen one bedroom ten feet square and a
pantry eight feet by ten. On this floor there were four windows,
and one window on the front gable end above.
In the general room of each house there was a Hampden
cooking-stove, with a funnel running out through an iron plate
in the roof. These cottages, full of interior comfort, were
architecturally picturesque ; and the inmates, happy and grate
ful, entered upon their labors with great zeal. Within a week
after their arrival, these our prosperous adopted citizens wrote
a joint letter to their friends in Sweden, in which they said
that Maine had kept its faith with them in every particular ;
that the land was fertile, the climate pleasant, and the inhabit
ants friendly. They strongly advised all their countrymen who
thought of emigrating to America, to come to the congenial
i Commissioners' Report to the Legislature, p. 9. We are indebted to this
admirable report, which must make every son of Maine proud of his State, for
nearly all the facts recorded in this chapter.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 441
climate, the rich soil, and the kindly neighborhood of New
Sweden, in Maine.
This letter was widely circulated by the journals in Sweden.
In the fall the Swedes had made such progress in their clear
ings, that every farmer had sown an acre or half an acre with
wheat or rye. The colony rapidly increased. On the 14th of
September, twelve additional emigrants arrived ; and on the 31st
of October twenty more folio w|ed, directly from Sweden. There
were three births and two marriages. The sabbath, the greatest
blessing God ever gave to man, shed its benignant influence
upon the happy, religious colony. A sabbath school was
opened for the children, and divine service was regularly con
ducted by their excellent pastor.
Through the wise forethought of the surveyor of the town
ship, Hon. Noah Barker, fifty acres in the centre of the settle
ment were reserved for public uses. This land belonged to
the State. Here the State erected a building thirty feet by
forty-five, two stories high, with a very capacious cellar, frost
proof. A neat tower, surmounted by a vane, rose from the
front gable end. A store-room and offices were on the lower
floor. The second story contained a large hall, thirty feet by
forty-five, which was used for a church, a schoolhouse, and
pubUe meetings in general.
The main body of the emigrants had arrived in the midst of
the heat of summer. The houses were not prepared to bid
defiance to the blasts of a Maine winter. But cold weather was
a foe whom the Swedes knew well how to encounter. As the
autumnal nights grew long, and severe frosts began to set in,
they all turned their attention to promoting the comforts of
their own firesides. With split planks, they made their floors
double, leaving a space of six or eight inches between. This
space they filled with dry earth, making a floor so tight that
the fiercest wintry blast could not force through it a single
breath of air. The upper ceiling was also made perfectly tight
with matched boards. They hewed the round logs which com
posed the walls, within and without, so as to present nearly a
square surface. The interstices between the logs were filled
very compactly with dried moss. Over this they nailed, both
on the outside and the inside, strips of cedar.

442 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Thus the houses, out of doors and within the rooms, pre
sented a finished aspect, smooth and perpendicular. The rooms
were attractive. Neither clapboards, stone, nor brick could
present a more perfect defence against the fiercest storms.
Fuel was abundant. When the little households were gathered
around these bright, warm firesides, it mattered little to them
how low the mercury might sink in their thermometers. The
climate was so healthy, that, i» the autumn, it was said that
there had not been a day's sickness of man, woman, or child in
New Sweden.
The houses, with all the improvements, remained the prop
erty of the State for five years from the arrival of the colonists.
If, in the mean time, any one abandoned the place, he left his
cottage and his land in the hands of the State. If he or his
heirs retained the cottage as their home for that length of time,
it became, with the hundred acres, his or theirs in fee simple.
The expense of transporting the colony from Sweden to Maine
was four thousand dollars. The immigrants paid every dollar
of this. They also took with them into New Sweden, three
thousand dollars in cash and six tons of baggage. This was
adding just so much to the riches of the State.
Every Swede who set out with the original company from
Scandinavia, with the commissioner, adhered to his pledge, and
settled in New Sweden. Every one who promised soon to
follow did so. Not one of them sought a home elsewhere.
And we do not learn that any one of them, at any time, aban
doned the enterprise. In December, 1870, but five months
after the arrival of the colonists, the following results, in an
official report, were announced : —
" A colony of one hundred and fourteen Swedes — fifty-eight men, twenty
women, and thirty-six children — have paid their own passage from Sweden,
and settled on the wild lands of Maine. Seven miles of road have been cut
through the forest. One hundred and eighty acres of woods have been
felled. One hundred acres have been hand-piled, burnt off, and cleared
ready for a crop, and twenty acres sown to winter wheat and rye. Twenty-
six dwelling-houses and one public building have been built.
"A knowledge of Maine, its resources and advantages, has been scat
tered broadcast over Sweden ; a portion of the tide of Swedish immigration
turned upon our State, and a practical beginning made towards settling our

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 443
wild lands, and peopling our domain with the most hardy, honest, and
industrious of immigrants."
It is pleasant to witness the interest with which Sweden, the
mother country, watched over the welfare of her sons and
daughters in this distant land. A prominent member of the
Swedish Parliament, one of the most distinguished of Swedish
philosophers, wrote to the governor of the State of Maine,
mourning over the departure, of their citizens, and yet rejoicing
in view of their prosperity. „ In this letter he said, —
" Your commissioner, Mr. W. W. Thomas, jun., one evening last summer,
assembled his little colony of immigrants to partake of a collation, where
good wishes and kind words were exchanged. We, the remaining friends,
left with confidence our brethren and sisters in his care : his last and firm
assurance was, ' All that has been promised will be kept.'
" Yes, sir, these promises have been kept, but not only that : they have
been far surpassed by your generosity. The poor immigrants, landing on
your shores, have been received and greeted with the most friendly wel
come. Their homes established, their future secured, they have not been
disappointed in their hopes by the difficulties and grievances of the real
state of things.
" The young colony will probably be the nucleus of an extended coloni
zation ; and you will not, sir, I feel sure, find the hardy Swedes ungrateful;
and unworthy of your kindness : they would then, surely, be unworthy of
their origin.
" The colony of 'New Sweden' has requested and authorized the writer
of this letter to convey to you, Honorable Governor of the State of Maine,
the expression of their sentiments of deep gratitude ; and you will kindly
allow me, sir, to add thereto the expression of the same sentiments of many
other Swedes, who have followed the immigrants with their sympathies.
" Allow me at the same time to express to the people of Maine, who have
received their new brethren with so much cordiality, the thanks of the colo
nists; who have mentioned more especially two gentlemen, Mr. W. AV.
Thomas, jun., and Mr. P. P. Burleigh, land-agent, as objects of their grati
tude and high esteem.
" May the young colony of ' New Sweden ' grow and flourish, not only in
material strength, but even in developing their moral and intellectual
faculties 1 And may the new population thus add to your State and to your
great Kepublic a good and healthy element of moral power from the Old
World, and, becoming imbued with the spirit of your free institutions,
reflect that spirit on their native land I
" AVhat we have lost, at present, in the old fatherland, will then not have
been lost to humanity : on the contrary, the trees have only been trans-

444 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
planted on a fresher soil, where they will thrive better, and give richer and
more abundant fruits. God bless the harvest 1 God bless your land 1
" I am, sir, with the highest esteem, " Your obedient servant, "G. A. Hedlund"
Gov. Chamberlain had taken a deep interest in this en
terprise, and had fostered it with truly parental care. The
State erected, in all, twenty-six houses for the immigrants who
arrived in the year 1870. Since then the Swedes have erected
one hundred and four houses in addition. Thus their settle
ment, early in 1875, numbered a hundred and thirty houses.
They have also the same number of barns. Two steam-mills
and a water-power saw-mill have been put in operation. There
is a very prosperous store in the centre of the vUlage ; and it is
generally admitted that the Swedes manufacture the best shaved
shingles in the county. Their great prosperity may be inferred
from the fact, that they owned, at the commencement of the
year 1875, twenty-six horses, five colts, forty-one oxen, a hun
dred and twenty-one cows, nine heifers, fifty-one calves, sixty-
eight sheep, and a hundred and twenty-five swine. They had
good roads. A post-office was established in their village.
On the 14th of October last, one hundred and thirty-three men
came forward to take the preliminary steps toward becoming
citizens of the land of their adoption.
The Swedes are Protestants, and eminently a moral and reli
gious people. They have a day-school, taught by their pastor.
There is an average attendance of eighty scholars. The Eng
lish language is the chief study. Most of the children over
ten years of age can read, write, and speak English respectably
well. There are now more than one hundred native Americans
born of these Swedish parents.
About one thousand Swedes have been led to emigrate to this
State, who have not taken farms in New Sweden, but who have
settled in Maine, and are engaged in various useful employ
ments. The young girls are highly prized as house-servants ;
and the men are greatly valued for their industry and their
integrity. The population of New Sweden now amounts to
about six hundred. There are not less than sixteen hundred

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 445
Swedes in the State of Maine. These have all paid their own
passage, have brought with them one hundred thousand dollars
in coin; and it is estimated that their value, as a producing
force, is worth to the State one mUlion six hundred thousand
dollars. It is now certain that this valuable Swedish immigration will
continue to flow into Maine. All special State supervision over
the colony has ceased. The settlement is steadily advancing in
prosperity. Rapidly the forest is disappearing, and giving place
to cultivated fields smiling with rich harvests. The Swedes
have won for themselves a very desirable reputation. Kindly
feelings arise whenever one is introduced to man or woman as
coming from Sweden.
It is believed that this successful enterprise in founding the
colony of New Sweden will eventually lead a large emigration
of the population of Scandinavia to our vast northern domain.
The Northmen, justly called the " sea-kings " of Northern
Europe, were the first discoverers of the shores of New Eng
land, centuries before the eyes of Columbus caught a gUmpse of
the tropical islands of this New World. The inhabitants of
Maine will ever present a cordial welcome to all the descend
ants of those bold adventurers.
" Honor to whom honor is due." The State owes a debt of
gratitude, which it wiU be ever happy to acknowledge, to the
illustrious citizen whose sagacity planned this great enterprise,
and whose energy and humanity have contributed so much to
its successful achievement. The Hon. P. P. Burleigh, in a
report as land-agent of the State, writes, —
" For this new impulse in the great pioneer work of settlement, the State
is principally indebted to the skill and untiring efforts of the commissioner
of emigration, Mr. W. W. Thomas, jun., who has, on both sides of the
Atlantic, devoted himself to the cause in a manner worthy the thanks of
the State. The success which has thus far crowned his efforts is a fitting
testimony to his faithfulness and ability in the conduct of the enterprise."

CHAPTER XXV.
THE PICTURESQUE ATTRACTIONS OF MAINE.
Portland and Casco Bay — Seashore Eesorts — Isles of Shoals — The Beaches —
Cape Arundel and Old Orchard — Bath to Rockland, and up the Penobscot —
Mount Desert — Lake Sebago — Mt. Pleasant and the Saco — The Valley of
the Androscoggin — Eangeley Lakes and Sandy Biver — The Kennebec Valley
— Moosehead Lake and the Aroostook.
[For the chapter which follows, we are indebted to the pen of Bev. Prof.
Edward Payson Thwing of Brooklyn, N.Y. It is from personal observation
that he has been able to give so graphic a description of scenery which charms
every beholder.]
A party of gentlemen at Venice were discussing the relative
attractiveness of localities visited by them. It was conceded
that Italy abounded in magnificent scenery ; but one of them,
not an American, affirmed that the finest prospects he had ever
enjoyed were at PORTLAND AND CASCO BAY.
Latrobe, the English traveller, writes, " Imagine our surprise
and delight when we found, in unsung and neglected Portland,
scenery that for beauty, variety, and extent, far exceeds any
views of the class in the States." He adds that the panorama
on which the eye feasts at the Observatory on Munjoy Hill is
equaUed by nothing in America, except at the citadel of Quebec.
The Forest City still keeps the bulk of her beautiful trees ;
and the palatial edifices that have risen from the ashes of the
fire of 1866 attract admiration, not only as architectural embel
lishments, but as evidences of the enterprise of her people.
The Custom House, Post-Office, City HaU, and Hospital, the
cathedrals, churches, school edifices, and many of the elegant
private residences that adorn the slopes of either hUl, present
448

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

44V

an imposing appearance to the stranger entering the harbor.
Nor is the view less picturesque from the bay in the rear of
Portland, ^ from the grand promenades of Bramhall's Hill and
Munjoy, looiang seaward, or in the direction of the White
Mountains. The location of the city, its healthfulness, and the beauty of
its surroundings, with its matchless harbor and bay gemmecl

-aE*i!*!£i£3^''%K¦

PORTLAND OBSERVATORY.

with three hundred and sixty-five islands, and its abundant
railroad facilities, make its future growth and prosperity certain.
Two lines of railway have long connected it with Boston;
but tbe new extension of the Boston and Maine Railroad along
the seashore opens a delightful route for the summer tourist,
while the short line from New York, vid Worcester, Nashua,
**»d Rochester, reduces time and trouble, besides conducting

448

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

him through the diversified scenery of Southern New Hamp
shire, and so along the valley of the Presumpscot to Portland.
The excellent facilities for steamboat travel between New York
or Boston and the Forest City are all that can be desired by

'm^Bvsim£s''°**'-

CITY HALL, PORTLAND.
those who believe that the summer resorts of Maine are equal
to those of more pretentious claims.
In Longfellow's poem, " My Lost Youth," the poet tells iri
verse of the charms of his native place, —
" The beautiful town that is seated by the sea."
In the recently published volume " Portland Illustrated," by
John Neal, the tourist wUl find every thing necessary to guide
his steps in the city, or the charming environs. A brief sketch

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

449

will now be given of the seashore resorts. Drake's " Nooks and
Corners " is the completest manual for the New England coast,
and is indispensable to a full outfit.

SEASHORE RESORTS.

The Isles of Shoals are eight in number, and part of them
belong in Maine. The cairn on the summit of Appledore is said
to have been erected by Capt. John Smith in 1614 ; and tales of

CUSTOM HOUSE, PORTLAND.
Capt. Kidd and his treasure, Black Dinah and her divining rod,
Philip Babb with his ghostly knife, besides more recent trage
dies, invest these wild, rocky islets with peculiar interest. The
distance from main land is but nine miles, and steamboats con
nect with the Eastern Railroad at Portsmouth. Pullman cars
run on all through trains on this road. Invalids to whom a sea-
voyage has been recommended, especially those suffering from
hay-fever, find in the salubrious climate of these islands entire

450

THE HISTORY OF MAINE

relief, and enjoy the benefits of a sea- voyage without its dis
comforts. Appledore and Star Islands have each a large and elegant
hotel, with every facUity for bathing, fishing, and saUing. The
florist and naturalist only need Celia Thaxter's dainty little vol
ume to tell them where to find the haumts of the sea-anemones,
the scarlet pimpernel, the crimson sorrel, the purple pea, and

POST OFFICE, PORTLAND.
the varied finny tribes, bonito and blue-fish, the slender pollock,
the thrasher, and porpoise. Her exquisite pictures of scenery,
and her tragic tales of storm and shipwreck, are full of interest
to the tourist.
Kittery, one of the oldest towns, has many attractions ; among
them the U. S. Navy Yard, Fort McClary, and the mansion
ard tomb of the Pepperells, the old church and parsonage.
There is a new. hotel at the Point.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 451
From Kittery, along the shore northward, there are delightful
views of ocean, mountain, and river. Near the site of the
ancient city of York, Mount Agamenticus towers ; and but a
short ride from the cars is York Beach, two mUes long and five
hundred feet wide. The views from " The Pulpit," the topmost
point of Bald Head Cliff, rising a hundred feet abruptly abovs
the sea, from Cape Neddock, " The Nubble," and Boone Island,
attract many visitors.
Wells Beach, six miles long, is much frequented, being so near
the new railroad from Boston, and in the neighborhood of trout-

THE CLIFFS. CAPE ARUNDEL, ME.
streams and woods, where the sportsman finds the snipe, the
curlew, the woodcock, the partridge, and other game. Ample
private and public accommodations are had for guests. Passing
northward, and crossing Mousam River, Kennebunk is reached.
Twenty-five minutes ride in easy coaches brings one to the Port,
and Cape Arundel, where is one of the finest summer resorts
on the Atlantic coast.
Unlike Newport in elaborate beauty or tiresome convention
alities, it offers a peculiar charm for those who prefer the
grander primitive attractions of forest and shore, the beauty of

BOSTON & MAINE RAILROAD BRIDGE, SACO, ME

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 453
native wildness, and the restful quiet of simpler living, with
unfettered communion with Nature herself. Unlike almost all
watering-places, it has neither the hot land-breeze nor the bitter
east winds direct, but, facing the south-west, a uniform, equable
and invigorating air, night and day. There are three beaches
in crescent curves, suited for riding or bathing, bold headlands
with rifts and chasms, volcanic beds, " The Blowing Cave," —
a huge watery cannon sending out explosions, — spouting rocks,
a ruined fort, " Hermit's Retreat," and other localities that
will be appreciated by the naturalist, the artist, or idler in search
of healthful repose. Cape Porpoise, the Goose Rocks, and the
White Mountains fill up a picture of enchanting loveliness
when evening conies, —
" With sunset purple, soothing all the waste.'"
A number of literary and business men from Boston have en
joyed cottage life here the past three years ; but recently the
name of Cape Arundel has so widely spread, that the veteran
hotel-keeper of New England has opened a spacious and com
fortable hostelry, in connection with which ample provision is
made for fishing, riding, bathing, or sailing.
Keeping along the coast a few miles farther, the cars stop
at Biddeford and Saco, from either of which cities the " Pool "
and Wood Island may be reached, — delightful retreats, with
groves where picnics gather, and quiet nooks that look out over
the blue Atlantic. There is also a waterfall on Foxwell's
stream, sixty feet in height, with varied and wild scenery.
Old Orchard is quite a populous village, which has sprung up
by magic, as it were, since the new route of travel passes this
favorite watering-place. A hard, smooth beach extends nine
miles, and so wide that a dozen or more carriages may drive
abreast. Several hotels and a score of smaller houses are
open during the season. Pine Point, Prout's Neck, Blue Point,
are easily accessible.
Old Orchard has been a place of summer resort for two hun
dred years. The orchard that gave the name, long ago disap
peared ; and but three gravestones remain over the dust of the
ancient colonists that once found there a home. The scenic

454

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

and historic mingle their charms in this romantic spot. The
sequestered loveliness of Fern Park, near the site of the Old
Orchard House, has hardly a parallel in the countiy. To the
natural beauty of a hillside forest, are added graceful arbors,
rustic retreats wrought by cunning art, and embellished with
quaint conceits ; while the trees along the avenues bear on
wooden tablets elegant extracts from English and American
poets. The Oratory, the Astronomer's Seat, the Parson's Lodge,
and the monument to Mr. Bull the projector, are among the
most interesting objects.

OLD ORCHARD BEACH, ME.
The Methodists have wisely chosen Old Orchard for camp-
meetings, both local and national. They own about fifty acres
of land, pleasantly diversified and shaded ; also a fine auditorium
formed by natural circular slopes, and capable of seating twenty
thousand people. A large number of permanent cottages have
been erected, and streets laid out. It bids fair to be a successful
rival of Martha's Vinevard.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

455

Short excursions from Portland to the islands of Casco Bay,
White Head, Cape Elizabeth, Harpswell, and Freeport, will de
lightfully employ the leisure of one's summer days. Eastman's
"Eastern Coast Guide," Mr. Keliogg's "Elm Island Stories,"
and Mrs. Stowe's " Pearl of Orr's Island," will make the trips
more enjoyable. An excursion by rail through Westbrook,
Gorham, Alfred, and Rochester to Alton Bay, with sixty miles

""^-Sssr

WS££]_£ *weAb4/t£I50JV-S&

WHITEHEAD CLIFFS.

sail on Lake Winnepiseogee, can be made, and the tourist
return the same evening to Portland.
The route to Brunswick and Bath, by the Maine Central Rail
road, thence along the line of the Knox and Lincoln Railroad to
Rockland, and the steamboat excursions daily made from Bath
to Boothbay, present charming attractions. From Owl's Head
op the Penobscot to Bangor, unfolds a panorama of beauty

456 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
which an eminent Harvard professor declared surpassed the
storied Rhine.
Camden is a popular resort, and the drives about the lake and
mountain are justly admired. Our missionaries from the East
have remarked that the Syrian hills seemed pictured in the
western shores of the Penobscot at this point. The view from
Mount Megunticook, fourteen hundred feet high, is pronounced
by a well-known author one of " indescribable grandeur."
The appearance of Belfast from the river is imposing. Passing
Searsport, Stockton, and Fort Pownal, the stranger is impressed
with the scenery at Bucksport Narrows, where the Penobscot
makes a sharp bend, and the high, bold headland is guarded
by Fort Knox. Its powerful batteries effectually close the river
to a hostile fleet. Chains, too, have been stretched across the
Narrows in bygone days, as an additional protection. From
this point to Bangor there are constant surprises at each turn of
the winding stream. Frankfort and Winterport and Hampden
in turn appear. The latter is the home of the late Vice-Presi
dent Hamlin. Here the frigate " John Adams " was run ashore
and burned in 1779.
Bangor is a beautiful city, diversified with valley and hiU and
river. It has handsome streets, with fine drives, particularly on
the Hampden road and to Mount Hope cemetery. The outlook
from the seminary tower is a commanding one, as is that from
the opposite heights beyond the Kenduskeag. The tourist will
gladly linger here many days. A few hours' excursion brings
him to Castine, rich in historical interest, beautiful in situation,
and peopled by families of high culture. It was settled two
and a half centuries ago ; and many valuable relics remain of the
significant epochs of its religious and military history.
Sedgwick and Deer Isle and Isle au Haut present charming
views, and are well worthy a visit by those who love fine scenery,
or would grow ruddy on healthful fare and by invigorating air.
Constant communication is had by steamers with Portland.
Mount Desert is too well known as a summer resort to need
description in detail. The Maine Central Railroad now runs a
branch to a point opposite the island ; but the stranger ought not
to fail of going one way, at least, by Portland steamer. He will find

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 457
it a pleasant trip to stop at South- West Harbor, and cross the
island leisurely on foot or in the saddle to Bar Harbor ; not
omitting the ascent of Green Mountain, from which Katahdin
is seen, one hundred and twenty miles distant as the bird flies,
while seaward the prospect is enchanting. The writer has
feasted his eyes on some of the fairest scenes on either side the
Atlantic, but never saw the equal, in all respects, to this
¦" bright mosaic of island and bay," as Clara Barnes Martin has
felicitously described this landscape.
In his legend of " Mogg Megone," Whittier tells of the objects
that meet the gaze of the traveller looking from the summit of
this mountain. " Beneath the westward turning eye
A thousand wooded islands lie ;
Their thousand tints of beauty glow
Down in the restless waves below.
There sleep Placentia's group ;
There gloomily against the sky
The Dark Isles rear their summits high ;
And Desert Rock, abrupt and bare,
Lifts its gray turret in the air,
Seen from afar, like some stronghold
Built by the ocean kings of old;
And faint as smoke wreath, white and thin,
Swells, in the north, vast Katahdin ;
And, wandering from its marshy feet,
The broad Penobscot comes to meet
And mingle with its own bright bay."
This is but one of the attractions of this island. There are
thirteen mountains and thirteen lakes, few of them bereft of
story, all interesting alike to the student of geology, the sports
man, the florist, and the artist. Blue-bells, morning-glories,
white and yellow water-lilies, the twin-flower, the mountain-
cranberry, strawberries, raspberries, blueberries, and huckle
berries, with other fruits and flowers in their season, abound to
an extent which leads the delighted visitor to regard the name
of the island a strange misnomer. The memory of a month at
Mount Desert, at the noontide of the year, is itself a summer idyl,
and will combine the elements of choicest interest and most
enduring pleasure.

458 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The views in and about Machias, Eastport, Quoddy Head,
the dark palisades of Grand Menan, and the Old Friar, a tall
columnar rock of striking profile, with distant views of the
Chamcook Hills and the valley of the St. Croix, seen from the
ramparts of Fort Sullivan, are among the List of the number
less picturesque attractions that clothe the seashore of Maine.
As this coast line measures three thousand miles, followed
throughout its manifold irregularities, it is obvious that this
brief monograph can record but a small portion of what could
be said of this feature of the attractiveness of Maine as a
summer resort. MAINE LAKES AND MOUNTAINS.
" Two voices are there : one is of the sea,
One of the mountains ; each a mighty voioe."
Lake Sebago and the beauties that skirt our " American
Switzerland" in that neighborhood first demand attention.
During the season of travel, one can leave Boston in the morn
ing, dine in Portland, and reach the summit of Mount Pleasant
before tea, having enjoyed thirty miles' sail in the midst of
scenes of incomparable beauty. The visitor who has made
Portland his summer home can take the mountain and lake
excursion in a day, and return at evening. The line of the
Ogdensburg Railroad passes along the suburbs of Stroudwater,
Deering, and Westbrook, near the birthplace of the lamented
Gov. Andrew at Windham, up the beautiful Presumpscot, till
suddenly Lake Sebago bursts in view, — a broad, blue expanse
of water, fourteen miles long, with the Rattlesnake Range,
Mount Pleasant, and Mount Washington, in the dim distance.
Two stanch steamers connect with the trains. An hour is
consumed in passing over the lake. Indian Island, the " Notch,"
Frye's Island, the Cave, — a favorite haunt of Nathaniel Haw
thorne in his boyhood, — and the " Images," a curious mass of
rocks rising some seventy feet above the lake, are a few of the
noteworthy objects. But the famous passage of the Songo is
the great delight. Here you must sail six miles and make
twenty-seven turns to advance about two miles in a direct line.
The passage of the Lock, the novelty of the zigzag progress up

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

459>

the narrow river, the sylvan beauty of the overshadowing tree*
and swallow-haunted banks, all make this part of the trip a
vivid pleasure. Two miles across the Bay of Naples, and you»
reach Chute's River, which opens into Long Lake. Nine miles'
6ail in view of the Harrison Hills, farms, and woodlands, brings.

LAKE SEBAGO.

the tourist to Bridgeton wharf. A short ride to the village, and
thence a few miles farther to the base of Mount Pleasant, intro
duces him to some of the most attractive views of valley, lake,
and hillside. The summit is 2,018 feet high, and commands a
circuit of three hundred miles. Fifty lakes may be seen ; and
the view of villages, rivers, and mountains is much preferred to-

460

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

that of Mount Washington. 4 new and spacious hotel affoids
every comfort to those who tarry over night to behold the
sunset and sr irise glories. Coaches to Brownfield accommo
date those bound to North ConwAy and the West by the new
railroad through the Notch. Between the mountains and
Lake Sebago are many pleasant villages, where, along the
banks of the winding Saco, in full view of the White Hills,
families from the city have made their summei home. Baldwin

BONNY EAGLE FALLS, BUXTON, HOLLIS AND STANDISH, ME.
and Cornish and Brownfield are thriving towns ; and the easy
access to them by the Portland and Ogdensburg Railroad has
now given them a new importance.
The view from Mt. Cutler and other elevations in Hiram,
the summer residence of the writer, is admired by artists, em
bracing, as it does, the grand amphitheatre of mountains from
Chocorua to Mount Washington, with Kearsarge in the fore
ground, a bold pyramid 8,367 feet in height. The "Great

LISBON FALLS, LISBON, ME.

•462 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Falls " of the Saco, Ossipee River, LoveweU's Lake where Pau
gus fought, — the wily Pequaket warrior, — and other romantic
Localities, are in this neighborhood. Fryeburg is a popular re
treat, and environed with hills, clothed not only with Nature's
Tyrian drapery, but with traditions of early days, enshrined in
ballad and in story. Here Daniel Webster taught school, and
here the well-known James R. Osgood, Esq., of Boston, was born.
The opening of the Crawford Notch to railway travel is a
result at which tourists by the Portland and Ogdensburg Road
may congratulate themselves; for, says Civil-Engineer B. H.
Latrobe, " I do not hesitate to say that no railway, on this side
•of the Rocky Mountains at least, can compare with it in the
magnificence of its mountain scenery."
The Valley of the Androscoggin next claims notice. From
Brunswick to the mountains, the river is highly picturesque ;
.and the towns that line its curving banks on the route of the
Maine Central RaUroad are pleasant haunts for summer days.
The Falls at Lisbon are of striking attractiveness. The scenery
around Auburn and Lewiston is romantic in the extreme. The
busy industries of these cities, their tasteful private and public
•edifices, and the beauty of their environs, may well beguile the
traveller hastening northward.
Mechanic Falls and Paris are also towns of growing impor
tance, and Paris Hill has few superiors in scenic beauty.
Thence along the line of the Grand Trunk Railway, Bryant's
Pond, Bethel, and Gilead attract hundreds by their peculiar
•charms, which Harry Brown, J. B. Hudson, and other Maine
artists, have transferred to canvas, and authors like Starr King
to prose. Rumford Falls are pronounced by a recent author
" the grandest of any in New England." Both the upper and
lower falls present features of striking grandeur. From Bethel
to Umbagog Lake is a charming ride. One should visit Megal-
loway River beyond Umbagog, as well as the Rangeley Lakes,
still farther in the wilderness around old Saddleback.
The township of Rangeley is named from a former owner,
and is situated on the north shore of the Oquossoc Lake. It
was incorporated in 1855. The primitive wildness of the
(region, the trout-streams and hunting-grounds, attracted the

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THE HISTORY OF MA4NE.

attention of Jay Cooke and other gentlemen from Philadelphia
and New York. In 1869 they rented land, and built a large
establishment at Indian Rock, three miles from the nearest
Bettler. They have been known as the "Oquossoc Angling
Association." Rangeley Lake is ten mUes long, and Greenvale Plantation is
ai its head. F. A. Morrill of New Sharon has pubUshed views

LOWER FALLS. RUMFORD. ME.

of this interesting district as the eleventh series of his "His
torical Views of Maine."
The towns that lie in the luxuriant valley of the Sandy
River are places of Arcadian beauty. Who needs to be told of
farmington and " Old Blue," or of " Little Blue," where the
RoUo Books were penned, or of the institutions of learning that
have given a Uterary celebrity to a town so favored in natural

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466 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
attractions ? Weld, — the early home of the publishers, nestling
among the mountains and beautified by Webb's Pond, five
miles long, — Phillips, and Mount Abraham are much visited in
summer months. Wilton, Jay, Livermore, Monmouth, and
Winthrop can boast of natural advantages as summer resorts
in the midst of a lake district of no common loveliness. The

CASCADE AT WEST WATERVILLE. ME.
establishment of seminaries, as the Female College at Kent's
Hill, and the State schools at Hallowell, have helped to make
known the conspicuous charms of natural scenery enjoyed by
the central population of Maine.
Tiie Kennebec Valley, from Merrymeeting Bay to Moosehead
Lake, is a favorite route, and with the excellent facilities for

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 467
¦travel is every year becoming more popular. Richmond is a
camp-meeting resort. Gardiner, Hallowell, and Augusta, built
on the high slopes along the river, present a striking appear
ance. The public buildings at the capital, and drives to Togus,
the quarries and other suburbs, well repay the visitor for the
time required. Vassalboro', Winslow, and Norridgewock add
historical interest to their natural attractions. Waterville is
the seat of a flourishing university. The cascade on the Ken
nebec at West WatervUle, where the craggy ledges of granite
intercept the rush of the stream, is very striking. Ascending
the river, the stranger is reminded, as on the Penobscot, of the
immense importance to Maine of her lumber interests. The
frequent ice-houses also suggest the rise of that branch of
industry. At Skowhegan the river makes a bend westward ;
and the views from this pleasant town are noteworthy. Few
places in Maine have shown more enterprise than Dexter, in
developing its water-powers, which, as elsewhere in the State,
constitute the chief source of wealth.
Of Moosehead Lake, with its broad, sparkling waters and
emerald isles, Mt. Kineo, Chesuncook, and the numberless lakes
that surround the grand, solitary Katahdin, it is only needful
to say that Lowell's Moosehead Journal in his " Fireside
Travel," Flagg's " Woods and By-ways," and particularly
" Life in the Open Air " by Winthrop, will fully delineate the
charms of these solitudes, and prove most convincingly the
claim for superiority in this regard, which the Pine-tree State
has a right to make.
Then there is the vast Aroostook, stretching from the Matta-
wamkeag to the St. Francis, one hundred fifty miles, with its
marveUous but undeveloped resources, its primitive forest
grandeur and isolation ; as noble a domain as the Adirondack
region, and deserving as hearty laudation, alike on the score of
its picturesque scenery, its balsamic air, and its abounding
attractions for artist, or angler, or sportsman ; in short, for all
who, wearied by care, study, or the clamorous demands of
fashionable folUes, seek a restful and joyful life in the open air.

CHAPTER XXVI.
MATNE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION.1
Military Condition of Maine — Proclamation of the President — Prompt Action
— The Greeting in New York — Welcome in Washington — Stove-Pipe Artil
lery—Testimony of Gen. Sickles — Gen. Hiram G. Berry — The Liquor
Shops — The Seventh Maine complimented — Sufferings of Camp-Life —
Colored Regiments — Testimony of Gen. Naglee — Gen. Dow — Toils of a
Campaign — The Sharp-shooters— Lieut. Hill — Batteries of Light Artil
lery — Courage of New Recruits.
THERE is perhaps no one of the loyal States which can claim
pre-eminence over the others in its conduct during the
civil war. All did the best they could, and all did nobly. Maine
certainly was not in the rear of any of her sisters in this respect.
The patriotic spirit of her whole population was roused to the
utmost when the first gun of foul rebellion was fired upon our
national flag at Fort Sumter. Israel Washburn, jun., was then
in the gubernatorial chair; and it could not have been more
worthily fiUed. In many towns, in less than twenty-four hours
after the tidings of the revolt were received, full companies of
volunteers were formed, ready to march. The first company
which fiUed its ranks, and was accepted by the governor, was
the Lewiston Light Infantry. In Cherryfield, four hours after
the enlistment roll was opened, fifty volunteers had entered
1 I write this narrative of Maine in the Rebellion with more solicitude than any
other chapter in the book. Material, sufficient to fill the whole of such a volume
as this, must be crowded into a few pages. I can give but the briefest abstract of
the heroic deeds of the Maine regiments. There were many chivalric exploits
which I cannot record. There are many names, worthy of most honorable men
tion, for which I have no space. My object, in these few pages, is but to give a
general idea of the wonderful efforts and sacrifices which Maine made to crush
the Rebellion. For more minute information upon this interesting theme, the
reader must be referred to the excellent history of "Maine in the War," by
Messrs. William E. S. Whitman, and Charles H. True.
468

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 469
their names. A wealthy gentleman of Thomaston, Mr. Henry
B. Humphrey, offered to arm and equip a company of artillery
at an expense of fifteen thousand dollars.
A long service of peace had rendered military organizations
unnecessary. The industrious citizens of Maine had not been
called upon to waste their precious days in drilling with the
musket, but had consecrated all their energies to the useful
labors and arts of life. With peace there was abounding pros
perity. There was an enrolled militia of about sixty thousand
men. These were, however, unarmed and unorganized. There
were but about twelve hundred men in any condition to respond
to a call of military duty.
When the President of the United States issued his first call
for seventy-five thousand volunteers, on the 15th of April, 1861,
Maine with great promptness sent her First and Second Regi
ments of infantry, so thoroughly armed and equipped as to elicit
from Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, the warmest commenda
tion. Nathaniel J. Jackson was colonel of the First Regiment,
and Charles G. Jameson of Bangor of the Second. When
these regiments reached New York, on their way to the front,
the Rev. Roswell D. Hitchcock, a son of Maine, with his char
acteristic eloquence thus addressed them : —
" Welcome, sons of Maine I welcome, brothers ! I am one of you, was
baptized, at the same altar ; am bone of the same bone, flesh of the same
flesh. "We were all born beneath the same sky. I love the State from the
Aroostook to the Atlantic, and I love her granite hills. But, my brethren,
our first allegiance should not be to her: we love our whole country.
" The American flag waves triumphantly from the Lakes to the Pacific.
Sse to it that it remains there. That flag we follow. It is no ribbon; but
that banner God has woven with thirteen stripes and four and thirty stars.
It behooves jou, as soldiers marching under that flag, to watch and cherish
it, and allow no rebellious horde to efface one of its bright orbs, or permit
cne to be ruthlessly torn from its field."
The Second Regiment left Bangor with a beautiful set of
colors, presented by the ladies. They marched through Balti
more with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets. Not a minion
of rebellion ventured to open his voice, or peep. At Washing
ton it was presented with a magnificent banner, sent by the

470 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Maine ladies in California, to be given to the first regiment
from their native State which should enter the capital for its
defence. It would require a volume to record the achievements of this
regiment. In the course of two years, it was in eleven hard-
fought battles, besides numerous skirmishes. In all it behaved
with gallantry which could not have been surpassed.
The Third Regiment, under Oliver Otis Howard of Leeds,
was rendezvoused on the State House grounds at Augusta. It
was composed mainly of Kennebec lumbermen, and was exceed
ingly fortunate in having for its colonel a West Point graduate ;
who- rapidly rose to the rank of major-general, and who, for
his signal services, has won a position in the hearts of the
American people second perhaps to that of none other. It was
with this regiment that the operations of what were caUed the
Stove-Pipe Artillery commenced. The regiment was encamped
in Virginia, within sight of the lines of the enemy. Some of
the men went into a meeting-house, took a piece of stove-pipe,
which they mounted upon wheels, and ran it up to the top of a
hill. They were abundantly repaid in seeing the enemy open
upon the harmless gun a furious cannonade. This regiment
performed prodigies of valor, which we have no space here to
record. Upon one occasion, when the regiment was reduced to
one hundred and ninety-six rifles and fourteen officers, Gen.
Sickles said, " The little Third Maine saved the army to-day."
Upon the promotion of Col. Howard to the rank of brigadier-
general, Major Henry G. Staples became colonel. He was suc
ceeded by Adjutant Edwin Burt, in the ever memorable seven-
days' battle which attended the movement from the Chicka
hominy to the James. In this change of front, Major F. W.
Haskell of Waterville so greatly distinguished himself as to
win very high commendation. The vicissitudes of war placed
Moses B. Lakeman in command of the regiment. A better
colonel the regiment could not have had.
The Fourth Regiment was under the command of Hiram G.
Berry of Rockland. His name will ever remain embalmed in
the hearts of his fellow-citizens. At Bull Run he displayed
such skill and valor as induced Gen. Kearney to write to Gov,
Washburn, —

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. -471
" Col. Berry manifested such a genius for war, and such a
pertinacity in the fight, as proved him fit for high command."
This regiment was in all the important battles of the army of
the Potomac, during its term of service. At Williamsburg it
was said that the regiment of Col. Berry saved the day ; at
Fair Oaks, White Oak Swamp, Gaines' Mills, Glendale, and
Malvern Hill, this regiment rendered magnificert service. At
the terrible battle of Chancellorsville, Hiram G. Berry, having
attained the rank of major-general of volunteers, laid down his
life. The nation mourned his loss.
The Fifth Regiment was commanded by Mark H. Dunnell
of Portland. It is painful to be unable to do justice to the
achievements of these troops. The Fifth was engaged in eleven
pitched battles, and eight skirmishes, ere it entered upon the
terrible campaign of the Wilderness, which was an incessant
battle. It captured six rebel flags, and more prisoners than it
ever had men in its ranks.
The Sixth Regiment, commanded by Abner Knowles of Ban
gor, was composed chiefly of the hardy lumbermen of the Pe
nobscot Valley. Col. Knowles was the right man in the right
place. Passing through Philadelphia, the regiment made a halt
near some liquor-shops. The colonel requested the proprietors
not to sell to the men of his regiment. The rumsellers disre
garded his request. He sent a file of soldiers, shut up the
shops, and placed the proprietors under guard. Several of the
dignified Quakers of Philadelphia were looking on : they said,
" Friend Knowles, thy conduct meets our approval. We will
back thee up if necessary."
Col. Knowles was succeeded by Col. Hiram Burnham. This
regiment was in ten pitched battles and in very many skirmishes.
It lost in battle, and by sickness, the result of military exposure
and fatigue, about three hundred men. Col. Burnham, pro
moted to a brigadier-generalship, fell at the head of his brigade,
at the battle of Chapin's Bluff. The reader is referred to
" Maine in the War " for the minor changes which took place in
the command of these regiments. I can only give a brief sketch
of the general movements, and must omit all the minor details.
The Seventh Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta, and

472 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
entered into active service with Edwin D. Mason as its colonel.
At the close of the sanguinary battle which placed Wflliams-
burg and Yorktown in our hands, Gen. McClellan with his staff
paid the Seventh Maine a visit, and, with his hat in his hand,
addressed to them the following complimentary words : —
" Soldiers of the Seventh Maine, I have come to thank yoii for your
bravery and good conduct in the action of yesterday. On this battle-plain
you and your comrades arrested the progress of the advancing enemy, saved
the army from a disgraceful defeat, and turned the tide of victory in our
favor. You have deserved well of your country and of your State; and in
their gratitude they will not forget to bestow upon you the thanks and
praise so justly your due. Continue to show the conduct of yesterday, and
the triumph of our cause will be speedy and sure. In recognition of your
merit, you shall hereafter bear the inscription ' Williamsburg ' on your
colors. Soldiers, my words are feeble, but from the bottom of my heart I
thank you."
A long series of brilliant achievements followed, which we
have not space to record.
The Eighth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Lee
Strickland of Livermore was colonel. The physique of these
men was said to be remarkably fine. Mr. Strickland, like many
others, had made great sacrifice of prosperous business and a
happy home to rescue his country from foulest rebellion. The
first signal exploit of this regiment was aiding in capturing the
fort at Hilton Head, in South Carolina. This was one of the
most brilliant exploits of the war. Ill health compelled Col.
Strickland to resign, and he was succeeded by John D. Rust.
The least of the sufferings of war are those which are encoun
tered on the field of battle. It was deemed important to plant
batteries on two muddy islands in the river, which were twice
each day covered by the rising tide.
With great toil and suffering the heroic men of the Eighth
engaged in these labors. One cold night in Februaiy three
men of the Eighth, Samuel Holt, Lindsey O. Goff, and Morris
Woodbury, were posted on picket on one of these islands. It
would seem that there must have been some great indiscretion
in the order. But, in military affairs, commands must be
obeyed, discreet or indiscreet. In the chill night the tide slowly

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 473
rolled to their breasts, and as slowly ebbed away. In the morn
ing they returned to camp utterly exhausted. Holt and Goff
both soon died from the effects of the cruel exposure.1 Wood
bury survived, but with a ruined constitution. The regiment
suffered severely from toil, and exposure to an unhealthy clime.
At one time three hundred men were in hospital.
Until this time, the government had not seen fit to employ
colored men as soldiers. So great was the opposition to this
measure, that many officers of white regiments refused to hold
any intercourse with officers who took command in colored regi
ments. Both the officers and the men of the Eighth Regiment,
rising superior to this ridiculous prejudice, warmly advocated
the organization of colored troops. Gen. Saxton selected
from that regiment nearly half the line officers for the First
Regiment of colored soldiers. Grateful to the regiment for its
support in the trying hours when most of his brother officers
refused even to recognize him in the streets, though he was a
regular army officer, a courteous gentleman, and a devout
Christian, he selected still a large number from the Eighth
Maine, for the Second Colored Regiment. But the tide had
now so turned that more than a thousand officers and men ap
plied for such positions. The career of this regiment was full
of remarkable incident and heroic enterprise ; for a more dctaUed
account of which we must refer our readers to the excellent
history of " Maine in tbe War," to which we have before re
ferred. During a period of but six months, this regiment was
in thirteen general engagements, besides many skirmishes.
The Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Rish-
worth Rich of Portland was colonel. Their passage in a
rickety steamer, and encountering a terrific storm, from Fortress
Monroe to Port Royal, was more dreadful, in peril and in suf
fering, than can he described. In this fearful gale, at midnight,
the captain of the ship informed Col. Rich that he did not think
it possible that the vessel could be kept afloat much longer, and
that they all must go to the bottom before morning. Almost
miraculously they were saved. The regiment was vigorously
i Maine in the War. By William E. S. Whitman, and Charles R. True. P. 199.

474 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
employed in campaigning and successful fighting, until Col.
Rich, broken down by toil and exposure, was compelled to re
sign his commission. He was succeeded by Sabine Emory.
At Morris Island, the colonel and his regiment acquired much
renown, performing feats of valor which none but the bravest
men could perform. It is admitted that the capture of the
island was greatly owing to the intrepidity and wise tactics of
the Maine Ninth. A number of flags were taken. Gen. Q. A.
Gilmore sent them to Gov. Abner Coburn, with the following
statement : —
" I have the honor to forward the rebel flags captured by the soldiers of
the Ninth Regiment of Maine Volunteers. The names of the captors are
Moses Goodwin and David C. Hoyt. The former has since died of his
wounds. It will be, I am sure, a source of gratification and pride to your
self and the citizens of your State, to receive these trophies of the gallantry
of her sons, who are struggling in this distant field for the vindication of
our cause."
The Tenth Regiment was organized with George L. Beal of
Norway colonel. This regiment was exposed to hard duty,
which it cheerfully performed, and to heavy losses, which it
endured without a murmur. At times they slept in the cold
and sleet and rain of a November night, with no covering but
that of the dripping clouds. One of the companies marched
fifty-seven miles in twenty-four consecutive hours. The regi
ment performed signal service in the valley of the Shenandoah.
At times the men were under the command of Lieut.-Col.
James S. Fillebrown, who very ably discharged his weighty
responsibilities. Col. Beal won the gratitude of every man in
his regiment by his devotion to their comfort, in scenes of hun
ger and cold and fatigue, and when the bullets and shells of the
rebels were thinning their ranks. Both Col. Beal and Lieut.-
Col. Fillebrown were presented by the men of the regiment
with veiy handsome testimonials of their regard. Their ex
cellent chaplain also, George Knox of Brunswick, received a
superb gold watch and chain.
When the regiment was mustered out of service it contained
four hundred and fifty men. In the casualties of war, two

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 4"! 5-
hundred and fifty-eight had disappeared. The State recognized
its services, and regarded its heroism as one of the richest lega
cies of Maine.
The ten regiments to which we have alluded were raised
exclusively by the State. The Eleventh was at the expense of
the general government. John C. Caldwell of East Machias
was colonel. It was a splendid regiment, and received in
Washington much commendation for the excellence of its drill.
Very speedily it was led into action, and that of the hottest
kind. The troops displayed the intrepidity and firmness of
veterans. There is scarcely any thing in the history of war
more sublime than many of the scenes through which this regi
ment passed. In the terrible series of battles which accom
panied what was called a " Change of Base," the Eleventh was
almost incessantly engaged. The Eleventh was a portion of
the brigade of Gen. Naglee. In taking leave of this brigade,.
the general left the following testimon}7, to its heroism : —
" Yours is the honor of having been the first to pass, and the last to leave,
the Chickahominy. And, while you led the advance from this memorable
place near Eichmond, you were the last in the retreating column, when,
after seven days' constant fighting, it reached a place of security and rest
at Harrison's Landing."
• The Twelfth Regiment was raised by the general government,.
with George F. Shepley as colonel. These men were sent from
Boston by water, far away to Ship Island, near the mouth of
the Mississippi. Col. Shepley was one of the ablest and most
eloquent lawyers in Maine. Upon the capture of New Orleans,
the troops ascended the river to that city. Col. Shepley, pro
moted to a brigadier-generalship, was placed in military com
mand. There could not have been a more judicious selection
for this important post.
Col. William K. Kimball of Paris, Me., took command of the
regiment. Aided by a gunboat, he soon captured two batteries
of six thirty-two pounders, with a stand of colors, a large
amount of ordnance stores, and eight thousand dollars of Con
federate currency. The War Department highly commended
the brilliant achievement, and ordered the captured colors to re

476 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
main with the Twelfth, as a trophy of their victory. After
many wUd and wondrous expeditions in the extreme South, the
regiment returned to the battle-fields of Virginia. There the
troops were engaged in an almost incessant conflict ; and nearly
every conflict was a victory. The regiment bears a remarkable
record for the good conduct of the men. The3r were ever obe
dient to their officers, eager for action, and displayed an invin
cible courage which won for them high commendation from
every general under whom they served. Gen. Shepley remained
military commandant at New Orleans until 1862, when he was
invested with the arduous and responsible office of military
governor of Louisiana. This post he filled to the great satis
faction of the national government until 1864, when he was
transferred to fill a similar post in Virginia.1
The Thirteenth Regiment was raised at large, and rendez
voused in Augusta. Neal Dow of Portland was colonel.
Upon its organization it was speedily sent to Ship Island. The
iron ship " Mississippi," of twelve hundred tons, with its rich
freight of the Thirteenth Maine and the Thirty-first Massachu
setts, almost miraculously escaped foundering during a terrific
storm at sea. The Thirteenth was stationed for some time in the
occupancy of Ship Island. On this glowing expanse of white
sand, beneath an almost tropical sun, the regiment, passing in
mid-winter from the North, suffered in health very severely.
Their drill was excellent. Gen. Weitzel said that he had never
seen better soldiers.
They were eventually sent on a campaign into Texas, and
again upon an eventful expedition to Red River. In both of
these enterprises, their deprivations and sufferings were terrible.
It would require a volume to give any thing like an adequate
description of these bold adventures. On one of these expedi
tions they performed a march of five hundred and fifty miles,
while continually exposed to attack from a watchful foe.
At length these veteran troops were ordered North, to report
to Gen. Grant. Martinsburg, the base of supplies for Sheridan's
whole army, was intrusted to their care. The regiment, aftei
1 " Maine in the War," p. 299.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 477
performing services of the utmost value for three years, was
mustered out of service on the 6th of January, 1865, by
Major J. W. T. Gardiner, of the United States Army. Col.
Dow was very highly commended for the wisdom and energy
with which he conducted this regiment through its arduous
career. Promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, he proved
himself equal to any responsibilities which might be laid
upon him. While sick in Louisiana, he was captured by the
rebels. After a long and barbarous imprisonment he was ex
changed. The Fourteenth Regiment was collected at Augusta. Frank
S. Nickerson of Searsport was colonel. The regiment was
assigned to the third brigade, under Gen. Shepley, and was
sent to Ship Island, and thence to New Orleans. Their first
serious battle was at Baton Rouge. These sturdy sons of
Maine, who, at the summons of their country, had left the con
genial employments of peaceful homes, behaved like veterans,
amidst the carnage and tumult of war. Gen. Weitzel wrote in
the highest terms of commendation of the valor of the Maine
Fourteenth in encountering " the whole brunt of the attack."
There seems to have been but little rest for this regiment, by
day or by night. Marchings and battles were incessant. From
May tiU August they were without tents. However severe
the storm or the shower, they had no shelter. Their only
camp-equipage was their camp-kettles, which they carried in
their hands. It seems strange that men could endure such
hardships, and Uve. There were no troops who served more
efficiently in the capture of Port Hudson than the Maine Four
teenth. The Fifteenth Regiment was raised principally in the remote
region of Aroostook County. John McClusky of Houltc n was
colonel. For nearly four months the regiment was encamped
at Carrolton, when Lieut.-Col. Dyer was promoted to the com
mand. But here, amidst the swamps of Mississippi, the regi
ment suffered severely from sickness. In September it was re
moved to Pensacola, where, in the enjoyment of a salubrious
dime, the sick rapidly recovered. Col. Dyer was soon placed
in command of the post, and Benjamin B. Murray became
colonel.

478 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Upon leaving Maine the regiment numbered nine hundred
and sixty men. In one year, without being in a single battle,
it lost, from sickness and the other casualties of a campaign,
three hundred and twenty-nine of its number. Though these
troops were not engaged in any pitched battles, they passed
through a strange series of perilous and romantic adventures,
in all which they proved themselves to be good men and true.
In September, 1861, the secretary of war solicited from
the governor of Maine a rifle company of sharpshooters.
Every man was subject to a rigid examination as to his physical
powers of endurance ; and they were required, at the distance
of two hundred yards, to put ten consecutive shots within a
•circle ten inches in diameter.
James D. Fessenden of Portland was captain of this com
pany. The men were equipped in a superior manner. The
company was attached to Berdan's Second Regiment of sharp
shooters. It was sent, by the way of Washington, first to
Camp William near Alexandria, and thence to Falmouth, Va.
Almost immediately the company entered upon a series of
skirmishes, with the foe ever retiring before them. None
but men of iron nerves could have performed the toilsome
marches and the shelterless bivouacs through which they
passed. They were often exposed to a terrific fire from the
enemy's batteries, but ever stood their ground with tbe firmness"
of veterans. At one time this company was pitted against an
equal number of rebel sharpshooters. The rebels, having lost
thirty of their number, fled, while the Maine riflemen lost but
three. In one engagement this heroic band of men was so utterly
exhausted by marching, counter-marching, and fighting, with
short rations and but little sleep, that but twelve could enter
into battle. In the battle of Antietam they bore an honorable
part. For four hours they were under fire, and lost six of their
men. At Chancellorsville they were for two days constantly
engaged with the sharpshooters of the foe. In the three-days'
battle at Gettysburg, they took an active part, losing eleven in
wounded and prisoners. And thus these heroic men, through
sufferings, toil, and death, counted not their lives dear to them,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 479
that they might preserve the flag which treason and rebellion
would trample in the dust. Capt. Fessenden rose, by rapid
promotion, to the rank of brigadier-general.
The First Maine Regiment of cavalry was raised at large.
It consisted of twelve companies. John Goddard of Cape
Elizabeth was its colonel. It is said that there was no cavalry
regiment in the service superior to this in the character of its
men and its horses. Samuel H. Allen took the command as
colonel, when the regiment was thoroughly organized. Imme
diately upon ' their arrival in Washington the various companies
were detached for separate service. ' It is impossible, in the
brief space which can be allotted to the subject here, to narrate
the wonderful and often awful adventures through which these
companies hewed their way. One incident I cannot refrain
from recording.
Lieut. Hill, who was acting as quartermaster of the battal
ion, was, with his team, taken captive. Under a rebel guard
he was being carried away, seated in a wagon. Carefully
searching, he found a loaded revolver. With this he shot his
guard, recaptured his own team and some others, and drove
back to the Union lines.1
The severity of the service to which the men of this regi
ment were exposed may be inferred from the fact, that, during
a period of about six months, seven hundred of their horses
were either lost in action or worn out. The record of the
gallantly of these men, and of their suffering from cold, hun
ger, fatigue, wounds, and death, is melancholy in the extreme.
And, the more we admire their heroism, the more do we deplore
the awful war which infamous rebellion forced upon them, drag
ging them from all the joys of their happy homes, to woes
which no pen can describe, and which no imagination can con
ceive. In the autumn of 1861, the State of Maine raised six batter
ies of mounted light artillery. Each battery was an independ
ant organization. We can but briefly refer to their patriotic
devotion to the salvation of their country through fields of
1 Maine in the War, p. 354

480 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
blood. Of the First Battery, Edward W. Thompson of Bruns
wick was captain. It was despatched at once to Ship Island,
and thence to New Orleans. With one hundred and forty-nine
men, the battery was stationed about six miles from the city.
It was a very sickly region. In one month seventy men either
died or were disabled. Having been attached to Gen. Weit-
zel's corps, they were transported to Donaldsonville, where,
with great gallantry, they captured a twelve-pounder from the
rebels, which the battery was allowed to retain. They had,
however, already lost so many men that a detachment of
infantry was assigned to them.
Col. Thompson's health utterly failed him. He resigned his
post, and was succeeded by Albert W. Bradford of Eastport.
Skirmishes and battles, wounds, woe, and death, rapidly fol
lowed. At Port Hudson the battery was hotly engaged. After
the faU of Port Hudson, the battery was moved in transports
to Donaldsonville. Here again the troops passed through an
awful scene of battle and blood. Almost every day now had
its record of fatiguing marches and sanguinary conflicts. Re
turning to the North, the men re-enlisted, and fought in Virginia
more battles than can well be counted.
The Second Maine Mounted Battery had Davis Tillson of
Rockland for captain. He was a West Point graduate, and
had been adjutant-general of Maine. The troops repaired to
Washington, and went into camp on Capitol HiU. Soon, how
ever, the battery was sent to Manassas, and entered upon a
series of constant, deadly battles, with almost invariably victo
rious results. But in war heavy blows must be received, as weU
as given. Horses were shot, guns dismounted, men wounded
and killed ; but still the bleeding and exhausted battery held
on its way until the victory was won. Capt. Tillson was soon
promoted, and was succeeded in the command by Capt. James
A. Hall of Damariscotta, who was followed by Lieut. Ulmer,
and he was followed by Lieut. Albert F. Thomas.
The Third Mounted Batteiy was rendezvoused in Augusta,
under James G. Swett of Brewer as captain. After spending
a little time at Capitol Hill, it was embarked for Alexan
dria, Va., to guard the rubber pontoons. Passing through

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 481
various changes, it became at length attached to the First Maine
Heavy Artillery, and was stationed for the defence of Wash
ington. The reader would weary of a minute recital of the
skirmishes and battles in which it engaged, of the losses which
it encountered, and of the victories which it won.
But nothing can give one a more impressive idea of the terri
ble energies of this rebellion, than to reflect that the wonderful
efforts which Maine put forth were rivalled by eveiy loyal
State in the Union. Dreadful was the war which we waged
with England for the establishment of our nationality ; but in
finitely more terrible was the war in which we engaged with
foul rebellion, that the nationality which had cost us so dear
might be perpetuated. For a long time the battery was almost
daily contending with the batteries of the enemy. When the
battery was withdrawn from the lines before Petersburg, the
chief of artUlery commended in high terms the military disci
pline, the neatness, order, and efficiency, with which aU its
duties had been performed.
The Fourth Mounted Batteiy was commanded by O'Neil W.
Robinson of Bethel. Capt. Robinson was a graduate of Bow
doin College, and a lawyer by profession. The battery was
first stationed at Fort Ramsey, seven miles from Alexandria, in
Virginia. The history of this battery was essentially like that
of the others. Its theatre of action was Virginia ; and it had
scarcely any respite from fatiguing marches and deadly bom
bardments. But few of those who originally enlisted returned
to their homes to enjoy the fruits of the victories they had won.
These young men, from the comfortable homes and peaceful
industries of Maine, had but just entered the valley of the
Shenandoah, when they were placed under the cross-fire of two
rebel batteries in the battle of Cedar Run. In that awful scene
of thunder roar and shrieking sheUs, as the ground was ploughed
by cannon-balls, as horses were shot, guns dismounted, and the
dying and dead were falling around, the noble young men,
the pride of their friends and the hope of the State, maintained
their position with invincible courage. Not a man flinched
from his post. There were several changes in the command,
from promotions and the other vicissitudes of a campaign.
31

482 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The Fifth Mounted Battery was raised at large. George F.
Leppien of Portland was intrusted with the command. He
was admirably qualified for the responsible duty ; for he had
been educated in the best German universities, had spent five
years in a military school in Prussia, and had already held a
lieutenant's commission in a Pennsylvania battery. These
men were very promptly led forward to the front, where the
battles were raging in the valley of the Shenandoah. At the
battle of Fredericksburg, this battery was exposed to the
heaviest cannonade of the day ; and the men won golden opin
ions for their unflinching courage, their accuracy of aim, and
their rapidity of fire. At the inexplicable disaster at Chancel
lorsville, the battery was exposed to a terribly destructive fire
from three rebel batteries. There they stood effectively work
ing their guns, and holding a large body of infantry in check,
until Capt. Leppien was struck down by a mortal wound ; both
of the lieutenants, Greenlief T. Stevens of Augusta, and Adel
bert B. Twitchell of Bethel, were severely wounded ; six men
were killed outright, twenty-two were wounded and prostrate
in their blood, forty horses were either killed or disabled, and
their ammunition was exhausted. Then, by the aid of infantry
supports, the guns were dragged off. It is hard to forgive those
rebels, who, without the slightest justifiable cause, plunged our
countiy into so deadly a war, sending lamentation and mourn
ing to thousands of once happy homes.
Again at Gettysburg this heroic battery met with appalling
losses and sufferings, and performed deeds of daring which won
for them great admiration. For the second time the batterj-
was left with but one officer not wounded. Capt. Hunt, who
had succeeded Capt. Leppien, was severely wounded on the
first of this three-days' battle. And thus the dreadful days
came and went with slaughter, wounds, anguish, death. We
hope there is somewhere reward for those noble men who thus
suffered and died for us. Had they failed, who can imagine
the disasters without end which would have befallen our dis
membered land ?

CHAPTER XXVII.
MAINE LN THE "WAR OF THE REBELLION, CONTINUED.
Battle of Cedar Mountain — Bivouacking in the Rain — Testimony of Gen.
Burnside — Scenes at Port Hudson — Arlington Heights — Campaigning in
the South — Patriotism of the Twenty-Seventh Regiment — Toilsome
March — Battle at Marianna — Ravages ~ of Sickness — Summary of the
Efforts of Maine — Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg — Major-Gen.
Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee.
THE Sixth Mounted Battery, raised by Maine, was composed
chiefly of young men from the counties of York, Waldo, and
Aroostook. Freeman McGilvery of Stockton was captain. The
battery was sent to the aid of the army of Virginia. Gen. Banks,
with six thousand men, was endeavoring to arrest the march of
Stonewall Jackson, who had thirty thousand under his command.
Both the Fourth and Sixth Maine Batteries were brought into
action at Cedar Mountain. Here the Sixth first experienced
the terrors and toils of battle. For six hours the deadly fight
ing raged. Inexperienced as they were in the horrors of war,
they stood at their posts so manfully,-repelling repeated charges,
that Gen. Augur, to whose division the battery was attached,
congratulated Capt. McGilvery on his gallant conduct, and
said that the battery was the means of repelling the assaults on
the left flank, and had thus saved the division from destruction.
A retreat to the Rappahannock was necessary. The little
band, pressed by out-numbering foes, marching and counter
marching, fought night and day, living upon half rations, and
with scarcely a moment for rest. We cannot follow this
battery in its heroic career of almost incessant battles.
Capt. McGUvery received deserved promotion ; and Edwin
B. Dow of Portland was intrusted with the command. At
483

484 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Gettysburg the Sixth performed very efficient service. Though
it suffered severely, it persistently held its position, and was
highly complimented by Gens. Tyler and Hunt for its gallantry.
Lieut. Rogers succeeded Capt. Dow in command of the batteiy.
We now return to the regiments. Maine had already fur
nished the general government with fifteen regiments ; and it is
safe to say that none better, in the courage and hardihood of
the men and their high-toned character, had entered the service.
In the year 1862, the State was called upon for more men, and
the Sixteenth Regiment of infantry was organized. Asa
Wildes of Skowhegan was colonel.
Sadly yet resolutely these young men left well-tilled farms
and comfortable homes, their workshops and mills, and all the
charms of peaceful domestic life, for the hazards and sufferings
of war. They were men of peace. Dire necessity alone could
induce them to exchange their homes for the tented field. The
regiment, like many others,, was mustered into the United
States service by Major J. W. T. Gardiner.
The troops were sent immediately to Washington ; and,
crossing the Potomac by Long Bridge, encamped on Arlington
Heights, the former residence of the very able and very unhappy
rebel general, Robert E. Lee. Their tents were scarcely reared
when they were ordered to the front, to meet the rebels who
had crossed the Potomac, and were threatening Pennsylvania.
It was September. The nights were chill, and there were
frequent storms. But the regiment had moved so rapidly that
it was very poorly supplied with clothing or camp equipage.
The men encamped on the Potomac, about three miles west of
Sharpsburg. Their only shelter was such as they could con
struct from boughs of trees and cornstalks. But these would
neither exclude wind nor rain. All their baggage remained in
Washington. Their rations were poor and insufficient.
The regiment had dwindled to seven hundred men. They
had no change of clothing, no medicine. Terrible discomfort
prevailed, with filth and vermin. There must have been great
incapacity somewhere to have allowed such a state of things to
exist. Two hundred and fifty were on the sick-list. Many
died. Exposure, scanty food, and general wretchedness were
more fatal than the bullets of the foe could have been.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 48&
Under such deplorable circumstances, the Sixteenth received
marching orders. In a pouring rain they broke camp, and after
a weary march halted for the night in the woods. It was an
awful night. The rain fell in torrents. An almost wintry gale
pierced their thin clothing. There was no shelter. Camp-fires
could not be built. The bitter cold and general wretchedness
prevented all sleep. The sufferings of that night will never be:
forgotten by those who endured them. In a long and woful
march they reached Warrington, on the 7th of November, in a
heavy snow-storm.
At length the knapsacks and overcoats of the regiment
arrived, and the despondency into which the men had been
plunged was in some degree dispelled. A terrible battle was
fought at Fredericksburg. These worn and wasted men seemed
as regardless of shells and bullets as if they were snowflakes.
They entered the field, swept by the storm of war, about four
hundred and fifty in number. Two hundred and . twenty-six
were either killed or wounded. Gen. Burnside, who was in
command of the army, said, " Whatever honor we can claim in
,that contest was won by the Maine men."
These hardships were terrible. The men had been so
enfeebled by sickness that nearly every wounded man died.
The regiment had dwindled down to forty men. A hundred
and sixty recruits were sent to add to their numbers. There
seemed to be no end to the sufferings of this regiment. The
nights became wintry cold. There were long marches through
mud and rain, and bivouacking almost supperless upon the bleak,
unsheltered fields.
Napoleon said that a man who is intrusted with the lives of
his fellow-men, in a military campaign, should examine him
self to see if he is equal to such immense responsibilities.
There was no intentional neglect in this case, but certainly
there was great incapacity somewhere. At length these suffer
ing patriots reached winter-quarters, and enjoyed a little rest.
But soon again the turmoil and carnage of almost ceaseless
battle were recommenced. We can onty give the final result.
The numbers originally forming the regiment, and those sent to
re-enforce it, amounted to two thousand and ninety-seven. Of

486 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
these the total loss by the casualties of the campaigns numbered
twelve hundred and ten.
The Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry was mainly from the
counties of York, Cumberland, Androscoggin, and Oxford.
Thomas A. Roberts of Portland was colonel. It was speedily
sent to the battle-fields of Virginia. At Fredericksburg and
ChanceUorsville and Gettysburg, and many other fields of
carnage, they fought with valor which proved their readiness to
die for their country.
And so it was with the Eighteenth Regiment, under Col.
Daniel Chapin of Bangor ; the Nineteenth, under Col. Frederick
D. Sewall of Bath ; and the Twentieth, under Col. Adelbert
Ames of Rockland. Joshua L. Chamberlain of Bowdoin Col
lege, Brunswick, was lieutenant-colonel. Upon the promotion
of Col. Ames, Col. Chamberlain took the command. His
gallantly speedily caused him to be promoted by Grant, on the
field where he was wounded, to the rank of brigadier-general.
Adelbert Ames was also appointed brigadier-general, at the
request of Gens. Hooker, Meade, and Howard, for great hero
ism displayed at Chancellorsville. To record the achievements
of these regiments would be but to repeat what has already
been written. They passed through the same scenes of weary
marches, cold bivouacs on rain-drenched fields, and terrible
battles. The Twenty-First Regiment had Elijah D. Johnson of Lewis-
ton for its colonel. It was sent far away to the marshes and
the bayous of the extreme South, where sickness was more to
be feared than bullet or bayonet. Though wasted by sickness,
it did good service at the siege of Port Hudson. In one
assault it lost, in killed and wounded, sixty in less than half an
hour. The survivors of the regiment were present at the sur
render of the fort. Their term of service having expired, they
were transported home. The fame of their heroism had gone
before them, and they received a continuous ovation along the
route. f
The Twenty-Second Regiment was rendezvoused at Bangor.
Henry Crosby of Hampden was colonel. These troops were
sent, by the way of Washington and Fortress Monroe, to New

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 48?
Orleans. Thence it ascended the river to take part in tho
terrible struggle raging around Port Hudson. And here we
have but the same story to tell of toil, exhaustion, wounds,
death, and the final victory of those who survived these awful
scenes. The Twenty-Third Regiment was organized under Col.
William Wirt Virgin of Norway. The young men were
generally from Androscoggin and Oxford Counties. It is said,
that morally, and intellectually this regiment was composed of
perhaps the best set of men who had' thus far left the State.
These troops spent most of their time in guarding Washington.
Their labors were very severe, in digging rifle-pits and redoubts,
building barricades, and in performing picket duty. Under
these toils and exposure about fifty died during the ten months
the regiment was in service.
The Twenty-Fourth Regiment was organized at Augusta.
George M. Atwood of Gardiner was colonel. Their career was
indeed au arduous one. They were sent to the unhealthy
South, and to the unintermitted toils which attended the siege
of Port Hudson. Nine hundred of the stalwart sons of Maine
left Augusta. At the end of the year for which they enlisted
but five hundred and seventy returned ; and yet not one was
killed in battle.
The Twenty-Fifth Regiment, like several others, enlisted for
nine months' service. Francis Fessenden of Portland was
colonel. The regiment numbered nine hundred and ninety-
three men. It rendezvoused at Portland, and first repaired to
Capitol Hill, in Washington. Here it was assigned to the
third brigade of Casey's division, and Col. Fessenden was
placed in command of the brigade. In a furious storm the
troops were removed to Arlington Heights. Here several
months were spent in severe labor, guarding Long Bridge, and
constructing fascines, gabions, magazines, and bomb-proofs.
Though the regiment participated in no engagement, it per
formed the arduous and responsible duties which were assigned
to it with great fidelity, and was greeted on its return with
warm encomiums.
The Twenty-Sixth Regiment was raised mainly in the coun-

488 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
ties of Knox, Hancock, and Waldo. Bangor was its place of
rendezvous, and Nathaniel H. Hubbard of Winterport was its
colonel. These troops were first sent to Arlington Heights,
then to Fortress Monroe, then to Newport News, then in a
magnificent fleet to Ship Island, then to New Orleans, then to
Baton Rouge. Here commenced the dull routine of camp-life.
After a delay of two months the Twenty-Sixth, with other
forces, was put in motion on the march to Port Hudson. Hav
ing accomplished the object of this expedition, they returned to
Baton Rouge, and there embarked on a river steamer, and
descended sixty miles to Donaldsonville. From this point they
took up their line of march to Thibodeaux, thirty-six miles
west of the Mississippi. Thence the troops were transported
by rail to Brashear City. Upon this expedition the regiment
engaged in the battle of Irish Bend. It was a hard-fought
conflict, amidst scenes of sublimity and terror which deserve
minute record. In this deadly struggle the regiment lost sixty-
eight men out of three hundred. From the blood-stained field
the troops ascended the Bayou Teche to the Red River.
On the 26th of May they returned to Brashear City, after a
bold, fatiguing, perilous campaign of forty-three days, beneath
the blaze of an almost meridian sun. They proceeded to Port
Hudson, and took gallant part in the siege until the rebels
surrendered. Having thus performed their engagements, they
ascended the river to Cairo, and thence home. In this gallant
expedition of nine months two hundred of the noble sons of
Maine were lost.
The Twenty-Seventh Regiment was mainly from York
County, and was rendezvoused at Portland. Rufus P. Tapley
of Saco was colonel. Its first destination was Central Vir
ginia. Through a severe winter the regiment remained, guard
ing, much of the time, a picket-line eight miles long. Col.
Tapley was succeeded by Lieut.-Col. Wentworth. This was
the most anxious hour of the war. The rebel Gen. Lee, with
his immense forces, was moving up for the invasion of Pennsyl
vania. Incendiaries were crowding our Northern cities. Trai
tors in the North were openly avowing sympathy with the
Southern rebellion. Want of confidence in the commander of

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 489
the Union army rendered a change necessary. All the old
troops had been sent forward to oppose the exultant foe. The
national heart was oppressed with anxiety. Washington was
left exposed. The term for which this regiment had enlisted
had expired.
The President and the Secretary of War entreated the
Twenty-Seventh to remain for the protection of the capital. It
was a remarkable regiment. Gentlemen from each of the
liberal professions were in its ranks, and farmers and mechanics,
who were making heavy pecuniary sacrifices by their absence
from their homes. They remained. The battle of Gettysburg
was fought ; and the dark cloud of peril passed away. Greeted
with benedictions in Washington, these patriotic troops were
received at home with blessings. The regiment left Maine
nine hundred and forty-nine strong, and had never less
than seven hundred and forty ready for duty. Medals were
awarded to the men by the War Department, for serving beyond
the term for their enlistment.
The Twenty-Eighth Regiment was under Ephraim W. Wood
man of Wilton, colonel. They proceeded first to New York,
and were quartered one night in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn,
where Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and prominent members of
his church assisted iu nursing the sick. After spending a short
time in that vicinity, the troops were sent to New Orleans by
the way of Fortress Monroe. It would be difficult to describe
their vast variety of marchings and counter-marchings, their
skirmishes, and the innumerable arduous toils which they
performed. Some of the conflicts in which they engaged were
as desperately fought as any during the war.
The Twenty-Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta.
George L. Beal of Norway was colonel. It was sent immedi
ately to New Orleans. These troops, many of whom had
previously enlisted for nine months, entered almost immediately
upon a series of bloody battles. In the sanguinarj'- conflict of
Pleasant Hill they won a signal victory. Col. Beal was placed
in command of a brigade. On one expedition the troops
marched four hundred miles. They were at one time sixty
hours without sleep, and with but little food ; and during that
time they marched fifty-six mUes, and fought two battles.

490 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Having performed wondrous deeds of toil and gallantry in
the far South, the regiment was sent back to Virginia, and took
part in the conflicts which were raging there, until the term of
its service had expired.
The Thirtieth Regiment of infantry had in its ranks quite a
number of experienced soldiers. Francis Fessenden of Portland
was colonel. It sailed, in the steamship " Merrimac," from Port
land for New Orleans. Sickness pervaded the ranks. They
marched one hundred and sixty miles, over the marshy lands of
Louisiana, to Natchitoches. They encountered sleet and drench
ing rain-storms, with rough and miry roads. Not a few dropped
by the wayside, utterly exhausted, and were captured by the
enemy. Skirmishes and battles ensued, with incidents of chival-
ric courage, which we have no space to describe.
Between the 15th of March and the 22d of May, this regi
ment marched five hundred miles, and engaged in four battles,
losing two hundred and twenty-eight officers and men. From
New Orleans the troops returned to Virginia, and engaged in
tofls as severe as flesh and blood could endure. During one
year these hardy men marched over a thousand miles. The
true story of what they did and suffered, for the salvation of
their country, no pen can describe.
The Second Regiment of cavalry was composed of remarka
bly robust men. Ephraim W. Woodman of Portland was
colonel. They were sent to New Orleans. One hundred and
fifty horses died on the voyage. Most of the regiment was im
mediately ordered to the front to take part in the Red River
expedition. After a season of active service the regiment was
sent to Pensacola, in Florida.
At Marianna, the shire-town of Jackson County, there was a
terrible conflict in the streets. The rebels threw up barricades,
and opened a furious fire from churches, houses, and stores.
Major Nathan Cutler of Augusta had two horses shot under
him, and fell with a broken leg, a shattered wrist, and other
severe wounds. From all these wounds he recovered. Many
others were killed or wounded, twenty-nine in all.
But in this successful raid the troops took one hundred pris
oners, a large amount of commissary and quartermaster stores,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 49 J
two hundred and fifty horses and mules, four hundred head of
cattle, and five hundred contrabands. There were several other
raids, one into the State of Alabama. In one of these a train
of fifty wagons was brought into camp, by Lieut.-Col. Spurling
of the Second Maine, for a distance of sixty miles through the
enemy's country, while attacked almost every hour, in front,
flanks, and rear, by a force superior to his own.
The change from the pure air and healthy food of their homes
in Maine to the malarious climates of Louisiana and Florida,
and all the hardships and deprivations of camp-life, caused so
much sickness, that at one time, from a regiment of nine hundred
and eighty-nine, only four hundred and fifty reported for duty.
The sad condition of the regiment being made known, Maine
immediately sent to the suffering men a bountiful supply of
vegetables and other articles for their comfort.
The Seventh Mounted Battery, under Adelbert B. Twitchell
of Bethel, as captain, was sent to Virginia, and in its first
battle, at Spottsylvania, fought from morning till night. In
that battle it obtained celebrity which gave it rank with the
most experienced batteries in the army. At Bethesda Church
and Cold Harbor, it was again under a severe fire. In front of
Petersburg it took part in the fierce strife which raged there for
so many months. Sharpshooters were continually watching for
every exposure, and sixty-four-pound mortar shells were fre
quently thrown over their ramparts. The batteiy was composed
of a superior class of men, and was highly commended for its
discipline and efficiency.
An independent organization was raised, called the First
District Columbia Cavalry. Maine contributed about eight
hundred men to this organization. Col. L. C. Baker was in
command. These troops plunged into that series of bloody
battles in Virginia, which attended the close of the war. They
encountered victories and defeats, but rendered efficient service,
and, when attacked by overwhelming numbers, displayed brave
ry which could not have been surpassed.
The Thirty-First Regiment of infantry was-rendezvoused at
Augusta, and was pushed forward rapidly to Virginia to aid in
the concluding scenes of the conflict. George Varney of Ban-

492 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
gor was colonel. He was succeeded by Col. Thomas Hight of
Augusta. The regiment immediately took part in the battles
of the Wilderness, fought bravely, and suffered severely. In one
of their first conflicts they lost, in killed, wounded, and missing,
two hundred and ninety-five men. Then, for six successive
days, they were under fire. At Petersburg they won great
praise. Sickness, wounds, death, and capture at one time so
reduced the regiment that but sixty reported for duty. Recruits
were sent to fill up their dwindled ranks.
The Thirty-Second Regiment of infantry was rendezvoused at
Augusta. Mark F. Wentworth of Kittery was colonel. Vir
ginia was the theatre of their exploits. At Spottsylvania, they
were placed in the most exposed part of the line. For eight
successive days they were under fire. The carnage encountered
in the conflicts in which these troops were engaged was awful.
Another military organization was formed in Maine, called
the First Regiment Veteran Artillery. John Goldthwait of
Windsor was in command.
But we must bring this brief narrative to a close. It would
require far more space than we can give, to do any thing like
justice to the achievements of the troops of Maine during the
war. The space which can be devoted to that subject here
enables us to present but little more than a catalogue of the
most important organizations. Many heroic deeds are left un
recorded. Even the names of many men whose deeds merit
record, we cannot mention. We can only give an abstract,
and a very imperfect one, of the heroic efforts which the citi
zens of Maine made to rescue our country from the foulest
rebellion to be found in the annals of history.
During the four years of this dreadful strife, Maine sent
seventy-two thousand nine hundred and forty-five men to the
battle-field. She furnished thirty-two infantry regiments, three
regiments of cavalry, one regiment of heavy artillery, seven
batteries of mounted artillery, seven companies of sharpshoot
ers, thirty companies of unassigned infantry, seven companies
of coast-guards, and six companies for coast fortifications ; six
thousand seven hundred and fifty men were also contributed to
the navy and marine corps. The total number who perished

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 493
during these campaigns, in the army list, amounted to seven
thousand three hundred and twenty-two. We have no record
of the killed and wounded, and of those who died of disease, in
the navy and marine corps. The whole amount of bounty paid
throughout the State was nine million six hundred and ninety-
five thousand six hundred and twenty dollars and ninety-three
cents. Hospital stores were contributed to the amount of seven
hundred and thirty-one thousand one hundred and thirty-four
dollars. The above record is a surprising one. No one . would have
deemed it possible that the State of Maine could have sent so
many troops to the field, or that she could contribute such vast
sums to meet the expenses of the war. In the narrative of this
dreadful conflict it will be generally admitted that there are
two of the sons of Maine who merit especial mention.
Gettysburg was perhaps the turning-point in the tide of bat
tle. Gen. Lee, with ninety thousand men, was on the rapid
march to overwhelm the diminished army of Hooker, capture
Washington, and enrich the Confederacy by the plunder of the
cities and granaries of Pennsylvania. He concentrated his
giant army at Gettysburg. Gen. O. O. Howard, with the
Eleventh Corps, was sent forward to do every thing in his power
to retard the advance of the rebels, while divisions of the Union
army were hurrying, by forced marches, to the position where
it was now evident that a decisive battle was to take place.
With eight thousand men, Gen. Howard met the brunt of
battle, and drove back the foe. His corps was posted on Ceme
tery Hill. Its capture was certain victory to the rebels. Lee,
the ablest general of the rebels, gathered up all his strength for
that purpose. It was late in the afternoon ; the enormous masses
of Early's division advanced in majestic march to the attack.
There stood Gen. Howard, with his calm, manly, honest face.
" An empty coat-sleeve is pinned to his shoulder, memento of a
hard-fought field before, and reminder of many a battle-scene
his splendid Christian courage has illumined." After a terrific
struggle the rebels gained a position, where they made prepara
tions for a desperate assault on the morrow, with scarcely a
doubt of their success.

494 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
At the early dawn, the batteries of Gen. Howard thundered
forth their challenge for a renewal of the fight. Soon the battle
was resumed, with all its indescribable tumult and dreadful
fury. Gen. Howard, who was guiding this tempest of war,
was calmly leaning against a gravestone. His aids were
gathered around him, watching the sublime sweep of the war-
cloud before them.
" I have seen many men in action," an eye-witness writes,
" but never one so imperturbably cool as this general of the
Eleventh Corps. I watched him closely as a Minie whizzed
overhead. I dodged, of course : I never expect to get over that
habit ; but I am confident that he did not move a muscle, by
the fraction of a hair's-breadth."
At length the whole field of battle was buried in a cloud of
smoke. Gen. Howard, turning to one of his aids, said in
¦calm tones, " Ride over to Gen. Meade, and tell him that the
fighting on the right seems more terrific than ever, and appears
to be swinging around towards the centre ; and ask him if he
has any orders."
The aid soon came galloping back, with the reply, " The
troops are to stand to arms, sir, and watch the front."
Firmly they stood, pouring in a steady storm upon their foes,
while the thunders of one of the most terrible battles ever
waged on earth deafened the ear, and the ground was strewed
with the wounded and the dead. I am not, however, describ
ing the battle, but simply an important incident in the battle.
On they came, yelling like demons, six brigades in number.
Two hundred and fifty pieces of rebel artUlery were concentrat
ing their fire upon our centre and left. It is said that Gen.
Howard ordered one after another of his guns to bo quiet, as if
silenced by the fire of the enemy. The rebel lines came rush
ing on, four miles long. From that whole length there was an
incessant blaze of fire, emitting a storm of bullets, balls, and
shells, which it would seem that no mortal energies could en
dure. When the foe was within point-blank range, so that every
bullet of grape or canister would accomplish its mission, the
cannoneers sprang to their guns. Sheets of flame and smoke,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 495
and death-dealing iron and lead, smote them in the face ; and
they fell as though the angel of death had spread his wings
on the blast. When the smoke cleared away, the charging
fines before Cemetery Hill had vanished. The ground was
covered with mutilated bodies, some still in death, and many
writhing in agony. A few stragglers were seen here and tliere,
on the rapid retreat.
The gloom of night was soon spread over this awful spectacle.
In the morning, Lee commenced his retreat. He had lost in
kiUed, five thousand five hundred ; in wounded, twenty-one
thousand ; in stragglers and. deserters, four thousand ; and nine
thousand prisoners. Humiliated and bleeding, the fragments
of his army hastened back to Virginia, having lost forty thou
sand men. At Gettysburg, the death-blow was given to the
heart of the rebellion. Maine may well feel proud of the part
which her illustrious son Gen. O. O. Howard took in that
decisive battle. Even the catalogue of the skirmishes and bat
tles in which Gen. O. O. Howard took an heroic part would be
a long one.
Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain entered the army from
his professorship in Bowdoin College, as lieutenant-colonel of
the Maine Twentieth Regiment of infantry. It was his priv
ilege to receive the surrender of Lee's army. The scene of the
surrender was sublime. The whole rebel army was flying in
utter defeat from Richmond and Petersburg, over the hills and
through the vales. The Union army, more than double its
number, was pursuing it on the north, the east, and the south.
The flight of the enemy was truly a rout. The path of the
flying foe was strewed with abandoned artillery, muskets,
wagons, and all the debris of a defeated army. Soon the rebels
were overtaken upon a plain surrounded by hills. The Union
army came pressing on, like a resistless flood, and its batteries
were planted upon the crests which encircled the plain. There
was no escape for the rebels. They must either surrender or
be annihUated. Lee surrendered just as the Union soldiers
were ready to open their deadly fire. Our troops received the
first tidings from the shouts which burst from the lips of their
rebel foes. These haggard men, weary of the war into which

THE NATIONAL HOME FOR DISABLED SOLDIERS, (Eastern Branch,) TOGUS, ME.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 497
they had been dragged, as they heard the news that the war
was closed, were almost frantic with joy. Cheer after cheer
rose from the vanquished, which was echoed back in shout after
shout from the victors who surrounded them. Both voices,
that of friend and foe, blended in the joyful cry which one
would think must have awakened responsive joy among the
angels in heaven.
The soldiers on both sides seemed to have lost all memory of
past animosities. With the Union troops there were tears and
prayers and cordial embracings. The long agonies of the san
guinary conflict were forgotten. The troops, who, in long lines
in the rear, were hurrying forward to the supposed scene of
battle, heard the shout, and knew not what it meant. But it
increased in volume, and came rolling down the ranks, nearer
and nearer, in thunder-peals. For miles the mountains and the
forests and the vaUeys rang with the exultant cheers of those
who had trampled the rebellion beneath their feet.
Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, one of the heroes of
Gettysburg and Petersburg, and many another bloody fight,
chanced to be with his division in the van. He drew up his
troops in a straight line, a mile in length. An equal division
of the rebel army was marched to a parallel line in front, at the
distance of but a few feet. All were silent. Not a bugle
sounded ; not a drum was beat ; not a voice was heard.
As the vanquished foe came up, Gen. Chamberlain ordered
his men to present arms. This honor, paid to the heroic vic
tims of a cruel rebelUon in their hour of humiliation, brought
tears to the eyes of many rebel officers. One said, " This is
magnanimity which we had not expected." The defeated
troops returned the courteous salute before they laid down their
arms. As this division filed away, another came, and another,
until twenty-two thousand left behind them their arms and
their banners.
Lee's army had been more than three times that number.
But thousands had been captured; large numbers had been
kUled and wounded ; and other thousands had thrown down
their arms, and dispersed in all directions, to return to their
distant and utterly impoverished homes. The rebel troops

498 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
were starving. In their disastrous flight they had been com
pelled to abandon their provisions. The Union troops, in their
eager pursuit, had taken but a scanty supply ; but they divided
their rations with their conquered foe.
No pen can describe the joy with which the tidings of Lee's
surrender was received throughout our war-weary and exhausted
land. The Union was preserved. Our nationality was estab
lished. The star-spangled banner was again to float in undis
puted supremacy from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. The
crushing-out of the rebellion established freedom throughout
our whole land. It was clear to every mind, that our countiy
was entering upon a new era of prosperity, wealth, and power.
The State of Maine contributed her full proportion in the ac-
compUshment of this glorious result.
And the country has not been ungrateful to her heroic sons,
who have accomplished such glorious results. Many monu
ments have been reared to perpetuate the remembrance of
those who have sacrificed their lives. At -Togus, a few miles
east from Augusta, a large and commodious retreat has been
reared by the government as a home for the disabled soldiers.
Here, honored by all who visit them, these sons of Maine and
of other States, rendered helpless by the exhaustion of war, or
mutilated by the terrible enginery of battle, are provided with
every thing the nation can give to minister to their comfort.
From thousands of Christian churches and firesides the prayer
fervently ascends, that God will bless them, for aU that they
have done and suffered, that our land might be rescued from
anarchy and ruin.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES.
Maine, its Location and Size — Mountains — Katahdin — Temperature —
Agricultural Products — Various Industries — Ship-Building — Railroads —
Slate Quarries — Little Blue Quarry — Water-Power — Annual Rain-Fall —
Manufacturing Facilities — The Saco Basin — The Androscoggin — The
Kennebec — The Penobscot Valley — The St. Croix — The St. John — The
Salubrious Climate — Prospects of Emigration.
THE State of Maine lies between 42° 57' and 47° 30' north
latitude, and 5° 45' and 10° 10' east .longitude from
Washington. It is the most easterly State of the Union,
embracing an area of thirty-two thousand square miles, which
is equal to twenty million acres. It is larger than all the other
New England States united. The greatest length of the State,
in a diagonal line from the mouth of the Piscataqua River to
the extreme northern angle, is three hundred and twenty miles.
Its greatest width, from the sea near Passamaquoddy Bay west
to the Canada line, is one hundred and sixty miles. A straight
line running from the mouth of the Piscataqua River to
Quoddy Head, the extreme north-eastern cape, would be two
hundred and fifty miles in length.1
The surface of the State is diversified with high mountains,
broad intervals, and undulating plains. Much of the north
western region strongly resembles Scotland in the grandeur of
its eminences and the beauty of its crystal lakes. In Franklin
County Mount Abraham rears its majestic brow three thousand
four hundred feet above the level of the sea. Mount Blue, in the
same county, is a celebrated place of resort. Its summit reaches
the height of two thousand eight hundred feet, and opens to
1 Annual Register of Maine for 1874-6, p. 102. 499

500 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the eye a view of sublimity and beauty which richly rewards the
tourist who ascends its cliffs. The Sandy River winds along
its base, whose banks are adorned with thriving New England
viUages. Webb's Pond and other beautiful lakelets gleam like
burnished silver through the surrounding forests; and the
brows of majestic mountains rise around till their cliffs fade
away in the distant horizon. Bordering the Canada line there
is a range, called the Highlands, two thousand feet in height.
Near the coast there are some lofty eminences which arrest
the eye of the voyager far out at sea. Here some internal
convulsions of nature have thrown up thirteen huge granite
mountains. They can be seen at a distance of sixty leagues,
and are the first landmark caught sight of by the mariner
approaching our coast. The highest peak reaches an eleva
tion of one thousand five hundred and fifty-six feet.1 Upon
the summit of one of these mountains there is a lake, clear as
crystal, many acres in extent, without any visible outlet or
inlet. The Camden Hills, on the Penobscot, reach an elevation
of fifteen hundred feet.
Mount Katahdin is one of the most remarkable elevations in
the State. It is situated about seventy mUes north-west of the
head-tide of Penobscot River. The mountain is about twelve
miles in circumference at its base. Its difficult ascent was first
accomplished in the year 1804, by a party of seven gentlemen
from Bangor and Orono. They judged its summit to be ten
thousand feet above the level of the sea. Under the fourth
article of the treaty of Ghent, surveyors were appointed to
ascertain its altitude ; and they pronounced it to be four thou
sand six hundred and eighty-four feet above a small river at its
foot, called Abalajacko-megus, which river was, at that point,
eleven hundred and fifty feet above the tide-waters of the
Penobscot. This measurement was not deemed satisfactory, as their
instruments were out of order. Subsequent surveys have gi'-en
its altitude at about five thousand five hundred feet. Its
1 Williamson gives the attitude of the highest peak at two thousand three,
hundred feet ; Dr. Jackson, in his Geological Survey, at one thousand nine hun
dred feet ; 0. O. Boutelle, in the United States Coast Survey, at one thousand
five hundred and fifty-six feet.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 501
ascent is difficult. Its sides are covered with a dense forest,
until within about a mile of the top, where all vegetation
ceases. The summit is a plain, about half a mile long, but
much more narrow, covered with a surface of dry white moss.
The view opened from this point is sublime. The small irregu
larities below seem to be levelled to a perfect plain. Sixty lakes
of varied dimensions and very picturesque forms can be counted.
On the north-east the view is uninterrupted, till lost in the
deep blue of the horizon. Towards the south the spectator
can see the heights of Mount Desert, at .the distance of one
hundred and twenty miles.
Among these mountains, lakes, and rivers there is spread out
a region of rich and extensive valleys, which will eventually
afford homes to a vast population. It is true that the winters
are long and cold ; but the summers are delightful. There is,
probably, not a more healthy climate in the world. And the
clear winters, with the pure atmosphere, are seasons of great
enjoyment. No one, who has spent a winter in South Carolina
and in Maine, will deny that there is more suffering in the
former place from the cold than in the latter. And in South
Carolina there is no escape from the sultry, burning, debilitating
heat of the summer nights.
The annual average of temperature in the State, as ascer
tained by tables kept at the observatory on Munjoy's Hill, in
Portland, for the thirty-two years between 1825 and 1857, was
43° 23' Fahrenheit. The highest point to which the mercury
ascended during that time was 100° 5'. The lowest point was
on the 24th of January, 1857, when the mercury descended to
25° below zero. At Portland the proximity of the ocean
diminishes both the summer's heat and the winter's cold. Far
back in the northern counties the mercury occasionally falls
several degrees lower.
At Brunswick, according to the meteorological record kept
by Prof. Cleaveland, the annual mean temperature for the same
fifty years was 44° 40' Fahrenheit. The highest temperature
was 102° ; the lowest, 30° below zero.
The average number of rainy days in Maine is sixty-four
during the year. The smallest number, in any year, was thirty-

502 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
nine ; the largest, ninety-five. The average number of snowy
days was thirty. The lowest was nineteen ; the highest, fifty.
July is the only month during the year in which frost in that
region has never occurred. The amount of water which fell,
consisting of rain, and snow reduced to water, was, in the year
1857, forty-seven inches and sixty-six hundredths. In 1858 it
was forty-three inches and forty-two one-hundredths. In 1859
it was forty-eight inches and fifty-five one-hundredths.
In the year 1874 there were published in the State, seventy-
two newspapers, most of them weekly, a few daily. There
were also sixty-two banks and fifty-six savings banks. There
is an increasing appreciation of the adaptation of the State to
secure all the blessings of healthful and happy homes which
this earth can give. The God of nature seems to deal in
compensations. If Maine needs some of the advantages which
other States enjoy, she receives in return blessings which make
up for the loss. There are many who can say, —
"I love my own State's pine-clad hills,
Her thousand bright and gushing rills,
Her sunshine and her storms ;
Her rough and rugged rocks that rear
Their hoary heads high in the air,
In wild, fantastic forms."
The beautiful granite of Maine is every year growing more
in demand for building purposes, and will eventually become an
important item of export. The granite-quarry at Hallowell fur
nishes as admirable building stone as is found in the world. It
is of great solidity, and, when dressed, presents a surface quite
like marble in appearance. In the year 1874 three hundred
thousand tons of ice were shipped from Maine. Ice that is
formed where the mercury is twenty degrees below zero is much
more solid, and withstands the summer heat more firmly, than
that which is formed where the mercury is ten above cipher.
The ice-crop promises to be a fruitful source of income.1
There is a general impression that Maine is not a good agri
cultural State. But statistics prove conclusively that in those
sections of the State where manufacturing and industrial opera-
1 Address of Gov. Nelson Dingley, 1874, p. 41.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 503
tions have been well developed, thus opening a market, the farm
ers are as prosperous as in those States where crops ar#e more
easily reared, but must be sent to a great distance to find a pur
chaser. The hay-crop of Maine in 1873 amounted to two
million tons, whose market value was estimated at twenty-five
million dollars. This greatly exceeded the value of the wheat-
crop iii any of the Western States of equal population. The
products of the dairy, which ever command a ready sale, were
over two million dollars. The aggregate productions of the
farms, including live stock, reached the large sum of fifty-seven
mUlion dollars.
It is a very gratifying fact, that emigration from the State is
diminishing, and that there are indications that the tide is again
turning towards those fertile fields where fever and ague are un
known, where timber is abundant, where pure, cool, crystal water
gushes from the hillsides, where the air is invigorating, and
glowing health abounds. Not one-half of the State has yet been
reached by the tiller of the soil. There are still three million
unimproved acres in the region of the Aroostook. The territory
there, inviting the settler, is equal to the whole of Massachu
setts. The soil is deep and rich, and there a population of a
million people might find homes of competence.
Manufacturing, commercial, mechanical, and mining enter
prises are very rapidly being developed. In the year 1873 the
cotton-manufactures of the State amounted to twelve and a
half million dollars ; wool manufactures, to seven million ; boots
and shoes, nine million ; leather, four million ; paper, three
million ; flour and grist-mill products, two and a quarter mil
lion ; iron, cast and forged, two million and a half ; machinery,
two million and a half ; edged tools, three-quarters of a million ;
oil-cloths, a mfilion and a half ; bricks, half a million ; fertili
zers, about eighty thousand dollars ; fish and kerosene oils, half
a million ; fisheries, three-quarters of a million.
The ice cut from our rivers amounted in value to over half
a mUlion dollars ; the granite, cut from supplies which can
never fail, brought four and a half million dollars ; the lime
amounted to nearly two million dollars ; and the majestic
forests, stUl covering millions of acres, brought to those engaged
in that one branch of industry nearly ten million dollars.

504 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Ship-building ever has been, and for a long time will proba
bly continue to be, one of the most important branches of indus
try in the State. Notwithstanding it was a season of great com
mercial depression in the year 1873, there were two hundred
and seventy-six vessels bufit in Maine, with a tonnage of eighty-
nine thousand eight hundred and seventeen tons. The esti
mated value of these vessels was five and a half million dolT?.rs.
It will appear from the above, that, from what may be consid
ered the agricultural products of Maine, the sum of the labors
of the year 1873 was nearly fifty-seven miUion dollars. From
manufacturing and other industrial products, the sum reached
ninety-six million dollars ; making a total of one hundred and
fifty-three million dollars. Surely the sons of such a State
need not emigrate far away from friends and home, to other
regions, to find remunerative fields of labor.
In the year 1850 there were two hundred and forty-five mues
of railroad in the State. In 1874 these lines had been extended
to nine hundred and five miles. There are quarries of excel
lent slate discovered, extending more than eighty miles from
the Penobscot to the valley of the Kennebec.
Five miles from Skowhegan there has been opened what is
called the Madison Slate-Quarry. The mine is not only one of
wonderful promise, but already of great performance. Proba
bly there is nowhere to be found slate of more excellent qual
ity for roofing. It is very dark in color, and in toughness and
elasticity unsurpassed. Its surface is so smooth that it appears
almost polished. The quarry is apparently inexhaustible, yield
ing slate of similar rift and quality with that of the celebrated
mine in Wales, which has now been worked fifty years. The
slate has been subjected to experiments which have elicited
remarkable results. A slab one-fourth of an inch in thickness
will support a weight of four hundred and fifty pounds. It can
be perforated to any extent without crumbling, so that the piece
cut out can be returned and exactly fitted to the hole from
which it was cut. It can be carved, or turned in a lathe, like
ebony or ivory. When powdered it becomes an admirable arti
cle for the surface-painting of oil-cloths.
The toughness of the slate is marvellous. Nails may be

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 505
driven through every square inch, without injuring the texture,
or breaking the slate. A nail may be driven within an eighth
of an inch of the edge. It is easily split into plates of exactly
the same thickness, so that it will lie perfectly level upon the
roof. An ample supply of water-power enables the proprietors
to conduct their works with great efficiency. The plates have
«asy access to market by the Maine Central Railroad.
Several quarries, manufacturing roofing-slate, are in success
ful operation at Monson. The oldest quarries in the State are
at Brownville. For more than thirty years these mines have
been worked, producing a quality of slate which has given the
slate of the State of Maine the highest reputation. It is safe
to say that the world produces no finer roofing material than
that which is to be found in Maine.
In Farmington, on the Sandy River, a quarry was opened in
the spring of 1874. It is called " The Little Blue-Slate Quar
ry." The stone, in quality, very much resembles that obtained
at BrownviUe. The tests usually applied prove it to be every
way equal, for roofing purposes, to that celebrated variety. The
most competent judges, including mineralogists, architects,
slaters, and slate-dealers, award it high praise in respect to
•color, non-absorption of water, tenacity, and durability. There
is good reason to expect that a section of this quarry, recently
opened, wUl afford material for school-slates of superior quality.
The commercial facilities of Maine are unsurpassed by any
State in the Union. The sinuosities of the shore are such, that
there are between two and three thousand miles of coast-line.
Its bays and inlets afford innumerable safe harbors. There is
probably no other portion of the globe which exceeds or equals
Maine in the magnitude of its water-power. There are one
thousand five hundred and sixty-eight lakes within her borders,
at an average elevation of six hundred feet above the level of
the sea.
" These," says Gov. Dingley, " form the head waters of five
thousand one hundred and fifty-one streams, which go rushing
down towards the ocean, creating three thousand water-powers,
which afford a force measured bjr not less than one million horse
powers, and equal to the working energy of thirteen million

506 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
men. When it is remembered that not a thousandth part of the
water-power of the State is as yet harnessed to machinery, some
faint idea of the almost boundless extent of our manufacturing
resources may be obtained." x
The annual rain-fall of Maine, assumed at forty-two inches,
would create a lake, covering eight hundred and seventy-one
square miles, of the depth of Lake Erie. The inland body of
water, including lakes and rivers, covers a surface of three
thousand two hundred square miles.
There are in Maine four hundred and seventy-one cities,
towns, and plantations, and one hundred and twenty-four town
ships. It is difficult to give with precision the number of
water-powers, but from a careful estimate it is judged that there
cannot be less than three thousand one hundred. More than
half of these privileges are as yet unused.
If we subtract from the territory of Maine three thousand
two hundred square miles for lake, pond, and river surfaces, and
five hundred square miles for mountain tops and sides, ledges
and heaths, and tracts too barren to support trees, there is left,
of cultivated farms and forest surface, twenty-one thousand
square miles. Of this region there is about fifteen thousand
square miles of the primeval forest, whose silent depths have
never echoed to the axe of the settler.
This vast expanse, destined eventually to afford prosperous-
homes to a large population, is seven times as large as the
famous " Black Forest " of Germany. Indeed, it is larger than
the States of Connecticut, Delaware, and Rhode Island united.
Maine seems to have been designed by nature as a great manu
facturing State. These water-powers are admirably located for
access to our own great commercial centres, by river navigation
and by railroads. The valleys admit of the extension of rail
ways far into the interior.
" The location of the State amid surrounding seas ; its extent of surface ;
the disposition of its slopes; its geological structure ; its surface forms and
extensive forests ; its grand system of lakes, with their uniform connection
with the rivers, and susceptibility of reservoir improvement ; the low annu
al temperature, and especially the low summer temperature, which at once
1 Address of Gov. Nelson Dingley, 1874.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 507
reduces evaporation, and contributes to vigorous labor ; the winds of the-
State, as a whole maritime in character ; the copious rain-fall, with its uni
form distribution throughout the year, and diffusion over the whole State ;
the late lingering of the snow in spring ; the small percentage of evapora
tion, resulting from the low temperature, from the number of rainy, snowy,
and cloudy days ; the consequent large residue of water for removal by rivers,
and which our favorable surface forms determine to be removed by rivers,
— taken together, constitute a sum of favorable conditions, which, it is confi
dently believed, no other equal area of the globe can surpass, or can, indeed,
so much as equal. Other districts may have, and certainly do have, some
one or more of the advantageous features more decidedly developed than
Maine ; but none can parallel fully, as is believed, their combined series." J
These facts seem to indicate that Maine is to become the
great manufacturing State of the Union. When we add to the
above considerations,, that its climate is in the highest degree
salubrious, and that, in point of economy, water-power is vastly
superior to steam-power, it would seem to be inevitable, that
eventually the hum of productive machinery will resound
through all these valleys. This will afford a basis for the em
ployment of an immense population. And this will give new
energy to all industrial pursuits, causing harvests to wave over
all the plains, and cattle to graze over all the hillsides. This
wonderful water-power is a grand resource of the State, which
can never fail. It is based upon features of the country, and
upon recuperative processes of nature, which must be permanent.
Power is the creator of wealth. Wherever power is found, the
ingenuity of man will utilize it. The power of Maine is worth
more to the State than mines of precious metals or reservoirs of
coal. The State is adopting an eminently wise policy, in en
couraging the formation of companies for manufacturing pur
poses, in exempting such infant establishments from taxation,
and in allowing towns to subscribe to the stock of manufacturing
enterprises. In accordance with a recommendation to the legislature by
Gov. Joshua L. Chamberlain, in 1869, commissioners were
appointed to explore the water-power of the State. The result
is contained in an exceedingly valuable volume of about five
hundred pages, issued by Walter Wells, Esq., superintendent
1 Water-Power of Maine, p. 64.

508 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of the Hydrographic Survey. From that volume I glean the
foUowing facts in reference to several of the most important
rivers of Maine.
The Saco River drains a valley seventy-four mUes in length,
and thirty miles in its greatest breadth. The area of this
valley includes fourteen hundred square miles. Eight hundred
of these are in Maine, and six hundred in New Hampshire.
The upper half of the valley is still heavily wooded, with but
few clearings. It is estimated that one-half of the entire dis
trict is still a wilderness. The length of the river, from its
sources among the mountains to the sea, including its windings,
is about ninety-five miles. At Saco, the stream is about six
hundred feet wide. Even in the drought of summer, forty
thousand cubic feet of water can be commanded per minute, for
eleven working hours of the day, or eighteen thousand cubic
feet for the whole twenty-four hours. There are seventy-five
lakes in this valley. By means of these reservoirs, the volume
of water may be greatly increased. The descent of the river,
for about sixty-seven miles, is seven feet to the mUe. The
gross power developed is estimated to be equivalent to seven
teen thousand four hundred and ninety-three horse power.
This is sufficient to drive six hundred and ninety-nine thousand
four hundred and ninety-three spindles.
Five miles from Portland, at Westbrook, on the Presump
scot, there is a very important water power occupied by the
paper mills, owned by the estate of S. D. Warren of Boston.
There is at this point in the river a fall of twenty feet, which
develops at the average flow of the river about two thousand
horse power. Some eight hundred men and two hundred
women are employed at this mill all the year round. The an
nual product amounts to about two and one-half million dol
lars. The principal markets are in Boston and New York.
The product of the mill at the present time is about fifty tons
of fine book and printing papers per day.
The vaUey of the Androscoggin is about one hundred and
ten miles in length, and seventy miles in its greatest breadth.
It extends from the northerly outposts of the White Mountains
to the ocean. The territory drained by the Androscoggin and

PAPER MILLS OE S. D. WARREX & CO., CUMBERLAND MILLS— FRONT VIEW.

^JiS^SS^mmmmWmmmm

PAPER MILLS OF K. T>. WARREX & CO., CUMBERLAXD MILLS— REAK VIEW.

,y &/c.
¦PPBLIC LIBRARY, PORTLAND.

510 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
its tributaries embraces three thousand six hundred square
miles. It is judged that one thousand four hundred and eighty
of these square miles are stUl covered with the primeval forest.
The number of tributary streams contributing to the flood of
the Androscoggin is six hundred and sixty-nine. The length
of the river from Lake Umbagog to Brunswick, where it
meets the tide, is one hundred and fifty-seven miles.
The low run at Brunswick is about one hundred and twenty-
five thousand cubic feet a minute for eleven hours of the day,
or fifty-seven thousand for the twenty-four hours. The descent
of the river, from Lake Umbagog to Brunswick, is twelve hun
dred and fifty-six feet, being nearly eight and a half feet a
mile. There are one hundred and forty-eight lakes in this
valley, fifteen of which are in New Hampshire. These lakes
cover a surface of two hundred and thirteen square mUes. It
is estimated that the power of the section of the river, between
Rumford and the head of the tide, is equivalent to eighty-five
thousand two hundred horse power. This would drive nearly
four million spindles. Not one-eighth of this is now used.
The basin of the Kennebec River is one hundred and forty-
five miles in length, with seventy-five miles of greatest breadth.
It covers an area of five thousand eight hundred square miles.
There are one thousand and eighty-four tributary streams. The
length of the river from Moosehead Lake to the ocean, includ
ing its windings, is one hundred and fifty-five miles. The
average width of the river at Augusta is seven hundred feet.
In the summer of 1866, Col. De Witt found that one hundred
and thirty thousand cubic feet of water per minute passed
Augusta for the whole twenty-four hours. It is estimated that
the average will be two hundred ninety- six thousand six hun
dred and forty feet each minute, for eleven hours of the day.
The depth of water on the dam is usually from five to seven feet.
On one occasion it was ten feet.
There are three hundred and sixteen lakes iu this basin,
covering an expanse of four hundred and fifty square miles.
Moosehead Lake is thirty-five miles in length by twelve in
breadth. At the outlet of the lake there is a dam. Upon
hoisting the gates, it takes the wave of accumulated water

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

511

about forty hours to reach Augusta. A strong southerly wind
will retard it nearly three hours. The river is navigable for
small vessels to Augusta. The mean period of the opening of
the river in spring is on the 6th of April, and of closing ou
the 12th of December.
We give a view of Skowhegan Falls on Kennebec River.
The total fall is twenty-eight feet within half a mile. Much of

ySS-^M^I

NORTH CHANNEL DAM, AT SKOWHEGAN", ME.
it is nearly perpendicular. The fall could be greatly increased
by dams. A small island of rock divides the fall into two
channels, and would serve a natural pier to the sections of the
dam, and as sites for mills. The bottom of the river is a solid
ledge, and so are the banks.
In the towns of Madison and Anson, on the Kennebec River,
there is an important water-power known as the Madison
Bridge Falls. There is, at this point, a fall of eighty-seven feet
within a distance of two and a half miles. There are two
principal pitches. The cut represents the upper one, and shows
scarcely one-fourth of the descent. The bottom is a ledge, and
dams can be located at any desired point.

512

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

In the towns of Embden and Solon, on the Kennebec River,
there is a fall of twenty feet perpendicular, called " Carratunk
Falls." A dam can easily be built ten feet high. This would
give thirty feet fall, equal to that at Lowell. Thus there would
be obtained five thousand five hundred horse-power, which
would drive two hundred and twenty thousand spindles. The

MADISON BRIDGE FALLS, ANSON AND MADISON, ME.
faciUties for canalling, by the falls, are very good. The ground
is admirably graded. An extent of about one hundred acres is
well adapted for the erection of buildings sufficient to accommo
date a large population.
The valley of the Penobscot River lies east of that of the
Kennebec. It is entirely within the boundaries of the State.
" The Penobscot is the only great fluviatile district in Maine which illus
trates, in its actual configuration, the geographical idea of the river basin,
— appearing as a mere point at the mouth of the stream, thence, interior-
ward, expanding symmetrically on both sides of the central channel,
presently embranching into subordinate basins, themselves disposed likewise
symmetrically about triWvary streams, and themselves yet further breaking

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

513

up into still smaller basins, located upon still smaller tributaries, until the
whole takes on the similitude of a mighty tree, that from one trunk ramifies
into innumerable branches, and from one grand aorta divaricates into num
berless arteries and veins, by which, upon occasion, its entire volume of
fluids is conducted to and poured into a common channel of circulation
and discharge." •

'ggggppmgex®- jf.

CARRATUNK FALLS, K MUD EN AND SOLOS', ME.
The greatest length of the valley of the Penobscot, from
north to south, is one hundred and sixty miles, and its greatest
breadth one hundred and fifteen miles. It includes an area of
eight thousand two hundred square mUes. The highest portion
of the basin, at the head waters of the main river, is about two
thousand feet above the sea-level. The State map represents
one thousand six hundred and four streams in the Penobscot
system. The river from its extreme head waters, including its
windings, is about three hundred miles in length. The chief
water-power is between Lake Chesuncook and Bangor, a dis
tance of one hundred and twenty miles, where the faU is about
1 Water-Power of Maine, p. 100.
33

514

THE HISTORY OF MAINE

nine hundred feet. It is one of the most highly favored streams
in the State, presenting, without any artificial aid, remarkable
uniformity in the volume of water throughout the entire year.
There are four hundred and sixty-seven lakes in this basinj
covering a surface of four hundred and sixty-two square miles.
Many of these lakes are large, and can be used to almost any
amount for reservoirs. The river can thus meet immense man
ufacturing demands.

mmW^SSB£0£*

UPPER DAM, AT ELLSWORTH, ME.
At Ellsworth, on Union River, a few miles east from the
1 enobscot, there is a fall of about eighty feet within two miles
Above the Upper Dam, the water is level for a long distance.
Ihe dam throws back the water ten miles. A town of five
thousand inhabitants has sprung up around these falls The
power, for fifty years, has been employed almost exclusivelv
for the manufacture of lumber. The annual product has been
about thirty-five million feet of long lumber, two hundred
thousand sugar-box shocks, two million laths, five million shin
gles, two hundred thousand clapboards, and a large quantity of

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 515
smaller stuff. The annual value of these productions is esti
mated at nearly a million dollars. The principal markets are
Portland, Boston, New York, and Cuba.
The valley of the St. Croix is seventy miles in length, and
fifty in greatest breadth. It embraces an area of one thousand
one hundred and seventy-five square miles. Eight hundred of
these are in Maine ; three hundred and seventy-five are in the
adjacent British Province. Almost the entire flow of the river
is from lakes, and these may be easily converted into reservoirs.
The lacustrine aspect of this valley is very remarkable. It
can hardly be paralleled by any country on the globe. The
northern branch of the river is almost a continuous lake of vast
extent, and of wondrous eccentricities of windings and form.
The western branch is also mainly a lake, broken into many
small sheets of water. " The river," says Mr. Wells, " might
almost justly be described as a lake in motion." The total of
lake surface is estimated at not less than one hundred and fifty
square miles.
" A proportion so remarkable places the St. Croix at once, and without
controversy, in the foremost position among the large rivers of the State, as
a manufacturing stream, so far as regards natural reservoirs, and in propor
tion to its magnitude and its area of basin. The power on the main river,
from below the junction of the west and north branches, is already, for
the greater part, well accommodated with railroad communication." x
The upper waters of the St. John constitute, in the extreme
northern part of the State, the boundary between Maine and the
British possessions. In this region, the right bank of the river
belongs to Maine ; and, still farther up, the whole stream is
within our territory. The greatest length of the river in Maine,
measured along its southern border, is about two hundred and
eleven miles. The greatest breadth of the valley, in these upper
waters, is ninety miles. The St. John constitutes, next to the
Androscoggin River, the most elevated drainage in Maine.
The stream flows through the glooms of a dense but almost
unbroken wilderness. The total length of this important river,
from its sources to the sea, is four hundred and fifty miles. The
1 "Water-Power of Maine, p. 120.

516 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
area of the lakes in the St. John basin is three hundred and
fifty square mfles. In the upper waters, the slope is so gradual
that the stream is navigable through nearly the whole length
of its flow in Maine, being comparatively of little value for the
purposes of power.
We have thus given a brief account of the primary, or interior
river systems in Maine. When it is remembered that there are
represented, upon the State map, five thousand one hundred and
fifty-one streams in Maine, and that there are over three thou
sand valuable water-powers, it will be seen that a minute detail
of these privileges is impossible.
There is a general impression that Maine is too far away in
the North, and too severe in its climate, to invite emigration.
Mr. Blodgett writes, in his Climatology of the United States, —
' ' The Mississippi Valley has been pre-eminent as the theatre of malari
ous fevers, which have been the scourge of emigrants from nearly all parts
of the world. To the natives of the North of Europe, and the British Isles
in particular, the change has been extremely trying; and prostration by
some one of its forms, mild or severe, has been almost certain to attend the
new-comer. India itself has not been more certain to break the health of
the emigrant, than the Mississippi Valley, though the American forms of
disease were always attended with a much smaller ratio of mortality."
Fever and ague, yellow fever, and cholera are never known
as epidemics in Maine. Many a farmer has emigrated to the
malarious regions of the West, with a family of ruddy boys and
girls, to see them, one and all, wUt down, pale, emaciate, with
aU their energies paralyzed, beneath the scourge of fever and
ague. And as he himself, now shaking with the chill, and now
burning with fever, has looked upon his desponding household,
he has wished, with yearnings which cannot be expressed, that
he and his family could again breathe the invigorating atmos
phere even of a Maine winter.
It is often said that health is the greatest of blessings. This
consideration will doubtless influence the young men of Maine
to remain at home, and improve the wonderful resources which
God has placed in their hands. And it will doubtless invite
emigrants from Northern Europe, from Scotland, Germany,

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 517
Holland, Belgium, Norway, and Sweden. Here they find a
climate essentially the same with that to which they have
been accustomed from childhood, and which their ancestors
have enjoyed for centuries before them.
It is a great mistake to suppose that a cold climate is unfavor
able to prosperit}7 and happiness. There is unquestionably far
more enjoyment in St. Petersburg, Russia, than in Calcutta.
The homes of Norway and Sweden are more attractive than
those of Italy and Southern Spain. I once asked a group of
thirty boys at school in Farmington, Me., " Which do you like
best, summer or winter ? " The spontaneous and universal
response was, " Oh, winter, winter ! " There were some boys
from Cuba there. No words can express the delight with which
they enjoyed the magnificent snow-storms, the sleigh-rides, the
snow-forts, the " sliding down hill," and the skating. Even
now, in my seventieth year, I feel a thrill of pleasurable emo
tion in contemplating the blissful winters which I passed iu
early youth upon the banks of the Kennebec.

CHAPTER XXIX.
POPULAR EDUCATION.
Normal School in Farmington — Normal School in Castine — Maine Central
Institute — Oak Grove Seminary — Commercial College — State College of
Agriculture — Winthrop Grammar School — Kittery District School — Intel
lectual, Social, and Physical Advantages of Maine.
nHHERE is probably no State in the Union where more
-*- attention is paid to the education of the masses of the
people, or where better schools are maintained, than in Maine.
In the report of Hon. Warren Johnson, superintendent of public
schools, for the year 1874, it would appear that the whole num
ber of scholars, between the ages of four and twenty-one, was
two hundred and twenty-five thousand two hundred and nine
teen. There were four thousand one hundred and ninety-nine
schoolhouses. The estimated value of school-property was a
Uttle over three million dollars.
In Farmington there was a normal school in a state of high
prosperity. The average attendance was a little over one hun
dred. The object of this school is the thorough training of
teachers for their professional labors. It had an excellent phil
osophical and chemical apparatus, and a good library. During
the past ten years one hundred young men, and one hundred
and ninety-eight young women, have graduated at this institu
tion. At Castine there is another normal school. The attendance
iu the spring term of the year 1874 was one hundred and thirty,
in five classes. The whole number in attendance during the
year was three hundred and eleven. The regular course of
study embraced three years. The diligent student in this time
518

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 519
could become well qualified to teach in the common schools.
In one of the late reports we read the following encouraging
statement : —
" The earnest, able young men and women of Maine have never before
had such inducements offered them to become teachers. The workers and
the work are becoming appreciated. Wages, commensurate with the culture
and industry of the teacher, are now offered for his services. We have
not been able to supply the demand for first-class teachers. The free high
schools are calling for our best teachers, and the demand will increase."
This high standard of qualifications required in the teacher
will have an influence on all grades of schools. The work of
educating the children of the State will be in the hands of those
who have been systematically trained to the calling, and who
wUl enter upon it with an intelligent enthusiasm which will call
forth the best energies of the pupils. The many interesting
questions now engaging the attention of prominent educators —
some of them of vital importance to the future welfare of the
nation — will be treated by the graduates of these schools with
a candid and far-reaching consideration, and the whole subject
of education will be elevated to its proper position in the minds
of the public.
Even from a material point, this attention to the cause of
popular education will have its reward. In the close competi
tion for the commerce of the world now going on between the
leading nations of Europe and America, every power of the
mind is being cultivated, and brought into action ; new schools
are being founded, and old ones re-organized ; and the unedu
cated peoples will fall behind in the struggle for pre-eminence.
This State, with its great facilities for manufacturing and me
chanical enterprises, and its educated population, will take a
foremost position among the progressive communities of the
day. It has certainly reason to congratulate itself upon the
success which has attended the working of its normal schools.
The thousands of young men and young women who have
graduated from the schools at Farmington and Castine have
gone into all parts of the State, and are now exerting an influ
ence, silent, but none the less effective on its school-system.

520

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

The town of Castine presented the State with a fine lot of
land, for the erection of a new building, about the year 1872.
The school was then in successful operation. In the year 1873
''''fimmWkl^

NORMAL SCHOOL, CASTINE.
the present beautiful edifice was completed. Gov. Perham and
his council, with many distinguished friends of education,
attended the dedicatory exercises. An audience of five hun
dred was assembled in the hall, and yet it was of capacity to

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

521

accommodate one hundred more. Speeches were made by the
governor, and by other citizens of Maine and of other States.
This is one of the best schoolhouses in the State. The
region around is occupied by a religious, intelligent, industrious
community, who can well appreciate the value of education.
The building can accommodate two hundred scholars, and has
already become a powerful instrument in the intellectual
advancement of the thriving surrounding towns.

iiiipIB
IIB

1 I I '€ IB

IE

MAINE CENTRAL INSTITUTE, PITTSFIELD, ME.
In the prosperous village of Pittsfield, about twenty-three
miles east of Waterville, there is a successful school, called the
" Maine Central Institute." The regular course of study occu
pies four years, and young men and young women are alike
admitted. A board of twenty trustees presides over the inter
ests of this seminary, and it is intended to make it a first-class
institution. Latin and Greek, French and German, are taught,
with the higher branches of mathematics, geology, astronomy,
mental philosophy, and moral science. The terms of tuition
are low, and board can be obtained in the village for about two
dollars a week.
Thus an accomplished education is offered to the sons and

Church,

Goddard Uall. Dining Hall. Hersey Hall.
WESTBROOK SEMINARY.

Seminary Building.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 523
daughters in all the farm-houses of that rural district. The
institute includes a college preparatory course, a normal depart
ment, and an academic department. There were in the year
1874, in the preparatory course, eighty-four pupils ; in the nor
mal, thirty-one ; in the academic, one hundred and eight ; mak
ing a total of two hundred and twenty-three.
And yet in the unbroken wilderness, which for countless gen
erations had covered these hills and vales, not a solitary white
man had reared his cabin until the year 1794. In 1815, when
about a dozen families had opened clearings in the forest, widely
separated from each other, the region was elevated to the dig
nity of a plantation. In 1819 it was incorporated as a town
by the name of Warsaw, which name was changed to Pittsfield
in the year 1819.
At Vassalboro' there is quite a celebrated school, called the
Oak Grove Seminary, to which a normal department is attached.
The school year consists of three terms of thirteen weeks each.
An elevated course of study is pursued. In 1874 there were
eighteen pupils here preparing for teachers. In Bucksport
there is an institution called the Conference Seminary and
Commercial College. It has a faculty of five teachers, and
about two hundred scholars.
Westbrook is a beautiful town, which was a part of Falmouth
until the year 1814. Upon Stevens' Plains in this town, there
is located a literary institution of high order and superior
accommodations. It is called Westbrook Seminary, and consists
of three principal buildings, which will accommodate a large
number of students. The institution is well patronized, and
sends out yearly into the community many well-educated pupils
prepared to be useful in all the walks of common life. The
accompanying illustration shows vividly the progress the State
has made since, scarcely a century ago, the Indians reared their
wigwams on these plains, and pursued their game through the
glooms of an almost unbroken forest.
A State College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts was
opened at Orono, in the year 1868. It is under State patron
age, and supervised by a carefully selected board of trustees, of
which Gov. Coburn in the year 1874 was president. The stu-
1 Now Deering, the town having been divided in 1871. — Elwell.

524

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

dents represented every county in the State. The institution
stands high in the estimation of the community, and is every
year regarded with increasing favor the several branches of a
practical education. The number of students in the year 1874
was one hundred and twenty-one. The institution is partially
military in its character, though its principal object is to give
the pupils the best instruction in agriculture and the mechanic

RESIDENCES OF COL. EBENEZER WEBSTER, MRS. MARTHA (WEBSTER) TREAT,
AND PAUL D. WEBSTER, Esq.

arts. It proposes to do this by giving every young man an
opportunity practically to apply the theoretical teaching he
receives, by labors on the farm and in the shop. In this way he
oan also partially defray the expenses of his education. No
student is admitted under fifteen years of age. He is subject to
an examination in arithmetic, geography, English grammar, his
tory of the United States, algebra as far as quadratic equations,
and five books in geometry.
The design of this important institution is not merely to pre
pare one understandingly to work upon the farm, but to give

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

525

an education which shall aid the student in aU industrial pur
suits. Gov. Washburn writes, —

DISTRICT SCHOOL HOUSE, KITTERY, ME.
" Considering the locality of the college in its relation to the whole
State, its proximity to the broad and fertile region of the Aroostook, a
county containing a larger number of acres of farming lands, of the finest
quality, than any other five counties in New England; considering the dif
ferent kinds of soil on the college farms, furnishing opportunities for a great
variety of experiments; and considering, finally, the surpassing beauty of

— """"I

'Mt

: :~--'1mmmmmP--' ^^^$%

¦

¦J2&c

STATE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. ORONO, ME.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

527

its site^and its proximity to what I have ever regarded as, beyond question,
the most charming inland village in the State, so far as the outward setting
of landscape and scenery is concerned, — I think it must be universally con
ceded that the location of the college was fortunate and wise."

GRAMMAR SCHOOL HOUSE, WINTHROP, ME.
There are many other literary and scientific institutions scat
tered throughout the State, to which we have not space to
allude. In previous pages we have spoken of the principal col-

528 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
leges, and of several of the more important private schools. In
all the leading towns there is a high school for advanced pupils.
These buildings, when contrasted with the schoolhouses of
fifty years ago, may be called palaces. We give pictures of two
of them, — the Grammar School House in Winthrop, and the
District School in Kittery, to illustrate the general style of
these structures.
In the interesting and very comprehensive little book by
Hon. John Neal, entitled " Portland Illustrated," we find the
following notice of an important institution called The Maine
General Hospital : —
" This institution, established in love to that small part of the great
human family of sufferers in whom we have a special interest, occupies
what were known as the Arsenal Grounds, on Bramhall's Hill, of two and a
half acres.
" More than fifty thousand dollars have been raised by private subscrip
tion among ourselves in the city ; while the State has contributed twenty
thousand dollars conditionally, together with these Arsenal Grounds.
These conditions having been more than fulfilled, the buildings are now so
near completion as to make it sure that before long we shall have a magnifi
cent charity in full operation to be thankful for.*
" The central building is five stories, with a mansard roof; and there are,
as you see, four pavilions, with an amphitheatre, a boiler-house, and a
kitchen. From every window there is a wide, rich, and beautiful prospect
of the whole surrounding country; and, from every part, either a view of
the sea and the cove, or a view of the White Mountains of New Hampshire,
sixty miles away, with all the intervening villages and elevations, woods and
waters; and being always open to the sea-breezes on the one side, and to the
winnowed atmosphere of our Switzerland upon the other, a store-house of
health and vitality, the sick and languishing may be sure of nature's best
and surest help at all seasons. ' '

The writer is conscious, that, in the endeavor to give the his
tory of Maine in one volume, many important facts or events
may have been omitted, which some will regret, and which per
haps he may regret when his attention is called to them. But he
has, according to the best of his judgment, selected those inci
dents which he has thought would be most interesting and
* Since the above was written, the hospital has been opened to patients, and is
now in successful operation.

530 THE HISTORY OF MAINE
instructive to the general reader. And he is sure that this nar
rative truthfully presents Maine in an attitude of which all
her sons and daughters may be proud.
Life is everywhere a battle. It is in vain for any one to
escape toil and trouble. But, all things considered, there is
probably not on this globe a more favored, comfortable, and
happy population than that of Maine.
It is true that cold breezes sweep its surface in winter ; but
these blasts, with healing on their wings, drive all malarious
exhalations from the land, give elasticity to the mind, buoyan
cy to the spirits, and invigoration to all physical energies. The
soil is certainly not so rich as in some of the renowned prairies
and valleys of the West ; but the water is cool, and pure and
clear as crystal. The forests afford an abundance of every
variety of valuable timber ; and the streams, born among the
mountains, and rushing over their rocky beds, invite to all the
branches of manufactures.
The flood of foreign immigration is not pouring into Maine as
into some other parts of the Union. But this saves the State
from a vast amount of inebriation, vagabondage, crime, and pau
perism. And those who do select Maine as their home gener
ally come from those countries of Northern Europe where intel
ligence and piety prevail.
This renders the community in Maine in a remarkable degree
homogeneous. The society is in a high degree intelligent, moral,
and social. And thus it is that Christian churches arise in every
village, that intemperance can be arrested as scarcely anywhere
else, that schools and colleges are multiplied, and intelUgence
and morality are widely diffused. It would be difficult to find
in any portion of our land more happy homes than are found in
Maine.

Supplementary History

TO 1890

By EDWARD H. ELWELL

EXPLANATION.

The fifteen years which have elapsed since the publication of the
first edition of this work have been marked by events of importance
in the history of Maine. The State has increased in population,
and has made good progress in the development of its resources.
It is the purpose of the following supplementary chapters to bring
the narrative of events down to the year 1890, to treat briefly cer
tain topics necessarily omitted in the body of the work, and to give
a summary of the institutions and resources of the State at the
present time.
Some corrections of the original narrative have been thrown into
notes appended to the original chapters.
E. H. Elwell.

M£

CHAPTER XXX.

POPULATION.

Homogeneous Character of Early Settlers — German Colony Settled at
Waldoboro — The Irish — French Canadians — Swedish Colony — Immi
gration of Native Element — Growth of Population Since 1790 — Frag
ments of Aboriginal Tribes.
THE population of Maine has always been largely of a
homogeneous character. There has been here no such ad
mixture of races as immigration has brought about in the western
States. The early settlers of Maine were of the English race,
loyal to king and church, having little affinity with the Puri
tans of Massachusetts. After that province acquired possession
of Maine there was a considerable immigration from Massa
chusetts into the District (as Maine was then called), and under
the influence of Puritan institutions, the differences between
the two classes of population largely disappeared.
The earliest foreign element introduced was the German
colony brought in by Samuel Waldo, who in 1739 founded
the town of Waldoboro, where German names still linger.
These were of the Lutheran sect, but they were gradually
absorbed by the Puritan churches, and today their descendants
are without a Lutheran church in that whole region. They
did not, therefore, introduce a diverse element in religion, and
their descendants have become thoroughly assimilated with the
native population.
The Irish came in largely with the introduction of railroads.
They came as laborers along the line of track, and gravitated
to the cities on the sea-board. In the city of Portland the
Irish-American element forms from one-quarter to one-third of
the population. They introduced the Roman Catholic form of
worship, which now has its churches in many of the large
interior villages, as well as the cities of the State. The Irish
have re-enforced the industrial element of the State, and have
prospered in their new home.
1 - 533

534 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The French Canadians, following the track of their ancestors
down the Kennebec, and also along the railroad lines running
into Canada, have found employment in the factories of our
manufacturing villages; and in Waterville, Lewiston and other
river cities and towns, form a large and increasing element of
the population, not without its influence in determining munici
pal elections. This element of our population is a growing
one, and does not readily assimilate with the native element.
It promises to form a distinct class of the population.
On the other hand, the Swedes introduced, as stated in a
previous chapter, into the county of Aroostook, in 1870, readily
assimilated with the native population, a hardy, thrifty, and
industrious people, forming a valuable re-enforcement of its
waning strength. They have spread from New Sweden into
adjoining townships, and now number about fifteen hundred,
while they have drawn into the State a Scandinavian population
estimated at near ten thousand. In Portland they sustain two
churches, and in the country towns adjoining, they are taking
up exhausted farms, and getting a living off them, thus taking
the place of the native population who go West to more fer
tile lands. The demand for skilled labor in our factories has
also brought in a sprinkling of English, Scotch, and Welsh
people. But all these foreign elements constitute but a small percent
age of the population of the State. In 1880, out of a popula
tion of 648,936, there were but 58,883 of foreign birth. While
the State has profited little from immigration, it has suffered
much from the emigration of its sons and daughters to other
States of the Union. This began early in the century, when
" the Ohio fever " carried off thousands, painfully traveling on
the long wagon route to the fertile lands beyond the Allegha
nies. Later, the building of railroads, opening to settlement
the prairies of the farther West, induced a large emigration from
the State. The discovery of gold in California swept away
thousands more. The manufacturing industries of neighbor
ing States, notably Massachusetts, offered employment to the
rising generation, who found no inducement to remain upon
the home farm. In 1880, no less than 68,226 of the sons and
daughters of Maine were living in Massachusetts. They were
to be found in every State ancl Territory of the Union. The
census showed that there were living in that year 745,272

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 535
persons of Maine birth, only 563,015 of whom were residing in
the State. The large number of 182,257 men, women and
children had gone out from her borders to make their homes in
other States. She had been bereft of nearly a quarter of her
native population. And these were of her best. It requires
energy and enterprise to push out into new lands and begin the
world anew. Only men and women of moral, as well as physi
cal stamina, have the spirit to engage in such an undertaking.
This outpouring of her population was not so much due to
the fact that Maine had no resources open to her people as to
the restlessness engendered by the opening of a vast continent
of boundless resources. The enterprising spirit of the men
and women of Maine, born of her rigorous climate, and the
educating influences of her institutions, carried them in to new
fields of effort promising large returns. What Maine has lost,
has been gained by the country at large. Everywhere the sons
and daughters of Maine are found in the forefront of useful
endeavor. Throughout the West they have planted the insti
tutions of New England ; the church and the school follow in
their footsteps. On the shores of the Pacific they have had a
large share in laying the foundations of great and prosperous
States. In the South they are engaged in educating the eman
cipated slaves and their offspring, and in introducing those
manufacturing industries which are to give new life to the
Southern people.
In 1790, at the taking of the first census, the population of
Maine was not quite one hundred thousand. It increased
rapidly during the early decades of the present century, and in
1840 had run up to a little rising five hundred thousand, having
thus multiplied itself by five during the half-century. Fiom
1840 to 1860, the increase was comparatively small, the popu
lation at the latter date being 628,279. During the decade of
the civil war it fell off to 626,915 in 1870. The suppression of
the rebellion brought a turn of the tide, and the census of
1880 gave the State six hundred forty-eight thousand nine
hundred thirty-six inhabitants. During the last decade the
increase has been in a larger ratio ; the census of 1890 show
ing a population of six hundred sixty-one thousand eighty-six.
Emigration from the State is still going on, but to a less extent
than formerly, and it is believed that the new enterprises open
ing in Maine, consequent on the running of railroads through

536 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
her forest counties, and the development of resources as yet
untouched, will in the future give her people adequate employ-
^ ment at home.
It remains only to mention the fragments of the aboriginal
stock still lingering in the State. The tribes with which the
early settlers so long waged war, as narrated in previous chap
ters of this work, decimated by the sanguinary strife, and
driven to the St. Francis, have left behind but two small bodies
known as the Passamaquoddies ancl the Penobscots. Together
they number but about one thousand. The former have their
abode in villages at Pleasant Point and Peter Dana's Point;
the latter dwell on an island in the Penobscot, opposite the
village of Oldtown, known as Indian Oldtown. There they
have a considerable village, and live in comfortable houses,
with a church and a resident priest; for they have adhered to
the Catholic faith taught their ancestors by the French priests
of Canada. They have attained to some degree of civilization,
cultivate the soil to some extent, the women engaging in the
aboriginal industry of basket-making, while the young men find
employment in river-driving and other pursuits. They retain
something of their tribal relation, annually electing a governor
and lieutenant-governor, and they send delegates to the Legis
lature of the State. There have been set apart to them certain
islands in the Penobscot, and the State pays them annuities
and appoints agentj to look after their welfare. They do not
seem to be either increasing or diminishing to any great extent.
There is French blood in the veins of many of them, thus
uniting in themselves the two races whose raids upon the early
settlers were the cause of so much misery to all parties.
These tribes belong to the Abenaki branch of the Algonquin
family of Indians, which ranged from Labrador to the far
South. They possessed in common the traditions of a grand
mythology, some fragments of which have been gathered by
Charles G. Leland from the lips of aged members of the Passa
maquoddy and Penobscot tribes, and published in his work on
" The Algonquin Legends of New England." These legends
have the form of poems and fairy tales, and display much
imaginative power. They have come down as traditions from
ancient times, and though much of their lore is lost, much vet
remains in the memories of the older members of the tribes.
Mr. Leland has done good service in rescuing from oblivion

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 537
these fragments of an ancient mythology, which show the
native tribes of Maine to have possessed a literature of unsus
pected richness ; and he well remarks that " when the last
Indian shall be in his grave, those who come after us will ask
in wonder, why we had no curiosity as to the romance of our
country, and so much as to that of every other land on earth."
When the last Indian shall have departed, every scrap of in
formation relative to them will be eagerly investigated.
January 1st, 1892, the Penobscot tribe numbered three hun
dred and eighty-six, an increase of nine over 1890, the first
time in a score of years that the yearly enumeration has not
shown a decrease from the preceding year.

CHAPTER XXXI.
MORALS ANI) RELIGION.
Morals of Early Settlers — Order Introduced by Massachusetts — Intemper
ance — Washingtonian Movement — Prohibition of Liquor Traffic — Riot
in Portland — Repeal of the Law — Re-enacted in 1858 — Sustained by the
People — Prohibition put into the Constitution — Good Results of the-
Law — Maine not Settled Through Religious Impulse — Catholics and
Episcopalians Failed to Obtain a Controlling Foothold — Puritan Worship-
Introduced by Massachusetts — The Standing Order — Struggles of Other
Denominations to Escape from Taxation — All Placed on an Equality by
the Constitution of 1820 — Religious Denominations in the State.
THE early settlers of Maine were of good English stock.
Among them were men of character and ability who-
sought to lay deep the foundations of an orderly state of society.
But the misfortune of the province was that for the greater part
of the first century of its existence it lacked a stable form of
government. The multiplication of grants, often overlapping-
each other, brought about disputes as to jurisdiction, and
forms of government were set up only to be quickly over
thrown. The proprietors of the soil did not reside upon their
domain, and their attempts to set up the complicated machin
ery of a feudal state of society utterly failed. Left to their
own devices, with only spasmodic attempts to establish courts
for the trial of offenders, it is not surprising that the inhabi
tants fell into a state of disorder, or that morals were at a low
ebb. Little provision was made for the establishment of the
institutions of religion, and none whatever for the education
of the rising generation. Wearied with the strife of con
tending grantors, and finding protection from the savage foe
only from Massachusetts, the settlers, though at first resisting,
were glad in the end to accept the jurisdiction of that colony.
With it came a stable and orderly form of government; with it
came schools and churches, and in the end an improved state of
morals. The disorderly element was brought under control
and Puritan institutions gave a new tone to society.
r»38

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 539
In 1677 Massachusetts purchased of the heirs of Sir Ferdi
nando Gorges his grant of the territory extending from the
Piscataqua to the Kennebec, but it was not until 1716 that she
came into possession of the whole territory now included in
the State of Maine. The province was then for the first time
united under one form of government. A new order of society
arose. The inhabitants were freed from the vexatious exac
tions of the feudal S3rstem. Towns were organized distinct
from the feudal boroughs of the original proprietors. For a
century following order reigned under the rule of Massachu
setts, and few offences were committed against the welfare of
society. Capital crimes were rare, and were promptly punished.
If of late years crimes of this character have increased in a
greater ratio to the number of inhabitants, the fact is largely
due to the emigration from the State of a vast number of the
better class of its people, leaving the disorderly element in
undue proportion to the whole number of inhabitants.
As early as 1835, a movement was begun for the establish
ment of humane and reformatory institutions, resulting in the
erection of an asylum for the insane at Augusta, where the
unfortunates who had formerly been left to wander at large, or,
when violent, were confined in almshouses, were gathered and
subjected to curative influences. The buildings have been twice
enlarged and more room is still needed. The number of inmates
in 1892 was eight hundred and fifty; four hundred and seventy-
five men and three hundred and seventy-five women. Statistics
showed, however, that the number of insane in the State, in
proportion to population, was less than in any of the other New
England States. A Reform School for boys was established
in Cape Elizabeth about 1850, which has resulted in saving
many neglected boys from vicious courses. The number of
inmates, December 1, 1891, was ninety-three, and the whole
number received into the institution since it was opened is
one thousand nine hundred and eighty-three. In 1872 an In
dustrial School for Girls was opened in Hallowell, which has
done a humane work in training for usefulness young girls who
would otherwise have gone astray. The number of inmates,
December 1,1891, was sixty-five; whole number since opened
three hundred and forty-three. The Maine General Hospital
was opened in Portland, 1874, completed, 1892, has a number of
free beds, and affords the best surgical and medical treatment.

540 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
One prolific source of vice and crime existed from the earliest
times in the drinking habits of the people. During the colonial
period rum was the common beverage, often taken hot in the
form of flip. As other spirituous liquors were introduced they
were indulged in on all occasions; at marriages and at funerals,
at all social gatherings, and on every public occasion. They
formed a large part of the stock of every grocer, and of every
oountry store, and every tavern had its bar-room where gathered
all the idlers and tipplers of the neighborhood. A general
prevalence of intemperance, with all its numerous train of
evils, was the result. Every town had its share of drunkards
who neglected their farms, abused their families, and were
ultimately reduced to poverty. On every holiday the streets
were filled with reeling men, and drunken rows made the night
hideous. The evil was confined to no class of society. The
high as well as the low, the rich as well as the poor, fell victims
to the insidious habit, and the brightest and most promising
young men of the community were destroyed, body and soul,
by it. Vice and crime were promoted by it, and a general
demoralization fell upon society.
The few sober men remaining saw the need of reform, and in
the early part of the present century societies for the suppres
sion of intemperance were formed. But they did not advocate
total abstinence, and therefore accomplished but little good.
Moderation in the use of spirituous liquors was thought to be
the safe rule, and the toast was, "here 's to use and not abuse."
But the abuse grew with the use, and at last, in 1833, the
Massachusetts Society took its stand upon a pledge of total
abstinence. Relief from the evil came at last from the victims of it. The
drunkards themselves were awakened to a sense of their condi
tion, and in 1840, the Washingtonian movement, originating
among a number of hard drinkers in the city of Baltimore,
swept over the land like a purifying flood. The pathos of
John H. W. Hawkins and the dramatic eloquence of John B.
Gough carried all before them. They pictured the evils they
had themselves endured, and their appeals came home to the
bosom of every intemperate man.
In Maine the movement found a ready reception. "Experi
ence " meetings were everywhere held, the pledge of total absti
nence was offered and taken by multitudes, ancl Washingtonian

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 54 j
Societies were formed iu every village and hamlet. Thousands
were turned to a sober life, and a general reformation took
place in the habits of society. Decanters became a drug in
the market, no longer finding sale, and the intoxicating cup
was banished from social gatherings.
Temperance organizations sprang up, and everywhere flour
ished. "The Sons of Temperance," organized in 1842, had a
large membership in Maine, as did also the Independent Order
of Rechabites. The Cadets of Temperance followed in 1845,
the Temperance Watchmen in 1849, and later the Good
Templars, and the Reform Clubs.
Up to the time of the Washingtonian movement there had
been a pretence of regulating by license the traffic in intoxicat
ing liquors, but the sale was practically free. As the reform
went on respectable dealers gave up the sale of liquors, but not
a few persisted in the traffic, and even endeavored to entice
back their former customers. This led to remonstrance, and
the application of that moral suasion which was the distinctive
feature of the Washingtonian movement. But these men were
impervious to appeal, and continued the sale to the destruction
of many reformed men. Some of the reformers now saw tbe
necessity of restraining the traffic by law, while others were
reluctant to resort to what they considered "force measures."
This led to a temporary division in the ranks of the temperance
men, but the necessity of the case in the end united all in a
demand for the protection of law, as a hold-fast for that which
had been gained. The prohibition of the liquor traffic had
been advocated as early as 1837, by Gen. James Appleton
of Portland, and in 1844 and 1845 the Legislature was peti
tioned for the enactment of a prohibitory law, but the prayer
was not granted until 1846, when a law was enacted prohibit
ing the sale of alcoholic liquors, except for medicinal and
mechanical purposes. This was a new feature in legislation,.
the beginning of the prohibition movement which has since
made "the Maine Law" famous. But the teeth of the law
were not sharp enough ; its penalties did not close the dram
shops. The movement, however, was onward. The people
had been enlightened, as never before, as to the evils of indul
gence in strong drink, and the necessitj'' of at least restraining
the traffic in them. The Supreme Court of the United States
decided that prohibition was constitutional, and in 1851 the

542 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
temperance men in the Legislature were strong enough to enact
the first effective prohibitory law, and it was signed by Gov
ernor Hubbard. He was a physician and knew what were the
effects upon the system of an indulgence in strong drinks. The
framing of the law was procured by Neal Dow of Portland,
and he both at home ancl abroad, became its zealous advocate
and defender, his name being indissolubly associated with the
prohibitive principle.
The law at once put a check upon the sale of intoxicating
liquors ; the dram shops were closed. But there was strong
opposition to its enforcement, and it split the Democratic
party, which had re-nominated Governor Hubbard. Under
the majority law he failed of an election by the people, and the
Legislature made choice of William G. Crosby, a Whig.
The sale of liquors now fell into the hands of a disreputable
class of men, who resorted to evasions of the law, necessitating
amendments in 1853 and in 1855. One feature of it was a
_pro vision allowing the establishment of city or town agencies
for the sale of liquors for medicinal and mechanical purposes.
Under this provision, in the spring of 1855, Neal Dow, who
had now become mayor of the city of Portland, as chairman of
-a committee appointed by the Board of Aldermen for the pur
pose, purchased a quantity of liquors and had them invoiced to
" The City Agency of Portland," which invoice was accepted
by the aldermen. The liquors were stored in the basement of
City Hall, in Market Square, where the Agency was to be
-opened. The opponents of the law, ancl the personal enemies
of Dow, made such by his zealous denunciation of dram-selling,
.and all who supported it, seized the occasion to catch him on
the hip by circulating a statement that he had engaged in the
liquor business himself^ in violation of the law of the State-
Inflammatory articles appeared in the press, and it was deter
mined to seize the liquors as being in his possession. To pre
vent this the aldermen met to transfer the liquors to the city as
had been intended, but before this could be accomplished, a
warrant was put into the hands of Deputy Marshal Ring, who
under it took possession of the liquors, but did not remove
them from the building, much to the disappointment of a crowd
which had gathered about it.
These proceedings caused much excitement throughout the
-city, ancl in the evening — June 2, 1855 — a crowd gathered

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 543
about the building, some of whom had come with the evident
intention of destroying the liqudrs, while others were there
only as lookers-on, though mostly sympathizing with the mob.
The city marshal, with six or eight of the police, armed with
pistols, entered the room where the liquors were stored. The
mob began by throwing stones against the doors and windows.
The marshal warned them to desist upon peril of their lives.
They continued their assaults, ancl were ordered to disperse by
the sheriff of the county, and also by the mayor. The riot act
was read, and several arrests were made of persons in the
crowd, some of whom were rescued by the mob, which now
became more determined, ancl threw a great number of stones,
and also discharged a pistol or musket at the police.
A ring-leader now appeared, who denounced the police as
cowards who dared not fire, harangued the mob, ancl led them
in a violent rush for the door, which, however, proved too
strong for them. The police now fired over the heads of the
mob, which checked them for a moment, but they soon rallied
again. By this time the militia had been called out, and part
of the company of Light Guards took a position in front of
the door, when the mob began to pelt them with stones, ancl
several of the soldiers were severely injured. Au order to fire
was not executed, and the company finally returned to their
armory. An alarm of fire was raised with a view of diverting
the rioters, but it only resulted in increasing the crowd about
the building.
The Rifle Guards were now called upon, and with Mayor
Dow and Aldermen Carleton and Brooks (the liquor committee
appointed by the Board of Aldermen), at their head, marched
into the room, through a door opposite to that which the mob
was assaulting. Orders were given to fire through the door in
squads of four. It was executed, and John Robbins of Deer
Isle, second mate of a vessel in the harbor, who at the moment
was making an assault upon the door, was killed, and ten or
twelve persons were wounded. The mob now dispersed, and
the authorities were left in quiet possession of the room.
Great excitement ensued throughout the community. Mayor
Dow was severely censured for ordering the militia to fire upon
the mob. A public meeting was held at which his action
was denounced, and a resolution was passed requesting him to
resign his office. An inquest on the body of Robbins was held,

544 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the jury in their verdict declaring that he was " shot through
the body, by some person unknown to the inquest, acting under
the authority and order of the mayor and aldermen of Port
land, in defence of the city property from the ravages of an
excited mob, unlawfully congregated for that purpose near the
City Hall, of which he, the said John Robbins, was proved to
be one." The prosecution of Mayor Dow for alleged violation
of the liquor law was shown to be evidently malicious, and he
was acquitted. At his suggestion a committee of citizens was
appointed by the Board of Aldermen to investigate the matter,
which committee sustained his action. On the other hand, a
committee appointed at the meeting of citizens called for a
second inquest, the jury being composed of citizens well known
to be opposed to Mr. Dow. Their verdict was " that the said
John Robbins came to his death by and through the agency of
the said Neal Dow, mayor of the city of Portland, in the
manner and by the means aforesaid, and in consequence of the
rash and illegal order to fire, given as aforesaid, by the said
Neal Dow, to the said military company called the Rifle Guards,
and that the homicide of the said John Robbins, by the said
Neal Dow, in the manner and by the means aforesaid, was and
is without any legal justification or excuse."
The killing of Robbins was seized upon as party capital by
the opponents of the law, and in the ensuing State election a
majority of members opposed to prohibition was elected to the
Legislature, and the prohibitory law was repealed, and a license
law, intended to be stringent, was substituted. But it did not
restrain the traffic, and under it liquors were freely sold. The
friends of prohibition rallied, and in 1857 elected a Legislature
which in March of the following year enacted a prohibitory
law, with provision that it should be submitted to the people.
It was approved by a large majority, and went into effect July
15, 1858. During the thirty years that have since elapsed, it
has been many times amended and strengthened to meet the
evasions practiced by those who for gain engaged in the sur
reptitious sale of liquors. The relation which political parties
have sustained to it has been governed by public opinion. The
first effective prohibitory law was signed by a Democratic
governor of the State. It was re-enacted in 1857 by a Repub
lican Legislature. The Democratic party, though comprising
many opponents of the law, has since refrained from taking

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 545
ground against it. The Republican party has generally sus
tained it, though not unanimous in its support. The people as
a whole, disregarding party lines, have made it the settled
policy of the State. In 1884, by popular vote, they put the
prohibitive principle into the Constitution of the State, and
that instrument now prohibits forever the manufacture ancl sale
of intoxicating liquors, except for medicinal or mechanical
purposes ancl the arts. This amendment went into effect on
the first Wednesday of January, 1885.
During the third of a century in which the prohibitory law
has been in force in Maine, there has been a great reform in
the drinking habits of the people, and consequent improvement
in morals and the general well-being of the community. The
saloon element has been suppressed. In the cities and larger
towns the liquor traffic has been driven into holes and corners,
and temptation largely removed from the path of the young.
The sale has not been entirely suppressed, but there are no
splendid bar-rooms in Maine. In the country towns, as a rule,
liquors are no longer sold, and drunkenness is rare. In some
portions of the State the law is but laxly enforced, but even
there it is held over the dealers in terror em, and has a restrain
ing effect. Its efficacy, like that of all laws, depends upon
public opinion. Where it is sustained by the sentiment of the
community it is most beneficial in its results. Backed by the
reformatory efforts of temperance organizations it has made
sobriety the rule where once intemperance greatly prevailed.
Scientific instruction in the evil effects of alcoholic beverages
has been introduced in the public schools, thus throwing a safe
guard around the rising generation.
Unlike some of the other colonies, Maine was not settled
through a religious impulse. The early attempts of the French
to obtain a permanent foothold upon its territory proving
abortive, the church of Rome, though the first to hold religious
services on its soil, made no lasting impression upon its popula
tion, save among the aborigines. The English brought Episco
pacy with them, but it succeeded little better than Catholicism.
Setting up, at the mouth of the Kennebec, in 1607, the first
Protestant worship and preaching by an ordained minister, in
any portion of the United States, north of Virginia, the Church
of England yet failed to establish itself in Maine. The patent
by which Gorges held the territory from the Piscataqua to the

546 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
Kennebec, required its establishment, ancl made the proprietor
the patron of the church. He was to set up its ecclesiastical
government, the city charter of Gorgeana plainly foreshadow
ing the arrival of a bishop of Maine; but he never came.
The truth is, the adventurers who sought their fortunes by the
fisheries, fur traffic, and lumbering of the new country were
not very strong in their adherence to the English Church.
They were less eager to establish church organizations, than to
enrich themselves by the various industrial enterprises open to
them. The first Episcopal Church was established by the Rev.
Richard Gibson, at Saco, as early as 1637. The Rev. Robert
Jordan, introduced by Trelawney at Cape Elizabeth, main
tained the service of the Church of England for a time, not
without some persecution by the Puritans, but was more suc
cessful in getting possession of a great estate, which his numer
ous descendants enjoy to this day, than in establishing a form
of worship. Some dissatisfaction at the settlement of Mr.
Deane as the colleague of Mr. Smith, at Falmouth, led to the
formation of an Episcopal Church, under the ministry of Rev.
Mr. Wiswell. But he was a Tory, ancl fled the country -at the
outbreak of the Revolution. So did the Rev. Jacob Bailey,
sent as a missionary into Maine by the Society for the Propa
gation of the Gospel. He suffered some political persecution
because of his adherence to the mother country, and was fain
to betake himself to Nova Scotia, where Mr. Wiswell ulti
mately found an abiding place. The Episcopal Church thus
became discountenanced through the Tory proclivities of its
ministers, The proprietors of grants, holding them under the condition
of settling the lands given them, introduced various bodies of
immigrants into Maine, who brought their religions with them.
Thus Col. David Dunbar, who had a grant of the Province of
S-igadahoc, introduced a body of Scotch-Irish from the north
of Ireland, who were Presbyterian in religion. They established
a Presbytery which included ten churches, but difficulties arose
which disturbed their harmony, and the last meeting of the
Presbytery was held at Gray, in 1791. The churches ultimately
became Congregational in form. Samuel Waldo brought from
Germany many families of the Lutheran sect, who in 1739
founded the town of Waldoboro. They h.id to contend with
many difficulties. The rigors of the climate, and the hard
ships of a new settlement killed many; the Indians fell upon

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 547
them, and isolation from others*of their own faith gradually led
them to find a home in the churches erected by the Puritanic
settlers. The church ultimately destined to become dominant in Maine
was that of the Puritans of Massachusetts. They were com
pelled from the first to have an eyo on this province. They
were called upon to compose the quarrels of the contending
proprietors, and to protect the settlers from the raids of the
savages. Their people pushed into this frontier land, and
made settlements here. They found it a region without schools
or churches, and in the end they set up both. On coming into
possession of the province they introduced their peculiar sys
tem of maintaining public worship after the Congregational
plan. The ideal church was to be universal and supported by
the entire community. The theocracy of Massachusetts re
quired a unity of religious sentiment which was not to be found
in Maine. The system therefore met with no little opposition,
and there was much friction in its operation. Still it was not
unsuccessful in the end, nor without beneficial results on the
whole. It introduced the observances of religion into a com
munity where before little or none existed; gave unity to soci
ety, and compelled attention to those institutions — the church
and the school — without which no civilized community can
exist. Whereas the feeble denominations which had attempted
to set up worship had been afflicted by incompetent or unworthy
ministers, the Puritans introduced a learned clergy, men who
had been educated at Harvard, and were conscientiously de
voted to the work of the Christian ministry. They were men
of high character, and as they appeared in the pulpit in their .
black gowns and flowing wigs, they had an awe-inspiring
dignity. During their long pastorates they became standards
in the community, around whom clustered all the moral ancl
religious influences which strengthen and preserve the family
and the State. They became known as " The Standing Order,"
not less because they stood for all the preservative elements of
society, than because their order was recognized by law. Such
men were Parson Smith of Falmouth, and the Rev. Mr. Coffin
of Buxton, who during their pastorates, the one of over sixty
and the other of over fifty years, were the central and support
ing figures of the communities in which they dwelt.
The system introduced into Maine by the Puritans of Massa
chusetts compelled each town of a certain number of inhabi-

548 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
tants, under penalty of a fine, to maintain a minister of the
gospel, and a public school. Proprietors of townships were
obliged to set aside certain lots for the support of the ministry.
At first none but church members could be voters. Non-
attendance at church subjected the delinquent to a fine, and
as those who attended were always ready to complain of those
who did not, it was cheaper to go to meeting than to stay at
home. As the parish limits included the whole town, many
were obliged to travel six or seven miles to meeting. One
woman in Wells was indicted for not attending meeting on the
Sabbath, though at that time women were not admitted to the
sacrament. The minister was the minister of the town rather than of
a church, and all the inhabitants of the town were taxed for
his support. The town minister was not settled, but hired tem
porarily. In one instance the town supported a minister for
fifty years before a church was organized. At first towns
employed ministers, not so much because they felt the need of
religious instruction, as to escape paying a fine for non-compli
ance with the law. But with the minister came the habit of
attending meeting on Sunday, ancl the church sprang from the
seed planted by compulsion. In some instances, the town and
the church disagreed as to the choice of a minister, which led
to none being chosen until complaint was made to the court.
The minister, being chosen in town meeting, was subject to the
criticism of the voters, and they did not refrain from expressing
their opinion of him. In North Yarmouth an article in the
warrant for town meeting read, " Is the town easy or uneasy
under the preaching of the Rev. Mr. Brown ? " The record is,
" Voted, uneasy. Adjourned."
With the minister came the necessity of building a meeting
house. As all were to be taxed for its cost, and its site involved
questions of convenience in attendance, the matter led to con
troversies which were not conducive to the growth of the
Christian virtues. In Wells the people were called together
forty-seven times to act upon the subject, and twenty-seven
years elapsed before the meeting-house was actually completed.1
In Waterford the struggle over the meeting-house delayed the
incorporation of the town two years, and when at last a com
promise was effected, McWain, the first settler, was so angered
by the location chosen that he would not enter the meeting-
1 Bourne's History of Wells and Kennehunk.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 549
house during the remainder of his life, even when the town
meetings were held in it. At the raising of the walls there was
always a liberal allowance of rum, and in Waterford the com
pany assembled passed a vote that " Whoever gets drunk today
must come to-morrow and dig a stump." Tradition -adds that
four or five came the. next morning. x
The house completed, the meeting was seated according to
rank. There being many aristocratic distinctions in society in
those days, the seating of the house caused many heart-burn
ings. To avoid this it wasvvoted, in some instances, to seat the
house by age. Every one, under penalty of a fine, was com
pelled to attend the meeting at least once in three months.
At first, though there was much indifference, no denomina
tional division had sprung up. The Episcopalians did not
sustain themselves after the province was adopted by Massa
chusetts. The Baptists were the first to intrude, making their
appearance at Kittery in 1681. Persecuted by the Puritans,
they removed to South Carolina, and nothing more is heard of
this sect in Maine for eighty-three years. Meantime, frequent
fasts were held on account of the spread of Quakerism, but
the case of the Baptists is the only instance of persecution in
Maine on account of religion.
As new sects sprang up there was much opposition to the
payment of the ministerial tax. The Quakers were the first to
move in the strife that followed before it was abolished. They
were soon joined by the Baptists, and the question was carried
into town meeting. Articles were inserted in the warrant to
test the question whether these sects should be excused from
paying their proportion of the regular ministerial tax. They
were repeatedly voted down. Then attempts were made to
have the money raised by the town for the support of the gos
pel, divided among the different denominations in proportion to
their relative numbers, but this, too, was refused. Still the
opposition grew, and in the process of time was re-inforced by
the Methodists and the Universalists. The restriction to the
"Standing Order " was ultimately omitted from land reserva
tions for church purposes, and the first settled minister was
made the beneficiary. The town of Paris being settled by
Baptists, their minister, the Rev. James Hooper, was elected
minister of the town, and he received the benefit of the lots
set off for the support of the ministry.
l History of Waterford.

550 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
In New Gloucester protests were made against payment of
tax for the support of the " Standing Order," and one of the
protestants refusing to pay, his cow was seized and sold to
satisfy the demand. Opposition increasing, to prevent further
disputes the town voted to set off all who were dissatisfied,
representing all shades of belief. This was the first decisive
step toward toleration, but the victory was incomplete, for by
law, towns were still compelled to maintain a public religious
teacher of the Orthodox faith. At last, in 1786, by the joint
strength of the Baptists and Universalists, a vote of the town
was carried by two majority, to absolve the former from obliga
tion to support the town minister. But at tbe same meeting
the Baptists ungenerously turned against the Universalists and
refused them a like favor by voting with the Orthodox. The
Universalists were not absolved from the tax until three years
later,, when it was voted them, they in turn voting with the
Baptists a free consent of the town for the latter's incorpora
tion into a* separate religious society. The controversy over
this matter became so bitter that the Rev. Samuel Foxcroft, the
minister of the "Standing Order," advised that a day of fast
ing and prayer be held, which was duly observed.1
In Bristol the Methodist ministers brought an action against
the town to recover payment for their services. As late as
1811 an action was brought against that town for not providing
properly for the support of the gospel.2
Although this opposition to the ministerial tax existed, there
was still remarkable unanimity among the people as to their
religious sentiments. At the close of the Revolution there
were forty-one incorporated towns in Maine, ancl there were in
them thirty-one resident located ministers of the Congregational
ancl Presbyterian orders. Other sects as yet existed principally
as individuals, there being few incorporated societies outside of
the "Standing Order." But the opposing sects now grew
apace. Methodism, introduced into Maine by Jesse Lee, in 1793,
was rapidly spreading, and Baptist societies were gathered in
many places. Their opposition to the ministerial tax grew so
loud, that at last, in 1800, by act of the Legislature, the people
were no longer bound to maintain the regular ministry, if they
chose to sustain one of different character, and actually did so.
They were required only to contribute to the support of some
1 The New Gloucester Centennial, hy T. H. Haskell.
2 Johnston's nisrory of Bristol and Bremen.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 551
religious teacher. This had a serious effect on the Congrega
tional societies. It did not, however, wholly emancipate the
opposing sects, since the enforcement of the law still lay with
the towns, and it was necessary to prove the fact of organiza
tion, and to obtain a vote of the town enabling the separatists
to draw the amount of their ministerial tax from the town
treasury, in order to apply it to the purposes of their own
society. This led to controversies. Some of the citizens who
wished merely to be freed from the payment of the ministerial
tax would join with others who really wished to form a sepa
rate society, and the town would object to their incorporation
on the ground that " pecuniary motives and not religious prin
ciples influenced the conduct of the body of them." A hetero
geneous class was undoubtedly ready to join any movement for
a new society in order to escape taxation, and it is probable
that their subscriptions to the funds of the society petitioned
for were not large. Indeed, there was a suspicion that they
would adhere to the new society only long enough to escape
from the yoke of the "Standing Order." To prevent this a
proviso was sometimes put in to the effect that if they with
drew from the new society within a year, they should be again
taxed, but this was seldom more than a dead letter. Once free
the citizen so remained. In opposition to petitions for the
incorporation of new societies, it was sometimes urged by the
town that if all who asked to be freed from taxation had their
petitions granted, the burden of supporting the town minister
would be too great for those who remained.
These disputes led to the passage by the Legislature, in June,
1811, of an act entitled "An act respecting public worship and
religious freedom," by which it was provided that every citizen
might direct the appropriation of his tax to the support of the
religious teacher of his choice. This left public worship to
depend largely upon voluntary support, though all were ex
pected to support some society, the tax still remaining. It was
feared by many good people that public worship could not be
maintained in this way, and that the attempt would result in its
abandonment. There was much opposition to the passage of
the bill, hard to be understood now, when the fears that were
entertained have proved groundless, and the beneficent effects
are seen ancl admitted.
Under this law, Parson Church of Bridgton felt it in
cumbent upon him to relinquish a portion of his salary, though

552 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the bill, hard to be understood now, when the fears that were
entertained have proved groundless, and the beneficent effects
are seen and admitted.
Under this law, Parson Church, of Bridgton, felt it in
cumbent upon him to relinquish a portion of his salary, though
he thriftily stipulated that in return he should be granted a
vacation, during which he might preach elsewhere. He still
remained minister of the town. This condition of things con
tinued until Maine was admitted as a State of the Union, in
1820, when by its constitution it was provided that "no sub
ordination nor preference of any one sect or denomination to
another shall ever be established by law." The maintenance
of religious worship was left entirely voluntary, and it has thus
found a more adequate support than taxation ever gave it.
When Maine became a State the religious denominations
within its borders had increased to nine — Congregationalists,
Methodists, Baptists, Universalists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians,
Friends, Catholics and Shakers. All being now placed on an
equality under the law, sectarian asperities were assuaged. In
some instances, notably that of the First Church in Portland,
the original Orthodox faith of the Puritan gradually softened
into the Unitarian belief. The churches of what had been the
"Standing Order," now known as Congregational, however,
still maintained the numerical supremacy, as they do at the
present day. Working together in the common cause of
Christianity, the institutions of Sunday-schools, Bible societies,
missions and charities, have grown with the increase of popula
tion, and the sound of the church bell is heard all over the
land. The denominations within the State in 1892, numbered six
teen, standing in the following order: Congregational, churches,
246 ; membership, 21,817 ; clergymen, 171. Methodist Episco
pal, churches, 278; membership, 19,878; ministers, 227. Bap
tist, churches, 250 ; membership, 19,209 ; ministers, 140. Free
Baptist, churches, 255 ; membership, 14,214 ; ministers, 182.
Advent Christian, churches, 110; membership, 5,000; ministers,
70. Catholic, churches, 70 ; chapels, 10 ; priests, 73. Univer-
salist, churches, 91 ; membership, 2,500 ; preachers, 37. Chris
tian, ministers, 35 ; membership, 3,600. Protestant Episcopal,
parishes and missions, 46 ; communicants, 3,168 ; clergy, 27.
Friends, churches, 24; membership, about 1,500. Unitarian,
churches, 21. Church of God, communicants, about 1,500. Dis
ciples, churches, 7; membership, about 500. New Jerusalem,
churches, 4; membership, 347. Evangelical Lutheran, churches,
2; membership, about 500. Presbyterian, churches, 2; mem
bership, about 106 ; ministers, 2.1
'Maine St to Reviser, 1SH2.

CHAPTER XXXII.
EDUCATION.
No Public Schools in the Early History of the Province — Introduced by
Massachusetts Under Penalty of a Fine — New Interest in Education after
the Revolution — Establishment of Academies by Grants of Land —
Establishment of Colleges — The District System — Establishment of
Normal Schools — Schools Graded, and a System of Free High Schools
Introduced — Improvement in Schoolhouses — State Supervision of the
Public Schools — Compulsory Attendance — Parochial Schools — Small
Percentage of Illiteracy in Maine — Newspaper Press — County Papers —
Leading Journals — Number of Periodicals Published in the State — Pub
lic Libraries.
THE early settlers of Maine took little thought for education.
There were no schools until Massachusetts obtained con
trol of the province. Her laws required every town, under
penalty of fine, to support one schoolmaster constantly, and
those containing one hundred families to maintain a grammar
school. It was long before schools were established, even under
these requirements. In Wells the people lived fifty years with
out schools, and their children grew up ignorant of the rudi
ments of education. It was not until 1715 that it was voted
to procure a schoolmaster at the town's charge, " not exceeding
£20 per annum and his diate."1 Falmouth did not move in the
matter until 1729, when the selectmen were requested to look
out for a schoolmaster " to prevent the town's being presented."
The people, it will be seen, were moved thereto more by fear of
being mulcted, than by regard for the cause of education. The
first schoolmaster engaged was obliged to bring a suit against
the town to secure his salary. In Scarborough, in 1730, it was
voted " that there be a schoolmaster hired in town this year
that can read and write well." In 1837 it was voted that a
school be kept all the year, and that the master " be paid 75
pounds in lumber for his services."2
The early schools were all taught by masters. Some of them
were men of ability. They ranked among the professional
classes, and were exempt from military trainings, and duties
1 Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk.
2 Southgate's History of Scarborough. 553'

554 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of watch and ward, ancl in the case of grammar masters they
were exempt from payment of taxes. Yet the cause of educa
tion was at a low ebb. The towns were grudging in their
appropriations, and public instruction was eked out by private
schools. After the Revolution, with increasing prosperity came a spirit
of general improvement, and a new interest in the cause of
education. The need of better opportunities than those afforded
by the common schools was felt, and academies were endowed
with grants of wild lands. These institutions for many years
did a good work in the cause of higher education, and prepared
the way for a collegiate course. Bowdoin College, which had
been chartered in 1794, entered its first class in 1802. The
Baptists, in 1813, started at Waterville " The Maine Literary
and Theological School," which a few years later was chartered
as the second college in Maine, and is now known as Colby
University. The Maine State Seminary at Lewiston, incorpo
rated in 1855, became Bates College in 1863, so named in honor
of Benjamin E. Bates of Boston, its munificent patron. To
it was added in 1870 a Free Baptist Theological Seminary.
The State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts was
established at Orono in 1868, and has done a good work in
giving many young men of small means a technical education.
If it has not as yet turned out many educated farmers, it is
because the farmers themselves have not been educated up to
the point of seeing the necessity of education in the practice
of agriculture.
The Congregationalists established a theological seminary at
Bangor in 1814, the Methodists a classical and theological
school at Readfield in 1825, and the Universalists a collegiate
seminary at Westbrook in 1831.
The early schools were established on the district system,
every town being divided into districts, each of which was in
dependent in the management of its schools, the town only
voting a sum for the payment of teachers. This system,
adapted to a primitive and isolated state of society, worked
unequally, and has retarded the improvement of the schools
and the school buildings. It is now giving way to town man
agement, which is much more efficient in its operation.
The teachers were usually college students or graduates who
took this means of maintaining themselves while getting an

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 555-
education or studying a profession. There was no professional
class of teachers. The need of trained instructors, who would
make teaching a profession, was felt, and a normal school was
established at Farmington, another, in 1867, at Castine, and
still another at Gorham in 1878. A training school for teachers
was also established at Madawaska, among the Acadian French
population, and provision made for normal classes in several
seminaries in the State. These institutions have done a good
work in turning out a class of trained teachers who have
accomplished much in the improvement of the schools.
The common schools were of a mixed character, including in
their instruction eveything from a, b, c, to the higher English
branches. The first step toward improvement was the grading
of the schools, and the opening of grammar schools. Then
came the establishment of town free high schools, for which the
State pays a sum equal to that raised by the town, not to ex
ceed $250 for each school. This system, calculated to bring
home to the scholars of each town the benefits enjoyed by those
who were able to leave home to attend the old academies, at
first met with much opposition, resulting in their suspension in
1878. Thej' were re-established in 1879, and have since been
constantly improving in character and efficiency. In 1892, 228
towns are supporting free high schools at an expense of $147,575,
of which the State pays #39,521. These schools are now per
manently fixed in the public school system of the State.
With the improvement in the school system has come a bettei
style of schoolhouses. The "little red schoolhouse on the hill"
has given place to buildings of tasteful architecture, with mod
ern improvements conducive to the comfort and health of the
scholars, and the refining influence of neat surroundings is
beginning to be understood.
The schools were under no general supervision by the State
until 1846, when a State Board of Education was established,
with provision for holding teachers' institutes in each county.
This system brought about great improvement, but was soon
swept away ancl followed by vacillating legislation which built
up only to tear down, and the schools are now left to the
supervision of a State Superintendent, with county associations
which hold meetings for the discussion of educational methods.
by teachers and others. The Pedagogical Society is an associa
tion of teachers for the same purpose. The annual report of

556 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
the Superintendent for 1892 shows the total number of scholars
in the public schools of the State, drawing school money, to be
210,997. A law making compulsory the attendance at some school of
every child between the ages of nine and fifteen years, for at
least twelve weeks in each year, was enacted in 1875, but its
provisions were not enforced, and another law intended to be
more effective has been passed as a substitute. Children em
ployed in factories are now required to attend school a portion
of the time, and this law is having the effect of increasing the
attendance at schools.
While the State has thus been engaged in providing for the
oducation of its children on the New England plan of qualify
ing the rising generation for the duties of citizenship, a foreign
influence has been at work withdrawing children from the pub
lic schools and sending them to other schools established in the
interest of a religious sect. The Roman Catholic priesthood
have sixteen parochial schools, which, in 1892, were attended
by six thousand scholars. These are withdrawn from the
instruction of the public schools and educated in the interest
of a foreigh hierarchy. The parochial schools are attended
chiefly by the children of Irish , and French Canadian immi
grants. They constitute a menace to the public school system
of the State.
This system, though far from perfection, has resulted in
placing Maine among the States showing the least amount of
illiteracy. By the census of 1880, of persons in Maine of ten
years of age and upward, only 3.5 per cent were unable to read,
the only States and Territories having a lower percentage being
Dakota, Iowa, Nebraska and Wyoming. Of those unable to
write the percentage was but 4.3, only Iowa, Nebraska and
Wyoming showing a less percentage.
Among the instrumentalities tending to enlighten the public
mind, the newspaper press holds an important position. For
more than a century and a half there was no printing press in
Maine. The first newspaper was started in Falmouth (now
Portland), January 1, 1785, by Benjamin Titcomb and Thomas
B. Waite. It was called the Falmouth Gazette and Weekly
Advertiser. The return of peace had brought reviving pros
perity, and Falmouth was rapidly increasing in population.
Still the times were hard, and the people were poor. The cur

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 557
rency was deranged, the roads were few and very bad, there
were no stage lines, ancl only three or four post-offices in the
whole district. Falmouth had a mail from Boston but once a
week. In times like these it required courage to undertake the
establishment of a newspaper. Yet the Gazette managed to
exist, and after undergoing many changes of name its lineal
descendant is still found in the Portland Advertiser. Popula
tion was now flowing from Massachusetts into the eastern
counties, and the press went with it; though as late as 1824,
when Joseph Griffin started the Maine Baptist Herald at Bruns
wick, he was obliged, at his own expense, to establish a weekly
mail route as far as Jay, about forty-five miles. The first news
paper in Kennebec County was the Eastern Star, started at
Hallowell, August 4, 1794. Lincoln County followed next with
The Telegraph, published at Wiscasset in 1798. Oxford County
started in the same year, with Russell's Echo or The North Star.
Hancock followed next with the Castine Journal and Advertiser,.
the publication of which was begun by David J. Waters, iii
1799. York, the oldest county, did not possess a newspaper
until 1803, when The Annals of the Times appeared, and was
continued about two years in Kennebunk. After the lapse of
twelve years Penobscot entered the newspaper ranks with the
Bangor Weekly Register, the first number of which appeared
Nov. 25, 1815. Washington County next entered the list with
the Eastport Sentinel, August, 1818. Within the limits of
what is now Waldo County, no newspaper appeared until July
6, 1820, when the first number of the Hancock Gazette was
published at Belfast. The Maine Gazette, published at Bath,
December 8, 1820, was the first newspaper within the limits of
what is now Sagadahoc County. Somerset issued its first news
paper at Norridgewock, May 15, 1823. It was called The
Somerset Journal. Knox followed with the Thomaston Register,
May 17, 1825. Franklin came next with the Sandy River Yeo
man, which appeared at Farmington in 1832. The Piscataquis
Herald appeared at Dover, June 1, 1838. The first newspaper
within the limits of the present county of Androscoggin was
the Lewiston Falls Journal, established May 21, 1847, by Win.
H. Waldron and Dr. Alonzo Garcelon. Lastly the forest county
of Aroostook entered the list with the Aroostook Pioneer, in
the fall of 1857.
These were the first county newspapers. They were rapidly

558 THE HISTORY OF MAINE,
followed by others, until now nearly every village has its local
sheet. Among the political journals which have exerted a wide
influence may be mentioned the Portland Advertiser; the
Eastern Argus, started at Portland in 1803, which through an
unbroken existence of eighty-six years has remained the able
advocate of the Democratic party; the Kennebec Journal,
Augusta, 1823, organ of the Whig and Republican parties; the
Bangor Whig and Courier, dating from September 22, 1833;
the Lewiston Journal, which through the enterprise of its pub
lishers in gathering the news has attained a wide circulation,
and the Portland Press, established as the organ of the Republi
can party in June, 1862. The first religious journal published
in Maine was the Christian Intelligencer, an organ of the Uni
versalists, which appeared in Portland in 1821, under the editor
ship of the Rev. Russell Stieeter. The Christian Mirror, issued
in the interest of the Congregational church, appeared in Port
land in August, 1822, and still exists. Zion's Advocate has
ably represented the Baptist denomination since 1828. The
first attempt at a literary journal was made by John Neal, in
The Yankee, the first number of which was issued in Portland,
January 1, 1829. It had but a brief existence. The first liter
ary and family journal which obtained a permanent footing in
Maine was the Portland Transcript, ushered into existence by
Charles P. Ilsley, April, 1837. The Transcript has attained a
wide circulation ancl maintained a high literary character. Of
agricultural journals the Maine Farmer, dating from 1833, has
done much for the education of the people in matters pertain
ing to the cultivation of the earth.
In 1880 there were one hundred and twenty-three newspapers
and periodicals published in Maine, the State then ranking
twenty-sixth as regards numbers, while as regards circulation
it ranked sixth, having an aggregate circulation of 1,21 1,460,
the number being swollen by the wide extended circulation of
a class of papers devoted to light literature, published in the
State. In 1810 there were eight periodicals published in Maine;
in 1840, thirty-six; in 1850, forty-nine; in 1860, seventy; in
1870, as a consequence of the hard times of the civil war, the
number had fallen to sixty-five; in 1880, however it had made a
rapid increase to 123 ; and in 1892, the number is 190, circulat
ing 3,511,000 copies.
Of these depositories of learning and literature — publ!"

HISTORY OF MAINE. 559
libraries — Maine has a fair equipment. The State library at
Augusta is well supplied with works pertaining to governmental
matters, and is rich in general literature. The library at Bow
doin College numbers 50,000 volumes; of Colby University,
29,000 volumes, and of Bates College and accessories, 16,000
volumes. The State College of Agriculture has 6,856 volumes.
There are in the State about sixty libraries of over 1,000 vol
umes each. Many towns have established public libraries, and
some possess neat library buildings. The most costly and ele
gant of these buildings is that presented to the city of Portland
by the munificence of a citizen, Mr. James P. Baxter, which
affords accommodation to the public library containing 37,000
volumes, and the library of the Maine Historical Society, com
prising about 6,500 volumes, and as many more pamphlets.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
POLITICAL.
Division of Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers — Maine Entered*
the Union as an Anti-Federalist State in 1820 — Became Democratic in
1834 — Republican in 1856 — Fusion in 1879 — The "Count Out"— Its Pro
ceedings Condemned by the Supreme Court — Fusionists Elect Governor
by Plurality Vote in 1880 — Republicans Return to Power in 1882.
THE legislative power of the State of Maine is vested in
two distinct branches, a House of Representatives, com
posed of one hundred and fifty-one members, representing the
towns, and a Senate, comprising thirty-one members, represent
ing the sixteen counties. The supreme executive power resides
in a Governor, elected by a plurality vote of the people, and a
Council of seven members, representing as many districts of
the State, but chosen by the joint ballot of the two houses in
convention, as are also the Treasurer and Secretary of State.
The judicial power is vested in a Supreme Judicial Court, and
Superior Courts in such counties as have sufficient business to
require them. The justices are appointed by the Governor
and Council, and hold their offices for a term of seven years.
Sheriffs, judges, and registers of probate are elected by the
people of their respective counties. The justices of the Su
preme Judicial Court are obliged to give their opinions upon
important questions of law, and upon solemn occasions, when
required by the Governor, Council, Senate, or House of Rep
resentatives. Until the year 1880, the State elections were
held annually, and the Legislature held annual sessions. In
that year the Constitution was so amended that the State elec
tions and sessions of the Legislature are now held biennially.
Maine entered the Union in 1820 as an Anti-Federalist State,
and became Democratic when the party adopted that name in
1834. The Federalists, after being known as National Repub
licans, now chose to call themselves Whigs. The State remained
Democratic up to the year 1838, when Edward Kent, the Whig
candidate, was elected Governor. He was succeeded by John
Fairfield, Democrat, in 1839 and 1840, but was again chosen in
1841. A succession of Democratic governors followed until
1853, when through a division of the Democratic party, caused
by the question of prohibiting the liquor traffic, William G.
560

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STATE HOUSE, AUGUSTA, MAINE.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 501
Crosby, the Whig candidate, was elected by the Legislature,
and was also chosen the succeeding year by that body, the
Constitution then requiring a majority vote of the people to
elect, which neither candidate received. In the following year
the old parties were again broken up by the question of the
Maine Law and the formation of the "Know Nothing" or
American party, organized in opposition to foreign influence in
our elections, and Anson P. Morrill, the candidate of these two
parties was chosen Governor by the Legislature, the people
having again failed to elect. In 1855, the people failing to
elect, Samuel Wells, the Democratic and anti-Maine Law candi
date, was chosen Governor by the Legislature. Meantime a
new party, destined to become the nucleus of a great national
party, had been slowly gaining ground in the State. This was
the Liberty party, formed in opposition to the existence of
slavery. The question of the slave power was now becoming
supreme in national politics, and was breaking up the old
parties. The Democrats divided on it, a part being known as
"Free Soil Democrats." The Anti-Slavery Whigs split off
from their party, those who remained being called " Straight
Whigs," and ultimately joining the old Democratic party.
The Liberty party, Free Soilers and Anti-Slavery Whigs coa
lesced and formed the Republican party in 1856, which that
year elected Hannibal Hamlin Governor of the State. Mr.
Hamlin had been elected to the United States Senate by the
Democratic party, but left it on the question of slavery, and
after being elected Governor by the Republicans was sent back
to the Senate by them. The Republicans now held unbroken
possession of the State for a period of twenty-two years, Israel
Washburn jr., Abner Coburn and Samuel Cony serving as
Governors through the period of the civil war, and being suc
ceeded by Joshua L. Chamberlain, who had served with distinc
tion in the war, by Sidney Perham and Nelson Dingley jr., who
represented the Maine Law wing of the party, and by Selden
Connor, another gallant soldier, who had been maimed in the
service of the Union.
In 1878, adisturbing element appeared in the politics of the
State in the shape of the new Greenback party, formed in
opposition to the resumption of specie payments, which had
been suspended during the war. This party, on the plea of
cheap currency, caught the popular favor, especially in the
eastern part of the State, and in 1878 drew off the great body

562 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
of the Democrats, ancl also a considerable number of Republi
can voters. The result was no election of Governor by the
people, and the Legislature chose Dr. Alonzo Garcelon, the
Democratic nominee.
The administration of Governor Garcelon was marked by the
most exciting political event in the history of the State, at one
time threatening civil war. The election in 1879 resulted, as
before, in no choice of Governor by the people. There were
three candidates in the field, the nominees of the Republican,
Greenback and Democratic parties. On minor officers the
Greenbackers and Democrats had already begun to coalesce,
and in the Legislature their members acted together. On the
face of the returns the Republicans had elected a majority of
the Legislature, which would give them the election of Gov
ernor and the control of the State. Just here a great tempta
tion assailed the Governor and Council, who acted as a return
ing board. Through the negligence or incompetency of many
of the town officers, there were always many clerical or techni
cal errors in the returns. It had been customary to allow the
correction of these, and a law had been passed for that purpose.
Governor Garcelon and his Council set this law aside as uncon
stitutional, thus usurping the office of the Supreme Judicial
Court, and determined on a strict construction of the law in
counting the returns. Some were thrown out because they were
not made up and sealed in open town meeting, others because
they were not attested by the town clerk, others again be
cause they did not set forth the whole number of ballots, or
because they did not state for whom the " scattering " votes
were thrown, while in the case of several cities, they were not
signed by a majority of the aldermen. It was noted that the
informalities resulted in throwing out only Republican mem
bers, and it was charged, and afterward proved before an in
vestigating committee of the Legislature, that the Fusionists
were allowed to secretly correct their imperfect returns. The
result of this proceedure was that by certification of the
Governor and Council, the House was understood to stand Re
publicans, sixty-one ; Fusion, seventy-eight, with twelve vacan
cies, and the Senate, Republicans, eleven ; Fusion, twenty.
When it was learned that the number of those members who
had been "counted in" by this process, together with those
who had been " counted out," gave the Democrats and Green-
backers a majority of the Legislature, thus reversing the result

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 563
of the election, great excitement ensued throughout the State.
Indignation meetings were held in all the cities and larger
towns, and the clergy thundered from their pulpits. So great
was the popular indignation that the Governor and Council
thought it necessary to fortify their position by military prepa
rations, and the capitol was placed under guard. These pro
ceedings but added fuel to the flame. An attempt to remove
guns from Bangor to Augusta was frustrated by an uprising
of the people of the former city.
The Republican leaders demanded that the question of the
legality of the returns should be submitted to the justices of
the Supreme Court, as provided in the Constitution. The
Council objected to this, but the Governor,' being advised
thereto by leading members of his own party, took the r'espon-
sibDity of complying with the demand. A series -of carefully
guarded questions was submitted to the justices. They did
not confine themselves to these, but reviewed the whole matter,
and explicitly condemned at every point the action of the
Governor and Council, declaring that the returns made by
municipal officers, in the hurry, bustle and confusion of an
election, are not required to be written with scrupulous nicety,
and are not to be strangled by idle technicalities. They were
unanimous in their decision, one of the justices being a
Democrat. The Governor, however, refused to recall any certificates
issued, or to issue new ones, as his work had been performed
under the Constitution and statutes as he understood them.
It was determined to organize the Legislature under the certifi
cates issued. When that body met a contest for supremacy
took place in both Houses. In the Senate, the Republicans,
led by Senator Joseph A. Locke, moved to substitute the names
of the Senators really elected for those read by the Secretary.
This was refused, and the Fusion members elected James D.
Lamson of Waldo, President, the Republicans abstaining from
voting. In the House the Republicans, led by Eugene Hale,
protested against the organization of the House in the absence
of a quorum. The protest was disregarded, and John C. Tal
bot of East Machias was elected Speaker by the votes of the
Fusionists, the Republican members leaving the House in a
body. As the Legislature was the judge of the election of its mem
bers, it had been stated that on its assembling the Representa-

564 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
tives of cities excluded because of informaUties would be
immediately admitted. But the Fusionists did not proceed to
admit them ; they improved the opportunity of their absence
to organize both Houses, elect minor officers, and so far as they
were able to take possession of the government.
A complication now arose from a charge made by two Fusion
members of the House, Swan of Minot, and Harriman of Ken
nebunk, to the effect that an attempt had been made by the
Republicans, by offer of a bribe of one thousand dollars, to
induce them to refuse to take their seats. The money was
displayed by them, having been taken, as they alleged, in order
to expose the attempt at bribery. Wallace R. White of Win
throp, who it was alleged made the offer, denied the charge.
The President of the Senate refusing at first to qualify as
Governor, arid the term of Governor Garcelon having expired,
he issued an order authorizing Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain,
commanding the militia of the State, to protect the public
property, and maintain order until his successor should be
elected. Meantime, President Lamson of the Senate, having
become convinced that it was his duty to quaUfy as Governor,
attempted to assume the duties of that office, but was not
recognized by Gen. Chamberlain, whose authority was acknowl
edged by all parties. He dismissed the guard at the capitol
and placed the building in charge of the police of Augusta
under Mayor Nash. Despite the protests of the Fusionists,
he permitted the Republican members of the Legislature to
occupy the halls in the evening, after the Fusionists had
adjourned. The Republican members of the House, on meet
ing, numbered eighty-four, the number in the Fusion House
being seventy-five. Both branches proceeded to organize, the
Senate electing Joseph A. Locke of Cumberland, President,
and the House choosing George E. Weeks of Augusta, Speaker.
The members counted out were admitted to their seats, and an
order was passed calling upon the Supreme Court for its opinion
in regard to the legal organization of the Legislature. " Gov.
ernor " Lamson sent a messenger to the court warning it not to
" give countenance to revolutionary proceedings."
There were now two Legislatures, meeting alternately. The
Fusion body proceeded to the election of Governor, and Joseph
L. Smith, the Greenback candidate, was declared elected in due
form. Councilors were also elected, and "Governor" Smith
delivered his inaugural aprons Mpanf.iniP tho rpnl-o- nf tha
court, sustaining in every

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 565
the Republicans, having been received, they proceeded to elect
Daniel F. Davis as Governor, who appeared and took the oath
amid tremendous cheering, and a scene of great excitement.
" Governor " Smith had previously ordered three companies
of militia to meet at Augusta, but they did not respond. Gov
ernor Davis notified the militia to be ready at a moment's call,
and a very large police force was placed in the capitol. It was
necessary to force an entrance to several of the department
offices, and the State seal was found to be missing.
During all this time the excitable men on both sides were
sending despatches to Lewiston, Portland, Bath, Waterville,
and other places, now calling for reinforcements, and again
sending them back. This state of things forced Gen, Cham
berlain to issue a proclamation giving assurance that there was
no occasion for public alarm. The guards at the capitol were
increased to one hundred and fifty men, a large force of Hal
lowell stone-cutters being called in. Mayor Nash gave notice
that admission to the capitol was' to be confined to members
elect, those claiming seats, State officers, and those having
passes from Gen. Chamberlain.
Upon learning that the Supreme Court had decided in favor
of the Republicans, " Governor " Smith issued an order reliev
ing Gen. Chamberlain of his command of the militia, and
revoking the special order directing him to protect the public
property. Gen. Chamberlain repUed by asking the Governor
for the proper evidence of his authority, to which he promised
a prompt obedience. Meantime, Gov. Davis wrote to the
General, informing him of his election and qualification, and
submitting the opinion of the court. To this Gen. Chamber
lain replied, resigning the trust conferred on him by the special
order of Gov. Garcelon as his last official act.
When the Fusion Legislature next attempted to enter the
capitol, headed by " Governor " Smith, they were refused ad
mission by Mayor Nash, acting under orders of Governor Davis.
They held a brief session on the sidewalk, and adjourned to
meet next day at a hall in the city. When they met there was
evidence of divided counsels, but finally a vote was passed
requiring the opinion of the Supreme Court on the question as
to which was the legal Legislature. The court gave a unani
mous decision, declining to recognize the Fusion bodies, and
explicitly declaring the House and Senate then holding sessions
in the capitol, to be the legal Legislature of Maine. Thereupon
th* Fusion bodies disoersed. the members legally elected, with

666 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
a few exceptions, taking their seats in the Legislature. Those
remaining finally adjourned in secret session, on the 28th of
January, 1880, to meet on the first Wednesday in August.
They never came together- again. Under stress of a warrant
for his arrest, the Fusion Secretary of State returned the State
seal, and the legally constituted government took possession of
the offices. v
During this period of heated controversy there was great
excitement throughout the State. Rumors of plots and coun
terplots flew thick and fast. Extreme partisans counseled
violent action, and at one time a report that the Fusionists
were about to seize the capitol, induced Gov. Davis to order
several companies of militia to its defense, but the sound,
sober sense of the people prevented any overt acts, and no
deeds of violence were committed by members of either party.
Gen. Chamberlain won great praise for the firmness and im
partiality with which he discharged the duties of his responsi
ble position.
The exciting question was carried into the next State election.
The Democrats and Greenbackers united on Gen. Harris M.
Plaisted as their candidate for Governor, and strained every
nerve to procure a popular vindication of their course the pre
vious year. The Republicans renominated Gov. Davis, and
made a vigorous canvass on "the count out," but they were
handicapped by the charges of bribery which had not been
satisfactorily disproved. The result was that while the Repub
licans carried the Legislature, Gen. Plaisted received a plurality
of 169 votes, or of 226 votes, counting 57 cast for Harrison M.
Plaisted. The amendments to the Constitution providing for
the election of Governor by plurality vote, and for biennial
elections and sessions of the Legislature, having now come into
effect, Gen. Plaisted was declared duly elected, and served the
term of two years. The Legislature, being Republican, elected
a Council between whom and the Governor there was a consid
erable amount of friction during the term.
In 1882, the Greenback movement having begun to subside,
the Republicans elected Hon. Frederick Robie Governor by a
plurality of 8,560 votes. They have since held possession of
the State, electing Frederick Robie. Governor in 1884, and
Joseph R. Bod well in 1886. Gov. Bod well died December 15.
1887, and Hon. Sebastian S. Marble, President of the Senate,
acted as Governor during the remainder of his term. In 1888
Edwin C. Burleigh was eie

CHAPTER XXXIV.
RESOURCES AND INDUSTRIES.
Temperature and Climate— Area— Water Power — Forest Products— Fish
and Game — Agriculture — Shore and Deep-Sea Fisheries — Shipbuilding
— Granite, Slate, Limerock and Ice — Manufactures — Condition of Op
eratives — Deposits in Savings Banks — Railroad Systems — Pleasure Trav
el—Lake and Seaside Resorts — Reasons why the People Should Be Con
tented with their Lot. TEMPERATURE AND CLIMATE.
The State of Maine lies between the 43d and 47th degrees
of North latitude, along the 45th parallel, which position
gives it a moderate temperature and variable winds. The mean
annual temperature of the whole State is about 40 degrees.
The summer is cool, the winter not so severe as in correspond
ing latitudes in the interior.
The climate is healthful, malarious fevers being unknown ; al
though on the coast, where the moisture is excessive, diseases
of the respiratory organs prevail. AREA.
Presenting a broad base of 226 miles to the sea, with a hun
dred harbors opening on the great Gulf of Maine, the State ex
tends in a triangular form nearly to the St. Lawrence, a dis
tance of 250 miles. It has a width of 224 miles at its widest
part, and an extreme length of 301 miles. The whole circuit
of its boundaries is nearly 1,000 miles, and it has an area of 31,-
766 square miles, being nearly as large as all the rest of New
England. WATER POWER.
Few, if any portions of the earth's surface approach Maine
in the extent, the volume, momentum and constancy of its
water power. Its northern forests absorb the abundant rainfall
like a sponge. More than 1,500 lakes serve as so many reservoirs
for its retention, while their outlets, flowing through rock-bound
beds, and falling in the short distance of 150 to 200 miles, from
an average elevation of 600 feet, leap in a series of cascades to
the sea. 567

568 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
These conditions give the State great advantages for the
prosecution of commerce and manufactures, while its agricul
tural capabilities are greater than has generally been supposed.
FOREST PRODUCTS.
' A prime source of the wealth of Maine is found in her forests.
These cover the northern portion of the State, and comprise
twelve million acres, or 62.7 of its entire territory. Of this
percentage 22.4 per cent is in farm lands and the remainder in
wild lands. The entire forest area of New England is but 19,-
193,028 acres, of which it will be seen Maine possesses nearly
two-thirds. Originally her forests abounded in pine, which, at
one time, was considered almost the only timber worth cutting.
As a consequence the pine has greatly diminished, yet the prod
uct is still large and quite constant ; in 1888 over 29,000,000
feet of pine timber were surveyed at the port of Bangor, and
this is not far from the average yearly survey for the years since
1860. As the pine has diminished other woods, once thought to pos
sess no commercial value, have come into use, notably spruce,
birch, maple and other hard woods. Great quantities of the
softer woods are consumed in the manufacture of paper pulp,
and birch is worked up into spools. New uses for what once
were considered nearly worthless woods are constantly being
found, thus adding to the value of the forest product. From
1855 to 1891 there were surveyed at Bangor 6,267,403,785 feet
of lumber, 23,114,771 feet of which was pine. In 1888 there
were shipped from the port of Portland to South American
ports 36,654,610 feet, valued at #769,911.61, and in 1891, 10,-
000,000 feet, valued at $1,100,000.
This industry gives employment to a large number of men.
The hardy lumbermen enter the woods in the late autumn,
making their homes for the winter in the logging camps. They
cut the timber, draw it to the streams, and in the spring come
out with the floods, and drive the logs down the swollen rivers
to the great saw-mills on the Penobscot and other rivers. Some
of these mills are the largest in the world, and the timber is
there manufactured into all the forms of building materials.
The annual value of this forest product may still be placed at
$11,000,000 to $12,000,000 for timber and firewood.
Tloe State having unwisely parted with all its wild land, it is

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 569
now largely held by private owners, in immense tracts, often
comprising one or more townships. These owners clear no land,
and sell no land, thus obstructing its settlement and the mak
ing of roads.
The forests must remain an important source of the commer
cial and industrial importance of the State. Their preserva
tion has therefore become a matter claiming the attention of its
people, and the demand is now made that greater precautions
shall be taken against fires. Trees below a certain size are not
allowed to be cut, a condition which enters into the landholders'
leases to the loggers. The art of forestry must henceforth
demand the attention of all interested in the preservation of
one of the great resources of the State.
FISH AND GAME.
A source of wealth and healthful recreation is also found in
the pursuit of the fish and game abounding in these forests.
The numerous lakes and streams afford good fishing, while deer,
moose and caribou are found in the woods. These, of late years,
have been protected by game laws, more or less enforced, and
the result has been an increase in the deer, which, under the
indiscriminate slaughter of pot hunters, had become nearly
exterminated. Under the operations of a fish commission the lakes and
streams have been restocked with edible fish, and the salmon is
now caught on the Penobscot, from which it had been driven by
dams and sawdust. The wise preservation of the fish and game
wUl conserve to the State a source of revenue and of food for
the people. AGRICULTURE.
Though the soil of Maine, as a whole, is not noted for its fer
tility, yet in the rich intervale lands of its river valleys and the
broad fields of Aroostook the State has regions of great produc
tiveness. Agriculture must always form one of its leading in
dustries. Taken in connection with the related industries for
which Maine is so well adapted by its abundant water power, it
offers a promising field for the enterprise of the young men of
the State. Though capital invested in farms does not pay a
large interest, it gives a good return in the independent position
.of the farmer ; and the sturdy manhood and genuine womanhood
of the State are nurtured on the home farm.

570 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
The leading crops of Maine, in the order of amount raised,
are hay, potatoes, oats, Indian corn, wheat, buckwheat and bar
ley. The orchards, which, in the past, have been much neglected,
are now becoming a prominent source of income through the
foreign demand for Maine apples, which are noted for their
excellent flavor and keeping qualities. Large shipments of
them are now annually made to England. The value of the
orchard products of the State, given by the census of 1880 at
$1,112,026, must now be much increased.
Potatoes form the leading product of the fertile lands of
Aroostook. The crop, which, by the census of 1880, was 2,248,-
594 bushels, has now reached 3,000,000 bushels. It is largely
consumed in the manufacture of starch on the spot, thus sus
taining an important local industry, the annual product of
which is over 7,000 tons.
Sweet corn is another crop which maintains a related indus
try in the canning business. The preserving of green vegeta
bles by hermetical sealing, in this country, was first practiced
in Maine, and its silicious soil and sparkling atmosphere are pe
culiarly adapted to the growth of sugar corn. The canned
product has a wide reputation, and gives employment, in its
season, to a large number of hands. In 1888 the number of cases
packed was 496,200, which was 247,969 cases less than were
packed in 1887, the shrinkage being due to unusually severe
frosts in September.
The annual wool clip is an item of much importance, reaching-
in 1880 no less than 2,776,407 pounds.
The establishment of butter and cheese factories has had the
effect to increase these products of the farm, and the canning
business has created a market for various vegetables.
The census of 1880 gives the number of men engaged in ag
riculture in Maine as 89,176 out of 258,587 men, and 243 wom
en out of 261,082 women. The number of farms was 64,309 ;
acres of improved land, 3,484,908 ; value of farms, $102,357,615 ;
value of farm products, $21,945,489. The value of the products
of all mechanical and manufacturing industries was $106,780,-
563. The valuation of the State was fixed by the census at
$511,000,000. The agricultural industry of the State is now well organized,
having as agencies for its advancement two State ao-ricultural

HISTORY OF MAINE. 57£
societies, one State pomological society, a State branch of the
National Agricultural Experiment Station, a State Board of
Agriculture, a State Grange, having 16,000 members, forty-
one incorporated county agricultural societies receiving boun
ty from the State, and many other organizations of a similar
character not directly aided by the State.
FISHERIES.
The shore and deep-sea fisheries were the earliest industries of
Maine. The first adventurers who made a lodgment on the
islands along the coast came in pursuit of fish and trade with
the Indians. Fishing, with the coast population, has taken pre
cedence of agriculture, causing neglect of the cultivation of the
soil. The harvest of the sea has been, at times, of greater value
than the product of the land, though at other times the yield
has been next to nothing. Yet tbe chances of lucky hauls have
lured men from the steady pursuit of the more certain gains of
agriculture. The fisheries have bred a race of hardy men, who
have supplied sailors for the navy and the mercantile marine.
In the amount of tonnage employed in the fisheries, Maine
ranks next to Massachusetts. By the census of 1880, Maine
had 11,071 persons engaged in the fisheries ; capital invested,
$3,375,994; value of product, $3,614,178; number of vessels,
606 ; tonnage, 17,632.65 tons ; value of vessels, $633,542. Owing
to the fluctuations in the business caused by the migratory hab
its of certain species of fish, the number of men and vessels em
ployed varies much from year to year. In the year ending-
June 30, 1888, Maine had but 453 vessels engaged in the cod
and mackerel fisheries, with a tonnage of 16,301 tons. The
catch of mackerel for 1888 was the smallest known for fifty
years, being 25,511 barrels, against 56,919 for 1887, 58,557 for
1886, and 258,900 for 1885. The total catch of codfish by the
Maine and Massachusetts fleets was 585,581 quintals, against
676,723 quintals in 1887, a falling off of 91,142 quintals. The
fleet numbered 305 sail from Massachusetts and 190 sail from
Maine, a total of 495 sail against a total of 560 sail iu 1887 and
589 in 1886.
The lobster fishery is an important industry, calling for much
legislation in the way of close time and limitation of catchable
length, to prevent the extermination of this delicious crustacean.
The contention is that the nine-inch lobster should not be used,

572 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
as it has not yet come to maturity and has no eggs attached to
it, while the ten and one-half inch lobster has from 15,000 to
25,000 eggs attached to it. The yearly catch is estimated at
15,000,000 lobsters, sustaining a large canning industry, while
many are shipped to markets in barrels.
The smelt and alewive fisheries form a considerable item in
the yearly product of the sea, though the latter is gradually
falling off. The herring-sardine business, an enterprise which
originated in Maine, has attained considerable magnitude.
There are forty factories in the State, their product for 1887-88
being 500,000 cases, each case containing 100 boxes, and each
box ten or twelve little fishes. SHIPBUILDING.
Shipbuilding . is also to be numbered among the earliest
industries of Maine. In 1607 the Popham colonists built at the
mouth of the Kennebec the first vessel constructed in New Eng
land, and that river is today the scene of the largest ship-build
ing industry in the country. For many years the building of
wooden vessels ranked among the most important manufactures
•of Maine, but the famous clipper ships which flourished from
1848 to 1870 have given place to iron steamships, and the build
ing of wooden vessels has greatly decUned.
The number of vessels built in Maine in 1880 was 88, with
a tonnage of 41,396, giving employment to 1,390 hands, whose
wages amounted to $576,502. In 1888 were built 22 vessels,
12,227.35 tons ; 1889, 81 vessels, 39,623.72 tons ; 1890, 105 vessels,
62,859 tons ; 1891, 124 vessels, 49,616.88 tons. Of those for 1891,
39 with a tonnage of 32,063.14 were built at Bath, which is
the leading shipbuilding port of the country. The domestic or
coastwise tonnage is increasing,, as is also, the size of vessels.
In the coasting trade a two-masted schooner of three hundred
tons was formerly considered a good-sized vessel. Now fore-
and-aft vessels are built to carry three, four and even five masts,
and their tonnage is many times three hundred tons. The
five-masted schooner, Governor Ames, which sailed from Port
land April 30, 1889, took out to Buenos Ayres a cargo of 1,896,-
000 feet of spruce and pine lumber, the largest cargo, with one
exception, ever taken by an American vessel.
Another change in the coastwise trade is the tendency to use
barges towed by steam tugs, instead of sailing vessels, old ships

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 573;
being utilized for this purpose. The change in the rig of ves
sels is seen in the fact that of the vessels built in the United
States during the year ending June 30, 1888, 275 were schoon
ers, and only four — two barks and two barkentines — were
square-rigged vessels. Not a brig nor a ship was built during
the year.
While the foreign tonnage of the country has fallen off the
coastwise tonnage is increasing, and the indications point to a
revival of shipbuUding in Maine. QUARRIES.
Among Maine's natural sources of wealth must be counted
her granite, slate, limerock and ice. The islands along her
coast are largely composed of granite, which is also found of
excellent quality in the interior. Quarries in. Penobscot Bay
have been operated to a large extent, aud the white granite of
Hallowell has long been used in fine ornamental work. Black
granite is found at Addison, red and variegated at Jonesport
and Calais. For paving, the construction of public buildings,.
and monumental work, Maine granite is in demand throughout
the country. It gives employment to three thousand men,
whose wages, on the average, amount to $1,500,000 annually.
The slate quarries of Piscataquis county afford excellent
slate for roofing and all kinds of slate goods. For strength,,
durability and permanence of color it has no superior. Some
of the quarries have been operated irregularly, but the demand
for their product, the annual value of which has amounted to
about $200,000, is steadily increasing.
The limerock of Knox County has long sustained a consid
erable industry, the annual product amounting to about 1,500,-
000 barrels of lime.
Ice is a sure crop in Maine, and consequently has the advan
tage of its failure elsewhere. It affords a winter industry, which
gives employment to more than 7,000 men and many teams.
The operations on the Kennebec, the principal field of the in
dustry, where large crews of men and horses are employed in
sweeping the snow from the surface of the ice, cutting it into
blocks and hauling it into the huge storehouses on the shore,
present a busy and picturesque scene on a bright winter day.
The business gives employment to a large fleet of schooners,
engaged in transporting the ice to Southern markets. The
annual storage usually amounts to a million tons.

674 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
MANUFACTURES.
The immense water power of Maine afforded by her swift-
flowing and rock-bound rivers early led to the introduction of
saw-mills, which utilized the abundant forest growth, and clear
ed the fields for the farmers. These were followed by woolen
mills, which took from the hands of the housewife the domestic
industry so long carried on by her for the clothing of her fam
ily. But as late as 1810 she made more than half the woolen
cloth manufactured in Maine, turning off 453,410 yards, while
the fulling mills dressed but 357,386 yards annually. By 1850,
however, the manufacture had largely passed out of her hands,
though the number of woolen mills was then but thirty-six. In
1880 they had increased to ninety-three, giving employment in
the interior villages to 3,045 persons, and producing an annual
product valued at $6,687,073.
Cotton mills soon followed, their product in 1810 amounting
to 811,912 yards. The attention of capitalists in other States
was turned to Maine's superior water privileges, and though at
first encountering opposition from hostile laws, the jealousy of
local feeling and the short-sighted policy of putting too high a
price upon land, they ultimately gained possession of the best
sites, and cotton factories sprang up at Saco in 1831, at Hallo
well in 1844, Biddeford in 1845, and Lewiston in 1846, addino-
greatly to the population and prosperity of those towns. At a
later period factories were established at Augusta, Saccarappa,
Waterville, and other towns, and the annual production of cot
ton cloths in Maine, by the census of 1880, was 144,368,675
yards, valued at $13,319,363, and giving employment to 11,864
persons. This product has since been largely increased. Lew
iston is now the chief cotton manufacturing city of Maine, hav
ing in 1892 over nine millions of dollars of incorporated capital
invested in its mills. The profits of these investments are
chiefly reaped by outside capitalists and do not enrich the State,
but the disbursements for labor and improvements add a very
considerable item to the annual income of its people. The ad
vantage of applying home capital now largely invested abroad,
to this branch of manufacture is beginning to be appreciated,
and has led to the establishment of a home mill at Lewiston.
Among other manufactures which diversify the industry of
Maine are her machine shops, which turn out various products,
from farming tools to locomotives ; her factories for the utiUzing

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 575
of her woods in various forms ; her shoe factories which have
gathered iu and largely increased the scattered industry of the
roadside shoeshops, giving, in 1880, employment to 3,919 per
sons, with a product cf $5,823,541 ; and her paper mills, the
largest of which, established at Cumberland Mills, in the town
of Westbrook, has built up a model village, which, together with
the neighboring village of Saccarappa, promises to grow into a
busy and prosperous manufacturing city.
LABOR.
In 1880 the manufactories of Maine numbered 4,481, employ
ing 52,954 persons, and yielding an annual product of $79,829,-
793. These establishments have given a new direction to the
employment of the people, originally almost exclusively engag
ed in lumbering, fishing, sea faring and agriculture. They have
largely changed their pursuits from out-door labor to sedentary
employments, less conducive to health, and have brought in a
large foreign element.
The necessity of self-help and self-protection has led the
operatives to unite in labor organizations, whose measures,
though not always wise and well-considered, have at least call
ed public attention to the need of laws for their protection, and
led to beneficial legislation regulating the hours of labor of
women and children, and giving to the latter an opportunity to
obtain some schooling.
In 1886 a State Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics was
established, and the report of the Commissioner for 1888 con
tains some valuable information concerning the condition ofthe
manufacturing population. Eight boot and shoe factories, em
ploying 1,197 men and 413 women, report the weekly earnings
of the men $11.17 ; annual earnings $499.25. Boys and girls
earn $4.50 per week. Fifteen per cent of the employe's own
homes. Eleven cotton mills, employing 4,402 men, 6,438 wom
en, 239 boys under fifteen years, and 178 girls under fifteen, re
port the weekly earnings of men $8.46 ; annual earnings, $433 ;
weekly earnings of boys, $3.45 ; of girls $3.59. Percentage own
ing homes, 14 per cent. Fourteen woolen mills, employing 890
men, 649 women, 26 boys under fifteen, and 13 girls under fif
teen, report weekly earnings of men $9.18; annual earnings,
$502.00; weekly earnings of women, $7.17; annual earnings.
$353.00; weekly earnings of boys, $4.64 ; of girls, $4.19. Per-

576 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
centage owning homes, 15 per cent. While no general system
of relief prevails, many employers are disposed to be liberal
toward their faithful employe's who have fallen into distress
while engaged in their service. The percentage of minors from
12 to 15 employed in sixty-four cotton, woolen, and boot and
shoe factories is but 2J, of minors from 15 to 16 is 5 per cent
of the whole number employed. The tendency is to reduce the
number of children employed in factories. The law, requiring
children employed in them to have at least sixteen weeks school
ing in each year, has increased the attendance in school, in man
ufacturing districts, from 5 to 10 per cent.
Many factory employe's have sums deposited in savings banks,
varying in amounts from $300 to $2,500. In 1891 the total
deposits in the savings banks of Maine, in round numbers,
amounted to $50,000,000, and there were 146,668 depositors, or
nearly one in every five of tke inhabitants. 114,889 represent
ed a deposit of less than $500.
These facts go to show that while there is yet room for im
provement in the condition of the manufacturing class, they are,
on the whole, able to earn fair wages and to maintain comfort
able homes, while by thrift and economy they can lay aside
something for their support in sickness and old age.
RAILROADS.
The resources of Maine are made available by her railroads.
They facilitate transportation of products and open new regions
to the settler and the tourist. The systems now in operation
have sprung into existence within the past forty years.
The first railroad in Maine, connecting Bangor with Oldtown
for the transportation of lumber, went into operation in 1836.
The Portland, Saco and Portsmouth railroad was chartered in
1837, completed in 1842, leased to the Eastern Railroad in 1871,
and with the latter came under the management of the Boston
and Maine Railroad in 1884. This system, comprising two
routes from Portland to Boston, now also controls, by perpetual
lease, the Portland and Rochester, opened to the Saco river in
1851, and later extended to Rochester, N. H.
The Androscoggin and Kennebec and the Penobscot and Ken
nebec were chartered in 1845, completed in 1848 and 1855
respectively, consolidated in 1862, united with the Portland and
Kennebec in 1871, forming two trunk lines from Portland to

TIIE HISTORY OF MAINE. 577
Waterville, which, with various lateral branches ancl leased
roads, were in 1873 consolidated into the Maine Central system,
which, in 1888, including the Portland ancl Ogdensburg, per
petually leased to it in that year, had an extreme length of G50
miles. This combination of railroads commauds the greater
part of Maine, connecting Portland, by one line, through Bruns
wick, with Augusta, the capital of the State, and the upper
towns on the Kennebec as far as North Anson, and by the other
line with Lewiston and Waterville, at which latter point the
two unite in a line to Bangor, there connecting with the Ban
gor and Piscataquis, which gives approach to the lakes and
woods of Northern Maine, ancl with the European and North
American, which with connections extends as far east as Halifax,
N. S. By way of the Knox and Lincoln, from Bath t» Rock
land, connection is made with steamers running to the great
sea-side resort, Mt. Desert, and by an extension of the Maine
Central east of Bangor, the same point is reached by rail with the
exception of a short ferry. The system is well managed and
affords great convenience to the traveling public.
An important event in the railroad history of the State was
the connection of Portland with Montreal in 1853, by means of
the Atlantic and St. Lawrence Railroad, which, leased to the
Grand Trunk Railway of Canada, gave connection with the
great Northwest and built up a line of European steamships
running from Portland in the winter season, thus making that
city the winter port of Canada and the Northwest.
The total length of these railroad systems in Maine, 1892,
including horse railroads in Portland, Auburn, Lewiston and
Waterville, was 1,210.03 miles. In 1888, 127 miles of railroad
were built in Maine, which was more than was built in any
other New England State. Projected railroads, giving direct
communication with the Northern county of Aroostook, and
along the shore line through Eastern Maine, when completed,
will round out the systems in the Southern portion ofthe State.
There remains the great northern wilderness, so long lying
unimproved, a forest land full of great resources and capabili
ties. These are now to be developed by a line of railway con
structed through that portion of the State by a foreign corpo-
tion. The Canadian Pacific Railway, extendingfrom the Pacific
shore across the continent, makes a short cut through Northern
Maine to its objective point at Halifax, thus opening a direct

5" 8 THE HISTORY OF MAINE.
line from Yokohama to Liverpool, by the shortest, quickest, and
cheapest route. It is destined to work a revolution in the route
of trade between Australia, Japan ancl China, ancl England,
Germany, France and the North Sea countries.
Iu passing through the undeveloped portion of Maine it not
only opens up the grandest scenery, at many points wild and
picturesque,, develops industries and gives access to new agri
cultural regions, but suggests great possibilities in the way of
extending the western trade of Portland ancl other ports having
safe ancl capacious harbors on the coast of Maine, to which
access will be had by connecting lines.
The little village of Brownville, in Piscataquis county, has
become the headquarters of the Eastern division of the line and
is destined to become an important center of operations. One
hundred ancl forty-five miles of this road run through Maine
ancl it is thoroughly built, having all steel rails.
PLEASURE TRAVEL.
These railroad systems, by through trains, designed for pleas
ure travel, give ready access from the great sea-coast cities and
the far West to the lakes, the seaside resorts and the waters of
the pure, health-giving springs of Maine, which constitutes one
of the great natural resources of the State. These, together
with the bold scenery of the coast and the lake regions attract
an ever increasing multitude of summer visitors whose expen
ditures add largely to the revenues of the people.
In the spring sportsmen find salmon fishing on the Penobscot
ancl excellent trout fishing in the Rangeley ancl Moosehead
lakes, with good accommodations in the camps and hotels upon
their shores. As the hot weather comes on the pent-up deni
zens of the great cities of the Middle ancl Western States flock
to the breezy seaside retreats of Maine, which have come to be
considered "the summer playground of America. "
At Portland they find a center of pleasure travel, combining
all the advantages of city and seaside life. Casco Bay, a beau
tiful land-locked sheet of water, with its one hundred ancl fifty
wooded islands, dotted with summer cottages ancl hotels, made
accessible by numerous pleasure steamers, is close at hand. Old
Orchard, with the finest bathing beach in America, is but twelve
miles distant. Poland Spring, with its health-giving waters, is
within easy access by rail. The White Hills of New Hamp-

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 579
shire, reached by rail through one of the wildest mountain
passes, are but three or four hours away, while all the eastern
resorts, including Bar Haifcor, by fast trains are brought within
easy reach. The city itself has an elevated site, commanding
magnificent views of ocean and mountain scenery, is supplied
with pure water from Lake Sebago, and is well-equipped with
hotels offering the attractions of a summer home.
Within the past twenty years the pleasure travel, attracted
by the cool breezes and grand scenery of Maine's rugged ancl
bay-indented coast, has built up numerous seaside resorts where
wealth has lavished itself upon its summer homes. From its
solitary hotel Old Orchard has grown into a separate town,
crowded with hotels and summer cottages, and populous with
pleasure seekers in the season. Bar Harbor, which in 1866 had
but one poor tavern, has become a pleasure city magnificent in
its hotels and its luxurious summer homes. The whole coast,
in all its indentations, from Kittery to Eastport, and its outly
ing islands, is seized upon by capitalists eager to take advantage
of the rise in land and to provide attractive resorts for the in
coming multitude. SUMMARY.
With these natural resources ancl their related industries the
people of Maine have reason to be content with their lot. They
have behind them a history of successful endeavor. Their cli
mate gives them health and vigor. Their rugged soil compels
to thrift and industry, which ever bring their reward. Their
laws and customs tend to sobriety and uprightness of conduct.
The hardships of a new land, still existing in the West, to
which so many' of them have been enticed, are past and gone,
and they have now the benefit of long-established churches,
schools, colleges, hospitals, literary, social and benevolent in
stitutions which ameliorate, adorn and elevate the life of a peo
ple.

POPU LATION, POLLS AND ESTATES, 1 880 and 1 890.

ANDROSCOGGIN COUNTY.
1SSO. 1S90.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population. Polls.
Auburn  9,555 2,320 $5,009,446 11,250 2,903
Warham  i)2-,3 33S 422,724 1,111 300
East Livermore. . . 1,030 263 344,092 1,506 416
Greene  999 279 394,260 885 257
Leeds  1,194 340 415,486 999 282
Lewiston  19,033 3,452 9,521,103 21,701 5,019
Lisbon  2,641 677 1,115,760 3,120 846
Livermore  1,262 398 430,709 1,151 376
Mmot  1,763 473 720,549 1,3')5 429
Poland  2,442 714 920,057 2,472 504
Turner  2,285 659 748,856 2,016 627
Wales  505 135 198,578 451 158
Webster  9S0 261 445,353 951 259
Total  45,042 10,312 $20,776,973 48,968 12,376
AROOSTOOK COUNTY.
Amity  432 109 $44,476 420 ~~ 95
Ashland  505 108 90,725 568 150
Bancroft  220 58 48,961 264 72
Benedicta  302 68 42,810 317 76
Blaine  646 120 49,860 784 174
Bridgewater  722 154 103,406 946 234
Caribou  2,756 527 337,388 4,087 876
Dyer Brook  172 221
Easton  835 181 88.4S4 978 225
Fort Fairfield  2,807 532 468,471 3,526 747
Fort Kent  1,512 243 72,666 1,826 252
French ville  2,288 375 107,753 2,560 539
Grand Isle  847 150 80,014 964 164
Haynesville  224 61 42,456 280 76
Hersey  159 25 26,496 151 42
Hodgdon  1,089 245 173,627 1,113 296
Houlton  3,228 535 725,469 4,015 997
Island Falls  236 52 47,229 223 51
Limestone  655 118 76,583 933 179
Linneus  917 193 151,349 965 210
Littleton  904 177 126,289 924 244
Ludlow  468 107 109,657 375 107
Madawaska  1,391 240 90,174 1,451 280
Mapleton  705 139 51,642 832 191
Mars Hill  716 143 71,577 837 180
Masardis  212 52 42,304 250 66
*.\taysviue  1,141 190 224,288
Monticello  965 188 149,273 1,132 249
New Limerick.... 590 126 100,720 567 163
Orient  224 51 42,554 244 57
Prtsquelsle  1,305 295 339,325 *3,046 672
Slierman  798 177 97,844 909 220
Smyrna  237 48 60,872 303 72
Washburn  809 157 100,243 1,097 270
Van Buron  1,110 186 111,670 1,168 223
Weston  417 98 52,179 404 92
Woodland  679 137 77,539 885 224
*May3vllle, annexed to Presque Isle 1SS3. 581

Estates.
t 6,195,750 373,249496,740 329,583331,008
12,144,424 1,636,411 458,925
' 752,148
1,133,890 764,215
206,570 432,447
$25,260,356

$ 114,076
136,433 72,6SS57,846
146,101
284,324780,439 208,765
893,593138,183 183,303162,708 68,(!S4
63,783
259,959
1,688,450 111,384149,938
213,998 269,004 114,247
167,176 138,338
171,404 57,150
261,698 171,329 51,183
993,875 167,142 93,334
215.841209,184 51,904
170,612

582

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

1SS0.
Population. Polls.
PLANTATIONS.
Allagash  200
Cary  413 74
Castle Hill  419' 80
Caswell  .-.. 326 64
Chapman  166 42
Connor  2'53
Crystal  275 73
Cyr  55« 82
Eagle Lake  233
G-irdeld  SC
Glenwood  198 3
Hamlin  612 84
Macwahoc. ....... 18? 40
Merrill........... 20P 37
Moro  17'. 39
Nashville  3S
New Canada  177
New Sweden  5 17 120
No. 11, R. 1  413 74
Oakaeld  636 140
Oxbow  127 21
Perham  346 99
Portage Lake..., 132 29
Reed  109 26
Sheridan  85
Silver Ridge  229 03
St. Francis  299 62
St. John  166
Wade  131 24
Wallagrass  431 85
Westfield  103 29
*Winterville  101
UNORGANIZED PLACES.
Letter A, R. 2  7
Letter B, R. 2 . . . . 87
Letter C, R. 2  3
Letter D, R. 2 . . . 6
Letter E, R. 2  5
Molunkus  76
No. 1,R. 4  6
No. 1, R. 5  48
No. 2, R. 2  15
No. 3,R. 2 
No. 4, R. 3  2
No. 7, R. 5  38
No. 8, R. 5  21
No. 9, R. 5  9
No. 11, R. 6  80
No. 12, R. 13 
tNo. 13, R. 15.... 57
No. 14, R. 6  12
No. 14, R. 14 
No. 14, R. 16  23
No. 15, R. 4 
No. 15, R 6  22
No. 15, R. 11  29
No. 16,11.3 
No. 16, R. 4 
No. 16, R. 10  46
No. 16 R. 11  28
No. 16, R. 12 
No. 17, R. 4  30
No. 17, R. 10  49
•Formerly No 15, R. 7.

Estates.

$20,230 47,636
N 17,379
11,81'
'52,505. 28,066

28,845
38,63725,91715,60i46,693

22,04120,23C
41,100 18,91181,07?
23,011 45,45i
16,665
20,840 10,165
22,040 34,426

Population. 202
390
537 212231
526
297 429
313 SO
1S3
484216244 199 34
301
707
720 94
438
140
203 221
195
461
226 158
595 166 72 12
109 7
20
77 11
62 1217
23

7
28
19 1
23 52 10
43

1SOO.
Polls.

86
121 41

66 71

726556 55

103157112 66
84
106

Estates.

$ 37,578
90,758 35,238

73,739 53,299

72,93936,193
64,39658,407

107,832
105,177 113,011

43,200 38,650'

49654

49
13
35

fFormnrly Se-en Islands.

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

583

JSSO.
y Population. Polls. Estates. Population.
No.l7,R.ll  79 104
No. 18, R. 10  44 49
Timber and grass
on public lots
Wild Lands  2,339,098
Total  29,453 7,734 $7,564,932 49,589
CUMBERLAND COUNTY.
Baldwin  1,123 273 $312,101 932
Bridgton  2,863 730 1,102,613 2,605
Brunswick  5,384 1,109 2,684,374 6,012
Cape Elizabeth... 5,302 1,155 1,869,199 5,459
Casco  908 237 265,259 844
Cumberland  1,619 415 556,460 1,487
Deering  4,324 1,168 2,5S5,825 5,353
Falmouth  1,622 3S2 769,470 1,580
Freeport  2,279 569 979,038 2,482
Gorham  3,233 756 1,398,524 2,888
Gray  1,798 418 572,122 1,517
Harpswell  1,773 430 499,621 1,766
Harrison  1,168 34} 315.S26 1,071
Naples  LJD07 280 242,618 846
New Gloucester.. 1,382 427 819,575 1,234
North Yarmouth. 827 252 372,510 709
Otisfield  927 214 262,027 838
Portland  33,810 8,529 30,437,541 36,425
Pownal  874 249 303,486 712
Raymond  1,132 284 227,213 927
Scarborough  1,847 493 780,702 1,794
Sebago  808 191 183,095 681
Standish  2,035 571 620,922 1,841
Westbrook  3,981 854 1,527,880 6,632
Windham  2,312 702 819,S39 2,216
Yarmouth  2,021 503 1,022,670 2,098
Total  86,359 21,539 $51,530,510 90,949
FRANKLIN COUNTY.
Avon  571 146 $129,343 439
Carthage  507 129 107,827 390
Chesterville  955 249 290,968 770
Eustis  302 87 64,880 321
Farmington  3,353 879 1,601,271 3,207
Freeman  549 128 140,269 464
Industry  715 186 148,252 545
Jay.....  1,291 349 483,601 1,541
Kingfield  454 122 119,095 601
Madrid  437 144 69,866 441
New Sharon  1,306 388 470,917 1,061
New Vineyard.... 788 2il 202,867 660
PhilliDS  1,437 379 447,90o 1,394
RaneXv 563 131 103,241 616
Salem .." 273 67 59,868 218
Strong 596 173 223,525 627
Temnfe .. 580 150 160,245 470
weTdple  1,040 317 231,911 885
wnton::: ::::::.: i^o 453 038,797 1,622
PLANTATIONS.
fonlin .. 79 18 31,557 71
Dallas" ".".'. 145 37 19,790 184
Greenvaie::  M 10 18.8M «
LetterE  27 8 14,ol5 w

1S90.

Polls.

Estates.

115,845

5,303,054

19,031

$15,437,158

329

$ 381,019

740

l,24'f,S0S

1,306

3,904,001

1,316

2,328,470

252

289,597

550

693.499

1,392

3,288,051

463

936,047

719

1,263,571

790

1,500,033

404

634,552

454

615,003

322

438,168

280

267,878

391

912,681

221

396,448

224

254,196

9,984

37,956,808

287

305,465

266

222,351

510

820,758

204

173,044

514

645,009

1,731

3,254,575

573

1,048,273

556

1,256,044

24,738

$65,039,972

130

$ 131,748

109

90,807

204

275,522

95

93,067

904

1,839,9*9

130

131,80-5

146

117,2'J3

450

655,842

175

272.9-1

125

69,530

337

453,519

201

198,6*1

3S7

527.843

185

163,456

83

60,221

181

249,412

124

146,157

258

217,81)3

487

689,428

584

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

Population.
Perkins  134
Rangeley  64
UNINCORPORATED PLACES.
Chain of Ponds . .
Jerusalem  21
Lang  31
Letter D,  5
Lowell  3
Mt. Abram. , 
No. 1, Range 3 
No. 4, Range 2... 2
No. 4, Range 3.... 12
No. 6  69
Reddington 
Sandy River  50
Washington  32
Timber and grasb
on public lots. .
Wild Lands 
Total   18,180

1880.
Polls. 27 13

Estates. $ 22,067 16,408

1890.
Population. Polls.
94
58 7
18
51 49 3 9
25
2628
4529

340,746

Estates.

1,069,459 24,695

4,791 $6,153,612

17,053 4,711 $7,479,209

HANCOCK COUNTY.

Amherst  400
Aurora  212
Bluehill  2,213
Brooklin  977
Brooks ville  1,419
Bucksport  3,047
Castine  1,215
Cranberry Isles. . . 343
Deer Isle  3,266
Dedham  406
Eden  1,629
Ellsworth  5,052
Estabrook  289
Franklin  1,102
Gouldsborough . . 1 ,825
Hancock  1,093
IsleauHaut  274
Lamoine  749
Mariaville  382
Mt. Desert  1,017
Orland  1,689
Otis  304
Penobscot  1,341
Sedgwick  1,128
Sullivan  1,023
Surry  1,184
Tremont  2,011
Trenton  639
Verona  356
Waltham  296
PLANTATIONS.
Long Island  150
No. 7  89
Swan (and other
Islands)  765
UNORGANIZED PLACES.
Hog Island  17
No. 8 
No. 10 
No. 21  61

122 54
537
273 344 852299 98
804 90
330
1,214 64
289 493286 76
185 112
243
435 8S
3:55302 245 30'.)507 171 108 9544 26
130

$ 72,524 41,953
449,497 142,359
207,443
1,057,500 362,754 52,063
373,182 98,308
622,901
1,456,366 63,681
178,220225,244 177,534 32,756
148,333 81,804
160,803358,325 34,725
215,437 188,605193,477
212,582
361,419 111,817 50,073 78,154
22,291 15,502
49,856

375 175
1,980
1,0461,3102,921 987 330
3,422 366
1,946
4,804 246
1,264 1,709 1,190 206 726271
1,3551,390 239
1,3131,012 1,379 986
2,036 528323 242132 50
632

31
28
63

115 71
530
234 329 766
234 114932 107682
1,500 71
315 521 290 51
181 S7
354423 69
346 293 393
267 582 153 9081
42

137

$ 113,853 62,763
539,042 175,029
220,008
1,113,137 348,566 104,893510,912 96,021
5,034,958 2,260,177 64,606
293,461398,208 367,446 62,129
238,788 75,177
570,005 347.336 43,776
266,655 200,204625,921212,499 635,979 144,252 69,245 78,732 25,273

95,091

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

585

1SS0. 1S90.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population. Polls. Estates.
No. 28  13 26
No. 82  25 25
No. 33, Mid. Div.. 118 112
No.39  10 138
Timber and grass
on public lots. . $ 15,120
Wild lands  $377,478 705,444
Total  38,129 9,560 $S,274,90 37,312 10,408 $16,115,026
KENNEBEC COUNTY.
Albion  1,191 345 $370,501 1,042 297 $401,524
Augusta  8,661 1,762 5,168,964 10,527 2,412 8,152,360
Belgrade  1,321 341 493,631 1,090 361 471.8S9
Benton  1,173 323 376,601 1,136 327 399,071
Chelsea  1,537 179 206,738 2,356 223 228,568
China  1,769 493 571.203 1,423 412 598,118
Clinton  1,665 423 586,561 1,518 427 606,752
Farmingdale  789 223 387.842 821 224 501,550
Fayette  705 217 274,592 649 193 268,983
Gardiner  4,439 1,171 2,379,129 5,491 1,548 3,358,318
Hallowell  3,154 533 1,611,320 3,181 613 1,655,999
Litchfield  1,310 3S2 454,330 1,126 350 383,514
Manchester  623 180 291,200 612 174 261,702
Monmouth  1,520 486 909.042 1,362 444 690,726
Mt. Vernon  1,170 320 393,381 940 319 357,275
Oakland  1,647 453 661,157 2,044 542 1,113,356
Pittston  2,458 650 669,688 1,281 386 454,980
*Randolph  1,281 276 322,265
Readfield  1,243 311 499,089 1,176 298 495,777
Rome...  606 174 129,857 500 150 102,117
Sidney  1,396 435 579,764 1,334 356 592,123
Vassalborough... 1,621 800 1,188,9S0 2,052 576 962,325
Vienna  644 176 167,316 495 143 162,724
Waterville  4,672 1,042 2,612,496 7,107 1,872 5,462,795
Wayne  950 250 338,802 775 217 283,287
West Gardiner. . . 977 261 325,220 853 213 307,688
Windsor  1,079 279 302,088 853 253 281,196
Winslow  1,467 409 503,269 1,814 451 672,529
Winthrop  2,146 619 1,125,317 2,111 587 1,343,400
Unity plantation.. 61 15 14.0S6 62 21 18,291
Total  53,058 13,252 $23,292,164 57,012 14,765 $30,911,202
KNOX COUNTY.
Appleton  1,348 337 $320,664 1,080 315 $318,980
tCamden  4,386 1,238 1,676,536 4,621 1,378 2,763,401
Cushing  805 215 115,474 688 195 125,483
Friendship  938 253 157,165 877 247 192,228
Hope.  830 237 211,985 641 205 225,690
Hurricane Isle.... 220 204 40,028 266 95 33,395
North Haven  755 195 151,652 552 131 151,066
Rockland  7,599 2,318 2,951,019 8,174 2,616 4,370,556
South Thomaston 1,771 441 321,861 1,534 418 328,0S7
St. George  2,875 687 523,266 2,491 698 448,227
Thomaston  3 017 723 2,202,211 3,009 653 1,853,010
Union  1548 467 597,330 1,436 417 620,023
Vinalhaven  2 855 783 470,514 2,617 640 505,682
Warren • 2 166 563 789,820 2,037 517 873,398
Washington  1249 290 294,551 1,230 334 324,438
MaS Isle pi. '243 63 22,387 196 65 23,333
Muscle Ridge pi.. 258 _73 32,273 24 
Total  32,863 9,087 $10,878,736 31,473 8,924 $13,156,997
*Set off from Pittston March 4, 1887. t Including Rockport.

586

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

1880.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population.
LINCOLN COUNTY.
Alna  687 195 $206,339 512
Boothbay  3,575 925 769,760 1,718
*Boothbay Harb'r 1,699
Bremen  839 229 190,387 719
Bristol  3,196 872 589,159 2,821
Damariscotta  1,142 312 592,208 1,012
Dresden  1,032 327 326,665 1,043
Edgecomb  872 216 189,440 749
Jefferson  1,590 448 459,237 1,391
Monhegan Island. 133 39 10,305 90
Muscongus Island 133 123
Newcastle  1,282 397 827,108 1,282
Nobleborough.... 1,142 319 239,295 947
Somerville  539 147 106,235 453
Southport  679 178 132,350 533
Waldoborough... 3,758 1,087 1,135,023 3,505
Westport  612 153 100,435 451
Whitefield  1,511 392 440,974 1,215
Wiscasset  1,847 514 319,773 1,733
Total  24,821 6,750 $6,634,693 21,996
OXFORD COUNTY.
Albany  693 179 $139,029 645
Andover  780 209 122,252 740
Bethel  2,077 597 738,586 2,209
Brownfield  1,229 325 252,346 1,134
Buckfield  1.379 369 397,598 1,200
Byron  191 59 39,000 180
Canton  1,029 272 367,693 1,303
Denmark  904 270 305,185 755
Dixfield  913 251 320,265 988
Fryeburg  1,633 440 796,322 1,418
Gilead  293 94 72,364 336
Grafton  115 22 25,857 98
Greenwood  838 217 149,073 727
Hanover  203 67 64,124 212
Hartford  863 229 300,975 689
Hebron  601 146 189,113 600
Hiram  1,452 367 393,116 1,063
Lovell  1,077 316 305,632 853
Mason  94 26 27,446 80
Mexico  403 109 105,618 355
Newry  337 119 90,663 343
Norway  2,519 645 889,863 2,665
Oxford  1,655 405 483,246 1,455
Paris  2,931 779 985,274 3,156
Peru  825 231 247,160 692
Porter  1,095 307 279,359 1,015
Roxbury  175 43 23,201 222
Rumford  1,006 297 351,119 898
Stoneham  475 119 68,381 322
Stow  401 104 128,202 291
Sumner  1,014 283 310,985 901
Sweden  474 141 158,406 338
Upton  245 58 43,783 232
Waterford  1,161 349 338,987 1,001
Woodstock  952 248 190,035 859
PLANTATIONS.
Franklin  159 42 26,110 112
Lincoln  52 16 17,972 59
Magalloway  45 79
Milton  270 62 40,966 211
*Set off from Boothbay Feb. 16, 1881).

1890.

Polls.

Estates.

160

$ 210,315

473

490,638

420

639,344

223

1S3.840

735

714,560

299

531,623

296

407,734

205

185,170

375

511.550

36

11,516

337

773,647

309

240,199

127

94,883

153

299,155

949

1,196,515

134

101,385

359

445,750

461

639,324

6,051

$7,668,148

196

$ 139,857

201

170,696

635

782,067

320

319,933

358

377.891

62

39,187

350

458,589

238

286,392

287

306,662

453

841,294

105

145,451

24

70.354

197

141,917

66

82,828

203

295,327

162

194,428

340

355,451

278

391,298

24

29,108

104

105,083

108

100,005

732

1,181,797

394

457,128

949

1,267,107

212

207,240-

316

282,695

49

28,882

251

362,164

107

66,455

83

120,717

259

275,963

118

135,621

74

61,404

321

312,041

253

211,387

56

56,120

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

58T

1880. 1890.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population. Polls.
UNORGANIZED PLACES.
Andover N. and
W. Surplus  22
Batchelder's Gr't. 26
Fryeburg Acade
my Grant  22 34
No. 5, R. 4  3
Public lots 
Eichardsontown . . 7
IUlev's Grant  40 43
Township C  22
Wild Lands 
Total  32,627 8,810 $10,058,554 30.5S6 8,885
PENOBSCOT COUNTY.
Alton  419 116 $ 78,959 348 100
Argyle  285 92 50.3S9 263 80
Bangor  16,856 3,788 8,738,605 19,103 5,044
Bradford  1,460 374 252,413 1,215 378
Bradley  829 234 118,993 823 205
Brewer  3,170 796 735,169 4,143 1,113
Burlington  536 128 89,041 460 139
Carmel.  1,220 294 291,073 1,066 295
Carroll  625 156 112,464 546 141
Charleston  1,110 293 277,883 971 299
Chester  362 97 42,760 368 120
Clifton  350 98 44,259 284 88
Corinna  1,503 380 421,649 1,207 291
Corinth  1,333 381 439,036 1,154 332
Dexter  2,563 679 963,029 2,732 702
Dixmont  1,132 324 308,176 919 254
Eddington  746 214 128,767 729 219
Edinburg  45 11 17,740 54 16
Enfield  489 133 64,224 769 200
Etna  895 216 162,209 646 200
Exeter  1,274 355 426,151 939 280
Garland  1,211 343 $331,690 973 321
Glenburn  655 175 138,632 583 166
Greenbush  6S1 169 91,996 659 168
"Greenfield  337 92 44,940 231 74
Hampden  2,911 731 676,017 2,484 600
Hermon  1,394 369 399,999 1,232 355
Holden  717 200 174,681 609 108
Howland  137 42 30,341 171 58
Hudson  659 185 93,806 510 160
Kenduskeag  650 193 181,700 536 170
Kino-man..f.  546 165 75,455 671 153
Lao-range  721 188 202,673 721 211
Lee 894 220 109,953 929 250
Levant"'.!!  1,076 279 282,149 880 275
Lincoln  1,659 449 365,295 1,756 455
Lowell  433 116 65,406 439 123
Mattawamkeag... 456 122 77,768 633 174
Maxfield ... 139 39 17,541 134 37
Medway.'!.'.' 628 156 79 638 633 175
Mil™..... 734 164 174,709 835 209
Mt Chase 310 71 28,101 284 60
Newburg :.'!: 1,057 304 275 102 867 260
Newport... 1451 397 378,163 1,188 348
Old Town! ....... 3 395 499 528,109 5 312 1021
OralM  2,245 558 512,624 2,790 666
Ovrino-toA' ..... 1529 449 405,893 1,406 386
Passadumkeag...! '302 78 42,662 343 93

Estates..

$ 18,794

875,185
$11,554,519

$ 70,02071,556
12,177,041 337,416 153,109
1,307,970 160,859 279,542
117,711 302,753 60,87660,469-
478,587
447,458
1,156,488 282,077132,979 46,718
215,841 124,068
415.5927 381,812
152,065 82,54545,469
679,851343,799'157,555 47,004
113,043
167,567126,154 204,700 139.558
279,079'
436,375, 70,946
139,642 33,711
142,575,
214,7.07 45,365-
287,521404,376
1,125.543 733,359401,309 25,496.

588

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

1880.
Population. Polls. Estates,
Patten  710 193 $198,3-58
Plymouth  828 204 183,193
Prentiss  416 103 67,789
Springfield  878 193 105,212
Stetson  729 218 219,399
Veazie  622 175 121,439
Winn  898 202 103,304
PLANTATIONS.
Drew  137 20 33,335
Indian Township. 11
Lakeville  136 34 48,608
Mattamiscontis... 64 15 12,876
No. 1  97
No. 2, Grand Falls 93 23 23,822
No. 2, R. 3  9
No. 2, K. 6  20
No. 3,R. 1  12
No. 3,R. 7  95
No. 4, R. 7 
No.5,R.7  15
No. 6, R. 7  21
No. 8,R. 7 
Public lots 
*Sebois 
Stacy ville  1S4 45 20,362
Township A, R. 7. 23
Townships in R.
6, 7,8 
Webster  118 20 36,129
Whitney Ridge... 17
Wild Lands 
Woodville  223 50 31,937
Total  70,470 17,407 $21,408,151

1890.

ation.

Polls.

Estates.

936

253

$295,730

6S9

227

195,824

401

116

87,659

677

11)6

139,^66

618

198

244.572

650

202

171,630

936

242

192,7-16

110

4

144
47
18
14;S62
101
63
20
4 1
4 9
9S
250 50 IS
135
212
55
31,928
1,697.676 55,66-5
72,865 19,085 $28,523,0J4
PISCATAQUIS COUNTY.
Abbot  695 183 $174,669 622 200
Atkinson  323 190 ISO, 902 605 189
Blanchard  167 46 30,424 213 56
Brownville  896 210 2i2,452 1,074 307
Dover  1,687 452 574,94 5 1,942 550
Foxcroft  1,263 287 394,675 1,726 385
Greenville  5t-'6 239 253,578 781 195
Guilford  8S1 112 91,121 1,021 288
Medford.  39S 89 52,885 306 80
Milo  934 236 20 5,438 1,029 305
Monson  827 208 159,461 1,237 396
Orneville  501 117 73,730 492 139
Parkman  1,005 285 249,211 813 197
Sangerville  1,047 299 291,603 1,236 345
Sebec  876 227 179,940 725 189
Shirley  253 59 50,973 291 82
Wellington  647 166 116,712 584 170
Williamsburg  235 50 28,275 162 37
Willimantic  267 446 138
PLANTATIONS.
Barnard  139 100
Katahdin Iron
Works  193 76
Bowerbank  86 87
Burbank  25
tChesuncook  82 66
?Formerly No. 3, R. 8. t Formerly No. 5, R, 13.
1 177,2S9
1S0,754 51,658
326,665
674.178
485,672 316,784399,979 65,735
318,491
214,186 84',6f0
210,219444,398 180,103 75,869
109,390 29,987
110,576 42,000
65,100
THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

589

1880.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population.
Day's Acad. Grant 12 34
Elhotsville  55 ?o
Gore A, No. 2.... j?
Kingsbury  198 47 $ 23,244 205
LillyBay  13 n
Mt. Kineo  23 aa
N. E. Carry  ,q
No. 1, R. 13  |
No. 1,R. 14  7
No. 3, R. 13  8 a
No. 4, R.3  6
No. 5, R. 4  14
No. 5, R. 9  R
No. 7, R. 13  5
Public lots 
Roach River  13 7
Squaw Mountain. 77
Township A, R. 14 H
Wild Lands  1,913,510
Total  14,872 3,622 $5,255,746 16,134
SAGADAHOC COUNTY.
Arrowsic  255 79 $ 86,898 177
gath--  7,374 2,265 5,913,192 8,723
Bowdoin  1,136 344 394,901 940
Bowdoinham  1,681 443 610,409 1,508
Georgetown  1,080 285 147,824 849
Perkins  78 28 37,594 69
Phipsburg  1,497 329 371,836 1,396
Richmond  2,658 639 1,221,354 3,082
Topsham.  1,544 399 819,537 1,394
West Bath  315 92 161,431 307
Woolwich  1,154 279 532,639 1,007
Total  19,272 5,182 $10,297,215 19,452
SOMERSET COUNTY.
Anson  1,555 447 $ 585.0S0 1,444
Athens  1,310 341 367,878 1,072
Bingham  828 236 201,471 757
Brighton  585 146 71,930 434
Cambridge  472 138 117,312 425
Canaan  1,281 364 350,573 1,130
Concord  406 109 95,136 345
Cornville  932 272 344,042 785
Detroit  661 177 117,019 590
Embden  674 169 171,203 579
Fairfield  3,044 806 1,288,582 3,510
Harmony  881 226 189,751 704
Hartland  1,047 296 366,221 974
Madison  1,815 405 546,077 1,815
*Mayfield  141 34 17,875 74
Mercer  755 198 215,294 584
Moscow  522 133 95,142 422
New Portland.... 1,271 413 466,250 1,034
Norridgewock.... 1,491 442 581,847 1,656
Palmyra  1,271 347 357,461 1,004
Pittsfield  1,909 477 560,709 2,503
Ripley  550 187 119,253 478
Skowhegan  3,860 1,015 2,053,818 5,068
Smithfield.  564 185 142,662 479
' *Unorganized.

1890.
Polls.

Estates.

$ 66,120

108,775

4,863,228

4,248 $9,428,623-

58
2,505 276
335 227 19
359
856 365 73
263

$ 91,028
6,419,481 298,320714,622 ¦
194,413 45,485
442,385
1,658,158 784,971191,776518,078

5,336 $11,358,702

442
294
240 124141
340 103256160152
980 202
290490 158
135
290 450
290 625121
1,411 140

$ 630,765362,840
219,092 88,368
121,283
393,411 84,387
377,701 147,284
272,577
1,692,630 209,217430,256
1,016,044 161,355 93,678
389,122 582,392
330,140880,134 125,739
4,023,207 130,019

590

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

1880.

1890.

Polls. Estates.

Population.

Polls.

Estates.

274 $ 345.28S
411 418,931
269 312,264

977
1,206 766

326
334 223

$ 336,860
439,855 290, 1S1

Population.
Solon  1,013
St. Albans  1,394
Starks  929
PLANTATIONS.
Bald Mountain. . . 8
Bigelow 
Bowtown  15
Carratunk  173
Carrying Place.. . . 35
De id River  113
Dennistown  73
Flagstaff  76
Highland  121
Holeb  2
Jackmantown.... 95
Lexington  322
Long Pond 
Moose River  102
JVIoxie's 
No. 1, R. 1 
No. 1,R. 2  3
No. 1,R. 7  5
No. 4, R. 3  62
Pleasant Ridge. . . 128
Public lots 
Sandy Bay  8
Taunton & Rain-
ham  34
The Forks  199
West Forks  95
TVild Lands 
Total  32,333 8,169 $12,128,878 32,627 8,788 $17,550,150

1329
21
35

83

22,982
41,082 18,361

58,421

1,478,983

62
192 31
104 60
8776 27
217
199 53
170 II
30

108 31 7
195
146

71

62,547

76,355

3,532,711

TJelfast 
Belmont... 
Brooks 
Burnham 
Frankfort 
Freedom 
Islesborough. . ..
Jackson 
Knox 
Liberty 
Lincolnville 
Monroe 
Montville 
Moi-rill 
Northport 
Palermo 
Prospect 
Searsraont 
Snarsport 
Stockton Springs
Swanville 
Thorndike 
Troy 
Unity 
Waldo 
TVinterport 
Total  32,463

. 5,308

1,530

628

139

877

215

967

225

1,157

290

652

192

1,208

290

682

187

852

215

970

226

1,705

482

1,366

335

1,255

356

494

139

872

238

1,118

280

770

211

1,330

323

2,322

635

1,548

511

703

170

713

187

1,059

243

1,092

272

663

149

2,260

523

WALDO COUNTY.
$2,463,677 10,329
229,437204,248 186,815 177,241
158,033159,315
218,608 264,757 409,296310,155362,692 122,098
196,253 254,966 166,224
365,949
1,049,662 401,446 138,338280,033 263,939386,334 146,923 558,099

5,294 475 730 846
1,099 510
1,006 522
657835
1,3611,0791,049 460
691 887697
1,144
1,6931,149 689589 868922581
1,926

3,421 142
207238 270 159256 164
174
230 374295325 121
203 275 181
346
447 233203 148 195
252 148
554

8,563 $9,577,834 27,759 7,611

$2,973,747 104,200
229,386251,204 202,320 177,9S9
266,721 178,554
226,761270,668 390,196372,169367,620 138,300
236,193 208,847 174,131
368,2S4
913,831 318,445 148,269
264.S63271.150415,384 171,410
616.816
$10,260,456

THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 591
1880. 1890.
Population. Polls. Estates. Population. Polls. Estates.
WASHINGTON COUNTY.
Addison  1,238 333 $ 273.97S 1,022 283 $290,324
Alexander  439 87 71,085 337 104 74,468
Baileyville  376 66 53,001 226 65 64,520
Baring  303 57 76,310 273 69 75 912
Beddington  129 34 32,605 184 41 90,76,)
Brookton  335 60 84,660 429 97 104,02!
Calais  6,173 1,409 1,732,056 7,290 1,390 2,398,616
Centerville  137 35 40,276 114 26 68,2X9
Charlotte  489 93 60,298 381 102 77.13!
Cherryfield  1,793 425 404,573 1,787 456 52 >,S7i
Columbia  642 161 121,826 587 171 131,410
Columbia Falls. . . 685 165 160,203 698 171 176,67/
Cooper  346 79 52,310 264 78 59,57!
Crawford  206 48 29,584 140 43 33,449
Cutler  829 211 87,251 662 166 107,07-5
?Danforth  612 141 106,934 1,063 269 179,055
Deblois  105 29 17,8S6 76 27 24,5 3
Dennysville  522 117 1S4,786 452 lit 172,597
East Machias  1,875 3S9 495,555 1,637 401 391,071
Eastport  4,006 721 838,892 4,908 1,053 954,572
*Eaton. ,  314 66 88,294
Edmunds  445 97 72,331 395 91 69,512
*ForestCity  287 61 71,581
Harrington  1,290 330 285,978 1,150 316 275.137
Monesborough... 555 133 80,000 624 170 140,58-.)
Jonesport  1,563 258 192,984 1,917 434 342,318
Kossuth  122 27 26,645 68 23 39,967
Lubec  2,109 490 310,818 2,069 514 329,474
Machias  2,203 531 779,588 2,035 535 798,333
Machiasport  1,531 306 191,248 1,437 368 205,262
Marion  182 50 28,127 SO 32 29,018
Marshfield  300 75 62,669 299 59 62,232
Meddybemps  172 54 25,833 156 51 28,533
Milbridge  1,752 400 304,779 1,963 475 389,386
Northfield  193 51 33,311 143 44 55,854
Pembroke  2,324 537 409,443 1,514 397 817,026
Perry  1,047 224 172,921 945 256 287,495
Princeton  1,038 232 176,518 1,027 263 191,150
Robbinston  910 198 111,694 787 195 121,414
Steuben  1,165 278 185,135 982 287 182,904
Talmadge  112 25 51,780 112 24 70,902
Topsfield  440 105 68,603 375 78 81,593
Trescott  552 147 49,335 485 128 57,095
Vanceboro  381 89 129,528 870 241 216,485
Waite  201 48 31,400 159 39 41,695
Wesley  245 60 41,681 227 72 52,692
Whiting  425 88 82,037 393 89 89,443
Whitneyville  492 117 26,771 413 120 69,349
PLANTATIONS.
•Codyville  79 24 43,757 72
Devereaux  7 5
Hinckley  345 404
Indian  151 88
{Lambert Lake. . . 126 152
No.l  127
No. 1, Range 1 — 5
No. 1, Range 3.... «
No. 5   5
No. 10, Range 3. . . 17 ol
No. 11, Range 3... 13
No. 14, East Div. 164 35 32,6o9 112
•Eaton divided Feb. 15, 1887; portion annexad to Danforth and Forest City Incorporated.
flncluding Roque Bluffs. t Formerly No. 1, E. 2.

592

THE HISTORY OF MAINE.

3880.

1890.

Population
No. 18, East. Div. 40
No. 19, E. Div.... 3'
No.21  103
No. 2-i  6
No. 27  3
No. 31  23
Public lots 
Wild lands 
Total  44,434
Acton  1,050
Alfred  1,101
Berwick  2,774
Biddeford  12,651
Buxton  2,230
Cornish  1,169
Dayton  592
Eliot  1,640
Hollis  1,542
Kennebunk  2,852
Kennebunkport . . 2,405
Kittery  3,230
Lebanon  1,601
Limerick  1,253
Limington  1,431
Lyman  1,004
Newfield  995
North Berwick. . . 1,801
*01d Orchard 
Parsonsfield  1,613
Saco  6,389
Sanford  2,734
Shapleigh  1,128
South Berwick. . . 2,677
Waterborough.... 1,482
Wells  2,450
York  2,463
Total  62,267

. Polls.

Estates.

Population. 30

Polls.

Estates.

23

$ 24,165
576,084
$9,721,792

5
81
17

$ 24,080
1,132,761

9,758

44,482

10,493

$11,769,414

YORK COUNTY.

281
$ 363,105
878
253
$ 297,966
333
421,418
1,030
271
465,406
6-56
821,629
2,294
572
922,994
2,774
5,877,867
11,443
3,342
7,542,309
649
666.901
2,036
545
676,212
305
423,285
1,118
306
453,617
179
248,492
500
172
245,131
453
462.060
1,463
441
466,191
432
418,761
1,273
3S0
416,433
754
1,395,798
3,172
783
1,780,726
653
866,802
2,196
6S1
1,247,962
796
535,289
2,864
744
554,767
421
425,050
1,263
336
423,529
306
365,362
966
312
436,243
414
403,573
1,092
335
367,901
241
373,739
854
188
347,193
283
264,577
796
246
231,374
451
637,334
1,803
560
727,246
877
1S8
540,139
471
563,075
1,398
419
559,072
1,558
3,408,533
6,075
1,721
4,135,349
599
654,303
4,201
840
1,173,883
353
248,713
968
242
256,100
564
864,590
3,434
844
1,128,018
403
373,580
1,357
321
371,203
570
613,326
2,029
547
615,485
625
716,798
$22,423,960
2,444
735
1,228,716
15,504
62,829
16,329
$27,611,165
RECAPITULATION BY COUNTIES.
Androscoggin.... 45,042 10,312 $20,776,973 43,968 12,376 $25,260,356
Aroostook  41,393 7,734 7,564,932 49.5S9 10,031 10,018,259
Cumberland  86,359 21,539 51,530,510 90,949 24,738 65,039,972
Franklin  18,180 4,791 6,153,612 17,053 4,711 6,385,055
Hancock  38,129 9,560 8,274,966 37,312 10,408 15,394,462
Kennebec  53,058 13,252 23,292,164 57,012 14,765 30,911,202
Knox  32,863 9,087 10,878,736 31,473 8,924 13,156,997
Lincoln  24,821 6,750 6,634,693 21,996 6,051 7,668,148
Oxford  32,627 8,810 10,058,554 30,5S6 8,885 10,660,540
Penobscot  70,476 17,407 21,408,151 72,865 19,085 26,789,400
Piscataquis  14,872 3,622 5,255,746 16,134 4,248 4,453,620
Sagadahoc  19,272 5,182 10,297,215 19,452 5,336 11,358,702
Somerset  32,333 8,698 12,128,878 32,627 8,788 13,941,084
Waldo  32,463 8,563 9,577,834 27,759 7,611 10,260,456
Washington  44,4S4 9,758 9,721,792 44,482 10,493 10,612,573
York  62,267 15,504 22,423,960 62,829 16,329 27,611,165
Total  648,639 160,569 $235,978,176 661,086 172,799 $289,533,991
*Set off from Saco Feb. 23, 1883.
INDEX.

INDEX.

Abenaquis tribes, Losses of the, 334.
Academies established, 420.
Acadia, a name for French possessions in America, 69.
Adventure on the St. George River, 307.
Agamenticus, Colony at, 90.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Influence of the treaty of, 350.
Ambereuse, Character of the sagamore, 335.
Ambuscades, Success of the Indian, 182.
Ambush, Lieut. Clark leads his troops into, 227.
America discovered by Northmen, 14.
Ames, Adelbert, Gen., in command of the Maine Twentieth, 486.
Ancient dominions of Maine, 290.
Andros, Sir Edmund, his success with the Indians, 207; his general unpopu
larity and subsequent fate, 218.
Anecdotes of Capt. Lovett, 88; of Simon the sagamore (note), 203.
Annapolis, Port Royal changed to, 32.
Appledore, The cairn on the summit of, 449.
Argal, Capt. Samuel, visits Monhegan, 74 ; attacks Port Royal, 78.
Armistice, Reasons for the failure of the, 184.
Arnold, Benedict, his suffering march to Quebec, 381, 382.
Aroostook, New troubles at, 433 ; Swedish colony at, 438 ; attractions of, 467.
Aroostook war, Description of, 430.
Arrowsic, Settlement made at, 89; English fired upon at, 203; conference at,
291.
Assacombuit, an Indian chief; his havoc among the English, 271.
Ashburton treaty, Ratification of the, 435.
Atrocities and cruelties, 273.
Augusta, Description of, 412.
Bagaduce, a trading post on the Penobscot, 94.
Bagnall, Walter, his deeds and fate, 98.
Bangor, Origin of the name, 401 ; losses to, from the British soldiery, 422.
Barrie, Capt., Insulting words of, 422.
Barhaba, the, Generous conduct of, 64; influence of, 173.
Bath, Its incorporation and importance, 390, 392.
Batteries of light artillery, 480-482. , 595

59C INDEX.
Battery, the Sixth Mounted, Exploits and sufferings of, 483; the Seventh
Mounted, its good service, 491.
Beal, George L., Colonel of Maine Tenth, 474.
Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, Acts and character of, 340.
Belfast, The British plunder, 421 ; its appearance from the river, 456.
Bernard, Sir Francis, unpopularity of, 360.
Berry, Hiram G., his services and death, 470.
Berwick, Attack upon, by Hopegood, 226 ; incorporation of, 288.
Beard, M., A French missionary, 72.
Binrne, Adventures of the Norfrinet, 14.
Biencourt, a cruel Frenchman, 70.
Bigot, Vincent and Jacques, Catholic missionaries, 171.
Black Point, Settlement at, 105 ; battle at, 204.
Bomaseen, a, sachem of the Canibas tribe, 243 ; speech of, 257.
Bonython, M., warned of danger by an Indian, 175.
Boundary of the Massachusetts colony defined, 126.
Bourne, Hon. Edward E., Remarks of, 205.
Bowdoin, Dr. Peter, 361.
Bowdoin, James, elected governor of Maine, 398; ancestors of, 403.
Boxer, The, and the Enterprise, 417.
Bradford, Gov., his account of Gilling's attack upon Castine, 103.
Breda, Treaty of, concluded, 156.
Breton, Cape, Dispute concerning, 295.
British regulars at Concord, their sufferings, 372.
British vengeance at Falmouth, 372 ; and barbarity, 378, 390.
British expeditions in Maine, 421.
British claims in Maine, 431.
Brooks, Governor of Massachusetts, His speech, 425.
Brown, John, Purchase of, 122.
Brunswick, Conference at, 251 ; location of, 2S9 ; re-settlement of, 339 ; incor*
poration of, 340 ; important convention at, 424.
Burgoyne's surrender, Consequences of, 387.
Burneffe, Mons., leads the attack on the garrison at Wells, 236.
Burnet, Gov. William, Appearance and character of, 339.
Burnside, Gen., Testimony of, to the valor of Maine soldiers, 485.
Cabot, John, The voyages of, 21.
Cabot, Sebastian, Explorations of, 22, 23.
Canada, Preparations in England for the conquest of, 156; failure of the expe
dition against, 282.
Canseau, the French and Indians attack, 345.
Cape Breton, Dispute respecting, 295.
Cape Cod discovered by Leif, a Northman, 14.
Cargill, Capt. James, Brutality of, 350.
Carr, Sir Robert, Character of, 150.
Cartwright, George, his character, and his plans frustrated, 150.
Casco, Attack upon, and siege of the fort at, 262, 263.
Casco Neck, Sufferings at, 189.
Castine, The colony at, plundered, 94; battle at the port of, 389; the British
obtain possession of, 421 ; gay life of the British at, 423.

INDEX. 597
Castine, St., Baron, History of, 157; plunder of the home of, 216.
Castine the younger, Outrageous treatment of, 260; his journey to Canada,
278, 279 ; tribute to the character of, 287.
Causes of sickness among troops sent South, 491.
Cavalry, First Maine Regiment of, 479 ; Second Regiment, 490.
Cemetery Hill, Terrible contest at, 494.
Chamberlain, Gov. Joshua L., his interest in the Swedish colony, 437, 444 ; he
receives the surrender of Gen. Lee, 495.
Charles II. , Royal missive and plans of, 147; decree of, 151; letter of, 152;
death of, 212.
Charlevoix, Pere de, Account of, 315.
Charter of the Plymouth Council surrendered, 100.
Charter granted to Bowdoin College, 403.
Chubb, Capt., Consequences of the conscious guilt of, 246.
Chatham, Lord, Words of, in Parliament, 369.
Church, Capt. Benjamin, his success at Brunswick, 225 ; his exploit at Pejeps
cot fort, 230; his expedition to the Bay of Fundy, 247; to Passama
quoddy Bay, 268; his cruelty, 269.
Claims, Conflicting, of France and England, 123.
Cleaves, George, appointed administrator by Gorges, 110; petition of, 153.
Clergymen of Kittery, 288.
Coburn, Gov. Abner, Rebel flags captured by Maine soldiers sent to, 474.
Cochran, Capture of, and escape, 318.
Colonial charter annulled, the consequences, 214.
Colonists, Improvidence of the, at Sagadahoc, 64 ; their condition, 68 ; conten
tions among, 129.
Commercial intercourse with the French and Dutch prohibited, 132.
Commock, Capt. Thomas, Grant to, 105.
Concord, Reception of British troops at, 371.
Conduct of Col. Dungan's commissioners, 215.
Confederacy, The, of the colonies, its object, 109.
Conflicts between the Northmen and Americans, 18.
Conventions held respecting separation of Maine from Massachusetts, 398, 399,
424.
Converse, Capt., Bravery of, 237; heroic words of, 238.
Cornwall, Organization of the county of, 154.
Cortereal, Gaspar, Villany of, 24.
Coulson, Samuel, Dislike of the people to, 374.
Cromwell, Oliver, the New Haven colony send to him for aid, 130 ; his meas
ures, 132 ; bis reasons for attacking Nova Scotia, 133.
Dalling, John, Leasehold of, 215.
D'Aulney, Capt., destroys a Penobscot settlement, 102 ; attacks De La Tour,
112; arrests three English gentlemen, 115; assails and captures the fort
of La Tour, 119.
Damariscotta Islands, Fisheries at, 86.
Danforth, President, his difficulties, 209.
Deane, Rev. Samuel, his opinion of Mowatt (note), 380.
Defences of the coast of Maine, 385.

598 INDEX.
De Monts, Patent issued to, by Henry IV, 31 ; his suffering winter, 32.
Depredations and cruelties, 266, 307.
Differences between the French and English, 156.
Dispute between the general court and the commissioners of Charles the
Second, 151.
Dorr, Ebenezer, carries important despatches (note), 368.
Dow, Col. Neal, Imprisonment of, 477.
Dudley, Gov., his interview with the sagamores at Portland, 256; his over
bearing conduct, 292.
"Dummer Treaty " signed, 332; its provisions not complied with, 346.
Dummer, Gov. William, Character of, 334.
Dungan, Col. Thomas, Character of, 214.
Dutch, The, instigate the savages against the English, 130.
Eastern provinces, The desolation of, 289.
Eastport, The British attack and take possession of, 421.
Edgecombe, Sir Richard, Grant to, 106.
Edifiantes et Curieuses Lettres, Extracts from, 294 (note), 311.
Emigration, Causes of, 106.
England, why she claimed American soil, 23.
English, Reasons for Indian hatred of the, 43, 258, 259 ; perfidy of, 193.
English, Cruelties of, 329; desires of, relative to Canada, 281.
English government, Aggressions of the, 365.
Epenow, an Indian chief, Gorges 'describes, 75; his escape, 78.
Erik, Bishop, visits Vineland, 19.
Etiquette of the Indians, 63.
Explorations by a party at Sagadahock, 57, 58.
Extract from Coolidge and Mansfield, 298.
Falmouth, Conferences at, 332, 341, 350 ; resolute measures adopted by the
citizens of, 373, 374 ; heroism of the people, 379 ; the attack unon and
destruction of, 380.
Farmington on the Sandy River, 304 ; its seminaries of learning, 405.
Fessenden, Francis, Colonel of the Twenty-Fifth Maine, 487.
Fifth Regiment Maine Infantry, Exploits of, 471.
Fillebrown, James S., Lieut. -Colonel Maine Tenth, 474.
First District of Columbia Cavalry, Maine contributes to, 491.
Fort St. George, Attempt to surprise, 300 ; its strength, 308 ; meeting of com
missioners at, 331 ; attack upon, 358.
Fort Hill, Capt. Heath destroys a village at, 328.
Fort Richmond (note), 294.
France, Discoveries of, in America, 24 ; obtains Canada, 69.
France, New, Name of French possessions in North America, 102.
France and England contend for the colonies, 353.
Frost, Major, Cruel conduct of, 201.
Frye, Jonathan, Chaplain, his character and death, 324.
Fryeburg, Incorporation of, 385.
Gardiner, Origin of the wealth and prosperity of, 414.

INDEX. 599
George's Islands, The, 53.
General Court of Massachusetts, Oppressive measures of, 175; fits out an
expedition against Kennebec Indians, 199; retaliation of, 356.
Gettysburg, Contest at, 493.
Gilbert Raleigh, Capt., 48; his discoveries, 56; bis efforts to conciliate the
savages, 57.
Girling, Capt., Unsuccessful attempt of, 102.
Godfrey, Edward, re-elected governor at Wells, 121; his character, 122;
remonstrance of, 124 ; surrender of, 126.
Goldthwaite, John, commander of Veteran Artillery, 492.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, Character of, 45 ; his efforts to found a new colony,
72 ; his account of the escape of Epenow, 78, 79 ; new patent granted to,
its extent, 85; testimony of, 100; his new appointment, 101; a new
grant obtained by, 105 ; Charles II. confers new privileges upon, 106 ; he
organizes a city, 108; returns to England, 109; his death, 111.
Gorges, Thomas, his character and position, 107; letter of, 112.
Gorges, William, Character of, 104.
Gorges, Ferdinando, grandson of Sir Ferdinando, his conduct, 145.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, 30.
Governor of Canada invites a council, 297.
Government, British, The alarm of, 33.
Government of the Province of Maine, 209.
Greenland discovered, 13.
Guercheville, Madame de, Failure of the enterprise of, 76, 77..
Gudrida, a Finnish lady, her character, 16.
Halifax Fort, its location and strength, 354.
Hampden, Losses in the conflict at, 421.
Harmon, John, Valorous conduct of, 301.
Harlow, Capt. Edward, Villany of, 74.
Harpswell located, 389 ; incorporated, 358.
Hill, Lieut., Anecdote of, 479.
Hilton, Col., attacks Norridgewock, 270.
Hitchcock, Rev. R. D., Address of, to Maine volunteers, 469.
Hocking, or Hoskins, Illegal act of, 96.
Hostages, Indian, Honor of, 326.
Howard, Colonel O. O., commands the Third Regiment, 470; his bravery at
Gettysburg, 494.
Hudson, Port, Sickness, wounds, and death of Maine men at, 486.
Hunt, Thomas, Capt., Indians captured by, 83.
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, 360; character of, 365.
Iceland discovered by Naddod, 13.
Icelandic geography, 20.
Improvements in travelling in fifty years, 427.
Imprudence of the English, 192.
Incident of interest, 198; at LoveweU's Pond, 322.
Incorporation of towns, 362, 363, 364, 398, 399, 401, 409, 411, 412, 416, 420, 423,
425.

600 INDEX.
Indians, The, described by Verrazano, 26 ; as seen by Weymouth, 35 ; useless
entreaties of, 42 ; testimony of Gorges concerning, 46 ; differing opinions
of the French and English respecting, 68, 69; different treatment of, by
the two nations, 93; names of the tribes of, in Maine, 165, 166; homes
of, 170; religious opinions of, 173; talent of, 174; cruelties perpetrated
by, 176, 177, 179, 180; honor of, 185; devices of, to burn English vessels,
238, 239 ; dignity of, 244 ; injustice of the English towards, 295 ; weakness
of, 301 ; humanity of, 305 ; sufferings of, 327 ; character of, 335 ; renewed
anxiety of, 340.
Indians of Maine, Attitude of, towards the settlers, 384, 397; extinction of,
425.
Indian depredations, 183, 187, 188, 190.
Indians, Penobscot, Williamson's testimony concerning, 358; their reduction
and submission, 359.
James I., Grant of lands by, 47.
James II., Duke of York, Grants to, 147; character of, 149.
Jennings, Abraham, Monhegan purchased by, 73.
Jocelyn, Capt. John, Extract from the journal of, 163 ; compelled to sur
render, 195.
Kankamaugus, a friendly Pennacook sagamore, 213.
Kennebec River, Serious trouble on the, 95 ; trading post on the, 134.
Kennebec Indians sue for peace, 277.
Kimball, Col. William K., Exploits of, 475.
King Philip's war, its woes, 258.
King, Gov. William, Sketch of, 425.
Kittery, The town of, its extent, 110; the court sits at, 288.
Kittery Point, Settlement at, 105.
Knowles, Col., praiseworthy act in Philadelphia, 471.
Laconia, Description of, 90.
La Tour, Charles de la, 111 ; conflict on the Penobscot, 114 ; his treachery,
120 ; suspicions of, 132 ; his character and death, 134.
La Tour, Madame, Character of, 116 ; heroism of, 118; fate of, 119.
La Tour, Stephen, confirmed in his possessions by Cromwell, 134.
Laws respecting preaching, 128 ; humane, of Massachusetts, 139.
Lee, Robert E., his humiliation and surrender, 495.
Leif, Adventures of, 14.
Letter of the Governor of Canada, 296 ; of Hon. G. A. Hedlund, 443.
Levett, Capt., His character and explorations, 88.
Lewiston, its mercantile and literary importance, 411.
Lexington, British soldiers sent to, 366 ; encounter at, 368.
Longfellow, H. W., The ride of Paul Revere, by, 367.
Loron, an Indian sachem, Remonstrance of, 333; speech of, 342.
Losses by Indian wars to Maine, 286; to the Indians, 287.
Louisburg, its strength, 347 ; its capture, 348.
Lovewell, Capt., Exploits of, 317, 319.
Loyal, Fort, how situated, 210; Capt. Davis's report of the attack upon, 228.

INDEX. 601
Luxury of the settlers, Example of the, 339.
Lygonia, A new patent for territory, called, 93; united to Massachusetts, 141.
Lygonian Plantation, 105.
Machias, Importance of, 385 ; attack upon, 386 ; incorporated, 39S.
Madawaska, Doings at, 431.
Madockawando, Speech of, 185; notice of, by Drake (note), 201; his commu
nication to the council at Boston, 220; his death, 251.
Maiden heroism, 180.
Maine, Beauty of the coast of, 41 ; reasons for the name, 107 ; confusion in
the affairs of, 158; returns to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 160;
purchase of the province of, 208; poverty of the people of, 253; losses
of the inhabitants, 335; renewed prosperity of, 340; patriotism in the
Revolution, 373 ; her lakes and mountains, 458-467 ; her sacrifices in
the civil war, 468-498; exports of, 501; crops of, 502; various indus
tries of, 503; manufacturing resources of, 504.
Maine, Fourteenth Regiment, their labors and hardships, 477.
Maine General Hospital, 527.
Maine Regiments, Character of the men of the, 484.
Manatahqua, Wanton murder of, 99.
Maquoit, Fort erected at, 137.
March, Major, at Damariscotta, 250 ; his loss at Casco, 264.
Martha's Vineyard, Last battle at, 79.
Massacre at Norridgewock, 313.
Massachusetts laws, Value of, 137.
Masse", M., a French missionary, 72.
Maverick, Samuel, Self-sufficiency of, 151.
McClellan, Gen. Geo. B., his tribute to the Seventh Regiment, 472.
McGilvery, Capt. Freeman, Testimony of. Gen. Augur to the gallantly of, 483.
McKeen, Rev. Joseph, D.D., 404.
Memorial presented to Cromwell, 142.
Meteorological record for fifty years in Maine, 501.
Misunderstanding between Capt. Gilbert and Sebenoa, an Indian chief, 59-61 ;
fatal effects of, at Brunswick, 199.
Missionaries, Catholic, Faults and excellencies of, 242 ; intolerance towards, 256.
Mohawks, Consequences of the enlistment of, 202.
Monhegan, Discovery of, by Weymouth, 33 ; quaint description of, 73.
Mortality of the Fifteenth Regiment, 477.
Moulton, Capt., sent to Norridgewock; his humanity, 306.
Mountains of Maine, 498, 499.
Mount Desert, its size and beauty, 71, 456.
Mowatt, Capt., Orders received by, 378; his conduct, 379.
Mugg, an Indian chieftain, 195 ; he negotiates a treaty, 196 ; boastful remark
of, 198 ; death of, 204.
Naeset, name given to Cape Cod, 14.
Nahanada, bis interview with Skitwarroes, 50 ; his fears, 51.
Narragansett Bay entered by Verrazano, 26.
Narrow and intolerant religious views, 138.

602 INDEX.
Neal, Walter, Revengeful conduct of, 98.
Neutrality proposed by the Canadians, 273.
Newfoundland, Discovery of the banks of, 44.
New Meadows River, Battle at, 177.
New Orleans, The Twenty-Eighth and Twenty-Ninth sent to, 489.
Newport, R. I., Ruins of a Northmen tower at, 19.
New Somersetshire, Settlements in province of, 104.
New Sweden, where and how situated, 439; house 5 in, 439.
Norridgewock, Mission station at, 171; attack upon, by Col. Hilton, 270; a
new expedition against, and its failure, 304; description of the hamlet
of, 309 ; fatal attack upon, 312, 313.
Norridgewocks, End of the tribe of, 314.
North-eastern boundary, Dispute respecting, 424 ; settlement of the question,
434.
Northmen, their home and character, 13; their barbarity, 15.
North Yarmouth, its establishment and boundaries, 210
Norumbega, Limits of, 28 ; note, 31.
Nova Scotia ceded to England, 134, 278.
Nichols, Col. Richard, his character, 150.
Oath of allegiance to England required of the settlers on the Kennebec, 135.
Official report upon Swedish immigration, 442.
" Ohio Fever," The consequences of the, 424.
Old Orchard, Points of interest at, 453, 454.
Oldtown, Westbrook's official account of the expedition against, 327.
Original patent granted to New Plymouth, 136.
Outrageous conduct at St. George, 66.
Outrages perpetrated by Indians, 249, 250.
Patents granted to settlers in Maine, 290.
Parris, Albion K., second governor of Maine, 427.
Peace articles signed by the English and Dutch courts, 133 ; articles signed
between Indians and the English at Casco, 207 ; treaty of, between Eng
land and America, 397.
Pegwacket, Encounter near, 321.
Pejepscot settlement, 105; limits of the purchase, 212; sale and boundaries
of, 2S9.
Pemaquid, Importance of, 91, 92, 105.
Penacooks, Petition of the, 212.
Penobscot Bay, Pring's account of, 31; Rosier' s description of, 36; conference
at, 251.
Perils of the Ninth Maine Regiment, 473.
Pestilence along the coast of Maine, 84.
Philip, King, his haughty answer to the governor of Massachusetts, 186.
Phips, Sir William, Character and adventures of, 222; governor of Massa
chusetts, 240 ; tribute to the memory of, 252.
Phipsburg, its first settlement, 54.
Picturesque attractions of Maine, 446.
Pinchon, Major, sent to the Mohawks, 202.

INDEX. 60S"
Piracy, Acts of, 95.
Piscataqua Plantation, 105.
Plymouth Company, its character and object, 46.
Plymouth Council, Provinces of the, 100.
Plymouth Rock, Landing of the Pilgrims at, S5.
Pond Town Plantation, why so called, 363.
Popham, Sir Francis, engages in fisheries, 69.
Popham, George, Character of, 48; he ascends the river Sagadahock, 54; cho
sen governor of Sagadahock, 55 ; his death, 65.
Popham, Lord John, his rank and influence, 48.
Population of Maine and of New England, 164.
Portland, Barbaric display at, 256 ; beauty of the city of, 446.
Port Royal found impregnable, and the siege abandoned, 275.
Poutrincourt, his brutality, 70.
Privateers, French, sweep the coast of Maine, 267.
Proclamation of the General Court of Massachusetts, 146, 159.
Proclamation issued at Boston, 299.
Province of Maine, its condition, 105.
Province of Nova Scotia conquered by the English, 133.
Putnam, Major Perley, in command at Eastport, 420..
Quakers, Persecution of the, 138.
Quebec, Fruitless attack upon, 222; Arnold repulsed in liis attack upon, 383.
Randolph, Edward, Bitter aspersions of, 209.
Rangeley Lake, 464.
Rasle, Sebastian, a French missionary at Norridgewock, 171; his journeys
through the western wilderness, 172; British hatred of, 297; attempts to-
capture, 305; success of, in civilizing and Christianizing the Indians,
310 ; violent death of, monument erected to the memory of, 325.
Razilla, Gen., military commandant of Acadia, 102.
Readfield, Wesleyan Seminary at, 401.
Record of Maine regiments, 492.
Regiment, the Eleventh, Testimony of Gen. Neagle, to the heroism of the, 475 ^.
adventures of the Thirteenth, 476; labors and deaths in the Twenty-
Fourth, 487 ; sufferings of the Thirty-First in the wilderness, 492.
-|j|J Regiments, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth, 486.
:- Religion, Endeavors to establish the institutions of, 90.
Reprisals by the savages, 300.
Retribution, Indian, 66.
Revere, Paul, frustrated Gen. Gage's plans, 367.
Rhode Island the winter abode of the Northmen, 16.
Richards, Major, sent to enlist Mohawks against the eastern tribes, 202.
Richardson, Lieut., marches into ambush, 204.
Richmond Fort, Indian speeches at, 352.
Right of search maintained, 419.
[ j.- Rines, Capt. Stover, his success and reverses, 432.
Routes of travel, 447, 455.
, Royal, Port, Colony at, 32.

604 INDEX.
Royall, William, purchase of, 210.
Rut, John, Second English expedition commanded by, 28.
Ryswick, Treaty of, concluded, 251.
Saco, The first General Court held at, 107.
Sagadahock Colony, Inauguration of, 55.
Sagadahock River, Beauty of the, 54.
Samoset, an Indian chief of renown, 87.
Savages, Insolence of the, 129.
Saxton, Gen., selects officers from Maine regiments for colored soldiers.
Scandinavia, What constituted, 13.
Scandinavian immigration, 436 ; commissioners upon, 437.
Scarborough, Colony at, 105; revival of the settlement at, 211.
Scenes of picturesque beauty on the coast of Maine, 37.
Schools of Maine, 517-526.
Scott, Gen., success of his pacific measures, 433.
Screven, Rev. William, his trials and character, 211.
Seat of government removed to Augusta, 429.
Sebago Lake and its scenery, 458.
Separation of Maine from Massachusetts decided, 425.
Settlers on the coast of Maine, Character of, 89 ; fears entertained by the, 352.
Settlements abandoned, 191.
Sewall' s description of Pemaquod, 92.
Seymour, Rev. Richard, held the first religious service in Maine, 52.
Sharpshooters, A company of, sent from Maine ; their record, 478.
Shepley, Col. George F., of the Twelfth Maine, 475; his position at New
Orleans, 476.
Sherbrook, Gen., Order of, to Capt. Barrie, 422.
Shirley Fort at Augusta, 354.
Shurte, Mr. Abraham, endeavors to redress Indian wrongs, 1S1 ; Indians appeal
to, 184.
Skitwarroes, the captive Indian, returned, 49.
Skowhegan, State quarries at, 503.
Smith, Capt. John, his character and objects, 81.
Southaek, Capt. Cyprian, Timely arrival of, 263.
Spanish fleet, The, capture an emigrant ship, 49.
Speech of an Indian chief to Queen Anne, 281 ; of Lord Chatham, 369,
Spurling, Lieut.-Col., Raid of,. 491.
Squando, a friendly Indian, Cruel treatment of his child, 175.
Squando, Pretended revelation of, 186.
Squantum, Career of, 40.
Squidrayset, an Indian warrior, 98.
Stamp Act, Feeling in Falmouth respecting, 374.
Standish, Capt. Miles, 103.
State of Maine, Latitude and longitude of, 498.
State Seal, Description of, 420.
Stoddard, John, Commissioner to the Indians, 331.
St. George, Inauguration of, 64 ; anarchy and distress at, 65.
St. George, Conference at, 344.

INDEX. 605
St. George River, Fortress at, 294; attacked, 306.
St. John, The successful attack upon, 249.
Sharkey, William, historian of the Popham Expedition, 55.
Strategy, Indian, 179.
Subercase, a French commander, surrenders Port Royal, 278.
Sufferings of the Eighth Maine, 472 ; of the Sixteenth Maine, 484.
Sullivan, Mr., Testimony of, 128.
Summer resorts in Maine of great beauty, 449-407.
Swedes, Welcome to the, 439; prosperity of, 444; numbers in Maine, 444.
Swett, Capt. Benjamin, his character and conduct, 204; his death, 205.
Terms of peace exacted of the Indians, 286.
Thebet, Andre', Journal of, 29.
Thirtieth Maine, Toils, sufferings, and losses of, 490.
Thirty-Second Maine, Awful carnage of, 492.
Thomas, William W., Sketch of, 436 ; his labors in Sweden, 38 ; tribute to, 445.
Thomaston, Fort built near, 294; celebrity of, 386.
Thompson, Col. Samuel, Reckless act of, 375.
Thorfinn visits Vineland, 16 ; his fruitless search for Thorhall, 18.
Thorhall, Explorations of, 18.
Thorstein, his expedition to Vineland, 16.
Thorwald, a Northman, visits Narragansett Bay, 14; death of, 15.
Togus, Home for disabled soldiers at, 498.
Topsham laid out, 289.
Tour, de la, Charles, 111 ; his efforts to recover his dominions, 113.
Tour, de la, Claude, attacks an English trading-post, 97.
Toxus, Speech of, 342,
Trading-houses established, 91, 332 ; rules for conducting, 338.
Treachery of Boston merchants, 272.
Twenty-Sixth Regiment; its nine months of toil, 488.
Utrecht, Peace of, 285.
Vetch, Col. Samuel, Governor of Nova Scotia, 278.
Villany of Verrazano, 25 ; his end, 27.
Vineland, its climate and productions, 14; enthusiasm of Gudrida concerning,.
10 ; its supposed location, 19.
Vines, Capt. Richard, Settlement of Saco begun by, h}9 ; he assails Mr. Tucker,
110.
Virginia, Council of, its powers, 47.
Visit of Pemaquod chiefs to Capt. Weymouth, 40.
Voyages of discovery by the Northmen, 14, 15, 17.
Voyages of discovery by Columbus, 21.
Voyages of discovery by John and Sebastian Cabot, 22.
Voyages of discovery by Gasper Cortereal, 24.
Voyages of discovery by Giovanni Verrazano, 25.
Voyages of discovery by Estevan Gomez, 27.
Voyages of discovery by John Rut, 28.
Voyages of discovery by Bartholomew Gosnold, 30.

-606 INDEX.
Voyages of discovery by De Monts, 32.
Voyages of discovery by George Weymouth, 33.
Wadsworth, General, Heroism of, 391, 394.
Wainwright, John, Conversation of, with Indian chiefs, 331.
Waldo patent, The, 94.
Waldron, Major, Suspicions of, 200; death of, 219.
Wampum, a currency medium, 91.
Wannerton, his revenge upon D'Aulney, 115.
War and its ravages, 83; between England and Holland, 162; second Indian,
175; between France and England, its consequences, 220; duration ancl
sufferings caused by the Indian, 251 ; third Indian, 260 ; its desolations,
261, 262; cause of a new Indian, 345; fifth Indian, commenced, 348; of
the Revolution, 369 ; of 1812, consequences of, to Maine, 418.
Washington protected by Maine Twenty-Seventh, 489.
Water-power of Maine, 505-515.
Wells, General Court convened at, 121 ; attack on the garrison at, 233 ; exciting
event at, 283, 284.
Wells Beach, 451.
Westbrook, Col. Thomas, Expedition of, 302.
Weymouth, Capt., Suspicions of, 38; treachery of, 39; effects of the crimes of,
56.
Wheelwright, Rev. John, his character and persecutions, 142; letter of, 143.
Whitefield, Rev. George, visits Maine, 343.
Whittier, Poem of, on Norridgewock, 310, 457.
William Henry, built at Pemaquid, 240; efforts to destroy, 241, 245; final loss
of, 246.
William and Mary, Charter of, 252.
Williamson, Capt. Jonathan, Capture of, 349.
Williamson, Hon. William D., Sketch of, 425.
Winslow, Capt. Josiah, Attack upon, 307.
Winter Harbor, Capt. Vines spends a winter at, 85 ; attack and defence of, 276,
Winthrop, Gen. John, Unsuccessful efforts of, 223.
"Wiswall, Rev. Mr., Unpatriotic character of, 375.
Wivarna, Letter of the sachem, 334.
York, Awful carnage at, 235.
Yorkshire, County of, 127.

SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX.

NEW MATERIAL.

Aboriginal tribes, 536 ; Legends of, 536.
Academies, Endowed with grants of land, 554.
Agriculture, 569-71.
Appletou, Geo. James, first proposes prohibition of liquor traffic, 511.
Area of Maine, 567.
Canadians, French, Increasing element of population, 534.
Chamberlain, Gen. Joshua L., appointed to maintain order, 564.
Church, Lutheran, 533, 546; Roman Catholic, 533, 545, 552; Episcopal, 545, 546,
552; Puritan, ultimately dominant in Maine, 547; Baptist, 549, 550;
Quaker, 549, 552; Methodist, 549, 550, 554; Universalist, 549, 550, 554;
Congregational, 550, 552, 554; Presbyterian, 546, 550, 552; Shaker, 552.
Climate of Maine, 567.
Colleges, 554.
" Count out," The, 562-66.
Crime, increase of, Largely due to emigration of orderly element, 539;
prolific source in drinking habits of people, 540.
Denominations, religious, in Maine, 552.
Dow, Neal, procures enactment of prohibitory law, 542; purchases liquors
for city agency of Portland, 542; censured for ordering militia to fire
on anti-liquor law mob, 543.
Drinking customs, Evils of, 540.
Emigration of native population, 534.
Fisheries, 571, 572.
Fish and game, 569.
Forest products, 568, 569.
Garcelon, Administration of Governor, 562.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, grant purchased by Massachusetts, 539; patron of
the church, 545.
Hubbard, Governor, signs prohibtory law, 542.
Illiteracy, Small percentage of, 556.
Institut ons, Humane and reformatory, 539.
Irish immigrants, 533.
Jordan, Rev. Robert, 546.
Labor, 575, 576.
Leland's " Algonquin Legends of New England," 536.
Libraries, public, 558, 559.
Liquor traffic, Restraint of by law, 541. 607

608 SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX.
Maine, Population of, 583; increase of same, 535; Aboriginal tribes of, 536,
early settlers of, 538; law against liquor traffic, 541 ; not settled through
religious impulses, 545; Legislature of, 560; politics of, 560; Governors
of, 560, 561, 566; temperature and climate of, 567; area, 567; water
power, 567; forest products of, 568; fish and game of, 569 agriculture,
of, 569, 571; fisheries of, 571; ship building of, 572; quarries of, 573;
manufactures of, 574; labor, 575; railroads of, 576-78; pleasure travel
in, 578, 579.
Manufactures, 574, 575.
Massachusetts, introduces orderly government, 538; purchases the territory
of Gorges' heirs, 539; Puritans of, 547; theocracy of, 547; schools
introduced by, 553.
Meeting house, Building of, 548, 549.
Minister of the town, 548; Rev. James Hooper elected, 549; Parson Church,
552.
Ministerial tax, Movement to abolish, 549-51; act of 1800, 550; of 1811,
551; tax abolished by constitution of Maine, 1820, 552.
Newspapers, 556-58.
Order, The standing, 547, 550, 551, 552.
Parties, Political, 560, 561.
Penobscot tribe, Number of, 537.
Plaisted, Gen. Harris M., elected Governor by plurality vote, 566.
Pleasure travel, 578.
Powers, division of legislative, executive and judicial, 560.
Press, Newspaper, 556, 558.
Prohibition of liquor traffic, origin of, 541; declared constitutional, 541; first
law signed by Gov. Hubbard, 542; evasions and amendments of, 542;
repealed, 544; re-enacted 1858, 544; effects of the law during thirty
years, 544, 545.
Puritans set up schools and churches, 547 ; their clergy, 547.
Quarries, 573.
Railroads, 576-78.
Riot, anti-liquor law in Portland, 542.
Robbins, John, shot in Portland riot; verdict of coronor's jury on shooting
of, 544; killing of made party capital, 544.
Schools, introduced by Massachusetts, 553; early taught by masters. 553;
theological, 554; district system of, 554; normal, 555; free high, 555;
houses, 555; supervision of, 555; compulsory attendance at, 556;
parochial, 556.
Shipbuilding, 572.
Swedish immigration, 534.
Temperance reform, 540; organization of, 541.
Temperature of Maine, 567.
Waldo, Samuel, introduces German colony, 533, 546.
Washingtonian movement, 540.
Water power of Maine, 567.

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