YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
EDWARD WELLS SOUTHWORTH
FUND

Ill

_n
.- - " !
'-¦Br
fc'dM
_r©iEr_f 3E_a©]_c__a,_s » b.b.
Piibhlied. March, 2*igj#. by Jlrctiliald, Gmsta£/# KGt.BdMurgh:
ACCOUNT

E AKD WRITINGS
JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.

LATE ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH.

BY

SIR HENRY MONCREIFF WELL WOOD,- Bart. D.D.

WITH AN APPENDIX AND NOTES.

EDINBURGH :
Printed ly George Ramsay and Company,
FOR ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY, EDINBURGH,
AND LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
LONDON. 1818.

EYsstX

PREFACE.

Some expectation was given of a Life of
Dr Erskine, in an advertisement prefixed
to the second volume of his Discourses.
The public would probably take no in
terest in the circumstances which have, till
very lately, prevented the author of the fol
lowing narrative from prosecuting his in
tention : And he is too sensible of the de
fects which will be found in what he has
written at last, to think any apology for the
delay, either of importance in itself, or re
spectful to his readers.
The life of an individual, however dis
tinguished, which has been uniformly spent
at home, and has been chiefly occupied in
private studies and pastoral duties, could
not oflfer to his biographer much variety
of detail, or hold out to the public any
of the unexpected or striking memorials, on

IV PREFACE.

which so much of the interest of biography
depends. The private history of general literature,
of political science, Of of liberal arts, will
find readers in every rank of life,; and fur
nishes inexhaustible materials of biogra
phy* But a narrative of the studies of a paro
chial clergyman, and of the few incidents
which occur within th© limited sphere of
feis activity, cannot be offered to the public
With these advantages ; Nor will his thee*
logical researches, or his labours in promote
ing practical religion* however important
Or indefatigable, create any thing like the
same interest, among an equal number of
common readers.
The following narrative cannot be expect*
•ed to contain much more, than a plain and
unvarnished account of theological industry,
pastoral duties, and a conscientious life.
The occasional remarks suggested by
these different subjects, and the representa*.
tion given of many individuals whose names
appear in •connection with thenfy have given

PREFACE* V
some degree of variety, and perhaps of dif*
fuseness, to the narrative. But whether they
have added any thing which will interest
the public, the author has no right to de
termine. He has at least endeavoured to give a
fair and correct representation of the facts
which he has related, and of the views and
conduct of those who were concerned, in
them. And he allows himself to hope,- that
no prejudices of his own will be found to
have prevented him, from doing justice to
the talents or the character of any indivi
dual. In a narrative which embraces such a
variety of subjects, he is far from being con
fident, that he has not fallen into nva-ny inis*
takes. He relies qn the indulgence of his
readers, where his information has been in
complete. And, if he has hazarded opi
nions in which they cannot acquiesce* he
can only submit to them the reasons which
have influenced his judgment, and trust to
their candour.
He found it impossible to incorporate

VI PREFACE.
with his narrative, any such intelligible view
of ecclesiastical proceedings in Scotland, as
could have explained the conduct of Dr
Erskine in the Church Courts, to those who
are unacquainted with the history and con
stitution . of the Scottish Church. He has
therefore, in the first number of the Appen
dix, subjoined a slight sketch or outline of
the ecclesiastical history of Scotland, from
the Revolution in 1688, to the year 1780 ;
and has incidentally alluded to some im
portant facts .preceding the commencement
of that period.
He is fully aware that his representations
on this subject will not accord with the
-views of keen . partizanst, on either side of
the church. But he is conscious, that he
has at least sincerely intended, to set down,
fairly and . impartially, as it appeared lo
him,, every transaction. which occurs,. in the
sketch which he, has attempted, without al
lowing his mind to be influenced, in the
slightest degree, by any party views or feel
ings. If it shall, in any instance j be imagined,

PREFACE. VU
that he has hazarded opinions which better
accord with his own habits of thinking, than
with the facts which he has stated, though
he is unconscious of this mistake, he will
not assert that there is no ground for im
puting it to him. But he can affirm with
confidence, that he has at least endeavoured
to do conscientious justice to every party in
the church, and to animadvert on the pub
lic conduct of no individual.
The first number in the Appendix is un
doubtedly too long. And yet the author
is sensible that the sketch which it contains
would have required a much more minute
and extended detail, to render it either com
plete or satisfactory, on many of the points
which are alluded to.
Some illustrations will be found in the
Notes, which are not unimportant ; and a
few anecdotes and illustrations are inserted,
which to some readers may perhaps be in
teresting. H. MONCREIFF WELLWO OI}.
Edinburgh, 24fJ February 1818.

ERRATA,
je 19, line li,jbr explained read- illustrated
24, line 8 from the bottom,/sr affections read affection
45, line 4, instead of theologaster. read theologaster :
65, line 1, for licence read license
66, line 6-from the bottom, for as strong Head so ftrqng
Ib. last line, for or read of
99, line 1 1 from the bottom, instead of us well as, read ant}
102, line 4 from the bottom, ./or they gave him read he received
175, line 5, «/?er that place insert *
S03, line 7, instead of might raa/ must
442, line 11, instead ofo read of
476, last line, after on them insert *
487, line 10, instead of This read His

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Dr Erskine's Birth and Education.
CHAPTER II.

Page 1

Dr Erskine'is Resolution to become a Clergyman — His
first Publication — The Commencement of his Corre
spondence with Dr Warburton. - - 26
CHAPTER III.
Dr Erskine's first Charge in the Church — His Pastoral
Duty — His Society at Kirkintilloch — His Marriage. 66
CHAPTER IV.
Rise of the Methodists in England — Mr Whitefield's
Arrival in Scotland — His first Connection with the
Scotch Seceders — His singular Labours at Cambus-
lang, &c. — Dr Erskine's Publications on the subject. 89
CHAPTER V.
Dr Erskine publishes detached Sermons, and an Essay
on the more frequent Dispensation of the Lord's Sup.
per — Commencement of his Correspondence with Ame
rica — The remainder of Dr Warburton's Correspond
ence with him. .... 141
ft

X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER, VI. Page
Dr Erskine's Translation from Kirkintilloch to Culross
— His Correspondence with Jonathan Edwards — The
Doctrines of Mr Edwards and Lord Karnes — Dr Er
skine's Correspondence with Mr Imrie of St Mungo. 187
CHAPTER VII.
Dr Erskine's Translation to Edinburgh — He publishes
Theological Dissertations— His Controversy with Mr
Wesley — His Publications on the American Contro
versy ; and on the Bill for Relief of Roman Catholics
in Scotland — Mr Burke's Letter to him. - 282
CHAPTER VIII.
Dr Erskine acquires the Dutch and German Languages —
His Sketches of Ecclesiastical History — His Consola
tory Letters on the Death of Children or Friends —
His Correspondence with Lord Hailes, and with
Bishop Hurd. - 315
CHAPTER IX.
Dr Erskine publishes Sermons — His Conduct in the Ec.
clesiastical Courts — His Death and Character. 378

Appendix, No. I. 407
 No. II. - 477
 No. Ill, - - - 481
Notes, . 486

LIFE OF
JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
CHAP. I.
Dr Erskine's Birth and Education.
John Erskine, D.D., late minister of the
Old Greyfriars' Church of Edinburgh, was
the eldest son of John Erskine of Carnocki
Esq. advocate, and of Margaret Melvill,
daughter of the Honourable James Melvill
of Bargarvie.
His father was the eldest son of Lieute
nant-Colonel John Erskine of Carnock, son
of Henry, second Lord Cardross, and uncle
to David, fourth Lord Cardross, who after
wards succeeded to the titles of the Earl
of Buchan.

2 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
The second Lord Cardross, like many
distinguished noblemen of his time, was se
verely persecuted in the reign of Charles
II., for his attachment to the Presbyterian
church, and for the protection which he
gave to the clergy of that communion. *
In a memorial which he presented to
Charles II., in 1680, containing a recital
of the unmerited and aggravated hardships
which he had suffered, he states a fact
which ought to have been sufficient in the
mind of the King, if he had possessed a
single spark, either of generosity or of prin
ciple, to blot out every supposed offence
imputed to him,— ^that he had been one of
the few Scotch noblemen who publicly dis
sented from the resolution to deliver up
King Charles I. to > the English at New-,
castle. -j"
The family of Buchan have reason to be
proud of an ancestor, whose personal sufi-;
ferings on record are monuments to his de
scendants, of his firm attachment to the re-.
* See Note A*
+ Wodrpw's History, Vol.IL p. 125.

LIFE'OF JOHN -HSKINEj D.D. 3
ligion and laws of his country; and of a
loyalty, which, though it stood the test a-
midst the prostitution of his countrymen, a
profligate and persecuting government dis
dained to remember; and which an un
principled monarch, with his characteristi-
cal meanness and ingratitude, consigned to
oblivion. Lord Cardross afterwards emigrated to
the Continent, with his two sons, and fixed
his, residence in Holland, to Wait the ap
proach of better times, which happily were
not then very remote. '
Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine, his second
son, the grandfeither of Dr Erskine, was, by
this account of his family, naturally united,
from his earliest years^ with those who most
zealously supported the Revolution in 1688.
Attached to King William, by his per
sonal knowledge of him, by his military ha
bits, and by his public principles, he was
equally classed with the old Whigs in the
stale, and with the zealous Presbyterians in
the church. He was of consequence after
wards associated with the firmest friends of

4 UFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
the Hanover succession, and with the de
termined opponents of every attempt for
the restoration of the exiled family. *
This view of his general opinions may,
at first sight, ' appear inconsistent with
another well-attested trait in his character.
Though he was from principle attached to
King William and the Revolution of 1688,
he could never be persuaded to take the
oaths required by the government which
the Revolution established. He was dissa
tisfied with the terms of the oath of abjura
tion, and was so conscientious in adhering
to his scruples on this subject, that, Whig
as he certainly was, he steadily refused to
take this oath as long as he lived, -f-
But the general principles of the Revolu
tion, as they affected either the church or
the state, he asserted and defended, with
equal firmness and zeal. His family had
suffered, severely from the atrocities of an
arbitrary government ; and, as might have
been naturally supposed, the encroach
ments of tyranny, in pubhc or in private
* See Note B. t See Note C.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 5
life, he was always prepared to meet with
the most intrepid resistance. *
In his private intercourse, the keenness,
or rather the irritability of his temper, was
a prominent feature in his character ; easi
ly excited by common occurrences, but so
quickly subsiding, as to be equally! remov
ed from ungenerous hostility, and vindic
tive resentments. Many amusing anec
dotes, ' founded on this circumstance, are
still retailed among those who are old e-
nough to have lived with any of his asso
ciates or con temporaries. -f-
As he did not take the oaths required by
law, he could hold no office, and could
take no active part in the state or in the
army, and was not employed in either of
these departments after the Revolution.
But there being no such obstruction/to
his interference in ecclesiastical affairs, his
activity in public life was, from this time,
chiefly conspicuous in the , annual assem
blies of; the national church, which were
• fi'' ' • :m,
* See Note D. , . f See Note E.
,K->uil-

6 LIFE OF JQHN ERSKINE, D. D.
then regarded , with general respect and
confidence, and in which his personal in
fluence was at all times considerable, il
¦'. -Equally zealous as an old Presbyterian,
and a Revolution Whig, he .took a distin
guished part in .every interesting question,
which, in that; busy and bustling period,
divided the clergy, or agitated the church.
As a ruling elder, he was uniformly return
ed a member of Assembly by the presby
tery of Dunfermline, within the bounds of
which his estate of <3arnock was situated,
if not at an earjier period, (which is not
quite certain,) at least from the year 1704
to' the year 1742. In many of the first of
these years, he is designed in the records
Of Assembly, " Lieutenant-Colonel John
" Erskine of Carnock, son to the deceased
" Lord Cardross."
He had the entire confidence of what
was then the ruling party, both in the coun
try and in the church. And, in the great
question so long agitated in General As
semblies, relating to the induction of mini
sters to parochial benefices, (of which more

LIFE QF JO,HNi ERSKINE, D. D. 7
will be said hereafter,) he had such a de
cided influence among those who,. during
the chief ipart of his life, formed ; the ma
jorities in assemblies, and who held the
most popular doctrines on the great ques
tions which were then at issue, as to be
brought forward and trusted by them, in
every important transaction,: in which the
constitution or the government of the
qhurch was involved.
i A striking example occurs in the last part
Of his life, when the^General, Assembly of
1735 appointed commissioners to go to
London, for the purpose of applying to Par
liament, and to tbe.Crownj for a repeal of
the act of the 10th of Queen; Anne, which
restored to patrons in Scotland the right of
presenting to parish churches, of which the
act 1690 had; deprived them. The two latest
Moderators of , Assembly (Mr Gordon of
Afford, who was afterwards r minister of Al
loa^ and ' Mr Anderson, minister of St An
drews) were associated with Lieutenant-
Colonel Erskine, the only ruling elder whose
naihe appears in the commission.

8 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
To those who are acquainted with the im
portance which was then attached to the ob
ject of this mission, no stronger proof can be
given of the confidence which Colonel Er
skine must have possessed among the lead
ing men of the church ; or, indeed, of the
personal influence which was ascribed to
him, with those who had then the manage
ment of the state.
Mr Wodrow, the historian, mentioning
Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine, who was alive
when his bock was published, says of him,
" that his bright character, his modesty
*' would not allow him to enter upon." *
If this detail in the history of the grand
father has occupied more space than some
readers may think should have been allotted
to it, in an introduction to the life of the
grandson, let it at least be remembered,
that it is only in writings of this kind that
such memorials are preserved of many in
dividuals, who have been equally distin^
guished as ornaments and a§ benefactors of
their country ; and that even detached a*
* Wodrow's History, Vol. I. p. 394. See Note F.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.' 9
necdotes are interesting, when they are the
best means which remain to recal the me
mory of the leading characters or transac
tions of former times.
John Erskine of Carnock, the eldest son
of Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine, and the fa
ther of Dr Erskine, held a distinguished
rank at the Scotch bar ; and was, besides,
for the greatest part of his life, a most me
ritorious Professor of Scotch Law in the Uni
versity of Edinburgh.
From the feebleness of his voice, and per
haps from his constitutional modesty, he
seldom pleaded at the bar. But the extent
of his knowledge, and the strength of his
understanding, eminently qualified him for
his office in the University ; while his writ
ten opinions, in causes in which he was con
sulted as a lawyer, were regarded with uni
versal respect.
His Institutes, which contain the substance
of his prelections in the University, form, at
the present time, the most considerable book
of reference on which the Scotch lawyers
tely, and contain the most complete expo-

IV LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
sition existing of the principles and prac
tice of the law of Scotland. >j .*..<
He had none of his father's peculiarities ;
and the general character of his mind ap
pears to have been extremely different from
his. With greater mildness and equality
of temper, and much more acquired know
ledge, he had less inclination for the bustle
of public life, and seems, to have taken
Scarcely any interest in party-contentions,
either in the church or in the state. His
activity was, in a great measure, confined
within the sphere of his literary or profes
sional occupations, and of his private and
domestic pursuits. His public reputation,
as well as his personal virtues, entitle his
descendants to place his name in the list
of their most respected ancestors.
Dr Erskine was his only child by his
first marriage. He married a second wife,
the daughter of Mr Stirling of Keir, by
whom he left three younger sons, — James,
who succeeded to his estates of Cardross *
* The estate of Cardross, formerly belonging to the fa-
mily of Buchan, was purchased by Mr Erskine at a judicial
sale, and has been a fortunate acquisition to his family.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. Il
and Kincardine in Perthshire, *--David,
a clerk to his Majesty's signet, who is al
lowed ;by al) competent judges to have been
one of the ablest and most honourable men
whom his profession has ever produced, f —
and Archibald, a Jnajcjr in the army.
Dr Erskine's relations, by his father, had
not only every advantage which they could
derive from their family connections, but,
in the general esteem of the public, they
had a distinction from their talents, and
from the acknowledged worth of their per
sonal characters, which no rank or fortune
can separately confer.
* He married Lady Christian Bruce, the daughter of the
Earl of Kincardine, by whom he left the present David Er
skine of Cardross, who married the daughter of Lord El-
phinston. f He married the daughter of Mr Graham of Airth, and
was succeeded by his eldest son, James Erskine of Linlethan ;
whose, respectability did honour to the family from which he
was descended ; but who died in the prime of life, equally re
gretted for the good sense and affectionate manners, and for
the genuine piety and purity of mind, which eminently dis
tinguished' him. His fortune has descended to his only bro
ther, Thomas Erskine, now of Linlethan, whose exemplary
conduct does equal credit to the family of his father, and to his
brother's memory.

12 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
By his mother he was related to families
equally respectable.
Her father was the second son of George,
fourth Lord Melvill, who, as the head of a
family always distinguished as Whigs and
Presbyterians, was his Majesty's commis
sioner to the Scotch Parliament in 1690 ;
and whose son David afterwards inherited
the titles, both of Leven and Melvill. With
this family Dr Erskine's connection was
still more closely cemented, by the marriage
of his father's sister to Alexander, Earl of
Leven and Melvill, the grandfather of the
present earl.
No individual could have valued himself
less than Dr Erskine did, on the adventi
tious distinction which he derived from his
birth ; and it will be readily admitted, by
those who are acquainted with the progress
of his life, thai the advantages which he
might have derived from his family con
nections, were much more than compen
sated, in the public opinion, by the honour
which his venerable character reflected on
them.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 13
When he mentioned his age, in the latter
part of his life, he did not seem to think it
quite, certain whether he was born in 1720,
or in 1721. It is most probable, however,
and this he was himself, inclined to believe,
that his birth was in the last of these years.
The minuteness of his, early acquaintance
with ancient authors, is a sufficient proof of
the accuracy of his grammar-school edu
cation, which he received at Edinburgh.
But he had, for; his private tutor a man who
was afterwards distinguished as one of the
ablest and most conscientious ministers of
the church, Robert Bryce, minister of the
parish of Dron in Perthshire. Under the
care of a tutor, who was not less eminent
as a scholar, than as a man of principle, he
had certainly great advantages from the
commencement of, his studies ; and there
is good: reason for supposing, that the ef
fects of his judgment and fidelity attended
his pupil to the end of his life.
The humble aud unseen labours of a pri
vate tutor, though they often lie at the foun
dation both of literary eminence and per-

I<f life of John erskine, d. d:
sonal character, are too frequently unac
knowledged by those who ought chiefly to
remember them, or are neglected in the ac
count Of their early acquisitions. This is
a great injustice to an order of men, whose
conscientious labours are of so much im
portance to the education of a great pro
portion of every enlightened country, * and
who* so often become eminent themselves
when they have no longer pupils to instruct.
Dr Erskine always- mentioned Mr Bryce
#with the affection due to his venerable cha
racter, and never lost an opportunity of ex
pressing his respect for his memory.
There is some difficulty in ascertaining
the year in which Dr Erskine was admit
ted a sftident in the university of Edin
burgh; In the appendix to his sermon on the
death of Dr Robertson, he says that his ac
quaintance with him commenced in the
Humanity Class (the first in the order of
study in the University) in 1737. On the
* In the life of Addison, Dr Johnson has applied a simi
lar remark to schoolmasters.

LIFE QF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. W
other hand, Mr Stewart, in his Life of
Dr Robertson, says, that he went to the
University in 1733.
These accounts cannot both be correct,
and a difference of four years it is impos
sible to reconcile with the facts, that Dr
Robertson and Dr Erskine were of the same
age,"and are understood to have commenced
their academical studies at the same time.
to It would be natural to prefer the account
given by Dr Erskine himself to. the nana?
tive of Dr Robertson's biographer ; especial
ly as Dr Erskine's sermon was published se
veral years before his death, and, if he had
been aware that it contained any mistake,
there was sufficient time to have corrected
it before he. published a second edition..* 77
jjBut the difficulties are considerable in,
setting down the. date given by him as cor
rects, It would suppose that Dr Robertson
and. he had reached their, sixteenth year be
fore, they i went to .the University; an age
which by no means; corresponds with the
* The second edition' appeared in 1S01, and the. sermon
Itad been preached, in 1793. ,

16 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. _.
plan of education then generally followed,
and still less with their subsequent history
and progress. In 1741, Dr Erskine publish
ed his remarks on Dr Campbell's book,
(a production to be afterwards mentioned,)
which it is not easy to conceive a young
man to have written, within less than three
years after he had left the Humanity Class.
In the same year, Dr Robertson is stated
by his biographer to have been licensed
to preach ; and this fact it is scarcely pos
sible to reconcile with the commencement
of his academical studies in 1737-
On the other hand, there was a well-
known club, which subsisted for nearly half
a century, by the name of the Hen-Club,
which is said to have comprehended gen
tlemen who had attended the Humanity
Class at Edinburgh in 1737, 1738, and
1739> to which Dr Robertson, Dr Erskine,
Dr Carlyle, Mr John Home, and many
other distinguished individuals belonged ;
and this fact, if it is correct, would lead to
a suspicion of Mr Stewart's date, though
the year given by him certainly agrees bet-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 17
ter with some other circumstances than the
year 1737-
The question is of no importance, other
wise than as it would have been desirable
to reconcile, even in such a minute point,
two narratives, which have both been de
rived from the most authentic sources.
That Dr Erskine had been a most in
dustrious student al the University, was
sufficiently attested by his classical know
ledge, which was unquestionably of the
first order ; by the multiplicity of common
place books which he filled up during his
course of academical education ; and by the
literary habits which, from that time, so
eminently and uniformly distinguished him.
He had early acquired the faculty of
writing in short-hand But it is impossible
not to regret, that, though he derived from
it some advantages for his private studies,
this circumstance has rendered a great pro
portion of the papers which he has left be^
hind him quite illegible and useless. He
never wrote well ; and his short-hand was

18 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. DI
most particularly defective, even to those
who understood the characters. ¦ .
- When a circumstance of this kind is -ad
ded to the consideration, that, of those
Who write in shorthand, there are few
who use the sarae characters, it may well
be doubted, whether the advantage which
a man of letters receives from this con
trivance to lessen his labour, is ever suf
ficient to compensate the entire loss of his
acquisitions, to those to whom his hand^.
writing is illegible; or the impossibility
of hjs receiving from them much of the as
sistance which might be given him during
his life.
Dr Erskine certainly wrote a great deal
from the commencement of his academical
studies, and availed himself of every ad
vantage which the University afforded him ;
and it is no inconsiderable proof of his ar
dour, that he preserved in his latest years
the most grateful recollection of his obli
gations to the Professors under whom his
literarv acquisitions began.
In the Appendix to his Sermon on the
11

LIKE OP JOHN ERSKINE* D. D. 19
Peath of Dr Robertson/ he has distinguished
three , individuals* to whom hfe considered
himself as peculiarly indebted ; and whose
names he Was accustomed tomentiori with
delight and gratitude to the end of His life ;
Mr /John Kerr, Professor of Humanity, Di
John Stevenson, Professor of Logic* and
Sir John Pringle* who was after wards so
milch distinguished jas a physician^ and as;
President of the. Royal Society of London;
and Who was then Professor Of Moral Phi*
losophy in the University of Edinburgh. '
3j Mr Kerr he has1 celebrated for the en
thusiasm with j which he enteredlintb the
books! which he explained, and/or his pecu
liar talents, as well in gaining the affection of
his scholars, as in exciting and directing
their ardour iri the study of the Latini
plassi^s.' ..'.-¦
He has given a more detailed eulogium
on the prelections of Dr Stevenson and Sit
John Pringle ; which it would be injustice
to .theif niemory not to exhibit in his owft
word$. sj.'i ¦ ¦/ u\:-x)iv\r) ¦ •¦
-\ *'. Befoie this titee," he says, *' the Logic

20 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. _.
" Class had been in a great measure con-
" fined to the doctrine of syllogisms, and
" the dull and dry distinctions connected
" with it. These, and other things in the
" old logic, useful, if not for discovering
" truth, at least for the detection or cOnfu-
" tation of error, Dr Stevenson did not dis-
" card. But he attempted, and attempted
" with success, greater things. A morning
" hour he spent in reading, first a book of
" Homer's Iliad, then Aristotle's Art of
" Poetry, and lastly, Longinus on the Su-
" blime ; and illustrated the beauties of the
"first, and the rules of the two last, by
"apposite passages from Greek, Latin,
*' French, and English authors.
*f In the forenoon he prelected, first
". on Heineccius's Logic, then on Bishop
" Wynne's Abridgment of Locke's Essay,
*f and on Devries's Metaphysics. An hour
!' in the afternoon was employed, on three
'* days of the week, in prelecting on Heinec-
" cius's History of Philosophy. Thus the
" elements of criticism were taught by
"striking examples, rather than by intri-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 21
" cate precepts. The steps were traced by
" which some had investigated truth, and
" by which others were betrayed into error.
" The acuteness of the students was ex-
" ercised by frequent opportunities given to
*' them to impugn a philosophical thesis;
" and they were taught to apply to prac-
*' tice the rules of composition, in dis-
" courses prescribed on subjects connected
" with eloquence, logic, metaphysics, and
*' the history of philosophy."
" Dr (afterwards Sir John) Pringle,'* Dr
Erskine goes on to say, " taught at the
" same time the Moral Philosophy Class.
" His lectures were not on so large a scale.
" He did not enter into curious disquisi-
" tions on the foundations of morality, or
" on the progress of society ; and he soon
dispatched what he chose to say on
*c pneumatics and natural religion. His
" lectures were calculated for doing good,
" not for a display of his talents, or for
" gaining applause. They led his hearers to
" an acquaintance with the world, and to
* the knowledge of their own hearts. They

«

2$ LIFE QF JOHN ERSKINE* D. D.
" taught them what dispositions are good1,
" and just, and wise, and honourable. As
" far as reason goes, they delineated/ <the
'4 paths by which individuals and families
" may probably reach safe and inaoeent
**• enjoyments, and by which states acquire
" and1 preserve their prosperity, ; .Tfeey
" warned the stpdents against the ;daaa_ers
*¦*¦ to which human virtue and happiness are
"exposed, and recommended various means
" for repelling them. Generously unwilling
"to grasp the honour to which, in his
" opinion, another had a juster claim, he
" often illustrated and- confirmed his im*
" portant remarks, on morals, on goverji-
" ment, and on police, by reading long
'"• passages from Plutarch, Montaigne* Ghar-
" ron, Bacon, Syd_ey, Harrington, Moles-
"; Worth, and others.
" To those stude»t& wiih whose proficien-
'*• cy he was best satisfied, he prescribed
**- discourses* sonaetiimesi ija Eaglash , and
"sometimes' in Latini Every one was al*-
"¦lowed*1 to compose on natural religion,
'5 morate,' or politics, as his genius or inc_-

L#E OF JOHN ERSEINE, D. D. 39
" nation prompted him. But the pakicuw
" lar subject Was determined by Ibti Many
" individuals from other classes attended
" when these discourses were delivered. That
" great encourager of the study of the classies,
" and of moral and' political science* Dp ^fl**
" ham Wisheart, Principal of the University,
'* often honoured1 these discourses With his
" presence, listened to them With attention,
" and criticised them with candour. To the
" students in whom*, on such occasions^ he
" observed indications, either of genius or
"of good dispositions, he took every oppor-
" tunity of shewing his regard and counter
" nance. " Professors Stevenson and Pringle were
" equally attached to those of their students,
" who in any degree deserved their partialis
" ty ; and often invited them to spend a
" morning hour with them, when their con-
" versation was chiefly directed to literary
"subjects."* This is a long extract. But it will not
* Appendix to Sermon on Dr Robertson's Death, ?d edition,
J_t 265, $fo~. " See Note'G.

34 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
be thought tedious by those who either
consider, that the substance of what it
contains deserves to be remembered, or
that it is the narrative of Dr Erskine. At
the age of seventy-two, he tells us, that he
had recorded these particulars " from gra-
" titude to instructors, whose memory was
" dear to him ;" and this must be the apolo
gy for inserting them, without abridgment,
in this account of his life.
Independent of the testimony given to
the merits of individuals, who did honour to
most important situations, by one who was
in all respects competent to appreciate
them ; his narrative exhibits a striking fea
ture in his own character, which ought not
to ; be forgotten. It is a precious memorial
of tfae grateful affections which he had pre
served through life for the instructors of his
youth ; while it demonstrates the ardour of
his original studies, and the permanent ef
fects which they had produced on his ha
bits of thinking.
He never lost sight of his obligations
to the men with whom he connected his

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 25
earliest acquisitions in literature and sci
ence ; and from the native simplicity and
fairness of his mind, he eagerly embraced
the opportunity which was given him by
his Sermon on the Death of Dr Robertson,
to incorporate his gratitude to them, with
his affection for the memory of his celebrat
ed colleague.
Dr Robertson appears to have cherished
a similar feeling with regard to his original
instructors. For, after mentioning his stu
dies under Sir John Pringle, his biographer
has related, " that he had often been heard
" to say, that to the valuable prelections of
" Dr Stevenson, Professor of Logic, parti-
" cularly to his illustrations of Aristotle's
*' Poetics, and Longinus on the Sublime,
" he considered himself as more deeply in-
" debted, than to anyother circumstance in
" his academical studies."

LIF_ OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. T>*

CHAP. JI.
Dr Erskine's Resolution to become a Clergy*
man. — His first Publication'— The Com-'
mencement of his Correspondence with Dr
Warburton.
Though, from; his earliest years, Dr Er
skine had discovered a strong predilection
for theological studies, it had been the wish
of his family, that he should have followed
the profession of his father at the Scotch bar.
For that profession he would certainly have
had great advantages, from the assistance and
the1 reputation of his father, — from the influ
ence of his family, which might have placed
him in any situation which he was qualified
to' fill, — and, above all, from the learning^
acuteness, and industry, of which he gave
early indications, and which eminently dis
tinguished him through life ;— advantages
which could scarcely have failed to secure
his success in that respectable profession.
Among his immediate contemporaries and

HFE QV JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. , £?
companions, there we*e many individuals!
who became the ornaments both of the bar
and of,, the benelii — the Lord President
Milled Lord EHiock, Lord Alva,, Lord
Kennet, Lord Qardenston, Lord Justice
Clerk, (Braxfield,) 8qc. ' If he wanted any-
of the qualities for a bustling life, by which
some of then* weiie distinguished, (and most
of them are to be classed with the first men
of their time,) in classical knowledge, in li-?
tefary industry, in the acuteness of a discri
minating understanding, or in family con
nections, -he was inferior to none of them.
In the keenness, the afidour, and the inde-!
fatigable patience with which he applied
his mind; to every object which occupied
him, he was, perhaps, superior to them all.
,His father and grandfather, aware of these
ad vanlages,were very naturally solicitous that
he should have embraced the condition of a
barrister. His respect, for-: their judgment,
and his wish to gratify. them, had so mud*
influence, that, for ai considerable time afteu
his philosophical education was completed,
he did apply, to the study of law. Q, And

28 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
that he had applied to it with an industry
and success which might have raised him to
eminence, was evident to those who lived
with him in the later periods of his life.
Though, from the very different habits of
another profession, he had not many oppor
tunities of bringing forward the knowledge
which he had acquired at this time, yet some
occasions there were, in which, in maintain
ing a legal argument, he discovered an ac
quaintance with civil law, and with the
great principles of legal interpretation, which
would have done no discredit to the first
practitioners at the bar.
But theology and practical religion had
always interested him more than any other
subjects ; and the farther he advanced, his
inclination became stronger to devote his
life to the service of the church. He be
lieved that, in discharging the duties of a
minister of the gospel, he had a better pro
spect of usefulness and comfort, from the
temper of his mind, and the studies in which
he had most delight, than any secular pro
fession would have given him.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 29
He was probably convinced, besides, that
an inclination for the pastoral office, so uni
form and so strong as that of which he had
never been able to divest himself, and which
had kept possession of his mind, not only
in opposition to the wishes of his family,
whom it was so much his disposition to gra
tify, but to every object of ambition which
his original advantages presented to him,
was no uncertain indication that this was
the situation to which his talents were best
adapted, and for which Providence had de
signed him.
It will be readily admitted, by those who
had afterwards sufficient opportunities of
being intimately acquainted with him, that,
in this instance, he formed a sound judg
ment of the character and tendency of his
own mind.
It appears from a letter which he receiv
ed from Dr Doddridge of Northampton,
dated June 11, 1743, that he had stated his
reasons at full length for the resolution
which he adopted in a letter tQ his father,
of which he sent Dr Doddridge a copy.

<S0 LIFE OF /©HN ERSKINE, D. t>.
The following paragraph Of Dr Doddridge's
Jteply deserves to. be transcribed. "The
" account which you gave to yoiir worthy
f* father of the motives that determined
" your resolution to enter on the ministry,
/*< in that excellent letter which you favoured
*l me with a copy of,' abundantly convinces
" me that you were indeed under a divine
*? guidance in that resolution/ And I can-
" not but look on it as a great token for
" good to the church, that a gentleman of
..." your distinguished abilities, (of which the
" pamphlet you sent me is a valuable spe-
" cimen,*) and of your elevated circum-
" stances in human life, should be willing
" to engage in so laborious a work as the
" ministry, in the midst of the various dis-
" couragements which attend it. I hope God
" will abundantly bless your labours for the
"good Of souls ; and I will venture to tell
," you, from my own experience* that if he
" does so, instead of repeMwg of you*
• - V'.\
* His Pamphlet in Answer to Dr Campbell's book on the
Necessity of Revelation.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D, P, 31
" choice, you will rejoice in it through the
"course of your life, and in the nearest
" prospects of death and eternity."
It must be ; recollected,, that, when Dr
Erskine took his resolution: to go. into the
church, he was precisely at the time of , life
when be had the power of deciding, with
out any violation of bis previous obliga
tions. He had embraced no other pro
fession. The .short time during which he
had applied to the study Of law, had added
toi his general knowledge, without creating
any obligation from which he could not ho
nourably recede. He was neither pledged
to another profession, nor^ too far advanced
in life to select that which he preferred ;
for his resolution must have been finally
taken, when he had scarcely reached his
twenty-second year; and, for several years
before that date, a considerable portion of
his time must have been, , occupied by the
study of theology.
It is not for the advantage either of the
church or of the country, that, they who
have been long in the habits of secular pro-

32 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
fessions, and who have already reached the
later, or even the middle stages of life, should
abandon the situations in which providence
has placed them, under the pretence of ob
taining a sphere of usefulness as ministers
of the gospel, for which they imagine them
selves to be better qualified, than for their
original professions.
This experiment has been- often made
without success ; sometimes, undoubtedly,
from a real solicitude to have more direct
opportunities to promote the interests of re
ligion, than a secular profession admits of;
sometimes also from discontent, disappoint
ment, or chagrin, created by other situa
tions ; and in some instances, perhaps, from
mere caprice or indecision, or (what is
not less mischievous) from private vanity or
presumption, of which the individuals them
selves have been scarcely aware.
But let no man plead the example of Dr
Erskine, for these unfortunate' specimens of
unthinking and hopeless versatility. He
took his resolution precisely at the time
when his line of life ought to have been de-
10

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. P. S3
cided, and when he was unfettered by any
tie or obligation, but the respect which was
due to the wishes of his family.
In embracing the clerical profession, he
believed that he was selecting the depart
ment to which his views and talents were
best adapted ; and his conviction on this
subject was both so deliberate and so com
pletely settled, as to leave no reasonable
doubt, that the sense of duty, and no infe
rior considerations, governed his resolution.
They who have attended to the progress
of his pastoral labours, from their com
mencement to their close, will scarcely
question the soundness of his judgment on
this occasion ; nor will any of them regret,
that he preferred the humble condition of
a conscientious clergyman to the advantages
which he might bave commanded in a secu
lar profession, so much more fascinating
in the eye of the world.
His father and grandfather, though cer
tainly averse to the resolution which he
adopted, yielded to a determination with
which they saw him connecting the happi-
c

34 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ness as well as the usefulness of his life;
and their conduct to him afterwards was
uniformly distinguished- by the same good
temper and affection which they had always
shewn him.
They had no reason at any time to re
gret their acquiescence. After he had suc
cessively held two different benefices in
the country, and was at last fixed in the me
tropolis of Scotland, his father lived many
years to regard him as the pride of his family,
and to receive the most gratifying satisfac
tion from the character universally assign
ed him, as a conscientious minister, inde
fatigable in his pastoral labours, eminent for
his learning, and venerable for his piety.
It has been already mentioned, that theo
logy, and the subjects connected with il,
had been at all times his favourite study ;
and, at least two years before the date of
the letter from Dr Doddridge, which has
been quoted, when he had scarcely reached
his twentieth year, he gave a striking proof
of the success and assiduity with which he
had appUed to them.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. O.J
Dr Archibald Campbell, Professor of Di
vinity and Ecclesiastical History in the Uni
versity of St Andrews, had published a
book on " The Necessity of Revelation,"
which, having excited considerable atten
tion in Scotland, had become a subject of
discussion in the General Assembly of the
Church and its Commission, in 1735 and
1736, as a book which was affirmed to
contain doubtful, if not heretical, tenets,
which required ecclesiastical interference
and animadversion.
The General Assembly had shewn no in
clination to interpret either his argument or
his expressions with severity ; but convin
ced of the purity of his intentions, while
they condemned certain propositions ex
tracted from his book, they accepted of
such, explanations and modifications of the
language objected to, as enabled them to
release him from a prosecution, which.
would not have promoted the interests
either of learning or religion.
If Dr Erskine, not then above the age of
fourteen, cannot be supposed to have en-

3& LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
tered much into this controversy at the time
when it was first agitated, there were cir
cumstances connected with it, or to which
it had given rise, which afterwards attract
ed his attention to the subject, and gave
the public the first specimen of his talents
as an author.
Though Professor Campbell did not de
serve to be prosecuted or censured by the
church as a writer of heresies, and, on the
contrary, was entitled to protection and
respect, both as a sincere and an able de
fender of Christianity, the assertions of his
book, often ingenious and always well in
tended, but sometimes stretched beyond the
truth, were subjects of fair discussion ; and
the fact certainly is, that they did involve
several propositions, in which many of his
most candid readers were not prepared to
acquiesce. Some modern divines and philosophers,
less from the love of truth than the affecta
tion of false refinement, had become fond
of asserting that Christianity is to be chief
ly regarded as a republication of the law of

-LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 37
nature. Tindall, seizing on this idea, with
every disposition to undermine the autho
rity of the Gospel* published his treatise
entitled, " Christianity as Old as the Crea-
" tion _" in which it is confidently affirm
ed, " That men are fully able of themselvesi
" without foreign assistance, to discover all
" the articles of natural religion which are
" necessary to their happiness."
On this assertion he built another, which
strikes at the root of all positive revelation*
" That articles of faith which lie beyond
" the reach of human discovery, or which
" have no immediate foundation in nature,
" but are positive institutions depending on
" will or authority, can never be admitted
" as a dirine revelation."
In opposition to this unfounded and per
nicious doctrine, Dr Campbell proposed to
shew," That mankind, lefttothemselves,with-
" out supernatural instruction, are not able,
" by their reason alone, to discover the being
" and perfections of God, and the immorta-
" lity of human souls, in the knowledge and
" belief of which all religion is founded/'

88 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
He did not enter into the consideration
of the last part of Tindall's position, farther
than to suppose an answer to it to be de-
ducible from what he attempted to prove,
with regard to the inability of man to dis
cover, by his reason alone, the great doc
trines of natural religion.
That Dr Campbell's intentions were pure,
and that his books were sincerely designed
for the defence of Christianity, was not
doubted by those who differed most from
him in opinion, and since his death has
never been questioned. But whatever de
gree of credit was given to his intentions, a
very considerable clamour had been excited
against him in the Church.
The Commission of the General Assem
bly of 1735 had extracted from his book
certain propositions, which had been sup
posed to contain suspicious, if not dan
gerous, doctrines. But, in reporting these
to the Assembly of 1736, which adopted
their opinions implicitly, they expressed
themselves so favourably with regard to Dr
Campbell's intentions, that the proceedings
10

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 89
A.
of the Assembly terminated in general re
commendations against the use of doubtful
or' ambiguous expressions or propositions,
which might be construed into an erro*
neous sense, or lead the hearers or readers
into error.
There were other points besides that
which has been mentioned, which were in
cluded in the Assembly's animadversions,
of which it is not necessary to say any
thing here, because the only question
which Dr Erskine afterwards discussed
with the author, arose out of his assertion
concerning the inability of man, . by reason
alone, without the help of supernatural re
velation, to discover the being and perfec
tions of God, or the immortality of human
souls. The resolutions of this Assembly are in
general temperate and reasonable, with re
gard to the propositions assumed by Dr
Campbell ; though it may, perhaps, be
doubled, whether they who prepared them
were not too minute and dogmatical in some
of the positions laid, down by themselves.

40 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
It has been already observed* that when
this controversy began, Dr Erskine (then at
the age of fourteen) could scarcely be sup
posed to have taken much interest in it.
But it had gained the attention of the
public, so as to bring Dr Campbell's book
into general request ; and, at the age of
twenty, he appears to have perused it with
all the ardour and accuracy which distin
guished him through life.
In 1741, he published a pamphlet in re
futation of Dr Campbell's doctrine ; in
which it will not be denied by any com
petent judge, that he has discussed that
part of the argument to which he confined
himself, with an extent of learning and a
minuteness of research, not only above his
years at the time, but not inferior to what
is to be found in his best productions at any
subsequent period.
In opposition to the assertion of the in
sufficiency of reason to conduct men to the
knowledge of the true God, or of the im
mortality of their own souls, he undertook
to prove, " That God has afforded; even

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D- 41
"the heathen worlds such advantages for
"discovering and receiving the doctrines
" which relate to the existence and perfec-
" tions of God> and the immortality of hu-
" man souls, (in the knowledge and belief
" of which all religion is founded,), that their
" ignorance or disbelief of them could be
" owing to nothing but their own negligence
" or perverseness."
In pursuing his argument, he avails him
self of his classical literature, and of his ac
quaintance with the writings of Grotius,
Puffendorf* Vinnius, and others, among the
most distinguished writers on civil law.
The number and exactness of his quota
tions from both ancient and modern books,
and the quick discernment with which they
are applied to support his argument, are
lasting monuments of an extent of infor
mation, a maturity of judgment^ and pow
ers of discrimination, of which few equal
examples can be produced* from the pen
of any individual, at the same early age.
His argument it is impossible to abridge.
But it may be justly questioned* whether

42 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
there is any portion of his writings, in
which there is a more successful display,
either of exact and extensive learning, or
of acute and forcible reasoning. Whether
his readers differ from him, or adopt his
opinion, it is impossible not to perceive the
distinguished ability with which his hypo
thesis is sustained. ¦ • < ¦
Among modern authors quoted in this
dissertation, the name of Dr Warburton,
afterwards Bishop of Glocester, appears
with particular distinction. And there is
some reason for supposing, that the eager
ness with which Dr Erskine entered into the
controversy with Dr Campbell might have
had its origin, though probably without his
own knowledge, in the respect with which
he regarded the opinions of that eminent
prelate, and particularly the opinions which
distinguish his book on the Divine Lega
tion of Moses. He describes him in this
dissertation, as " one of the most judicious
" critics, and accurate reasoners, which this
" age has produced,-r-who has cast a new
"light on the philosophy and theology of

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 43
" the ancients, and applied his admirable
" discoveries to the most noble purposes."
Dr Warburton had certainly asserted the
same general doctrine wilh regard to na
tural religion, which Dr Erskine maintain
ed ; though, when he did so, he might have
had no knowledge of Dr Campbell's book,
with which, however, he appears to have
been afterwards acquainted. Dr Erskine
sent him a copy of his dissertation ; and it
gave occasion to a correspondence, which
was continued at intervals, till very near
the close of Warburton's life.
His first letter appears from the answer to
have been dated On the 18th of November
1741. Warburton's reply, which is not
written till the following July, and a second
letter from him of a later date, shall be insert
ed here. The rest of the correspondence
will occur in another part of this narrative,
" Newark, in Nottinghamshire,
" July 17, 1742.
" Dear Sir,— When I received the ho-
" nour of your last * obliging letter of the
* The expression " last" supposes the correspondence to

44 LIFE OF JOHlt ERSKINE, D."I>»
" 18th of November, I was just setting fof-
" ward for Bathy partly for thy health, and
" partly for Mr Pope*s company, which I
" enjoyed there and in London, till spring
«' brought me home. Many impertinent
"and troublesome businesses^— aliena negfr-
" tia centum*- 'have prevented me thas long
" frof_ making my dtie acknowledgments
" for so kind a letter ; but I can truly say,
" you was never out of my thoughts.
" Besides, I flattered myself with an
" ojpportunity of writing you long before
" now. For I expected that a new edition
" of my Commentary on the Essay on Man,
" which is just printed, would have been
" long since out of the press ; and I pro-
" posed to beg your acceptance of a copy,
" which I now do, and have ordered it to be
" delivered for you to Mr Gideon Crawford.
" What you are pleased to inform me,
" that you intend some time or other to col-
" lect what reflections you have made on the
"law of nature, &c. pleases me extremely.
bave commenced before this time. But this is the earliest,
letter of Warburton's which has been preserved.

LIFE QF JOHN ERSKINE, D. I> 45
" For it must be one of your parts and
" enlarged studies that can do this to pur-
" pose ; not a little, narrow, sour theolo- ,
" gaster. Both which truths your excellent
" remarks against Dr Campbell's weak
" book sufficiently prove.
" I am vexed you published at Edin-
" burgh, and in such a size, which, if print-
" ed in London, would have made us some
" amends for that execrable swarm of patn-
" phlets that pester the town ; and would
" have caused the treatise on the Necessity of
" Revelation to have been no more heard of.
" I have read your Reflections many
•' times over, and always with fresh pleasure;
" as I should the subject you give me
" leave to hope for, with much more than
" in writing myself upon it, which I cer-
" tainjy never shall do, while I have any
" hopes from you.
" But I would not have you mistake me.
" I think with you, that the law of nature
" was sufficiently propagated to the heathen
" world. If the philosophers of Greece
" abused that natural light by false science,

46 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" they deserved the Apostle's censure, that,
" esteeming themselves wise, they became
" fools. It is beginning, I think, at the
" wrong end, to inquire, whether this or
" that representatiori of antiquity be most
" useful to religion. We should first en-
" deavour to know whether the representa-
" tion be true. If it be found so, and
" Christianity be true, we may safely pro-
" nounce il useful to it ; because one truth
" is always useful to another.
" If indeed Christianity be false, an honest
"man won't much concern himself about
" what either serves or disserves it. The
" contrary conclusion is to be made, if the
" representation be found to be false. There-
" fore I can by no means approve of
" Fabricius's judgment, in your concluding
" quotation,* though very much of your's
" who so appositely give it. For it is a
" very good argument ad homines. For the
" men you are arguing against are not in
" their intention supporting truth, but their
" own religion. * See Note H.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE* D. D. 47
" I have little or no literary news worth
w sending you ; which I am sure, to one of
" your turn, would be the most acceptable
" kind of news. But learning is in Eng-
" land in a most deplorable condition. The
" books which daily come out, are either
" miserable common place collections, on
" the one hand, which are called learning ;
" or crude, extravagant whimsies and para-
" doxes, on the other, which are called
" science. " The truth is, there being with us large
" honours for men of learned professions,
" and nothing for men of learning, it is no
"wonder that men should turn all their
" studies to those arts, which (to distinguish
" them from those termed liberal) we call
" the arts of rising. Whereas with you,
" there being little encouragement to the
" learned professions, learned men are not
" tempted off from letters ; which is the
" reason why at this time every branch of
" science flourishes better in the north than
" in the south. For what would a warrn
sun signify to plants, in a country where

u

4$ LIffE 0? JOHN ERSKINE, D. D*
"it only nourished weeds ? The most it
" would do, would be but making the plants*
" degenerate into weeds.
"The Only good book that has been
" pubUshed of late is the new Dunciad;
" which is a satire on this rara temporum
"fetieitas. And as a certain proof that
"that age of dulness is commenced, which1
" is there sung of, this incomparable poem
" is generally misunderstood.
" In the midst of all this dulness, yoti
** will no longer Wonder at so rambling and
" incoherent a letter ; which, if it can but tell
" you how much I desire and shall honour
" your correspondence and friendship, will
" do all that I expect from it; being, with the
" greatest truth, Dear Sir, your very obliged
" and most affectionate and obedient ser-
" vant, W. Warburton.
" Please to direct for me thus, " To the
" Rev. Mr Warburton, Newark, in Nottiftg-
" hamshire." Dr Warburton's prejudices and his pecu
liarities are both visible in this letter. His
contempt for all the learning which did not
n

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 49
coincide with his own studies and opinions,
detracts considerably from his compliment
to the literature of Scotland, where he had
few or no opponents ; and, of course, it les
sens the weight of his remarks on the de
cline of English literature.
Pope's Dunciad had been published as
early as 1728. But a new book was added
to it in 1742- ; and a new edition of the
whole poem was published at the same time,
with many alterations and additions. This
Warburton, at whose suggestion the ad
ditional book had been written, describes
by the title of " The New Dunciad," as the
only good book which had lately come
from the English press.
That the execution of this poem, of which
Dr Johnson says, *' that it is one of the
" greatest and most elaborate of its author's
" performances/' is entitled to all the cele
brity which has been given to it, cannot be
denied. But neither the poetical preemi
nence of its author, nor the sterling vigour
and elegance of his descriptions, have ever
persuaded the? public to recognise either
D

m

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.

the candid criticism, the liberal opinions,
or the useful morality, which Pope affirm
ed, and Warburton believed it to con
tain. ; <
Warburton tells his correspondent (as
Pope himself affected to say) that the poem
was misunderstood; and both of them im
pute this to the dulness of the age. They
did not, however, convince the.worid, that
the real intention of the poem was different
from the general impression which every
intelligent reader receives from it ; or that
what was originally intended as a keen and
virulent invective, could at last be convert
ed into useful or moral instruction.
There was a lime when even Warburton
would have held a different language with
regard lo Pope, and perhaps of the Dun
ciad itself: for he was once associated with
Theobald in writing notes upon Shake-
spear. " I know," says Dr Hurd, in a letter
to Warburton of 1757, " the reason of your
" former distaste of Mr Pope. It was not
" only his connections with some you had
" reason to think ill Of, but his abuse of
6

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 51
" one you loved. Was not this the best of
" reasons?''* At the commencement of his correspon
dence with Dr Erskine, there was a host of
opponents to Dr Warburton's doctrines ;
and though Dr Erskine's Dissertation did
not comprehend the chief points in con
troversy, it relates to one of the doctrines
which he had most zealously maintained ;
and, within a small compass, it places his
view of the subject in a clearer and more
forcible light, than any in which he himself
has presented it.
Warburton expresses the gratification
which this publication had given him, with
all the warmth of his temper ; aware of the
learning and acuteness of his coadjutor,
and very desirous to urge him to prosecute
the subject farther, as it is evident he had
once intended.
He regrets, with great reason, the form
in which Dr Erskine had published his
Dissertation; which must certainly have
* Letters of Warburton and Hurd, p. 231.

52 LIFE OF JOHN E^S^NE,, D. D.
been greatly against its favourable recep
tion, either in England or Scotland. The
Edinburgh press had then no part of the
celebrity which it has since obtained ; and
this publication had not even all the advan
tage which a respectable Edinburgh printer
might have given it.
Dr Erskine was perhaps less attentive
than he should have been to circumstances
of this kind, at every period of his life.
The idea of rendering his productions ac
cessible to every order of the people, gave
him a perpetual inclination to publish what
ever he wrote, in the cheapest, . and, of
course* in the most disadvantageous form.
And yet it is obvious, that, if such an idea
should haye been at any time excluded
from his thoughts, it should naturally have
been so when he published this pamphlet ;
the subject of which was much more above
the reach of the people at large, than al
most any thing else which he afterwards
printed. It was so much more addressed
to the learned than to any other class of

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. _. 58
readers, that it_ circulation must have been,
in a great measure, confined to thern. %ti
If his first publication had issued from the
Loftdfln ptfess, and from the shop of a London
bookseller, instead of being published with
every possible disadvantage at Edinburgh,
there can be no reason to doubt, when the
merit of his argument is considered, thatj at
a time when the subject was the controver
sy of the day, it would have attracted much
more of the attention of the public than it
obtained, ! and would have conferred much
more than it did of celebrity on its au
thor. ¦}>'!< ..-.fplif:-.
The following letter from Dr Warburton
may also be inserted here, thdughf'some
parts of it Will require to be explained. It
is dated at Newark* February 20, 1744*
" Ds ar Sir,— I should have made my ac-
" knowledgments for the favour^ of your
"obliging letter of the 26th of last Sep-
" tember 'long ere now, was I only on the
" formal footing of a commerce of letters
" with you. '*
^ I heartily felicitate you on your choice

54 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" of the better part.* You have an advan-
" tage that numbers may envy, in going
" to divinity from the study of the civil law.
" For what the great Cujacius said, speak-
" ing to his son of these studies, I think is
" very true : Sine quibus aqui et boni quoque
" speciem comprehenderit vix unquam quisque
" bene, nee si se dederit totum philosophic, nee
" si Uteris sacris.
" I am pleased too with your new choice
"on another account, — you will now be at
" leisure to digest those just and noble
"thoughts which you have on the most
" important subject of antiquity ; and I beg
" leave to urge and press you to pursue
" them. One who can write j with, that
"learning, precision, and force of "reason,
" wjth which you confuted .Campbell* ought
" never to have his pen out of his hand.
" By the way, I wish you would be so
*'- good as to favour me with another copy
" of that excellent pamphlet. It may be
" Jefjt for me, at Mr Knapton's, bookseller,
" London.
* This alludes to Dr Erskine's resolution to become a cler
gyman.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 55
. " What you say of the state of learning
" and religion among you, is very curious,
" but very melancholy. I find there is not
*' a reigning folly, or perversity, Among our
" clergy, but yours have got it. The pa-
" ganized Christian divines you speak of,
" are what formerly passed among us un-
" der the name of the Latitudinarian, of
" late Bangorian divines. But Socinus lies
" at the root. I think Toland was not
" much out when he said, The Mahometans
" were a sort of Christians, and not the worst
" sort neither. In another thing, too, they
" perfectly agree with ours, and that is, in
"the large extent of their consciences as
" well as thoughts.
" However, I think the next you men-
" tion are of still a more dangerous sort of
" madmen, with their yp*[jLiJL(iTo<po_2ia, ; those
" who fear to touch upon letters at all. In-
" deed, the other sort have shewn, that
" Their shallow draughts intoxicate the brain,
" But drinking largely sobers us again.
" I am glad to hear what you say in con-
" futation of the charge of methodism and

56 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, Dfr D.
" enthusiasm. If requires care to keep the
" inflamed spirit of piety within bounds;
" For Virtue's self may too much zeal be had;
" The worst of madmen is a saint run mad.

"What you teU me pf your resolution
" not to write any more on the subject I so
*' much recommend Jo you, gives me real
" concern; and will continue to do so, till
" you give me to understand, that you have
" something of an. important nature, though
" of another kind, in projection. For you
" have talents tp be of great use in |h_
'¦'way, in God's church ; and I shall al-
*'. ways think you misuse them, if you do
" not employ them in thjs more public me-
" thod of instruction.
" I have a particular pleasure in your
" approbation of my two sermons, for they
"are more than ordinary my favourites.
" To your question of the remainder, of
f the ' Pivine Legation/ I will refer you
" to a controversial pamphlet, which I am
" just about publishing, and shall take care
" to have it conveyed to you. — I am, De%r
*

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 57
" Sir, with the truest esteem, your very af-
" fectionate and faithful humble servant,
•* W. Warburton."
Before the date of this letter, though af
ter the date of that to which it was a reply,
Dr Erskine had taken his final resolution
to enter into the church, and had already
been licensed to preach. He had corre
sponded before with Dr Warburton on the
subject of his profession, though this part
of the correspondence has not been pre
served. In applauding his resolution, Warburton
estimates justly the advantage which he
possessed, from his previous studies in the
civil law. But, in stating the literary lei
sure which he supposed him to acquire
from the profession he had chosen, though
his conclusion is sufficiently correct, he was
not perhaps fully aware of the difference in
the situations of the clergy in England and
Scotland. In England, where a great proportion of
the pastoral duty may at all times be de
volved on the curates, the learned rector

58 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
or vicar has certainly many advantages for
literary industry. In Scotland, where every
clergyman has the pastoral duty of a parish
constantly depending on his personal la
bours, and cannot, for any length of time,
delegate the service for which he is person
ally responsible, the clerical function does
not, at first view, seem to present the same
facilities for the researches of literature,
which the beneficed clergyman of the south,
who makes literature his object, might in
almost any situation command.
It is equally true, on the other hand, that
any disadvantage resulting from the per
sonal attention required from the Scotch
clergy to their parochial duties, is more
than compensated by the effect of their
constant residence on their benefices, to
withdraw them from the pursuits and asso
ciations of those who live more in the
world ; and, if they have any turn for lite
rature, to confirm them in habits of study
and research suited to their profession.
The closest attention to his professional
duties will . seldom indeed be found to in-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 59
terfere with any degree of literary industry
which a well-informed clergyman, who has
an active mind, feels himself inclined to
employ. The clerical function has, in all
situations, been considered as presenting
both incitements and favourable opportuni
ties for literary pursuits; and it has this
character as incontrovertibly in Scotland,
as in any other country in Christendom.
It is to be regretted that we have not Dr
Erskine's letters, to which Dr Warburton
replied, But it is easy to see, that the di
vines whom he had described as paganized,
were exactly such men as Warburton con
ceived them ; preachers who affected to use
the style and tone of the ancient philoso
phers more than the language of Christ or
his apostles.
There was certainly in Scotland, at this
time, a class of preachers who, besides the
absurd affectation of bringing their pub
lic instructions from Socrates, Plato, or Se
neca, rajther than from the morality of the
Gospel, distinguished themselves by an os
tentatious imitation of ihe doctrines and

60 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKrNE, D.D. i,
phraseology of Francis Hutcheson and the
Earl of Shaftesbury ; writers whom War
burton frequently mentions, both in his " Di
vine Legation," and in his correspondence
with Hurd, as having had the same influ
ence in England to pervert the taste and
the opinions of his countrymen ; and some
times even in terms, which might have led
his readers to suppose that he had designed
to represent the clerical admirers of those
philosophers as hostile to the authority of
Christianity, instead of intending to pro
mote its interests.
Hutcheson was certainly no unbeliever.
On the contrary, he always avowed a firm
conviction of the truth of Christianity, and
was a zealous friend to its institutions and
its progress.
Nor had Warburton himself a different idea
of him ; though his contempt for the servili
ty of his literary or clerical imitators provokr
ed him to use expressions which seemed to
class him with the herd of free-thinkers. *
Whatever Lord Shaftesbury's infidelity
* See Note I.

LIFR 0* JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 6\
was, he was certainly no Spcinian. And|
when Warburton, in remarking on the pa
ganized divines, said that Socinus lay at the
root, if he referred to Shaftesbury at all, he
must have referred rather to his clerical
disciples, than to their master.
The Scotch divines, \vbo were more soli
citous to be distinguished as philosophers
than as ministers of the Gospel, and who,
in their public discourses, affected to be
imitators either of Hutcheson or Shaftes
bury, certainly deserved both reprehension
and contempt, for the prostitution of the
pulpit to the useless and unnatural sem
blance of philosophy, which they substi
tuted for Christian doctrine. * But it would
have been unjust to accuse them of heresies.
Their peculiarities were adopted rather that
they might be believed to be, if not original
and profound, at least ingenious or fashion
able thinkers, than from ariy systematic hos
tility to Christian doctrine. j; They preached
for fame more than for usefulness ; though,
among their parishioners, they were common-
* See Note K.

62 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ly as far from reaching the one as the other.
They were generally young and inexperien
ced preachers, who were seduced by fashion
and example, rather than by any other
cause, from the sobriety and good sense of
their fathers. In many instances, they were
destitute neither of spirit nor of talents.
But, as frequently happens with young
men, their pretensions were above their
knowledge ; and their love of singularity
and distinction had more influence on iheir
manners and opinions, than was quite con
sistent either with the design or the useful
ness of their office.
Many of the individuals alluded to liv
ed to adopt better views, both of religion
and of common life; and afterwards dis
tinguished themselves as sober-minded and
learned, as well as useful and conscientious
clergymen. There might be exceptions in many
points, from this general account. But
there is a fashion in philosophy, and in theo
logy, as well as in other things ; and for
more than half a century, neither Hutche-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 63
son nor Shaftesbury has found his way to a
pulpit in Scotland.
Warburton sets down the terms Latitudi
narian or Bangorian as equivalent to Dr
Erskine's term of paganized, in applying
this description to a considerable class of
preachers in England. ¦¦¦
< The current, both Of manners and opi
nions within the two churches, is not pre
cisely the same in later times. The present
race of divines profess to adhere more close
ly to the articles of their church, than was
at least quite general during some part of
the last century. Their controversies seem
to turn more on the original meaning of
their articles, than on questions relating to
their authority ; and, according to the views
which they take of them, they discover
more zeal in maintaining them, than was
commonly shewn in the beginning of War
burton's life.
The ypxpiAaToyoflux, stigmatized by War
burton, is more or less common in every
church, and is peculiar to none. It com
prehends the least respectable of all the

64 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
classes which are alluded to, if it describes
the illiterate, the careless, and the idle, who
come into the pastoral office, not only without
the qualifications which it requires, but with
out any effectual solicitude to possess them.
There is one subject more referred to in
Warburton's second letter, in which it is
not probable that he would have agreed as
cordially with his correspondent as he pro
fesses,, if it had been freely discussed be
tween them. It relates to the charge of
methodism and enthusiasm, as existing in
Scotland, which it appears Dr Erskine had
endeavoured to refute.
This subject is of considerable interest;
and, as it had an intimate connection with
some of the leading facts in Dr Erskine's
life, it will require to be both fully and dis
passionately considered.
But, as many of its most important cir
cumstances occurred after he became a mi
nister, it will at lpast be proper to postpone
it, till some account has been given of his
introduption into the church, and of the
early part of his pastoral life.

LIFE OP JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 65

CHAP. III.
Dr Erskine's first Charge in the Churcfc-~
His Pastoral Duty. — His Society at Kirk'
intiMoch. — His Marriage.
Du Erskine received his licence to
preach in 1743, from the presbytery of
Dumblane, within the bounds of which his
father's most considerable estate was situ
ated. His first sermon in public was de
livered in the parish church of Torrieburn$
of which the patronage afterwards belong*
ed to himself.
The text which he selected on that occa»
sion (Psalm lxxxiv. 10.) was well suited to
the temper Of his own mind, and to the cir
cumstances in which he had devoted him*
self to the service of the church. " A day
" in thy courts is better than a thousand :
"I had rather be a door-keeper in the
tf house of my God, than dwell in the tents
*.' of wickedness." E

66 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
The sermon has been found among his
papers, and bears intrinsic marks of the pe
culiar views and talents of the author. It
discovers the same vein of genuine piety,
the same variety of practical instruction,
the same good sense and acute discrimina
tion in representing the characters of com
mon life, which distinguish almost all his
discourses. And, what is not the least re
markable circumstance, though he was then
only in his twenty-third year, there is' in no
part of it the least attempt at juvenile disr
play or embellishment, so frequently ob
served at that period of life. He addressed
himself directly to the understandings and
the consciences of his. hearers; and every
thing which he said must have left them
with this impression, that he had no con
cern on his mind as strong as his sense of
the duty which he was discharging, and his
solicitude to promote their edification.
The sermon, though not in every respect
equal to his later productions, is no unfa
vourable specimen oi the general- spirit of
10

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKlSE, D. D. 67
his public discourses, or of the purity and
earnestness which all of them discover.
He had embraced the office of a preach
er, from a deliberate conviction of its im
portance to the present and eternal welfare
of mankind; and, on this occasion, he ap
pears to have spoken as one who felt the
responsibility of his situation, and who
" commended himself to every man's con-
" science in the sight of God."
From his first appearance as a preacher,
he was so generally acceptable to every
class of hearers, that, in the view of becom
ing a parish minister, he had rather to se
lect the parish which was most agreeable to
himself, than wait for the patronage of any
individual. The church of Tulliallan, of
which his father was the patron, and which
lies between the burgh of Culross and the
county town of Clackmannan, was then va
cant ; and much solicitude was express
ed, both by the parishioners and by the
clergy of the presbytery of Dumblane,
to which it belongs, that he should have
been placed in that situation.

68 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. 0.
It appears, by a letter from Mr Napier
of Kilmadock, an old and venerable cler
gyman of that time, who belonged to the
presbytery, (dated December 9> 1743,) that
his grandfather, Colonel Erskinej who died
this year, had favoured this idea ; but that
both Dr Erskine himself and his father
were averse to it, and preferred another si
tuation. At this distance, it is not easy to per
ceive the grounds on which they decided.
The parish of Tulliallan seems to have
every local advantage, and is in one of the
best districts of the country with which
they were most intimately connected. But
it might have been, with Dr Erskine, a se
rious objection, that his father was the chief
proprietor of the parish ; and both of them
might perhaps reasonably imagine, that he
would have more comfort; in his pastoral
duties, in a situation in which he could have
no secular interests to affect his intercourse
with the people.
He soon after accepted of the parish of
Kirkintilloch, M the neighbourhood of

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 69
Glasgow, which, though not in the immedi
ate vicinity, is at no great distance from his
father's principal seat. He was inducted
to this charge in May 1744 ; and, during
the nine years in which he held it, it would
be difficult to say, whether he was most dis
tinguished by the fervour, the assiduity, or
the ability, with which he applied himself
to every department of his pastoral duty.
In a large parish, such as Kirkintilloch,
where every part of the clerical functions
devolves on a single clergyman, the compo
sition of sermons, and the official duties of
the Lord's day, are neither the only, nor
perhaps the most important, branches of
pastoral labour. The visitation of the sick
and of the dying, equally useful and con
solatory, is a labour of perpetual recur
rence ; and it is in no country of Christen
dom more faithfully attended to than in
Scotland. But the private instruction given by the
parish minister to the whole body of the
parishioners, in their separate houses, and
in their scattered villages, is a service still

7t> LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
more extensively useful, and not less faith
fully performed.
The general practice in parochial visita
tions is in substance this : In the course of
every year, a clergyman is understood to
visit the families of his parish individually ;
when he catechises the children and the
servants, and afterwards addresses, to all the
members of each family, a solemn admoni
tion on the subjects best suited to their con
ditions and to their practical duties ; which
he concludes with an affectionate prayer for
their temporal and eternal welfare. If there
should be any thing in the circumstances
of particular families, which appears to him
to demand either advice or reprehension,
he has in the course of this service fair op
portunities of conveying the. counsel which
they have most need to receive, in the form
least likely to prevent its effect. He con
verses with them at the same time on every
subject, by means of which he can render
his pastoral visits either gratifying or useful.
By this intimate communication with
exery class of his parishioners in their own

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 71
families, if he manages it with good sense
and delicacy, a respectable clergyman has
perpetual opportunities of becoming tho
roughly acquainted with their several cha
racters, and; with, every circumstance in
their conditions, of which he can avail
himself in public or in private for their
advantage. Without descending from his
own situation, he comes from habit, as well
as principle, to regard their interests with a
paternal solicitude, and they are soon accus
tomed. to look up to him as a friend or as a
father; as their enlightened adviser and
guide, as well as their religious instructor
and comforter.
Besides the visitation of families, a clergy
man in the country is accustomed to hold
regular diets of catechising in the several vil
lages of his parish, where he meets as many
of his parishioners together as can be easily
assembled in one place.
In this department of pastoral duty, an
intelligent minister does not confine him
self to the church catechism, or to any
printed, catechisms whatever; but while

72 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
he pays as much attention to the catechisms
in use as to see that they are familiar to
the people, if he does justice to his office,
his instruction is directed to every subject
of religion and morals, which he thinks best
adapted to their capacities and situations.
His catechetical questions, indiscriminate
ly addressed to the old and to the young,
embrace, as far as the time he must pre
scribe to himself will permit, whatever he
can render level to the capacities of the
people, or is calculated to enlighten them,
in the history of the Bible, in the evidence,
the doctrines, or the practical duties of
Christianity. It is his object, above all, to
make them well acquainted with the Scrip
tures ; and, as far as he can assist them, to
accustom them to refer to them readily.
In some parishes it is the practice* be
sides, to catechise the communicants sepa
rately ; and the clergy are universally accus
tomed to converse privately with those who
are admitted to the communion-table for the
first time.
Without mentioning the care of the poor,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 73
or the management of the church discipline,
which are chiefly devolved on the parish
ministers, this is a general outline of pas
toral duty, as it has been conducted in Scot
land for more than a century. The labour
of every year, and (speaking generally) of
every parish, is substantially the same.
Allowance must, no doubt, be made for dif
ferences in the manner of conducting every
department of parochial service, created by
the local peculiarities of parishes, as well as
by their unequal extent, and by the varieties
which are always to be expected in the age
or the activity of individual ministers.
The same duty cannot be done within a
district of twenty or thirty miles, intersected
by lakes or rivers, which can be easily ac
complished within the limits of five or ten
miles, of a contiguous and cultivated country.
Nor can the same justice be done to a po
pulation of 35,000, or even of 15,000, which
is practicable in a parish consisting of 500,
or even of 1500 souls.*
* There must, indeed, be considerable varieties in the
management of different parishes, not only arising from their

74 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. Q.
But the substance, though not perhaps
all the particulars, in the detail which has
been given, is annually verified in every
quarter of Scotland. Every Scotsman who
is well acquainted with the habits and man
ners of his countrymen, and who is quali
fied to give a fair opinion, must be prepar
ed to admit, that the distinction which Scots-

peculiar situations, but from the age, and from the different
talents of individual ministers. It is related in the life of
Jonathan Edwards, (printed at Edinburgh in 176*4, p. 67, 58,)
that he declined the visitation of his hearers from house to
house, under a persuasion that he did not possess the talents
by which many of his brethren were distinguished, of convers
ing with the people with ease and familiarity, so as either to
promote their edification, or to satisfy his own mind.
He therefore preferred the mode of bringing them frequent
ly together in considerable numbers and preaching to them ;
and when he did communicate with them personally on their re
ligious interests, of conversing with them in his own house, ra
ther rthan in their families. He faithfully visited the sick.
But with regard to persons in good health, he did not feel that
he possessed the talents requisite to render his private inter
course with them, at their own houses, either satisfactory to
himself or useful to them.
"Though the general plan of parochial visitations, which has
been mentioned, has certainly many advantages, and should
not be wantonly neglected, there must of necessity be a
certain discretion supposed, suited to the circumstances of
every place, and to the tempers and talents of individual mi
nisters.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D« D. 75
men of; the lowest ranks receive, when fjhey
go out into the world, from their intelli
gence, from their sobriety, from their sub
ordination, and, in general, from their good
morals, is in no small degree to be imputed
to the conscientious labours of the parochial
clergy, who have watched and instructed
them from their earliest jears.
They have certainly at the same time the
benefit of the parish schools, and derive
from them advantages, both in morals and
religion, which the inhabitants of no other
country in Christendom have yet possess
ed in the same degree. But it must not
be forgotten, that the labours of the pastor
among the old and the young, give energy
and substance to the education of. the
schools, and direct the application of the
information which has been there acquired,
so as to render it both more correct, and
much more permanently efficient, than it
would otherwise become,, among the differ
ent classes of the people.
This view of clerical labours in Scot
land is neither useless in itself, nor foreign

76 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
to the subject of this memoir. An order of
ministers who hold themselves pledged, not
only to make faithful preparation for the
weekly service of the Lord's day, but to
discharge the private duties of their func
tion on such a plan as has been specified,
of which much has been omitted and no
thing exaggerated, ought to have equal
claims to the respect and to the confidence
of their country. And the detail of their
labours will not be uninteresting, as long as
their effects are visible in the conduct of
Scotsmen, in almost every quarter of the
world. Dr Erskine began his ministry at Kirk
intilloch, fully aware of the extent of the
duties which he undertook to perform ; and
he applied his mind to them, not only with
the most scrupulous exactness, but with the
most anxious and conscientious activity.
The publication of his sermons, many of
which were preached at Kirkintilloch, has
enabled every judicious reader to appreci
ate the nature of his preparations for the
pulpit; and they who have been acquaint-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 77
ed with the ardour of his studies in the end
of his days, can estimate the industry with
which he must have applied to them in the
prime of life.
The singleness and sincerity of his zeal
for tbe temporal and eternal interests of the
people entrusted to his care, made every
Other consideration give way, not only to
his theological and practical studies, but to
the minutest offices of pastoral duty. The
keenness of his natural temper, combined
with the acuteness of his talents, must, in
the vigour of youth, have rendered both his
public ministrations and his parochial la
bours equally interesting and impressive;
supported, as they were, by the great solici
tude of his life, to become a successful in
strument in promoting the glory of God, and
the instruction and salvation of human
beings. During the two first years of his resi
dence at Kirkintilloch he continued a ba
chelor, and his house was the resort of the
most intimate companions of his youth.
Among thesej none of the least distinguish-

78 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
ed were Alexander Tait, (afterwards one of
the Principal Clerks of Session,) and James
HaU, son of Sir James Hall of Dunglas.
The easy and delightful terms in which they
lived with him, are well described in a let
ter from Mr Tait written at this time,
while Mr Hall was on a visit at Kirkintil
loch. The cheerfulness of temper and
warmth of attachment which so remark
ably distinguished Dr Erskine through life,
must at this early period have rendered his
intercourse with those friends of his youth
most peculiarly interesting.
But neither youthful ardour nor warm
attachments, even when they are support
ed by the best virtues and intenlions of hu
man life, can secure the permanency of the
satisfactions derived from them. Dr Er
skine had soon to lament one of the great
est calamities of his early years, in the un
timely death of his friend Mr Hall.
Mr Hall was three years younger than
himself; and at the time of his death
was a student of divinity, applying with
equal earnestness to theological studies and

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 79
practical religion. They had lived in the
closest habits of friendship for upwards of
two years; for their intimacy does not ap
pear to have had an earlier date. They
had probably been attracted to each other
by the similarity in their views and situa
tions, as well as by the obvious resemblance
in their characters.
Mr Hall had been originally intended for
a mercantile life, and had with this view
been for some time employed in the count-
ing-hOuse of Mr William Hogg, then a con
siderable merchant in Edinburgh. But he
had a predominant inclination for the office
of a clergyman, which soon determined
him to apply to the study of divinity ; and
in the end of 1743, at the age of nineteen,
he had relinquished every other pursuit.
From this time, till his death, in October
1745, Dr Erskine appears to have lived with
him in the most intimate habits of confi
dence and affection. Their application to
the same studies — their common solicitude
for the best interests of religion — and the
intimate communication of their thoughts

80 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
and feelings, (which they appear to have in
dulged without reserve,) gave their inter
course a value and an interest, which, after
the death of Mr Hall, could not he soon
compensated to the survivor.
They were together for the last time on
the 9th of September 1745» when Dr Erskjne
was accidentally in Edinburgh. The pub
lic convulsions, occasioned by the rebel
lion °f that year, were already begun ; an4
Dr Erskine afterwards deeply regretted,
that on that day he had resisted the solici
tations of his friend to accompany him to
Stirling on a visit to Colonel Gardiner, —
that venerable man who was so eminently,
distinguished by his military conduct, and
by his Christian character, — before he set
out for the battle of Preston, where he lost
his life, on the 21st of September, in circum
stances which will transmit his name wit;h
honour to the latest periods of our history.
Dr Erskine could not then conveniently ac
company him, and returned to Kirkintilloch.
Mr Hall was soon after seized with a
malignant fever, which Providence did not

lIfe oF John erskine, d. d. 81
permit him to survive. From the disorders
Which then existed in the country, and the
difficulty of all internal communication, oc
casioned by the rebellion, Dr Erskine did
not even hear of his illness till the very
night on which he died.
Soon after his death, he published (in
1746,) a few fragments of the letters and
studies of his friend, to which he prefixed
a short memoir, containing affectionate re
flections on his death and character. What
they had been to one another, may be seen
from the following extract, taken from his
account of Mr Hall's friendship to him,
which he appears to have experienced in
some instances of most peculiar interest
and delicacy.
" Never was there a soul," he says, " more
" susceptible of friendship, or endowed with
" more of a tender, affectionate, and sym-
"'pathising disposition. My intimate cor-
" respondence with him for two years and
" a half gave me peculiar proofs of this ;
" and some of the instances of his friend-
et ship were such as, I believe, can scarce-

P§ LIFE OF JOHN ERSKItNE, D. D;
" lyfind a parallel, either in ancient or mo-
" dern times;. though I have reasons for not
/' vbeing mOre ! particular on this head. To
." him, in. every, distress and^ perplexity,
? with freedom I could Unbosom my. most
" hidden pains, without the least doubt of
" their remaining as secret as if they had been
" confined within my own breast, r, He felt
" my joys and sorrows asif they had been his
"own. He kindly warned me of whatever he
" thought amiss in my conduct, and took
" it well when I used the same f freedom
" witk him. I can never be sufficiently
'? thankful that God ever -favoured me with
f such a friend, and gave me such' peculiar
" advantages for knowing his .worth* and
" improving by his conversation and ex-
" ample. The least circumstance that con-
'J , cerned. his friend was not disregarded by
'-'him"., .;;•<:;: ;r>'un _\ t:t\-: n ..-> -y.\;;- ;-
The similarity of their views and situa
tions, and especially of their ultimate desti
nation to the church, was ^probably the ori
gin, and certainly add edi greatly to the in
timacy, of a friendship which is thus tender
ly and pathetically described.

LiFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B. S3
The personal and religious character of
Mr Hall — the mildness of his temper — the
singleness of his views and pursuits— the
fervour Of his piety — the fidelity of his
friendship—and the sincerity of his zeal for
the progress Of genuine Christianity, — are
strikingly exemplified in the fragments col
lected from his papers, as well as in the af
fectionate memoir which introduces them.
His untimely death must have been deeply
regretted by his personal friends, and by
every one who had had an opportunity of
estimating the expectation he had given, of
usefulness or eminence in the church of
Christ. Prefixed to Dr Erskine's account of him
we find the following striking quotations
from Virgil and Cicero :
" Ostenduht terris hunc tantum fata, nee ultra esse sinent."
• i .. VlRGIX.
" O preclarum diem, cum ad illud divr-
" num animorum concilium, caetumque pro-
" ficiscor, et cum ex hac turba et colluvi-
" one discedam ! Proficiscar enim non ad
" eos solum viros, de quibus ante dixi, sed

84 LIFE. OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D«
" etiam ad Catonem meum, quo nemo vir
" melior natus est, nemo pietate praestan-
" tior. Cujus a me corpus crematum est;
" quod contra decuit ab illo meum. Ani-
" mus vero non me deserens, sed respec-
" tans, in ea profecto loca discessit, quo
" mihi ipse cernebat esse veniendum. Quem
" ego meum casum fortiter ferre visus sum ;
" non quod _quo animo ferrem ; sed me
" ipse consolabar, existimans non . longin-
" quum inter nos digressum et discessum
" fore."— Cicero de Senectute.
Dr Erskine's name does not appear on
the title-page of this publication,, which
is merely announced as the writing, of " a
" friend in the country." His heart was in
the subject, though his modesty led him to
withhold his name. *
The clerical society to which his situa
tion at Kirkintilloch introduced him, was
equally suited to his laste and to his stu
dies. It would not be easy to mention
more respeclable names than those of Mr
* See Note L.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 85
John Maclaurin, not less distinguished as
a divine than his brother Colin Maclaurin
was as a mathematician; of Dr William
Leeehman, then Professor of Divinity, and
afterwards Principal of the University of
Glasgow, a man of primitive and apostolic
manners, equally distinguished by his love
of literature, and his liberal opinions? of
Dr John Gillies, whose pastoral labours
were only surpassed by his learning, and
by the native cheerfulness, simplicity, and
sincerity of his life ; of Dr John Hamilton,
then in the Barony parish, and afterwards
in the High Church of Glasgow, as eminent
for the soundness and vigour of his under
standing, as for the steadiness and respecta
bility of his pastoral character ; of Dr John
Corse, who, with some formality of manner,
had the aspect of a gentleman, united to
the elegance of a scholar, and the sincerity
of a Christian divine.
With these and such men, it may well be
supposed, that, residing within a few miles
of Glasgow, he had advantages for the in*
tercourse of private life suited to his habits

86 J.IFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D, D.
and pursuits, which few other situations at a
distance from the metropolis would have af
forded him. Excepting Mr Maclaurin,
who was much farther advanced, all the in
dividuals who have been mentioned were
nearly of his own age; and they were all
united, not only in the same love of litera
ture, and in the same sludies^ but in the.
same general views, of pastoral duty, and in
the same active solicitude to promote the
best interests of mankind.
It is not surprising that he should have
been much attached to the society of such
associates. He was always accustomed to
mention his intercourse with them with pe
cuUar relish ; and it is more than probable,
that, had he followed his inclination,- -he
would have embraced an opportunity, which
appears to have been afterwards in his
power, of fixing his residence in Glasgow,
His last visit at a distance from home was
paid to Dr Gillies, who survived the rest,
and of whose life he published* in 1796, a
short but affectionate memoir,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 87
On the 15th of June 1746, he married
the Honourable Christian Mackay, third
daughter, by his third wife, of George,
the third Lord Reay, — the representative of
a family, whose property is situated at the
northern extremity of Scotland, and which,
like the family of Sutherland, whose estate
is contiguous, has been uniformly, in all its
branches, attached to the Protestant suc
cession in the house of Hanover, of which
they have been, at all times, zealous and
active supporters. r
From his marriage, he received the ad
vantages of domestic society in no common
degree; and Providence permitted him to
enjoy them to the end of his life. Mrs
Erskine was distinguished by a sound and
cultivated understanding ; by genuine and
unostentatious piety, guided by great good
sense and discernment; by uniform mild
ness and equality of temper ; and by those
habitually cheerful and affectionate man
ners, which commanded the esteem and
respect of the society in which she lived,

88 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
and were the perpetual delight of her own
family. No man could enjoy the comforts of do
mestic life with more visible satisfaction
than Dr Erskine. Bui he never allow-*
ed himself to be so much engrossed, either
by his private feelings or his domestic occu
pations, as in any degree to be diverted from
the ardent prosecution of his literary and
theological studies, or to relax the activity
with which he co-operated in every design,
which had for its object, either the prospe
rity of human life, or the encouragement
and progress of practical religion.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B. 89

CHAP. IV.
Rise qf the Methodists in England. — Mr
Whitefield' s arrival in Scotland. — His first
>. Connection with the Scotch Seceders.— His
singular Labours at Cambuslang, §c. — Dr
Erskine's Publications on this subject.
There is a subject alluded to in the se
cond letter from Dr Warburton, which, at
this time, occupied no small share of Dr
Erskine's attention, and which appears to
have created a very general interest in Scot
land. John and Charles Wesley, and George
Whitefield, after having formed the religious
association at Oxford by which they were
first brought into notice, had, some years be
fore this date, commenced their career as
field-preachers in England. By their zeal and
popularity, they attracted such a mullilude
of followers, as soon enabled them to form
a sect, which has ever since been known by
the general name of Methodists, and which

90 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D> D.
now comprehends the most considerable
body of his Majesty's subjects, who have
either differed or separated from the esta-
blishedohurch. Thedesignation of Method
ists was ' assumed by themselves, from cer
tain -methods or rules of living, by which
they- were originally distinguished at Ox
ford. The Wesleys, though at first associated
with Whitefield, ultimately separated from
him, chiefly on account of the different opi
nions which ihey adopted with regard to
the points in controversy between the Cal
vinists and Arminians. John Wesley, who
was the chief writer, though he was not al
ways consistent with himself, asserted the
Arminian tenets. Whitefield adhered to
the doctrines of Calvin, which he affirmed
to be the doctrines of the church of Eng
land. Wesley had the address to adjust
the form, and sometimes even the substance,
of his doctrines to suit the taste of his au
dience. Whitefield sturdily maintained,
wherever he preached, the same undisguis
ed and unvaried tenets of Calvinistic theo-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. $1
logy, as sthe idoctrines of Christ and; his
apostles, , From these distinctions have risen
the two descriptions of Wesleyan and Cal
vinistic Methodists.
Wesley had more literature than White-
field, and could speak with more classical
correctness. But Whitefield, who was ^far
from being illiterate, appears to have had
powers of speaking, not only more com
manding and impressive than Wesley's, but
such as raised him above every other popu
lar preacher of his -time. Wesley i himself
is compelled to admit the effect of his elo
quence, amidst all the improprieties of man
ner and language which he imputes to
him * But his preaching powers had a
more decisive attestation, from the multi
tudes who heard him with equal astonish
ment and conviction ; and from the visible
and permanent effects which his labours
appear to have produced on their charac
ters. After their separation, Wesley complain-
* Wesley's Journal.

92 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ed that Whitefield had written against him j
and he would have persuaded him to meet
him half way, (as he chose to express
himself,) so that they should not preach
against one another, and should conceal
from the public the difference in their theo
logical opinions.* Whitefield, whom, for
this reason, Warburton pronounces of the
two "the honester man/'-f- disdained to
compromise what he believed to be import
ant articles in the revelation of God ; and
from this time,, the private intercourse be
tween these champions of methodism, as
well as the public connection of their la
bours, was, if not entirely, in a great mea*
sure, dissolved.
Mr Whitefield came to Scotland, for the
first lime, in 1741 ; and as his labours there
had an intimate connection with some lead
ing facts in the life of Dr Erskine, it is ne
cessary to represent the circumstances which
attended them in more detail, than, on other
accounts, would have been requisite.
* Wesley's Journal,
f Warburton on the Office and Operations of the Holy Spirit,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 93
No general declamations against method
ism or enthusiasm, or against the peculiar
defects or weaknesses, imputed either to
the substance or the form of George White-
field's ministrations, can destroy the evidence
of the fact, that they made a powerful and
lasting impression on great multitudes of
men, and on men of cultivated understand
ings, as well as on the vulgar.
The fame of his success as a popular
preacher in England and America, (for he
had been in America before this time,) had
induced individuals of different persua
sions, and, in particular, a class of mini
sters who had lately seceded from the esta
blished church,* to invite him earnestly to
Scotland ; from an expectation, that he
might be as successful in promoting the re
vival of religion there, as they believed him
to have been in England and America ;
and, on the part of the seceders besides,
that,, by means of his popularity, directed
by them, they might gain both attention
and influence to their infant sect.
* For the origin of the secession, see Appendix.

94K LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
His correspondents among the seceding
clergy had not concealed from him the
scheme which they had formed^ that his
ministrations in Scotland shouldr be confin
ed to their own sect* Nor, on the other
hand, had he disguised to them his general
resolution to preach, without distinction,
with every order of ministers : who should
invite him, and to all who were willing to
hear him. That there might be no misun
derstanding between them, he had told
them explicitly, that he had not the least
idea of confining himself within the narrow
trammels of any sect. *
Though there was no ambiguity in his part
of the correspondence, the leaders of the se
cession » from a natural partiality to a sect
with which they had almost brought them
selves to identify Christianity, had notwith
standing flattered themselves, that, when he
should be among them, and should become
acquainted wilh the' real state of religious
parties in Scotland, they would nol find it
* See in the collection of his letters, Letter 280, to Eben
ezer Erskinei -'• 4.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 95
difficult -lo persuade him to enter into their
views. They did not immediately relinquish this
expectation. Mr Whitefield preached first
of all in their pulpits ; and on one occasion
Mr Ralph Erskine, one of their most con
siderable leaders, accompanied him to the
pulpit of the Canongate Church of Edin
burgh. But they soon began to perceive,
that his general views were not likely to
coalesce with theirs; and they held a solemn
meeting at Dunfermline on purpose to rea
son with him on the subject.
Their conversation on this occasion began
indeed with a weak and useless attempt to
persuade him of the unlawfulness of epis
copacy, and to give him their own ideas of
church government. And when- nothing
which they could say on these topics made
the leas,t impression, it terminated in what
they had chiefly in view, in a direct propo
sal* that> in Scotland,' he should, at least for
the present, preach only for them. '? Why
," should 1 preach only for you?" said Mr
Whitefield.— " Because," replied Mr Ralph

§6 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Erskine, " we are the Lord's people."-*" But,'*
said Mr Whitefield, " has the Lord no other
"people than yourselves? and, supposing
" that all Others were the devil's people, have
"not they so much the more need to be
" preached to, and, shall I say nothing to
"them?"* The effect of this conference, as might
have been naturally supposed, was a final
breach between Mr Whitefield and the se
ceding clergy. From that lime, they not
only disavowed all connection with him,
but preached against him publicly, and
even went so far as to stigmatize him as an
agent of the devil. They had been so long
accustomed to declaim against the corrup
tions of the established churchy and to re
present them as so inveterate, that nothing
good could be connected with her ministra
tions, — that they could not but perceive
how much the singular effects of Mr White-
field's labours, in connection with her,
might seem to contradict the doctrines
which they had so zealously inculcated,
* See Whitefield's Letters, and Gillies's Life ef Whitefield.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D- D, 97
with regard to her inefficiency, and, in this
way, to lessen their reputation and influence
among the people.
This idea, co-operating with Mr White*
field's refusal to confine his ministrations to
their sect, produced a degree of violence in
their opposition to him* for which moderate
men, among themselves j would now find it
difficult to frame an apology. Strong pas
sions and keen tempers, irritated by party
interests and contentions* even the best of
men are unable entirely to control. The
ministers of the secession were men of worth
and principle, though their views and opi
nions were narrow and illiberal, and though
their conduct was often more under the in
fluence of their bigotry than of their under
standings. On this occasion* in their heat
ed zeal for the exclusive interests of their
party, tb#y seem to have equally lost sight
of sound policy and Christian moderation.*
But iheir efforts had no effect whatever,
either to lessen Mr Whitefield's popularity,
* See Note M.
G

98 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. ».
or to lower his character in the country.
They had, indeed, the contrary effect ;
connected, as they of necessity were, with
the well known solicitude which they had
at first discovered, to have confined his mi
nistrations within the pale of their own sect.
He continued to officiate, as he had ori
ginally done in England, sometimes in the
parish churches, and more frequently in the
fields, in the most populous districts of
Scotland; from Edinburgh and Glasgow,
to Perth, Dundee, and Aberdeen; every
where attended by immense multitudes of
men ; on many occasions, producing ef
fects on his hearers of every rank, age, and
character, of which, though there have been
similar, there are certainly not many more
striking, or perhaps equal examples.
It may be easily conceived, that the public
would not be agreed on a subject sq new and
singular, and which attracted so much gene
ral attention. The countenance which was
given to Mr Whitefield, and the astonish
ing effects imputed to his labours, not only
created much diversity of opinion within

tlFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 99
the Established Church, but occasioned vio
lent dissensions in private life, which many
individuals still alive can attest, and of
which a greater number must remember, to
have heard.
Dr Erskine was still a student at the
University of Edinburgh, and was one of
those who zealously defended the charac
ter of Mr Whitefield. He felt theforce of
his powerful and popular eloquence, and
seems to have had a strong impression of
the usefulness and efficacy of his evangeli
cal doctrines.
Dr Robertson, then also a student at the
University, as well as many of the most re
spectable men in the country, certainly en
tertained a different opinion, both of his cha
racter, which they did not at that time con
sider as sufficiently established, and of the
extraordinary effects imputed to his public
ministrations. Every surmise to the prejudice of his per
sonal character, was completely removed
in the course of his life. But it is not
surprising, that, while he was yet a youth,

100 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D»
and While his private history was but im
perfectly known, many doubts should have
been connected, in the minds of very im
partial men, with the peculiar circumstances
which distinguished him as an itinerant
preacher. The fact is, that they who ques
tioned, and they who defended his charac
ter, Were, at this time, equally confident
and equally keen in maintaining their op
posite opinions.
Among other facts, the following anec
dote has sometimes been mentioned.
Dr Robertson and Dr Erskine had been
associated in a literary society, in the Uni
versity, with a number of individuals who
becarhe afterwards considerable in differ
ent departments. Unfortunately, ihe ques
tion relating to Mr Whitefield's character
and usefulness was introduced into their
debates ; and, creating very contrary opi
nions, was agitated with so much zeal and
asperity, that it Occasioned the dissolution
of their society, and is said to have, for '4
some time, interrupted even their intercourse
in private life.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D« D. 101
This anecdote shews, that the interest ta
ken in the subject was far from being con
fined to the vulgar, and that, even in the
Universities, it was not contemplated with
indifference. The clamour excited in England before
this time, against the progress of Method
ism, in which the characters of its differ
ent founders were treated with equal free
dom and severity, must have greatly contri
buted to heighten the prejudices circulated
in Scotland against Mr Whitefield's cele
brity, and against every degree of respecta
bility or success ascribed to his labours.
There was not, indeed, the same preju
dice in Scotland as in England against
field -preaching. During the preceding
century, the persecuted Presbyterians, driv
en from their churches, had transmitted
to their descendants a partiality for religious
assemblies in the fields, which, although
no longer the effect of necessity, continued
to be in very general practice, as often
as the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was
.dispensed, and in some districts of thecoun-

102 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
try, are not even at this day completely dis^
used. When Mr Whitefield, therefore, appear
ed in the Orphan-Hospital Park at Edin
burgh, the circumstance of his addressing
the people in the open air exhibited no no^
velty to an audience, who were far too nu
merous to have been contained in any
church of the city, and who were accus
tomed to field-preaching in almost every
parish of the country in which they occa
sionally resided.
Nor did the malignant whispers or in
vectives to the prejudice Of his character,
though they were circulated with equal in
dustry and keenness, bear down the effects
of his commanding eloquence, pf which
every individual in his audience appears to
have felt an almost irresistible impression.*
They gave him credit for ihe purity of his
motives, amidst all the calumnies which
were spread against him. And it can now
be affirmed, without reserve, that whatever
* See Note N.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 103
opinion may be held with regard to his
conceptions of Christian doctrine, or the
form in which he attempted the work of an
Evangelist, he lived to contradict every
surmise to the prejudice of his intentions,
and went down to the grave at last, with a
character of unblemished and established
integrity. In the allusion made to this subject in
Warburton's letter,* it does not appear
whether he had before mentioned it to Dr
Erskine, or whether the latter, without any
previous communication, had entered into
a defence of the followers of Mr Whitefield,
against the charge of methodism and en
thusiasm. Though the allusion is expressed
in very general terms, there can be no
doubt, from its date, that this was the sub
ject referred to.
Warburton had not, at this time, con
sidered the question relating to melhodism
with the attention which he afterwards be
stowed on it. He was not disposed to dis-
* Page 55.

104 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
trust Dr Erskine's representation; but it
is clear, from the lines which he quoted
to him from Pope, that he was not even
then without his jealousy of methodistical
enthusiasm. And from what he wrote,
eighteen or twenty years afterwards, in his
" Discourse on the Operations of the Holy
" Spirit," it is certain thai, if he had entered
seriously into the subject, he would have
been far from adopting the ideas of his cor
respondent. When Dr Erskine wrote Dr Warburton,
he believed, and he held the same opinion
till his death, that Mr Whitefield had done
very considerable service to the interests of
religion in Scotland, as well as in other
countries to which his labours extended.
He thought himself warranted to vindicate
those who countenanced him from the
charge of enthusiasm, so frequently ap
plied to every appearance of unusual ear
nestness in the service of the gospel, and to
every expression of zeal which goes beyond
the dictates of fashionable example, or of
clerical apathy.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 10#
He was aware that Whitefield belonged to
the class of men who had assumed the
name of Methodists at Oxford, and who
were afterwards stigmatized in England
by that designation. But he was not wil
ling to admit that Whitefield's methodism
was enthusiasm, or that they were enthu
siasts who professed to be interested or
edified by his labours.
It is not very probable that, even at this
time, he gave complete satisfaction to War
burton, notwithstanding the civil expres
sions in the answer which he received.
After the attention which the Methodists had
already attracted in England, there is no
reason to imagine, from Warburton's habits;
of thinking, that he would have been, in
any circumstances, or in any degree, easily
reconciled to the idea of itinerant preach
ing. On the other hand, in Scotland, though
the opponents of Mr Whitefield were neither
few nor inconsiderable, and were counte
nanced by some of the most enlightened men
in the country; though, his original associates

106 LIFE OP JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
in the secession continued to preach and
to write against him ; he possessed so much
respect and favour from men of very differ*
ent ranks and characters, that even they
whose opinions were most decidedly against
him did not venture lo have recourse to any
strong measure, to check his growing in-.
fluence among the people.
Though he originally travelled into more
distant counties, and when his excursions
in Scotland became more limited at a later
period, seems to have preached more fre«-
quently at Edinburgh than in any other
quarter, in 1742 his labours were most
conspicuous in the West of Scotland, and
especially in the parishes of Cambuslang
and Kilsyth. He had not before visited
either of these parishes, though some indi*
viduals from them might have been his
hearers in 1741, at Glasgow, or in its im
mediate vicinity, where he appears to have
then attracted great attention.
In the following winter, (1741-2,) very
remarkable impressions of religion were
observed in the congregation of Cambus-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 107
lang, under the ministry of Mr M'Culloch,
the pastor^ of that parish — a man of ge
nuine piety and of considerable capacity,
but who is said to have had nothing parti
cularly striking either in the manner or
substance of his preaching. His hearers,
in considerable numbers, were on different
occasions so violently agitated, while he
preached on the Christian doctrine of re
generation, as to fall down, in the midst of
the multitude, under visible paroxysms of
bodily agony.
To suit his labours to what he considered
as important circumstances in the state of
his parishioners, fie thought himself bound
in duty to add to the number of their reli
gious exercises. He preached frequently on
week-days as well as on Sundays. He met
with them often separately and together
in his own house, to instruct, lo admonish,
and to console them, according to the best
idea which he could form of their state of
mind. The effect of his labours became
every day more visible and extensive ; and
even they who were most disposed to ques?

108 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
tion the soundness of his judgment on the
subject, could scarcely refuse to give him
credit for the purity of his intentions. The
same visible agitation among the people
was continued during the whole course of the
winter, and his labours and solicitudes were
never relaxed.
It is not surprising that events so un
usual, and which seemed to go so far be
yond the natural effect of the means em
ployed in producing them, should have ar
rested the attention of the public ; or that
multitudes should have flocked to Cambus
lang to ascertain or to witness them.
Similar effects began to appear at Kilsyth,
in the Barony parish of Glasgow, and in
some other adjacent parishes; and something
less remarkable, but of the same kind, had
been before observed at Edinburgh and other
districts of Scotland, where Mr Whitefield
had preached. But nothing can be more
certain, than that the unusual events at
Cambuslang had been a subject of gene
ral observation and inquiry, for many
months before Mr Whitefield had ever
6

LIFE OF JOHN EHSKiNE* D. D. 109
been there ; and it is not possible to iden
tify their commencement with his labours,
by any fair examination of the facts as they
occurred. Mr Whitefield was undoubtedly no stran
ger to similar agitations in large congrega
tions, either in England or America ; and
perhaps imputed more lo them than men
of a less sanguine temper would have readi
ly admitted. But there can be no doubt,
that, to whatever cause they were ascribed,
tlie effects of Mr M'Culloch/s solitary la
bours had been so considerable as. to gain
the attention of the public, and to attract
multitudes to witness them, long before Mr
Whitefield had any Opportunity of joining
him. It was natural, however, to suppose that,
after what he had heard, Mr Whitefield
Would seize on the first occasion which ofc
fefed to visit Mr M'CuIloch. In the sum
mer of 1742 he was more at Cambuslang,
and in its immediate vicinity, than in any
other district/ ite was there joined by a
considerable number of ministers of the

¦1.10 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINEj D< ».
Established Church ; by some whose cu*
riosity was excited to examine the appear
ances which had attracted so much atten
tion ; and by others who were already
convinced that they were not common
events, and were willing to give their help
in what they believed to be the work of
God. From this time the multitudes who as
sembled were more numerous than they
had ever been, or perhaps than any con
gregation which had ever before been col
lected in Scotland ; the religious impres
sions made on the people were apparent
ly much greater, and more general; and
the visible convulsive agitations which ac
companied them exceeded every thing of
the kind which had yet been observed.
Whatever opinion we may form either
of the nature or of the source of those ex
traordinary effects, it is at least a most
remarkable fact, that, in this period, they
were neither confined to any one district or
country, nor were exclusively connected
with the ministry of any individuals.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. Ill
In Scotland, though they were more fre
quent and more remarkable in the crowds
collected by Mr Whitefield, than in any
other congregations, they were observed,
nearly at the same time, in situations remote
from Cambuslang, under the slated ministra
tions of the parish ministers.
Both before this time and afterwards,
there were similar facts related among
the Methodists of England ; which, though
they were magnified in Mr Wesley's Jour
nals into not merely supernatural, but mi
raculous events, can scarcely be question
ed as facts which in substance occurred,
how far soever we must believe them to
have been removed from miraculous inter
position. In America, also, and especially in New
England, there were many accounts of the
same kind, from situations in which English
methodism was entirely unknown. There
was, in particular, an account of remark
able conversions, attended by the same
symptoms of bodily agitation, published
by Jonathan Edwards, (no mean man sure-

HS LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, 0. D.
ly,) from his congregation of Northamp
ton in Massachusets, in 1734, before either
Wesley or Whitefield were heard of.
Is it to be supposed, on the one hand,
that the accounts transmitted to us on this
subject were unfounded or exaggerated,
and that the visible impressions related^
had either no existence in fact, or were not
erititled to be connected, in any degree,
with the progress or efficacy of genuine re
ligion ? Or* on the other hand, are convul
sions Or agitations of body to be set down
as proofs of the efficacy of preaching, as the
effects or indications of real conversions, or
of any supernatural influence accompany
ing religious impfeSsions ?
It is necessary to avoid both these ex
tremes, to form any sound or dispassionate
Opinion on this subject.
The facts themselves, as they occurred
in Scotland, whatever view may be taken
of them, are ascertained by the most un
questionable evidence, — by the testimony
of Mr John Maclaurin of Glasgow, who was
most assiduous and minute in his investiga-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 113
tion of them, * — by Dr John Hamilton of
the High Church of Glasgow, whose good
sense and discernment were worthy of the
high respectability of his character, f — by
Mr Robe of Kilsyth, whose integrity was
never questioned, and who published a nar
rative on the subject, $ — by Dr Webster of
Edinburgh, who accompanied Mr White-
field, and preached; with him at Cambus
lang ; who published a defence of what he
represented as real conversions there, in
opposition to those who pronounced them
a delusion ; who wrote from his personal
knowledge, and attested the facts of which
he was an eye-witness, § — and - by Dr
Erskine himself, who was then a student
in divinity ; who wrote a pamphlet on
the subject, entitled *' The Signs of. the,
" Times," which has furnished one of the
* Account of his Life prefixed to his Sermons and Essays.
f Iii his letter to Mr Prince of Boston in 1742, published
in the Life of Whitefield.
J Robe's Narrative.
§ Webster's " Divine Influence, the true Spring of the Ex-
" traordinary Work at Cambuslang ;" aud his second edition of
ditto, with a preface, in answer to Mr Fisher's Review. . .
H

114 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
chief reasons for introducing the subject in
to this narrative. *
The facts related from New England
are, in like manner, attested by Mr Prince,
Dr Colman, Mr Foxcroft, Mr Morehead of
Boston ; by Jonathan Edwards, President
of the College of New Jersey ; and by many
others equally respectable, -j*
Setting the narratives of Whitefield and
Wesley entirely out of the question, no
events can be more satisfactorily attested
as unquestionable facts. Though we do
not adopt the conclusions or opinions which
any of the persons mentioned has con
nected with the facts, we cannot ques
tion the facts themselves, of which they
were eye-witnesses, and which they have
deliberately attested to the public, From
what we know of their individual charac
ters, we can neither think it credible that all
of them could be imposed on, nor that any

* Signs of the Times.
+ Prince's Christian History ; - Letters of Messrs Foxcroft,
Morehead, Prince, &c. of Boston ;— Gillies's Life of White-
field.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 1 \6
one of them was capable of deliberately im
posing on the world.
But, allowing the facts to be ascertained,
it is not as easy to determine the fair con-
elusion which ought to be deduced from
them. We are not surely to believe, as
Wesley more than insinuates with regard
to similar effects attending his own mi
nistrations, that bodily agitations or con
vulsions, or any sudden release from them,
connected with any supposed impressions
of religion, are to be regarded as indica
tions of miraculous interposition, or even as
certain proofs or signals of the effectual ap
plication of religious truth to the consciences
of those who experience them. A reason
able and dispassionate man will not hastily
adopt this conclusion; nor will it be easy
to persuade him, that, in the most favourable
view of them, the observations made at Cam*
buslang either did or could indicate more,
than the deep concern and interest which
the individual's so sensibly affected took at
the time* in doctrines which seemed to have

116 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
come home to their consciences, and to
have irresistibly awakened their alarms.
A strong view of his own character, and
of the irreparable consequences of an irreh>
gious life, clearly stated and deeply impres
sed on the conscience, may be conceived in
very different circumstances, to produce the
same effects on any individual who attracts
no public notice, and of whom nothing more
is known, than that from that time he exr
hibits in private life a different charac-*
ter from that which before belonged to
him. The mental or bodily agitations ocr
casioned by his first alarms, from the ap?
prehended effects of his unprincipled con
duct, may not have been essentially dif
ferent from those which occurred at Cam
buslang, though his circumstances have
not subjected him to the inquiries or obser
vations of others. He may feel as much
agitation as the converts of that time, though
the situation, in which he has received his
convictions, has confined the cause of them
lo his own bosom, or to the confidence of
his intimate associates. It is equally certain

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D« D. 117
that the same feelings may exist, and may
even be experienced in the same degree,
when they are accompanied by no such
agitation of body, and by nothing but their
moral effect to render them visible to the
eye of the world.
It ought to be observed, at the same time,
that such external effects on the body as
were observed at Cambuslang, may be pro
duced in very different circumstances, by
powerful interests, or sudden alarms of any
olher kind, in which religion has no concern.
When the cause of them is clearly seen, it
will not be denied that they prove to the
conviction of a spectator, that the impres
sions made on the individual at the time
is both serious and deep.
It is nol necessary to suppose that more
than this was proved by the striking appear
ances among the converts at Cambuslang ;
if we except the conclusions deducible
from the moral effects which are said to
have followed them. The impressions
made on the individuals were strong and
visible at the moment. But they might, or

118 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D*
they might not, have been lasting, as deep
concern on any other subject may be long
retained or soon surmounted. It is well
known, that much visible agitation may be
produced by the impressions made on the
conscience, which terminate neither in ef.
fectual repentance nor in serious religion.
But it is equally true, oh the other hand,
that the same external appearances may, in
other instances, be followed by effects on
the habits and conduct of the individuals,
which are clearly seen by those who know
them, and which last to the end of their
lives* The converts Of Cambuslang and Kilsyth
could not prove their sincerity by their agi
tation ; but it is equally clear, that their
agitation could furnish no reasonable ground
to suspect them of insincerity.
It may, no doubt, be admitted, in perfect
consistency with all this representation, that
physical sympathy in a crowd might, some
times, produce bodily convulsions) which
had no connection with any religious feel
ing.. And this fact, as well as other circumr

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 119
stances alluded to, will account for such ex
amples as occurred of pretended converts
of that time, who afterwards contradicted
their professions.
But it must not be forgotten, that the
number was very considerable of those
who dated their first and best impressions
Of religion from this time, and who were
afterwards distinguished by a visible and
unquestionable reformation of manners, of
which few examples of the same extent can
be produced in modern times* Even some
of those who have done their utmost to de
cry the converts of Cambuslang, and to di
minish their number, are obliged to admit,
that they might amount to some hundreds ;
and others, who appear to have honestly
related the facts from their own observations
and inquiries, and to have rejected every
circumstance from iheir narratives, of which
they did not think themselves fully assured,
mention four hundred at Cambuslang, in
dependent of those who belonged to Kil
syth. Whatever opinion may be held with re-

120' LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
gard lo the means or influence, with which
four hundred individuals connected a re
formation in their moral and religious cha
racters, which they afterwards supported
through life; no fair man will deny, that
such an effect produced on such a number
of human beings, is a subject neither of ri
dicule nor contempt. Many thousands at
tended, on whom no visible impression
seems to have been made. And this fact,
according with ordinary experience, and
honestly related in the narratives on the
subject, confirms instead of lessening their
credibility. On the other hand, let the thousands
who go away without having received any
visible impression be out of the question,
(though many good effects might have been
produced, which were neither observed nor
related at the time,) four hundred indivi
duals, who, to the conviction of those who
knew them become better men, — men more
useful and conscientious in their stations,
and more faithful in their practical duties,
than they ever were before, and who pre-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 121
serve this character while they live; exhi
bits a view of the religion of Cambuslang
and Kilsyth, which a wise man will not
easily bring himself to reprobate; and
which no good man, if he candidly ex
amines the facts, and believes them, will
allow himself to despise.
It is in vain to represent the religious in
struction of Cambuslang, as so defective
either in form or in substance, as to be in
capable of producing any salutary effect ;
and as having been addressed much more
to the imaginations and the passions, than
to the consciences or the understandings
of the people.
Though this is not admitted to have been
the fact, by those who had best access to
judge, if it be true that what was there
preached became the instrument of pro
ducing a permanent reformation of man
ners in four or five hundred individuals,
within the short space of six or eight
months, no other testimony is requisite to
demonstrate either its value or its effi
ciency.

1^2 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
The examples published to establish this
fact, it is impossible to mention here with
any minuteness. It was observed, in par
ticular, at Kilsyth, that before this period,
the people of that parish had been remark
able for such a litigious spirit, as had in a
great measure destroyed the comfort and
confidence of private life ; and that, imme
diately after this period, the, spirit of litiga
tion seemed to be so much extinguished by
the spirit of religion, that the magistrate of
the district declared, that for many months
no action whatever had been brought be
fore his court, where it had before been
usual to have a great many during the
course of every week.
Similar facts, equally decisive, were re
lated from other districts. And, in gene
ral-, it was certainly believed by those who
had the best access to be thoroughly in
formed, and who lived many years in the ha
bits of intimate communication with the in
dividuate, that they who were called the Con
verts of 1742, with few exceptions indeed,
supported through life the character which

i
LIFB OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 123
they then assumed, and were equally dis
tinguished by purity of manners and Christ
ian sincerity.
It is more than probable that they are
now all in their graves* with Mr Whitefield
himself, and every individual who attempt
ed to stigmatize or to defend him. And it
is surely consolatory to know, that, accord
ing to the best information which has beeh
preserved, they have left no stain on their
religious profession, or on the strong im*
pressions of religion, which, under God,
they ascribed to the ministry of Mr White*.
field and his associates ; that their conduct
was equally open to those who distrusted
their original professions, and to those who
relied on them ; and that, at the distance of
upwards of seventy years, every informa
tion with regard to their personal conduct,
is in favour of the powerful impressions, by
means of which they believed themselves
to have been first persuaded to become
Christians in earnest, and to have first im
bibed the spirit of practical religion. *
* See Note O.

124 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D-'
When Dr Erskine published his pam
phlet, entitled " The Signs of the Times," he
had it less in view to enter into a form
al defence of the events at Cambuslang,
than lo point out what he conceived to be
their tendency, and to illustrate certain con
clusions which he thought might be fairly
deduced from them. He rather referred to
the productions of Dr Webster and Mr
Robe, than attempted to add any thing to
their representation of the facts.
But he incidentally appreciates the lead
ing facts, in the same way in which they
have now been stated. The bodily agita
tions or convulsions he considers as nothing
more than the natural effects of deep im
pressions made on the conscience, — such as
any serious alarm on any subject in com
mon life, remote from religion, might, in si
milar circumstances, have occasioned. He
expresses great confidence in the sincerity
of Mr Whitefield, and sanguine expecta
tions from the immediate and remote ef
fects of his animated labours. And in the
conclusion, he endeavours to refute the ob-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 125
jections which had been made to his view of
the subject, by those who were neither
friendly to Mr Whitefield, nor to any suc
cess which could be connected with his mi
nistrations. The pamphlet, to which his name is not
prefixed, is, in general, written in his pecu
liar manner. It has not, perhaps, as much
discrimination or novelty of illustration, as
will be found in his first pamphlet, or in
some of his later publications. But it pos
sesses no inconsiderable proportion of his
usual acuteness; and theFargument main
tained in it has all the advantage which it
could derive from the earnestness, sincerity,
and fairness with which it is conducted.
There may certainly be a doubt, whether
he did not, on one point, carry his ideas
farther than the subject required, or the
circumstances warranted, when he suppo
sed, that, in the singular facts which had
occasioned his publication, some indi
cations of the predicted glory of the lat
ter days might be found, which might,
perhaps, be intended as a signal held out

126 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
by Providence that this eventful period
was approaching.
Itisevidentthathe had this idea in his mind
when this pamphlet was written ; though he
mentions it with caution, and is sufficiently "
guarded in his application of the texts of
Scripture which he supposes capable of an
application to the subject.
If his reasoning on this point went be
yond either the facts or the Scriptures on
which he depended, it should be reoallect'-
ed, that he had then all the sanguine views
of a young man of twenty^one, on every
subject in which he took a keen or a per
sonal interest ; and that he was by no
means singular in the conclusions which
he adopted.
Jonathan Edwards,, a man much farther
advanced in life, who was equally distin
guished as a profound divine, and an acute
philosopher, had, seven years before this
time, published the same general views of
the subject, occasioned by similar events
which had occurred at Northampton ; and

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 127
he had many coadjutors both in Scotland
and America. *
From all the information received from
those who had the best opportunity of ascer
taining the facts, there seems to be no
sound reason to doubt, that the events in
question were, under the direction of Provi
dence, of very considerable influence in
promoting the interests of practical religion
at the time ; that, with few exceptions, their
effects were, in general, both uniform and
permanent; and that, in these points, as
far as we have the means of judging, they
were estimated fairly by Dr Erskine, and by
those who maintained the same argument
with him.
It is as clear, that the publications of that
time, on the other 6ide, are equally repre
hensible for the spirit in which they are
written, and the false argument assumed
in them. But it ought not to be forgotten,
that this should be imputed, rather to the
heats which entered into the controversy,
than to the personal characters of the writers,
* See Note P.

128 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
who were, in general, worthy and conscien
tious men ; though, as others have done,
they sometimes set down their own preju
dices for principles, and mistake the nar
row spirit of party for the fervour of Christ
ian zeal.
When Mr Whitefield came first to Scot
land in 1741 and 1742, he was employed
by several ministers of the establishment.
The same practice was continued for seve
ral years afterwards ; and, as far as appears,
no notice had been taken of his admission
to the parish churches, by any of the Eccle
siastical Courts, till the year 1748.
Though many of the clergy, who differ
ed on other points, were agreed in expres
sing their dissatisfaction with the counte
nance given to Mr Whitefield, there were
several circumstances which had hitherto
prevented them from uniting in any pub
lic measure to restrain it.
The proceedings of the ministers in tbe
secession against him had been so very in
temperate, that the keenest members of the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 129
establishment might have naturally felt a
reluctance to join issue with them.
The great body of the people were so ex
tremely attached to him, that a direct at
tack on those who supported him could
scarcely have been made, without incurring
a very considerable degree of public odium;
Some of the most distinguished families
in the kingdom were* as often as the op
portunity was given them, his constant
hearers ; and were* besides* in the habit of
admitting him to their private society; and
among these, in particular, was a noble
man, who was then his Majesty's represen
tative, as Lord High Commissioner, in the
General Assembly, who not only attended
his ministrations, and invited him to his
house, but who introduced him to his pub
lic table, during the session of an Assembly;
When these circumstances are added to
the long established practice of the Pres
byterian church, with regard to an occa
sional ministerial communion with foreign
churches, il is not surprising, that the mini-*
sters of the establishment were not forward

150 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. _.
to agitate a question on which unanimity
was not to be expected, and in which prin
ciple and prudence were both involved.
At last, however, the subject was intro
duced into the synod of Glasgow in 1748,
by Mr Millar, minister of Hamilton, the
father of the celebrated Professor of Law in
the University of Glasgow, — a man of high
respectability as a clergyman, equally dis
tinguished by the strength of his understand
ing, and by his talents in his profession.
It cannot fail to be remarked, that, when
this question was at last taken up, the circum
stances attending Mr Whitefield's labours
were by no means so remarkable as they had
been some years before. He was no longer
officiating at Cambuslang ; and the singu
lar appearances exhibited there were no
longer mentioned.
His visits to Scotland were indeed conti
nued, and particularly his visits to Edin
burgh and Glasgow, where he was uniform
ly attended, as he had always been, by
immense multitudes from every class of
the inhabitants. But the crowds who fol-
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 131
lowed him, cannot be conceived to have
given more offence in 1748, than in any of
the preceding years.
There is a circumstance related, which
probably explains the geal which was excit
ed on this occasion, though it was not brought
forward as the ostensible reason for the pro
position submitted to the synod of Glas
gow by Mr Millar. Mr Whitefield had just
before been employed to preach for Dr
Gillies in the College Church of Glasgow,
and for Dr Erskine in the church of Kirk
intilloch; and this circumstance seems to
have given great offence to some of the cler
gy, and particularly to Mr Millar.
At the same lime, the motion made by
Mr Millar, though it was both keenly op*
posed and supported, would, in later times,
have been thought rather temperate than
violent. It went no farther than to pro
pose, " That the synod should declare it as
" their judgment, that no minister within
" their bounds should employ itinerant
" preachers or ministers, with whose cha-
** racter they were not sufficiently acquaint-

1^2 LIFE! OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" ed, or who might be of a doubtful eha-
" racter, and that presbyteries should be at-
" lentive to this."
It had at first been expressed irt more pe
remptory terms. But after it was modified
into this form, it cannot be denied to have
been sufficiently temperate with regard to
the object which they who supported it pro
fessed to have in view ; and it is probable that,
from the spirit of the country at this time,
a stronger measure could not have been at
tempted with any probability of success.
As applied to Mr Whitefield, who was
publicly named, the chief objection to it is
involved in the supposition which it direct
ly cohveys, that he was a man of an un
known or of a doubtful character; for the
enactment which it contains is too inde
finite to have called forth much opposition.
It appeared, however, to tlie majority of
the synod, of which forty members were pre
sent, that, even in its modified form, be
sides its indirect reflections on Mr White-
field's character, il mi^ht have had a conse
quence wiiich they wtre not willing to con-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D' 133
cede. It might, in their apprehension, have
had the effect to lay an unreasonable restraint
on occasional ministerial communion with
other Protestant churches, which, down to
that period, had, at all times, been in prac
tice among the Presbyterians of Scotland.
, Several members of the synod, who were
no friends to Mr Whitefield, but who, on
the contrary, avowed that they had formed
a contemptible opinion of him, resisted
Mr Millar's motion on this ground alone ;
and it was ultimately proposed, that the
judgment of the synod should be expressed
in the following terms : " That no minister
" within their bounds should employ mini-
" sters or preachers, not licensed or ordain-
" ed in Scotland, till he had had sufficient
" evidence of their license and good cha-
" racter, and should be in readiness to give
" an account of his conduct to his own pres-
" bytery, when required."
This proposition, which appears to have
united different opinions, seems to have
been perfectly agreeable to the friends of

134s LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
Mr Whitefield ; and it was adopted in the
synod by the votes of 27 against 13.
Dr Erskine, then minister of Kirkintil*
loch, and, as has been already mentioned,
one of the ministers who had been com*
plained of, as having employed Mr White*
field, took an active part in the debate ; and,
soon after, published an account of it, in
which he is admitted to have given a fair re
presentation of the arguments on both sides.
This pamphlet is well and forcibly writ
ten. Mr Millar's argument did not pro
bably, in his hands, lose any part of its
strength ; and the speech given on the
opposite side appears to have been pro
nounced by himself, and possesses the
qualities both of candour and argument,
by which all his speeches were distinguish*
ed.* The substance of the debate is no longer
interesting. But there is one circumstance
belonging to it, which, at this distance of
time, must excite our astonishment. Though,
by those who supported the original motion,
* See Note Q.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 135
great freedom was used with the character of
Mr Whitefield, and many acts of folly and
imprudence were imputed to him; and
though the avowed object of the motion was
to prevent his access to the pulpits of Scot
land, there was not the most remote allusion,
in ihe course of the whole debate, either on
the one side or the other, to the proceedings
at Cambuslang, though that parish belongs,
to the synod of Glasgow, and is in the im
mediate vicinity of Mr Millar's residence.
There was not the slightest reflection applied
to those who assisted or employed him
there, or at Kilsyth, though Dr Erskine and
Dr Gillies, who had given him their pul
pits, were so directly referred to, that they
thought it necessary to defend themselves.
There was not a syllable pronounced on ei
ther side with regard to the remarkable e-?
vents which had so much, and so lately, en
grossed the public attention, and in which
so many members of the synod itself were
so deeply concerned; though the danger,
or the expediency, of employing Mr White-
field, was the only subject at issue.

136 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
It is not possible to account for this fact,
but by supposing, that the members who, on
this occasion, held opposite opinions, consi
dered the point, which they seem tacitly to
have agreed to avoid, as too delicate for a
public debate, and that they were unwilling
to irritate one another, or to agitate the pub
lic mind by introducing it. The advocates
for thp motion did not go beyond the pre
cise point they had in view; to prevent Mr
Whitefield from being afterwards employed
in the churches ; and for this they contended
from other considerations than the trans*
actions at Cambuslang. They who op
posed il, though they defended him, restrict
ed their argument to the same topics to
which their opponents confined themselves.
It seems to have been a matter of prudence
on both sides, and shews at least the self-
command and good temper with which this
debate must have been conducted.
The only question of general interest
which occurred, related to the expediency
of maintaining occasional ministerial com
munion with foreign Protestant^churches ;

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 137
and a few remarks on this subject shall con
clude this chapter, in which this part of the
narrative has perhaps already occupied more
room than was due to it.
The idea of ministerial communion with
foreign Protestants, supposing the indivi
duals employed to adopt for the time the
mode of worship in practice, appears at
first sight to be neither unreasonable in it
self, nor to be liable to much abuse.
After the Reformation, it was in almost uni
versal practice among Protestant churches,
and in England and Scotland as much as
in any other country. One of the first con
troversies about Christian communion was
created by the English exiles at Frankfort,
in Queen Mary's time, who attempted to
exclude from their communion all who
were unwilling to adopt the English service-
book, as it stood before Queen Mary's ac
cession. The service-book, which they
made a term of communion, had been alter
ed and new-modelled, so recently as the time
of Edward the Sixth, and, in the form in
which it was then in use, they had neither
antiquity nor authority to plead for it. But

138 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
unreasonable and presumptuous as they
were, even at Frankfort no objection was
made to the occasional employment of any
Protestant minister, who was willing for the
time to conform to the mode of worship
which they preferred.
In England itself, though the arbitrary
mandates, of Elizabeth interdicted at in
tervals almost all regular preaching, and
were more frequently employed to silence
the preachers of her own communion, than
to exclude any foreign assistance, neither
the foreign Protestant ministers, nor even
the Independents and Presbyterians at
home, were ever completely shut out from
the churches, till after the controversies
created by the High Church doctrines
of Laud ; and especially till after the dis
putes relating to habits and ceremonies, (in
every view insignificant, except as they in
volved the power of the church to make
them terms of communion,) which, after his
time, became inveterate and irreconcileable.
In Scotland, where, with the exception of
a few Catholic, Episcopalian, and Camero-
nian dissenters, the whole inhabitants of the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 139
country were united to the established church
till the year 1740, when the first seceding
ministers were eje ted, the doctrine of oc
casional ministerial commimion with other
churches, when the persons employed were
willing to conform to the established mode
of worship, was in uniform and uninter
rupted practice, down to a very late period
in the last century. Ministers from Eng
land — churchmen and dissenters — and mi
nisters from the provinces of North Ame
rica, were indiscriminately admitted to mi
nisterial communion, when they were oc
casionally in Scotland ; and no very serious
inconvenience was ever perceived to have
arisen from the practice. It had, on the
contrary, an obvious tendency to repress
the illiberal and mischievous spirit, both of
national and religious bigotry, more hurt
ful to the character of the Christian church,
and to the genuine interests of practical re
ligion, than any degree of laxity, with re
gard to ministerial communion, can ever
become. * * See Note R.

140 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
A new syslem has, however, been adopt
ed by the ecclesiastical law in Scotland,
which, though not universally approved of,
has been carried into effect without much
opposition. If there was an irregularity to
be checked, it was at least not very import
ant, from the few examples which had oc
curred.. And, on the other hand, any sup
posed advantage which the former practice
possessed, was so seldom to be expected,
that there is no very serious reason for con
sidering the new regulations as a subject
either of much dissatisfaction or regret.
The most obvious effect of them, besides,
has been, that the same individuals who, in
their visits to Scotland under the former
practice, had access to the parish churches,
are now admitted to address the very same
description of hearers, from the pulpits of
Presbyterian or Episcopalian dissenters.
Whether the established church has gain
ed any thing by this innovation, may be
fairly questioned. But there can be no
reason to doubt, that much she cannot
lose.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 141

CHAP. V.
Dr Erskine publishes detached Sermons, and
an Essay on the more frequent Dispensa
tion of the Lord's Supper. — Commencement
of his Correspondence with America. — Tht
remainder of Dr Warburton's Correspond
ence with him.
Dr Erskine's attention tO the more pri
vate departments of pastoral duty was not,
at any time, permitted to encroach on his
regular preparation for the more public ser
vice of the Lord's day; At Kirkintilloch
he had three discourses to prepare for every
Sunday, and this of itself required a degree
of industry, in which every man, even with
equal talents^ has not fortitude to persevere.
The acuteness of his faculties, and his ha
bits of study from his early youth, made
his labour easy ; and enabled him, not only
to do justice to his official duties, but to
perform a great deal more, without allow-

142 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ing one obligation to interfere with ano
ther. His reading must, at this period of his
life, have been considerable, in general li
terature as well as in theology. Though
his common-place books, written in short
hand, are illegible, they contain enough in
the common character to point out the sub
jects which had occupied him, and to shew
the indefatigable industry and patience with
which he had applied to them.
But he allowed nothing to divert his
mind from the practical studies or duties of
his profession. Besides his account of Mr
Hall, and his narrative of the debate in the
synod of Glasgow, he published nothing
during his residence at Kirkintilloch, ex
cepting three sermons, preached at Glas
gow in 1745; an essay, intended to pro
mote the more frequent dispensation of the
Lord's Supper, in 1749; and a sermon,
preached before the synod of Glasgow and
Ayr, in 1750 ; all of which have been re
published in his printed discourses, or theo
logical dissertations.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 14S
The three sermons of 1745 had beeri
preached for Mr Maclaurin, in the North
West Church of Glasgow ; and had been
then so far misunderstood by some of his
hearers, as to have been afterwards repre
sented as containing an intentional attack
on certain individuals.
To repel these unfounded surmises, equal
ly injurious to his character, and repugnant
to his temper, as soon as they reached him,
he published the sermons ; and prefixed to
them an advertisement in the following
terms, highly characteristical of the spirit
and integrity of the author : " The follow-
" ing discourses have been represented in
" so disadvantageous a light, thai I find my-
" self obliged, in my own vindication, to
"publish them. I am indeed sensible, that
" several things in them might have been
" expressed in a way more clear, and
" less liable to exception ; and that they
" might easily have been put 'into a dress
" fitter for public view. But, that the
" reader may judge how unfair the cen-
" sures are which some have thrown out

14_ life of John erskine^ d. _ .
'' agairist them, I have neither made any
" alterations in my papers myself, nor com-
" municated them to any of my friends ;
" but have ventured the discourses abroad
" precisely as they were delivered. What-
" ever some have taken the liberty to
" insinuate, I am free to declare, that I
" had no other view in preaching khem,
" than to guard my hearers against the
" delusions of the mere moralist on the
" one hand, and the enthusiast and the
" Antinomian on the other. Nor were my
" cautions on either of these heads meant
" as reflections against the characters of any
" particular persons whatsoever. I never
" yet esteemed the pulpit a fit place for
" slander and defamation, and, I hope, shall
" never be left to prostitute it to so base a
" purpose." There is a remarkable paragraph added in:
this advertisement, in which the author ac
knowledges that, in those sermons, he had
been considerably indebted to Jonathan Ed
wards's sermons, published in 1738, and to a
manuscript "Essay onPrejudices against the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 145
" Gospel," by a minister of the church,
written, as is now known, by Mr John
Maclaurin, and published since his death.
Nothing but the fairness of a mind as open
as day, could have led him to think it ne
cessary to mention this circumstance. Mr
Edwards's sermons, and Mr Maclaurin's es
say, deserve the character which he has
subjoined ; and the argument of the last, in
particular, is equally rational and profound.
At the same time, Dr Erskine's three ser
mons are very little, if at all, indebted to
either of them< But he was conscious,
while he was writing, that he had their
train of thought in his mind, and could not
withhold his acknowledgment of this cir
cumstance, though none of his readers will
find it easy to trace it, even after it has been
mentioned. This fact exhibits a singular view of the
scrupulous candour which he carried into
every part of his personal conduct, and
which was not more remarkable in the be
ginning, than in the latter part of his life.
The three sermons,, which were afterwards
K

146 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
republished in the first volume of 'his dis
courses, certainly gave no just ground for
the aspersions which gave rise to their Ori
ginal publication. They contain mudh
good sense, and sound practical theology ;
though it may certainly be doubted, whe
ther the author has, in every part of them,
given the original meaning of the text.
They are perhaps scarcely equal, in com
position or variety of illustration, to the
greater part of his printed discourses. A
friend who entertained this opinion,' suggest
ed to him, that they were inferior to the rest
of his sermons, and might have been with
held from the last edition of his first vo
lume. But this hint he resisted with great
keenness, not because he questioned his
friend's opinion with regard to the compa
rative merit of the sermons, biit because,
had he yielded to it, it might have 'been
supposed, that he bad at last* become sensi
ble of the justice of the remarks, to which
they owed their first publication. The fair
ness of his mind disdained every idea 'which
malignity itself could have connected with a

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 147
dishonourable feeling; and his literary repu
tation he regarded as a very secondary ob
ject. The essay by which he intended to pro
mote the more frequent dispensation of the
Lord's Sapper, was connected with an over
ture, which had probably Originated with
himself, circulated through the church by
the synod of Glasgow and Ayr, and trans
mitted to the Assembly ; proposing that this
ordinance should be dispensed in every pa
rish at least four times in every year, and
in all the parishes of the same presbytery
on the same day; and that there should
be only a single sermon preached on a
week day preceding the communion Sab
bath, in place of the multiplicity of ser
mons which had till that time been in use.
There were certainly strong reasons for
the proposal which was the object of this
essay, as well as for many of the altera
tions which were suggested to render it
practicable. The subject had been under the consider
ation of trie presbytery of Edinburgh in

148 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
1720, who, without going as far as the over
ture from the synod of Glasgow and. Ayr,
had abridged the number of sermons,*
and made an arrangement by which the
Lord's Supper was to be dispensed in one
or more of the congregations within the
bounds of the presbytery, in every month of
the year. But no change had hitherto been
* Before this time, the practice since the Revolution had
uniformly been, that three sermons should be preached on a
fast'day, in the middle of the week preceding the Sunday ap
pointed for the dispensation of the Lord's Supper, two on the
Saturday, one in the morning and another in the evening of
the Sunday, and two on the Monday. In some congrega
tions in Scotland, the same practice is still continued, though
the Lord's Supper is more frequently dispensed.
The people are attached to this multiplicity of sermons from
the usage of their ancestors, who introduced it in more diffi
cult times, and have transmitted it to their descendants, with
other memorials of their piety and zeal under the hardships
which they suffered, — hardships which they endured with a
magnanimity of principle, which the frequency of their religi
ous exercises had no small influence in sustaining ; and which,
if their posterity are worthy of their origin, neither malignity
nor wit can ever render contemptible in their eyes.
But the same expedients are not necessary in times of ge
neral quiet and security. The presbytery of Edinburgh might
have safely gone farther than they did go, in abridging the
number of sermons; and though they might have had to com
bat the prejudices, they would have certainly added greatly
to the comfort of the people.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 149
made in other districts of Scotland, where,
because the inconvenience attending the
common practice was obviously greater,
there was more occasion for reforma
tion. Dr Erskine discussed this subject with
singular ability and learning, and his essay
is, in point of execution, equal to any one of
his other publications. He states, from the
original authorities, the doctrine and practice
of the early ages of the church ; the deci
sions of Councils, and the opinions of the
Fathers on the subject, with the practice of
the reformers and of the reformed churches
down to the latest period, as far as he had
been able to procure them. He then re
presents the practice introduced into Scot
land, immediately after the Reformation,
and the circumstances in the times of per
secution, from which a different mode was
adopted. He points out the inconvenience
attending the multiplicity of sermons which
had been first brought into practice, when the
Lord's Supper was dispensed under the rod
of persecution; and which was still conti-

150 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
nued when the circumstances were no more
the same ; and he shews, how unnecessary
and inexpedient the same number of ser
mons becomes in different times, ; placing,
in a very striking and forcible light, the argun
ments which then pressed on his own mmd
in support of the synodjiqa! overture.
He had; an able and respectable coad-
j.t$or who published on the same subject*
the Reverend Mr Thomas Randall,, then
minister of Inc-J^ure,, and afterwards, of Stir-
lingj^a man whose learning, ingenuity, and
eminenceas aC^hrislian pasAor, en titled him to
thefirst d^Sitinetiioms in the church to which he
bjelonged, as mu^h as the variety of his con
versation, and the ehserfntoess of his pri
vate inte?cc#!;sejh have secured to him the
affectionate and perpetual remembrance of
bis friends. No. individual could have had
a better daiim to be heard on a subject so.
impoiJitanit to the edification of the people,.
and which he vy&s, ift every respect, so, com
petent to discuss.
.From very different topics he maintained
thfe mm® arguwierii withik Erskiae; equal-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 151
ly, zeaJbus in promoting the object; and de
tailing* widjh more minuteness, the inconve
nience of the practice which prevailed, and
some pernicious effects ascribed to it on
what was then the condition of the coun
try. Mr Randallfa pamphlet (probably in ma
nuscript) had reached Dr Erskine, after he
had written, bap before he had circulated
his own publication. With the unassuming
modesty which was natural lo him, and
which is more, or less to be found in almost
every transaction, of his life, he thought it
necessary, after he had read it, to subjoin
to what he had printed the following note :
" Though Mr Randall handles the argu-
" ment in a different method from me, and
" there are very few particulars in which
" we coincide, yet I think myself bound to
" acquaint the public, that they would not
" have been troubled with this hasty essay,
" if I had seen Mr Randall's, papers before
" composing it," &c. &c. So humble and
unpretending was the mind of Dr Erskine,
even on a subject which he had thoroughly

152

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.

examined, and on which he admits that his
argument had not been anticipated! So
much had he imbibed the spirit of the evan
gelical rule which enjoins " every man to
*? esteem his neighbour better than him-
" self." The subject discussed in these pam
phlets was certainly of very serious import*'
ance. A more frequent dispensation of the
Lord's Supper than was at this time usual
in Scotland, was unquestionably an object
which deserved all the zeal and attention
which it excited. The overture from the
synod of Glasgow went perhaps somewhat
farther than the circumstances required, or
than was suited to the general situation of
parishes in Scotland. But the thing at
tempted was, notwithstanding, though not
in its foil extent, in a great degree attained.
The argument in Dr Erskine's and Mr
Randall's essays went a great way to lessen
the evil of which they complained. The
Lord's Supper has, from that time, been
more frequently and more uniformly dis
pensed,, and in no small proportion of the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 153
parishes the number of sermons connect
ed with it has been at least considerably
abridged. Dr Erskine seldom left any source of in
formation neglected on a subject to which
he seriously applied his thoughts. When
he published his pamphlet, he had recourse
to a correspondence with ministers on the
Continent, for information with regard to
the practice of foreign churches. But that
this part of the narrative may not be un
reasonably extended, nothing more than an
extract from a single letter shall be quot
ed. It is a letter from Mr David Thomson,
then minister at Amsterdam, afterwards at
Rotterdam, and, at a later period, minister
of Gargunnock and St Ninian's in Scotland.
It is dated at Amsterdam, March 7, 1749.
After mentioning the inquiries he had made
at Dr Erskine's request, he tells him, as the
result of them, " That, through all the re*
" formed churches in ihe seven provinces,
" the holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper
" was administered generally four times in

$54f LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D„
" the year, and*, in the city of Amsterdam,
" six times ; that, in Switzerland, it was
" dispensed at least four times in the year in
" a}l the-Protesj^ntj chHficfa#& and in some
" oftener ; that this laM infermationi !#: had
" from Professor Welstein,, who wa^ him-
" self a minister off BasiA for several years*,
*' and tha-t m that fajpiojus, ci^ it wa£ gweapj
" eveuy Lord's day,; tiba-l the professor had
" favonred him with a cwious. manuscript
" relating to this subject, bearing the title, 'De
" ritibus. Ecclesiae et Academise Basilinen-
" sis;' that,, in the city of Amsterdam, the
" Lutherans communicated every fortnight ;
" and in Sweden and I^ejjwpa&rk, in tfie
" large cities, every Lord's day ; in the
" country places and villages,, at least four
" times in the year ; tbat» in most plages
" in Germany, in the. cities* the Lord's. Sup-,
" per was dispensed by the Lutherans, who
" a^e themost numerous,andby the reformed
" aJso, ew?y _ord's, day, or every fortnight;
" sometimes, oftener; even twice a-week;
" and generally, at least, four times in the
" year ; that th^is. information was receiv-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 155
" ed from Lutheran ministers at Amster-
" dam, who had been ministers in Ger-
" many themselves ; that the Anabaptists at
" Amsterdam, who: are of different persua-
" sions among themselves, had this sacra-
" ment at least four times in the year ; some
" oftener ; and, so the Remonstrants also ;
" that there was an Armenian church at
" Amsterdam, commonly called the Persian
" church, because mostly made up of Per-
" sians, who communicated every Lord's
" dayv and who held themselves to be of
" the ancient Greek church."
It is added, " That the times for dispens-
" ing the Lord's Supper were not laid down
" in many churches, but left to the judg-
" ment and discretion of the rulers of the
" churches, ;: and that over all of them they
" had but one preparation sermon, which
" was generally on the Saturday, and no
" sermon on the Monday."
This letter contained very important facts
on the subject ; but it is more than proha*
ble, that it had not reached Dr Erskine at

156 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
the time when his dissertation was publish
ed. The dissertation, in point of execution
and research, is not inferior to any of the
author's productions. But the information
received from Mr Thomson is not mention
ed ; as, in all probability, it would have
been, if he had been possessed of it before
his pamphlet was printed.
The modern practice of the foreign
churches appears to have been by no
means uniform ; nor does it seem probable,
that there ever was an exact uniformity on
the subject among the Christian churches,
since the apostolic age. It is evident, how
ever, that, in all the churches to which Mr
Thomson's inquiries applied, the Lord's
Supper was much more frequently admini
stered than had then been usual in any
district of Scotland. And it is equally ob
vious, that the multiplicity of sermons which
had been continued since the times of
persecution, created the chief obstruction
to what Dr Erskine contended for.
The number of sermons might perhaps

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 157
be more abridged than ihey have yet been,
without any material injury to practical. reli
gion; and the Lord's Supper might, with con
siderable advantage, be still more frequent
ly dispensed than it is at present. But it is
also possible, that, on this subject, a change
in the habits of the people might be car
ried farther than either prudence or expe
diency would warrant ; and, in the circum
stances of the Scottish church, much far
ther than would be justified, either by ex
perience or authority.
Notwithstanding the practice of the fo
reign churches, and its coincidence with
J)r Erskine's original opinion, it appears
more than probable, that if he had been to
write on the same subject fifty years later,
though he would have maintained the sub
stance of the same doctrine, he would not
have gone quite so far in suggesting reme
dies, as the overture from the synod of Glas
gow did in 1748-49,
He republished his Essay, indeed, a-
mong his theological dissertations, without
alteration, in 1764. But when it was edit-

158 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ed again, without his knowledge, a short
time before his death, there is some reason
to believe, that he was not satisfied with
that proceeding, and that he would not
then have republished it himself, without
many alterations.
His communication with the Continent,
on this subject, was probably the com
mencement of his correspondence for pro
curing foreign books, of which he after
wards so often availed himself. Mr Thom
son procured him a considerable number ;
and from this time he formed a connection
with some Dutch booksellers, as well as
with some men of letters in foreign univer
sities, by whose means he was always en
abled to preserve his acquaintance with the
progress of foreign literature, and especially
with the publications on the Continent, con
nected directly or remotely with theology.
Even at this early period of his life, his
attention was far from being confined to
one subject, or his communications to one
class of correspondents. His habi is led
him to collect from every quarter whatever
n

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 159
he thought of importance, on subjects either
Of 'literature or 'religion.
Mr Anderson, Minister of _ t Andrew's,
Whose name has already appeared in the
course of this narrative, had -a Correspond
ence with him, while he remained at Kirk
intilloch, about the meaning of certain He
brew words, which he 'had found some dif
ficulty to ascertain ; a circumstance which
shews how minutely he continued to prose
cute the private Studies suited to his pro
fession, amidst all the eagerness with which
he entered into other subjects, or exerted
his talents in other duties.
He had already an extensive correspond
ence with America, and especially with
American ministers ; ^hich, as long as he
lived, was continued wlth'them or with their
successors, with great, apparent satisfaction
on both sides.
From its commencement it 'turned Chief
ly on the state of religion and learning in
North America, and on the circumstances
which served to promote or retard the pro
gress of either. It related sometimes to the

160 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
internal government of the colonies, and to
the politics of the times; and frequently
to the encroachments of the French, and the
means employed to resist them. But no
small part of il at all times related to the
interchange of books, and especially of
new publications, which he sent to his cor
respondents, or received from them.
It appears, indeed, that, to have the ad
vantage of American books, and to fur
nish his friends beyond the Atlantic with
whatever he could send them of the li
terature of Great Britain, and especiaUy
on the subjects on which his own studies
were chiefly employed, was a primary ob
ject in all his correspondence with America.
He evidently made it a serious concern at the
time of his first introduction into the church;
and they who were accustomed to converse
with him know how much of his attention it
occupied in some of the latest years, and
even in some of the last hours, of his life.
His chief correspondents on the Ameri
can Continent, while he remained at Kirk
intilloch, were Mr Cooper, Dr Colman, Mr

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D, 161
Foxcroft, Mr Morehead, Messrs Prince,
Senior and junior, of Boston ; Mr Parsons
of Newburgh in Massachusets, (in whose
house Mr Whitefield died in 1770 ;) Mr Ro-
by of Lynn, Mr Davies and Mr Dickinson
of New Jersey; and Jonathan Edwards
of Northampton — Some of them men,
highly distinguished by their literature
and capacity, and all of them deservedly
high in the esteem of the public as men of
worth and principle.
He survived them all; and appears to
have continued his correspondence with
their descendants lo a very late period ;
in which he frequently discovers a degree
of tenderness and interest, equally credit
able to the memory of the dead and to the
character of the living.
After what has happened in later times,
it is not possible to avoid the remark, that
those worthy and respectable individuals
seem to have lost no opportunity of express
ing their affectionate attachment to the mo
ther country, and their warm and cordial
solicitude for her civil and religious interests.

162 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. .
They uniformly wrote like men who identi
fied their own interests with the prosperity
of Great Britain, and who held no language
on any points, but such as was worthy of
the most loyal and enlightened British sub
jects. This was, indeed, the general language of
America for many years after this period.
If she adopted a different mode of thinking
five and twenty years later, candid men are
now perhaps prepared to admit, that intem
perance and mismanagement at home had
an influence in producing the change, as
well as the turbulence or disaffection of
America. Dr Erskine was probably introduced to
a great part of his American correspond
ence, by means of Mr Maclaurin of Glas
gow ; to whose care some of the earliest let
ters which he received from that quarter
were addressed, and who appears to have
long before corresponded with the same in
dividuals. He was therefore well acquaint
ed with their characters before his commu-
nication with them began ; and the effects

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 163
of a correspondence, in which the experi
ence and assistance of Mr Maclaurin gave
him this original advantage, furnish a strik
ing example of the influence of our earliest
habits and associations on our permanent;
views and opinions. His connections with
America had a strong hold of his mind,
which was not shaken by all the events which
he afterwards witnessed. His solicitude for
her prosperity, and especially for her progress
in literature and religion, was always ex*
pressed with eagerness and affection. He
suffered no opportunity to escape him by
which he could in any form contribute to it.
And when the great controversy arose,
which terminated in her „ separation from
Great Britain, he entered into the subject,
as will be afterwards seen, with a degree of
interest and earnestness, which shews how
heavily the idea of such a separation pres
sed upon his mindl His long habits of in
tercourse and esteem with so many indi
viduals, whose situations were deeply afr
fected by the revolution j became a severe
aggravation to his private feelings, of what

164 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
he considered as an irreparable public ca
lamity. His correspondence was of necessity in
terrupted by the war, but as soon as the
peace of 1785 put it in his power, he re
turned to it with the same affection and
confidence with which it had been carried.
on for so many years before,
DrErskine continued minister of Kirkintil-
loch till the year 1753. But before his trans
lation is mentioned, this is not an improper
place for introducing the remaining part of
Dr Warburton's correspondence with him.
That there may be no occasion to return
to it again, the four following letters shall
be inserted together, though the two last
belong, the one to a time posterior to his
residence at Kirkintilloch, and the last to a
much later period of his life.
The first is dated " Bedford Row, ( Lon-
" don,) October 25, 1748.
" I had the honour of your obliging let-
" ter, in which you tell me, you had been
" so kind to send me Mr Geddes's book,
" which, on my coming to town last night,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 165
" I found at my house. I have just run over
" a page or two, (which is all of that part
" which relates to me I shall ever look into,
" for I have done with controversy,) and I
" think your judgment of it is right. You
" will not be displeased to find it confirm-
" ed by the book which comes along with
" this for your kind acceptance. There you
" will see all that Mr Geddes and his friends
" had cavilled at, fully obviated long before
" the publication of his book. You will
" not be surprised at the vivacity of some
" parts of it, when you understand it is in
" answer to the Billingsgate abuse of two
" very worthless authors, but who are the
" heroes of your Glasgow divines.
" What you mention of my sermons has
" encouraged me in an intention of giving
" one volume in octavo to the public.
" But hark you, my dear friend, why is
" that pen so long unemployed, that over-
" threw, in so masterly a manner, a large
" bulky volume of a noted divine, with a
" sixpenny pamphlet ? In truth, you wrong
fi the "public, and your own reputation,

166 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. P.
« But this is the time's plague. ThC pu-
«« pils of Hutcheson will write, and yoia will
" not. Is this the Way to redeem theigno-
** miny of the age from ignorahce and infide-
" lity ?. I hope you will let me hear better
" things of you. But while you cohtinue
" to love me, I shall have no reason to
" complain for any thing but for the pub-
" lie. Being, with great truth, Dear Sir,
" your most affectionate and faithful humble
" servant, W. Warburton."
When Warburton supposed that he was
done with controversy, he knew little of him
self, or affected an indifference with regard
to his opponents, which he did not feel.
At the same moment when he expresses
himself in this manner, he sends his corre
spondent one of his controversial pamphlets,
which contained a sufficient portion of
asperity, against writers whom, whatever
their pretensions in other respects might be,
i became they are his antagonists, he allows
himself.to stigmatize as " worthless authors."
Language of this kind is not unusual to
Warburton. Amidst all his respectable qua-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 167
Hties, he cquld never read with patience any
thing that was published to controvert his
doctrines, and was always too apt to sharp
en his Uterary hostilities with personal in
vectives. The two writers referred to in this letter
are evidently Dr Stebbing and Dr Sykes,
who had attacked him, the one on his In
terpretation of the Command given to sa
crifice Jsaac ; and the other, on his Account
of the Ancient Legislators, of the Double
Doctrine of the Philosophers, of the Theo
cracy of the Jews, and of Sir Isaac New
ton's Chronology. Warburton's answers
have indeed all the vivacity (a. term by which
he intended to express the severity of sar
casm) which he mentions to his correspond
ent. Whether they are always conclusive
is not so clear. Though he tells his oppo
nents also, that he had done with controversy,
the public are sufficiently aware, that he
found many opportunities afterwards of
retracting this expression of his chagrin. :
His nex t letter is dated at " Prior Park, Sep-
" tember 20, 1750.— -Djsar Sir, The favour

168 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
'* ofyour obliging letter of the 1st instant was
t( sent me from my house in London to this
" place, where I now am. I am surprised
w my book was so long in getting to your
" hands, for it was sent to Mr Wilson for
'? you as soon as it was published.
" You give me great pleasure in your
" approbation of it, and would have given
" me much more in acquainting me in what
" forwardness the works are, which, in a pre-
^ ceding letter, you did me the honour to
" speak of as designed for the press.
" The sect of Hutchesonians, or Shaftes-
" bureans, which you speak of, will shortly
" have a much more formidable object of
" their resentment, and much nearer to them.
" A very ingenious gentleman of Carlisle is
" printingin London An Examination of Lord
" Shaftesbury's Notions concerning the use qf
" Ridicule, the Principles qf Morality, and the
" Evidence qf Revelation, which I hope will
" prove a very sufficient antidote to a book,
" which hath more contributed to poison
" men's religious principles, than all other
" free-thinking books put together.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 169
"> Your penetration has let you into a very
cf important truth, that, had Dr M. (Mid-
'* dleton) been a master of scripture learning,
" perhaps he might considerably have recom-
*f mended his hypothesis, by comparing it
*' with whatthe scripture says,as to the nature*
" design, and duration of miraculous gifts ;
't a truth, that none of the people in this
" controversy seem to have been apprised
'? of. This gives me fresh cause to wish
" that you would prosecute your design of
V giving us some tracts of theological litera^
'* ture, Your fine explanation of 2 Peter
'*f i. 19. is perfectly just and new, and would
"do you honour, if drawn out into a proper
(f dissertation. " I have never seen the book you speak
?' of. I am, Dear Sir, with the truest esteem,
" your most affectionate and faithful friend
*t and servant, W. Warburton."
The book alluded to by Warburton as in
preparation was written by Dr John Brown
of Carlisle, and bears the title of " Essays on
" the Characteristics of Lord Shaftesbury."
The author was chaplain to Qlbadeston.

170 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Bishop of Carlisle* His Essays on the
Characteristics were published a few months
after the date of this letter, and did not
disappoint the expectation of the public.'
A second edition was called for in the course
of the year.
It was written in consequence of a sug
gestion from Warburton, who had himself
been advised by Mr Pope to write on the
subject of Shaftesbury's philosophy ; which
he had once seriously intended to have
done.-f" The power of Shaftesbury's books has
been long since exhausted, and will never
be revived. His doctrines are so complete
ly exploded, that even they who wrote best
against him are forgotten. (
With regard to Dr Middleton, it is well
known, that at first Warburton defended
his books, and was accustomed to speak
favourably of his intentions. He had com
plimented him in the first sketch of the in-
* He had first lihe living of Lazonby near Carlisle, then the
Rectory of Horkesly near Colchester, and at last the Vicar
age of Newcastle.
+ Letters of Warburton and Hard, p. 36.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. J71
traduction to his Julian ; but he afterwards
suppressed the passage in which he had
done so> on the suggestion of a friend, who
thought that it would give offence, and
might be interpreted as if he had been
afraid to enter the lists with Middleton.*
At the date of this letter, however, he
continued to think favourably of him, as
Dr Erskine knew. And this had led tlie
latter to make the observation referred to
by Warburton, that, had Middleton been
better acquainted with biblical literature,
he might have found illustrations of his
doctrines, of which he had not been able
to avail himself. This^may be admitted,
without adopting either his opinions or the
conclusions deduced from them.
The truth is, Middleton did not originally
profess, and probably did not at first en
tertain, any opinions hostile to Christianity.
But he was assailed by such a host of op
ponents, who, from what he had written on
the correspondence between the miracles
of,paganism, and the miracles ascribed to
* Letters of Warburton and Burd, p. 39,

172 LIEF OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
certain periods of the Christian church, con
sidered him as a champion of infidelity, that
he came at last to assume a style and tone,
which justly brought the sincerity of his faith
into question. He was ultimately chagrined
with Warburton, as well as with every indivi
dual who combated his opinions, and, as
Warburton expresses it to Dr Hurd, " bit at
" a paragraph in the Divine Legation, and
" broke his teeth on it." * The severity with
which his writings were treated, made so
deep an impression on him, that, from dis
appointment and resentment, rather than
from dispassionate inquiry, he seems to
have at last embraced the wretched and
hopeless conclusions which his most deter
mined opponents had imputed to him.
" Had he had," says Warburton to Hurd,
" I will not say piety, but greatness of mind
" enough, not to suffer the pretended in-
" juries of some churchmen to prejudice
" him against religion, I should love him
" living, and honour his memory when dead.
" But that man, for the discourtesies done
• Letters of Warburton and Hurd, p. 233.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D* 173
s
" him by his miserable fellow-creatures, '
" should be content to divest himself of the
" true viaticum, the comfort, the solace, the
" asylum, from all the evils of human life,
" is perfectly astonishing." He adds, what
gives a gratifying view of his own state of
mind, " I believe no one (all things con-
" sidered) has suffered more from the low
"and vile passions of the high and low
" amongst our brethren, than myself. Yet
" God forbid it should ever suffer me to
" be cold in the gospel interests, which are,
" indeed, so much my own, that without it
" I should consider humanity as the most
" forlorn part of the creation." *
Dr Middleton was in bad health when
this paragraph was written, and died a few
weeks after.
The following letter from Dr Warburton
is dated from " Prior Park, May 1st, 1753.
" Dear Sir, — I had the honour of your
very obliging letter of the 2d past.
*\ It would be no ill composition to ac
knowledge the justice of all your correc-
* Letters of Warburton and Hurd, p. 54, 55.

«c

17& LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
"tions, if I could arrogate to myself the
" least part of all the advantageous things
" you say of my sermons. But matters do
" not stand upon so good a footing. I can
" see nothing but friendship in your com-
" mendations, and nothing but truth in your
" reproofs. " The letter you refer lo three years ago
" is not at hand ; and I have but an im-
" perfect notion of what-it contained. But
" I may be confident of this, that if in that
" letter you gave the explanation in ques-
" tion on 1 Cor. xiii. the thought stuck
" with me, and I only forgot to whom it
" originally belonged. You will oblige me
" in honouring me with your further thoughts
" on the duration of inspiration. This, for
" the public good, I would rather wish you
" would give at large to the world.
" The author of that most excellent dis-^
" course on the Pastoral Care can want no au-
" thority requisite to recommend and gain a
" fair hearing to a point of doctrine, ex-
" tremely delicate, yet vastly honourable to
" Christianity.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 175
" My leaving London soon after the re«
" ceipt of your last favour, makes me un-
" able to say whether the kind present of
" Mr Wallace's book which you designed
u me has reached that place ; but I beg
" you would accept of my best thanks for it;
" I hope, Dear Sir, that the change of
" your ministry is, in all respects, accCpt-
" able lo you. 1 should be sorry if a too
" extensive pastoral care engrossed your
" whole time. There are many good men
" fit to discharge that part of the duty of
" the ministers of religion ; and extremely
" few that other, which you are so eminent-
" ly qualified for, the defence of God's ex-
" traordinary dispensations against an un-
" believing world.
" Besides, learning is, in the southern
" parts at least of this isle, fast on the de-
" cline. Ignorance and barbarism are mak-
" ing large strides. A certain jargon of
" logic, and a loose declamatory eloquence,
* Dr Wallace of Edinburgh's book on the Populousness of
Ancient Nations,— 'almost the only hook professedly \yritten
against Hume, which Hume, in his life published; by Mr
Smith, has noticed and commended.

176 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. Di
" are arms too feeble lo defend Ilium. These
" things should weigh with you, and with
" every man qualified like you, to employ
" those other, which are only proper.
" I think your countrymen have shewn a
" very becoming resentment against Hume's
" books ; one of the most pernicious writers
" of this age — not for his abilities, but his
" malice and vanity ; which have led him to
" treat themost venerable and sacred subjects
" with an insolence and wantonness, which
" no age or country but ours would bear.
" I am, Dear Sir, with the truest esteem*
" your most affectionate and faithful hum-
" ble servant, W. Warburton."
The observations suggested by this let
ter, will occur to every reader. Dr Er
skine's remarks on Dr Warburton's sermons
he had taken in good part; and, what was
not very usual to him, he admitted them to
be well founded. He even affects to dis
claim the praise intermixed with them, and
imputes it to the partiality of friendship.
> Warburton did not often receive remarks
on his publications with the same temper.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE,' D. D. 177
*
But he had a high opinion of Dr Erskine's
capacity,- and of the extent of his theologi
cal knowledge. In a letter to Dr Hurd,
of a later date, he describes him as " a
" deep Divine'" and there can be no doubt*
that he considered him as a competent
judge, both of the subjects arid Of the merit
of his sermons.
Every one who can com flare the opinions
of the two men, and their habits of study,
will be aware, that this publication must
have contained many things in which Dr
Erskine would riot have agreed with him.
In particular, on the doctrine relating to
" the gifts of the Spirit" which occurs in
the sermon on St John, xviii. 38, they could
not have thought alike; and they would
still less have agreed on the subject of the
sermon on 1 Cor. i. 30. Other points of
difference are equally obvious ; though, as
Dr Erskine's letters have not been preserv-
ed, every thing which can be said on this
head must be entirely conjectural.
When Warburton applied the term " Re-
" proofs" to Dr Erskine's Remarks, and, at

178 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
the same time, acknowledges them to be
just, it is clear that they must have been
given without reserve, and with so much
knowledge of the subject, as to bring their
evidence along with them. And when he
could impute them to the friendship and
kindness of the writer, it is equally obvi
ous, that they must have been expressed
with so much delicacy and seasoning, that
they gave him no offence, either as a theo
logian or as an author.
The explanation of 1 Cor. 13, alluded
to, is probably that which occurs in the
conclusion of Warburton's sermon on 2
Peter, i. 5, 6, 7. It is certainly an ingeni
ous interpretation or commentary, as it is
there stated, though there is good reason to
doubt, whether the apostle had the same
idea in his mind.*
The encroachments of ignorance and bar
barity afforded Warburton a perpetual sub
ject of querulous and common-place reflec
tions; originally suggested perhaps by Pope's
* See Note S.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 170
Dunciad, or by some real or fancied oppo
sition to his own books ; but so familiar to
him at last, that, even when he has no op
position to stimulate him, they come for
ward as if they were indisputable axioms*
Mr Hume, whom he affected to despise *
as much as he differed from him, had, about
this time, been disappointed of the Moral
Philosophy Chair in the University of Edin
burgh, upon the avisandum (as it is called)
of the ministers of Edinburgh. The magi
strates and town*council are the patrons of
the University. But with regard to certain
offices, of which the Moral philosophy Chair
is one, the ministers of Edinburgh have a
right, by the constitution of the University,
to give an opinion to the patrons.
On this occasion, the ministers gave a de
cided opinion against Mr Hume, on ac
count of the sceptical opinions which he
had published ; and deClared their prefer
ence of the late James Balfour, Esq. of
Pilrig, who was in consequence elected to
* See Note T,

ISO LIFE OP JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
the Professorship, — a man who united to
the learning of a philosopher, the purity of
mind and the sincerity of a Christian. *
From, the date, this is undoubtedly the fact
to which Warburton alluded, when he men
tioned " the becoming resentment against
" Mr Hume's books," of which Dr Er
skine had informed him from Scotland.
* The name of James Balfour of Pilrig ought not to be
slightly mentioned by those who had the happiness to be per
sonally acquainted with him. If he wanted the splendour of
Mr Hume's genius, or the vigour and variety of his talents,
in the knowledge of ancient literature and philosophy, he was
surpassed by few of his contemporaries. For the sound prin
ciples which governed his life, for the urbanity and primitive
simplicity of his manners, for his conscientious endeavours to
be useful in every department to which his influence extended,
and for the uniform cheerfulness and kindness of his private
intercourse, he will always be remembered with interest and
respect by those who knew him, and by his personal friends
with veneration.
He published, in 1782, Philosophical Dissertations, which
probably contained some part of his prelections in the Moral
Philosophy Chair, and in the last ot these dissertations he gave
a short sketch of the evidence of revealed religion, from its
connection with providence.
When he resigned the Chair of Moral Philosophy, he be
came Professor ol the Law of Wature and Nations.
He lived to a great age, to which the purity of his life and
the placidness and equality of his temper greatly contributed ;
and died in his 90th year, in peace with God and men, in 1795,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 181
His remarks on the subject are nearly "of the
same character with the language which was
afterwards stigmatized by Hume as " the pe-
" tulance and scurrility of. the Warburtonian
" school." Hume applied these expressions
to an attack made on him in the name of
Dr Hurd, which, from Hurd's Life of War
burton, appears at last to have been the
work of Warburton himself.
The last letter from Dr Warburton, which
has been found among Dr Erskine's papers,
is of a much later date than any of the pre
ceding ; and relates to an application which
appears to have been made by Dr Warbur
ton, through the Earl of Mansfield, to ob
tain for Dr Erskine an appointment to be
one of his Majesty's chaplains in Scotland.
It is dated at Prior Park, June 26, 1766,
and evidently supposes that Dr Warburton
had before informed him that he intended
this application, and probably had mention
ed the channel in which it was to be made.
" Dear Sir, The same post which brought
" me the inclosed, brought me your favour
"of the 19th.

182 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" Whatever be the event of the present
" solicitation, I am pleased to imagine, by
" what I said of every part of your charac-
" ter, in the letter laid before General Con-
" way, that it will be laying in a stock of
" interest for you on some future occasion,
" if it should happen to fail in this.
" I am much obliged to Dr Oswald, to
" whom I desire my best respects, and to
" you, for the little packet you mention.
" Believe me to be, Dear Sir, your most
" faithful friend, and. affectionate humble
" servant, W. Glocester.
" P.S. — If, by certain modern divines and
" philosophers, you mean certain of your
" ministers of the new cut, no one can have
" a greater contempt for them than I have.
" For I think many of them to be more
" than half paganized, and their Saviour to
" be only another Socrates."
Within this letter was inclosed a note
from Lord Mansfield to the Bishop, in the
following terms : — " 24dh June 1766. — My
" Dear Lord, You know I have no greater
" pleasure than to obey your commands.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 183
" Upon receipt of your letter, I took the on-
" ly way I could make use of. I got Lord
" Stormont, who has an old acquaintance
" and friendship with General Conway, to
" carry to him your Lordship's letter to me,
«' which I thought ostensible. What effect
" it will have, I cannot say. I know it
" ought to be decisive. I desire my best
" compliments to Mrs Warburton, and am,
" most sincerely and affectionately, yours,
" &c. Mansfield."
This application was not successful ; and
to Dr Erskine the disappointment could
not have been considerable. He had the
offer of the situation of a King's chaplain
many years after this time, when he was
far advanced in life, (in 1793,) which he
then thought it proper to decline. He must
have been gratified at the time by the ap
plication so respectably made for him by
the Bishop of Glocester, though it had no
consequences, and was never afterwards re
newed. The acknowledgment to Dr Oswald was
most probably occasioned by a present

184 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
which Pr Erskine had forwarded to the
JJishop, of the first volume of Dr Oswald's
" Appeal to Common Sense, in behalf of
" Religion," which had been published a
little before this time, — a book which has
been less attended to than it deserved, on
a subject on which Dr Reid's celebrity has
eclipsed the labours of all bis coadjutors of
the same period. If this book was alluded
to, Dr Erskine had probably, in his letter,
said something of the modern divines or
philosophers, lo whom he supposed Dr Os
wald's argument to apply. But if he did
this, he must have thought rather of the fol
lowers of Berkeley and Hume, than of the
paganized divines or philosophers describ
ed in a preceding part of this narrative ; to
whom Warburton, who had not seen Dr
Oswald's book at the date of this letter, evi
dently applied his remarks.
There seems to have been more of Dr War-
bison's correspondence than has be§n pFe-
served. It appears, from one of his letters to
PrHurd in June If 73, in which he thanks him
for his attention to an affair of Dr Erskine's

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. P. 185
.which he had entrusted to him, that he took
an interest ia Dr Erskine to the end of his
life, and continued to be both sincerely and
steadily attached to him.
The whole of this correspondence is ho
nourable to both parties. They seem to
have completely forgotten that they belong
ed to different churches, and that they had
any different opinions; and only to have
viewed in each other the learning and capa
city, united to the sincerity and earnestness
in the cause of religion, by which both were
distinguished. The vigour and ingenuity of Warburton's
books had an influence on Dr Erskine's
studies, and perhaps on some of his opi
nions, in early life, which it is easy to trace
in some parts of his writings ; but which is
less discernible in his later than in some of
his earlier publications.
In general literature, and in the defence
of religion, they were heartily agreed. Few
of his contemporaries had more learning
than Warburton. But he had paid less at
tention than his correspondent to biblical

186 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
criticism, and to polemical and practical
theology. It is certainly to his credit, that,
on these subjects, he could receive remon
strances from Dr Erskine, if not with con
viction, with a respect and deference, which*
with the exception perhaps of Dr Hurd, he
did not shew to any other individual.*
* See Note U.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 187

CHAPTER VI.
Dr Erskine's Translation from Kirkintilloch
to Culross. — His Correspondence with
Jonathan Edwards. — The Doctrines of
Mr Edwards and Lord Karnes. — Dr
Erskine's Correspondence with Mr Imrie
of St Mungo.
Dr Erskine was translated from Kirkin
tilloch, in 1753, to the first charge in the
burgh of Culross. He succeeded Mr Har
dy, who had been a faithful and conscien
tious minister, but who died in the prime of
life, universally respected and regretted. *
No situation could have been more natu-
* He was the father of the late Dr Hardy of Edinburgh, the
distinguished Professor of Church History in the University,
aud one of the ministers of the city, whose talents were equal
to any situation in his profession, but who, like his respectable
father, was taken from the world in the middle of life, when his
faculties were in their full vigour ; before he had been able
to do more than give a few detached specimens of his literary
and professional abilities ; but not before he had convinced his
contemporaries of the extent of capacity, discernment, and in
tegrity, which was lost by his death,

188 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. _.
rally selected for him, than one in which he
had spent a considerable part of his youth
in the family of his grandfather. To the
gentlemen of the district, and all the parish
ioners, to whom he had been intimately
known from his early years, his translation
was a subject of general gratulation.
There are, however, some difficulties to
be expected in the discharge of pastoral
duty, in a situation where a clergyman has
spent his youth, which he would not experi
ence in another situation, A people, who l
have formerly known him as a boy, do not all
at once forget the habits of familiarity which
once placed him on a level with themselves ;
atod are too apt to contrast their recollections
of the gaiety and levity of youth, with the
earnestness and solemnity of clerical duty.
At the same time, it is equally true, that
uniform, decorous, and exemplary man
ners, from youth to manhood, supported by
such indications of worth and principle as
are generally relied on, give some peculiar
advantages to a minister who is destined to
labour where he spent the first years of his

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 189
life, among those whose individual views
and characters are intimately known to
him, Dr Erskine had happily all the advanta
ges, without any of the inconveniences, of
such a situation. He had occasionally re
sided at Culross in his youth ; but no part
of his education had been conducted there.
He had had sufficient access to become ac
quainted with the characters of his parish
ioners. But, from the rank of his family,
as well as from his early habits of study, it
was almost impossible that, in his juvenile
relaxations, he could ever bave found his
associates or companions among them.
His relation to some of the first families
in the parish certainly added to his in
fluence ; but his chief advantage among the
people at large was derived from his personal
character. It was thoroughly understood
by them, that it had been the first ambition
of his life, to be ehiefly known by his con
scientious endeavours to become " an able
" minister of the New Testament, ri
" dividing the word of life."

190 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
There was one very favourable circum
stance in this situation. Though Culross is
neither an extensive nor a populous parish,
the pastoral charge is collegiate. Mr Stod-
dart, who had been the second minister be
fore, succeeded Dr Erskine at Kirkintilloch »
and his place was supplied at Culross, in
1754, by Robert Rolland, a man of most
uniform and exemplary character — who,
for genuine piety — for a fair and sound un
derstanding—for unaffected openness and
simplicity of manners — for mildness, modes
ty, and equality of temper — for the kind
ness of his heart among his friends — for his
resignation to God under great domestic
afflictions-r-for his firm perseverance in fol
lowing out his best judgment, and in ful
filling, with a steady equanimity, the duties
of his own station^ — was equal to any of his
contemporaries, and was surpassed by none
of them. Mr Rolland afterwards succeeded to the
first charge, when Dr Erskine was removed
to Edinburgh. He lived to a great age, to
which the purity of his mind and the gentle-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 191
ness of his temper, in no small degree con
tributed. He died in 1815, at the age
of 87.
Along with this respectable colleague,
Dr Erskine had the entire confidence of his
parishioners. They heard him in the pul
pit with perpetual delight. They saw
him in their families as the Messenger of
God. There is some reason, however, to think
that, in the latter part of his life, he was not
quite satisfied that he had done right in re
moving from Kirkintilloch to Culross. He
was sometimes accustomed to say so to
his family. There does not seem to have
been much cause for this reflection. The
parish of Kirkintilloch was well supplied
by his successor, who was both a conscien
tious minister, and a man of considerable
ability. And there can be no doubt, that
at Culross his own labours lost no part
either of their ardour or of their useful
ness. Besides, though Dr Warburton was not
aware of the exact situation of a parish

192 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
minister in Scotland, when he supposed
literary industry to be Separated from pas
toral duty, his wishes with regard to the
effects of Dr Erskine's translation to Cul
ross were to a certain degree realized. Withu
the assistance of a colleague in the vigour of
life, who divided with him both the public
and the parochial duly, be had certainly
much more leisure to employ, and better
opportunities for study, than he could possi
bly have commanded in his former situa
tion. He lost, indeed, the advantage of the so
ciety, at Glasgow, on which he set a con
siderable value ; and he had not the same
direct access to books which the libraries
of Glasgow afforded him. But his inter
course with the greatest number of his
literary friends was more in his power
than it had been at Kirkintilloch ; and
whatever books he required, he had the
means of procuring.
They who were acquainted with his ha
bits of industry through life, will readily
believe, that the leisure which he found ia
10

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 193
this situation was faithfully employed;
though it does not appear that while he con
tinued there he published any thing, except*
ting a single sermon, preached before the So
ciety in Scotland for Propagating Christian
Knowledge, in 1756, on the Influence of Reli
gion on National Happiness. I tis republished
in the first volume of his printed discourses.
In September 1754, he lost his venerable
friend, Mr John Maclaurin of Glasgow, with
whom, during ten years, he had lived in
habits of the most affectionate intercourse.
His eminence as a scholar, and as a theo
logian, as a faithful pastor, and a delightful
companion, must have rendered his death
a serious loss, not only to his personal friends,,
but to the community to which he belonged.
It was accordingly a subject of deep and
universal regret.
Dr Erskine, who had for so many years
officiated in the vicinity of Glasgow, and
was so well known to its inhabitants, receiv
ed a very earnest invitation from the kirk-
session of the parish, and from the general
session of the city, to become Mr Maclau-
N

194 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. Hi
rin's successor. He would probably have
listened to it, had he followed his incli
nation; for he had a predilection for the
society of Glasgow, and had been in ha
bits of intimacy with many of its most re
spectable inhabitants. But he found him
self under the necessity of declining this in
vitation. And though his resolution has
been sometimes imputed to a dispute which
had then arisen between the magistrates
and the general session of Glasgow, with
regard to the mode of nominating ministers
to vacant churches in that city, * it does
not appear that this circumstance, if he was
at the time acquainted with it, had the
chief influence in determining him. For
in a leiter to Mr Prince of Boston, who,
from his attachment to Mr Maclaurin, had
probably expressed some solicitude that Dr
Erskine should become his successor, he
distinctly places his refusal to accept of
that situation, on the strong and decided
disinclination to it which Mrs Erskine had
discovered. He mentions, without reserve,
* Cleland's Annals of Glasgdw, p. 435.

LIFE OF JOHtf ERSKINE, D. D. 195
his own predilection for Glasgow, but
makes no allusion whatever to the differ
ence between the magistrates and the ge
neral session.
Mrs Erskine's judgment did not deceive
her, and was neither unreasonable nor ca
pricious. She saw, that if he should after
wards be disposed to remove from Cul
ross, he would, in all probability, be invit
ed to one of the churches of Edinburgh
at no remote period ; and this situation
she preferred, both for the comfort of her
family, and the usefulness of her husband.
Though he was not convinced at the
time, that her reasons were well-founded,
he yielded his own inclination to her's ;
and there is no ground, from the remaining
part of his life, to regret that he did so, or
to think that he himself ever regretted it.
Although neither his private studies,
nor his pastoral duties, while he remain
ed at Culross, assiduous as he was in
both, can furnish any materials of bio*
graphy, his communication with some of

|©6 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
his most considerable correspondents ought
to be referred to this period.
The most distinguished of them all was
Jonathan Edwards, who cannot be slight
ly mentioned in a narrative of this kind.
As a philosopher and a divine, as well as a
Christian minister, he held a station of emi
nence, which, whatever respect has been
shewn to his opinions, few of his contem
poraries have denied him. His correspond
ence with Dr Erskine began in 1747 ; and
it was continued without interruption till
his death, which happened in 1758.
His first letter is dated at Northampton
in Massachusets, where he was then mini
ster of the first congregation with which he
was connected* Dr Erskine had sent him
"The Remains of Mr Hall," with which
their correspondence began ; and on this
occasion Mr Edwards expressed, with great.
tenderness and delicacy, his sympathy
with one who had lost his most inti
mate and estimable friend in the prime of
life, the companion of his youth, and, for a
considerable time before his death, the de-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 197
lightful and affectionate associate of his
studies and of his piety.
In a postscript to this letter he mention
ed his book " on Religious Affections," then
just published, and at the same time sent his
correspondent a copy of it, — a book, of
which it is not too much to say, that it is
not only worthy of the talents and sincerity
of its author, but that, while it shews that
he was neither forward nor rash in estimat
ing striking or sudden impressions of reli
gion, it contains more sound instruction on
its particular subject, and lays down more
intelligible and definite rules to distinguish
true from false religion, and to ascertain,
by distinct characters, the genuine spirit
of vital piety, separated from all fanatical
delusions, than any other book which has
yet been given to the world.
it was immediately occasioned by the
different aspects of what v/as then called ('the
" Revwal of Religion" in America, in which
there were many of the same features and cha
racters, which distinguished the events which
have been adverted to in the west ©f Scotland ;

198 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.C.
but in which Mr Edwards thought he per
ceived, mixed with many demonstrations
of the efficacy of preaching, many false
appearances and counterfeits of religion,
and many pretended conversions, with re
gard to which he felt it to be his duty to
warn the individuals, and to disabuse the
public. He intended in this publication, after
ascertaining the nature and importance of
religious affections, to make the distinction
precise and definite, between true and false
religion. He intended to shew, on the one
hand, the specious appearances in the state
of the affections, which may often be sub
stituted for the spirit of religion, when they
are equally remote from genuine conversion
and from real piety ; and, on the other
hand, to point out the inseparable and in*
telligible characters of personal religion, in
which its practical and permanent effects
are conjoined with its powerful impres
sions within the breast.
In point of language, this book is un
doubtedly defective, like all the writings of
12

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 199
Jonathan Edwards. Though his ideas are
always precise, his sentences are often em
barrassed, and his reasoning, though it goes
deep into the human character, and very
successfully lays open the secret recesses of
the human heart, is frequently more intri
cate and metaphysical than his subject re
quired, or than is suited to the capacity of
every reader. But with all its defects, his
treatise on religious affections, though he
had never written any thing besides, would
have placed him in the first order of en
lightened and practical divines. Il re
quires an intimate knowledge of the human
heart, as well as of practical religion, to
enable a reader to appreciate its value.
But the more attentively the argument con
tained in it is considered, and is applied to
real characters, it will always appear so
much the more interesting and conclu
sive. In the same postscript to Mr Edwards's
first letter to Dr Erskine, he gave him a
general sketch of a plan which he had then
formed, and which he afterwards executed

200 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. 0.
with so much ability in his book on the
Freedom of >the Will ; — a book which,
whether his opinions be questioned or
adopted* l»as certainly given him an emi
nent station (both among philosophers and
divines. " I have thought," he says, " of writing
" something particularly and largely on
" the Arminian controversy, in distinct dis-
" courses On the various points in dispute,
" to be published suecessivelyi beginning
" first with a discourse concerning the free-
" dom of the will, and moral agency ; en-
" deavouring fully and thoroughly to state
" and discuss those points of liberty and
" necessity, moral and physical inability,
?' efficacious grace, and the ground of vir-
" tue and vice, reward and punishment,
f* blame and praise, with regard to the dis*
*{ positions and actions of reasonable crea-
" tures." Such was the first idea of a work, from
which Mr Edwards afterwards derived his
chief celebrity as an author. But a con
siderable time intervened before he found

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 201
it possible to make any progress in his
design. In his letters to Dr Erskine, of August
and October 1748, he acknowledges the re
ceipt of books connected with his subject,
which his correspondent had procured for
him ; particularly Dr Taylor of Norwich's
Treatise on Original Sin, his Key to the
Apostolic Writings, and his Paraphrase on
the Epistle to the Romans ; and says of
them, " That the first of these books he had
" read before, but had not found any op-
" portunity of purchasing ; but that the
" others were entirely new to him." The
paraphrase, in particular, he had not heard
of, and he .appears to have considered it as
an important acquisition, as it furnished
him with a considerable part of the scrip
tural arguments of those whose doctrines he
intended to combat. " If I had heard of it,"
he says, " I should not have been easy till
" I had been possessed of it ;" and he adds,
" These books, if I live, will probably be of
« great use to me."
At this time he intended to prosecute his

102 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
design without delay. Bui he was not aware
of the difficulties and perplexities in his
private situation, which retarded his labours,
and at last suspended his studies for several
years. He had at first some time to bestow on two
small publications which appeared in 1749;
the Life of David Brainard, the distinguished
missionary among the American Indians,
who died at Northampton ; and a Sermon
occasioned by his death. But a much more
serious obstruction succeeded, which, for a
considerable period, superseded all his li
terary pursuits.
An unfortunate difference arose between
him and the people of Northampton, which
some busy and malignant spirits contrived
to heighten and irritate, till it became quite
irreconcileable. It had its origin as early
as 1744 ; though it occasioned no public
controversy till 1749 and 1750. It was
then publicly agitated, and it ultimately ter
minated in Mr Edwards's final separation
from his congregation at Northampton, in
1751.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 203
No real blame seems to have been due to
him, either with regard to the subject of this
controversy, or his part in the management
of it. On the contrary, from every thing
that appears, either in his own letters, or
in the papers of his opponents which have
been published, he seems not only to have
shewn an astonishing degree of temper and
forbearance, under the most unprovoked
and injurious treatment, but to have left to
posterity an example of disinterestedness
and purity of principle, in very trying cir
cumstances, in all respects worthy of the
venerable character which he sustained
through life. *
It cannot be surprising, that, while he
was agitated by a controversy, in which
not only his usefulness and comfort as a mi
nister, but the independence and perma
nent resources of his family, were so deeply
involved, he should not have been able to
apply his thoughts to any literary or theolo
gical researches. * See Note X.

204* LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Though he seems to have attempted some
sketches on the subject, it does not appear
that any part of the plan which he had men
tioned to Dr Erskine in 1747 was put into
form, or that he had made any progress in
arranging it, while he remained at North
ampton. But in 1751, he removed to Stockbridge>
in Massachusetts Bay, about sixty miles from
Northampton, — a situation of quiet and
comfort, much better suited to the habits of
a studious man, and which subjected him
to none of the bustle or interruptions which
he had before experienced.
It was not, however, till the month of July
1752, that he appears to have resumed his
studies on the subject of free-will ; for, on
the 7th of that month, he writes Dr Er
skine, that " he hoped soon to be at leisure
" to resume his design ;" and gives him ano
ther sketch of the plan of his book, in w hich,
though there be nothing new, there is more
detail than in that which he had formerly
sent him. * * See Note Y.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 205
Whatever opinion may be held with re
gard to Mr Edwards's argument, it must
appear astonishing to those who are capable
of appreciating the difficulty of his subject,
that, in nine months from the date of this
letter, (on the 14th of April 1753,) he could
write Dr Erskine, that he had almost finish
ed the first draught of what he originally in
tended ; though he was under the necessity
of delaying the publication till he knew the
result of proposals which he had circulated
for printing his book by subscription.
His book was published in 1754, and
though he had made some progress in pre
paring his materials before he left North
ampton, was certainly written, and nearly
completed, within the time ascertained by
the two letters referred to, and must be ad
mitted to convey a very striking idea, both
of his mental resources, and of his literary
ardour. In the letter referred to, of July 1752,
he had described the object in his mind to
have been, " to consider the nature of that
" freedom of moral agents, which renders

206 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" them the proper subjects of moral govern-
" ment, of moral precepts, counsels, calls,
" motives, persuasions, promises, threaten-
" ings, praise and blame, rewards and pu-
" nishments." And this freedom he repre
sents as consisting " in the power of doing
" what we will, or of acting according to our
" own choice."
By moral necessity, he professes to un-*
derstand, a necessity of connection and con
sequence, arising from such moral causes,
as the strength of inclination or motives,
and the connection between these and the
volitions or actions of the individual. Mo
ral inability he of course represents as con
sisting in the want of inclination to pur
sue worthy or estimable conduct, or in the
strength of contrary inclinations. #
He attempts to shew, that his general
principles are supported by the reason and
common sense of mankind ; and to repre
sent the opposite doctrine of free-will, and
the consequences resulting from it, as re
pugnant to the doctrines of religion, to
the moral agency of man, and to the sound
principles of philosophy.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. £07
Lord Kames, who was not more distin
guished as a lawyer or a judge, than as a
philosopher, had already published his es
says *' On the Principles of Morality and
" Religion," in which he had also discussed
the question relating to the liberty or ne
cessity of human actions, and in terms as
unqualified as those which Mr Edwards
employed, asserted the doctrine of Neces
sity. By a letter to Dr Erskine, of December
11, 1755, Mr Edwards acknowledges that
he had received from him a copy of Lord
Karnes's Essays ; and tells him, that he had
before had an opportunity of reading this
book, as well as Mr Hume's Essay on the
same subject.
When Lord Kames published his Essays,
they excited a great clamour against him
in Scotland, on the supposition that he had
published doctrines subversive of the fun
damental principles of Christianity ; and
such was the impression which this asser
tion made on the public mind, that a
preacher, of the name of Anderson, actu-

208 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ally commenced a prosecution against him,
as an elder of the church, before the pres
bytery of Edinburgh ; affirming, that, in the
doctrine of necessily which he maintained,
there were not only heretical opinions, which,
as an elder of the church, he could not
lawfully circulate, but principles subyer-?
sive of all religious and moral obligation.
This prosecution gave his Lordship con
siderable uneasiness. He was much bet
ter acquainted with the speculations of phi
losophers than with theological controver
sies ; and knew better how to defend among
philosophers a speculative dogma, than how
to protect himself in the church against a
charge of heresy.
Dr Wallace, the celebrated author of the
dissertation '* on the Numbers of Mankind,
" and the Populousness of Ancient Na-
" tions," informed him of what he seems not
to have known before, (and he received his
information with much eagerness and gra
titude,) that the doctrine of Necessity had
been maintained by the greatest and sound
est divines of the Christian church ; refer-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 209
ring him particularly to St Augustine, Cal
vin, Turretine, Pictet, &c.
- His Lordship afterwards published a
pamphlet in defence of his Essays, in which
he availed himself of the doctrine assert
ed by these divines, and,- above all, of Mr
Edwards's book, which he celebrates with
unreserved praise, as equally honourable
to his talents and to his orthodoxy. He
took some pains lo distinguish between the
doctrine maintained by himself, and the
Fate asserted by the Stoics on the one hand,
and the Liberty of indifference contend
ed for by the Arminian divines on the
other. The substance of this publication was
afterwards printed in an appendix to the
last edition of his Essays, published by the
author in 1779.
Dr Erskine had sent the first edition of
Lord Karnes's Essays to Mr Edwards.
And, in return, Mr Edwards addressed a
letter to him, of the 5th of July 1757,
which was first printed separately, as he in
tended, and was afterwards subjoined to
o

210 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
the Edinburgh edition of his book on the
Freedom of the Will* in If 68, under the
title of a " Letter from Mr Edwards to a
" Minister of the Church of Scotland."
In this letter he attempts to state what
he conceived to be the difference between
his own doctrine, and the principles main
tained by Lord Kames ; and represents it
as of so much importance, as to lead to
very opposite conclusions.
,-. On the other hand, Lord Kames was as
much distinguished by the fairness, as by
the ingenuity* of his speculations. Though
in philosophy he often formed his judgment
hastily, and, of course, fell into many mis
takes, he has publicly retracted a greater
number of errors, into which he had been
unwarily betrayed, than almost any other
writer of celebrity who can be mentioned.
He was apt to seize a sudden thought, and
pursue it with avidity, without having suffi
ciently considered or examined it; and, of
consequence, in many instances, without
having perceived a fallacy, which he found
afterwards to be involved in it. It appears

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 211
to have frequently happened, that the pro
secution of other subjects, or his conversa
tion with other men, assisted him to detect
the errors which he had thus hastily adopt
ed, and to appreciate the circumstances
which had, in the first instance, contributed
to mislead his judgment. But, what is e-
qually to his credit as an author and as a
man, as soon as he thought he perceived
that he had published a false or an incor
rect opinion, he did not hesitate to say so,
if an opportunity was given him. This is
not a very common practice among philo
sophers ; and, though some of his readers
may think that there are articles in his ori
ginal productions left untouched, whichj on
the same principle, might have required
a revisal, this cannot appear surprising to
those who recollect the number and extent
of his publications, and the late period of
life at which he continued to write.
In the preface to the edition of his
Essays, which was published in 1779,
he has publicly retracted a great propor
tion of the doctrines on Liberty and Ne-

212 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, Di D.
cessity, which had been objected to by Mr
Edwards. He had originally represented the terms
"Necessary, Impossible, and Unavoidable," as
equally applicable, and, in the same sense,
to Moral«tand Physical Necessity. But
he afterwards states an important distinc
tion on this subject^ by observing, that, un
der the influence of a physical cause, a man
is passive, or is acted upon ; whereas,
under the influence of a moral cause, he
himself acts, — that a physical cause is ge
nerally exerted against his will, by con
straint or coaction ; but that a moral cause
always operates, not by force or coaction,
but by solicitation and persuasion, applied
to the judgment.*
Though the expressions to which Jona
than Edwards objected are still retained,
these explanations, though perhaps nol very
consistent with them, in a great measure
take away their force.
A considerable part of the opposition
which Mr Edwards found in Lord Karnes's
* Essays on Morality and Natural Religion, p. 165, 166,
167, passim.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 213
doctrine to his own, arose from the assertion
made by his Lordship of a deceitful or de
lusive feeling or apprehension of liberty,
which he originally represented as univer
sal. From this idea he departs explicitly
in the preface before referred toA; and he
congratulates himself on having at last
placed Morality on a foundation which has
no delusion in it.
Mr Edwards had besides particularly ob
jected to his doctrine of Chance, or Con
tingency, as applied, as well to what arises
from moral causes, as to events in the ma
terial world. His Lordship retains what he
had published on this subject in the first
and second editions of his Essays, for ihe
purpose of intimating that he had changed
his opinion,, and was then convinced thai
he ought to have expressed himself differ
ently. "Time," he says," productive of
" many changes, has upon the thinking
" part of mankind a great influence in de-
" tecting errors. It is now my opinion,
" that there is no such thing in nature as a
" sense of Chance or contingency. By the,

214 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
" expression, that sueh a thing happened
" by chance, nothing is or can be meant,
" but that we are ignorant of the cause;
" and that, for aught we know, the event
" might have happened or not happened.
" With respect lo contingency, future" e-
" vents are said to be contingent, when
-" they cannot be foreseen." *
There are, unquestionably, points in
which his Lordship's doctrines are still dif
ferent from the doctrines of Mr Edwards,
and some in which he has changed the ex
pressions which Mr Edwards adverted to,
without having materially altered the ideas
conveyed in them-
This is not surprising. For, in making
the alterations which his own reflections
had suggested for his last edition, he has
not always adapted to them what he had
written before, but has left sentences and
paragraphs as he had originally expressed
them, without attempting to model them
* Essays on Morality and Natural Religion, p. 194,, 195.
Edition 1779.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 215
anew, so as exactly to suit his latest thoughts
on the subject.
But it is plain that he intended to obviate
a considerable part of the objections which
had been made to his doctrines ; and that
he stated, without reserve, the points on
which he had changed his opinions. He
seems to have been particularly solicitous
to remove the objections which had been
made by Mr Edwards ; and it bught to be
added, that he concludes his remarks on
what had been written against him, by de
livering, as his settled opinion, what coin
cided exactly with the ideas of Mr Ed
wards, that the Arminian doctrine of liberty
would, in effect, " introduce into this world
« blind chance, confusion, and anarchy ;
'* and that any solid reformation of the A-r-
" minian doctrine must infallibly lead to
" the opinions of Calvin and our other re-
*' formers."* Many readers will think, that, on the me
taphysical question, the opinions of Lord
Kames and Mr Edwards were not in the
* Appendix to Essay on liberty and Necessity, p. 221.

216 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
end essentially different ; and that the
shades of difference which are still to be
found in their mode of conducting the ar
gument, have not much influence on their
Concisions, It is not clear that , Mr Edwards would
have allowed this to be the fact. But he
did not live to see Lord Karnes's latest
thoughts on the subject.
In the conclusion of his own book, he
enters deeply into the importance and con
sequences of the system which he main
tained, as he supposed it lo affect the doc
trines and the practical influence of Christ
ianity ; and he endeavoured to discuss these
points more minutely still, in a letter which
he addressed to Dr Erskine, of the 3d of
August 1757, a few days after the date of
the letter already mentioned, which he sent
him for publication. *
The spirit which Mr Edwards discovers
in his Inquiry, and in all his correspond
ence on the subject, demonstrates his sin-»
* See Note Z.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. S17
cerity in the doctrines which he maintain
ed, and his firm persuasion of their import
ance to the interests of practical religion.
He was not less sincere in believing the op
posite opinions to be equally contrary to
philosophical truth, and to practical ChrisU
ianity. It must be allowed, besides, that he was
not indebted to any other writer for the
most important part of his materials, which
he appears to have drawn almost entirely
from his own reflections and resources.
Though in many points he coincides with
the opinions of authors, whose productions
do not appear to have reached him, it is
impossible to deny, that the structure and
the ingenuity of his argument are his own,
or to withhold from him the praise due to
nn original writer.
On the other hand, some of the most en
lightened philosophers, and most zealous
friends of religion, find great difficulty in
adopting his system, or of acquiescing in
the acute and subtle argument by which he
has supported it.

218 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
His reasonings on the general doctrine
of Necessity are certainly more plausible
and popular, than his attempt to reconcile
that doctrine with the moral agency of man,
or the view which he has given of the liberty
of human actions. On this point, his ar
gument appears to a great proportion of his
readers to have completely failed. And,
what is very remarkable, the " Idea of Hu*
"man Liberty," which he has adopted in
connection with his " Doctrine of Necessi-
* ty," is exactly the same with that which
was given long before by Hobbes and An
thony Collins ; though there arc circum
stances which make it probable, that he was
hot otherwise acquainted with their writ
ings, than by quotations from them which
he found in other books.
Hobbes, he says expressly, he had never
read;* and it is more than probable/ that
he was equally unacquainted with Collins.
Yet the identity of their opinions with re»
gard to human liberty is not to be question-
* Inquiry, p. 321. London Edition, 1S10*.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 219
ed. Hobbes places it in " a man's having
"power to do what he will;" Collins in
" a power which a man has to do as he wills
" or pleases ;" and Mr Edwards in " the
" power, opportunity, or advantage, that
* any one has to do as he pleases ;" * or, as
he expresses it otherwise, in " ^the power
" or opportunity to do as he wills or
* chooses." The Conclusions of Hobbes and Collins
are, indeed, not only extremely different
from those of Mr Edwards, but are direct
ly the reverse of what he professes to esta
blish. But his confidence in the doctrine
was not shaken by their pernicious applica
tion of it, of which he seems to have been
fully aware. " Let his opinion be what
" it will," he says, referring to Mr Hobbes,
* we need not reject all truth which is de-
" monslrated by clear evidence, merely be-
" cause it was once held by some bad man.
" This great truth, that Jesus is the Son of
" God, was not spoiled, (or was not less the
* Inquiry, p. 38.
t Ibid, in Remarks on Principles of Morality, p. 16.

220 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" truth,) because it was once and again pro-
" claimed with a loud voice by the Devil." *
Mr Edwards himself, as has been already
stated, certainly considered his doctrine as
involving the substance as well as the prac
tical effects of Christianity, and the contra
ry opinions as subversive of both.
But, on the other hand, some of his
latest and most distinguished admirers, who
celebrate his argument as both profound
and unanswerable, and who consider him
as the writer above all others who has done
most justice to this intricate subject, have
deduced conclusions from his doctrine of
the most pernicious tendency, and the most
remote from his intention.
Dr Priestley, who has given the most
flattering opinion which could well be ex
pressed of Jonathan Edwards's Argument,
in his preface to the Examination of the
Philosophy of Dr Reid, Dr Beattie, and Dr
Oswald, has the following remarkable pa
ragraph in another publication. " A Ne-
* Remarks on Principles of Morality, p. 16.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 9,21
" cessarian who believes that nothing goes
" wrong, but that every thing is under the
" best direction possible, cannot accuse him-
" self of having done wrong, in the ultimate
" sense of the words. He has, therefore, in
u this strict sense, nothing to do with re-
" pentance, confession, or pardon, which
" are all adapted to a different, imperfect,
" and fallacious view of things." *
Mr Belsham, who adopts the same opi
nions with Priestley, has laid down the twO
following positions, in which the same doc
trine is involved. " Remorse is the exqui-
" sifely painful feeling which arises from the
" belief, that, in circumstances precisely the
" same, we might have chosen and acted
" differently. This fallacious feeling is su-
" perseded by the doctrine of necessity ."-f-
— " Remorse supposes free will. It arises
" from forgetfulness of the precise state of
" mind when the action was performed. It
» Priestley's. Disquisitions Relating to Matter and Spirit,
in which hisdoctrine of philosophical necessity is illustrated.
Vol. II. p. 147. Birmingham, 1782.
t Belsham's Elements of the Philosophy of the Human
Mind, p. 284.

9.2% LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" is qf little or no use in moral discipline. In
" a degree it is even pernicious." *
Jonathan Edwards would have viewed
such conclusions from his argument, not
only with contempt, but with abhorrence.
Whatever consequences others have de
duced from his opinions, he believed the
doctrine of necessity, as he represents it, to
lie at the foundation of all sound morality
and evangelical religion. And that his own
ideas on this subject might be fairly stated,
his last letter to Dr Erskine has been al
ready referred to, and is inserted at full
length in a note.* He could not anticipate
the language of Priestley and Belsham.
But his letter demonstrates the purity of his
own views both of Christian doctrine and
practical morals. Whatever opinion^ there
fore, may be held with regard to the meta
physical argument, there can be but one
opinion with regard to the superior talents,
* Belsham's Elements of the Philosophy of the HuraaH
Mind, p. 406.
i Note A a.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 223
the Christian Spirit* and the pure intentions
of Jonathan Edwards.
A few months after the date of his last
letter to Dr Erskine which has been men
tioned* Mr Edwards was itemoved froni
Stockbridge to become President of the
College of New Jersey ,— a station in which
much was expected from his talents, and
more from his eminent zeal in the feef vice
of religion and literature. But Providence
did not permit these sanguine expectations
to be realized. ;-..¦.»
He had never had the small-pox ; and
when he found himself placed among young
people who are peculiarly liable to the in
fection of this dangerous disease, he thought
it his duty to give an example in favour of
the, practice of inoculation, against which
there were then strong prejudices in Ame
rica. Though, the disease had at first no
virulent appearances, it settled chiefly on
his mouth and throat, and ultimately occa
sioned .his death.
He died on the 22d of March 1768, a

224 life of John erskine, d. d.
few months after he had been admitted
President of the College of New Jersey.
He was in full possession of his faculties
to the last moment of his life, and died in
the most deljjghtful and enviable state of
mind ; one of the few victims of a practice
by which so many lives were afterwards
preserved. Dr Erskine's impression of the irreparable
loss sustained by his death, he expressed
in a letter to Mr Maculloch of Cambus
lang, who had been long a correspond
ent of his deceased friend. This letter is
dated August 8, 1758, and contains the
following paragraph : " The loss sustained
" by his death, not only by the College of
" New Jersey, but by the church in gene-
" ral, is irreparable. I do not think our age
" has produced a divine of equal genius or
"judgment; and much did I hope from
" Prince Town College having such a man
" at their head ; from his living to write on
" the different branches of the Arminian
" Controversy ; and from his being removed
" to a place where he had the advantage of

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE,, D. D. 225
" books, which Northampton or Stock-
" bridge could not afford him." He adds,
" I hope his book on Original Sin is finish-
" ed and printed."
A considerable number of his posthumous
productions were edited and prefaced by
Dr Erskine. They bear evident marks of
the vigour of intellect, and zealous sincerity
in religion, which uniformly distinguished
their author. But some of them have cer
tainly many of the disadvantages of un
finished and posthumous publications.
The work on Original Sin, however, to
which Dr Erskine alluded, had been pre
pared for publication by Mr Edwards him
self; though the printing, which had been
begun during his life, was not completed till
after his death*
This book, for ingenuity or originality,
or for vigorous and acute argument* is infe
rior to nothing else which he has written.
It is common, indeed, to reject, without ex
amination, the doctrine which . fie main
tains,^ as either untenable or absurd. But
it will not be easy to produce a publication
p

226 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D;
in which his argument has been fairly met
by those who have most affected to despise
his conclusions.
This long digression will scarcely be for
given by fastidious readers ; and even by
those who are not disinclined to the subject,
it may be thought to have exceeded its na
tural bounds.
But il should be considered, that it re
lates to a subject, in which Dr Erskine took
a deep and personal interest at this period of
his life, and which had more or less influence
on his conduct, and on his habits of think
ing, to the end of it; and that at least some
part of the facts related are not familiar to
many readers, who are still accustomed to
hear the name of Jonathan Edwards re
peated, both by the admirers and the op-
ponen Is of his writings.
While Dr Erskine remained at Culross,
he had another remarkable correspondent;
Mr David Imrie, then minister of Dalton,
and afterwards of St Mungo in Dumfries
shire. He was a man of very considerable
abilities, and was capable of a great degree

D. D. 2%7
of literary industry and research. Several
years of his life were employed in the study
of the prophetical scriptures, in which he
believed he had made some important dis
coveries with regard to events predicted,
both in the Old and in the New Testament ;
which, he persuaded himself, were to hap
pen within a very few years of the time
when he applied his mind to the subject.
He appears to have written a book on
the subject, which was never published.
But having great confidence in the result
of his investigations, he lodged with De
Erskine, and some of his other friends, a
variety of papers which contained a gene
ral sketch of his interpretations, for the pur
pose of enabling them to compare them af
terwards with events which he supposed tQ
have been predicted, and to be at no great
distance. These papers certainly exhibit a great ex
tent of learning as well as depth of thought.
But, like many other interpreters of prophe
cies not yet fulfilled, Mr Imrie allowed him
self to rely with too much confidence on

228 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
what he considered as his discoveries," with
regard to the meaning and accomplishment
of particular predictions, and, like many
zealots in prophetical studies, " almost per-
* suaded himself" at last, that his conclu
sions were infallible.
In the only letter of Dr Erskine's on the
subject which has been preserved, without
pretending to combat opinions which Mr
Imrie supported with so much ingenuity and
confidence, and which he had not consider
ed with the same attention, he satisfies him
self with reminding his friend how many
good men had been positive, and yet had
made great mistakes, on the same subject;
and how much careful and impartial exami
nation was necessary, before he could ia
prudence be warranted to publish his inter
pretations. He does not discourage him from
publishing, if his opinions should remain
unchanged, after his most dispassionate re
searches ; but he recommends to him some
books, from which, in his apprehension, he
might have received considerable advan
tage.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 229
Mr Imrie lived to see many of the mi
nute interpretations, in which he had most
confidence, contradicted by events. He
would have contemplated with amazement
other events which have happened since his
death, in which his conjectures and inter
pretations would have appeared to him to
have been very near the truth, though they
were not completely verified. The events,
in particular, of the year 1794, (a year which
he had expressly mentioned as introducing
most remarkable revolutions,) though not
precisely what he had supposed them, had
so much apparent affinity to his represen
tation, as would, if he had witnessed them,
have gone far to confirm some of his most
sanguine anticipations. Some of the con
jectures which he mentioned wilh most
confidence, he would have imagined to
be verified by subsequent eyents ; and the
very singular history of the last thirty
years, would, if he had been alive, have
certainly revived his prophetical sludies
though they have not ultimately confirm
ed his interpretations.

230 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
Mr Imrie was a wdrthy and respectable
man, whose intentions were perfectly pure,
and who possessed a very considerable por*
tion, both of literature and talents. But he
was the dupe of his own ingenuity,fand of
his sanguine temper ; as almost every indi
vidual, more or less, has been, who has al
lowed his mind to be exclusively engrossed
by the same studies.
While Dr Erskine was corresponding
with Mr Imrie, it certainly appears, that
he paid some attention lo the subjects by
which his friend was so much engrossed.
And from the manner in which he was ac
customed to mention them in the latter
part of his life, it is probable that he went
as far into them at this time, as to convince
himself, that he could employ his time
much better in other studies ; and that the
attempt to interpret prophecies not yet ful
filled, is always uncertain, and seldom suc
cessful. He has been frequently heard to
say, that however others may have suc
ceeded, he was never able to satisfy his own
mind in such inquiries.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 231
He certainly derived one advantage, from
Mr Iinrie's correspondence, of which he
afterwards often availed himself. He saw
the importance of Hebrew literature to
every interpretation of the Old Testament
scriptures. It appears from his correspond
ence, that Mr Imrie gave him very useful
advice and assistance on this subject, and
that he then applied his mind more re
solutely than before, to the study of the
Hebrew language, which he prosecuted
with his usual ardour and success. A con
siderable portion of his time was probably
devoted to it, from 1754 to 1757 ; and he
was ultimately a good Hebrew scholar.

232 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.

CHAP. VII.
Dr Erskine's Translation to Edinburgh. — He
publishes Theological Dissertations. — His
Controversy with Mr Wesley. — His Publi
cations on the, American Controversy ; and
on the Bill for Relief of Roman Catholics
in Scotland. — Mr Burke's Letter to him.
In the autumn of 1758 Dr Erskine was
translated from the parish of Culross to one
of the churches in the city of Edinburgh.
There were four vacancies in the pastoral
charges of the city which were filled up at
the same time. The three ministers who
were appointed along with Dr Erskine to
supply them, were certainly among the
most considerable clergymen whom Scot
land has ever produced — Dr Macqueen,
equally distinguished by the vigour of his
understanding, and the extent of his litera
ture * — Mr Lundie, who was then consi-
* Dr Macqueen possessed an extent of knowledge and li
terature in which very few of his contemporaries su/passed

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 233
dered as one of the most eminent preachers
in Scotland, though a weak and distemper-
him. Though he published little, his information, on every
subject to which he applied his mind, was known to be so
exact and minute, that, in matters of research, his literary
friends had frequent recourse to him, to give them confidence
in their own investigations. Dr Robertson himself was ac
customed to say, that on subjects connected with geography
in particular, he never relied on any description of his own,
till he had received the opinion of Dr Macqueen.
The only book which Dr Macqueen published is entitled,
" Letters on Mr Hume's History," which appeared in 1756,
when he was minister of Stirling. It contains strictures on
that celebrated work, which go deep into the subject, and
into what he considered as false views of our civil and religi
ous history. The justice of his strictures, and the ability and
learning with which they are stated, cannot well be questioned
by fair and competent judges of that subject; Though Mr
Hume has sometimes expressed himself differently, he could not
always conceal his real hostility to civil and religious liberty,
or to those who zealously contended for either. With regard to
DrMacqueen's book, he followed his usual maxim, and made no
reply. But he appears, in the subsequent editions of his His
tory, to have silently made alterations on many of the passages
objected to, such as render it now extremely difficult to trace
the paragraphs to which Dr Macqucen's animadversions ap
ply. Some of them certainly remain unchanged. In other in.
stances, the alterations exhibit a striking view of the address
with which Mr Hiime endeavoured to escape from strictures
"which he felt to be jiut. Independent of this circumstance,
the difficulty of tracing in the later editions, references which
apply only to the first, which is now scarcely to be found,
has, in a great measure, taken off the public attention from
Dr Macqneen?s book. It is notwithstanding a book of in-

234 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D,
ed sight, which produced habits of seclu
sion, and an incapacity for regular studies,
rendered his public duty afterwards both
unequal and uncertain— and Dr Robert
son, who was equal to any situation which
strength of understanding, or splendour
of talents, can reach ; and whose emi
nence as an historian has raised him above
all his contemporaries.
Four such men inlroduced 'into the
churches of Edinburgh on the same day,
reflected no common degree of honour on
the community which had the penetration
disputable merit, equally distinguished by the learning of a
scholar, and the urbanity of a gentleman. It gave him so
much reputation when it was first published, that one of the
first dignitaries of the southern part of the island employed -a
friend to intimate to him, that if he should be disposed ta
connect himself with the Church of England, he might de
pend on receiving high preferment. This proposal, for obvi
ous reasons, he declined; though it distinctly shews what the
public opinion in England then was, not merely of the merit
of his book, but of the doctrines maintained in it. He would
certainly have done honour to any church, by the worth and
dignity of his private character, as well as by the extent of
his literary acquisitions. It is only to be regretted, that he
who knew so much, and whose knowledge was so extremelj
accurate, and so much at his command, should have publish
ed so little to the world.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 23£
to select them. And their professional emi
nence, as well as their literary and personal
characters, which will never be mentioned
among those who knew them, but with de
light and veneration, has left a striking exam
ple for the direction of those on whom the ap
pointment of their successors has devolved.
There were then only nine churches in
the city, of which seven were collegiate, and
two were single charges. According to the
established usage of that time, Dr Macqueen
and Mr Lundie, as the senior ministers,
were placed in the two vacant collegiate
churches ; and Dr Robertson and Dr Er
skine, as the juniors, in the two single charges.
Dr Erskine became minister of the New
Greyfriars' Church, where he continued to
officiate for nine years.
The public service of a single charge in
Edinburgh, as it was then performed, con
nected with the private and parochial du
ties which Dr Erskine most conscientiously
and minutely discharged, undoubtedly re
quired a great degree both of professional
industry and activity.

236 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Besides the public prayers, there were
three discourses to be delivered every Lords
Day — In the morning a lecture, or exposi.
tion of some considerable portion of Scrip
ture, followed by a sermon ; and another
sermon in the afternoon.
They who are as uniform and conscienti
ous in their preparation for the pulpit, as
Dr Erskine was, and to whom the sermons
which he published are familiar ; and they
who can recollect how indefatigable he was
in visiting the families of his parish, in at
tending the sick and the dying, not only in
his own parish, but in every quarter of the
cily where he was in any degree interested,
can form some idea of the ardour which he
al this lime possessed.
He had much besides to occupy his time
in the ecclesiastical courts, in the charitable
corporations and societies of the city, and in
every private association where he believed
himself to be useful. While he was in good
health, he was almost never absent where
his presence was required.
He had a principle to which he steadi-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 237
ly adhered through life, and from which
he allowed nothing to divert him, which
always occupied a certain portion of his
time, in addition lo all that was neces*
sary for his public and professional labours.
He considered it as an indispensible, and
even as a moral duty, which every man
owes lo himself, and to his station in socie
ty, to maintain a regular intercourse with
the relations of his family, and with his
private friends.
On this point, as indeed on every other
which has been mentioned, he endeavoured
to follow out a regular system, to which he
adhered as steadily as the variety of his oc
cupations would permit ; so arranging his
plans and his time, as to prevent, as much
as possible, one duty from encroaching on
another; and never allowing himself to
be diverted from the great objects of his life,
by any inferior considerations.
This branch of his character deserves to
be mentioned with particular distinction.
No individual who lives in a situation in

238 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
which the same habits can be maintained^
in a consistency with more important du
ties, can be justified in neglecting them.
Our family relations are our natural assoi
ciates; and, when they are joined to our
personal friends, excepting only the bonds
of principle, create the most universal and
most delightful ties of human life.
On the other hand, whatever seems to
separate those whom nature has united, is
equally unfriendly lo their permanent in
terests, and to their personal comfort.
Weakness of understanding, or defects of
temper, are often seen to occasion, among
family connections, competitions and jea
lousies, which lead to habits of a very dif
ferent kind ; but in no instance, without do
ing a material injury to the individuals
themselves, and even to their children after
them. The opposite fact is a matter of daily ex
perience. Where the intimate associations
of private life are regulated and cultivated
by the principles of duty, as well as by good

LlFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D, D. 239
affections, they go far indeed to promote
both its satisfactions and its tranquillity.
On this subject, Dr Erskine, undoubted
ly, gave a distinguished example to his fa
mily and his friends, on which they who
have survived him will always look back
with veneration.
While he enjoyed good, health, in the
midst of his varied and important occupa
tions, he mixed a great deal in society, both
in the city and at home. And they who
had the happiness to associate with him fre
quently, either in his own house, or in more
general society, will always recollect, with
delight, the native simplicity and good hu
mour, the cheerful and amusing conversa
tion, the variety of sound information, and
the kind and affectionate manners, by which
they were uniformly attracted to him.
Yetj wilh all the multiplicity of his occu
pations, and the steadiness with which he
followed out the rules by which every one
of them was kept in its own place ; with
all the eagerness with which he seemed to
enter into every thing, that was either in-

240 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
teresting or agreeable to him ; his prepara
tion for the pulpit was never at any time ne
glected, or even slightly or carelessly attend
ed to; nor were his literary pursuits. at any
one period of his life suspended.
He knew how to employ what the late
Sir David Dairy m pie (Lqrd Hailes) was
accustomed to call " the corners qf time" —
the shorter or longer intervals of leisure
which every day afforded him — and from
this circumstance he was seldom behind in
any part of the duties by which he govern
ed his life.
His preparation for the pulpit was almost
never superseded by any other occupation.
But the habit of applying to it uniformly
from his early life, supported by the acute
ness of his faculties, and by the facility
with which he could command his theolo
gical and practical knowledge, rendered
this part of his duty rather relaxation than
labour ; and though he considered it as the
leading object of his life, prevented it from
materially interfering with the ardour or
12

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 241
diligence with which he continued to pro
secute his literary acquisitions.
On the 28th Of November 1766, he re
ceived an unsolicited degree of Doctor in
Divinity from the University of Glasgow.
In the minute of the Faculty which con
ferred it, there is a marked encomium in
serted on his " undoubted probity, ihge-
" nuity, and learning."
Were theological degrees always confer
red from the same confidence in the per
sonal and literary characters of the indivi
duals receiving them, they would reflect as
much honour and distinction on the universi-
tiesj as the graduates could receive from
their diplomas. Dr Erskine's character as
a theologian, and as a man of letters, had
been so long established, that it is more na
tural to ask, why he did not receive this de
gree at an earlier period, than why it was
at last conferred ?
Before this event, he had published, in
1764, an Octavo volume of Theological Dis
sertations. The three dissertations which
stand first in the volume had never before
a

242 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
been published. The two last are republi
cations of treatises, which have been already
adverted to ; the one, of " The Law of Na-
" ture, as sufficiently promulgated to the
" Heathens, in opposition to Dr Campbell/'
and the other, on " the Frequent Dispen-
" sation of the Lord's Supper," connected
with an overture from the Synod of Glas
gow. With regard to these dissertations, it
is unnecessary to add any thing to what has
already been stated. But the concluding
paragraph of the preface to this volume,
which relates to the dissertation in answer
to Dr Campbell, deserves to be inserted here,
as it contains Dr Erskine's later thoughts
on the subject of that dissertation. " The
" general argument," he says, " of the fourth
" dissertation, appears to me in the same
" light as it did three-and-twenty years ago,
" when I first published it. But since that
" time I have been fully convinced, thai
" many of the most celebrated philosophers
" entertained sentiments absolutely incon-
" sistent with the belief of the soul's im-
" mortality, and of future rewards and pu-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 243
'"nishments; and have seen considerable
" cause to suspect, that, under the devout
" expressions of the Stoic philosophers, a
" system was disguised, nearly allied to that
" of Spinosa."
In the same preface he professes to have
been originally led to the subject of his first
dissertation, by Dr Warburton's book on
the Divine Legation of Moses, and by Pro
fessor Venema's Dissertations, printed at
Harlingen in 1731. The substance of it
had been read to the Presbytery of Glas
gow in 1751, or about that time. There
can be no doubt, that, at this period, War
burton's opinions had a considerable influ
ence on Dr Erskine's studies, and on his
habits of thinking. He agrees with him in
his general views of the character of the Si
nai covenant, as relating to blessings which
were merely temporal and external ; and
he applies this doctrine with considerable
effect to the interpretation of particular
texts in the New Testament, which are in
tended to illustrate the doctrines of Christ
ianity, by an appeal to the Old Testament

244 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Scriptures. In some points he differs from
Warburton. But even where their opinions
are the same, his statements and illustra
tions are his own, and are supported by a
very considerable degree of ingenuity and
learning. The second dissertation, on the Charac
ter and Privileges of the Christian Church,
and on Dr Taylor's Key to the Apostolic
Writings, has a natural connection with the
subject of the first dissertation, or rather is
a natural sequel to the argument which is
there maintained. He had there asserted,
that, under the Old Testament, men, desti
tute of inward piety, had a just claim, by
the tenOr of the Sinai covenant, to certain
external blessings, as members of the Jewish
church. And, in the course of his argu
ment, several texts had been illustrated,
which he considered as representing the
Christian dispensation as, in this respect,
diametrically opposite to the Jewish.
Some other writers, and particularly Dr
Taylor of Norwich, have maintained, on
the contrary, that there is an external cove-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 245
nant subsisting, under the Christian as well
as under the Jewish dispensation, by which
individuals who profess Christianity, though
they are inwardly disaffected to God and
to goodness, are entitled to certain external
blessings and privileges in the church of
Christ. He supposed this doctrine to have
received a considerable degree of counte
nance from the incautious manner in which
the common distinction between the visible
and invisible church has been often repre
sented. He proposed, therefore, in his second
dissertation, to inquire, whether this repre
sentation of Christianity has any foundation
in the sacred oracles ; a ad whether the
proofs of such an external covenant, under
the Old Testament, can be at all applied
to the dispensation of the gospel. He ani
madverts particularly on Dr Taylor's inter
pretations, in his Key to the Apostolic
Epistles ; and, on the whole, endeavours to
shew, that the general language and spirit
of the New Testament place the character
of Christianity in direct opposition to the

246 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D,
view which he had before given of the
Jewish Church, and to the doctrine asserted
by Dr Taylor, in which a covenant of ex
ternal blessings is equally assigned to both.
This dissertation discovers a great extent
of scriptural knowledge, and of critical abi
lity; and deserves very serious attention
from those who apply themselves to the in
terpretation of the apostolical epistles.
The general object of the third disserta
tion, on Christian Faith, is to distinguish it
as a principle of the mind, from the effects
which it produces on the heart and con
duct of the believer. As a principle, he
considers it as consisting simply in persua
sion or assent, whether founded on testimo
ny or intrinsic evidence, with regard to the
essential facts and doctrines of revelation ;
and this he endeavours to distinguish precise
ly from its practical effects on the choice, the
affections, the temper, and behaviour, of the
individuals. This dissertation is another specimen of
profound scriptural knowledge, and learned
argument ; andj independent of the leading

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 247
idea which it professes to illustrate, will al
ways be read with advantage by those who
wish to become biblical scholars.
Every part of this volume is worthy of
its author. And it cannot but be a subject
of regret, that, at this period of his life,
when his vigour was entire, and when his
literary and theological researches were pro
secuted with all the steadiness of his cha
racter, he did not favour the public with a
greater number of such original produc
tions ; or that he had not applied his mind
to some great literary and theological work,
for which the acuteness of his faculties, and
the extent of his information, so eminently
qualified him.
But present usefulness was at all times
the leading object of Dr Erskine's life. A
very considerable portion of his time was
employed in giving small publications to
the world, which he thought were required
by the civil or religious state of the coun
try, or which could, in his apprehension,
contribute, in any degree, to the edifica
tion or comfort of the society in which he

248 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
lived. He was quite unsolicitous about his
literary character, or his posthumous fame.
He had frequently some literary plans in
his mind, the prosecution of which was al
ways superseded by something which ap
peared to him more necessary, or more use
ful at the time when he applied to it ; and
with regard to which he thought he could
bring forward either forcible argument, or
useful and important information.
He would have certainly raised his cha
racter as an author higher, and his useful
ness might have been both more extensive
and more permanent, by means of a great
literary undertaking. But the plan which
he followed seemed to him to have the ad
vantage of more immediate utility, to a
greater number of individuals during his
own life, than he could have connected
with any considerable publication of learn
ing or research. The interest which it cre
ated was, no doubt, comparatively a local
and temporary interest, which was too apt
to be forgotten with the occasions which
produced it ; though, it must be admitted

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 249"
at the same time, that there are some of his
smaller publications which are calculated
to be permanently useful, and which deserve
to survive many more elaborate perform
ances. Dr Erskine's controversy with Mr Wes
ley is, by its date, the next event in his life
which ought to be mentioned.
After the death of Mr Hervey, (the au
thor of " The Meditations," which bear his
name, and of the book entitled " Theron
and Aspasio,") there was published in Eng
land a volume, which has the title of " As
pasio Vindicated, in a Series of Letters," as
the work of the same author. In 1765, this
publication was reprinted at Edinburgh,
with a preface by Dr Erskine.
In Mr Hervey 's Vindication of "Aspa-
" sio," he had particularly defended his
doctrine against certain animadversions of
Mr Wesley ; and had remarked, with some
severity, on some of Mr Wesley's opinions,
as, in his apprehension, subversive of the
doctrine of the church of England, as well
as of the genuine doctrines of ihe gospel.

250 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
In Dr Erskine's preface, he had followed
out Mr Hervey's ideas on this subject, with
a view to undeceive such of the inhabitants
of Edinburgh, as had been persuaded to
join Mr Wesley's religious societies, without
being aware of his real opinions.
He refers them to what Mr Hervey had
written on the subject. But he quotes be
sides a variety of paragraphs from Mr Wes
ley's publications, to shew, not only that
Mr Hervey's remarks were well-founded,
but that the good people of Edinburgh
were completely imposed on, with regard
to the real opinions held by this patriarch
of the Methodists.
After pointing ou*, by quotations from
his writings, a variety of articles in which
he conceived Mr Wesley's avowed opinions
to be in direct hqstility with the established
doctrines of the church of Scotland, he
comes at last lo represent what he consider
ed as the disingenuity of his management.
It appeared to him, that he gave a different
aspect to his opinions in different places,
and that he so arranged the rules which he

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 251
laid down to his preachers, as to suit them
to the supposed opinions of the people a-
mong whom they officiated, and in different
places, to contrary opinions.
He states, in particular, that, while Mr
Wesley directed his preachers in England to
read carefully to all the people his tracts
entitled, " A Preservative against unsettled
" Notions," and his " Serious Thoughts con-
" cerning Perseverance and Predestination,"
the Methodist teachers in Scotland appear
ed to secrete from the greatest part of their
religious societies, these, and all his contro
versial writings, in which his opinions are
farthest removed from the doctrines taught
by the Scottish church, and generally em
braced by the people of Scotland ; and pro
bably did so, lest they should discover
something so repugnant tp their habits of
thinking, as to abate their fondness for such
a spiritual guide.
Mr Wesley had said, that, whatever may
be the effect of the doctrines of Calvinism
to those who have been educated in the be
lief of them, they are shewn by experience

252

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.

to have the effect of deadly poison to those
who have lately embraced them. He had
also laid it down as a prudential rule* that,
in England, the preachers of methodism
should not frequent any dissenting meet
ings, but should regularly attend the esta
blished churches.
On the first of these points, Dr Erskine
observed, that it was a discovery exclusive
ly made by Mr Wesley, that poison may
prove harmless, where men have been early
and long accustomed to swallow it; and
that this he seemed to have intended to
affirm of the people of Scotland, who had
been so long accustomed to the supposed
poisonous doctrines of Calvinism.
On the other point, he stated, that, in
England, Mr Wesley's preachers had been
directed to give, their personal attendance
in the established churches, lest, if they had
gone to the dissenters, their people should
have followed their example; while in Scot
land, his preachers universally attended, not
the Episcopal meetings, but the established
Presbyterian churches, — and those churches

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 253
in particular, where the doctrines of Cal
vinism were most rigidly adhered to. *
After these and a variety of other points
are stated, the following sentences appear
in the conclusion of Dr Erskine's Preface:
" Of the sincere piety of some of the
" teachers, (of Mr Wesley's methodism,) nay
" even of their sound principles, the pub-
" lisher would think favourably. But when
" he reflects, that one is at the head of their
" societies, who has blended with some pre-
" cious gospel-truths, a medley of Armini-
" an, Antinomian, and enthusiastic errors,
" he thinks it high time to sound an alarum
" to all who would wish to transmit to pos-
" terity the pure faith once delivered to the
" saints. — If men were brought lo believe,
" that right opinion is a slender part of re-
" ligion, or no part of it at all, (assertions
" quoted before from Mr Wesley,) there is
" scarcely any thing so foolish or so wick-
" ed, which Satan may not prompt them
" to, by transforming himself into an angel
«« of light."
It is easy to perceive, that when this pre-

254 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
face was written, Dr Erskine had a strong
©pinion on the subject, and that he was e-
qually convinced of the pernicious tenden
cy of jthe doctrines on which' he animad
verted, and of what he considered as disin-
genuity in the proceedings resorted to, to
palliate them in Scotland.
It could scarcely be imagined that his
preface would be allowed to pass without
observation. It bears the date of January
the 7th, 1765, and on the 14th of April fol
lowing, John Wesley wrote the author what
is certainly a smooth and evasive letter,
but cannot be considered as containing any
substantial reply.
He affects to doubt, if the Letters (or
Aspasio Vindicated) ascribed to Mr Her
vey are genuine, and yet scarcely ventures
to pronounce against their authenticity.*
Claiming to himself the honour of having
been the instrument of converting Mr Her-
* The edition of these letters, published in London, was
printed from the Reverend .author's own manuscript, furnish
ed by Mr John Hervey, the author's brother; a fact which
puts the authenticity of the performance beyond all doubt. —
Note prefixed to Dr Erskine's Defence qf his Preface.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 255
Vey, he allows himself to speak of him in a
tone of the most sarcastical malignity.
" Mr Hervey," he says, " fell on one to
" whom he -had the deepest obligations —
" 0 tell it not in Gath ! The good Mr Her-
" vey (if these Letlers were his) died cursing
" his spiritual Father /"
If Mr Wesley ever had a spiritual Fa
ther, he would have blushed for his Son,
could he have read this sentence. *
The rest of this letter contains the most
fulsome and exaggerated compliments to
Dr Erskine, evidently intended for the
people of Edinburgh, rather than for the
person to whom they are addressed, and
nothing besides, but an artful evasion of
the points stated in the preface alluded to,
and an affectation of declining all contro
versy with Dr Erskine.
* Mr Wesley (Sermons, Vol. II, p. 53.) supposes faith and
love to have been extinct in Peter, when he so dissembled, that
Paul " withstood him to the face." What became of faith and'
love in Mr Wesley, notwithstanding the sinless perfection which
he supposed himself to have attained, when he dipt his pen in
gall and bitterness, to write in this manner of James Her
vey ?

256 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
The management in Scotland by which
3\fr Wesley led the public to believe, that
he intended to conceal there the opinions
which he avowed in England, he ascribes
to his solicitude to avoid controversial ques
tions, or subjects " which might .engender
" strife." And the language in which he
describes the doctrines which he did preach
in Scotland, is artfully contrived so as not
to contradict, if it was not intended to in
volve, the opposite opinions, which he sup
posed lo be held by Dr Erskine. On his
assertion to which Dr Erskine had alluded,
" That right opinions are but a slender part
" of religion, and sometimes no part of it at
" all," he says nothing more, than " that
" this stale objection (as he calls it) he had
" answered over and over, and very lately,
" to Bishop Warburton."
But the controversy did not end here.
One of Mr Wesley's coadjutors came for
ward with an " earnest appeal" to the pub
lic on the subject, in which he intended to
treat Dr Erskine's preface wilh all possible
severity, but in which he does not appear
is

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 257
to have succeeded in Weakening the force
of a single argument. Mr Wesley, it ap-
pears^ had, in the mean time, been in Scot
land, where he found some prejudices ex
cited against him among his followers, in
consequence of his having been charged with
opinions so opposite to those which were held
by Dr Erskine ; and this circumstance seems
to have occasioned the " Earnest Appeal."
Dr Erskine, however, did not decline the
controversy, even with the feeble author of
this publication. In July 1765, there ap
peared a defence of his preface; in which
he discusses every part of the subject more
completely than he had done before. And
they who are well acquainted with the sub
ject will, perhaps, allow, that, on the lead
ing points at issue, he left no room for a
sound reply, either from Mr Wesley or his
defender. This production, though hastily published,
and not free of verbal inaccuracies, is, on
the whole, well written ; and is equally suc
cessful in representing the doctrinal contra
dictions published by Mr Wesley at different
R

258 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D-
times, and the artful and contrary policy
which he directed his followers to adopt in
England and in Scotland. It gives, besides, a
general view of the doctrinal mistakes which
the author considered Mr Wesley as main
taining; and above all, represents the absurd
and untenable dogma, which he asserted
with so much pertinacity, that every sin
cere believer attains in the present world,
(as he distinctly affirmed himself to have
attained,) such a sinless perfection in his
heart and life, as to be entirely free from
sin, in thought, word, and deed.
Mr Wesley's frequent repetition of this
doctrine, and the folly and presumption in
volved in it, are placed in the most striking
hght. There is, besides, a long note in the
conclusion, to shew how frequently, and
explicitly, Mr Wesley had asserted the in
terposition of miracles, by which, he al
leged God had often .attested, and continu
ed to attest, his own mission. On this
point, there is a long extract from his let
ter to the Bishop of Gloucester on the same
subject ; in which he had distinctly assert-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 259
ed the existence of such miracles,a nd of
two in particular, performed, the one on his
own person, arid the other in the case of a
John Haydon.*
One would scarcely have imagined, that,
in this age of the world, the wildest or most
ignorant enthusiast would have deliberate
ly sanctioned with his name such an ex
travagant assertion. Dr Warburton had
thrown down the gauntlet to him on this
subject ; and, in his reply, Mr Wesley had
explicitly staled, " that the deliverance of
" John Haydon, and his own recovery, he
" held to have been both supernatural ;"
and that the facts, in both instances, " were
" supported by the same kind of proof, as
" that of all other facts is wont to be,
" namely, the testimony of competent wit-
" nesses ;" adding, " that the testimony
" here is in as high a degree as any reason-
" able man can desire."
Dr Warburton's Examination of Mr Wes
ley's Journals, in his " Discourse on the
* See Note AA.

260 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" Operations of the Holy Spirit," and of
the account given by Mr Wesley of miracles
performed, either by him, or for him, though
it is sometimes pushed farther than was ei
ther necessary or correct, is certainly writ
ten with great ability. As explanatory of
the Christian doctrine concerning the ope
rations of the Holy Spirit, it contains re
presentations which intelligent divines will
not readily admit. But, as an argumentum
ad hominem, founded on the printed state
ments of Mr Wesley, it is quite irresistible.*
Dr Erskine went farther than Warbur
ton, in representing the doctrinal mistakes
which he imputed to Mr Wesley, — the con
trary doctrines which he supposed him to
bring forward in different situations, — and
the artifice and management by which he
considered him as endeavouring to divert
the attention of the Calvinists of Scotland
from his opinions in opposition to their tenets,
* See Warburton's Discourse on " the Operations of the
Holy Spirit," with the authorities there referred to, p. 609-
624— Quarto Edit. Vol. IV.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 26l
which, in other places, and in his printed
bo»ks, he publicly avowed.
Mr Wesley had too much policy to enter
the lists with Dr Erskine on these points,
though he did not decline the same contro
versy in other situations. He was well a-
ware, that, on the points at issue, a contro
versy agitated by himself, with such an op
ponent, might have served to undermine
his influence among his own followers at
Edinburgh. He chose, therefore, to send
him the smooth and complimentary letter
before referred to, placing his unwillingness
to write against him on his respect for his
personal character, rather than to run the
hazard, among his Scotch disciples, of a
doctrinal warfare with such an adversary.
This did not however prevent one of his
disciples from taking up the controversy;
for as long as Mr Wesley himself was un
derstood to have declined it, his influence
was supposed to be less in danger, among
those whose good opinion he wished most
to preserve.
The truth is, Mr Wesley's management

262 LIFE OP JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
of his interest in Scotland has, at all times,
been conducted with considerable addr„s.
During his own life, as well as since his
death, the Methodist preachers sent to
Edinburgh have been always men who
either held the Calvinistic doctrines, or
knew how to avoid the topics which could
have brought their Calvinistical opinions in
to question.
But, though Wesley had preachers in
many quarters of Scotland, and a fixed
congregation in Edinburgh, which still sub
sists, his avowed adherents in this part of
the island have never been numerous ; nor
has his system made any considerable im
pression on the Scotch population. Much
more has been done in England, where the
Wesleyan Methodists form by far the great
est proportion of dissenters from the esta
blished church ; and have done more than
all other sects together, to withdraw a
great body of the people from their paro
chial instructors. In Scotland, they are
but a handful of individuals in any dis
trict, compared either with ihe established

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 263
church, or with the Presbyterian dissenters.
But in many of the parishes, and even in
some of the counties of England, they have
certainly attracted a considerable portion of
the population.
It would not be difficult to point out the
causes to which this difference is to be im
puted. But without entering on this point, it
must be admitted by candid men, that with
all the inconsistencies and defects, which
adhere to the system of the Wesleyan
Methodists, they have certainly had con
siderable success, especially in the south
ern part of the island, in rousing the at
tention of the multitude, — of the ignorant,
the thoughtless, and the wavering, — to the
great interests of practical religion. Mr
Wesley, al different periods of his life,
adopted a management, and propagated
tenets, which wise and moderate men saw
good reason to condemn and to resist.
But that his assiduity and zeal had con
siderable effects, and that by his means,
and by the labours of his followers, the at-

26$ LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
tention of great multitudes of men has been
directed to personal religion, it is impossible
to deny.
This may be admitted without departing
from any objections, either to his creed, or
to his management in conducting the sect
of which he was the, founder.
There is every reason to suppose, that
Dr Erskine's opinions on the subject re
mained unchanged to the end of his life;
and as he was not only a learned theologian
and a zealous Calvinist, but a man of the
most perfect sincerity, it is evident that no
thing could have reconciled him, either to
the Arminian tenets of Mr Wesley, or to
some of the means by which his interest in
Scotland was upheld.
There ought not to be the same reasons
for the keen opposition given to the sub
stance of Wesleyan Methodism, by those
wlio profess to hold the same doctrinal
opinions which he avowed. As a dissent
from an established church, which, what
ever Mr Wesley originally professed, it
certainly is, it may, indeed, provoke their

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 265
hostility ; and provoke it the more, that it
succeeds with so great a multitude of the
people. But, at least, its resistance to
Calvinism, (of late so obnoxious to so many
English churchmen,) and the zeal of its
founder for the opposite doctrine, should "
have served to lessen the asperity with
which it is decried.
In 1767, Dr Erskine was translated from
the New Grey Friars Church of Edinburgh,
to the collegiate church of the Old Grey
Friars in that city, where he became col
league to Dr Robertson, who had already
been in that charge for several years.
Two such men officiating together in the
same congregation for six and twenty
years, can scarcely be mentioned in the
hislory of any other Church.
Dr Erskine had, of course, less labour
here, than in his former charge, in which
he had no colleague ; and here he con
tinued to officiate to the end of his life,
with the most exemplary and conscientious
punctuality. In 1769» Dr Erskine had formed a

266 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
strong opinion on the great question in
dispute between Great Britain and Ame
rica, which began to be agitated before
that time, though several years elapsed,
before the hostilities between the two coun
tries actually commenced*
It would be useless to enter here into the
merits of a question which has been long
since exhausted, and which terminated in
a revolution which will never be forgotten
in the annals of modern times. The pro
gress of events gave, at different periods, a
different aspect to the arguments employed
on both sides, and produced many publi
cations, of which the object was very re
mote from that which led Dr Erskine to
take a pari in the controversy.
It was not wilh him merely a question of
politics, or of great national or commercial
interest ; though these views of it he was
far from disregarding, and thought himself
bound to advert to. His long habits of
intimacy wilh individuals in America, and
the interest with which he had almost, from
his earliest youth, regarded their civil and

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 267
religious prosperity ; the sanguine hopes
which he had indulged through life of the
progress of religion and learning by their
means ; and his constant habit of identify
ing their views and acquisitions with the
best and most permanent interests of Great
Britain ; presented the question to him as,
independent of its political aspects, involv
ing every consideration which could awak
en either his personal or his religious soli
citudes. Deeply affected by v the controversy, and
already anticipating hostilities, from which
he apprehended the most serious effects to
both countries, he published anonymously
at London, in 1769, a discourse, to which
he gave the title of a question, which, by its
very terms, announced the leading consi
derations which pressed on his mind, —
" Shall I go to war wilh my American
" brethren ?"
In this publication, his personal feelings
and anxieties were most strikingly embo
died with the argument which he maintain
ed. The view which he presented of his

268 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
subject, would certainly have appeared both
interesting and forcible, if his readers had
been prepared to examine it coolly, or
could have disengaged themselves from the
party prejudices which, at that lime, ope
rated equally on both sides of the question.
His object was, to represent to ihe lead
ers, on the opposite shores of the Atlantic,
the utter impolicy and mischievous effects
of a war between the two countries, what
ever its result might be ; and to state the
principles which, in his apprehension, ought
to have been decisive with both, to have
settled the question at home, by fair and
amicable concessions, in which the true in
terests of both might have been effectually
consulted, without injury to either.
This, at least, he imagined to have been
practicable at the time when he published
this discourse ; and he argued, with both
countries, separately, on principles which
he thought it was the duty of each of them
to have respected.
To the Americans, he represented, on the
one hand, the improbability that such a war

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINJS, D. D. 269
t
would terminate in their favour, if, without
foreign aid, they should attempt to main-
lain it from their own resources, against the
united wealth and forces of Great Britain.
And, on the other hand, he urged, wilh
great earnestness, the inexpediency of their
applying for aid, or of committing the de
fence of their religion and liberties, to arbi
trary princes of Europe, who were not only
the declared enemies of their mother coun
try, but enemies, and often persecutors, of
the Protestant faith. He reminded them,
besides, of the security which they had en
joyed under the protection of Great Bri
tain ; of the comparatively inconsiderable
expence to which their own defence could
subject them, as long... as they continued in
connection with Great Britain ; and of the
danger to which they had always been ex
posed, from the very powers, whose assist
ance they might be tempted to solicit in
the war which he had deprecated.
These several topics are stated in a few
words. For the chief design of his publica
tion was, not so much to address the Ameri-

270 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
cans, as to undeceive those of his country
men at home, whom he believed to have
the public good honestly at heart, and whose
opinion or influence, he supposed, might
have contributed to decide the important
question then in agitation.
To them he presents, in a variety of
lights, the consequences of such a war, not
only from the mischievous tendency of war,
in general, to afflict and desolate the world,
but from the unnatural character of a war,
against a people descended from their own
ancestors ; from the doubtful issue which
might attend it in the circumstances in
which it must have been prosecuted ; and
from the absolute uncertainty of its ulti
mate or remote effects in either country,
whatever its termination might be.
He supposed the success of Great Bri
tain to be the most probable result of the
war ; but endeavours to shew, that nothing
which she could gain could possibly com
pensate her, for the sacrifices and hazards
to which she would of necessity be subject
ed by the struggle. And he concludes his

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 271
argument, by affirming, that the happiness,
both of Great Britain and her colonies, de
pended, under God, on their union ; and
that they could gain little, but had much
which might be lost, by the contention.
There are other topics introduced. But
this is the substance of the argument ; and
it will not be denied, that, at the period
when this publication appeared, an argu
ment of this kind deserved the most serious
attention. The war with America was then at a
greater distance than Dr Erskine supposed
it. The repeal of the stamp act suspend
ed actual hostilities for several years. But
the visible irritation, after this time, on the
minds, both of Britons and Americans, left
dispassionate men no room to doubt, that
the flame which the stamp act had kindled,
was only smothered by its repeal, to burst
out at last with greater violence.
It was the rnisfortune of both countries,
that nothing conciliatory on either side was
listened to, either at this period, or at any
lime during the course of the war. They

272 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
who attempted any conciliatory argument,
were equally disregarded and decried by
British and American politicians.
In Great Britain, in particular, it was
scarcely possible to reason in the coolest
and most dispassionate terms, against the
hypothesis which was acted on, without
incurring among the zealots who supported
it, the perpetual imputation of democrati
cal fanaticism, — a language which has since
been often employed on very different sub
jects, with equal injustice, though with more
effect. The measures which were afterwards re
sorted to, to tax the American colonies, by
means not less secure, but more indirect,
were as unsuccessful as the stamp act
which was repealed ; though it cannot be
denied, that they had originally the support
of a great proportion of the British popula
tion. The war at last became inevitable, and
open hostilities commenced in 1775. Dr
Erskine's view of the controversy being still
the same, in May 1776 he republished al

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 273
Edinburgh with his name, the tract which
he had circulated anonymously from the
London press in 1769 ; and accompanied
it with a preface and appendix, which he
thought of importance on the subject.
This republication did not proceed from
any persuasion that the same argument was
equally suited to the state of the contro
versy, after the commencement of hostilities,
as at the time when he originally employed
it in 1769. It was chiefly intended to shew
what his apprehensions had been from the
first, o.f the consequences of the measures
which had been pursued in Great Britain ;
and what " the facts and reasonings were,
" on which those apprehensions, were found-
" ed." But the subject made so deep an im
pression on his mind, that he felt himself
compelled, by a sense of duly, to exert him
self farther, by forcible argument and ear
nest appeals to the good ense and vir
tue of his countrymen, in pleading for
measures of conciliation, which he con
ceived might have been effectual still, to

274 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
have prevented the final separation of thfc
American colonies from the mother coun
try. With this patriotic view, he published
anonymously, in the same year, (in October
1776,) a dissertation entitled " Reflections
" on the Rise, Progress, and probable Conr
" sequences, of the present Contentions
" with the Colonies, by a Freeholder."
This publication he introduced by an
advertisement, which contained the follow
ing paragraphs. " Several late pamphlets,
" composed with much art and ability, and
'•* recommended by many of the beauties of
" language, have painted, in black and hate-
" ful colours, the claims and conduct of the
" North Americans ; and thereby have not a
" little inflamed the resentment of the mother
" country. * The author of this small tract,
" though deeply sensible of the inferiority of
" his talents, yet confiding in the goodness of
» He referred to Dr Johnson's " Taxation no Tyranny,"
" An Address of the People of Great Britain to the Inhabitants
" of America ;" and " The Rights of Great Britain asserted
" against the Claims of America."

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. p. 275
" his cause, humbly attempts to soften that
" resentment. He represents, from the writ-
" ings of the colonists, and of gentlemen
" who had the best access to know their
" sentiments, what concessions might have
" been procured frOm them by gentle mea-
<{ sures, and what they complained of in
" those acts of Parliament which imme-
" diately occasioned their taking up arms.
" He wishes to convince his fellow freehold-
V ers, especially such of them as have
"seats in Parliament, that if the success of
" the British arms shall put it in our power to
" prescribe to our colonies conditions of
" peace, it will be our duty* our honour,
" and our interest, by a generous use of vic-
" tory, to regain the lost affection of our old
" friends, and to extinguish in them every
" desire of becoming independent on Great
!• Britain." This is certainly one of the ablest and
most argumentative of all the author's poli
tical tracts ; and, both in point of reason
ing and authorities, was well entitled to
rank high among the publications of the

276 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
time. When the period arrives for giving
a genuine history of the American con
troversy, there are statements and references
contained in this tract which ought not to
be neglected.
That it had no considerable effect either'
in Great Britain or America, can excite no
great degree of surprise among those who
can recollect the spirit of the times. The
zealots on both sides were too deeply, and
too keenly engaged, to listen to any dis
passionate remonstrance. With them al
most all that was written on the subject
was equally unsuccessful ; unless where,
either the prejudices or the party views, on
the one side or the other of the question,
were flattered or defended.
The argument of this publication cannot
be easily abridged. But the last para
graph contained in il, ought to be transcrib
ed, because it relates to a subject which
should be of perpetual interest in Great
Britain, and is a permanent memorial of
the political faith of its venerable au
thor.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 2jflf
After alluding lo those who might dis
like the American colonists, for their at
tachment to the principles of the British
Revolution in 1688, and to the subsequent
accession of the House of Hanover to the
British Throne, he goes on to say, that,
" For that class of men (who could on.
" these accounts dislike them) the foregoing
" sheets were not intended. An honest Tory
" (he: adds) and an honest Jacobite I re-
" spect. Though I despise and detest the
" principles of passive obedience, non-re-
" sistance, and indefeasible hereditary right,
" I venerate and love the men, who, from
" a conscientious regard to these principles,
" have risked or forfeited their fortunes or
" lives. But I cannot respect, I must detest
" treachery and deceit. I cannot respect
" the men who call themselves the King's
" friends, nay, claim a monopoly of that
" title, or, at least, would exclude from it
" every Whig who understands his princi-
" pies, and who thinks and acts cohsistent-
" ly with them, while .they rejoice in the
" prospect, that the contentions of our

278 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D- D.
. " Sovereign's true friends may overturn his
" throne, and British liberty. I would not
" involve in the charge of such black dis-
" simulation, any whose words or actions
" have not given evidence of it. I acknow-
" ledge, that men who condemn the revola-
" tion (of 1688) may be conscientious sub
jects to his Majesty; and I well know
" some of them who would deem rebellion
** against him criminal. Yet surely, some
"jealousy, that there may be a snake
" in the grass, is almost unavoidable,
" when individuals and communities, who,
" till lately, laboured under the strongest
" suspicion of disaffection to government,
" commence, all of a sudden, the zealous
" advocates for the measures of adminis-
" (ration. Timeo danaos, et dona fe-
" rentes." The political principles which Dr Erskine
avowed, were at least the public and popular
doctrines in Great Britain, for the greatest
part of the last century, and were transmit
ted to our ancestors from a much earlier
period. They were then thought essential
7

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 2J9
to the security both of the throne and of
the altar. If later revolutions have spread
new opinions, and a system of legitimacy,
unknown to our fathers, begins to be plead
ed in opposition to the spirit and principles
of our happy constitution, the British people
have not yet deserted the doctrines, for
which their fathers hazarded their lives, nor
will the Sovereign of the British people ever
desert the principles, which placed his
family on the throne.
The tract which has just been adverted
to, was chiefly addressed to those who
reasoned on the principles of constitution
al law^ or on the political views which pre
vailed either in Britain or America.
But there was another class of men on
whom political considerations made less
impression, but who were equally cla
morous on the subject, and whose influence
on public opinion was not to be despised.
It consisted of those, who, without the at
tention due to general principles, considered
the resistance of America as such a flagrant
violation of the moral and religious duties

280 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
of good subjects, that nothing in their estU
mation but their unconditional submission
to the mother country could be listened
to, in deciding the question at issue.
For the sake of men who judged and
acted on these views, and were to be found
in very different ranks of society, in Great
Britain, Dr Erskine published j inUhe course
of the same year, (1776,) another small tract
entitled " The Equity and Wisdom of Ad-
" ministration, in the measures that have un-
" happily occasioned the American Revolt,
" tried by the Sacred Oracles."
The argument of this tract is very differ
ent from the considerations which he had
urged in his former publications, but is
stated with equal ability and discernment.
At this period of the controversy, how
ever, it was quite in vain to hope for suc
cess from any species of argument, which
was not employed in defence of the prin
ciples, for which the war was undertaken.
The great body of the people of Great Bri
tain were then undoubtedly united, in support
ing the measures of administration, and were

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 281
scarcely more averse to the original claims
of America, than to every argument of con
ciliation, which was urged on the subject.
The final decision of the question has
enabled us to estimate coollyjthe arguments
which were either listened to or disregard
ed. It has demonstrated to the conviction
of all impartial men, not only that much
more attention was due to conciliatory
statements, than it was possible at that time
to obtain for them ; but that the immediate
and the remote consequences of the Ameri
can war have gone equally beyond the an
ticipations of those who defended, and of
those who condemned it, as well as of
those who laboured to mediate between
them, or lo moderate their hostility.
The independence of America has nei-
» ther injured the commerce, nor (unless by
the addition which the war made to the
national debt) the resources of Great Bri
tain ; as all parties at that time imagined it
must have done. The trade of the empire,
and the sources of national wealth, became
indisputably greater after the war, than they

282 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
had ever been before its commencement;
and every part of the direct loss, occasioned
by our separation from Norlh America, was
soon much more than compensated, by
other sources of prosperity.
It is equally indisputable, that, in ano
ther view, the American war has had indi
rect consequences of the most pestiferous
kind. The French revolution was the
spawn of the American ; and its effect to
produce a still more extensive and more
permanent mischief, by spreading at last,
under specious forms, on the one hand, the
democratical delusions which aim at the
subversion of every regular government ex
isting ; and, on the other, the doctrines of
despotism among enlightened nations, as
instruments of preserving the governments
which it has not ultimately subverted,— are
subjects of far more general interest to the
world, than either the real, or the predicted,
consequences of our separation from Ame
rica have ever been to ourselves.
In the tracts which have been mention
ed on the American question, there is one

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 283
point which occurs in them all, which has
not yet been adverted to.
If there was a subject in the state of the
world, which affected Dr Erskine's mind
more deeply than another, it arose from his
apprehension of the progress of Popery in
Protestant states, and of the perpetual in
dustry of Catholic priests in promoting it.
Every circumstance which appeared to him
directly or remotely favourable to the
growth of Popery, awakened his alarms.
He thought he saw a progress given to it,
in the constitution conceded by the British
Parliament to the province of Canada, espe
cially when connected with the vicinity of
Canada to the other North American colo
nies, — in the direct communication with
France to which the war introduced the
Americans, — in the intimate association of
French with American warriors, — and in
the variety of insulated facts, relating to
the same subject, which are brought forward
in his tracts on the American controversy.
His strong impressions on this subject,
though they appear in his treatment of the

284* LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
American question, were by no means oc
casioned by it. They were deeply rivetted
on his mind, during the whole course of his
life. His serious apprehensions of the pro
gress of Popery were much more frequent
ly excited, by what he thought he observed
at home, than by all the information which
reached him from other countries. They
had an influence on his conduct, in every
thing which was either directly or remotely
connected with the subject ; and though he
was feelingly alive to all the intelligence re
lating to it, which he could collect from his
foreign correspondents, his attention was
much more steadily directed to events, which
he connected with its progress in his own
country. It may well be conceived, that, in this
state of mind, he was prepared to resist,
with his utmost zeal and activity, every at
tempt to relax the disabilities which had
been laid on Roman Catholics, for the se
curity of the Protestant establishment in
Great Britain ; or to weaken, by the autho
rity of Parliament, the barriers which the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 285
wisdom or jealousy of our ancestors had
reared, against the encroachments of that
pernicious superstition.
The subject came into public discussion
in 1778. In that year, an act of Parlia
ment passed for relieving Roman Catholics
in England from certain disabilities and pe
nalties imposed on them by an act of the
11th and 12th of King William ; and there
was, at the same time, an intention intimat
ed of extending the same relief to the Ca
tholics of Scotland.
This design excited a considerable alarm
in Scotland ; and a motion was made in
the General Assembly of that year, by Dr
Gillies of Glasgow, to take measures for
resisting it. The motion was then nega
tived by a great majority. But the alarm
in the country soon after rose to so great a
height, and produced such a succession of
keen and argumentative publications, on
both sides of the question, that all orders
of men appear to have taken a deep inte
rest in the subject.
Dr Erskine, whose apprehensions of the

286 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
growth of Popery never subsided, publish
ed, soon after the meeting of the Assembly,
(1778,) a pamphlet, entitled, " Considera-
" tions on the Spirit of Popery and the in-
" tended Bill for the Relief of Papists in
" Scotland ;" in which the inexpediency of
the proposed repeal is stated with great
earnestness, but with equal fairness and a-
bility. He represented the management of
the Catholics abroad, by a variety of ex
amples, which his acquaintance wilh foreign
literature enabled him to specify ; and he
endeavoured to place, in a striking light,
the effects of Catholic power and influence
in foreign states, from authentic documents,
not very accessible to common readers ; to
shew what the consequences might be in
Scotland, if the statutory restraints against
the Catholics there were removed, to the ex
tent proposed by the repeal of the act of
King William. He vindicated the church
courts, and other public bodies of men, who
had appeared in opposition to the repeal ;
and placed in a variety of lights, the per
manent mischiefs which he anticipated from

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 287
that measure, if it should be carried into
effect. On the other hand, he stated the argu
ment for the repeal taken from the severe
and sanguinary character of the statutes
proposed to be repealed ; and candidly ad
mitted, that our religion and liberties would
perhaps be better guarded by gentler pe
nalties steadily inflicted, than by laws which
the genius and spirit of the times had ren
dered as dormant as if they had been obso
lete. But he endeavoured to vindicate the
necessity of penal laws in general against
Popery, not merely because it is a corrupt
and erroneous system of religion, but be
cause he considered it as a perpetual and
wicked conspiracy against all who oppose
iis enormous superstitions and usurpations ;
an implacable enemy to the general liber
ties of mankind, as well as to the free and
happy constitution of Great Britain.
This argument he pursued with his usual
perspicuity and judgment; and certainly
brought to it more information with regard
to the real situation of Catholics and Pro-

288 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
testants on the Continent, than will be
found in any of the other publications of
the time.
It was much easier to begin this contro
versy than to bring it to an end. It was
carried on, at the same time, with great
keenness, by a Nonjuror bishop opposed
to a Catholic bishop in Edinburgh; with
manifest imprudence, and not the greatest
fairness, on the part of the latter ; and, by
the former, if not with absolute accuracy
in all the facts which he referred to, with a
very considerable degree both of acuteness
and learning.
A great body of the clergy — synods and
presbyteries — published declarations on the
subject, more and less moderate, but of
whom the greater part at that time consi
dered the projected repeal as highly inex
pedient and unwise. A great outcry was in
consequence raised against the clergy, by
those who favoured the repeal, for the
countenance given by them to these public
declarations ; though it is unquestionably
true, that the clergy were more generally.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 289
urged on by the people, than the people
were influenced by them.
At this period the late worthy and re
spectable Dr Macfarlan, one of the mini
sters of Canongate, published " A Defence
" of the Clergy who had appeared in Op-
" position to the intended Repeal," in which
there is a display of good sense, modera
tion, and well conducted argument, worthy
of the high character of its estimable au
thor. *
There appeared at the same time, on the
other side of the question, " An Address to
" the People of Scotland, on the alarms
" which had been raised in regard to Popery,"
by the venerable Dr Campbell, Principal of
the Marischal College of Aberdeen; written
with great temper, and with great force of ar-,
gum ent, scriptural, historical, and political.
The question came afterwards into so-
* Dr Macfarlan died a few years after this time, deeply re
gretted by the whole community of Edinburgh, who lost in •
him one of its most useful and valuable members. He will
always be remembered by his personal friends, and by every
individual who had access to know his worth, with the most
perfect respect and affection. T

290 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
lemn discussion, in the General Assembly
of 1779. There had been overtures relat
ing to it transmitted, from almost every
quarter of the kingdom. Though the deci
sion of the Assembly, considering the
spirit of the times, was in general expressed
in moderate and guarded terms, it con
tained a decided opinion against the ex
pediency ot the projected repeal, and men
tioned the particular satisfaction which the
Assembly had received, from the assurances
which had been given by authority, that the
design, which had excited so much alarm,
was then laid aside.
Dr Erskine afterwards published an ac
count of the debate in the Assembly, which
certainly exhibits a striking specimen of
the talents of the Scottish church ; though, at
this distance of time, when the question can
be coolly examined, the argument might, in
many points, appear to have been carried
farther, than dispassionate men would now
be willing to carry it.
Prefixed to his account of the debate,
which appears to have been very faithfully

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 291
reported, he published an address to Dr
Campbell of Aberdeen, in which, with
much personal respect for him, he mention
ed the points, in which he found himself
compelled to differ from the statements
given, in " the Address to the People of
" Scotland;" and the principles, on which
his own opinion on the question remained
unchanged. The agitation which the controversy had
occasioned, had before this time produced
very serious effects. The riots at Edin
burgh in the spring of 1779, which had
been preceded by a tumult of less conse
quence at Glasgow, will always be remem
bered to the disgrace of the country—
Though the impression made by both on
the public mind, was soon after completely
overwhelmed, by the still more disgraceful
and flagitious scenes exhibited from similar
causes, by the mob of London in 1780 ; a
period of national gloom and degradation,
which can never be blotted from the British
history, or be mentioned but with detestation
and horror.

292 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
The Catholic question was, in London,
made the signal of all the atrocities, which a
lawless and ungovernable mob could perpe*
trate, of whom but a small proportion could
take any intelligible interest in the subject*
And though the mischief done at Edinburgh
was of an inferior character, and was pro
bably urged on chiefly by individuals, whose
imaginations were really inflamed by the
apprehended encroachments or predomi
nance of popery ; it has left a striking warn
ing to other times, of the prudence and con
sideration requisite, in the agitation of ques
tions, by which the passions of the people,
rather than their understandings, may be
roused into activity ; or in which, they who
have the worst intentions, can find occasions
to urge on the unthinking multitude, to
anarchy or crimes.
The conduct of the Qeneral Assembly in
1779> and the assurances then given by
administration, that the intention of re
pealing the penal statutes, which applied to
Scotland, was abandoned, put an end, in
Scotland, to all solicitude on the subject, at

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D, 298
that time ; as well as to all the turbulence of
the multitude.
It deserves, however, to be remarked,
that the argument, on both sides of the
question, has never, perhaps, been better
stated, than in the speeches which were
published from the debate in that Assembly.
The statement against the emancipation of
the Catholics was never given with more per
spicuity, or supported with stronger reasons,
than in the speech of Mr Stevenson of S;t
Madoes ; who is known at the same time to
have exerted himself, in private, to moderate
the zeal of those who held the same opinions
with himself.* Nor would it be easy to find a
clearer or more conclusive argument, against
the apprehended hazard to result from the
• Mr :Stevenson was undoubtedly one of the ablest men
whom Scotland has ever produced, in ecclesiastical business ;
in the knowledge of ecclesiastical law, and in the application
of the forms of proceeding to particular cases. As a man,
and as a minister, by the strength of his understanding and the
iind a/ffectiofls of his heart, by the firmness of his attachments,
by the cheerfulness of his private intercourse, and by the steady
uniformity of his pastoral character, he was regarded by his
personal friends with perpetual delight ; and with veneration,
by every man of good understanding in the district where he

294> LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
emancipation of the Catholics, than that
which was so powerfully urged in the
speech of Dr Robertson.
Many of the same arguments will be
found in the speeches of other members,
accompanied with a great variety of illus
tration. And there is scarcely any where,
in the history of the Scottish church, the re
cord of a belter conducted debate, or a
more striking specimen of sound information
and ability, in the management of a pub
lic question.
While the subject of Catholic emancipa
tion was still in agitation, Dr Erskine felt
a strong desire to state fairly the ideas which
prevailed in Scotland, to Edmund Burke,
by whom the bill for relief of the Catholics
was introduced into Parliament.
With this view, he sent him by Lord Bal-
gonie, (now the Earl of Leven,) a number of
printed papers and sermons, containing
lived. He gave weight and diginity to the profession which he
adorned. " Si tu oblitus es, at Dii memioevunt, memiuit fides."
Ca.tci.lus.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 295
the substance of the arguments, which had
been urged in Scotland, against the repeal
of the penal statutes. It does not appear,
at what precise time this was done, farther,
than that it must have been in the course
of the spring, or early in the summer, of
1779- It was, most probably, about the
month of May in that year, before it was
known, that Mr Burke's bill was to be a-
bandoned. None of the tracts or sermons,
which were sent Mr Burke, are specified in
his reply, excepting Dr Macfarlan's " De-
" fence of the Clergy of Scotland ;" and one
of Dr Erskine's own publications; most pro
bably, from the description given of it, that
which related to " The Rise, Progress, and
" Consequences" of the American war.
Mr Burke's answer is dated on the 12th
of June, after it had been settled, that his
bill was not lo be prosecuted ; and it ought
to be inserted here, as one striking memo
rial, among many olhers, of an individual,
whom, whatever opinion may be held of
his public conduct, at different periods
of his life, ali parties must admit, to have

296 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
been one of the greatest men of his age and
time. The letter is long. But an attempt to
abridge it would not be forgiven.
" Sir, — I am honoured with your very
" obliging letter by Lord Balgonie, together
" with the four pieces, which you have been
" so good as to send along with it. No-
" thing but the uncommon urgency of pub-
" lie business could have prevented me from
" immediately waiting on Lord Balgonie,
" to pay my respects to his Lordship, and
" to make my acknowledgments, for his
" politeness on the occasion. I am besides
" to thank you, Sir, for giving me an oppor-
" tunity of being known to a person whose
" character must naturally make me ambi-
" tious of his acquaintance.
" The sentiments expressed in your
" pamphlet, so far as they regard Ameri-
" ca, are very honourable to you. Tbey
" discover a great deal of that enlarged foe-
" nevolence of heart, which is very rarely se-
" parated from sound political judgment;
" and is certainly the best substitute that

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 297
" can be conceived, where that judgment
" is wanting. In other particulars, that re-
" late to the internal regulation of the king-
" dom, you will have the goodness to ex-
" cuse m#, if I have the misfortune of dif-
" fering with you* in no small degree. I
" do not presume to censure you, who have
" so much better reason undoubtedly, for
" the opinions you entertain, than I am
" able to give for mine. I speak only for
" myself, and my own private feelings. I
" assure you, that I should think myself ir-
" rational and inconsistent, (to say no more,)
" if I refused to apply my ideas of civil to
" religious liberty. When I would so far
" subdue the ambition natural to mankind,
" in giving up, as I did with great cheerful-
" ness, very flatteringpower,and very colour-
" able rights, of the nation of which I am
" a citizen, and the legislature of which I
" am a member, in favour of the happiness
"of a very distant 'part of mankind, I should
" find it difficult to trace the order and
" connection of my principles, if I were ca-
" pable of denying indulgences infinitely

298 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
" smaller, to my immediate countrymen ;
" when, too, these indulgences were to be
" allowed, without abandoning any one
" object of honour, profit, or pleasure.
" 1 wish, along with you, that we^may not
" be so far Englishmen or Scotsmen, as to
"forget that we are men. I wish that we
" may not be so far Presbyterians or Epis-
" copals, as to forget that we are Christians;
" the one being our common bond of hu-
*' inanity, as the other is our common bond
" of religion.
" I am by choice, and by taste, as well
" as by education, a very attached mem-
" ber of the established church of England.
"But it is as far from my wish, as, 1 thank
" God, it is from my power, to persecute
" you, who probably differ from me, in a
" great many points.
" I wish it were equally out of my power,
" to persecule any Roman Catholic, He has
" as much a right to my benevolence, as
" even you, Sir ; and no man: can have a
" better claim to universal esteem and re-
•* gard. I hope, too, that you will not

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 299
" think il any sort of derogation from the
" deference which I ought to pay to your
"judgment, that I think myself obliged in
" conscience, lo take my opinions of men's
" principles, rather from themselves than
" from you. I keep, al the same time, I
" assure you, very just weights and mea-
" sures ; and as I do not take my ideas of
" the churches of France and of Italy, from
" the pulpits of Edinburgh, so I shall most
" certainly not apply to the Consistory at
" Rome, or to the Sorbonne at Paris, for
" the doctrines and genius of the church of
" Scotland. " I have lived long enough, and largely
" enough in the world, to know for certain,
" that the religion, which (I believe most
" firmly) the Divine Wisdom has introduced
" into it, for its improvement, and not for
" its depravation, contains, in all its parts,
" so much of good, as not wholly to disap-
" point the wise purposes, for which that re-
" ligion was intended, and abundantly to
" merit all the esteem and veneration I can
" bestow upon it. Perhaps I sometimes

300 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
" think I see many strong marks of human
" error and infirmity, in all its divisions ;
" though I can much more easily support
" the modesty, which induces me to treat
" them all with respect, than the presump-
" tion which leads me to find fault with
" any of then?.
" It is in this manner I think of the whole
" Christian church ; I mean the great bodies
" of the East and the West, including all
" their particular descriptions ; which I am
" willing *° consider, rather as divisions
" made for convenience and order,, than
" separations, from a diversity of nature, or
" from irreconcilable contradiction in prin-
" ciple. I think so of the whole, and all
" the considerable parts, of those who pro-
" fess our common hope ; having, at the
" same time, that degree of respect for all
" other religions — .even for ihose who have
" nothing better than mere human reason,
" or the unregulated instincts of human na-
" lure, for; their basis — that I could not pre-
" vajl on myself to bestow on the syna-
* gogue, the mosque, or the jpagoda, the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 801
" language which your pulpits lavish on a
" great part of the Christian world.
" If, on account of such sentiments, peo-
" pie call me a Roman Calholic, it will
" give me not the smallest degree of dis-
" turbance. They do me too much ho-
" nour, who aggregate me as a member to
" any one of those respectable societies,
" which compose the body of Christianity.
" Wherever they choose to place me, I am
" sure to be found in extraordinary good
" company. I do not aspire to the glory
" of being a distinguished zealot for any na-
" tional church, until I can be much more
" certain than I am, that I can do it honour
" by my doctrine or my life ; or serve it in
" some more reputable and effectual man-
" ner, than by a passionate proceeding
" against those who are of another descrip-
" tion. " 1 have read the pamphlets and ser-
" rnons, which you were so obliging as to
" send me. They are, in many respects,
" written with the ability and skill, that
" may be expected from men of learned

802 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" education, and who are in the exercise of
" an authority over the minds of others.
" But I confess I am somewhat surprised,
" that you should think they serve as proofs
" of the moderation, of the writers and preach-
" ers of them.
" If I had the ability, which I have not,
" or the wish, which I hope I never shall
" have, for exciting popular tumults for the
" destruction of any set of people, I could
" not desire any thing more elaborately
" composed, or more powerfully drawn
" from, all the sources of eloquence, for that
" purpose, than some of the pieces you have
" senl me. It is not a cold caution for mo-
" derating our anger, or a refinement on
" the difference between a detestation of a
" man's principles, and a hatred of his per-
" son, that can save the objects of these
" sanguinary invectives, from the blind fury
" of the multitude. To represent a man as
" immoral by his religion, perfidious by his
" principles, a murderer on a point of con-
" science, an enemy, even from piety, to the
" foundations of all social intercourse, and
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. SOS
" then tell us, that we are to offer no
" violence to such a person ; under favour,
" appears to me rather an additional insult
" and mockery, than any sort of corrective
" of the injury we do our neighbour, by the
" character we give him.
" He might, indeed, be unacquainted
" with human nature, who will from them
" infer, that the authors of those pieces in-
" tend all the mischief which they produce.
" I know the contrary. They have but
" one object in their view. It is dear
" to them. They raise imaginary fears
" about it. They have the common appre-
" hensions of jealous men. They imagine
" a combination of all the world to rob
" them of their beloved possession. They
" of course suppose all sorts, even of pre-
" ventive hostility, to be self-defence ; and
" this just and laudable principle of self-
" preservation, if not guided wilh great
"judgment, is liable to be the most mis-
" chievous thing in the world. For the
" rights of self-preservation being the same
" thing as necessity, are circumscribed by

.804 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" no law ; and, therefore, it is proper, that
" the existence of the case should be very
" clearly and solidly proved, before men
" can have any permission to act upon it.
" We soon forget what another may suffer,
" when the question is about our own safe-
" ty. We ought, therefore, not to be hasty
" in taking men to be enemies ; because,
" against enemies, it is easy to believe any
" ill, and the rules of hostility admit of al-
" most every sort of violence. I really be-
" lieve those gentlemen are in earnest when
" they talk of self-preservation ; but fear,
" which is always cruel, is not always found-
" ed. " It would, I likewise admit, be alto-
" gether unfair, to attribute to those particu-
" lar sermons, the robberies and burnings,
" and other outrages, committed at Edin-
" burgh and Glasgow ; because all ¦ these
" enormities were perpetrated before the
" sermons were preached, and there were
" afterwards few or no houses of any mark,
" or any quantity of valuable goods left,
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 805
" upon which the populace could exert
" their zeai
" But I cannot be equally sure, that some
" similar writings or discourses have not
" been the very natural causes of these dis-
" orders : Nor can I by any means agree
" with Dr Macfarlan, that men, when they
" wish to free themselves from the terror
" of penal laws, and the odiurn of being
" supposed the just object of them, when
" they earnestly solicit to have that stigma
" taken off, and to recommend themselves
" to their government by dutiful applica-
" tions, can be said to bring their misfor-
" tunes on themselves, if, on that account,
" a furious and bigotted set of miscreants
" choose to rob them of their goods, and to
" burn their houses. I really should be
" shocked at that gentleman's assertion, if
" I considered it as a deliberate proposition,
" or any more than the effect of that sud-
" den warmth, which sometimes surprises
" the reason of the most prudent and equit-
" able men.
" I greatly fear, that I have trespassed
u

806 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" on your time and patience very unwar-
" rantably, especially as all discourse on
" the present subject is just now super-
" fluous. The matter of the contest is over
" for this year ; perhaps for ever.
" You have in Scotland obtained a great
" victory, over those who differed from you
" in opinion. In England, however, we have
" been still better off, for we have obtained
" iwo victories, though, indeed, of a na-
" ture very different from your's, — victories,
" not over our enemies, but over our own
" passions and prejudices; having passed, in
" the last Session, a bill for the relief of
" Roman Catholics ; and in the present for
" the relief of Protestant Dissenting mini-
" sters, many of whom are of your particular
" discipline and persuasion. On this latter,
" Sir, you will permit me to give you iny
" hearty congratulations.
" It is unlucky that matters of difference
" should make the discourse much longer,
" than the pleasant topics on which we are
" agreed. I mean pleasant as to ihe princi-
" pie; for nothing is so perfectly disagreeable

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 307
* as the present aspect of things, with regard
" to the public, in which (however odious it
" may sound) I include our brethren in
" America, whether they find it their in-
" terest to embody under our monarchy, or
" to regulate themselves in republics of their
" own. In either case, 1 do not like to
" part with my interest in, and my com-
" munion with, them. They are still Eng-
" lishmen by blood, and freedmen by prin-
" ciple. I cannot help thinking, that we
" should have far more glory, and far more
" advantage too, (but even public glory is
" public advantage,) in letting them govern
" themselves under the protection of Eng-
" land as friends, than to attempt a con-
" quest over them as enemies, while they
" have France for their protector. I say
" this, even in case of possible success,
" which, in my opinion, knowing, as I do, the
" consequences, would be worse than any
" defeat which could befal us.
" I think we might have kept them very
" easily. But when the natural bonds of
" dominion are so broken, it is better, I

308 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" am sure, to look for a friendship that will
" hold, than an authority that will not.
" But at present America is in a state of
" dreadful confusion, of which we cannot
" in the least profit. And, I am sorry to
" tell you, that, by the complexion of the
" House of Commons last night, I see no
" prospect, that all the humiliations which
" have impaired our strength will increase
" our wisdom.
" Permit me to apologise once more, for
" this first and last trouble I give you, and
" be assured, that I have the honour to be,
*,' with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir,
" your most obedient and humble servant,
" Edm. Burke.
" 12th June 1779, Charles Street,
" St James's Square."
The emancipation of the Catholics is
still a question in dependence ; on which
the opinions of the most eminent statesmen,
and most enlightened divines, are not even
yet united. The argument against it was cer
tainly entitled to a fair and candid exami-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, U. D. 809
nation ; and, perhaps, at the date of Mr
Burke's letter, required more consideration
than he was willing to bestow on it. His
remark on Dr Macfarlan's pamphlet, in par
ticular, was too hastily adopted, and is not
justified by any thing, which will be found
in that respectable author's publication.
It must be observed, besides, that many
individuals, both among statesmen and di
vines, who, in 1779> if they had then come
forward, would have probably favoured the
emancipation, have, in later times, seen the
subject in a different light ; and now think
it their duty to resist every attempt to release
the Catholics from disabilities, which appear
to them to be necessary still, for the protec
tion both of our Protestant and our civil
establishment. The outrages committed in Scotland in
1778 and 1779» as well as the more hor
rible events which disgraced the city of
London in 1780, were, beyond all doubt,
the work of incendiaries, who eagerly seized
on the public agitation of this question, to
inflame the minds of the populace ; and to

310 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
stimulate them to crimes, which, at least in
Scotland, they, who were originally engaged
in the controversy, would have hazarded
their lives to have prevented.
Too much was certainly written on the
subject ; but it is undoubtedly true, at the
same time, that the folly and imprudence
of some of the Catholic defenders of eman
cipation in Scotland, did more, in that coun
try, to agitate the people, than all that was
written against it.
It is equally clear, on the other side, that
the argument in favour of Catholic eman
cipation was then, as it has been ever since,
sustained by some of the most enlightened
statesmen and divines, which this country
has ever produced. Among the former,
Mr Burke was certainly one of the most
eminent. The argument of his letter to Dr Erskine,
though, in some points, it partakes of the
splendid exaggerations, into which a man
of genius is often betrayed, is clear and for
cible, as it applies to his conclusions. He
mixes, with all the respect due to his cor-
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 811
respondent, the firm assertion of opinions,
which were deeply rivetted on his own
mind, and which have since made a pro
gress, even in Scotland, which Mr Burke
himself had not anticipated.
Since that time the disabilities which
affected the Catholics, with regard to their
property, have been, in a great measure, re
moved, without having created any oppo
sition, or excited any discontent or alarm ;
and even the right of presenting to a church
benefice in Scotland, has not been withheld
from a Catholic patron.
The general question of Catholic eman>
cipation has been lately agitated, without
exciting much of the attention of the people,
and even without creating any general in
terest or solicitude.
The Catholics of Edinburgh and Glas
gow have now more splendid places of wor
ship, than they ever had before, since the
time of the Reformation ; and publicly as
semble, with as little disturbance from the
populace, as any of the other dissenters
from the established church.

312 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Dr Erskine's opinions on the general
subject, undoubtedly remained unchanged
to the end of his life. But whatever may
now be though I of the argument, either in
favour of the Catholics or against ihem,
and whatever shape the same argument
may assume in Hhe neighbouring kingdom
of Ireland, there is no reason to suppose,
that il will not always be conducted in this
country, wilh the temper and moderation,
worthy of good subjects ; as well as with the
sound political discernment, which ought
to distinguish enlightened men, even where
some difference of opinion is not to be avoid
ed. On tlie subject of America, Mr Burke
was thoroughly prepared to agree with his
correspondent; and his letter contains a
striking specimen, added to many others,
of the libeial and patriotic views, with which
he contemplated the great revolution, which
was then almost completed. He had un
doubtedly done his utmost, to prevent the
American war from terminating in the se-
paration of America from Great Britain.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 313
But this event, he had good reason, at the
date of his letter, to anticipate as almost un
avoidable. Il may certainly be fairly questioned,
whether his political opinions on other
subjects, had all " the order and connec-
" tion," at the different periods of his life,
which he says, in his letter to Dr Er
skine, he thought himself bound to preserve,
in his principles of civil and of religious li

lt was at leas* not the same principle, which
dictated his opinions on the American re
volution, on Parliamentary reform, on the
reduction of the expences in the civil list,
on the relief granted to Protestant dissent
ers, or even on Catholic emancipation;
which afterwards produced his vehement
and powerful philippics, against every
change, innovation, or encroachment, on
established usages.
Mr Burke certainly knew how to recon
cile his different opinions. But at least the
principle which governed them, was not the
same.

814 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
He undoubtedly possessed a character of
great distinction ; and whatever defects his
opponents have imputed to his political
conduct, he is entitled to hold a first place,
in the annals of his country, as a public
man : as a man who followed out his own
ideas of integrity; and as a man who pos
sessed a splendid and powerful genius.which
did honour lo the age in which he lived.
On the subject of Catholic emancipa
tion, in which the greatest statesmen of his
time certainly coincided with him, his opi
nions will very probably become the ulti
mate opinions of his country ; though some
part of his letter to Dr Erskine should be
thought to contain more splendour than ar
gument.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 315

CHAP. VIII.
Dr Erskine acquires the Dutch and German
Languages. — His Sketches of Ecclesiastical
History. — His consolatory Letters on the
Death of Children or Friends. — His Cor
respondence with Lord Hailes, and with
Bishop Hurd.
A remarkable fact is now to be men
tioned, which must give a very striking
view of the ardour, with which Dr Erskine
prosecuted his literary studies, to the end of
his life ; and of the perseverance, with which
he encountered difficulties, which most men,
in the same circumstances, would have
thought insurmountable.
He had, for many years, carried on a cor
respondence with learned men on the Con
tinent,* from whom he received commu
nications, both by letters and books, on
which he set a high value. But his igno-
* With Professor Bonnet of Utrecht, and others equally
eminent.

31-6 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
ranee of the foreign languages was a source
of perpetual regret and embarrassment.
Excepting the French, he was completely
unacquainted with all of them, till he had
nearly reached his sixtieth year.
At that late period of his life, he had the
courage to undertake the acquisition of the
Dutch and German languages. Though
these languages were frequently taught in
Edinburgh, a few years later, there were at
that lime few, if any, teachers of either in
Scotland. He had the resolution to apply
to them, without any assistance whatever;
and the following anecdote will shew, that,
in doing so, he overrated neither his pow
ers nor his industry.
It is an anecdote, which the writer of this
narrative received many years ago, from
the late Lord Elliock, — a man who will al
ways be remembered by those who had the
honour to know him, as one who united to
the dignity of a Judge, the information of
a man of letters, and the most respectable
qualities of a gentleman.
He had been much on the Continent

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 317
in early life, and was well acquainted
with modern languages. He had an excel
lent library. And having been one of Dr
Erskine's original associates, he was applied
to by hjm, for the use of a German Grammar
aod Dictionary, at the time when he first
resolved to attempt the acquisition of the
German language.,
By his Lordship,'s account, these books
were returned, when they bad not been out
of his. possession, more than six weeks. He
therefore naturally concluded, that they had
not been of much use ; and that, finding the
acquisition of languages at his age, with no
other help than a Grammar and Dictionary,
a more difficult undertaking than he had
imagined it, his friend had relinquished the
attempt. But when Dr Erskine soon after visited
him, he was surprised to find, that, so
far from having given up his design,
he imagined himself to have received so
much advantage from the Grammar and
Dictionary, as to be already able, without

318 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
assistance, to collect the substance of a
German book.
It was a matter of curiosity to see, how
far a man of Dr Erskine's age, with all his
industry and acuteness, could have carried
this advantage, within the short space of
six weeks ; and being in his library, Lord
Elliock produced a German book, of which
he requested him to give him the satisfac
tion of hearing him read a few sentences.
Dr Erskine had never heard another
person read German, and had never pro
nounced a single sentence. He could not,
therefore, literally comply with Lord El-
liock's request. But, without attempting to
pronounce any part of the original, he
readily translated into English a great part
of a page, in a book which he had never
before seen ; so as lo convince his Lord
ship, that his Grammar and Dictionary had
indeed been turned to good account.
Wilh no other assistance, he was able,
after six weeks' study, when he had nearly
reached the age of sixty, to translate with
ease the substance of a German book, to

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 319
the satisfaction of a man of letters, who was
well acquainted with the language. It
would be difficult to give a more striking
example, either of perseverance or facility,
in the acquisition of a foreign tongue.
He never pretended to be a complete
German scholar ; or to have acquired more,
than the power of comprehending readily,
the substance of a Dutch or German book.
But he could, without any preparation,
translate pages together for the entertain
ment of his friends ; and the publication of
his Sketches and Hints on Church History,
in two octavo volumes, affords a lasting
proof of the minuteness and accuracy of his
foreign literature, notwithstanding all the
disadvantages which attended his progress
in it.
In the preface, indeed, to the first volume
of this publication, he speaks with the utmost
diffidence of his own acquisitions. " With-
" out slavishly following the words and ex-
" pressions of the authors, (whose books he
" had abridged or translated,) I have en-
*' deavoured, he says, though 1 fear often

320 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D»
" unsuccessfully, to exhibit justly their rea-
" sonings, and even their irony, in such
" plain and forcible language, that the reader
" might enter into their ideas and feelings.
" The meaning of my authors I have pro-
" bably sometimes mistaken. I hope, how-
" ever, these mistakes seldom or never af-
" feet any important fact or argument. My
" having learnt the Dutch and German at
" an advanced period of life, and without
" the assistance of a teacher, the candid
" will sustain as a sufficient apology."
The two volumes which he published,
entitled, " Sketches and Hints of Church
" History and Theological Controversy,
" chiefly translated or abridged from mo-
" dern foreign writers," afford a lasting spe
cimen, of the industry with which he ap
plied to this department of literature ; and
of his minute accuracy, in the information
which he collected from foreign books, on
the most important subjects.
The first volume was published in 1790,
and its general object is expressed in the
Preface, in the following words: "The
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. p. 321
" chief design of the following sheets, is to
" impart to others the entertainment and
" instruction which I have received from
" foreign writers, as to ihe history of the
" earliest ages of Christianity, and the pre-
" sent state of religion and theological con-
" troversy. Imperfect as the information
" is which they contain, I flatter myself it
" is important. In some instances, my
" work is a free translation ; in others, an
" abridgment of select passages in the ori-
" ginal writers. Their sentiments, when
" different from my own, I have not dis-
" guised. Their opinions of persons and
" things, which I have not approved, I have
" not concealed."
The volume consists of thirteen articles,
of which eight are translations or abridg
ments of Dutch or German books ; one of
a French, and another of a Latin publica
tion; and three are taken from writers in
English, of Scotland, Ireland, and Ame
rica. It is in vain to attempt to give the sub
stance of abridgments, or even to convey
x

$22 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D- Di
a general idea of them. But the English
reader will find in this small volume^ an out
line of many articles of the greatest interest
and curiosity, on the character, the sub
stance, the progress, the divisions, and the
opponents, of the Christian church, to which
he has few opportunities of access by other
means, and which no other publication can
give him within the same limits.
The second volume appeared in 1797*
and contains sixteen articles, of which ele
ven are translations and abridgments from
foreign writers. They relate more to mo
dern transactions and events, than the ar
ticles contained in the first volume ; and in
particular, to the circumstances attending
Popery and Protestantism in foreign states,
and the mutual influence of Popery and in
fidelity on the condition of the world.
There are a few articles besides, on subjects
of literary or theological curiosity ; of which
there are two original essays ; one of which
relates to the scriptural account of the sun
standing still in the days of Joshua, written
by Dr Macqueen of Kilmuir, in Sky ; and

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 323
the other is the production of the publisher
himself. This volume will also sufficiently re
ward the labour of those who shall peruse
it; and will put them in possession of a
considerable variety of information, not
easily accessible from other sources. The
travels of Nicolai, with which the volume is
introduced, have indeed been censured a-
broad. His intentions have been thought
unfriendly to Christianity ; and some of his
narratives have been contradicted. Dr Er
skine has given in his Preface his reasons
for thinking that the reflections on Nicolai
have been exaggerated, and that his state
ment of facts is, in most instances, exact
and accurate.
The idea of such a publication, as Dr Er
skine's Sketches, was entirely his own ; and,
if it were prosecuted farther, and well ex
ecuted, is certainly calculated to answer the
purposes of general literature. It is but a
small proportion, even of the literati of any
country, who have such a command of mo
dern languages, as to become acquainted

324 LIFE OF JOtfN ERSKlNEj D.B.
with the progress of human knowledge,
in the different nations of Europe, by
means of original publications. In Great
Britain, from our frequent intercourse with
France, every well educated man has long
had access to French literature, and a few
to Spanish and Italian books.
But, tilt of late yearsf the Dutch and
German, and the greatest part of the other
modern languages, unless to a small num
ber of those who had the advantage of fo
reign travel, were so cdmpletely unknown,
that even the merchants were obliged to
have recourse to foreigners, to manage their
correspondence. The literature of Europe* and all the cor
respondence of learned men, had been con
ducted for ages, by means of the Latin lan
guage, which was the common and univer
sal instrument of general knowledge.
After the revival of lelters in the six
teenth century, almost every book of sci
ence, theology, or history, and all the lite
rary controversies of that eventful period,
were given to the world in Latin. The pre-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 325
lections of .every university were in the same
language; and almost all the intercourse
of learned men depended on it.
The cultivation of modern languages was
of consequence, in a great degree, neglect
ed ; and at least their improvement was far
from bearing an equal proportion, to the pro
gress of science and literature in Europe.
During the course of the two last centu
ries, the vernacular languages have been
much more generally cultivated, and the
Latin tongue has no longer the same place,
either in academical prelections, or in the
writings of learned men.
This change in the progress of letters,
though it has given modern languages ad
vantages, which they could never have
otherwise possessed, has at least greatly
abridged the facilities of literary inter
course, and, what is of more importance, by
substituting a modern for np ancient lan
guage, in the writings of learned men, has
lowered the scale of our classical acquisi
tions, as much as it has apparently lessen?
ed their value.

326 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
As long as men of science, in a great
measure, confined themselves to a common
language, the books of every country in Eu
rope were equally accessible. But when
they began to write in their vernacular
tongues, their communication became not
only more limited and difficult, but of ne
cessity was made to depend on the acqui
sitions of a few, to whom the modern lan
guages were familiar; on the industry of
translators ; or on such detached views of
foreign literature, as were furnished by the
literary journals which pfofess to review ft>
reign publications, or as the writers of dif
ferent countries incorporated with their own
productions. Every one must perceive, how much of
the literature of other countries must, in
these circumstances, be beyond the reach
of the best informed men, to whom the fo
reign languages are not familiar ; and how
great an object it must ever be to them, to
find an easier access to it. The dead lan
guages are common to men of letters, in
every country. But a familiar acquaint-

LIFE OP JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 327
ance with the vernacular languages must of
necessity, even among them, be extremely
limited. The idea adopted by Dr Erskine, was to
publish, within a small compass, the sub
stance and argument of foreign books, so
as to render them familiar, not only to men
of a liberal education, but to common read
ers. He neither intended to confine him
self to literal translations, nor even to exact
abridgments ; but professing lo give the
substance of the facts or arguments, which
he found in his originals, he never withheld
the reasonings or opinions of the authors,
even when he differed from them, and al
ways stated fairly the opinions which they
combated. On all material points, on
which the objects or the conclusions of his
authors depended, he translated as literally
as possible, and, at the same time, en
deavoured to compress the substance of a
detailed argument pr narrative, so as to
give a distinct view of its general effect,
within the limits of a few pages.
Though he did not confine himself to

328 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
books in the Dutch or German tongues,
his Sketches contain, as has already been
stated, a much greater number of articles
in these, than in any other languages.
Though he had foreign literature chiefly in
bis eye, and especially in those departments
in which it was directly or remotely con
nected with his theological studies, his plan
did not prevent him from inserting what
ever else he found suited to his general de
sign, from France, Geneva, Great Britain,
or America.
Every article is not of equal importance.
But the two volumes undoubtedly con
tain a series of information, on which a
theological student will set a considerable
value, if he has not access to the original
authors. It has already been mentioned, that the
greatest part of the second volume relates
to the progress and probable effects of Po
pery in the states of Europe ; a subject
which at all times pressed heavily on Dr
Erskine's mind. Thf tenth article, written
by himself, represents the mutual influence

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 329
of Popery and Infidelity on each other, and
the dangers to which, in his apprehension,
the religion of Protestants was, or might be
exposed. This was a subject, as has been hinted
before, which at all times pressed heavily
on his mind. And before this part of the.
narrative is concluded, there is a fact which
ought to be adverted to, which gives a
striking view of his habits of thinking, with
regard to every thing connected with it.
In another part of this Memoir it has
been stated, that he was accustomed to
speak with greal diffidence, of the interpre
tation of prophecies not yet fulfilled. But
in this sketch on the influence or progress
of Popery, he did not hesitate lo insert the
following paragraphs, in opposition to the
opinions of those, who had considered the
late revolutions in Europe, and the demo
lition of one throne after another, to make
way for successive usurpations, as if they
had been the predicted signs of the final
destruction of Popery. " Strange and pa-
" radoxical as the assertion may appear to

330 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" some, who fancy they read in every vie-
" tory of the French, a presage of Anti-
" Christ's speedy fall, more is to be appre-
" hended to Protestantism from these vic-
" lories, than from the fugitive royalists ;
" though it is readily allowed, that nothing
." is more remote from the view of the con-
" querors, than strengthening the Roman
" Catholic cause. This is not concluded
" from theory or speculation, but from what
" has actually happened in a country, whose
" divines, by their piety, purity of doctrine,
" and theological literature, * were among
" the chief bulwarks of the reformed
" churches, -f Future events are secret
" things which belong to the Lord. The
" manner, however, of the final destruction
" of Popery, is a thing revealed. The ten
" kings who had given their power and
" strength unto the beast, shall hate the
" whore, and make her desolate and naked,
" and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with
" fire. This, surely can neither mean, that
" they are to befriend her in the day of her
* Alluding to Holland. •{¦ Sketches, Vol. II. p. 274.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 331
" fall, nor that her fall was to be accom-
" plished by their being guillotined or de-
" throned. The publisher, therefore, sees
" no ground to conclude, that overturning
" the present monarchies, and religious
" establishments in Europe, is any where
" in scripture represented, as a forerunner
" of the destruction of Antichrist, or tends
" to the accomplishment of that event. He
" rather apprehends that Antichrist will re-
" cover his lost power, and use it more
" cruelly than ever ; and that the reason-
" ings and warnings of Venema* on that
" head, deserve the most serious atten-
" tion. -f
He hazarded these remarks, contrary to
his usual caution on subjects of this kind ;
and the events which have happened since
these paragraphs were written, have certain
ly confirmed his opinion, as far as it was
applicable to the revolutions which were
immediately in his view.
In the same year, (1790,) Dr Erskine
* Sketches, Vol. II. No. 3. p. 239—250.
t Ibid. p. 276, 277.

332 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. B.
published Consolatory Letters on the Death
of Children or Friends, which he had col
lected from books or manuscripts ; of which
he gave a new edition, with a Supplement,
in 1800. .
This collection begins with a Letter from
Servius Sulpicius to Cicero, on the Death
of his Daughter, and Cicero's Reply.
He intended, by this article, to contrast
the. best sources of consolation, which the
most enlightened men of the Heathen world
could derive from the unassisted light of
nature, with the much more efficient and
animating consolations, with , which Christ
ianity furnishes sincere believers of the
Gospel, under the pressure of .their heaviest
calamities. The letters which follow are, excepting
the letter from Mr Howe to Lady Russell;
all written by persons, who lived late in
the last century ; and the greatest part
of them by individuals, who were personally
and intimately known to Dr Erskine. They
certainly contain some of the most striking
and impressive views of Christian consola-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 333
tions ; especially of those which are applied
to the death of children ; or to the inten
tions of Providence in bringing into the
world multitudes of human beings, who are
not permitted to live, till they become ca
pable of acting any part in it.
Some of the letters embrace other sub
jects, and contain singular narratives of
providential events. But the death of
children forms, at least, a prominent sub
ject in the collection ; and the practical
consolations which are applied to this ca
lamity, as well as to other severe afflictions,
are, in several instances, original ; and all
of them are well calculated to illustrate the
solid advantages derived from Christianity,
and from the faithful application of Christ
ian principles, to the most difficult and try
ing situations of human life.
The publisher writes nothing more than
the preface to this collection ; and in this
instance, as on all other occasions, he was
much more solicitous to perform what he
thought a useful service to the public, than
to acquire any reputation to himself.

3S4 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Any additional remarks suggested by
this publication will naturally occur, after
the insertion of the following letters, in one
of which it is particularly referred to.
Dr Erskine's correspondence with Sir
David Dalrymple (Lord Hailes) will be
read with equal interest, by literary and reli
gious men. Eminent as a man of letters,
and far more eminent as a man of principle,
Lord Hailes will, as long as the substance
of either learning or religion shall have an
existence in his country, be transmitted to
posterity, not only as a man of profound
research and ability on the most important
subjects of history and antiquity, and as a
classical scholar of the first order ; but as a
learned and successful defender of Christ
ianity, in opposition to its ablest and most
insidious opponents.
The following letters are inserted in the
order, in which they appear to have been
written. Some of them have no date ; but
the time to which they must be referred, is
ascertained by their contents. The first
is dated June 4th 1790, and was immedi-
19

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
ately occasioned by the publication of the
first volume of Dr Erskine's Sketches* of
which he had sent Lord Hailes a copy.
" Reverend Sir, — I am singularly ob-
" liged to you for your Sketches and Hints ;
" a valuable work, and affording much
" new information — new at least to me.
" It is a pity that the great information
" from Germany had not been printed
" in separate paragraphs, with a marginal
" summary ; thus, Austria, Ausburgh, An-
" spach, &c. This would have made every
" thing more distinct. At present, if one
" should wish to look back to any particu-
" lar article, he must read the whole treatise
" to find it.
" You suppose, that the late Empress
" Queen was a bigot to the Roman Catho-
" lie religion. I doubt the fact. It is
" much suspected, that her mother, of the
" Brunswick family, was inclined to Pro-
" testantism to the last ; and I do not
" know that the Empress Queen ever
" persecuted the Protestants in her domi-
" nions, though, very possibly, she may have

336 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" punished persons who were too forward
" in claiming legal toleration, when they
" had nothing to depend on but indul-
" gence. " Her son, the late Emperor, has been
" more abused in newspapers, than any
" prince within my remembrance. I sup-
" pose that posterity will do him that jus-
" tice, which his contemporaries have denied
'* him. He did more to " break the charm
" of Popery," than any prince in our times,
" and he made large advances towards
" reforming ecclesiastical abuses, and the
" establishing of toleration ; than in so short
" a reign, and with so many obstacles,
" could have been expected. Yet he is the
" ambitious tyrannical Joseph. His conduct
"in the Low Countries has been execrated,
" and the conduct of his adversaries extol-
" led, with a degree of enthusiastic praise.
" But the time will come, when men, re-
" stored to their calm recollection, must see
" that his plans tended, to abolish heritable
"jurisdictions in the Low Countries; to
" suppress the exorbitant numbers of con-
u

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 337
" vents ; to turn the number of colleges at
" Louvain into one ; to mitigate the Popish
" teaching there ; and to establish a tolera-
" tion of Protestants.
" Perhaps he had not a right to do all
" this. Certainly he had not power to do
"it. "His brother, the King of Hungary, in
"the narrow sphere of Tuscany, has done
" much towards reformation. It was a
" great step, of appointing the church ser-
" vice lo be in the vulgar tongue ; and a
" greater still, to dislodge so many statues
" of saints from their old niches.
" I have heard of a saying of the late
" Emperor, which deserves to be remember-
" ed. Some one asked him, if he was not
" afraid of the priests, while he strove to
" make so many innovations. Not at all,
" said he, the priests will never attempt my
" life, for they know, that my brother Leo-
" pold is much worse than I am.
" There are in your collections some
" pleasing proofs, that the Lutherans iii
" Germany are in better terms with the
Y

338 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" Calvinists, than formerly. I think, that by
" mutual forbearance, and a reciprocal re-
" solution, not to agitate the questions,
" which at an early period set them at
" variance, more charity and Christian good
" will may come to prevail, in the German
" churches of the reformation.
" The abstracts from M. Vernet are very
" valuable. In some particulars, I do not
" altogether agree vrith. him. For example,
" I still doubt, and more than doubt, as to
" the proposal in the reign of Tiberius, for
"receiving the Lord among the heathen
" divinities. My friend Bishop Warburton
"adopted the same hypothesis, with M.
" Vernet. But he has not made me a con-
" vert to it. If you know of any author
" who has treated of that subject ex professo,
" I beg. that you would point him out.
" I now come to a part of your work
*' which I must take notice of; and yet I
" know not what to say ; and that is, your
" expressions respecting my publications in
" the common cause. Laudari a laudato is
" very pleasing. But, at the same time, it
6

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 339
" is apt to excite that vanity which lurks
" in self. To this there is a counter-ba-
" lance, when I look at the bales of copies,
" of ' The Remains of Christian Antiquity!
" which are upon hand. My translations
" and notes, contained in the three vo-
" lumes, cost me much labour and time,
" and yet few books have been less success-
" ful, in point of sale. I cannot grudge the
" labour and time, which I bestowed on
" them, because they procured me the
" friendship of some learned and pious
" men ; but I believe that the public has
" not much profited by them.
" These discouragements, notwithstand-
" ing, I go. on in my old way, and -am at
" present engaged in the printing of a trans-
" lation of the address of Tertullian to Sca-
" pula, prooonsul of Africa. It is a valu-
" able treatise; has very little exception-
" able in it ; which cannot be said of other
" works of Tertullian ; and contains sundry
" interesting particulars of church history.
" But, what engaged me chiefly in the
" making of this translation was, that it af-

S40 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" forded me an opportunity of making re-
" marks on Mr Gibbon. These are not
" confined to ecclesiastical history; for I
" have detected some strange errors, in what
" Mr Gibbon says as to civil history ; such
" errors as may serve for a specimen of
" what might be said, were one to enter in-
" to a critical inquiry, concerning his work
" at large. I mean, if my health serve me,
" to add a small treatise or two, written, by
" Cyprian during the heat of persecution.
" Wishing you health and spirits to go
" on in your duty, I am, Dear Sir, your
" most obliged and affectionate humble ser-
" vant, Dav. Dalrymple. — New Hailes,
" 4th June 1790. — God make us thankful
" for the joyful return of this anniversary."
Dr Erskine could not but be gratified, by
the approbation expressed in this letter, of
his " Sketches of Ecclesiastical History,"
by so competent a judge as Lord Hailes.
His Lordship's remarks on the character
of the Empress Queen, on the temper of
the Lutherans and Calvinists, as well as on

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 341
the abstracts from M. Vernet, shew the mi
nuteness, with which he had attended to the
different articles, and the value of an opi
nion, which was founded in his knowledge
of the subject, more than in his partiality
for the author.
His observations in particular, on the Em
press Queen, and her two sons, are evident
ly the result of much reflection on the sub
ject. The visionary phantoms of reforma
tion, and the horrible revolutions which the
last thirty years have produced, have not
only thrown into the shade, and almost
consigned to oblivion, the comparatively
moderate and peaceful arrangements of Jo
seph and Leopold, but have ultimately con
founded them, with the anarchy and crimes
which afterwards desolated Europe.
His Lordship's view of the innovations,
attempted both by Joseph and Leopold,
was, at that time, the common opinion of
those in Great Britain, who professed to
wish well to the interests of Protestantism,
and to the liberties of mankind.
On the Continent, the Catholics were cer-

342 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
tainly alarmed, as well as all the different t
orders of men who had an interest in the
ancient usages. Among the clergy and
the bigots, the Emperor very naturally
received the title of the ambitious and tyran
nical Joseph; and he was, perhaps, too
sanguine, when he supposed, that they
imagined themselves to be safer in his hands,
than they would have been under Leopold,
his successor.
Whether either Joseph or Leopold had a
right, under the constitution of the existing
governments, to make the innovations which
they attempted, Lord Hailes very naturally
states as a doubtful question. But his view
of their intentions was probably correct;
and the plans of reformation which they
meditated, and which were probably con
certed, might have been more completely car
ried into effect, if Joseph had lived longer.
There were, even at that time, many in
dividuals on the Continent, who ascribed
the innovations of the Emperor to his de
sire to fill his military chest, at the expence
of the suppressed religious houses, rather

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 343
than to a principle of more general advan
tage to his dominions.
The proceedings of Leopold in Tuscany,
connected with the views of the Emperor,
certainly contradicted these suppositions ;
and are much more naturally explained, by
Lord Hailes's idea, of the education which
both had received from the Empress Queen ;
by the opinion which he expresses with re
gard to her personal character ; and by the
private habits of thinking, in which he
supposes her to have been trained by her
mother, who had retained them from her
education in the Brunswick family, of whom
she was descended.
It may perhaps be recollected by some
of those who remember that time, that there
was a correspondence between the Pope
and the Emperor Joseph, on the subject of
his .ecclesiastical innovations, while they
were in progress — The Pope, with great
smoothness and address, remonstrating
against them, in name of the Catholic
church ; and the Emperor replying, with
every degree of personal respect to the

344 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Pope, and with many professions of reve
rence for the general interests of religion,
but without making any concessions what
ever, in favour of ecclesiastical abuses.
This correspondence could not be public
ly avowed, though it was widely circulated.
But it was so far authenticated, that the in
dividuals in the Court of Rome, who should
have had access to be well informed, were
then understood to have censured their
master, for having unnecessarily committed
himself, where he had not the power to com
mand success.
The modesty and unpretending simplici
ty of mind, with which, such a man as Lord
Hailes could mention, the well deserved
compliments paid by Dr Erskine, * to his
most exemplary and meritorious labours
for the service of the Christian church,
are extremely interesting. They are
doubly so, when they are connected with
what his Lordship added, ;that, though
" laudari a laudato" was in itself very plea-
* Sketches and Hints, Vol. I, p. 144, note.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 345
sing, it was in his case counterbalanced, by
the neglect which had been shewn to his
" Remains qf Christian Antiquity," of which
so great a proportion was left on the book
seller's shelf; *— a work which well entitled
him to public countenance and gratitude ;
and which had cost him, who had so many
important occupations besides, both much
labour and time.
Happily he was not discouraged ; and
the concluding paragraph of his letter
mentions another work, of the same kind,
which was already in the printer's hands,
and which was published a few months af
ter. Lord Hailes had a far higher reward,
than any literary success could procure
him. He had the consciousness of having
devoted his eminent talents to the service
of Christ ; and every one who can estimate
fairly what he has done, may recollect what
The bales of copies which his Lordship mentions as then
on hand, have, notwithstanding, been since almost complete
ly sold off; though, perhaps, a considerable part remained
with the bookseller, during his Lordship's life.

346 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
Christ has said to a faithful servant, " For
" my name's sake thou hast laboured, and
" hast not fainted."
His Lordship had published, several years
before this letter was written, his two sepa
rate volumes, on the fifteenth and sixteenth
chapters of Mr Gibbon's History ; which
do equal honour to his learning and re
search, to his critical accuracy, and lo his
Christian sincerity. Independent of all
that he wrote besides — and few men of let
ters have employed profound learning, and
indefatigable industry, more successfully— ^-
these two small volumes are alone sufficient,
to place him in the first rank, of able and
eminent defenders of the Christian faith.
Mr Gibbon, in his posthumous works,
attempts in vain to escape from the detec
tion of his errors, both of negligence and
intention, which these volumes contain ; by
saying nothing more, than that Lord Hailes
had assailed him, with all the minuteness of a
special pleader. His inquiry is indeed mi
nute ; but its conclusions are as completely

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 347
demonstrated, as any fact or proposition of
the same kind has ever been.
His translation of Tertullian's address to
Scapula, was perhaps chiefly occasioned, by
his having discovered, from the perusal of
the original, that it would give him an op
portunity of making remarks on Mr Gib
bon's work, wilh regard to other points,
than those which relate exclusively to ec
clesiastical history. He thought he per
ceived errors of considerable magnitude, in
his account of civil transactions, as well as
in his representation of the affairs of the
church. The postscript relating to the King's
birth-day was evidently intended, to refer
to his recovery from his first illness.
The publication of Tertullian's address
appeared soon after, and is alluded to in
the following letter, which has no date, but
which ought to be referred to some of the
last months in the year 1790.
" Reverend Sir, — I am glad that my
" notes have afforded you any enlertain-
" ment. The last note, beginning at page

348 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
" 124, is, when well studied, the severest
" against Mr Gibbon. But by your not
" referring to it in particular, I am afraid
" that there, as on former occasions, my in-
" uendos are too much covered.
" The note beginning at page 62 is, as
" y°u justly remark, too long ; but hear my
" apology. Rigaltius, the last commenta-
" tor on Tertullian, did not understand
" the passage about Domus and Hypsoma.
" I wished to have every thing explained,
" that could be explained. I made my ap-
" plications to a learned man for his aid.
" He confessed his inability ; but referred
" me to another learned man of my ac-
" quaintance ; and from him I got the note.
" Not being master of the subject, or ra-
" ther being ignorant of it, I could not
" abridge the note ; and so published it,
"just as it was communicated by my
" friend. " Your observations on the phrase, ' Ma-
" trimonium nullius adulteramus,' is very a-
^ cute, and will be used in a second edi-
" tion, if such should ever be published.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 349
" The note about the Warburtonian school
" relates to an anonymous publication, con-
" taining, among other things, some trans-
" lations, in prose and in verse, from La-
" tin authors ; all made by Bishop War-
" burton, when very young ; and partly, as
" it should seem, when a mere boy. They
" were published, from that impatience of
" being seen in print, so incident to young
" writers : and they were forgotten.
" A man, eminent for knowledge in the
" languages, very invidiously republished
" them lately ; and added two little trea-
" tises, supposed to have been written,
" near forty years ago, by Bishop Hurd,
" on account of some things said against
" Bishop Warburton, by Dr Jortin and a
" Dr Leland, (not the author of the View
" of the Deistical Writers.)
" This also I considered as an invidious
" publication, because the controversy with
" Dr Leland was a slight and occasional
" thing ; and because the dispute between
" Dr Jortin and Bishop Warburton termi-
" nated, as such things should do, (these were

350 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
"the words of Dr Jortin to me,) in an ami-
" cable way.
" Dr Jortin, I am afraid, did not include
" Bishop Hurd in the treaty of peace ; for
" he made some allusion to this dispute, in
" a note, in the Life of Erasmus, which con-
" lains an oblique sneer, at something sup-
" posed to have been said by Dr Hurd.
" Of this no notice was taken ; and the
" whole matter would have been forgotten,
" had it not been recalled to men's memory,
" by the publication in question, which is
" accompanied with many notes.
" The notes sometimes extol, and some-
" limes degrade, Bishop Warburton ; some-
" times faintly praise, and, at other times,
" abuse Bishop Hurd, in a very illiberal
" way. I can see, through the whole of
" the notes, a party-spirit, and an envious
" disposition, on account of the personal
" favour shewn by the King to Bishop Hurd.
" His Majesty's liking to Bishop Hurd is
" the truest thing in the book. This I saw
" very clearly, in the course of a conversa-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 351
" tion, which the King did me the honour
" lately of holding with me.
" The publisher of the work highly prais-
" ed Bishop Halifax, by name ; and yet, as
" I now suspect, censures and ridicules
" him, without a name, in the passage
" which gave occasion to my note.
" Some days ago, I had a letter from Bi-
•' shop Hurd, dated Hartlebury, 25th Oc-
" tober, which contains the following para-
" graph : — " I have received an obliging
" letter, from your good friend Mr Erskine.
" When you see him, I beg your Lordship
" will present my respects to him, and let
" him know, that I shall acknowledge his
" goodness to me, as soon as I have read
" his book, which, he tells me, is directed to
" be sent to my house in town."
" From an expression in this letter, I am
" led to suppose, that, in your letter to the
" Bishop, you said something favourable of
" me ; for which you have my best thanks.
" I should rejoice to deserve your good opi-
" nion ; and ever am, Dear Sir, your most

352 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" affectionate, and most obliged humble
" servant, Dav. Dalrymple."
Lord Hailes's translation of Tertullian's
Address has a peculiar form, from the ex
clusion of French auxiliaries, for which he
accounts in his Preface. In this respect,
it is a literary curiosity, which is not with
out its use, though, as an example of Eng
lish writing, it is not probable, that it will
be often followed.
The notes are certainly entitled to great
consideration and praise. They, in gene
ral, relate to. points which are very import
ant; and every learned reader will perceive
the indisputable inaccuracies, which Lord
Hailes has there detected, in the work of
Mr Gibbon, as well as the justice of his re
marks on authors of less celebrity. He has
clearly shewn, what he professed, in his pre
face, to have discovered, " that, even in the
" first volume of the Decline and Pall of the
" Roman Empire, and independently of the
" two famous chapters, there is a wide field
" for literary and historical criticism."
It is no answer to such remarks, as Lord
12

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 353
Hailes has published, that " they have the
" minuteness of a special pleader." If they
were less minute than they are, they would
be completely useless. Such careless or in
tentional mistakes as are imputed to Mr
Gibbon, there are no possible means of
tracing or correcting, without a most mi
nute investigation; and few individuals,
indeed, could have attempted such a task,
with the success or perseverance of Lord
Hailes. It was scarcely possible for a
single person, who had other occupations,
to have completed such a task ; but his Lord
ship has distinctly shewn the way, in which
it might have been accomplished. The
least important of his notes is that which he
received from a friend. The substance of
it is probably correct ; but Dr Erskine was
right, when he complained of it as too long.
Of his note about " the Warburlonian
" School," there is no occasion to say more,
than that it shews his Lordship's attach
ment to his literary friends, and the affec
tionate interest with which he regarded their
memory. z

354 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
He is probably right in bi& objection to
the use of this epithet, considering the quar
ter from which it originally proceeded. But
it is unpleasant to observe, from the para
graph with which he has connected it in
the preceding letter, that the dispute be
tween such considerable men as Warbur-
Ipn, Hurd, and Jortin, is so frequently
brought before the pubhc, when they can
no longer answer, for themselves. It is a
circumstance which affords a striding lesson
to ofher nien, whose pames are likely tp
survive the:m, to k§ep their private differen
ces among themselves, so as not to give an
opportunity to others to publish them to
tho world, after their death ; and, above all,
to save their friends frorn the mortification,
of finding them transmitted to posterity in
their own writings^
v There are no human beings free from de
fects, or incapable of shewing them in tjbpir
private competitions. But the publip may
well forget the weaknesses of eminent rnen,
in the honour due tq their learning* and to
their acknowledged services to religion or

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 355
literature. Warburton's name will always
hold a prominent place, in the literary and
theological history of his time. Hurd's
Discourses on Prophecy, and Jortin's Life
of Erasmus, as well as his Remarks on Ec
clesiastical History, will be read with ad
vantage and delight, long after every pri
vate competition of the age in which they
wrote, shall be buried in oblivion.
It is gratifying to observe the personal
interest, which Lord Hailes took in the re
putation, and in the memory, of his friends.
The concluding sentence of the preceding
letter affords another specimen, of the unas
suming modesty, with which he contemplat
ed every thing which related to himself,
and affords a striking lesson to men, who
have no pretensions to be compared wilh
him. The extract given from Dr Hurd's corre
spondence, ascertains the date of the pre
ceding letter. It was written in the autumn,
probably in October 1790 ; for, it will af
terwards appear, that, in the following No
vember, Dr Hurd wrote Dr Erskine, that

356 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
he had then read his book, which had not
reached him when he wrote Lord Hailes.
The last letter from Lord Hailes to be
inserted here, is also without a date ; but, it
is evident, that it must have been written,
after the publication of Dr Erskine's Con
solatory Letters in 1790. It contains a con
siderable variety of subject, and the opi
nions of his Lordship on some very import
ant points,
" Reverend Sir, — I return you many
" thanks for M. Servan's Treatise, which
" I have perused, and now return.
" From his style, one sees the unsettled
" state of the French language. A French-
" man, of the times of Louis the 14th, if
" he did not understand Latin, would have
" been puzzled at every page of M. Servan,
" to find out his meaning.
" I was at some pains to see, whether I
" could discover the sentiment* of the au-
" thor, as to religion. In a passage or two,
«' he seems to speak like a Theist ; but one
" can hardly conclude any thing, from such

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, 1). D. S57
" casual expressions. The manner in which
" he speaks of Voltaire shews him to be the
" admirer, and the apologist, of that writer ;
" and, upon the whole, I doubt, whether
" M. Servan has any belief of Christianity
" at all.
" There is a very singular case put at
" page 91 : 'La personne a qui I'on ecrit
" regie souvent le ton, la tour, et le fond,
" des pens6es d'une lettre. Tel homme,
" fort reserv6 en public, sur les matieres de
" religion, aura, par example, en ecrivant k
" M. de Voltaire, pu s'abandonner a des
" plaisanteries fort eloignees de son cha-
" ractere.' " Here I suspect that M. Servan maybe
" describing himself. The sentiment itself
" is extraordinary enough. He supposes
" thataman is very cautious, in disclosing his
" sentiments in public, as to religion; but,
" in writing to Voltaire, that he allows him-
" self full liberty to jest on such subjects.
" My conclusion would be, that such a
" man, however cautious in public, was a
" concealed infidel. M. Servan says, that

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" such jesting would be very different from
" the man's character. In this word, there
" is an ambiguity. Such jesting would not
" be agreeable to his assumed character ;
" but perfectly consistent with his real cha-
" racter. And I have not charity enough
" to suppose, that he who, in writing to
" Voltaire, jested on religion, was any thing
" else in his heart, but a scoffer.
" M. Servan has maintained his Thesis, on
*< the impropriety of publishing posthumous
" pieces or letters, written in confidences
" with much ability. But he does not con-
" vince me, of the justness of his proposi-
" tion, in its full extent.
" If I receive a letter from a person,
" which contains things hurtful to the cha-
" racter of that person, or things which he
" would not wish to have made public, I
" should suppress them, unless obedience
" to the' commands of the law, or a sense of
" duty to society, obliged me to reveal them.
" But that the same rule is to take place for
" ever, and after I and my correspondent

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 359
" are in our graves, is, I think, to carry
" rhatters too far.
" Suppose that to be the rule, and apply
" it to past times, and See how history
" would be darkehed. For exarhple, with-
" t>_t such letters, hbw little wOuld be known
" Of the history of the last century ? To give
" one instance out of a hundred — What
" would have jbeen known of the character
" and conduct of M. de Maintenon, with-
" but such piiblications ? And yet that is
" necessary for the knowledge of forty years,
" of the reign Of Louis the 14th.
" Without such publications* we cannot
" have a just notion Of the virtues or vices
" of eminent persons ; but we must take
" them, just as we find thetrt in panegyrics
" and satires* published in their Own time.
" What is said of letters seems appli-
" cable to metrioirs and histories, left in
" manuscript by the authors. Had M.
" Servan's rule been followed for & couple
" of centuries back, what havOc would it
" have made in history ? I don't see why,
" if a seal be so sacred* conversation ought

360 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" not to be as sacred. His great fear is,
" that, by such publications, the opinions
" and manners of men may be proved lo
" be universally bad and flagitious. But if
" the world be so bad, as to be past mend-
" ing, society will soon be at an end ; and
" a little sooner, or a little later, makes no
" great difference.
" M. Servan takes it for granted, that
" the corruption of morals is universal in
" France. It may be so. But unless he
" knew the hearts of all men, he has no
" right to say it. A greater person than
" he, thought himself alone, and, in a des-
" ponding mood, said so. And yet there
" were thousands who, without his know-
"• ledge, thought and acted like that solitary
" person, in matters of religion.
" There are many observations, which
" occur on M. Servan's work, that I have
" not leisure to set down. It is remarkable,
" that not a word, about reformation of man-
" ners, occurs in it.
" One good lesson, from the daily publica-
" tion of letters, seems to have escaped him.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 36l
" Those who reflect, to what accidents their
" letters are subject, will, however infidel,
" learn prudence enough, not to correspond
" on subjects of infidelity. lis ne s'aban-
" donneront pas a) des plaisanteries sur la
" religion ; and this will diminish the nuin-
" ber of irreligious publications.
" M. Servan has a whimsical notion, as
" to letters produced in courts of justice.
" He would leave to the judges, the power
" of selecting what is material to the cause,
" without the knowledge qf the parties. I
" hope, that such a rule will never be esta-
" blished with us. I should not wish to
" be a judge, with such powers.
" As to the Confessions of Rousseau, I
" never saw the book ; but I persuade my-
" self that- the author meant to have it pub-
" -fished, to gratify his spleen in wholesale.
" Indeed, I never read twenty pages of that
" author's works. I heard that his senli-
" ments differed, in many particulars, from
" those which I had long ago formed ; and I
" was not very fond of entering into a course
" of such reading, in such circumstances.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" With respect to the matters contained
" in your letter* I have no doubt as to the
" promises to the children of believers, as I
" have no objection to the notion, that the
" blessed shall know their friends, in a fu-
" ture state ; because I see nothing in Scrip-
" ture, which excludes that notion ; and be-
" cause, wherever the opinion of a future
"state prevailed, it/ prevailed. But there
" I should incline to stop, and not be more
" curious. " The things which I meant to object to,
" in my friend Mr Randall's letter* are,
" « I cannot see from reason,' &c. This
" seems a desponding sentiment, and not
" consistent with the notions, which we Ought
" to entertain*ofthe goodness of God. From
" instinct we rejoice, and where gbt We
" that instinct ? Is our reason to see cause
" to contradict it ? I have read of some
" barbarous nation, that wept when their
"children were born, and rejoiced When
" they died* Supposing the fact to be true,
" shall we say that ' they saw no cause from
" reason ?'&c. -----

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 36_
" No doubt the best, even of Christians,
" may be afflicted in their children. But
" we are not to argue from particulars, to
" generals ; and, besides* I trust, that afflic-
" tions of this nature have, as I may say,
" some counterpoise, and, perhaps, even in
" kind. The tenderness of Joseph might
" overbalance the bloodthirstiness and re-
" venge of Simeon and Levi. The Psalm-
" ist, who said, ' Happy is the man who
" hath his quiver full of them,' saw cause
" in reason to rejoice ; though my friend,
" peculiarly happy in his quiver, spoke so un-
" guardedly ; and it will not be enough to
" say, that his children were Christians, un-
" less we were to hold, that none but Christ-
" ians have good provided for them in this
" life. " Presently after, he treats of the number
" of those who die in infancy, and attempts
" to discover the reason of it. Surely this
" is too high for us. Mr Randall does not
" make those secret things of the Almighty,
" a whit plainer, than they were before.

364 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
"They must be dark, until they are re-
" vealed. " What Mr Gillespie says, of the king-
" dom of heaven being principally compo-
" sed of little children, p. 53, may be al-
" lowed, if he means, that the number of
" those who die in infancy, is greater than
" that of those, who attain to years of dis-
" cretion. But I imagine that he has some
" other meaning. I never could see any
" difficulty in a text, which our Lord him-
" self has explained ; and I own, that when
" I have such a commentator, I ask for no
" other, and disregard all others.
" I ever am, Reverend Sir, your most ob-
" liged humble servant, " Dav. Dalrymple."
M. Servan, to whom the chief part of
this letter relates, was an " ancien Avocat
" General" in the Parliament of Grenoble ;
and the book alluded to, was en tilled " Re-
" flexions sur le Confessions de Rousseau." It
was published at Paris in 17^.3
In this work the author complained, of

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 365
what he considered as unworthy treatment
given to M. Bovier, another avocat at Gre
noble, in Rousseau's Confessions. But he
discussed a variety of other subjects, in
which M. Bovier had no concern ; and
treated the Confessions, which were the ob
ject of his publication, with a severity which
they certainly deserved.
It would have been good for the world,
if the writings of Rousseau were more fre
quently laid aside, than they are, on the
principle, on which Lord Hailes excluded
them from his studies.
The infidelity of Voltaire had certainly a
very extensive influence, and circulation.
But it is at least a reasonable doubt, whe
ther the practical mischief done by Rous
seau, was less than that, which is imputed to
Voltaire, and whether it was not as widely
spread. The sarcastical infidelity and wit of Vol
taire was, in a certain degree, addressed to
the understandings, as well as to the gaiety,
and to the superficial kn o wledge, of his readers.
But the pernicious Jessons of Rousseau, ope-

366 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D,
rated directly, on the depravity of the world ;
on the strong passions of the youth ; on the
heated imaginations of solitary life; and on
every instinct of human nature, which elo
quence or sophistry could awaken* to pol
lute or to degrade it.
Voltaire reasoned, often indirectly, but
always coolly, against the authority of reli
gion ; substituting assertions for facts, fable
for history, and wit for argument. Rous
seau could reason too, with a seductive elo
quence, in which he had few superiors; though
he reasoned less, than he declaimed. With
all his powers of argument, his infidelity was
frequently no more, than the indirect, or
remote source, of the mischief which he ac
complished. His strength lay in the ad
dress, with which he agitated the feelings,
and seized on the weakness of the human
heart. , His disciples, indeed, believed that he had
enlightened their understandings, when he
had attempted no more, than to teach them,
how to substitute, feeling for principle, and
the strong inclinations of the heart, for the

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 367
sober convictions of reason or religion. He
could certainly argue for religion, with a
power of eloquence almost irresistible ; but
as soon as he professed to apply his con
clusions to practice, his argument is lost, in
the delusions of sophistry and vice.
To reason or even to laugh with Voltaire,
requires, at least in most instances, some de
gree of information. But the seduction at
tempted by Rousseau, might be complete,
where even the meaning of his argument was
not comprehended.
Lord Hailes thought it a sufficient reason,
to decline the perusal of his works, that
he understood the opinions which they con
tained to be opposed to those, which he
had, long before, deliberately embraced. It
would be happy for the world, if the young,
the thoughtless, and the sanguine, could be
persuadedto believe, that the most eloquent
sophistry of Rousseau, is not only calculated,
to deprive them of every thing good or es
timable, w.hich they have ever learnt; but to
involve them at last, in the most fatal delu-

368' LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. ».
sions, which lead directly " down to the
" chambers of death."
M. Servan could feel the venom of his
sting, when it reached the character of his
friend ; and was much more alive, to the
mischiefs done by his confessions, than to
the delusions spread by his eloquence and
his philosophy.
M. Servan was an admirer of Voltaire ;
and Lord Hailes was probably right in sup
posing, that his own religious belief might
be like the faith of his master. If he de
scribed himself, as his Lordship supposed,
by his reserve in public, on subjects of reli
gion, which furnished him with the topics
of his pleasantries, or of his sarcasms in his
familiar letters, there cannot be much rea
son to doubt, that this was truly his cha
racter. Though private infidelity is farther re
moved from public mischief, than the wit or
profligacy which is circulated from the
press ; the confidential letter-writer, who scat
ters his poison among his private friends, if
he has not the guilt of the infidel author,
11

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. S69
has the consciousness of guilt which he
dares not, or is ashamed to avow to the
world ; and, if he has really done inju
ries to the religion of his associates, has
done them with this aggravation, that they
are' injuries to the individuals, to whom, of
all others, he was most bound to have given
a salutary or affectionate counsel.
M. Servan expresses himself with severi
ty, against the publication of confidential
letters ; and, if Lord Hailes's idea of his
own correspondence was correct, had per
sonal reasons for the keenness of his argu
ment. But so far he was certainly right. There
must unquestionably Jbe limits to the publi
cation of confidential correspondence, even
after the longest interval. The private ca
lumnies of malignity, and the temporary
extravagance of domestic passions, in which
individuals alone are concerned, and which
have ha,d n° public or permanent conse
quences, ought certainly to be consigned to
oblivion. The officious publication of a
correspondence, which would lay these open
a a

370 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
to the world, or transmit them to posterity*
though it should be delayed to a distant pe
riod, is not only unjust to the memory of
the individuals, but, both from its effect on
their descendants, and from its tendency as
an example, will* at all times, have a mis
chievous influence, on the character and
conduct of private life.
On the other hand, it is equally clear,
that the doctrine laid down by Lord Hailes
is indisputably true ; that we should know
nothing correctly of the transactions of past
times, if we could have no access to the
correspondence, which lays open the mo
tives, or details the management, of those,
who were either chiefly or subordinately
concerned in them. The springs and con
duct of almost every thing which can be in
teresting to posterity, have been originally,
in a great measure, confidential. Even the
correspondence of individuals in private
life, has such an intimate relation to the e-
vents of their time, that, unless it were com
municated at last, it would be impossible
to carry on the history of the world, or to

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. S7I
give it that minuteness or interest, without
which it would be of no value.
On this subject, his Lordship's opinion
is unquestionably correct. Individuals,
who have no cause to reproach themselves
for what they have written, can have no
right to complain, that their correspondence
is preserved, or may be given to the public,
after they shall be in their graves.
But there is certainly one important les
son, which others should receive from this
consideration. Nothing ought to be writ
ten, in the most confidential correspond
ence, of which their posterity can have rea
son to be ashamed ; or which, in the opi
nion of the world, can bring a discredit on
their memory.
It is not easy for men, who are deeply
engaged in the business of active life, to be
always on their guard, when they write to
their personal friends or associates ; and it
is obvious, that an excess of caution would
destroy, both the freedom and ihe comfort,
of confidential intercourse. But the caution
of a good man is only employed to keep

37^ life of John erskine, d. d.
him on his guard, against that which should
not have been written ;s and will neither les
sen the freedom of communications which
ought to be made, nor the confidence and
openness which he owes lo his friends.
Lord Hailes's general remarks on the
Consolatory Letters, in the conclusion of the
preceding letter, and on what Dr Erskine
had written him relating to them, is, in sub
stance, correct. There does not seem to
be any good reason, for carrying our in
quiries with regard to our condition in the
world to come, beyond the point, at which
his Lordship chose that his should termi
nate. He does not appear to have much mis
apprehended Mr Gillespie's meaning ; and
some weight there certainly is, in his Obser
vations on Mr Randall's letter.
It is, perhaps, more than we are com
pletely warranted to say, that we cannot
discover, from reason, why men should re
joice in the birth of their children ; or that,
independent of revelation, there is no na
tural and legitimate cause, for the satistac-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 373
tion which such events have, in all ages,
produced among the human race.
On this point, Lord Hailes's remark ap
pears to be just. Bui it should be observ
ed, that, when Mr Randall comes to apply
the faith of Christianity to the death of in
fants, he speaks to the heart of every good
man ; and expresses himself with a vigour,
and a comprehension of his subject, worthy
of a man of genius, such as he certainly was.
The reasons which he ventured to assign,
for the introduction of so many human
beings into life, who are deprived of it be
fore they can know good or evil, are un
doubtedly, as Lord Hailes remarks, beyond
our sphere of knowledge. But they are, at
least, the speculations of no common mind ;
though his Lordship should be admitted to
be right in his observation, that such spe
culations do not make " the secret things of
" God " plainer, than they are without them.
At the same time that he made these re
marks, he estimated justly the superior ta*
lents of Mr Randall, which he had certainly
many opportunities of observing, when he

374 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
described him as " peculiarly happy in his
" quiver ;" though he thought, that, on the
occasion referred to, he had not expressed
himself with his usual caution.
There is still one letter more to be insert
ed, on the subject of Dr Erskine's/' Sketches
" of Ecclesiastical History." It is from Dr
Hurd, the Bishop of Worcester, to whom
the author had sent a copy of his first vo
lume. It is dated at " Hartlebury, No-
" vember 13, 1790."
" Reverend Sir, — I have at length re-
" ceived, from my house in London, both
" your books, and return you many thanks
" for them.
" The Sketches and Hints are curious and
" useful. As to those in which we are more
" immediately concerned- — I mean on the
" Subject of Establishments, and the spread-
" ing Influence of Infidelity and Atheism —
" I think your sentiments very wise and
" just. The source of our present evils is
" the pride of reason ; and while that turn
" of mind remains unchecked by a reve-
12

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 375
" rence for divine revelation, Socinianism
" and unbelief naturally flow from it. Es-
" tablishments, though with toleration, are
" accounted shackles to our impatient re-
" formers ; and scriptural truths absurdi-
" ties, in the eye of those who acknowledge
" no teacher, but their own understancj-
46 ings. " Till it please God to infuse a spirit of
" modesty into our reasoners on churches
" and creeds, we may lament, but shall
" hardly remove, the licentiousness we so
" justly complain of. And if such a work,
" as that of Bishop Butlers Analogy, do not
" bring back men to their senses, I know of
" no other human means likely to do it.
" However, it becomes good and wise
" men to protest, as you do, against pre-
" vailing mischiefs, and then to leave the
" rest lo that overruling Providence, who
" knows how, in his own time, to bring good
" out of evil.
" Once more, Sir, let me thank you for
" your very acceptable present ; and do
" me the justice to believe me, wilh great

376 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
" truth and regard, your affectionate bro-
" ther, and obliged humble servant,
" R. Worcester."
There is not much in this letter on which
any remark is necessary.
It appears that pr Erskine had sent
ftie Bishop another book, along with the
" Sketches." But there is no allusion to
tile subject of it.
His Lordship's remarks seem chiefly to
apply to the first number in the " Sketches,"
which contains extracts from Dr Bonnet's
Treatise on Ecclesiastical Toleration ; in
which he discussed, against Mr Goodricke,
the subject of creeds and confessions; and to
the ihird number, which contains extracts
from " the letters of certain Jews, on the
V present state of the Christian religion."
The Bishop does not enter deeply, into
either of these subjects. He considers the
prideof human reason, and an irreverence for
divine revelation, as lying at the source ot
the clamour excited against creeds and con
fessions — of the loud complaints daily cir-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 877
culated against the shackles of religious esta
blishments — and of the progress of Socini-
anism and infidelity. And he represents
such books as " Bishop Butler's Analogy,"
as, under God, the best human means to
furnish an antidote to the evils, which he
heartily joins Dr Erskine in deploring.
He writes like a man of piety and since
rity ; who, though he thought it unneces
sary to enter into a discussion of these sub
jects with his correspondent, devoutly re
lied on the overruling providence of God,
who best knows when, and how, to bring
good out Of evil.
Dr Hurd was undoubtedly highly re
spectable, both as a man of talents and
literature, and as a Christian Bishop, who
had the best intentions.
He appears to least advantage in his cor
respondence with Warburton, to whom he dis
covers a perpetual subserviency, and some
times, perhaps, a degree of servility; though,
when he published their correspondence, he
does notseem to have been aware, thathewas
conveying this idea of himself to posterity.

378 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.

CHAP. IX.
Dr Erskine publishes Sermons.— His conduct
in the Ecclesiastical Courts,- — His Death
and Character.
There are several minor publications,
besides those which have been mentioned,
in which Dr Erskine was concerned— Pre
faces to books or pamphlets, which he edit
ed, — or additions of his own to the labours
of ofhers,-^-or small publications of local
or temporary interest.
It is unnecessary to specify these mi
nutely ; but a complete list of all that he
either wrote or edited, will be found at the
end of the Appendix. *
His two volumes of sermons, the first
published in two editions during his life,
and the last after his death, ought to be
mentioned by themselves.
In the present state of the British press,
there is so much attention paid to language
* Appendix, No. III.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 379
and composition, that the substance of the
best productions is apt to be neglected, if
they want the minute correctness, or the
ornaments, which the fastidious taste of the
public requires. Dr Erskine says, in his
first publication, that he had not made the
study of the English language an object of
particular attention. And, it must be evi
dent to those who consult his writings, that,
to the end of his life, he satisfied himself,
when he expressed his meaning with per
spicuity, in the first words which occurred
to him, without much solicitude about the
niceties of language.
He brings out his ideas with equal clear
ness and simplicity* in the language which
naturally presents itself, and does not seem to
havelooked back with a fastidious solicitude,
to curtail or polish what he has written.
But if the simplicity of his style excludes
the ornaments of an artificial structure, it
is always clear, and never intricate. If his
sentences are not anxiously or exactly mea
sured, they are uniformly forcible, and ne-
yer slovenly. He expresses himself always,

380 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
in the language of an acute and vigorous
understanding* : which never misses the
point which it professes to have in view ;
and which is seldom indeed deficient, ei
ther in the perspicuity of its argument, or
in the variety of its illustrations.
Considering his sermons in this light, they
will bear the most attentive examination.
They are not in the newest, or the most fa
shionable garb. But they contain a vigour
of thought, an extent of information, and a
force of argument, which are not the pro
ductions of a common mind.
His general doctrine is Calvinistical. But
it is not the vulgar Calvinism, which ex
hausts itself on intricate and mysterious
dogmas ; which more frequently addresses
the imaginations, than the understandings
of the people ; and which it is easy to sepa
rate, both from the business and the duties
of human life.
He lays down the doctrines of Christiani
ty without reserve, according to his con
ception of them ; and loses no opportunity,
either to trace them to their source, or to

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. S81
illustrate their relation to each other. But
practical religion is uniformly his leading
and principal object. Sound morality, in
all its varied forms and aspects, founded
on Christian principles, and enforced by
Christian motives, occupies far the great
est part of his two volumes.
He searches the human heart, and enters
into the business of human life, with the
penetration of one who was qualified to
analyze, and who had well considered both.
It will seldom be found, that he fails, either
to reach the understanding which he la
bours to convince, or to urge the most
powerful considerations on the conscience
which he is anxious to rouse.
His readers will not find in his sermons,
either the splendour of imagery, or the elo
quence of passion. But he will uniformly
find plain good sense, and sound argument,
enforcing Christian morality, from an ex
tensive and enlightened acquaintance, both
with scriptural doctrine, and with the con
duct of human life.
These observations are designed to give

382 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
a general idea of the spirit and character of
Dr Erskine's sermons. But there is no in
tention to affirm, that they are all equally
applicable to every discourse in his two
volumes. Like every other author, he is, at dif
ferent times, more and less successful.
But they who are competent to form a
dispassionate estimate of the substance of
both volumes, will perhaps be disposed to
think, ratherthattoo little, than that too much,
has heen said of them ; and that, from the
specimens which are there preserved, it
may well be questioned, whether the city
of Edinburgh has, at any period, possessed
an abler, a more faithful, a more enlight
ened, or a more practical preacher.
The sermons of Blair, and Walker, and
Drysdale, and Logan, are justly celebrated
for their elegance, as well as for their practi
cal effect ; and the church to which they
belonged need not blush to produce them,
wherever the merit of sermons can be esti
mated. But none of these celebrated writ
ers would have felt that his labours were

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 383
degraded, by a comparison wilh the theo
logical morality, the acute discrimination,
or the practical effect of Dr Erskine's dis
courses. *

* His sermon, occasioned by the death of Dr Robertson, is
most particularly distinguished by Mr Stewart, in his life of
that celebrated historian ; and the reader will be gratified by
the perusal of the following paragraph taken from his narra
tive. To understand the allusions contained in it, it is neces
sary to mention, that in the two parties which are supposed to
divide the members of the Scottish Church, Dr Robertson and
Dr Erskine were always set down as acting on different sides.
And alluding to this circumstance, in relating Dr Robert
son's retreat from the public business of the Assembly, his
biographer has expressed himself in the following marked
and eloquent terms, on the sermon, preached immediately
after his funeral, by his venerable colleague.
" Dr Robertson's retreat," he says, " was deeply regretted
" and sincerely felt by his friends ; nor was it less lamented by
" many individuals of the opposite party in the church, who,
" while they resisted his principles of ecclesiastical policy,
" loved his candour, and respected his integrity. Among these,
" there is one, whose liberal and affectionate zeal in embalm-
" ing the memory of a political antagonist, recalls to our re-
" collection, amidst the unrelenting rancour which disgraces
" the factions of modern times, the memorable tribute which
" Metellus paid to the virtues of Scipio, on the day of his fune-
"ral: Ite filii, celebrate exequias ; nunquam civis majoris
"funus videbitis. I need scarcely, after what I have hinted,
«' mention the name of Dr Erskine ; of whose sermon on the
" death of his colleague, it is difficult tp say, whether it re-

384 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
It is necessary to mention Dr Erskine's
conduct in the Ecclesiastical Courts, and
in public business in other departments,
though this is a subjecl which neither re
quires nor admits of much enlargement or
detail. The subordination of the church courts,
and the business transacted in them, will be
seen in the Appendix. From their inti
mate connection with pastoral duty and
usefulness, Dr Erskine, as might be natu
rally supposed, was equally conscientious
in his attendance on them, and in the du
ties which they imposed on him.
He was seldom absent, while he was in
health, from a presbytery or synod, and ne
ver from a General Assembly, of which he
was a member. He continued, indeed, to
give very regular attendance, even after he
" fleets greater honour on the character of the writer, or of
" him whom it commemorates. The author will, I hope,
" pardon me for transcribing one passage, which is intimately
<' connected with this part of my subject, and which combines
" with a testimony of inestimable value to Dr Robertson's
" fame, some important information, which I could not supply
.' from any source of equal authority." To this paragraph Mr
Stewart subjoins a long extract from the sermon. Stewart's
Life of Dr Robertson, p. 187, 188.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 385
was far advanced in his decline. He en
tered into public business, with the keen
ness natural to his character, and with a
visible solicitude applied to almost every
case, which was evidently the effect of his
sense of duty.
He might not always, perhaps, measure,
with perfect correctness, the degree of atten
tion which he gave to particular cases, and
might attach to some questions more import
ance, than was intrinsically due to them.
But in this, as in every other instance,
he aspired, not to reputation, but to use
fulness ; and wherever he thought he saw
the means of being useful, though in the
least degree, it was not easy to divert him
from the point which he had laboured to
attain, even when his friends thought it of
less importance than he supposed it.
On subjects of more general or acknow
ledged importance, though his public speak
ing had some disadvantages of manner,
there were few individuals whose argument
was closer or more forcible ; who had a
quicker discernment of the precise points
b b

886 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. JD.t

k

on which a question depended ; or who was
more uniformly successful in stating them
clearly ; whose legal and constitutional
knowledge was lhore exact ; or whose re?
search or authorities supplied them with
more incontrovertible statements.
In the great controversy, in 1789, on the
scrutiny in the election of the Clerk of As
sembly, which turned entirely on points of
law, and precedent, and which was pro
longed for eight days together, no indi
vidual distinguished himself more, or was
more successful in his research, or in his
argument. Though he was then at the age
of sixly-eight, he entered into the debates of
that bustling Assembly, (which sometimes
lasted till after three o'clock in the morn
ing, though the hour Of meeting was ten in
the forenoon) with all the keenness and
self-possession, of the youngest and most
ardent of his brethren. Nor was there a
single individual, who discovered a more
minute and accurate acquaintance, either
with the precedents or wilh the ecclesiasti-

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 387
cal laws, in which the points at issue were
involved* At a much earlier period, (in 176?,) he
distinguished himself with equal ability, in
arguing the validity of a presentation to the
parish of St Ninian's in Stirlingshire; in
opposition, not only to the greatest part of
the friends with whom lie commonly acted,
but to some of the most eminent lawyers
who were then in the Assembly.
The decision in that case, to which his
argument in a considerable degree contri-
* This case has been mentioned, merely because it exhibit.
ed a striking example of Dr Erskine's capacity in public de
bate. The competition fpr the Clerkship referred to, was very keen
ly prosecuted on both sides. Mr Andrew Dalzel, the celebrat
ed Professor of Greek in the University of Edinburgh, was the
successful candidate for whom Dr Erskine exerted himself,
who for many years did honour to the chair, in which the
Assembly placed him — whose eminent talents in his own pro
fession entitled him to every distinction within his reach — and
whose private worth and affectionate character will never be
forgotten by his friends who have survived him.
He succeeded his father-in-law, Dr Drysdale, as Clerk of the
Assembly ; who was not more distinguished by his capacity
for public business, which gave him the confidence of his
friends, -than by; his open and conciliating manners, which so
often disarmed the hostility of his opponents.

388 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
buted, set at rest a question, which had not
before been settled, relating to the term at
which a vacancy in a parochial charge, oc
casioned by the translation of a minister
from one benefice to another, commences,
and from which the six months allowed to
the patron for presenting, are to be com
puted. There had been contrary decisions
given by the Assembly on this subject,
which had been a source of very conside
rable embarrassment and confusion.
The point has, ever since, been held as so
completely decided, that the present mem
bers of the Church are scarcely aware, that
it was ever made a subject of doubt.
It was not on every occasion, that Dr
Erskine exerted himself in the same man
ner, in the Ecclesiastical Courts. But these
examples afford a sufficient specimen of
the acuteness and industry, which he could
bring to the management of public busir
ness, when he thought such an exertion
was required of him. ' And the last case
serves to demonstrate, that no party feeling
prevented him from following the judgment

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 389
of his own mind, even when it was most at
variance with the views of those, with whom,
on other occasions, he agreed.
On the leading questions, by which the
church parties are understood to be divided,
relating to the induction of the parochia I cler
gy, DrErskinecoincided with those who con
tended for the necessity of a call from heritors
and elders, to constitute the pastoral relation,
between a presentee to a henefice, and the
people of the parish to which he is present
ed : In opposition to those, who asserted
the right of a presentee to be admitted to
the benefice, if he is chargeable with no
literary or moral disqualification, whether
he has, or has not, the concurrence of heri
tors or elders.
He lived to see many modifications in
troduced on this subject, in the doctrines,
both of his friends, and of his opponents.
But his general opinions remained un
changed ; and whether they were well or ill
founded, he thought he saw strong reasons
to confirm them, in the effects produced on
the state of the country, which he imagined

S90 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.».
to have been the result of the opposite
system;* It is scarcely necessary to add, that, in
the public institutions of Edinburgh* where-
ever he thought he could be useful* he' was
at all times a steady and active associate.
He was ready lo give both his labour and
his time; and uniformly exerted himself
to promote, what he Considered as the es
sential interests of the institutions. Though*
like other men, he might sometimes mis
take the measures which he recommended
or supported, he was universally understood
to be guided by the purest motives, and ne
ver, on any occasion, to be swayed by pri
vate or personal considerations.
The mistakes of such a man (and from
such mistakes as could be imputed to him,
no individual is exempted) have no effects
in public life, compared with the influence
of his zeal and purity, in every practica
ble good work, within his sphere of acti
vity.
* For the doctrine on both sides of this question, see Ap
pendix, No. I.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 391
It was always astonishing to those, who
were acquainted with his professional la
bours, and with his habits of study, that
he was able to devote so large a portion
of his time, as he did, to the management
of public institutions. But his sense of
duty, joined to the natural activity of his
mind, enabled him to surmount every diffi
culty; and though he had a very slender
constitution of body, he preserved both his
health and his activity, to a very late period
of life.
His health had certainly begun to give
way, even before the death of his venerable
colleague Dr Robertson ; and he alluded to
this fact, in his sermon on that occasion.
After that time, he was obliged to relinquish
many of the active pursuits, in which he
had, till then, most zealously distinguished
himself. He continued, however, to officiate,
almost regularly, in his church, for four
or five years longer ; and even later, as fre
quently as the visible progress of his decline
would permit. The last sermon which he

392 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
delivered in public, was preached only a
few months before his death. *uiu<
But the life of this valuable man was now
approaching to its close. His uniform re
gularity and temperance had hitherto pro
tected him, from the most common diseases
incident to the human frame. He had en
joyed good health, with few interruptions,
during seventy years. After that time, his
decline was slowly but sensibly advancing.
The rheumatic affections, under which he
suffered so much at last, from pain and
debility, were less the symptoms of any
regular or formed disease, than of exhausted
organs, which could no longer perform their
usual functions.
His intellectual faculties Were, to the last
hours of his life, in their full vigour. Even
when pain* and weakness had rendered it
difficult for him, to move from his chair with
out assistance, he was both eager and assi
duous still, in his literary pursuits. When
* His sermon on Infant Baptism, published in the second vo
lume of his printed Discourses.

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 393
he had scarcely the power of changing his
position, he continued to read and write,
with his usual ardour. He was even specu-
culating, within a few weeks of his death,
on a new publication, and on an important
subject, which he had never before discus
sed. When a friend was urging him to ar
range his sermons for publication, he evad
ed his solicitations, by telling him, that he
had something material to write on the evi
dence of Christianity, which (he thought)
had not before been said, and which ap
peared to him, to be of more importance
than his sermons. He did not mention any
circumstance, which could have pointed out
the idea which was in his mind. It was im
possible to urge him on such a subject ; and
whatever his idea was, it is now lost for ever.
But his faculties were so entire, and such
was his literary perseverance to the end,
that on the very night before he died, and
within a few hours of his decease, he was
eagerly employed in reading a new Dutch
book, of which the leaves had been till then

394) LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
uncut. His family observed the first symp
tom of his immediate dissolution, when he
complained that evening, thai he did not see
to read distinctly, and with some impatience
asked for more candles. He had never used
spectacles ; and, till that moment, his sight
had never failed.
This latest effort in his studies, is the last
incident to be related, of his ardent and
honourable life.
He went to bed about eleven o'clock ;
and by two o'clock in the morning, his bodi
ly organs were at rest for ever, and his pure
and active spirit was with God.
He died on the 19th day of January 1803,
in the eighty-second year of his age.
He had a numerous family, of nine sons
and five daughters. Of these, only his young
est son David, who inherits his estate of
Carnock,- and three daughters, survived him.
His eldest son, John, was a distinguished
officer on the Bengal establishment, and
many years before his father's death, was
killed in action, at the head of his company.
Two of his younger sons also died in India ;

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINB, D. D. S$5
and another died in Madeira, where he had
gone for the recovery of his health. He had
four sons besides, and one daughter, who
died in their infancy.
His eldest daughter, Mary, married Dr
Charles Stuart of Dunearn, by whom she
became the mother of ten children, of whom
five have survived her. She died a few
months ago.
His second daughter, Margaret, died very
suddenly, a few years before himself, to the
inexpressible grief of his whole family. *
His two remaining daughters, Ann and
Christian, are still alive and unmarried.
Mrs Erskine survived her husband ; and
Providence gave his family the advantage
and consolation of her society, for five years
after his death.
* The deep impression which this event made on her father,
he has himself recorded, in his Supplement to Dr Gillies's His.
torical Collections, published in '179^> where he describes her,
as " his affectionate, daughter., and for many years his agree-
" able companion — whom, from his knowledge of her cultivat-
'' ed understanding and delicate taste, he was accustomed to
*' consult as his wke and faithful, though modest and reluctant,
" counsellor,". — p, precious and interesting memorial from the
pen of such a father!— Supplement to Historical Collections,
p»S9.

396 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
The character of Dr Erskine, as a man
and as a minister, as a son, as a father, and
as a friend, as a man of letters, and as an
author, is so distinctly marked in the differ
ent parts of the preceding narrative, that it
is scarcely possible to place it in a more
striking light, by any general estimate or
description. Two sermons were preached in the Old
Grey Friars Church, on the Sunday imme
diately after his death, the one by Dr Da
vidson, one of the ministers of Edinburgh,
who had long lived in the most intimate
habits with him, and to whom he bequeath
ed the property of all his papers and manu
scripts ; and the other by Dr Inglis, bis re
spectable colleague, who had officiated along
with him in the same church, during the last
years. of his life.
The character, given of him in each of
these sermons, was published at that time,
and a few extracts from both will be found
in the Appendix. *
What such men have done so well, ought
* Appendix, No. IL

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 3&f
perhaps to supersede any addition which
can be made to it in this narrative.
It must be evident to every one, who at
tends lo the leading facts in the preceding
pages, that the habits of personal religion,
and a constant solicitude to promote the in
terests of Christianity, as far as his influence
or his opportunities extended, form the lead
ing features in the history of Dr Erskine's
life. He had originally selected his profession
as a minister of the gospel, from this single
consideration, that he connected with it the
most extensive sphere of usefulness to the
Church of Christ, and to mankind, which
could be given to him ; or to which he con
ceived his peculiar talents to be adapted.
There is as little reason to doubt, that he
formed a sound judgment of his own
character, as that he steadily followed out
" the principle which at first determined him.
During the whole course of his ministry,
he seemed to make every part of his con
duct — of his personal habits — of his time
r-of his public activity— and of his literary

398 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D.
pursuits, to bear directly and constantly,
on his public or professional usefulness, in
the service of the gospel, as the great ob
ject of his life. :
His indefatigable, industry in preaching j
in- his pastoral duties, among the ignorant
and the sick; in the acquisition, or the ap*
plication of ancient or modern languages ;
in his literary researches, or in his familiar
correspondence ; in the business of Ecclesi
astical Courts, or of public institutions—
was, in all its various forms and aspects,
the perpetual instrument of his zeal and
sincerity, in the service of practical Christi
anity. In the private exercise of his pastoral
functions, he was as indefatigable among the
lowest of the ^people entrusted to him, and
in the minutest services which he could ren
der them, as in the most conspicuous efforts
of his literature and talents. No matter what
iheir situations were, or what the service
was, which ,they required of him, if he only
saw that he had the means of being useful
to them, (to instruct, to admonish, or to
12

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. BQ§
console them,) he spared neither his labour
nor his time, during any period of his ac
tive life.
The preceding narrative has demonstrat
ed, that his usefulness, and especially his use
fulness in the immediate service of religion*
was the leading object of whatever he wrote
for the press. His political pamphlets on
the American conlroversy, though, at first
view, they seem lo have had a different ob
ject, were all directed to the same end, and
dictated by the same principle. He had
always been sanguine in his expectations,
from the progress of religion in North
America ; and, as has been related, took a
deep and an affectionate interest in indivi
duals and in families, with whom he had
been long accustomed to connect its pro
sperity. When he wrote to deprecate the
commencement of the war, or afterwards to
plead for terms of conciliation, which, in his
apprehension, would have preserved the
colonies to the mother country, he believed
that he was arguing for the cause of religion,
of so much importance to both countries, as

400 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
much as he pleaded the cause of political
expediency. Even when he employed his time on
small publications, which his friends im
agined might have been more extensively
useful, if it had been occupied on larger
works, he was governed by the same great
principle which influenced him in every
thing besides. The small service which he
could perform, and which others might
neglect; which cbuld be conveyed directly
to the cottage of the poor, to the chamber
of the afflicted, or to the bed of the dying ;
seemed always to him a more urgent duty,
than the most profound speculations of
theological research, which would have con
tributed more to the stock of human know
ledge, and much more to his own literary
character. If we regret the want of what he might
have added to the learning and theology
of his time, we cannot but applaud the
spirit which preferred what, though a
humbler, he regarded as a more immediate,

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 401
and a more useful service lo the church of
Christ. Hehad from nature a considerable portion
of the same keenness of temper, which was
remarked in his grandfather ; which, when
it is not under the perpetual control of
habit and principle, is so apt to embitter the
competitions, and to diminish the comforts
of human society. In hin^ it was so much
under his self-command, that it served only
in public life, to add to the fertility of his
resources, and to the activity of his mind.
Eager to do his duty in its full extent, he
lost sight of nothing which he imagined
would be subservient to it ; and was not
to be diverted from his purpose, either by
opposition or by difficulties, as lortg as he
considered the object which he aimed at, to
be either worthy of his exertions, or attain
able by his activity.
On the other hand, if at any time he had
expressed himself in public debate, with
the least degree of warmth, beyond what
his subject seemed to have required, he
was always the first to perceive and ac-
c c

402 LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
knowledge it ; and was often forward to
moderate or retract what, on reflection* ap
peared to himself, to have been either a
keen, or an uncautious, expression, though
it had neither been observed by his friends
nor his opponents. He was never satisfied to
leave anything unexplained, which seemed,
at the moment, to be either capable of
being misinterpreted, or of giving the
slightest degree of umbrage to any indivi
dual. The same observations apply to his in
tercourse in private life.
He could certainly be warm when the
occasion required it, and more frequently
was so perhaps, in the defence of those
whom he regarded with the partiality of a
friend, than in any other circumstances.
But his utmost keenness was always under
the' control of his general habits,* equally
removed from the passions and asperities
of the world. . . .
His conversation, both in his own family,
* See Note BR,
10 L

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D.D. 403
and in more general society, was in the
highest degree interesting and delightful.
There was a perpetual mildness and benig
nity in his aspect — a cheerfulness and kind
ness in his voice and manner — an extent
of information, and a variety of entertain
ment in his conversation ; which was often
enriched by an animation and pleasantry,
in which the youngest of his associates
could seldom surpass him. It could be
truly said of him, in the language of the
apostle, that " his speech was always with
" grace, seasoned with salt."
The steadiness of his private attachments
ought not to be forgotten. They were not
rashly formed ; and they were always built
on his persuasion of the moral and religious
worth of theindividuals. But he wasimmove-
able in adhering to them ; and neither dis
tance of place, nor of time, had any effect
to lessen their hold of him. The confidence
which he had given to the fathers, frequent
ly descended to the children; and the
estimable qualities on which his attach
ments had been originally formed, were

40£ Ll.FE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D.
often brought forward, with every expres
sion of interest and tenderness.
His domestic life, divided between his fa
mily duties and his private studies, was uni
formly distinguished by. the visible order and
tranquillity, and by the cheerful and affec
tionate manners, on which all domestic
happiness depends ; by the intimate union
and affection of his domestic society ; by
the good sense and sound discretion, which
everywhere appeared in his domestic ar
rangements ; and, above all, by the charm
of " simplicity and godly sincerity," which
the visible habits of the most unostentatious
piety gave to every circumstance, in the in
tercourse of his family.
The Life of Doctor, Erskine, from
his birth to his grave ; as he was seen, in
his early, and in his latest years — in the
vigour of his faculties, and in his last de
cline — in his pastoral functions, and in his
literary researches — in his active pursuits,
and in his private intercourse — in the friend
ships of his youth, and of his age — and in
every view of his domestic habits ; entitles

LIFE OF JOHN ERSKINE, D. D. 405
his name to be transmitted to posterity,
with the most estimable and venerable
characters of his time ; and with a distinc
tion, to which no external rank or honour
could have added anything.
Hinc tua me virtus rapit, et miranda per omnes
Vita modos ; quod, si deesset tibi forte creato
Nobilitas, eadem pro nobilitate fuisset.
Lucan.

APPENDIX.

No. I.
In adverting to the leading events in Dr Erskine's life,
there is one subject, which has been left untouched, of
which the author wishes to give some idea, for the sake
of those, who have not much acquaintance with the con
stitution or history of the Scottish Church.
Every minister of the Established Church has his in
dividual share, in the ecclesiastical government of Scot
land ; and, as has been related, Dr Erskine was, at no
period of his life, either an inactive or an inefficient mem
ber, of the Church Courts. But, to convey any general
view of this department of his public duty, it is necessary
to give an outline of the ecclesiastical constitution of
Scotland, and a slight sketch of some of the more recent
periods of its Church history.
By the " Act for securing the Protestant Religion and
Presbyterian Church Government," which is incorpo
rated with the Treaty of Union, and declared to be a
fundamental article and condition thereof, it is "provided
and declared, that the true Protestant religion, contain
ed in the Confession of Faith, with the form and purity
of worship then in use within the Church of Scotland,
and its presbyterian church government and discipline,
that is to say, the government of the church, by kirk-
sesslons, presbyteries, provincial synods, and general as
semblies, all established by the acts of parliament before
referred to, pursuant to the Claim of Right, shall remain
and continue unalterable .- ahd that the said Presbyterian
government shall be the only government of the church

408 APPENDIX.
•within the kingdom qf Scotland." * Under this constitu
tion, every parish has a kirk-session, consisting of the
parish minister or ministers, and of so many elders,, se
lected from the most respectable inhabitants of the parish,
who are solemnly ordained to their office in presence of
the congregation, according to established laws. The
number of elders is not limited. If cannot be less than
two to constitute a kirk-session, in the smallest parishes ;
and should, in general, be proportioned to the extent and
population of each parish. When vacancies occur in the
eldership, they are supplied by other respectable indivi
duals, elected by the minister and elders who survive.
If, when a vacancy occurs, the kirk-session does not
then consist of three to make a quorum, the presbytery
of the district has the power to appoint two or more of
their owri number, to be associated with the minister or
ministers of the parish, in filling up the vacancies, so, as
to restore the kirk- session to its legal functions.
To the kirk-session is entrusted the ordinary manage
ment of the parochial poor, the application of the week
ly collection^ made at the church for their benefit, and
of any voluntary donations which, they receive in aid pf
the weekly collections. "When these funds are jiot suf-r
ficient to provide for the poor, a joint meeting of the
heritors and kirk-session, is empowered, and required, by
act pf Parliament, to assess the parish, in order to make
up the deficiency ; the one half of the assessment being
raised from the landlords, and the other from the ten
ants. It should be mentioned, at. the same time, that the
kirk-session is entitled to retain in their ovv11 hands., the
one -half of the collections maple at the church, to defray
tpe expence of the clerks and officers of the inferior ec
clesiastical courts, and. to meet the demands fpr occa
sional charities, not. included in the ordinary manage-
"'* Some attempts haye lately, been made tp hold, out tp the public
what is called " An Episcopal Church of Scotland. ' Whatever in
dulgence may be due to Episcopal £>isscniers, (and the Established
Church has given sufficient countenance t<J the indulgence they have
received,) it is not to be forgotten, that such, a, designation, is an ¦un
warrantable and illegal assumption, directly opposed, tov th& fundo*-
mental laws qf the land, and to the unalterable conditions, of the
Treaty of Union.

APPENDIX. 409
ment of the poor. It is not immaterial to mention these
particulars, either as they bring to view a considerable
department of parochial labour, or as they contain the
substance of the Scottish laws relating to the poor. And
it deserves to be added, that, though the latest of those
laws is as old as the time of William and Mary, there
was scarcely any regular assessment for the poor, which
was continued for any length of time, in any parish of
Scotland, before the year 1755. As long, as there was
no secession of Presbyterians from the Established
Church, the weekly collections, under the management
of the kirk-sessions, were in general found sufficient for
the maintenance of the poor. In some years of peculiar
hardship or scarcity, such as the four last years of the
seventeenth century, or the year 1740, voluntary assist
ance was no doubt given, and in some instances tempo
rary assessments were resorted to, to enable the kirk-
sessions to meet such unusual emergencies. But on all
ordinary occasions, the resources of the kirk-sessions
were considered as sufficient ; and continued to be so,
at least as late as 1755.
Besides the case of the poor, the kirk-sessioh has a ge
neral inspection of the morals of the parishioners, and a
right to administer the discipline of the Church, accord
ing to established laws. To the effect of ecclesiastical
censures, it has the power to institute processes, to cite
parties and witnesses, to examine witnesses on oath, and
to pronounce sentences, and inflict censures, according
tp the evidence adduced. But both its citations and its
sentences depend on ecclesiastical authority alone, and
seldom either receive or require any assistance from the
civil power.
The proceedings of a kirk-session are matter of re
cord ; and the record is regularly kepti so as to be pre
served or extracted for the benefit of the parties, or for
the information or the inspection of the Courts of Re
view. Every proceeding\or sentence pf a kirk- session is
subject- to the review ot the presbytery of the district;
and can be brought there, either by a reference made
by the kirk-session, itself, by a complaint at the instance
of any member of the court who may be dissatisfied, or
by an appeal from the parties who may think themselves

410 APPENDIX.
aggrieved. If any striking irregularity, or any real in
jury can be substantiated, the control of the presbytery;
is always sufficient to correct or redress it. But theusual
management of the kirk-sessjpns is favourable to all the
best interests of the parishioners ; and comparatively few
instances occur, in which it becomes a just subject either
of complaint or remonstrance.
The presbytery is the court immediately above the
kirk-session. . A presbytery consists of the -ministers of
so many contiguous parishes, who are ex officio mem
bers, and of an elder from each kirk- session within the
district, who, by the present usage, is elected at the end
of every six months. The presbytery, besides being a
Court of Review, to affirm, reverse, or alter the sen
tences of kirk-sessions, when regularly brought before it,
or to direct or advise them with regard to any part of
their proceedings, has a radical jurisdiction of its own,
both ecclesiastical and civil. It has the immediate su
perintendence of the private conduct, as well as of the
professional labours, of theclergy of the district, who are
not amenable to the kirk-sessions. It has the power to
admonish, to censure, and even to deprive them, accord
ing to the established laws, and upon evidence regularly
taken. The induction of presentees ta benefices belongs
exclusively to presbyteries. All presentations to bene
fices must be directed to the presbyteries, in whom the
original right is vested, to take trial of the qualifications
of presentees,* to give them induction if they are found
qualified ; and, if they want the necessary qualifications,
to reject them. Besides this security against the intro
duction of unqualified men, no individual can be pre
sented to a benefice till he has, in the first instance, been
licensed to preach by a presbytery, after due trial of his
qualifications. At the same time, the trial prescribed for
a license does not supersede the second trial of qualifica
tions required, when the same individual is presented to
a benefice. The trial and induction of schoolmasters f
is, in like manner, entrusted to the presbyteries ; and
there are many other subjects which fall under their cog
nizance, which it is not necessary to specify particularly.
* See Note CC. j- See Note DD.

APPENDIX. 4U
In-general,- their jurisdiction extends to every thing in
which the edification or the morals of the people, the
conduct of their paroehial instructors, or the discipline
of the church, is concerned. The sentences and proceed
ings of the presbytery, which, like the kifk-session, is
always a court of record, are subject to the review of the
immediately superior court, the synod, before which they
can be brought (as those of the kirk-session before the
presbytery) by reference, complaint, or appeal j and
there they may be affirmed, reversed, or altered. The
presbytery has besides a civil jurisdiction, in questions
which relate to ecclesiastical benefices, to the designa
tion or exchange of parochial glebes, to the building or
repairing of churches or manses, * (parsonage-houses,)
and in a few other cases. But in all such civil questions,
an appeal is competent from their decisions, in the form
of a suspension or advocation, not to the Superior Ec
clesiastical Courts, but to the Court of Session. The
forms of proceeding in the presbytery are prescribed by
statute, or are ascertained by use and precedent.
The synod is the court of .review immediately above
the presbytery, and consists of all the ministers and el
ders who stand on the roll, as constituent members, of so
many contiguous presbyteries, which are placed under
its provincial jurisdiction. Its meetings are generally
held twice, though in some remote districts only once, in
every year.
Every ecclesiastical question, which has been under the
consideration of a presbytery, within the provincial dis
trict, may be competently brought under the review of
the synod, in the manner already explained, with regard
to the review of the sentences of kirk-sessions by the
presbyteries. The synod has, besides, an original jurisdiction, as
well on subjects of general interest, as with regard to the
conduct of its own members, and can both give authori
tative directions to the presbyteries, and originate pro
positions to the General Assembly, on any subject which
seems to require its influence or authority. On the other
hand, every 'judgment of a synod, as an inferior court,

* See Note EE.

412 APPENDIX.
may be brought under the review of the General Assem
bly by reference, complaint, or appeal. But in every
question, not carried to the Courts of Review, the judg
ment of the presbytery or synod (if they have not gone
beyond their jurisdiction) is final ; and is as completely
authoritative, as the sentences of the Supreme Court.
The General Assembly is the supreme Ecclesiastical
Court. It consists of delegates from every presbytery
university, and royal burgh, in Scotland. It has the
countenance of a representative of the king, styled the
Lord High Commissioner, who is always a .nobleman ;
and holding its meeting annually, and (according; to- the
present practice) in the month of May, it usually con
tinues to sit for twelve days.
In its judicial capacity, as a Court of Review, and as
the Court of last Resort, the General Assembly has a
right to determine finally every question brought from
the inferior courts, by reference, complaint, or appeal.
And it possesses, besides, such a general superintendence
of the discipline of the Church, of the management, of
'$ the inferior courts, of the conduct of the clergy, and of
the morals of the people, that it has authority to go be
yond the record in any particular case j to redress a
wrong which appears to have been done, or to apply
the church discipline, which has either been neglected
by the inferior courts, or which the circumstances of the
case appear to require. But to do this regularly, the
parties interested must be legally cited, if they are not
before at the bar. In these]gerieral views of its judicative
capacity, the authority vested in the General Assembly,
is of equal importance to the prosperity of the kingdom,
to the permanent interests of religion, and to the use
fulness and respectability of the clergy.
The legislative authority of the General Assembly
has as extensive effects, as its judicial functions; It has
the power of enacting statutes, with regard to every sub
ject of ecclesiastical cognizance ; which are equally bind
ing, as permanent laws, on the Assembly itself, on the
inferior courts, and on the individual members of the
Church. But the power of legislation is not committed
to the General Assembly, without limitation. By an act
of Assembly in 1697, (which was not passed into a law,

APPENDIX. 413
till it had been transmitted to the several presbyteries,
and had received their sanction, and which, from its
substance and design, has obtained the name of the
Barrier Act,) every proposition for a new law, must first
be considered in the form of an overture, either originat
ing in the Assembly itself, or suggested to the Assembly
by the inferior judicatures. Though it should be ap
proved of by the Assembly, it cannot be enacted into a
statute, till it has been first transmitted to the several
presbyteries of the church, for their consideration, and
has received the sanction of, at least, a majority of the
presbyteries. The laws which are enacted by the As
sembly, after receiving this sanction, are the established
and permanent statutes of the church, by which every
thing belonging to the ecclesiastical state, or to the church
courts, is authoritatively regulated.*
It is unnecessary to be more minute. This general
view of the constitution, which is perfectly familiar to
those who have attended to the subject, is inserted here,
not only to shew the share which every individual mi
nister must of necessity take, in the government and
discipline of the church, as a member of each of the
Ecclesiastical Courts, but to explain to those who may
read this narrative, and have less access to be well in
formed, the practical extent and efficiency of the ecclesi
astical jurisdiction in Scotland, as applied both to the
clergy and the people, t
The statute, as well as the common law of the church,
is sufficiently comprehensive and definite, and the
Courts of Review are sufficiently accessible, to secure
the general ends, both of justice and edification ; while
the different jurisdictions to which every case may be

* It should have been mentioned in this detail, that, to secure the
purity of management in the inferior courts, the presbyteries are re
quired to send up their records to be revised by the synod, at every
meeting of the synod ; and that every synod is bound to send up its
records, for revisal, by the Assembly, every year. By this provision,
effectual means are afforded to correct the errors of the inferior courts,
when they occur, the authority of the synods in the first instance,
and of the Assembly in the last resort, being always imperative on the
courts below.
t See Note FF.

414 APPENDIX.
submitted, ought lo afford as much security, as the pre
sent condition of human affairs will admit of, both
against private intrigue and local prejudices. The
Church Courts are no doubt liable to the defects, which
are in a certain degree inseparable from all numerous
and public assemblies ;* in which all the members have
the same voice, with very different degrees, both of pub-
. lie spirit, and general information -, in which superior
talents or address have frequently so much more in
fluence, than dispassionate judgment ; and in which in
dividuals are so apt to mistake sudden impressions, for
deliberate conviction. The publicity >of the courts,
which, with the exception of the kirk-sessions, are
open to spectators from every class of the people, united
to the responsibility of the individuals at home, affords'
no inconsiderable securities, against these most obvious
defects of popular assemblies. Every man's voice is
recognized by the public ; and every individual is con
scious, that, on all subjects of general interest, the pub
lic have a right to estimate, and to question his con
duct. If there were no party or political influence to operate
in the Ecclesiastical Courts, though they would oi ten
err, they would always find the means of correcting
their, own mistakes, or of guarding themselves and their
successors against the repetition of them. Neither the
condition of our nature, nor the truth of history, will
permit us to imagine, that such a state of things has
ever been completely realized. There is probably no
period in the Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, or, in
deed, of any other country, in which party or political
considerations have - had no degree of influence. On
the other hand, though their effects have been more
visible in some countries, and in some periods, than in
others ; it may certainly be affirmed without exaggera
tion, that, as many examples can be quoted from the
Ecclesiastical Cdurts of Scotland, of a disinterested and
independent zeal for the advancement of religion, and
for the general interests and safety of the church, and of
the community, as can be produced from any other
numerous and permanent associations of mankind.
But it must not be dissembled, that those courts have

APPENDIX. 415
been ^.t all times more or less exposed to an influence
of a different kind •, operating in various forms at dif
ferent periods, and producing effects, more or less hos
tile, to the general design of a religious establish
ment. At the time of the Reformation, the nobility and
gentry of Scotland were at the head of the retormers ;
and though the reformed clergy had certainly great in
fluence, the landholders, at first, and ultimately the
crown, never lost sight of the power, which they intend
ed to reserve to themselves.
When the Presbyterian government was established,
from its very commencement there were individuals,
both among the clergy and the laity, who laboured to
embarrass or paralyze the proceedings of the Ecclesiasti
cal Courts, from views of personal aggrandisement, or
from political intrigue, under the secret or avowed in
fluence of the crown. After the convulsions occasioned
by so great a change on the condition of the country,
as the heformation produced, had completely subsided,
the contention s$ill subsisted, between those who con
scientiously supported the liberties of the church, and
what they considered as its fundamental laws, and those
who laboured to subject both the clergy and the church,
not to the laws of the country, but to an abject sub
serviency, to the designs of the Court, or to the will of
the Sovereign. Before the accession of James VI. to
the Crown of England, his influence in the General
Assemblies, supported by private intrigue, as well as
by the exertions of direct authority, was frequently de
feated, though it was often successful. His versatile
politics sometimes yielded to the storm, which he him
self had raised ; and while he courted those, whom he
considered as his opponents in ths Church, with the
most flattering attentions, to gain his purpose, he did
not scruple to make public declarations, in favour of
the Presbyterian government, as the most perfect model
of the Christian Church. At other times, chagrined
by opposition, and trusting less to his address than to
his authority, he attempted to bend the ecclesiastical
state to his arbitrary will, by the iron rod of power.
Though the measures which he pursued were as uncer-

416 APPENDIX.
tain and changeable, as the impressions of a weak
mind will always be, which are guided, neither by sound
judgment nor real principle, his object was inyariably
the same — to subjugate every individual in the Church
and in the State, to his own capricious mandates ; and,
if it had been possible, < to allow no influence but his
own, to operate in the affairs of either.
At the moment of his accession to the crown of Eng*
land, he flattered, indeed, with almost abject servility,
those in Scotland whom he had oppressed, and impri-
soned,|and punished before ; and whom he persecuted
as severely afterwards ; that he might have their influ
ence to secure the quiet of his own country in his ab
sence ; uncertain, as he then was, of his reception
among his new subjects, to whom he was yet a stranger.
But he threw off the mask entirely, as soon as he
found himself established in England, and allowed the
inveterate hostility, which he had long secretly cherish
ed against the Presbyterian Church, to break out with
out restraint or disguise. * The notable maxim, of which
he was the author, — " No bishop, np king," — was the
result of the opposition, which had been given to his dtf-
plicity and tyranny, by the Scotch Presbyterians. And
nothing contributed so much to prevent his arbitrary doc
trines, civil and religious, from achieving much more
than they did, as the undoubting confidence with which
he had taught himself to contemplate them. They ap
peared to him, as so many self-evident or incontrovertible
propositions, which required no more to establish them,
than the confidence' and authority with which he an
nounced them. And his reliance on his own sagacity,
went far to save his dominions during his life, from the
effects of his most pernicious doctrines. But his* folly
and bigotry laid the foundation of political delusions,

* His treatment of Andrew Melville, the most distinguished in
dividual among the Scottish Clergymen of his time, Whom he had
seduced to come to London, under the most specious pretences, and
whom he afterwards, for reasons the most frivolous and contemptible,
first imprisoned in the Tower, and ultimately compelled to seek A
refuge at Sedan, for the rest of his life, is an everlasting monument
of his unprincipled tyranny. 7

APPENDIX. 417
which ultimately plunged his dominions if* anarchy and
blood, and ended in the ruin of his family.
It is not necessary for the purposes of this sketch, to
enter into the history of James's proceedings in Scot
land j to represent the successive and arbitrary innova
tions, by which he attempted to assimilate the constitu
tion and worship in Scotland, to the forms of the Eng
lish Church ; to compel the people to embrace them,
and, if possible, to annihilate the Presbyterian establish
ment. With all the arbitrary authority which he em
ployed, his successor was far from finding his work
completed^ In renewing the attempt to impose the
English ceremonies, in 1637, Charles I. produced such
a convulsion in the country, " that all the acts of As-
" sembly, since the accession of James to the crown of
" England, were, upon pretty reasonable grounds, after-
" wards declared null and invalid. The acts of parlia-
" ment Which affected ecclesiastical affairs, were sup-
" posed, on that very account, to have no manner of
" authority. And thus, Episcopacy, the High Com-
" mission, the Articles of Perth, the Canons, and the
" Liturgy* were abolished, and declared unlawful j and
" the whole fabric, which James and Charles, in a long
" course of years, had been rearing wjth so much care
« and policy, fell at once to the ground." * The Pres
byterian discipline and government were from this time
established 5 and in this state the Scottish Church re
mained till after the Restoration.
The establishment of Episcopacy in Scotland, after
the Restoration, though it was equally adverse to the
inclinations of the people, and to their habits and opi
nions ; and though it gave the crown much greater
facilities than it had before possessed, to render its in-
fluence predominant in the church ; did not practically
make so great a change in the ecclesiastical govern
ment or usages, as has often been ignorantly affirmed.
The public worship was still the same. Excepting the
King's chapel, artd a single parish church in the country,
in which it was for a year or two in use, f the Service-
' * Hume's History, Vol. VI. p. 371. Quarto edition.
f Salton, While Bishop Burnet was minister of that pansn,
B d

418 APPENDIX.
book and Liturgy of England never became the usage
of Scotland ; and the Presbyterian form of worship was
universally adhered to. The parochial duties of the
clergy were still understood to be what they had been
before, though they were certainly discharged with less
punctuality or strictness. The inferior Ecclesiastical
Courts still subsisted, with almost no other change in
their forms of proceeding, than that the bishop pre
sided, as often as he w_ present, in place of a mo
derator chosen by the members -, and that the clergy re
ceived ordination and institution from the bishop, in
place of the presbytery. The old Presbyterian dis
cipline was still in use ; and in the records of the kirk-
sessions and presbyteries of that time, many of which are
still preserved, it is not easy to perceive any very ma->
terial difference in their proceedings, from the Presby
terian practice in the following century.
Had there been any moderation in the management,
or any portion, either of judgment or humanity, in those
who were employed ; or had the new clergy in general
possessed either talents or character, it is difficult to
say what the event might have been. But violence and
tyranny were the only instruments resorted to, .by those
who were at the head of the government. .The bishops
and the clergy, with the exception of a few individuals,
became the abject tools of a persecution, as unprincipled
and detestable, as any thing which either tyranny or fa*
naticism has left on record : A persecution, notwith
standing all that has been said to palliate or defend it,
so atrocious, that Archbishop Leighton (a man who
would have done honour to any church in the world)
declared, that he would not have been concerned in it,
to have planted Christianity itself * When the Presby
terian ministers were ejected, their successors, their in
feriors by many degrees, both in respectability and
learning, f were universally obnoxious to the people ;
* Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 213. Folio edi
tion. f Burnet says of them, •' They were generally very mean and des-
" picable in all respects. They were the worst preachers I ever
" heard. They were ignorant to a reproach. Many of them were*
»« openly vicious. They were a disgrace to their orders, and the

APPENDIX. 419
While the tyranny, and even the ferocity With which the
influence of government, which then became irresistible,
was directed against the Presbyterians, are scarcely sur
passed by any thing to be found in the annals of the
most barbarous nations.
The Revolution of 1688 restored the Presbyterian
discipline and government. If it could not redress the
injuries of the preceding reigns, to the individuals who
had suffered so severely, it has at least compensated
them to the country, by the solid advantages, which,
for nearly 130 years, have been received from the
Presbyterian Church.
The Ecclesiastical Courts have ever since subsisted,
according to the forms of the constitution, which has
already been explained. While every parochial mi
nister has his share in the administration, both of the
Supreme and inferior Courts, it is obvious, that many
of the subjects which fall under their jurisdiction, have
such an intimate connection with the civil government,
that it may be naturally supposed to be at all times an
object to those who preside in his Majesty's Council,
to bring the influence of the Crown to bear on the de
cisions of the Church.
During the reign of King William, and the first part
of Queen Anne's reign, there was so much confidence
placed in the ministers of state whom they employed,
and the great body of the Scotch clergy were so
thoroughly attached to the principles of the Revolution
of 1688, that, excepting the peculiar views and usages
of the Presbyterian Church, there was not much which
the government could ask, which they were not willing
to concede ; nor, setting aside occasional differences of
opinion, where there was evidently room for them,
s.uch as will always occur in numerous assemblies, were
there many subjects of contention among themselves.
There was still a pretender to the throne, in a situation
to be formidable, whom they regarded as equally an
" sacred functions, and were indeed the dregs and refuse of the
" northern parts. Those of them who rose above contempt or
" scandal, were men of such violent tempers, that they were as
" much hated as the others were despised." Burnet, Vol. I. p. i5S,
FoKo edition. See, on this subject, Wodrow, Vol. I. p. 153, 159.

420 APPENDIX.
enemy to their church and to their liberties, and as
an enemy to the Protestant religion in every form.
This circumstance, added to the zeal, good sense, and
moderation of the government, was no uncertain se
curity, for the general disposition of the Presbyterian
clergy, in all ordinary cases, to accede to the wishes of
the crown. The truth is, there were -few occasions at
this time, in which the government interfered with their
deliberations; though many insidious attempts were
made to give King William a prejudice against their
principles ; and, by artful misrepresentations, on the
other hand, to draw them into an opposition to his
measures. But their general loyalty to government
was beyond all suspicion ; and, with few exceptions in
deed, was uniformly repaid by the confidence of the
ministers of the crown. *
When the great question relating to the Union with
England occurred in 1706-7, and the act of security
was conceded to the Scottish Church, and was declared
to be unalterable, as a fundamental condition of the
union ; the prudence and moderation of those of the
clergy who had a leading influence in the Ecclesiastical
Judicatories, is mentioned by the best informed his
torians, as a principal instrument of bridling the popular
violence against the treaty with England, (at that time
extremely offensive to a great body of the people,) and
of facilitating its progress and termination, f
During all the period from 1690 to 17 12, the chief,
or most important, deliberations in the General Assem
blies, turned on objects of internal regulation. It was,
in particular, a principal object, to provide Presbyteriaa
ministers for the remote districts, which were most in
want of them ; and till this could be done, to supply
the vacant parishes in the mean time, by means of in
dividuals sent from the southern counties, who, at in
tervals, officiated in succession for a limited period.
There were but sixty of the old Presbyterian ministers,
who had been ejected at the Uestoration, who were alive

* See a remarkable example in the Life of Principal Carstares,
from p. 57 to p. 64. '
f Semerville's History of Q. Anne, Ch. x. p. 225, 226.

APPENDIX. 421
at the Revolution. Many of the Episcopal Clergy ac
quiesced in the new establishment, and, under the pro
visions of an act of parliament, were received into the
church. The Presbyterians in the several districts
were authorized to receive them, according to the terms
prescribed in the act. Young men were gradually com
ing forward to supply the vacant churches : but it re
quired all the attention and vigilance of the Assembly,
to make the arrangements requisite for the different
quarters of the country, so as not only to provide for
the immediate necessities of the parishes vacant, but to
look forward steadily to the time, when fixed incumbents
could be given to them all.
There was another object of internal arrangement
which, at this period, engrossed a great part of the As
sembly's attention, — :the establishment of parochial
schools, in terms of the acts of parliament 1693 and
1696 ; an institution, which, in many of its features, is
peculiar to Scotland, and has most materially added to
the resources of every order of men in the kingdom. *
An unbiassed reader, who dispassionately examines
the proceedings of the General Assemblies, from 1 690
to 1712, cannot but peixeive the sincerity with which
the great body of the clergy then united to promote the
religious interests of the people, and the general tran
quillity of the country ; as well as the uniform attachment
shewn by them all, to the principles which placed Wil
liam and Mary on the throne, and the usefulness and
respectability of the Presbyterian Church. There were
occasional differences of opinion among them, such as
occur in all numerous assemblies. But, though we must
suppose the influence of government to have been at all
times considerable, there do not appear, in the General

* The General Assemblies had, long before the Restoration, kept
steadily in view, the education of the people in parochial schools.
But, till after the Revolution, they had never been able to procure
an efficient law on the subject, or to establish any regular system.
The regulations laid down in I 645 and 1649, might have had a con
siderable effect, if they had not been rendered abortive, by the poli
tical convulsions of the times. But it is undoubtedly to the Revolu
tion, that Scotland is indebted for parish schools ; one of the most
important advantages which it enjoys.

452 APPENDIX..-
Assemblies of this period, any settled combinations, or
indeed any offensive symptoms, either of party spirit,
or of political intrigue.
Their views of some questions were certainly neither
liberal nor enlightened, On the subject of religious
toleration in particular, all their experience of the per
secuting and intolerant spirit of the government before
the Revolution, had not been sufficient to correct, or
even to moderate, their own bigotry. It required a con
siderable degree of management on the part of King
William's administration, to prevent their narrow pre
judices, which had rather been irritated than softened
by what they had suffered before, from operating to the
disadvantage of the country, and the disgrace of the
church. The King neither countenanced nor con
nived at any species of religious oppression ; and on
this occasion, he endeavoured, by mild and conciliatory
measures, to discourage and restrain the intolerance of
the clergy. In that age, it was not in his power to
extirpate it ; and the commission of the General As
sembly addressed the crown against the toleration of
dissenters, as late as the year 1703. But at least, the
management of King William kept the spirit of into
lerance in check, and prevented it from operating to
the prejudice of the country ; leaving to the influence
of a system of equal and temperate law, and to the gra
dual progress of information, the final extirpation of
errors, so unworthy of the cause of religion, and so hosr
tile to the true interests of every government. The
clergy had indeed a pretence for their intolerance, in the
intrigues to overturn their establishment, as well as in
the disaffection to the King's authority, and to the Revo
lution itself, which were then imputed to the Episcopalian
Dissenters. * But undoubtedly, its chief source is to be
referred to the narrowness and bigotry of their own
system, added to their remembrance of the persecutions,
from which they had been so lately released.
There were besides at this time some scruples, not
about the substance, but about the terms, of the oaths of
* Carstares's State Papers, p. 288. The Episcopal meetings of
Edinburgh are there styled " nests of disaffection." Somervifle'*
|Cing William, p. 4G9.

APPENDIX. 423
assurance and abjuration, required under the Revolution
settlement, which gave some advantage to their adver
saries, and at first created much embarrassment to the
King's ministers. But this difficulty was easily sur
mounted, when their scruples were clearly seen to be
entirely conscientious, and to have no tincture of disaf
fection. The moderation of the King, and of those
whose advice he followed, united to the real integrity
of those whose scruples they respected, prevented the
querulousness of the clergy on this subject from produ
cing any serious consequences, with regard to the condi
tion either of the church or of the country. Indeed,
the mild and conciliatory treatment which they received
from the King on this occasion, added greatly to the
affection and confidence, with which they regarded his
person and government. *
But leaving this digression, it is of mor-e importance
to advert to a subject which then occupied much of the
attention of General Assemblies ; and which, during the
course of the last century, became the great source of
division and intrigue, both in the Ecclesiastical Courts,
and among the people at large.
It arose out of the rules adopted, at different times,
by the state or by the church, for the settlement, or
induction of the parochial clergy.
It is well known, that the idea of patronage, or the
right of presenting to church benefices, took its rise
from the canon law, which, even before the Reforma
tion, was never completely established in Scotland. In
the second book of discipline, adopted in 1578, and re
corded in 1581, the General Assembly declared, " that
" patronages and presentations to benefices have flowed
" from the Pope, and corruption of the canon Jaw only,
" in so far as thereby any person was intruded, or placed
" over kirks, having curam animarum ,¦" and at the same
time claimed, that in Scotland " none should be intrud-
" ed upon any congregation, either by the prince or
" any inferior person, without lawful election, and the
f assent of the people, over whom the person is pla-
* See Life of Carstares, prefixed to his State Papers, p. 57, con
nected with p. 61. ,

424 APPENDIX.
" ced." * This was unquestionably the doctrine of the
church. On the other hand, it is equally clear, that neither
James VI. nor any of his successors before the Revolu
tion, were willing to abolish" the right of patronage. The
acts of parliament are authoritative and explicit, in en
forcing this right : But, at the same time, they contain
clauses of restriction, by which it was evidently intend
ed to be limited. The act of 1592 gives the patron a
right to retain the fruits of the benefice, if his presentee
shall not be inducted by the Presbytery, unless he shall
be found unqualified. But it leaves in full force the act
of 1567, which provides, that if a Presbytery shall re
fuse to admit a qualified presentee, there shall lie an ap
peal from them to " the ministers of the province,"
that is, to the Synod, and if the Synoc jhall refuse, that
it shall then be competent to appeal to the General As
sembly, " by whom the cause being decided, (theenact-
" ment expressly bears, that) it shall take end, as they
*' shall decern and declare."
They who have contended for the unlimited right of
patronage affirm, that, under these acts of parliament,
the patron is entitled to retain the fruits of the benefice,
in every instance, in which the Church Courts refuse the
induction of a presentee, who is a licentiate of the
church, or any other grounds, than his deficiency in
moral or literary qualifications. On the other hand,
they who consider the act 1592 as inseparably connect
ed with the provisions in the act 1567, and the right of
the General Assembly to require other qualifications,
than those which are merely literary or moral, (as they
have certainly done in many instances ;) and to pro
nounce a final judgment or decision, which shall be
binding on all the parties, and from which there can be
no appeal, appointing the settlement of the presentee,
or refusing to appoint it— represent the clause in the
act 1567, which gives the General Assembly the power
of final decision, as limiting and explaining the con
cluding clause in the act 1592. They therefore bold,
that every question relating to the settlement of a pre-
* Second Book of Discipline, Ch. 12.

APPENDIX. 425
sentee, must take end, or be finally decided, cs the As
sembly decerns and declares s and that if the Assembly
decides against the induction of a presentee, whatever
the disqualification imputed to him may be, the patron
has, in that event, no right to retain the fruits of the
benefice j hut has whatever remained of the six months
allowed him by law for presenting, to present another
to the benefice.
When those two acts of parliament are taken toge
ther, to a person who had no system to maintain, they
would naturally seem to have laid down this general
doctrine— That when the inferior Ecclesiastical Courts
refuse the induction of a presentee, on other grounds
than his qualifications, the patron may retain the fruits
of the benefice ; but that, having a right of appeal, when
he has hro.ught tbe question by appeal from the inferior
courts, to the court of last resort, the General Assem
bly, the controversy between the patron and the in
ferior courts, must be terminated by the decision of the
Assembly, which the act 1567 declares to be authorita
tive and final ; and that there must also terminate the
patron's right to retain the fruits of the benefice.
This general idea receives considerable countenance
from a fact, which can scarcely be questioned — that, nei
ther at the time of the act 1592, nor .at any period before
the Restoration, will it be easy to find examples, in which
a patron ever attempted to retain the fruits of a benefice,
after the General Assembly had decided against the in
duction of his presentee j though there are certainly
examples, in which the majus bonum ecclesiae, quite
independent of the moral and literary qualifications of
the individual presentees, has determined the Assembly
to refuse their induction ; or in which the Assembly has
set aside presentees, as disqualified for the particular
charges to which they had been presented, on grounds
quite independent, ,both ,pf their Jcnc-wledge and then*
morals. There are, indeed, two solitary examples, since the
^restoration of patronage in the last century, in which
the patron did retain the fruits of the benefices, after
the decision of the Assembly, refusing to admit their
presentees ; and in which other incumbents were admit-

426 APPENDIX.
ted, who were found to be the legal ministers of those
parishes, though they were ultimately deprived of the
stipends belonging to them ; which the patrons, whose
presentees were rejected, were found entitled to retain,
and did retain, during their incumbency.
Kut in both these instances, there was a competition
between contending claimants, for the right of patron
age ; and in both, the decision of the Assembly pro
ceeded, not on any circumstances in which either the
condition of the parishes, or the qualifications of the
presentees, were involved, but solely and exclusively on
the legal rights of the claimants to the patronage.
This was at least a different question, frpm any ques
tion which the Assembly can decide, where there is no
dispute with regard to the right of the patron to present.
And though the patrons were, in both the instances re
ferred to, found entitled to retain the fruits of the bene
fices after the decisions given by the Assembly, they
were so, on grounds which render these cases quite dis-
tinct, from the case of a presentee, whom the Assembly
set aside as disqualified, whatever may be the disqua
lification imputed to him. The patron's right to retain
the fruits, in those two examples, was indeed built on
the same statute of 1592, which appliesto every other
qase in which the induction of a presentee can be re
fused by the Assembly. But an attention to their his
tory will shew, how very doubtful the points of law on
which the decisions turned, were believed to be, at the
time, and how much the courts of law were divided with .
regard to them.
The two parishes in question had become vacant in
1746 and 1748, and in both, the claimants of the patron
age, whose presentations the Assembly rejected, were
ultimately found to be the legal patrons.
In one of the cases, (the case of the parish of Cul
ross,) a minister had been inducted by the presbytery,
on the nomination of those whom the Assembly had
found, and who, from the usage, were universally be
lieved, to have been in the possession of the patronage;
and this was done, while a question, relating to the
right of patronage, was in dependence before the civil
court, at the instance of a claimant, whose presentation

APPENDIX. 427
the church courts had rejected, but whose right the
civil court ultimately sustained. This patron after
wards claimed the fruits of the benefice, notwithstanding
the induction of the minister whom the presbytery had
preferred ; and he seems to have been allowed to retain
them without opposition. In a printed account of the
case, nothing more is stated, than the question relating
to the right of patronage. The minister inducted,
whom, it is known, the parishioners compensated by a
voluntary contribution, seems therefore to have acquies
ced without litigating his right to the stipend. There
appears to have been a sufficient reason to have prevent
ed any litigation on this point. Though the Assembly
had decided against the right of the patron, the preby-
tery had inducted the minister on their own authority ;
and had done so, in the face of an appeal to the Superior
Court. The thing done, was not therefore the deed of the
Assembly, but a deed of the presbytery alone ; and a deed
besides, which was carried into execution, contrary to
the established law of the church, with regard to ap
peals, which ought to have sisted the proceedings. This
circumstance gave the minister a strong reason for
declining to litigate the question, relating to the patron's
right to retain the fruits of the benefice, which it is evi
dent might have ultimately led to a decision, finding
his own induction illegally executed. This was, indeed,
the construction put on it, when it was quoted in the
case of Lanark, a case, in which the Court of Session
unanimously gave an opposite decision, and found that
the patron had no right to retain the fruits.
In the case of Lanark, though the right of patronage
was decided by the Court of Session, in favour of the
Crown, whose presentation had been rejected by the
presbytery, the question relating to the fruits of the be
nefice was afterwards the subject of a long litigation.
The minister who had been admitted by the Church
Courts, under the authority of the Assembly, contend
ed, that when patrons in competition have neglected to
ascertain their right of patronage, till an actual vacancy
has occurred, they are not entitled to protract a vacancy,
by a litigation to establish it, which ought to have been
instituted before, and must abide by the consequences
pf their own neglect— That the presbyteries were by law

42S APPENDIX.
and immemorial usage entitled to decide, between twp
presentations offered to them, according to ,the best of
their information, from their own records, and from
other sources, when the right of patronage had not be
fore been decided by the civil court — That this had
been understood to be the law of Scotland, n,ot only
under the Presbyterian Church, but at every period,
during the establishment of Episcopacy— That the bi
shops had exercised the same right, which was after
wards held to be vested in ;the presbyteries — That they
sustained the presentations of the patrons, who, accord
ing to the best of their information, appeared to be in
possession, and gave induction to the presentees — That
their , induction was always effectual for the vice, in what
ever way the permanent right of patronage might af
terwards be determined in the civil courts — And that
in this case, the presbytery of Lanark had dpne no
more. Thpugh the Lords qf Session had before decided the
right of patronage against the person, whose presenta
tion the presbytery of Lanark had sustained, they were
unanimous in finding the minister who had been ad
mitted to tbe pastoral charge, under the judgment of
thepre,sbytery, to be thelegal minister of the parish, and
to be entitled to the stipend ; p-_ in repelling the claim
of tlie patron to retain the fruits of the benefice.
This question was, however, afterwards carried by ap
peal to the House of Lords ; and by the decision of
that Supreme Court, governed, not by the law of Scot
land, as it had always been before understood, but by
ideas taken from the practice in England, under a very
¦ different constitutipn, it was ultimately reversed. * The
Crown, whose right of patronage had been sustained,
retained in consequence the stipend of the parish, dur
ing all the minister's incumbency ; though, with regard
to the pastoral cure, the original deed of the Ecclesias
tical Courts was held tp be final and irreversible. The
minister admitted was declared to be tbe legal pastor of
the parish. And though there was afterwards an un
successful attempt to deprive him of the manse and
glebe, and even of the possession of the church, he
• See Note GG.

APPENDIX. 429
was found by the Court of Session, to have an unques
tionable right to remain in possession of these, to the
end of his incumbency.
Both these examples (of Culross and Lanark) are ob
viously anomalous cases, such as never did before arise,
or have ever since occurred ; and, standing alone, as
they do, are distinguished by circumstances so peculiar
to themselves, that they should scarcely be acknowledg
ed as precedents for cases, in which the circumstances
are not the same. They do not surely authorize similar
proceedings, where there has been no competition of
presentations, no mistake with regard to the right of
patronage, and no admission of a minister who has not
the presentation of the real patron. Nor ought they
to warrant the conclusion, that a question relating to
the induction of a presentee shall not take end, (in
terms of the act 1567,) as " the General Assembly de-
" cerns and declares," in cases, in which there is no
dispute with regard to the patron's right.
It should be considered besides, that no greater ab
surdity can be imagined, than that it could ever have
been in the contemplation of law, that a benefice should,
in any circumstances, be separated from the pastoral
cure to which it is attached. The examples in which
it has been so, have risen out of peculiar circumstances,
which could not be in the view of the legislature, and
are therefore to be regarded as exceptions from a ge
neral rule ; which, because they are exceptions, serve
to confirm, and cannot subvert it ; and which must, at
least, be pronounced to be no precedents, where the
circumstances are not the same. In the History of the
Chutch, many examples will be found, in which the
General Assemblies have set aside presentees, to whom
neither literary nor moral disqualifications could be ob-
jected^ and in which the provision in the act of 1567
has uniformly taken effect, without any attempt, on the
part of the patrons, to retain the fruits of the bene
fices. This circumstance ought to go some length to
sustain the position, that, in ordinary cases, the final
judgment of the General Assembly does not leave the
patron a right to retain the fruits of the benefice ; and
that the act 1567 is still in force, though the cases must

480 APPENDIX.
now very seldom occur, to which it was, by any inter1-"
pretation, intended to apply.
But leaving this subject, on which more perhaps has
been said than was necessary, it is of more importance
to the following statements to remark, that, whatever
the opinions of later times have been, the law of patron
age was, in all the periods from the Reformation to the
Reyolution, considered by the Presbyterian Church as
an intolerable grievance ; and that, at the Revolution,
their release from it was one of the leading objects of
the Presbyterian Clergy. In this point they appear to
have been all agreed -, and their aversion to patronage
was so universal, and so deeply rooted, that, though
King William was privately unwilling to make the con
cession, his best friends convinced him of the necessity
of going at least a certain length to gratify them, on a
subject which they regarded with so much solicitude.
On the other hand, whatever may have been said to
the contrary, patronage was certainly in use down to
the latest period before the Restoration, of which there
is any record of the proceedings of General Assemblies.
In the unprinted acts of the Assembly of 1645, there is
a proposal for applying to parliament, to allow presby
teries to plant the churches, " which are of the patronage
11 of forfeited and excommunicated persons." In 1647, in
an act of Assembly, " for pressing and furthering the
" plantation of kirks," there is an instruction given to
every presbytery, to make a report to the Assembly,
of " what kirks are under patrons, what kirks have no
"patrons, and who are. the several patrons." In another
act of the same year, there is a renewal of an act of As
sembly at Glasgow, and another at St Andrews, " con-
" cerning1 lists for presentations from the King, and the
" trial of expectants." These acts demonstrate, that pa
tronage was, to a certain extent, still in use, even at that
period of the church, which has been commonly supposed
to have been most adverse to it. But they shew, at the
same time, the solicitude of the clergy, to get into their
own hands the command of as many patronages as pos
sible. And the truth is, that, at this time, neither the
crown, nor the subject-patrons, were frequently in a
situation to resist them. The presbyteries were, in a

APPENDIX. 431
great measure, allowed to nominate the candidates for
vacant parishes, not only when they sent lists to the
crown, but in other cases. The candidates named by
them were proposed to the kirk-sessions, who, in each
case, from several in the nomination, were allowed to
elect one, who was then proposed to the congregation.
By the directory for the election of ministers, of 1649^
if a majority of the congregation dissented, they were
to give their reasons, of which the presbytery were to
judge. If the presbytery should find their dissent found
ed on causeless prejudices, they were notwithstanding to
proceed to the settlement of the person elected. And
there is a clause subjoined, which in those times would
apply to many cases, " That where the congregation
«' was disaffected or malignant, in that case, the presbytery
" were (by their own authority J to provide the parish
" with a minister." Though this mode seemed to give
weight to the clergy, only in the first nomination, or
on extraordinary emergencies, and more influence to
the people in ordinary cases, it is evident, that the
clergy had still the chief influence in the ultimate deci
sion, as well as in the selection of the candidates. Por
when the people were divided, which very generally
happened, it. lay with the Church Courts at last, to de
termine between the parties ; and it can scarcely be sup
posed, with all the purity which can be ascribed to the
intentions of the clergy, that the candidate who had
most favour among them was often rejected.
These circumstances are adverted to, because they go
a great way to explain the provisions of the act 1690.
It was not thought expedient to give the clergy the in
fluence, which, in whatever form it was exercised, they
really possessed before the usurpation of Cromwell, and
still less to place any power in the great body of the
people, which could interfere with the right of election.
King William's advisers followed a middle course, be
tween these extremes. Though their arrangement was
certainly suggested by the former practice, it was in a
great measure free of its chief disadvantages. In place
of the presbytery, it gave the original and exclusive no
mination to the heritors and elders. The person no
minated was then indeed to be proposed to the congre-

432 appendix;
gation, who might approve or disapprove, for reasons
shewn and substantiated ; but who had no power of re
jection, without substantiating reasons, which the pres-
bytery, and (on appeal) the Superior Courts, were to
pronounce sufficient ; at whose judgment the cause was
** to be ordered and concluded." But no majority of the
congregation was mentioned, as in the Directory of
1649, who might, for reasons shewn, disapprove,
though they had not a right of election. Each indi
vidual parishioner might give his" reasons of dissent
for the judgment of the presbytery ; a regulation, which,
though apparently as popular, Was, in its practical effect,
a very different thing, from the voice of a recognised
majority^ The act 1690 was not the production of the clergy,
who have already been stated, as not exceeding the
number of sixty. Though some of the ablest among
them were no doubt consulted, the act was the work of
such of the King's ministers, as were best acquainted
with the state of the country : And its immediate effects
on the condition of the people, did equal credit to their
intentions, and to their discernment.
Though it is asserted in the preamble to the act 1712,
restoring patronages, that the mode prescribed by the
act -H7-90- " had proved inconvenient, and had dcca-
" sioiud great heats and divisions," it is unquestionably
true, that whatever private differences there might be
in particular cases, there is no period in the History of
the Church, in which the settlement of ministers was
conducted with as little bustle or heat, or With as much
regularity, as during the interval from 1690 to 1712.
It cannot be affirmed, that there was no discontent
or opposition excited, by the settlement of individuals.
But nothing of this kind is on record, which created
any public disorder in the country, or any permanent
divisions among the people. A few cases there
certainly were, in which the adherents of the Episcopal
party resisted, the Introduction of Presbyterian ministers.
But a single example can scarcely be given, from any
quarter of the kingdom, of differences which arose
among heritors and elders, in the nomination of mini
sters; or of differences between them and the con-
12

APPENDIX. 4.3.1
gregations, by which any serious or lasting inconve
nience was created. They frequently brought their case
to the General Assembly ; though the chief debates in
the Assemblies, of this period, related to projected transla
tions, and especially to competitions between different pa
rishes for the same ministers. From the keenness of
these competitions, the same cases sometimes appear in
different shapes, on the records of two or three successive
Assemblies. But, what it is of most importance to observe,
the decisions of the Assembly appear to have been always
effectual at last ; and it will not be found, that the opposi
tion made to the settlementof any individualminister, ever
deprived him in tbe end, either of the usual attendance, or
of the general confidence of the parishioners. There is
not, during the whole period, a single example on re
cord, of the great body of the people deserting a parish
church, on account of the settlement of a minister, un
der tbe authority of the Assembly.
The General Assemblies, of this time, were much
more occupied in finding clergymen for* tbe remote
districts, and in adjusting the competitions of different
parishes for the same clergymen, when the vacancies
were so numerous, and the number of candidates so
disproportiomed to them 5 than in deciding on any dif
ferences, which arose amoHg the heritors and elders of
any parish, under the provisions of tbe act 1 690. If
the people sometimes remonstrated against their deci
sions, (and the examples is which tbey d'id so, scarcely
occur, except when there was a competition of parishes
for the same minister, or when a minister who had been
nominated refused to accept, and the parishioners soli
cited the interposition of the Assembly against bis
wishes,) it will be found, that there is not a single in
stance, in which the parishioners did pot ultimately
submit to the judgment of the Assembly.
It ought to be remarked besides, that it does not
appear, that, at this time, the members of the church dis
covered any considerable symptoms, either of party or
political divisions. Their sufferings as Presbyterians,
under the preceding reigns, were too recent," to allow
anything of this kind to eome in competition with
th<eir solicitude, to extend the benefits of their establish*
e e

434 APPENDIX.
ment, to every district of the country ; and by an as
siduous and faithful discharge of their pastoral functions,
to provide effectually, for the quiet and comfort of a
people, so lately driven to every extremity, by the most
unfeeling and barbarous persecutions — persecutions,
which no length of time can consign to oblivion j which
neither any change of manners, nor any. severity of
sarcasm, should tempt their descendants to palliate ;
and which it required all the severity of a regular and
enlightened government, as well as all the consolations
of religion, in any degree to compensate.
There is another important fact, which ought to be
mentioned here, though it will be afterwards again ad
verted to. There does not appear, during the whole
interval from 1690 to 1712, the least vestige of a doc
trine, so much contended for at a later period, which
asserted a divine right in the people, individually or col
lectively, to elect the parish ministers. In all the ques
tions before the General Assemblies, with regard to the
settlement of parishes, there is no claim to this effect,
either asserted or pretended ; nor does there appear to
have been, in any single instance, an opposition to the
execution of the act 1690, on any principle of this kind.
Whatever have been the disadvantages of the act 1712,
they did not originate in its contradiction to any supposed
claim of divine right; which, at the time of this enact
ment, thpugh there might be private opinions of indivi
duals in its favour, was neither avowedly asserted, nor
conceded. It is well known, how keenly this doctrine was brought
forward at a later period, and how much more mischief
it produced, than any principle involved in it, would have
naturally led dispassionate men to anticipate.
In 1712, patronages were restored by an act of parlia
ment! brought forward by the Tory ministry of the lat
ter part of Queen Anne's reign ; an act, which was cer
tainly intended by them, to operate against the Whigs of
Scotland, whom they found steady and active opponents
of their measures ; but which none of the Whig admini
strations, which have since been in power, could ever be
persuaded to repeal. It had long been a favourite ob
ject with the Episcopal and Tory party in Scotland j and

APPENDIX. 435
the clergy had taken some alarm on the subject, as early
as the year 1703 ; which, in that year, the commission of
the General Assenibly stated, in an address to the parlia
ment of Scotland.
The act 1712 came upon them suddenly at last ; but
its immediate consequences were neither as visible, nor
as extensive, as either its friends or its opponents have
since affirmed, or had then predicted. The settlement
of ministers by presentations was, at first, but in few in
stances, resorted to ; and in the examples which
occurred, the presentees were personally so acceptable
to the parishioners, as to disarm any opposition which
might have been made to them. In many cases, in
which presentations were lodged with the presbyteries,
the Church Courts effectuated the settlements Without
much regard to them ; the sentences of the synods and
assemblies, proceeding more on the calls, than the pre
sentations, even when both were before them. In a few
instances, (such as the case of Mr Christie, presented to
the second charge of Dunfermline in 1717,) the pre
sentees were set aside by the Church Courts, on account
of the opposition made to them, and other candidates
were inducted. But in all cases, the proceedings of the
Church Courts were founded, more on the calls, than
the presentations ; and when the parties were satisfied
with the result, little attention was given to the forms
which led to it. The truth is, that, during this periodj
yacant parishes appear to have been, very generally, fill
ed up by the presbyteries, either with the tacit consent
of the patrons, even when they lodged their presenta
tions ; or, jure devoluto, when they did not present at all.
Supposing this state of things to have continued, (and
the clergy had not then sufficient foresight, to be aware
that it would not continue,) it became a subject of very
serious deliberation, to settle a definite rule, by which the
proceedings of the Church Courts should, in all such
cases, be governed. Overtures were, with this view,
transmitted by the assembly to presbyteries, from 1712
to 1723. Many alterations were inserted in them, from
year to year. The substance of the act 1690 was in
general adhered to ; though, in the succession of over
tures transmitted, there was an evident inclination dis-

436 APPENDIX.
covered, to give more weight to the heads of families
than that act allowed them, without directly introducing
them as electors. The presbyteries, however, were far
from being agreed on the subject ; and at last those over
tures were laid aside, without having settled any question.
It is material to state these facts, because they prove,
on the one hand, that whatever differences existed on
the subject, what was afterwards called the divine right
of the people was not even then brought forward ; and,
on the other, that the act 1732, which will be afterwards
adverted to, was no wide or extravagant departure, from
the general language of assemblies^ from 1712, or indeed
faom 1690. *
It has been already observed, that for many years
after the date of the act restoring patronages, presenta
tions were by no means introduced into generalpractice.
There were, notwithstanding, several abuses of the right
of patronage, which very early created serious disorders.
They are enumerated in a memorial addressed to parlia
ment, in 17 15, by the commission of the Genera) As
sembly, in which the most flagrant and mischievous, and
not the least common abuse which is mentioned, is the
practice by which patrons presented individuals, who
held the best, tothe smallest benefices; certain that they
* There is a remarkable fact, which belongs to this period, and de
serves to be mentioned. There had been a long dispute, about the
settlement of the second minister of Dunfermline, already alluded to,
It terminated at last, in an application to the commission of the Gene
ral Assembly of 1718, by the magistrates and council of the burgh,
supported by the heritors and kirk-session of the parish, with the una
nimous concurrence of tue presbytery,- asking the commission, (after
laying aside the presentee, Mr Christie,) to appoint, in the technical
terms of the Church Courts, a call to be moderated in favour of foui;
candidates, whom they named, one of whom should be elected by the
majority ofthe magistrates and town council, the heritors and elders of
the parish. No mention whatever is made of the heads of families,
or of any ptjhffr individuals in the. parish, or even of their right to ob
ject if), the, candidate to be elected. Aud yet it is remarkable, that
this application was made, when Mr Ralph Erskine, who was after
wards' one of the heads of the secession, was the first minister of Dun
fermline ; and as the presbytery, and, as fa* as appears, the kirk-
sessioVt were unanimous > must have had his speeial approbation and
concurrence — a fact, vifhich is by no means unimportant, when it is
connected with the proceedings which took place, after the year 1 732.

APPENDIX. 437
would not accept of their presentations. By raisino-
processes before the Ecclesiastical Courts, for the trans^
latioh of presentees who had not accepted of their pre
sentations, which they knew beforehand must be unsuc
cessful, the patrons protracted the vacancies ; and, under
the law, asTt then stood, were enabled, in the mean time,
to retain the vacant stipends. And though they only
attempted to retain them, while they had questions re
lating to calls and translations in dependence before the
inferior courts, and never, after the Assembly had pro
nounced a final decision; it was sometimes in their
power, by an artful management of the litigations, to
keep possession of the vacant stipends for several years.
An act of the 5th of George 1. was therefore passed, to
correct these, and some other manifest abuses ; by which
a presentation is declared to be void, if it is not accepted
within six months after the vacancy; and is even de
clared to be void, if the presentee is the pastor or mi
nister of another parish. Under this last clause, a bene
ficed clergyman is at least in terminis excluded, from the
right of accepting a presentation at all. And Lord
Kaimes and Lord Swinton, both eminent lawyers, have
laid it down as settled law, that a presentation, accord
ing to this act, is void and of no effect, if it is granted in
favour of a beneficed clergyman. How. far the uniform
practice of sustaining presentations to beneficed clergy
men, has given the clause a different construction, .though
it may be doubtful, is not likely to be questioned. The
chief design of the act was, to prevent a patron from em
ploying his right of patronage, to keep a church vacant,
in order to retain the vacant stipend ; and to put an end
to all such sinister expedients and collusion, as had before
been employed with that view ; and in this respect, the
object of the act has been completely attained.
Though there had been several examples of the
abuses, Which this act was intended to correct, it is
undoubtedly true, at the same time, that the number
was comparatively small, of settlements effectuated by
means of presentations, from 1712 to 1732.
On the other hand, it is clear, that the Assembly pro
nounced many sentences, during this period, without
much regard to the rights of patronage.

,438 APPENDIX.
In 1723, when* Mr Hepburn was translated from
Torrieburn to Edinburgh, the Assembly ordained, that
that vacancy should not be filled up, without the leave
and direction of the Synod of Fife. The patron, at that
time the proprietor of the estate of Culross^ was not so
much as mentioned, or alluded to- In 1724, when a
presentation was given by the Crown to the Church
of Lochmaben, a call was moderated, not limited to the
presentee ; and a different candidate, who was held to
nave had the majority of the ^own council, heritors,
and elders, was actually inducted by the presbytery.
This settlement was, indeed, rescinded by the Assem
bly ; but the result was, that both calls were set aside
by that Supreme Court — That the Lord Advocate of
the time was asked to apply to his Majesty, not to insist
on his presentation — That he promised to use his in
fluence, and agreed that both calls should be set' aside;
and that a new moderation was appointed, not limited
to the presentee. In 1726, a presentation to Twynholm
was set aside, and a different candidate from the
presentee was inducted. The same thing happen
ed in 1727, in the case of Hoddam. And there
were many similar examples at the same period. —
In 172b, a sentence of the commission, which sus
tained a Call to Principal Chalniers to be minister of
Old Machar, and appointed his settlement, is disap
proved of by the Assembly ; chiefly on the ground, that
the rule laid down in the Directory fbr Calls, in 1649,
had not been followed. No regard whatever seems to
have been paid to his presentation, (though he had a
presentation,) either by the commission, or the Assem
bly. After much litigation, and upon a new call, his
settlement was ultimately made effectual by the Assem
bly, in 1730.— In 1730, Mr Macdiarmid of Ayr's trans
lation to Renfrew was refused by the Assembly ; though
the patron persisted in prosecuting his translation, till
a final sentence was obtained. And when that sentence
was at last pronounced, though the patron had retained
the fruits of the benefice, during the dependence of the
process, there was no attempt whatever to retain them,
after the Assembly decided against the translation.
It is unnecessary to give more examples, to shew that.

APPENDIX. 439
during the period referred to, the right of patronage
was but partially exercised— That presentations were,
as far as possible, discountenanced and disregarded by
the Church — That the sentences of the Ecclesiastical
Courts were in general ultimately effectual — And that
there is not one example, during the whole period, in
which a patron attempted to retain the fruits of a va
cant benefice, after a final decision is given, against
his presentee, by the General Assembly ; though they
were uniformly retained, till that decision was pro
nounced. The examples quoted may perhaps serve besides, to
establish some other points, which have not been very
generally attended to. They go at least a great way to
prove, that, at this time, the General Assemblies con
tended for no rule, for the settlement of parochial
churches, which went in substance beyond the act
1690 — That even the Directory of 1649, though some
times appealed to, did not give the election of ministers
to heads of families, or to those who have since been
Called the Christian people — That all the overtures on
the subject, from 1712 to 1723, are substantially found
ed on the act 1690; though, in some of them, a more
popular language is employed, than in others, without
departing from the general principle — And, finally, that
when the Assemblies professed to prepare rules, for the
settlement of parochial churches, which were only to
apply to cases, in which the jus devolutum took place,
they were, in truth, contemplating what were then the
great majority of vacancies in the church ; a fact, which
gives the true character to all their procedings- on this
subject. The General Assemblies appear to have conducted
the business of the church, as fairly and dispassionately,
as can be expected in such a body of men, for
the general interests of the community, down to the
year 1725. Before this time, they discover no very
prominent features, either of political or party conten
tions; but seem to be heartily united, in providing for
the usefulness and respectability of the church, and for
the peace and security of the country.
l

440 APPENDIX.
But from 1725 to 1732, their proceedings undoubt
edly begin to assume a different character.
The Directory of 1649 begins to be referred to, more
authoritatively, than had been the practice before. The
proceedings of the commission, of 1725, are set
aside by the Assembly of 1726, (as has already been
stated,) chiefly because they had proceeded on a call, not
exactly after the model of that Directory ; though it is
certain that, in that very case, they were much more vul
nerable on other points, in which they had usurped the
powers both of the presbytery and synod -, in manifest
violation of most essential articles, in the constitution
of the church. From this time, it is quite clear, that
there is a party contending for popular election, in the
settlement of ministers ; that is, for an election by the
heads of families, as well as by heritors ami elders ; in
opposition, both to the law of patronage, and the prac
tice established under the act 1 690.
On the other hand, the party in opposition to them,
far from contending for the settlement of parishes by
presentations alone, without the aid of a call, contend
for nothing more, than that the call shall be exclusive
ly by heritors and elders, and approved or disapproved,
for reasons shewn, by the congregation ; and that this
rule shall be uniformly followed, in the exercise of the
jus devoVutum ,- under which, far the greatest number of
vacant parishes were at that time supplied-
The commission propose to the Assembly a new over-
turefcr thesettlementof ministers, under the jus devolutum,
in 1728 ; in which, though somewhat more influence is
apparently given to the congregation, in the' nomination
of candidates, the same rule is still adhered to, lor their
election by heritors and elders. But the party becomes
every day more visible, who pointed at a more popular
rule. Though the overture of the commission does not
appear, to have gone far beyond that which was. laid
aside in 1723, it was never moved in the Assembly j
and after some attempts to improve it, it was probably
neglected, because it could no longer meet the ideas of
thosej who were by this time beginning to assume the
character of the popular party in the church.
There were new overtures in preparation afterwards,

APPENDIX. 441
but none of them were transmitted to presbyteries ; and
as presentations became more frequent, the contention
between the parties, by this time formed in the church,
became both keener, and more visible. The induction of
presentees became more difficult; the exertion of
church authority was more coercive ; and was more fre
quently resorted to.
The church courts were by no means uniform, in
their decisions. But as the opposition to presentees be
came more frequent, and more unmanageable, they be
gan by degrees to act with more firmness; and from
tbe obstructions which were given to the execution of
their sentences, all their resolution became necessary, to
carry them into effect.
None of the least of their difficulties arose from the
elergy themselves. When the great body of the pa
rishioners resisted the induction of a presentee ; when a
great proportion of the elders, or of the resident heritors,
in the parish to which he was presented, refused to sub
scribe his call ; and when, supported by the heads of
families, they came forward in the Church Courts, to
oppose his settlement ; many of the clergy began to en
tertain, what they considered as conscientious scruples,
against the induction of a minister, who, according to
their conception, could have no pastoral relation to a
people, who refused to submit to his ministry : And on
this principle, many of the presbyteries refused to exe
cute *the sentences of the Superior Courts, which ap
pointed such inductions.
This circumstance presented a very serious obstruc
tion, to the exercise of church authority on the subject;
which, if it had been carried to extremity at first, might
have produced a schism in the church, still more exten
sive, than that which was soon after exhibited. The in
dividuals, who hesitated to give obedience to their eccle
siastical superiors in this point, and who made it a sub
ject of conscientious scruples, were neither to be per
suaded nor compelled. And as they bad the support of
the great body of the people, "it was at least a matter of
great delicacy, to put to hazard, the authority and the
peace of the church, by peremptory sentences, which
might be disregarded or disobeyed.

442 APPENDIX.
The policy of those who were unwilling to bring this
question to issue, at a time when tbe minds of a great
proportion, both of the clergy and of the people, were
heated and' irritated on the subject ; and when the oppo
sition to individual presentees became every day more
inveterate ; suggested an expedient, by Which the most
authoritative sentences of the Assembly- were executed,
in the midst of the keenest opposition of the people,
and without interfering with the scruples of the clergy.
Instead of appointing the presbyteries themselves, as
the constitution required, to execute the sentences o
the Supreme Court, the Assembly, or commission, ap
pointed individual ministers of their own number ; or
members of synods, or presbyteries, in the vicinity of the
parishes ; to execute their sentences ; by giving collation
to the presentees, in the same forms which, in ordi
nary cases, would have been competent to the presby
teries themselves ; leaving it to such members of the
presbyteries, as were willing to join with them,, to take
part in the transaction.
This expedient was adopted in 1729, in the settle
ment of New Machar ; and continued to be resorted to,
in cases of similar difficulty, for 20 years after that time.
It was certainly a great deviation from constitutional
law. But the times were difficult. The scruples of
many of the most popular clergy were as sincere, as they
were obstinate. The agitation of the people on the
subject was every day becoming more visible, and vio
lent. The opposition to many of the presentees, who
were inducted by the committees appointed by the Su
preme Court, was as inveterate after their induction, as
before ; and their churches were in danger of being al
most entirely deserted, The leaders in the Assemblies
were not willing to add to the struggle, occasioned by
the opposition of the people, a controversy with the
scruples of the clergy ; and this was the origin, of what
were then denominated among the populace, " the
" riding committees."
There will be occasion to advert to this subject again.
The expedient adopted was, at the best, but a pallia
tive ; which, they who devised it, allowed themselves to
believe, would be effectual to preserve the authority of
the church, without endangering her tranquillity.

APPENDIX. 443
In 1732, another expedient was adopted, which has
had more permanent effects, on the situation, both of
the church and of the country.
No overtures relating to the settlement of ministers
had been lately transmitted to the presbyteries. Though
several overtures on the subject had been in prepara
tion, they had not been followed out. And they who
were impatient to have a definite rule laid down, which,
without departing from established usages, should be
effectual to crush the doctrines then keenly agitated, re
lating to the divine right of the people at large in the
election of ministers ; persuaded the Assembly to pass
an act, by their own authority, and without transmission
to the presbytei'ies ; containing a rule for the settlement
of ministers, in all cases, in which the nomination
should fall to the presbyteries, either jure devoluto, or
by consent of patrons, who did not exercise their right
of patronage. It hs>s already been stated, that, accord
ing to the practice then subsisting, this description
would have applied to a great proportion of the va
cancies in Scotland.
The act contains in substance the same rule, which
had been established by the act of parliament 1690;
with some additional regulations, which might become
necessary, in certain specified cases.
No proceeding of a General Assembly has ever been
followed by consequences, which have more generally
or permanently affected the state of the country. It
was most strenuously opposed at the time, by those, who
were then considered," as the popular party in the
church — By many of them, because the act had not
been previously transmitted to presbyteries, in the form.
of an overture, in terms of the Barrier Act ; and by a
considerable.number besides, of those who asserted the
divine right of the people, in the election of ministers ;
and who would have been as hostile to the act of par
liament of 1 690, as to this enactment of the Assembly.
The first class had constitutional grounds to plead for
their opposition j while the latter asserted the rights of
conscience, and the rights of the people which they
professed to derive from the authority of Christ.
The state of the controversy was such, as might have

444 APPENDIX.
been naturally expected, after the division in the As
sembly, to produce a very considerable degree of irrita
tion in the country ; and of this circumstance, the
keenest of the popular demagogues among the clergy,
did not fail to avail themselves immediately.
The Assembly was no sooner dissolved, than Mr
Ebenezer Erskine, minister of Stirling, began to sound
tbe alarm against their enactment ; as a gross encroach
ment on the rights of the people, on the constitution of
the church, and (what was much more serious) on the
laws and authority of Christ. On the 4th of June
1732, a few days after the date of the act, he preached
a sermon in the church of Stirling, full of inflammatory
declamations; in which, after laying down, in broad
and unqualified terms, the divine right of the people
at large, to elect their own pastors, he roundly asserted,
" That those professed Presbyterians, who thrust men
" upon congregations, without, and contrary to the
" free choice their great King had allowed them, were
" guifty of an attempt to jostle Christ out of his govern-
" ment, and to take it oh their own shoulders." In
the preface to this sermon, which he immediately pub
lished, he expressly applied these assertions to the act
of Assembly in question. In October following, he
preached another sermon before the synod of Perth
and Stirling ; in which he affirmed the same doctrine,
in terms equally unqualified, and of equal keenness
and asperity.
It is not improbable, that the strong feelings of
Ebenezer Erskine and his associates on this occasion,
were, in a certain degree, exasperated, by another pro
ceeding of the Assembly, whichhad taken place a few days
before the enactment. The Assembly had decided a
question relating to the settlement of a minister of
Kinross, in the presbytery of Dunfermline ; to which
great opposition had been made, both by the pari
shioners and the presbytery ; and in which, Mr Ralph
Erskine, (the brother of Ebenezer,) minister of Dunferm
line, and Mr Thomas Mair, minister of Orwell, iboth of
whom were afterwards leaders in the secession,) were
deeply involved. The Assembly had not only appoint
ed the settlement of Kinross, tp be carried into execu-
ii

APPENDIX. 445
tion, with circumstances of peculiar severity 5 but they
had prohibited the clerks from receiving any dissents from
their sentence, or a protest which was offered from the
bar, by Mr Ralph Erskine and others. * The follow
ing Assembly treated them with still greater severity.
In 1733 Mr Ralph Erskine, Mr Mair, and others, were
rebuked at the bar ; for their determined refusal to en
rol Mr Stark, then minister of Kinross, as a member
of the presbytery of Dunfermline. Neither Mr Ralph
Erskine, nor Mr Mair, were members of that Assembly ;
but the keenness with which they afterwards supported
Ebenezer Erskine, in resisting the sentence pronounced
on his sermon before the synod of Perth, was in all
probability irritated, in no common degree, by these
circumstances. This may be fairly admitted, though
there is no reason to doubt, that the individuals them
selves believed, that they were guided by principle afone ;
and might not be conscious of any other considera
tions, which influenced their conduct. On the other
hand, the Assembly certainly treated them with un
merited and useless severity ; when, not satisfied with
having rebuked them for their obstinacy before, they
commanded them, in the high tone of church authority,
to acknowledge Mr Stark as minister of Kinross ;
though, after his enrolment by the Assembly, they had
already judicially declared their willingness, to treat him
as a brother. There was an intemperance on both
side s, to which, if the coincidence is fairly considered,
there is little doubt that some part of tbe violence,
which afterwards occasioned the secession, may be
fairly imputed.
It would not be reasonable to judge any of the in- N
dividuals of this period, by the ideas which prevail in
the present times. The same circumstances would not
now produce, either the same agitation, or be followed
by the same consequences. But whatever was the ef-
* This last circumstance is referred to, in the preface taEbeneh
zer Erskine's sermon before the synod of Perth, in tbe keenest and.
most inflammatory terms ; and clearly demonstrates, that the treat
ment which he and his friends had received, in the case ol Kinross,
made no small part in his general complaint, against the conduct of
the Assembly.

446 APPENDIX.
feet of the treatment given to the presbytery of Dun-"
fermline, it was unquestionably true, that the decisions
in the case of Kinross, and a few others which oc
curred nearly at the same time, connected with the act
of Assembly in 1732, furnished the leading circumstan
ces, which inflamed the zeal of the original seceders,
and which ultimately led to their separation from the
church. The act itself (of 1732) goes no farther, than almost
every overture on the subject, framed by the Assembly
for twenty years before ; or beyond what had been the
general, practice of the church, since 1690. Nor will it
be easy to shew, that the doctrine asserted by Mr Er
skine in his two sermons, was ever held or practised by
the church, at any period since the Revolution^; or that
it can be even reconciled to the language of General
Assemblies, at any time before, *
Ebenezer Erskine certainly went much farther, than
he was warranted to do by the doctrine' and practice
of the church, at any period since the Reformation.
And though he inflamed the minds of the people, by
placing his doctrine on the authority of scripture,
and by asserting, what was incapable of proof — that he
was contending for the original laws qf Christianity, as
well as for the ancient law of the Scottish Church — it
may be fairly admitted notwithstanding, that he honest
ly affirmed, what he had brought himself to believe ;
even while the unreasonable intemperance and pertina
city, with which he maintained it, can scarcely be de
nied. * The First Book of Discipline had, indeed, placed the eleetion of
pastors in the people at large. But when the points, not sufficiently
digested there, were corrected and new modelled in the Second Book
of 'Discipline, the election, of pastors is declared to be, "by the judg-
" ment of the elderjjiip, (that is, of the presbytery,) and the consent of
" the congregation ;' this language signifying, according to all the
laws and usage which followed, the right of the people either to give
their consent, or to state and substantiate their objections, of which
the presbytery were to judge. The people were not the electors, even
by this rule ; and though it gave more power to the presbyteries, than
was ever afterwards conceded to them, it gave the people exactly
the same place, which the language of the church, both in early
and later times, uniformly assigned them,

APPENDIX. 447
. His doctrines, indeed, derived their chief importance,
frpm the keenness with which they were combated in
the church courts ; and from the violence of those, who
became his opponents or prosecutors. They who read
his two, sermons in the - present times, will not think
that they were in any respect worthy of the attention
which was given them ; and will scarcely find it possible
to doubt, that, with all the inflammable matter which
they contain, had they been disregarded by the church
courts, and never brought into question, their defects,
in argument and substance, would soon have consigned
them to oblivion.
It would be equally uninteresting and useless, to give
in detail, the events which rose out of this controversy.
The clamour excited against the act 1732 became so
general and violent, that the Assembly found themselves
compelled to repeal it, in 1734. Independent of its
substance, it was resisted on the strong constitutional
objection, that it had been enacted by the authority of
the Assembly itself, without transmission to presbyte
ries. This was undoubtedly a legal ground for the
repeal, and on this ground it was rested. But it is
equally certain, that the popular clamour, and the sup
port given without doors, to the brethren who after
wards seceded, had no small influence in producing it.
All the public proceedings of this time demonstrate
this to have been the fact. The commission of 1733
had pronounced a sentence on the ministers who
became ssceders, " loosing their relation to their
" parpchial charges, and appointing this sentence to be
" intimated from their pulpits respectively." In seve
ral instances, the people tumultuously resisted this inti
mation, and prevented it from being made. The Ge
neral Assembly of 1734, so- far from confirming the
sentence of the commission, adopted measures, which
were evidently intended to retain the disobedient bre
thren, within the pale of the church, and even to pre
serve them in ministerial communion with their bre
thren, notwithstanding the resistance they had given to
ecclesiastical authority. They did not expressly repeal
the sentences of the commission ; but they did so in ef
fect ; when, without mentioning them, they empowered

448 APPENDIX.
the synod of Perth and Stirling, to do every thing iii
their power for restoring the peace of tbe church, Wrf-lf-
out impeaching its authority.
There were, at the same time, two feeble attempts
made, to obtain a repeal of the act 1712 restoring pa
tronages. The commission of 1734 sent an embassy to
London for this purpose, consisting of Mr Gordon,
minister of Alford, Mr Willison, minister of Dundee,
and Mr Macintosh, minister of Errol. But no success
having attended thisi mission, a new deputation was
sent to London by the Assembly itself, with the same
instructions, in 1735 ; as has already been mentioned, in
the account given of Lieutenant- Colonel Erskine. * It
does not appear that any direct application was made
to parliament. But the records of Assembly in 1736
contain the address which was presented to the King
by the three commissioners ; and though they seem to
have been sufficiently in earnest, and to have done
every thiwg, which prudence or expediency could have
warranted, they were as unsuccessful, as their predeces
sors. But what shews, above all, the wish of the Assembly,
of 1736, to conciliate the spirit of the times, they passed
an act in this year, entitled " An act against the Intru-
" sion of Ministers into vacant Congregations, and re-
" commendations to Presbyteries concerning settlements."
It lays down a general doctrine, against the intrusion of
ministers, contrary to the inclinations of the congrega
tions ; and affirms, that such an^'intrusion is in direct
opposition to what has been the principle of the Scottish
Church, since the Reformation. It recommends it to
the judicatories of the church, to have due regard to
this principle, in planting vacant congregations ; and
then it admonishes the presbyteries, to be at pains to
promote harmony and unanimity ; and to avoid every
thing, which might excite unreasonable exceptions
among the people, against respectable candidates.
It is scarcely conceivable, that this act could have done
more, than sooth the discontent of the people, by conci
liatory language ; unless more could have been attempt.
*P;t.

APPENDIX. 449
ed, than perhaps was practicable; and unless it hacl been
followed up by a train of authoritative decisions, which
was far from being intended. It does appear, however,
that, for some years after this time, the sentences of the
Assemblies,in the settlement of ministers, are expressed in
a more guarded and softened tone, than had been usual
during some of the preceding years. They discover
more solicitude to deal tenderly with the people, and
not to irritate their humours, by unnecessary exertions of
authority. To this extent*, the enactment appears to
have had some effect ; and it ought perhaps in candour
to be admitted, that the majority of those who were
concerned in it might, at the time, have imagined it pos
sible, to have done more, to connect the settlement of
ministers with the consent of the people, which it, sup
posed to be essential, than was afterwards found prac
ticable, evenly themselves. At the same time, it is
equally evident, that the members of the Church who
had been most determined, in disregarding the opposition
made to the induction of presentees, if they concurred
in this enactment, as they seem to have done, could have
intended it as nothing more, than a concession in terminis,
to the prejudices of the people, without any view to its
influence on their decisions in particular cases, or to such.
a change of system, as could haVe had any practical ef
fects; The. settlements of presentees, which had been before
in dependence, and on which former assemblies had
decided, though their sentences had not been complete
ly executed, appear, from 1736 to 1740, to have been
followed out, by the authority of the successive assem
blies of that time, even where the opposition made to
them was most determined. But the sentences pronoun
ced are expressed in moderate terms. There is an
evident intention, not to bear hard on individual mi
nisters, who were unwilling to be concerned in the exe
cution of such sentences. And though the assemblies
do not appear to have judicially departed from the sen
tences which they had pronounced, there are some ex
amples, in which the presentees appear to have been
tacitly withdrawn, or indirectly laid aside ; at one time,
without the fartner interference of the assembly ; and at
rf

450 APPENDIX.
another, by a resolution on their record. In these eases,
the enactment of 1736 had certainly some effect.
It seems to have operated still more, in a few processes
for settlements, which had not been considered by the As
sembly before, in which they evidently shewed an inclina
tion to conciliate the people. In some instances they, in
direet terms, set aside the presentees, to whom the oppo
sition was most violent. The most remarkable example
occurred, in the case of the parish of Currie, in the pres
bytery of Edinburgh. In 1740, they refused to proceed to
the settlement of Mr Mercer, then minister of Aberdalgie,
as presentee to the parish of Currie, though he had been
regularly presented by the magistrates and town-council
of Edinburgh, the undoubted patrons. They set him
aside, avowedly on account of " the difficulties which
attended his call" that is, on account of the general
opposition made to him in the parish. They went far
ther, and followed up their decision, by recommending it
to the magistrates of Edinburgh, to offer to the parish of
Currie a lect of six candidates, and of them to present
the individual, who should be selected by the majority of
heritors and ^elders. It appears that this advice was fol
lowed. Mr Mercer was no more mentioned, and a
minister, acceptable to the parish, was afterwards induct
ed. This was a remarkable decision, very unlike the
proceedings of Assemblies since 1730 ; and it furnishes
a striking example, in which the Assembly set aside a
presentee, to whose life or doctrine no objection what
ever could be stated ; in which the personal views or in
terests of the presentee were not at all consulted ; and in
which the patrons made no attempt whatever, to retain
the fruits of the benefice ; though their presentee was not
only not inducted by the Church Courts, but was, with
out any literary or moral disqualification, expressly re
jected. *
* To those who are acquainted with the history of the time, this
decision will appear to have been, in a considerable degree, influenced
by the state of the country, and by the secession from the Church,
¦which was just then openly avowed. Mr Metfcer was the person who
hid first moved a censure on Ebenezer Erskine's sermon, in the synod
of Perth ; and the consequences of that measure were always con
nected with his name. He was in the highest > degree obnoxious,
from that circumstance, to every order of the people ; and the sen-
6

APPENDIX. 45|
There are other examples within the same period, and
after it, of deference to public opinion, of presentees set
aside, and of other expedients resorted to, to quiet the
opposition made to the sentences of the Assembly, and to
soften the asperities of ecclesiastical authority ; which
were manifestly accommodations to the spirit of the
times, rather than the result of any change of system or
of principle, among those who then assumed to them
selves the designation of the moderate party. Excepting
the particular cases, there was not indeed any change of
system intended. The decisions given with regard to dif
ferent parishes, were indeed by no means uniform or con
sistent. The induction of ministers, where the resistance
of the people was both violent and general, was frequently
sanctioned by the same assemblies ; though the language
of their decisions was commonly guarded and temperate.
The secession from the Church, which had long been
foreseen, was at last completed, in 1740. All the en
deavours of the Assemblies to persuade or conciliate the
seceding ministers, though seven years had elapsed,
ultimately failed. They had formed themselves into an
independent presbytery, and by printed documents pub
lished to the world, as well as by public declarations
from their pulpits, they had renounced all subjection to
the authority of the judicatories of the Church. They
had taken this step, long before they were finally ejected
from their parochial charges. For, to do the Assemblies
justice, they were not rash in adopting measures, which
were to render their continuance in the Church impos
sible, aiid to complete their separation from it. To such
measures, however, they thought themselves at last com
pelled to resort. In 1740, the Assembly pronounced a
sentence of deposition on eight ministers, who had se
ceded, and appointed their several churches to be de
clared vacant.
On the principles on which the Assembly had pro
ceeded, this measure had Certainly become at last una
voidable. And, on the other side, it can scarcely be
tence of the Assembly was most gratifying to those, who either coun
tenanced or deprecated the secession; though it was certainly at va
riance with many decisions, in cases as difficult from their own
merits, both before this time and afterwards. In 17SS, Mr Mercer's
translation to the parish of Dron, in the presbytery of Perth, had
been in like manner refused by the Assembly.

4M APPENDIX.
denied, that the seceding ministers, trusting to their
influence with the populace, and no doubt relying on
what they considered as the argument in their favour,
conducted themselves with no small degree of intem
perance. Be this as it may, dispassionate men, at this distance
of time, must be compelled to admit, that great errors
were committed on both sides. If Ebenezer Erskine
and his associates were intemperate, in their attacks. on
the Ecclesiastical Courts ; and assumed, as original prin
ciples of the establishment, what had never been ac-.
ktiowledged or acted upon, at any period of.the church ;
if they were obstinate and unbending, beyond what
either the weight of their argument, or the real merit of
the questions at issue could warrant ; it may be fairly
conceded on the other side, that the party in the church
who originally decided against them, were rash and in
judicious, in taking up questions, which were much
more likely to be set at rest by time, than by authority.
The high tone of ecclesiastical discipline, which they
adopted, was not to be easily reconciled with the
language of indirect concession afterwards resorted to ;
which was but in a very slight degree supported, by the
particular decisions of the time, or by any part of their
general practice at a subsequent period. The injudi
cious mixture of forbearance and severity, manifest in
the treatment of the seceding ministers, so far from
being calculated to reclaim or persuade them, had an
obvious tendency, to confirm their resolution to form a
separate sect for themselves, and, by its natural influence
on the people who followed them, to place them in open
and determined hostility with the establishment. They
relied on their popularity to secure them followers, and
probably believed, that it would have accomplished much
more than at first it did ; though the remote consequen
ces of their secession have certainly been more extensive
and considerable, than they could have possibly antici
pated at its commencement. On the other hand, they
who at that dme had the lead in the management of the
church, affected to despise their influence, and to con
sider their secession as incapable of producing any seri
ous or permanent effects. The anticipations of both

APPENDIX. 453
are at sufficient variance with historical truth, to afford
a most impressive lesson to later times.
But though the consequences of the secession have
not been precisely, what was on either side foreseen, it
has undoubtedly made a material and permanent change
on the ecclesiastical condition of Scotland. The sece
ders were soon divided among themselves ; and their
party distinctions, embittered by their perpetual appeals
to the people, had an obvious tendency to lower their
influence in the country, and to retard the progress of
their sect. Notwithstanding this disadvantage, the num
ber of their followers was gradually, and almost imper
ceptibly, augmented, in every quarter of the kingdom ;
till they have at last comprehended a proportion of the
population, which neither the nature of their controver
sy with the church, nor the weight or talents of their
original leaders, could have led, either their friends or
their opponents, to anticipate.
There was, indeed, from the commencement of their
separation, one obvious source of their influence and
progress, of which they well knew how to avail them
selves. Every new subject pf discontent among the
people, occasioned by decisions of General Assemblies,
and every unsuccessful opposition to the induction oi an
obnoxious presentee, gave to the seceding ministers a
new sphere of activity ; and held out to them the pro
spect of a new congregation to be added to their sect.
They planted their tabernacles, wherever they imagined
they would find malecontents to fill them ; and it may be
naturally concluded, that, when they selected the situa
tions with judgment, they were not often entirely dis
appointed. Besides, they did not confine themselves to their ori
ginal grounds of complaint, against the establishment,
arising out of the act of Assembly of 1732. The„v
brought forward to the people, every other species Of
defection, which they could impute to the church. And
it is obvious, that there could be no great difficulty in
discovering man> objectionable facts, in the manage
ment of ecclesiastical courts, such as may be found in the
conduct of every institution, in which human beings are
concerned ; or in framing exaggerated statements, of

454 APPENDIX.
real defects and corruptions, in ecclesiastical proceed
ings ; sufficient to inflame the minds of the populace, and
to rivet, wherever they could excite, their prejudices
against the establishment.
They at the same time devised expedients and restric
tions, by which for many years they excluded their ad
herents, from all communication with the established
churches j and, in this way, from all opportunities of
information, beyond what they received from them
selves, or by their direction. They assumed the power
of licensing preachers, and of afterwards ordaining
them ; and as their congregations multiplied, they divid
ed themselves into different presbyteries and synods.
But for many years they adopted the idea, that it was
not safe to trust the education of their young men, to
the universities or professors, in connection with the
church ; lest they should be infected by the corruptions
which they imputed to the establishment. To render
them independent, they created academies of their own,
both for philosophy and theology, to which they ori
ginally confined every young man, who was afterwards
to apply to them for a license. The effect of this bigot
ry was equally unfriendly to the influence of their sect,
and to the permanent interests of the country. Many
of their young men came forward, without the educa
tion which their situation required, and wilh a very
slender portion of information. And nothing but the
means employed, to prevent the people from having re
course to other instructors, could have kept them to
gether, while this system was rigidly adhered to.
Happily for the country, and for the respectability of
the seceding ministers, they have at last adopted juster,
and more liberal views, both of the universities, and of
the qualifications required for pastoral duty. They
have still professors of divinity. But their prelections are
now generally confined, to the time allotted for the vaca
tions in the universities ; and the candidates for orders
in the secession, have at least the means of being as
well educated as the ministers of the establishment.
This fact, whatever additional strength it may give to
the secession, is of no small importance to the country
at large. For, from the congregations of eight seceding

APPENDIX. 455
ministers, deposed by the Assembly in 1740, (adding to
them the presbytery of Relief, which sprung from the
deposition of a single individual many years later,) there
have risen up at last, nearly three hundred and sixty
seceding meetings; which, at a moderate computation,
may, in round numbers, contain a fourth or a fifth part
of the population of Scotland.
When so large a proportion of the inhabitants of the
kingdom is concerned, it is at least consolatory to believe,
that they have access to instructors, who are qualified
to do them justice. The doctrines now delivered in the
seceding meetings, js, in no essential article, different
from the instruction received in the established churches.
Though, by being more numerous, and always well
educated, the established clergy can certainly produce
a much greater number pf considerable men ; it cannot
be denied, that, among the ministers belonging to the
secession, there are individuals not inferior to the most
respectable ministers of the establishment ; and it ought
to be in candour admitted, that their people are, by a
great proportion of them, as well instructed, as those who
adhere to the church.
The country at large certainly reaps an important
advantage, from this change of circumstances. Fpr, in
spite of the circumstances which have prevented, either
the civil or ecclesiastical rulers, from attending to the
progress of secession, it has been always increasing,
from its commencement to the present times ; and, in
one pr other of its different sects, is constantly acquir
ing additional strength, from causes, which it is now in
vain, and perhaps impossible, to counteract.
The ecclesiastical rulers affected to despise the indivi
duals who were the original seceders, as men of such
limited information and capacity, as could only create
an influence, among the lowest of the people. This
was an exaggeration beyond the truth ; for many of
them were not inferior tp their contemporaries ; and,
as preachers, they had popular talents, sufficient to se
cure the attachment of their followers. And though
their learning and their individual talents had been as
inconsiderable, as was affirmed, the popularity,of the to
pics, which they derived from the original occasion of

456 APPENDIX.
the secession, and of others with which they were, from
its commencement, incorporated, and on which they
were perpetually declaiming, gave them an influence oh
great multitudes of the people, of which it was impossi
ble to deprive them.
But all the advantages, which they possessed, would
have little availed them, if no new occasions of discon
tent had arisen, from the management of the Ecclesias
tical Courts. The secession, well or ill founded, had
undoubtedly placed the rulers of the church, in circum
stances. of peculiar difficulty and delicacy.
It has been already stated, that for many years after
the enactment of the statute of 1712, the settlement of
a great proportion of vacant parishes had been effectu
ated, by means of a call from heritors and elders, with
out the intervention of the patrons ; — and that in ma
ny cases, in which there was a presentation before a
pt-esbytery, they were accustomed, without taking much
notice of it, to proceed on the call from heritors and
elders. The patrons, who gained their object, in the
induction of the presentees, seldom thought it necessary
to remonstrate against a practice, which was neither
warranted by law, nor, if the subject had been well
considered, justified by expediency. It served to keep
down the prejudices of the people against the law of pa
tronage, which, under this management, seldom contra
dicted their wishes. But it certainly aggravated the
difficulty of the church courts in other cases, in which
the patrons demanded the settlement of their presentees,
notwithstanding the opposition made to them, by any
number of the parishioners.
When the patrons began to exercise their rights
more frequently, and with less attention to the wishes
of the people ; when the people saw, that they had a
ready access to ministers of their own selection, in se
ceding meetings; the opposition to presentees be
came more inveterate, and unmanageable ; and it was
soon found to be a matter of extreme difficulty and
embarrassment, in the Church Courts, to decide be
tween the patrons and the people, without sacrificing to
either, what, by one party at least, was held to be the
constitutional law of the church, or of the state.

APPENDIX. 457
The two parties, who were understood to divide the
church, were not exactly characterized by the same
doctrines, which have since distinguished them. Both,
at that time, admitted the constitutional necessity, of a
call from a parish, to become the foundation of a pas
toral relation, between a presentee and the parishioners ;
but they who called themselves the moderate party, af
firmed the legal call to be limited to heritors and el
ders, (according to the spirit of the act of Assembly of
1732 ;) while the other party contended (as the original
seceders had done) for the right of the parishioners at
large, or at least of the heads of families, to be ad
mitted as callers. The former had the support of the
government, who, by this time, perpetually interfered
jn the management of assemblies, and especially on
every point, which related to the settlement of ministers ;
while the latter derived their chief strength from po
pular favour, and from the influence of those who
deprecated every measure, which they thought was cal
culated to alienate the people from the established
church, and to lessen the usefulness and respectability
of the parochial ministers.
Archibald Earl of Isla, afterwards Duke of Argyle,
came to have the chief management of Scotch affairs ;
and under him Dr Patrick Cumin, one of the ministers
of the city, and Professor of Church History in the
University of Edinburgh, was the chief ostensible leader
in the church. Dr Cumin was certainly a clergyman
both of worth, and of talents. His distinction as a man
of letters, and as a preacher,- entitled him to every de
gree of respect. His powers of conversation raised him
above his contemporaries. His capacity for the ma
nagement of public business gave him sufficient advan
tages, in his political character ; though his influence, in
a great measure, depended on the administration which
supported him.
The party, under his management, did not pretend
to attempt the abolition of calls, in the settlement of
ministers ; and always professed to require the call of
heritors and elders, before they gave effect to a pre
sentation. But, under their management, it was seldom difficult to

458 APPENDIX.
procure such a call, as satisfied them, even in cases, in which
the great body of the parishioners were hostile to the
settlements. By tbe influence of the patrons, which
came to be more keenly exerted, than was usual at an
earlier period, and the help of non-resident heritors,
they seldom failed to effect their purpose. And when
the Assemblies executed their sentences by committees of
their own, the induction of the presentees was com
pleted, even where the opposition was strongest, without
either encroaching on the scruples of one class, or be
ing defeated by the timidity of another.
It must be eyident, however, that the appointment of*
such committees was neither sanctioned by constitution
al law, nor justified by any experience of its expedien
cy. It diminished the immediate difficulty, of executing
the sentences of the Assembly. But it had no tendency
to remove the prejudices of the people ; and was evi
dently calculated to lower, in their eyes, the respecta
bility of the ministers, who were inducted by means so
unusual and irregular.
The last committee on this service was appointed in
1751 ; and, from this time, the Assemblies peremptorily
required the execution of their sentences, to be com
pleted by the presbyteries respectively.
There was at first great difficulty, in carrying this
resolution into effect. Many individuals, who consci
entiously believed, that the consent of the congregation
was essential to the pastoral relation, thought they were
bound in duty, to decline to take any active part, in
the settlement of ministers, to whom a general oppo
sition was made by the parishioners. On the other
hand, the General Assemblies were resolute in main
taining the authority of their sentences ; and the mi
nisters who ventured to disobey them, subjected them
selves to the severest ecclesiastical censures.
The first case which occurred, after this mode of
proceeding was finally resolved on, was the settlement
of Inverkeithing, in the presbytery of Dunfermline.
Though there was, in that instance, a call sustained by
the Assembly, it depended in a considerable degree on
non-resident heritors ; and the opposition made by the
congregation was violent, and almost general.

APPENDIX. 459
The ruling party in the church were, by this time,
fully prepared to apply ecclesiastical censures, to the disr-
obedience of church authority; for which, they were per
suaded, no other remedy could be found : And when
they came to appoint the presbytery of Dunfermline to
admit tbe presentee to Inverkeithing, they not only en
joined every member of the presbytery to attend the ad
mission, but they declared that the quorum should be
five; in place of three, the legal quorum. They sent
the presbytery from their bar to Inverkeithing ; and re
quired them, after admitting the presentee, to report
their obedience to the Assembly, on a specified day.
When they returned, they reported that, of their whole
number, only three ministers had attended •, and that
they, not being a quorum, according to the terms of
the Assembly's appointment, did not feel themselves
authorized to proceed to the admission. After hearing
the defence of those members of the presbytery who had
absented themselves, of - whom the greatest number
pleaded conscientious scruples, they approved of the
conduct of those who had attended, who, without a
quorum, were not authorized to have executed the As
sembly's sentence, and accepted apologies for the ab
sence of some other individuals. Of six members of
the presbytery, who pleaded at the Assembly's bar con
scientious scruples, they solemnly deposed one, from his
office as a minister — Mr Thomas Gillespie, minister of
Carnock — and ejected him from his living. There was
then no time to complete the admission of the presentee
at Inverkeithing, during the session of the Assembly.
The presbytery were therefore again appointed to
execute the sentence, and to report their obedi
ence to tlie synod of Fife; and the Assembly be
sides suspended from their judicative capacity, in the
superior Ecclesiastical Courts, every member of that
presbytery, wh° should be absent, on the day appointed
for the induption of the presentee, and who should not
offer a relevant excuse for his absence, to the synod of
Fife. This sentence of suspension was afterwards ap
plied to three members pf the presbytery ; Mr Hunter,
minister of Saline, Mr Qaling, minister of Cleish, and
Mr Spence, minister of Orwell.
The censures of the church, on this occasion, fell on

460 APPENDIX.
individuals, who were all acknowledged to be men of
integrity and principle ; of whose sincerity there was
no suspicion. * Mr Gillespie, in particular, on whom
the severest censure fell, was charged with nothing but
his absence fiom Inverkeithing, on the day appointed
for the induction of the presentee ; for, excepting his
attendance, he had no official duty imposed on him, which
could have been affected by his absence. It has always
been admitted, by those who had best access to know
him, that nothing but what he considered as a sense of
duty, had prevented him from obeying the appointment
of the Assembly. He was indeed one of the most in
offensive and upright men of his time. He was equally
zealous and faithful in his pastoral duties ; and his pri
vate life was irreproachable. His talents were certainly
underrated by those who marked him out, among his
brethren, as the most eligible victim of a disobedience,
in which so many were associated. But he had done
nothing to distinguish him froni the rest. He had never
entered deeply into ecclesiastical business, and was at no
time a political intriguer. And, when all these circum
stances are considered, there was at least great reason
to have hesitated, in pronouncing on him a sentence
of deposition, f
But the Assembly seized on this occasion, to bear
down, by a strong example, all future opposition to
church authority. His deposition gave rise to a new
sect of dissenters, afterwards known by the designation
of " the Presbytery of Relief ;" which has maintained
itself ever since, and has added a considerable popula
tion to the dissenters from ihe Established Church. Mr
Gillespie became the founder of this sect, very unwilling-
* This sentence of suspension was recalled, about 12 or 14 years
afterwards. f The temper of mind with which he received the censure inflict
ed on him, is not unworthy to be recorded. The moderator of the
Assembly pronounced the sentence of deposition from the chair ; and
Mr Gillespie stood at the bar to receive it. When he had heard it to
an end, he replied, in these striking and impressive words : " I thank
" God, that to me it is given, not only to believe in the name of
" the Lord Jesus Christ, but also to suffer for his sake." Whether
he was well or ill informed, no man suspected, that this scriptural
expression of his feelings did not come from the sincerity and the ful
ness of his heart.

APPENDIX. 461
ly. He was partial to the establishment, to the end of
his life; and of this he gave a striking proof, when, on
his death-bed, he advised his congregation to apply to the
church, after his decease, to be restored to her com
munion ; which they afterwards successfully did.
Whatever the Assemblies gained, in point of autho
rity, among their own members, by all these proceed
ings, it is. unquestionable, that their severity contributed
at the time, in a considerable degree, to the progress of the
secession. The active rulers of the church affected to de
spise the seceders. But the fact was unquestionable, that
every church settlement, effected by the strong arm of au
thority, in opposition to the great body of the parishioners,
opened a new dissenting meeting, and separated a new
congregation from the communion of the establish
es o
ment. From 1752 to 1763, there are Dot many examples
which occur, in the proceedings of Assemblies, of the
settlement of ministers effected, when the opposition to
them was very considerable. In two strong cases, the pre
sentees were set aside, from the inexpediency of their
settlements — in one of them, where the opposition was
greatest, by a compromise, under which the presentation
was relinquished, and a different minister was inducted ;
iu another, after both the presentation and the call
had been sustained by the Assembly, because the inex
pediency of the settlement was notwithstanding admit
ted. There is scarcely more than one example besides,
during this interval, of" a strong opposition to a presentee
whose settlement was appointed by the Assembly ; and
none, in which the presbyteries appear to have shewn
any reluctance to obey the sentence.
After this time, there were several examples of settle
ments appointed by the Assembly, to which great op
position was made ; and there occurred some cases be
tween L765, and 1774, which occasioned more obstinate
and protracted litigation, than is to be found on record,
since 1732, or, indeed, since the Revolution in 1688.
But, by this time, the Duke of Argyle was gone, who
had, for so many years, directed the influence of govern
ment, in the management of the church ; and Dr Cumin,
whose political influence had been intimately connected

462 APPENDIX.
with his, had no longer the same Sway, as a leader of the
church. Dr Robertson, one of tbe ablest and most
eloquent men, whom his country has ever produced,
WhoSe personal character entitled him, in the highest
degree, to the respect and confidence of his friends,
and whose celebrity as an historian will reach the latest
posterity, became, from 1763, the avowed leader of the
party, who had assumed the designation of the moderate
party in the church.
He had the magnanimity to emancipate himself and
his party, from a dependence on any great man. He
had as much of the influence of gpvernment to assist
him, as had ever been given to the management of the
church. But though he received the support of every
administration, he was not so connected with any indi>-
vidual, that his influence could be held out as depend
ing on him.
Dr Drysdale, one of the ministers of Edinburgh,
and afterwards principal clerk of the General Assembly,
was his respectable coadjutor, in the active manage
ment of his party. His indefatigable industry and
talents, added to the weight and sound judgment of
Dr Robertson, had no small effect, in giving strength
and Solidity to the system, which was in substance be
fore, and from this time avowedly, pursued.
Iii Dr Cumin's time, it had never been directly of
publicly affirmed, that the call of heritors and elders.
was nqt essential to the induction of a minister. On
the contrary, the idea that it was essential, was
then held up to the public, as the general principle
adhered to. And yet it cannot be denied, by any one
who impartially examines the'transactions of this period,
that there were then as many examples, of what have
been called violent settlements, or inductions to pa
rochial charges, in opposition to the great body of the
people, as at any subsequent period. Nor can it be
pretended, that the settlements of this time did not, in
many parishes, add as much in proportion, to the num
ber of seceders from the church, as any of the settle
ments, vvhich were carried into execution, after 1763.
At the same time, it was at least pretended, that, dur
ing this period, the principle was adhered to. And
when it came to be afterwards avowedly departed from,

APPENDIX. 463
many of those individuals, who had been leading men,
in Dr Cumin's time, and even Dr Cumin himself,
professing still to adhere to the same doctrine, became
zealous opponents of those Who were called the moderate
party in Dr Robertson's time.
Yet it must in candour be admitted; that however the
principle had been supported before, by means of non-
residing heritors, the differetfce in practice between the
disputed settlements, before and after 1763, was by no
means considerable.
The different situation of the parties was no doubt
obvious. In 1725, and afterwards, they who called
themselves ihe moderate party had to contend, not only
with the people, but with what was then no small pro
portion of the clergy, with those who extended their
ideas of calls to the whole body of parishioners : many
of whom went so far, as to place the claims of the people
on the jiis divinum. But this description of the clergy
had been gradually dying out, and was now no longer
considerable. The opponents of Dr Robertson professed
to contend for nothing more, than what they who now
called themselves the moderate party, had before assert
ed ; the necessity of a call from the heritors and elders,
as the foundation of the pastoral relation. Both
parties professed to reserve to the people their right
to object, for reasons shewn. But Dr Robertson
and his friends professed to confine the right of objec
tion to the return of the edict, and then to limit it to ob
jections to the life or doctrine of the presentee ; while the
others maintained, that the people had a right to offer
their objections to the call for the judgment of the pres
bytery, at the time when the merits of the call were to
be decided on.
The old forms of proceeding, notwithstanding this
difference of opinion, were still adhered to ; and no
settlement was effected, till an attempt was made to
procure a call. In difficult cases, any of the pari
shioners were admitted to subscribe the call, as well as the
heritors and elders ; and though Dr Robertson was
extremely cautious, in departing from the ancient techni
cal language, which had been in use in the sentences
of Assembly, he came gradually to introduce the term
concurrence in place of the term call. Of this innova-

464 APPENDIX.
tion, there is perhaps not more than one example, in Dr
Cumin's time ; and '• that occurs in a case, in which,
though the Assembly sustained both the presentation
and the concurrence, they notwithstanding set aside the
presentee, and applied to the patron to present another,
which he afterwards did.
It was Dr Robertson's policy, that, in effecting settle
ments, even the most difficult, by presentations, the old
forms, in other points, should be always observed, as they
still are. But the principle was ultimately avowed, and
adhered to, that a presentation to a benefice was in all
cases to be made effectual, independent of the merits of the
call or concurrence. There are cases, as has been already
stated, which have sometimes occurred, in which presen
tees have been set aside. Bnt this* can scarcely be shewn
to have happened in Dr Robertson's management, merely
from defects in the concurrence from the parish. The
general doctrine, that a presentation, adhered to by the
presentee, should in all cases be made effectual ; without
any reservation founded on the merits of the call, or on
the number of heritors, elders, or parishioners, who con
curred or dissented, was uniformly maintained, during
the whole period of Dr Robertson's influence in the
General Assemblies.
The influence of Government was no doubt steadily
employed to support the measures of his party, and
every successive administration came to be persuaded
that sound policy required them to support him.
Though individual clergymen in Scotland might be as
independent as the members of any church in the world,
every one who is acquainted with human life, must be
aware of the weight, which must always accompany this
kind of political influence.
But it will be admitted by every individual, at the
same time, who has had sufficient access to estimate Dr
Robertson's management, that the system, which he and
Dr Drysdale did more than any of their predecessors to
consolidate, never could have been conducted or ma
tured, with more moderation or sagacity, than they
brought to it.
The same general system has been followed by their
successors But the facility with which they have been
able to conduct it, is unquestionably to be in a great

APPENDIX. 465
measure imputed, to the moderation and firmness united,
which eminently distinguished Dr Robertson ; and to
the sound good sense and splendid eloquence, which he
uniformly brought to the subject, in much more difficult
times than tbey have had to encounter ; supported by
the sagacity, the assiduity, and the conciliating manners
of Dr Drysdale.
Daring Dr Robertson's time, the struggle with the
people was perpetual ; and the opposition to presentees
so extremely pertinacious, as in a great measure to en
gross the business of the Assemblies. The parties in the
church were then much more equally balanced, than they
have ever been since that period. The measures which
were adopted, in the face of such perpetual opposition, it
required no common talents to manage or defend ; es
pecially considering, that the leaders in opposition were
such men as Dr Dick, Dr Macqueen, Dr Erskine, Mr
Stevenson of St Madois, Mr Freebairn of Dumbarton,
Mr Andrew Crosbie, &c. ; men of the first ability in the
country ; and some of them possessed of an eloquence
for a popular Assembly, to which there was nothing su
perior in the church or in the state.
Dr Robertson's firmness was not easily shaken ; but
his caution and prudence never deserted him. He held
it for a maxim, never wantonly to offend the prejudices
of the people, and rather to endeavour to manage,
than directly to combat them- Some of the set
tlements in dispute were protracted, for eight or ten
years together; and though the General Assemblies
steadily pursued their system, and uniformly appointed
the presentees to be inducted, their strongest sentences
were not vindictive, and seldom went beyond the lead
ing points to which they were directed.
The perpetual delays created, before the processes a-
gainst the induction of presentees were finally deter
mined, were certainly not in favour of the parishes, in
which they occurred ; and subjected the individual liti
gants to very considerable expence, without bringing
them any advantage in the end. But they answered
another purpose, which was ultimately in favour of the
system pursued by the ecclesiastical rulers ; of which its
ablest supporters could scarcely have predicted either the
Gg

466 APPENDIX.
extent or the consequences. The zeal of the people was
irritated, and at last exhausted, by processes in the As
semblies so long protracted, and so uniformly unsuccess
ful- Their opposition to presentees did not become less
frequent, or less difficult to manage at home. But the
people became gradually less inclined to bring their oppo
sition to the Assemblies. Before Dr Robertson retired
from the management of church affairs, in 1781, there
were, in comparison, few cases of disputed settlements
brought to the General Assembly. Their number has
been gradually diminishing ever since ; till at last an ex
ample of such a process scarcely now occurs, in the
course of several years. * '
The great majority of the church are convinced, that
the system of patronage, so long resisted in the church
courts, is at last completely established. Even many of
those individuals, who held a different doctrine, thirty
or forty years ago, do not think it expedient, in the pre
sent times, to revive a controversy, which such a long
series of decisions in the supreme court is held to have
settled. It appears to them, that, at this distance of
time, the revival of the controversy would not only con
tribute nothing, to lessen the evils which they still im
pute to the system, which has been so long acted upon j
but that, without any real advantage to the country, it
would aggravate the difficulties which occur, in effectu
ating the induction of individual presentees, and add
greatly to the irritations, which serve 50 much to dis
tract, and to divide the people.
Whether it was originally expedient to have adopted
the system; whether the system was, at anytime, agreeable
to the constitutional laws and usages, either <>f the
church or of the state ; and whether the support given
to it, by his Majesty's Government, under every suc
cessive administration, was dictated by sound policy,
are quite different questions.
Dr Robertson's prudence led him to do nothing, which
might unnecessarily agitate questions of this kind. Of
this fact, no example more striking can be given, than
that which arises from his conduct, with regard to the
clause, which was first introduced into the annual in
structions given to the commission in 1736, relating to
" the grievance of patronage;" which was uniformly

APPENDIX. 467
continued in the instructions given by every Assembly
from that time, till after Dr Robertson ceased to take
any management in the church. *
The clause was in the following terms: " And tlje
" Assembly do farther empower and direct the said
" commission, to make application to the King and
" Parliament, for redress of the grievance of patronage,
" in case a favourable opportunity for so doing, shall
" occur, during the subsistence of this commission."
The language of such a clause, continued in the instruc
tions to every commission from the year 1736, till after
Dr Robertson retired from the management of public
business, which he did in the year 1781, demonstrates
how deeply rooted the original ideas of the church on
this subject had been ; and at the same time shews the
caution of Dr Robertson, long after he and his friends
had practically abandoned every opinion on which the
clause had been originally framed, in avoiding to stir
an unnecessary question in the General Assembly, by
a premature attempt to expunge it. He was aware of
the popular prejudices in favour of an instruction,
which had been so long familiar to the public. He had
* Though the commission has been .often mentioned in this detail,
the nature of this court has not been so explained, that a stranger
to the Scottish establishment will easily understand it. The Gene
ral Assembly annually appoints a committee, which usually consists of
all the members of Assembly, with full power to decide causes, which
the Assembly have not had time to discuss, and which they remit to
this committee, which has the name of " the Commission of the Ge.-
" neral Assembly ;" adding, besides, instructions to watch over every
thing in which the general interest of the church appears to be con
cerned. The commission has full power to decide finally in the
causes remitted to them ; and no appeal can be taken against their
decisions. There is, however,. a regulation, which provides a reme
dy, against any supposed injustice in the sentences of tjb,e commission;
which is equivalent, in its practical effects, to the power of appealing.
There may be a complaint, at the instance either' of a party, or of a
member of the court, brought to the next Assembly, against any_ sen
tence of a commission, in which it can be stated, ^that the commission
has exceeded its powers ,; and on such a complaint, the Assembly may
reverse or alter the sentence complained of.
The commission has four stated meetings in the year, in May,
August, November, and March. The moderator of Assembly, on the
application of a certain number of members, may call an extraordinary
meeting, when any unusual circumstances require it. The quorum
of tlie commission is thirty-one, of whom twenty-one must be ministers.

468 APPENDIX.
not forgotten the violent struggle, which had been made
against his party, in the General Assemblies of 1765 and
1768, when overtures were introduced for the purpose
of instituting a public inquiry into the causes, to which
the rapid progress of secession from the established
church was to be imputed ; and in order to counteract
them, to obtain, if possible, a more popular mode of in
ducting the parochial ministers. He had successfully
resisted the keen opposition which was made to him,
on both these occasions. But he was too considerate,
to go back, directly and unnecessarily, to the same sub
ject ; for the purpose of expunging from the instructions
to the commission, what had so long been considered as
a dead letter on the records of Assembly.
The clause was, however, expunged, almost imme
diately after he retired from public business. There was
not perhaps then the same reason for any delicacy on
the subject ; and the proposal met with no opposition.
The object of the clause was so directly contrary to the
system, which had been pursued for so many years, that
even they whose general opinions would have led them
to oppose the innovation, were so conscious of the glar
ing inconsistency, between the conduct of Assemblies
and their annual instructions, that they thought it
equally inexpedient and indecorous, to agitate a ques
tion on such a subject.
The language of the majority in Assemblies, at this
time, universally was, that the secession from the Church,
instead of increasing, was on the decline; and that the
superior character and talents of the established clergy
were gradually weakening its resources, and would ulti
mately exhaust them.
- Experience has not verified these sanguine expecta
tions. At the distance of a few years, after Dr Robert
son retired, the people, disgusted with unsuccessful
processes before the Assembly, relinquished the plan of
their predecessors ; and came seldom to the Assembly,
with appeals from the sentences of the inferior courts,
appointing the settlement of presentees whom they re
sisted. But they began to do more quietly, or with less
observation, than formerly, what was not less unfriendly
to the establishment. In ordinary cases, they now leave

APPENDIX. 469
the Church Courts to execute their sentences, without
opposition; and set themselves immediately to rear a
seceding meeting-house, which very frequently carries
off a large proportion of the inhabitants of the parish.
The bustle in Assemblies is in a great measure over j or
a disputed settlement no longer creates any serious in
terest or division in the Church Courts. But the silent
increase of seceding meetings has gradually weakened
and contracted the influence of the establishment, on the
general population.
It ought, however, to be mentioned, at the same time,
that many additions have been made to the number of
dissenting congregations, by an increasing population,
for which no adequate provision has been made, by the
erection of new churches within the establishment.
But, independent of all the circumstances which can
be mentioned, as serving either to promote or to weaken
the secession, it must be evident to every man of obser
vation, that this view of the state of the country is not
favourable to its general interests. The expence occa
sioned by so many additional establishments, is mani
festly a heavy burden on property of every kind. But
setting aside this consideration, which is now irreme
diable, it is obviously a subject of serious regret, that so
large a proportion of the people should be in a state of
separation from the establishment ; and so much the
more, that there is now no essential difference in the
education, in the doctrines, in the standards, or in the
general character, of the established and the seceding
clergy. They are alTattached to the same constitution
of the Presbyterian Church, and have all the same ge
neral ideas of pastoral duty.
The original causes of separation have not, therefore,
the same aspect as when the secession began. Though
the ministers of the church and of the secession, may still
have different views of sonie points, which come into
discussion in the Ecclesiastical Courts, there do not now
appear to be many of the same causes of hostility be
tween them, as pastors bf the people, which operated at
first to produce the secession. , While they do the same
duty, by the same rules, with equal capacity and purity
of intention, there do not appear to be many strong rea-

47© APPENDIX.
sons for continuing a separation, which is neither favour^
able to the progress of religion, nor to the real interests
Of the country.
In these circumstances, can it be thought imperti
nence or presumption, to suggest to both, that the
points on which their present separation turns, may
"deserve to become the subject of a serious and can-
" did review ?"
WTould it be either degrading or unfriendly to the
Established Church, if she were to declare her willing
ness to receive into her communion, on the same footing
as her own Chapels of Ease, such of the seceding mi^
nisters and their congregations as were willing to re
turn ; sustaining their ordinations, and leaving their
congregations to provide for them, as they do at present ?
Some individuals of the Relief society have already
been received on this footing. And if the disposition to
place the same confidence in the other descriptions of
seceders were shewn by the Church, though the effects
might not be immediate, and, on the most favourable
supposition, could only operate very gradually, there can
be little doubt,- that such a union might be substantially
effected in the end, as would very materially promote,
both the interests of religion and the best interests of the
kingdom. Patronage, the great bone of contention at first, could
be no subject of difference, with regard to chapels where
no patronage could exist y while ministerial communion
maintained, among every order of Presbyterian clergy
in the country, would serve to unite the people again ;
who ought never to be divided, as long as they adhere
to the same standards of discipline and of doctrine.
Such an idea as this, will no doubt be keenly repro
bated by many individuals, both of the establishment
and the secession ; and indeed the number of both who,
on the first mention of the subject will reject it, will
probably be so great, as to give little prospect of its
being at all generally adopted. There are points, besides,
supposing it were practicable, especially in what relates
to discipline and order, which would require to become
a subject of compromise, and perhaps of forbearance,
on both sides ; and in managing the discussions which

APPENDIX. 471
would be necessary, both would have occasion for all the
good temper and piety which they could bring to them.
But if the idea itself is really founded, either in good
sense, or in sound policy ; if it were once sincerely adopt
ed, on either side, and especially on the side of the es
tablishment ; there is not much reason to doubt, that it
would ultimately, though perhaps slowly and gradually,
work its way into practice. And there cannot be a
shadow of doubt, that if this were to happen, its effects
would soon appear to be equally in favour of the establish
ment itself, of the dissenting congregations received into
the Church, and of the general prosperity of this part of
the United Kingdom.
Our southern neighbours, who are in general but
little acquainted with the interior (if that expression may
be allowed) of our Church history ; or with the sects
which have risen among us during the last century ;
think perhaps with some degree of contempt, of the
points at issue, between the different parties in the
Church, or between the Church and the secession.
The Reformation in England was carried on from
its commencement, under the authority of the Sovereign,
and, in the constitution of the Protestant English Church,
left none of the same points, either for claims or dis
cussions among the people. The Reformation in Scot
land, was the work of the nobles and the people, in op
position to the government ; and the Protestant mini
sters were most efficient coadjutors to both, in obtain
ing the object for which they contended. The constitu
tion of the Scottish Church, founded, as they believed,
on the original institutes of Christianity, was the work
of the clergy, supported by the nobility; and every
order of the people, took a deep and a personal interest
in it.
The questions in dispute, in later times, have natu
rally arisen from the original forms and laws, under
which the Presbyterian Church was established. The
points at issue between the different parties, have been the
result of the general spirit of liberty and independence in
religion, which the inhabitants of Scotland inherit- from
t^ ¦ first reformers} and which is incorporated with the

47§ APPENDIX.
whole frame and texture of their ecclesiastical govern
ment. There is great room for free discussion, and for dif
ference of opinion, with regard to all of them. There
is equal room for forbearance among themselves. And
they discharge their duty with most fidelity, both to
the community and to one another, who follow out,
with most sincerity, their best views of public law and
general utility ; and who most effectually divest them
selves of private competitions and party spirit. There
is no perfection attainable, in the present condition of
human nature. But he will never reproach himself for
his. public conduct, whose sense of duty has more in
fluence in directing him, than either his personal in
terests, or his private affections.
The Church of England is at least as much divided,
as the Church of Scotland has ever been ; and has as
great a proportion of her population, who desert her
churches, or withdraw from her communion, as will be
found in any part of the secession in Scotland. The
points pf difference, in the two countries, are not the
same ; and the causes of separation are at least as much
to be imputed to the clergy of England, as any, which
exist in Scotland, can be ascribed to the clergy there ;
while the sources of division in England are at least as
irreconcileable, as any which can be traced in the sister
kingdom. The separatists in Scotland have one advantage, to
which the sectaries in England have no claim. On all
subjects of discipline and pastoral duty, they follow the
same general rules, with the. established church. They
make no innovations in the forms of worship, or in
their public doctrines ; and the manner in which they
discharge their clerical functions, is exactly the samej
with that which distinguishes the parochial clergy.
The ecclesiastical divisions existing among the people
of Scotland, are at least not more unreasonable in them
selves, nor are they more beyond the reach of a remedy,
than those which take place among their southern
neighbours ; unless their experience shall verify a maxim,
which has often been held on other subjects, and is too
often founded in truth ; that the nearer men approach

APPENDIX. 473
to one another, in their opinions, without uniting, the
more irreconcileable their differences are apt to be
come. In the general sketch, which the preceding pages of
this appendix contain, of the Ecclesiastical History of
Scotland, the laws relating to the nomination and in
duction of ministers, and the consequences connected
with their progress and execution, have suggested the
chief part of the subject. This was unavoidable ; be
cause the proceedings in the settlement of parochial
ministers, have, in the periods, referred to, occupied
the chief attention, both of the church courts and of
the people ; and have been, almost exclusively, the origin
of all the distinction of parties, among the members of
the church.
Dr Erskine, in his conduct as a member of the Eccle
siastical Courts, which has given occasion to the subject
of this part of the appendix, was classed with those who
have, of late years, formed the minority in General As
semblies, and were opposed to the party who followed
the system of Dr Robertson. The preceding sketch is
sufficient to shew the points, on which the parties were
divided; as well as the progress of opinions relating to
them, from one period to another. It will serve, at the
same time, to ascertain the general principles which Dr
Erskine adopted, and by which he wished to be dis
tinguished in public life.
The controversies relating to patronage are certainly
now, in a great measure, at an end. And whether the
policy, ultimately adopted by the church, has been
agreeable, or contrary, to its original constitution ; or
is at last to be considered as wise or impolitic; the
whole weight of government being uniformly given to
the ruling party, it would now be equally unwise and
inexpedient, to disturb the decisions of more than half
a century ; and to agitate the country anew by contro
versies, which, with the influence of government, on
one side, would always have the same termination.
These are certainly the present views of by much the
greatest proportion, both of the clergy and laity ; and it
is obvious, that the party distinctions can no longer be
rested on the same grounds.

474 APPENDIX.
That there are parties still, is unquestionably true*
But it would not be easy for the zealots of either side,
to state clearly or intelligibly, to impartial spectators,
the precise points on which the party distinctions now
turn. The one may perhaps, in some cases, be dispos
ed to give more weight to the people, than the other ie
willing to concede. But it is impossible that either can
deliberately conceive, that the church can, in any cir
cumstances, be separated from the people ; or that there
is any possible advantage, which can be secured to the
church, as a church, which does not derive every portion
of its value, from its subserviency to the general edifica
tion of the people.
The questions relating to patronage, and the induc
tion of parochial ministers, have certainly formed the
leading features of the ecclesiastical proceedings in Scot
land, during the course of the last century.
But it must not be from thence concluded, that no
other subjects have occupied the attention or the zeal
of the Church Courts. The pastoral discipline of the
church ; the provision made for the instruction of the
people, and for the preservation of their morals ; the
education and trial of candidates for the ministry ; the
superintendence of the clergy, both with regard to their
private manners, and their pastoral duty ; and the en
actment and execution of the laws and regulations,
which the state of the church, or the condition of the
people require ; are all subjects of perpetual interest
and attention, both in the Supreme Ecclesiastical Court,
and, in the inferior judicatories of the church.
On all these points, the inferior judicatories have their
place in the government of the church, as well as the
General Assembly ; and, as has been already stated,
their sentences are all subject to review, and may be
brought to the Assembly as the court of last resort.
But on this subject it ought to be stated, that whatever
the influence of party spirit may be, on party questions,
it has seldom indeed been found to interfere with the
administration of justice, or with the treatment of in
dividuals in private causes. Like the members of every
society, the members of Church Courts may sometimes
feel an influence, of which their own minds are scarcely
11

APPENDIX. 475
Conscious. But, all private views and party feelings are
Universally disavowed, in the exercise of the discipline
of the church ; and can seldom indeed be imputed
with any degree of reason or truth. It can scarcely be
denied, by any person competent to form a sound judg
ment, that, in Scotland, ecclesiastical discipline and
order are as efficiently and impartially protected and
preserved, as in any other country of Christendom. *
There is no occasion to be more particular on this
head. And the only other subject which requires to be
stated, relates to the superintendence of the clergy;
which is as complete and effectual, by the constitution
and practice of the Scottish Church, as in any church
of the Christian world, and will be found stated in a note
below, f
* The public meetings 'of the Church Courts, and especially
the annual meetings of the General Assemblies, are of themselves
of great importance to the best interests of the country. The pub
licity of their debates, in which every real or supposed abuse or im
provement, which has been attempted in the country, or which may
affect the condition of the people, can be brought into free discus
sion ; is, independent of the immediate result of any debate, a per
petual source of national advantages, which experience has shewn to
be of incalculable value.
f The late Dr Claudius Buchannan, in his Christian Researches,
(p. 111.) has represented the Syrian Bishop of Malabar, as questioning
him with regard to the constitution of the church in this part of the
British Island. When the Bishop was told by Dr Buchannan, that
the presbytery, or (as he called them) the casheeshas, were all equal
to each other, he is represented a9 asking, with evident surprise,
** What, is there nobody to overlook the casheeshas ?" and when he
received fof answer, " not one," as having replied, " There must
be something imperfect there."
It is impossible to read this statement without astonishment. Dr
Buchannan might be ignorant of the constitution of the church of his
own country. But he ought to have known, that every minister in
Scotland is under the perpetual superintendence of the presbytery to
which he belongs, subject to the review and control of the synod,
and the General Assembly : That by the forms of the constitution,
every individual minister is obliged to answer in each of these courts,
both for his private conduct and his pastoral functions ; and that the
superintendence over him, so far from being a dead letter in the con
stitutional law, has at all times been in strict and uniform practice, so
as to reach the morals and the clerical functions of every individual,
as often as the circumstances have required it. No man who is a
competent judge of the subject, or of the condition of the Scottish
clergy, can be ignorant of this fact, or of the faithful appUcation of

476 APPENDIK.
This sketch has already been extended far beyond
the bounds originally allotted to it.
Many other points might have been adverted to, in
the constitution and practice of the Scottish Church,
which would have rendered the detail more interesting,
and the information, to those who are unacquainted
with the subject, more complete. The author is sensi
ble, besides, that there are many defects, both in the sub
stance and the composition of this hasty sketch, for which
he must trust to the indulgence of his readers, and
which it is much easier to account for, than to vindicate.
At the same time, he trusts, that enough has been
stated, to serve as a general outline, both of the princi
ples on which the ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland
is framed, and of its practical effects on the condition
of *he country.
The same spirit of liberty and independence, and the
same consideration for the condition of the people,
which have been recognized by the British government,
since the Revolution in 1688, are incorporated with the
original laws and institutions of the Scottish Church.
But, what is of much greater importance under the
laws existing, the' instruction and edification of the
people, and the best means of guarding the purity of
their morals, have, at all times, been the chief objects
professedly attended to, both by the Ecclesiastical
^Courts, and the parochial clergy.
the law where it is requisite : To watch the conduct of the ministers
of the church : To investigate every charge which can be brought
against them ; and, without respect of persons, to apply to their con
duct the censures pf the church — admonition, suspension, and depri
vation — as often as such censures become necessary.
The superintendence under which the ministers of the Scottish
Church have been placed, by their constitutional law, which is. as
strictly adhered to, at the present time, as at any period of her history,
is ten times more efficient, than the superintendence of any individual
has ever been, in the Christian Church. Dr Buchannan had not
spent much of his life in Scotland, and was certainly unacquainted
with the subject which he professed to explain; though his mis
statement with regard to the Scottish Church, whatever the cause or
the design of it was, can certainly, where it is understood, add noth
ing to the honours of Episcopacy. The Episcopal Churches have
many advantages of their own, and have certainly no occasion to
have recourse to such meretricious distinctions, as the representation
given to the Syrian Bishop might appear to bestow on them,
* See Note HH.

APPENDIX. 477
The members of the church, like all fallible men,
may often differ about the means of doing most practi
cal good, or of preventing practical evils. But this
must be imputed to the imperfection of human nature,
and of every thing which depends on the agency of
human beings, rather than to any radical defects in the
constitution of the church.
Amidst all the diversities of opinion, and the division
of parties on particular subjects, which appear in the
preceding pages, it cannot be denied, by those who are
competent to judge on the subject, that the practical
effect of the church establishment in Scotland, on the
general information of the people, on their private
morals, and on their religious character, equals, if it
does not surpass, whatever can be imputed, in the same
points, to any other church in the world.
This is the most important fact which can be stated ;
and in comparison with this fact, every other feature in
the laws or practice of any ecclesiastical body, is equally
unimportant and uninteresting.

No. II.

Extracts from the Sermon of Dr Davidson, preached in
the Church of the Old Greyfriars, Edinburgh, on the'
30th of January 1803, being the first Sabbath after
the Funeral qfDr Erskine.
-Though Dr Erskine sought not fame, and

even shrunk from it, yet his uniform character, his public
professional labours, his disinterested and active benevo
lence, and his few, though important, publications,
gained him such estimation in the minds of good men,
both at home and abroad, as falls to the lot of but a
small number of the human race.
 As a scholar, as a gentleman, as a friend, as a
philanthropist, as a Christian, as a pastor, who can be
mentioned as excelling Dr Erskine ? In rejoicing with
those who rejoiced, in weeping with those who wept,
in enlivening and delighting his friends, with his cheer-

478 APPENDIX.
ful and interesting conversation, and in speaking a word
in season to the afflicted Christian, he was surpassed
by none. Who was weak ? and he was not weak ? who
was offended ? and he did not burn ?
 In his character were concentrated extensive
learning ; fervent piety ; purity of doctrine ; energy of
sentiment; enlarged benevolence, uniformly animated
by an ardent zeal for the glory of his Master, and for
the salvation of men.
In a good cause, he was inflexible ; in friendship in
variable; in discharging the duties of his function,
indefatigable. In his public ministrations, he was
indeed " a workman that needed not to be ashamed,
•' rightly dividing the word of truth."

The following Extracts from the Sermon preached by Dr
Inglis, on the same occasion^ will be equally acceptable
to the Publia -The mind of your late pastor, Dr John Erskine,

was richly endowed by the hand of nature. He possessed
no ordinary portion of those talents, which, when im
proved with a view tp personal aggrandizement, are the
foundation of what is great in the human character. But
the bent of his mind was directed to what is good, ra
ther than to what is great. In the exercise and appli
cation of the talents he had received, every motive of a
personal kind, appears to have yielded to a desire of
usefulness, in a degree, that has been rarely exemplified
among men. Well qualified to excel, as a candidate
for literary fame, and encouraged by the favourable re
ception, which, as an author, he ever experienced, he
yet chose, in many instances, rather to give his time
and labour, for bringing into greater notice, what was
likely to be useful, in the works of others. If the good
he desired, could only be done, he would contend with
none, about the honour pf doing it
If we look for the distinguishing feature of his mind,
we cannot fail to rr-cognize it, in that ardour of spirit,
which is the animating principle of every pursuit, and

APPENDDC. 479
¦so effectually animates many, in whatever is subservient
to their worldly honour and interest. But the ardour
of his spirit resolved itself, almost exclusively, into
Christian zeal — zeal for the honour of God, and the best
interests of his fellow men. And let it not be thought,
by any, who have but distantly known him, that his
was a zeal, not according to knowledge, or enthusiastic
and ungoverned zeal. Let us in this view appeal to
facts. It is to religious zeal, that we must ascribe
his original choice of his profession in the world.
Born in a condition of life, calculated to raise him above
the necessity of professional labour, and not less cal
culated to open to him the most encouraging prospect,
in any of those professions, which, in our land, are
deemed more honourable, because they are more gain
ful,  he yet chose the humble character and office, of
a minister of the Scottish Church. And if the zeal
which dictated a choice so uncommon, had not been
found connected with that steadiness of mind, so im
portant in the sacred office, it could have been no sur
prise to those, who are aware of the imperfection in
this respect, that so ordinarily attaches to the human
character. But the event has proved — a trial of threescore
years, has evinced — that the zeal which prompted to the
choice of Dr Erskine, was that of a man who knew him
self. — not the zeal of an enthusiastic mind, duped or be
trayed by a warm imagination, but of a mind conscious
of being actuated singly, by rational and established
convictions, of what is most to be regarded, in this
world, as connected with the certainty of a world to
cpme. His zeal did not fail to manifest itself, eyen in
matters about which the wisest and best have much
differed in opinion. True to the judgment of his own
mind, he zealously endeavoured, in every case, to give 1
it practical effect in the affairs of men. But, while ar
dent in the support of his own opinion, he never doubt
ed the integrity of others, however opposite their judg
ment, in questions of such a dubious nature. During
almost thirty years of his public life, he was associated,
in the charge of this congregation, with one, whose
opinions were directly and actively opposed to his, in
pany warmly disputed questions, relating to the go-

480 APPENDIX.
vernment of our national church. But the mind of
neither could be thereby influenced, to the smallest
abatement of that mutual respect and; esteem, which
were so well due, in the case of both, to prominent ta
lents and worth. They have now gone to a world,
where they will learn to be in all things of the same
mind. And it may this day perhaps, add to their mu
tual bliss, to remember, that even here, no separation of
mind or opinion, could ever separate their hearts.
Dr Erskine's acquired knowledge bore a high pro
portion, even to the talents he had received from the
hand of nature : for no man could be more sensible of
the value of time ; few were ever more industrious in
the improvement of it. His professional knowledge, in
particular, wiil not suffer by a comparison, even with
the extended term of his life in the world : for he never
thought, that in this respect, he had already attained ;
while practically improving his real acquisitions, it was
his care to the end to increase his store. His heart
was tenderly alive to the interests of the Church of
Christ, wherever that name is known among men- And
an extensive acquaintance with the concerns of the
Christian world, much enlarged the sphere in which
he endeavoured to be useful On earth. But he did not
the less appear to know where his distinguishing re
gards were due. The religious interests of the congre
gation that I now address, seemed the first and the last
in his mind. His delight in ministering, to you, seemed
the greatest of which his heart was susceptible. And
he who speaks can freely testify, that the opinion he en
tertained of you was the pure result of that charity,
*' which hopeth all things, and thinketh no evil."
 The private character of Dr Erskine was form
ed, under the immediate influence of that pure and unde
filed religion, which, in his public capacity, he taught to
others. And it is important, in this view, to know and
remember, what distinguishing feature it was, in the cha
racter of Dr Erskine, that so commanded the respect of
all. It was his unquestionable truth and sincerity, — the
singleness of mind and intention, that appeared in the
whole of his conduct through lite ; for the good and the
bad unite in pronouncing, that " in him there was no
7

APPENDIX. 481
" guile."  The names of such men as Cuming,
and Wishart, and Walker, Dick, and Robertson, and
Blair, are embalmed, With the name of Erskine, in
the hearts of all, who have learned, in any mea
sure, how to value whatever has been most respect
able in our Zion. God grant, that, while their memory
is yet fresh in the mind, the men who now fill their
places in the World, may catch a portion of their spirit !
God grant, that, while they, like Elijah of old, may yet
seem to be but dropping their mantle on the earth, their
spirit also, like that of the prophet, may remain to bless
the children of men.

No. III.

The following is a Correct List of Dr Erskine's Publica
tions.
1. The Law of Nature, sufficiently promulgated to
the Heathen World ; or an Inquiry into the Ability of
the Heathens to discover the being of a God, and the
immortality of human souls ; in some miscellaneous re
flections, occasioned by Dr Campbell, Professor of Di
vinity at St Andrews's, Treatise on the Necessity of
Revelation. Edinburgh, 1741. Republished in " Theo-
" logical Dissertations." London, 1765.
2. The Signs of the Times Considered ; or the High
Probability that the present appearances in New Eng
land, and the West of Scotland, are a prelude to the
glorious things promised to the church in the latter
ages. Edinburgh, 1742. Anonymous.
3. The People of God considered as all Righteous ;
in three sermons, preached at Glasgow, April 1745.
Edinburgh, 1745. Republished in the First Volume of
Dr Erskine's Discourses.
4. Meditations and Letters of a Pious Youth, lately
deceased, (James Hall, Esq. son of the late Sir John
Hall, Baronet, of Dunglass,) to which are prefixed, Re
flections on his Death and Character, by a friend in
the country. Edinburgh, 1746;
Hh

482 - APPENDIX.
5. An Account of the Debate in the Synod of Glas
gow and Ayr, October- 6, 1748, respecting the em
ployment of Mr Whitefield to preach in the pulpits iof
the synod. Edinburgh, 1748. Anonymous.
6. A Humble Attempt to promote frequent Com
municating. Glasgow, 1749. Republished in Theologi
cal Dissertations.
7. The Qualifications Necessary for Teachers of
Christianity; a sermon before the synod of Glasgow
and Ayr, October 2, 1750. Glasgow, 1750. Republish
ed in Discourses, Vol. I.
8. The Influence of Religion, or National Happi
ness ; a sermon preached at the anniversary meeting of
the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, in the
High Church of Edinburgh, January 1756.
9. Ministers of the Gospel Cautioned against giving
Offence ; a sermon before the synod of Lothian and
Tweeddale, Novembers, 1763; to which is added, A
Charge at the Ordination of the late Mr Robertson,
minister of Ratho. Edinburgh, 1764. Republished in
Discourses, Vol. I.
10. Mr Wesley's Principles Detected, or a Defence
of the Preface to the Edinburgh Edition of " Aspasio
" Vindicated," written by Dr Erskine in answer to Mr
Kershaw's Appeal ; to which is prefixed the Preface
itself. Edinburgh, 1765.
11. Theological Dissertations. (1.) On the Nature of
the Sinai Covenant. (2.) On the Character and Privi
leges of the Apostolic Churches. (S.) On the Nature
of Saving Faith. (4.) See No. 1. (5.) See No. 6.
London, 1765.
12. Shall 1 go to War with my American Brethren ?
A Discourse on Judges, xx. 28, addressed to all con
cerned in determining that important question. Lon
don, 1769. Anonymous. Reprinted at Edinburgh, with
a Preface and Appendix, and the author's name, 1776.
IS. The Education of Poor Children Recommended;
a sermon before the Managers of the Orphan Hdspital,
1774. 14. Reflections on the Rise, Progress, and probable
Consequences, of the present Contentions with the Co
lonies ; by a Freeholder. Edinburgh, 1776.- . - -

APPENDIX. 483
15. The Equity and Wisdom of Administration, in
measures that have unhappily occasioned the American
Revolt, tried by the sacred oracles. Edinburgh, 1 776.
16. Considerations on the Spirit of Popery, and the
intended Bill for the Relief of the Papists in Scotland.
Edinburgh, 1778.
17. A Narrative of the Debate in the General As
sembly of the Church of Scotland, May 25, 1799.
Occasioned by the apprehensions of an intended repeal
of the penal statutes against Papists. With a dedica
tion to Dr George Campbell, Principal of the Marischal
College, Aberdeen. Edinburgh, 1780.
18. Prayer for those in Civil and Military Offices
recommended, from a view of the Influence of Pro
vidence on their Character, Conduct, and Success. A
sermon preached before the election of the Magistrates
of Edinburgh, Optpber s, 1779, and published at the
request of the magistrates and town-council.
19. Sketches and Hints of Church History, and
Theological Controversy, chiefly translated and abridg
ed from modern foreign writers. Vol. I. Edinburgh,
1790. 20. Letters, chiefly written for comforting those be
reaved of Children and Friends. Collepted from books
and manuscripts. Edinburgh, 1790. 2d Edition, with
Additions. .Edinburgh, 1800.
21. The Fatal Consequences and the General Sources
of Anarchy. A Discourse on Isaiah, xxiv. 1,5; the
substance of which was preached before the Magistrates
of Edinburgh, September 2, 1792 ; and published at
their request, and that of the members of the Old
Greyfriars Kirk Session. Edinburgh, 1793.
22. A Supplement tp Twp Volumes, published in
1754, of Historical Collections, chiefly containing late
remarkable instances of Faith Working by Love; pub
lished from the manuscripts of the late Dr John Gillies,
one of the ministers of Glasgow, with an Account of the
Pious Compiler, and other additions. Edinburgh, 1796.
23. Sketches and Hints of Church History, and
Theological Controversy, chiefly translated and abridg
ed from modern foreign writers. Vol. II. Edinburgh,
17#7. ' n

484 APPENDIX.
24. Discourses Preached on Several Occasions", Vol. I.
2d Edition, 1798. Ditto Vol. II. Posthumous— pre
pared for the press, and published by Sir H. Moir-
creiff Well wood, 1804.
25. Dr Erskine's Reply to a Printed Letter, direct
ed to him by A. C. ; in which the gross misrepresenta
tions in the said Letter, of his Sketches of Church His
tory, in promoting the designs of the infamous sect of
the Illuminati, are considered. Edinburgh, 1798.,

Booh Edited and Prefaced iy Dr Erskine.
1. Aspasio Vindicated, or the Scripture Doctrine of imputed Right
eousness defended against the Animadversions, &c. of Mr Wesley; with
a Preface of ten pages by Dr Erskine. Edinburgh, 176S.
2. An Account of the Life of the late Reverend Mr David Brainerd,
&c. by Jonathan Edwards. Edinburgh, 1765.
3. An Essay on the Continuance of immediate Revelations of Facts,-
and Future Events, in the Christian Church, by the Reverend Mr
Thomas Gillespie, Minister of the Gospel at Dunfermline- ; together
with a letter by the late Mr Cuthbert, Minister at Culross, oh the
danger of considering the influences of the Spirit as a rule of dirty ; with
a Preface by Dr Erskine. Edinburgh; 1774.
4. A Treatise on Temptation, by the Reverend Mr Thomas Gilles
pie, Prefaced by Dr Erskine. Edinburgh, 1771.
5. A History of the Work of Redemption, by the late Mr Jonathan
Edwards.. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1774.
6. Sermons on various important subjects, by Jonathan Edwards.
12mo. Edinburgh, 1785.
7. Dying Exercises of Mrs Deborah Prince, and Devout Medita
tions of Mrs Sarah Gill, daughters of the late Reverend Mr Thomas
Prince, Minister of the South Church, Boston, New England, 1785.
8. Six Sermons by the late Reverend Thomas Prince, A, M. one of the
ministers of the South Church in Boston, published fromhis manuscripts,
with a Preface by Dr Erskine, containing a very interesting account
of the Author, of his son who predeceased him, and of three of his
daughters. 9. Practical Sermons by Ditto, 8vo. 1788.
10. Twenty Sermons by Ditto on various subjects. Edinburgh,
1789. 11. A Reply to the Religious Scruples agamst Inoculating the
Small-Pox, in a letter to a Friend, by the late Reverend Mr William
Cooper of Boston, New England. Edinburgh, 1791.
12. The Safety of Appearing at the Day of Judgment in the
Righteousness of Christ, opened and applied, by Solomon Stoddar

APPENDIX. 485
pastor to .the Church of Northampton, in New England, the grand
father, and predecessor of Mr Jonathan Edwards. Edinburgh, 1792.
Fourth Edition- With a Preface, containing some account of him,
and an acknowledgment of the unscripfuralness of some of his
sentiments. 13. Miscellaneous Observations on important Theological Sub
jects, by the late Mr Jonathan Edwards. Edinburgh, 1793.
14. Sermons and Tracts ; separately published at Boston, Philadel
phia, and how first collected into one volume, by Jonathan Dicken
son, A". M. late President of the College of New Jersey. Edinburgh,
1793. l£. A Sermon preached on the Fast Day, 28th February 1794, at
the French Chapel Royal, at Saint James's j and at the Royal Crown
Court, Soho, by Mr E. Gilbert, translated from the French by a
young lady, Dr Erskine's grand-daughter, lately dead, (daughter of
Charles Stuart, M. D.) with a short Preface by Dr Erskine. Edin
burgh, 1794.
16. Remarks on Important Theological Controversies, by Mr
Jonathan Edwards, 1796.
17. Select Discourses by Eminent Ministers in America, 2 Vols.
Edinburgh, 1796.
18. Religious Intelligence, and Seasonable Advice from Abroad,
concerning Lay-Preaching, and Exhortation, in four separate pam
phlets. Edinburgh, 1801.
19. Discourses on the Christian Temper, by J. Evans, D. D. with
an account of the Life of the Author, by Dr Erskine. Edinburgh,
1802. 20. New Religious Intelligence, [chiefly from the American States,
Edinburgh, 1802.

NOTES.

Note A, p. f *
Because Lord Cardross was accused of giving coun
tenance to meetings of Presbyterians for religious exerci
ses, in private families, in the vicinity of Cardross, which
were stigmatised as Conventicles ; and because two Pres
byterian ministers had been found in his house, one
of whom was the private tutor of his sons ; he was first
imprisoned fo* four years; he was then severely fined ;
a garrison was afterwards placed in the house of Card
ross; Which kept possession of it for eight years, and
which completely demolished both the house and gar
dens. And because he could not pay the exorbitant
fine, sd tyrannically impdsed, when he was liberated
from prison, he was publicly outlawed ; his liferent in
terest in his whole estate was forfeited to the King ;
and was afterwards conveyed, as a gift from the Crown,
to a nephew of the Duke of Lauderdale.
Note B, p. 4.
Among many anecdotes of his loyalty to the House
of Hanover, the following incident, which occurred in
17 1 5, may be mentioned.
He had suspected that a young gentleman, in whom
he was particularly interested, had allowed himself to
be seduced by the agents of the Pretender ; and- there
could scarcely have been any event, among his personal
friends, which he would have contemplated with more
vexation or impatience. He had watched his conduct
from the time when his suspicion had been awakened ;
and at last discovered that he had fixed on a particular
day, for setting out to join the rebel army. On the
morning of that day, to the astonishment of his friend,
lie was in his bed-room by five o'clock, and found him
already equipped for his journey. He told the young
gentleman, in a tone of the most determined resolution,
that though he would have reasoned the matter fairly

notes. 487
with him, if he had been consulted, as his experience,
and the interest he had always taken in him, entitled him
to expect ; he found it necessary to follow a different
course, with a headstrong young man, who seemed
prepared to hazard every thing, in defiance of all good
counsel ; and that, for that time at least, if he accom
plished his purpose, it must be over his body.
This remonstrance from one, who had always been
regarded with respect and deference, was fortunately
effectual. This young friend not only relinquished his
purpose at the moment, but from that time abandoned
every idea of swerving from his allegiance to the family
on the Throne. Note C, p. 4.
King William had always regarded Lieutenant-Colo
nel Erskine with esteem and confidence. And when,
after his establishment on the Throne, he asked his con
fidential servants to give him a list of his friends in Scot
land, whom he ought to provide for, and, on receiving
it, was surprised that he did not find in it the name of
Lieutenant- Colonel Erskine, he was told that his name
could not be inserted, because he had refused to take
the oath of abjuration. " It may be so, (replied King
" William,) but I know Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine to
" be a firmer friend, to the government, than many pf
" those who have taken that oath."
His Majesty would not permit him to be, for such a
reason, neglected ; and his nephew, commonly known
by the description of the White Colonel Erskine, to dis
tinguish him from his uncle, (who, from his complexr
ion, was called the Black Colonel,) was appointed go
vernor of Stirling Castle at this time, under the condi
tion that his uncle should receive the emoluments of the
station. This situation had before been held by the
great-grandfather of the present Dr Stuart of Dunearn,
at the time when his brother, Alexander Earl of Moray,
was secretary to King James, and a Catholic. Lieu
tenant-- Colonel Erskine, who now held it for his uncle,
was the father of the late Sir William Erskine, so high
ly distinguished as a military man, in the course of the
present reign.
In a late edition of the Scotch Peerage, Lieutenant-

488 NOTES.
Colonel Erskine of, Carnock is mentioned, as having
been a supporter of the union of Scotland with England
This is probably a mistake, taken from his known
attachment to the Revolution. It is rather believed,
that in this question, as well as with regard to the oath
of abjuration, he differed from those, with whom he was
commonly united ; and, like many others, among the
old Presbyterians, though he did not actively oppose,
was not inclined to favour the union-
Note D, p. 5.
The same spirit which led him to resist the encroach
ments of tyranny in the government, rendered him
equally firm in opposing whatever he considered as il
legal or oppressive in private life ; and the following
anecdote may be mentioned as a »singular specimen.
The road, leading from Edinburgh to Queensferry,
formerly went diagonally through the park of Barnton,
by a much shorter and more direct line than the pre
sent road. To accommodate the proprietor of Barn-
ton, the present line was adopted, without due attention,
as Colonel Erskine believed, either to the forms of law,
or the rights and convenience of the public. — To this
innovation he never would personally submit. In tra
velling between Edinburgh and his house in the country,
he uniformly alighted at the enclosures of Barnton ;
and, with the assistance of his servant, made a gap in
the wall, at each extremity, so as to effect his access and
his exit by the old road. Note E, p. 5.
The following anecdote may suffice as a specimen.
It was received many years ago, by the writer of this
narrative, from a gentleman who had access to be inti
mately acquainted with all the parties. During the last
ten or twelve years of Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine's
life, he was occasionally afflicted with asthma, which he
endured with considerable impatience. He had an at
tack of this kind, at'a time when the magistrates of Cul
ross, where he resided, were burning kelp on the shore,
immediately below hjs residence. Imagining that his
complaint was irritated by the smoke of the kelp, he
sent peremptory orders to put out the fires, to which

NOTES. 489
the magistrates were not disposed to submit. Too much
provoked to consider either their rights or his own, he
resolved to extinguish the fires with his own hand-
Unable to walk, he mounted his horse, and made his
grandson, (the subject of this narrative, who was then at"
his house, a youth about the age of fourteen,) march
before him, along the steep descent of the street of Cul
ross, with his grandfather's sword drawn, in his hand —
a circumstance, which, to those who were afterwards
acquainted with the venerable figure of Dr Erskine,
must present a very singular picture.
The magistrates, not willing to acquiesce in the Co
lonel's encroachment on their privileges, assembled their
retainers, and fairly took him and his grandson prison
ers. His passion had soon sufficiently subsided, to en
able him to address the magistrates, in the following
terms: " This is all nonsense, gentlemen, and we are
" all in thewrong. Come alongto the inn, andwe shall all
" dine together, and forget this folly." They accom
panied him without hesitation. He treated them with
the best dinner which the inn afforded ; and the after
noon was spent in perfect good humour and cordiality.
On this occasion, the irritability of his temper brought
him into a situation sufficiently ludicrous. But as soon as
the opposition which he met with gave fair play to
his understanding, his passion, as usual, subsided as
quickly as it had risen. Note F, p. 8.
Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine has been sometimes men
tioned as a successful agriculturist. Though the agri
culture of Scotland was certainly, in his time, in a very
imperfect state, and all that he did would have been
thought inconsiderable in later times ; yet, the estate of
Tulliallan, which belonged to him, still attests both his
zeal and his success as a planter. What was remark
able, he is said never to have protected a tree by a fence.
But every shepherd in his neighbourhood knew that he
was watched ; and was the more on his guard, that the
Colonel was commonly the executioner of his own sen
tences, for trespasses within his plantations. He is ho
nourably distinguished in the "Transactions of Scottish
}* Agriculture,? abput the year 1720.

490 NOTES.
Note G, p. 23.
Sir John Pringle had enjoyed the Soeiety of Edin
burgh, while he continued in the University; and par
tial, in the end of his life, to his early associations, he
formed the idea of returning to Edinburgh, after he had
retired from his medical practice,- and from his situation
as president of the Royal Society, with a view to enjoy
the literary intercourse of the few friends or pupils of
his early years, who were still alive, and resident in
Edinburgh. He bought a house, and established himself in the
New Town of Edinburgh, with the intention of remain
ing there, during the rest of his life. But his habits
had been so Jong formed on the extended scale of the
literary society of London ; where he had a perpetual
succession of men of letters, or of those who assumed
that distinction, who were disengaged from business,
and were always ready to attend the evening meetings
for literary conversation ; that he soon found it impos
sible to possess the same advantages at Edinburgh, or
to collect around him the society which he preferred, oq
the same terms.
He opened his house in the evenings ; and expected
to find himself surrounded, as he had been at London,
by those who had any pretensions to literary distinction,
or any wish to attain it. His old friends and pupils
regarded him with the highest respect and kindness.
They saw him often ; and all of them probably appeared
at one or other of his evening parties. But neither their
occupations, nor their private habits, would permit them
to be frequently there ; And there was no succession of
younger men, sufficiently known to him, or sufficient
ly eager for literary conversation, independent of the
usual concomitants of convivial intercourse. He found
it therefore impossible to carry on his evening conver
sation-parties, with any thing like the same spirit, which
had supported them in Loudon. Though he received
every possible attention from his personal friends ; be
cause he had not the crowded society to which he had
been, so long accustomed, he felt as if he had been com
pletely deserted.
This might have been easily foreseen, from the com-

NOTES. 491
paratively small number of his original associates who
survived ; and from the impossibility of attracting
younger men, to a species of intercourse, so remote from
their ordinary habits.
An attempt of the same kind would perhaps succeed
better at present; though it would still be confined
within a narrow circle.
Sir John Pringle found his plan utterly impracticable.
And his habits had been so long formed on the society
of London, that, after remaining at Edinburgh during
the course of a single winter, he abandoned his design
of residing in Scotland altogether, and returned to
London. Note H, p. 46.
The quotation referred to is in these words : « Itaque
" et adhuc sum in ilia sententia, quod infelix, et religioni
" atque humano generi parum utilis vel honorificus ;
" addo, et iniquus est labor, principes ingeniorum, et
" praestantissimos totius antiquitatis viros, invitos ac re-
" pugnantes trahere in Societate Atheanum, et univer-
" sum ethnitismum confundere, cum Spinosismo at-
" que Atheismo ; cum apostolus quoque in Ethnicis
" non tam desideret cognitionem Dei, quam quod
M Deum ex operibus cognoscebant, non tanquam Deum
"honore sunt honore prosecuti." Jo. Alb. Fabricius,
on the Truth of Christianity, Cap. viii.
Note I, p. 60.
Dr Hurd had expressed his dissatisfaction with the
terms in which Warburton had spoken of Francis Hut
cheson, in his " Divine Legation ;" and Warburton re
plies to him in the following words ; " The passage
" (Vol. V. p. 278.) isjjustly reproveable. The word
"Hutcheson slipped my pen before I was aware. I
" aimed only at his followers or disciples, now of Glas-
" gow, by whom I have been but scurvily used: and
" though I was told it was by the example of their
*« master, 1 did not intend togive him a personal stroke ;
*' though bis giving so much vogue to Shaftesbury's
f f system has hurt the science of morals ; and his giving

492 NOTES.
5( so much credit to Shaftesbury's book has done dis-
" credit to religion." Letters between Warburton and
Hurd, (Letter, July 11, 1751,) p. 82.
Note K, p. 61.
One of those philosophical divines, preaching in a
country church, where his audience were not philoso
phers, had said so much in his sermon, after Lord
Shaftesbury, about the harmony of the passions, and had
so often repeated this absurd and unintelligible jargon,
that a countryman, perfectly unable to affix any reason
able meaning to what he had heard, said to his compa
nions, as he was leaving the church, intending to ex
press the only idea which had been conveyed to him,
That till that day he had never known that there was a
Jiddle witihin his own belly !
Note L, p. 84.
After having said so much of Mr Hall, there is per
haps no better way, to give a just view of his character,
than to insert the following extract, from a discourse,
written by him, in the month of August, immediately
preceding his death ; which appears entire in Dr Er
skine's publication ; and which, considering the age of
the writer, (not much more than twentyrone,) exhibits a
soundness of understanding, and a sobriety pf mind,
joined to the most fervent piety, sufficient tb justify all
that has been said of him ; and which, if his life had
been preserved, must have held out the most flattering
promise of usefulness and distinction. " Ministers," he
says, " should be diligent in their work, that they may
«' be an example to their brethren in the ministry.
" Example, it is commonly said, is better and more ef-
" fectual than precept; and, indeed, in the present case,
" it holds very true. Nothing has a greater tendency to
" stir up one minister, than to see another who serves the
" same master, and is employed about the same work,
"diligent and painful. The perusal of the lives of
" faithful ministers is often blessed to provoke the zeal
" of others. But how much more may be expected
tl from a living example. » Your zeal, (saith the apostle
':' Paul to the Corinthians,) hath provoked very many ;'

notes. 4gg
« meaning that it had happily kindled in others the
" same celestial flame. Happy were it, if there were no
" contentions among them, but who should be most
" forward and active in promoting the interests of their
" common Lord — A zealous and diligent minister is
" an unspeakable blessing, not only as it may be expect-
" ed he will be useful to his common audience, but be-
" cause he will in all probability be a mean of stirring up
«' others, who are employed in the same work with him-
" self. It is not easy for a minister tp be very singular,
'* though it even be in what is good."
Note M, p. 97.
It ought to be admitted at the same time, that the
contracted system, by which the ministers in the seces
sion had prohibited their followers, under the pain of
ecclesiastical censures, from holding Christian commu
nion, in any circumstances, with the established church ;
or of being even occasional hearers of any of her parish
ministers; renders their conduct with regard to Mr
Whitefield, at least consistent with the policy which
they had before adopted. It can afford no vindication
pf the intemperate language which they applied to him ;
but it points out the ieading circumstances which led
them to employ it.
They had represented the corruptions of the church
as so inveterate and incurable, that the people were no
longer to expect, either evangelical instruction or edifi
cation, in the communion of the church. And when they
heard the astonishing effects produced by Mr White-
field's labours represented as the revival of religion,
within that church, which they were daily decrying
as completely corrupt and inefficient, they clearly saw,
that they must either ascribe those effects to some other
agency than the power of God, or acquiesce in the con
clusion which multitudes of the people deduced from
them ; that their declamations against the efficacy of re
ligious ordinances within the established church, were
either originally unfounded, or had become at last un
tenable. They felt the force of this consideration ;
but, in escaping from the dilemma to which it reduced

494 notes.
tbem, they had recourse to the worst expedient which
it'wa's possible' to have adopted. By representing Mr
Whitefield as the agent of the devil, they went so
far beyond the markj as completely to defeat their
own purpose. Had they imputed his success to
the enthusiasm of his followers, or to other natural
causes, they would have found many coadjutors within
the established church, who had no partiality for the
secession. But when they went so far as to impute to
infernal agency, what had so little affinity with the works
of the devil, they lost more in the esteem of the public,
by this single circumstance, than by any other event
which had occurred, since the date of tho secession.
The seceding ministers pf the present time, as con-'
scientious as their predecessors, but much better inform
ed, have no occasion to have recourse to such unhallow
ed expedients. They rest their influence where alone it
can be safe ; on their fidelity as Christian pastors, and
on their growing liberality to every order of their bre
thren. , Note N, p. 102.
Among other anecdotes related of his powers of per
suasion, the following may be mentioned, though it has
not much connection with his success in promoting the
influence of religion. On one occasion, when he was
preaching at Dunfermline, a gentleman of some con
sideration in that town, who had never ^before attended
him, and who did not regard the character he had heard.
of him with any partiality, from mere curiosity was re
solved for once to be his hearer. But as Mr White-
field was then making his collections for the Orphan-
house in Georgia, he said to his wife before he set out,
that, as he understood that this fellow Whitefield had
the talent of extracting money from his hearers, he was
resolved to be secure, and would therefore empty his
pockets in her presence.
When Mr Whitefield came, in the concluding part of
his sermon, to plead for his Orphan-house, and was
mentioning the excuses, by which men of different
characters are accustomed to defend themselves, against
the good works, which they have the opportunity, but

notes. 495
no inclination to perform ; by a singular felicity he hit
on the very case of this wary gentleman : and to his
astonishment said, that there were some men so obsti
nately hardened against Christian beneficence, that if
they were at any time to be in a situation where they
thought it possible that they might be persuaded to it,
they took the precaution, in order to secure them
selves against every impression of this kind, to empty
their pockets in their own houses before they left
them. The gentleman was so completely confounded by an
address so unexpected, and which came so directly
home to him, that he went about among his acquaintan
ces, and borrowed a half-guinea for the collection.
Though nothing could have been more apparently
accidental, than Mr Whitefield's address on this occa
sion, it is very probable, that he had before met with
similar cases, which had furnished him with the topic
which was so successful. But unless he had used it with
a considerable degree of delicacy, and could have given
it that kind of power which eloquence alone possesses,
he would have had little chance of applying it so suc
cessfully to the person in question.
Note O, p. 123.
In the Statistical Account of Scotland (Vol. V.) the
parish of Cambuslang is included. And in the account
of that parish, the facts connected with Mr Whitefield's
labours there, are stated from p. 266 to p. 274.
The obvious intention of the writer of that account,
is to fritter down all that happened there, to a level with
the most common events, in which there was nothing
which ought either to have excited a serious interest at
the time, or which ought now to be related with any
astonishment. The representation is of such a kind,
that it cannot be passed over without some remarks,
though it certainly is not entitled to much attention.
1. The prejudices of the writer led him to interpret by
the spirit of party, what had certainly very little concern
with party views of any description. He divides the
clergy of the established church at that time, as they
have often been divided since, into two parties ; into

496 notes*
what he chooses to call a high parly, and a moderate
party.; and roundly affirms, that the former ascribed
the appearances at Cambuslang to the influence of the
Holy Spirit ; while they whom he calls the moderate
party imputed them entirely to the effects of fear and
hope, sympathy and example, aided by peculiar circum
stances. This representation: is not correct in any one of its
assertions. The opinions of the time, or the opinions
at a later period on the same subject, were by no means
divided by the parties who are thus designated. Many
of those, whom the writer of the account would have
classed with what ' he calls the high party, gave at that
time no countenance to Mr Whitefield, and were by no
means satisfied with the transactions at Cambuslang, or
with those who Were concerned in them-r-some of them
prejudiced against Mr Whitefield, by their hereditary
scruples with regard to Episcopacy, and a greater num
ber still, by doubts which they avowed, with regard to
the character of events, of which the effects could not
then be ascertained by time.
The synod of Perth and Stirling, of whom at least
two thirds would then have been set down, by the writes
of the account, with the high party, sent an overture to
the Assembly, for censuring those ministers who bad
employed Mr Whitefield in their pulpits. And others
(among whom was Mr Bisset of Aberdeen, the highest of
the high, though he was a man of considerable talents)
preached publicly against him, and most veliemently
declaimed against those who employed him.
This writer, indeed, limits his statement with re
gard to bis high party by adding, " especially those clergy
" who attended and assisted at Cambuslang." These
certainly countenanced Mr Whitefield, and gave the
most favourable views of the occurrences which they
witnessed. But whatever weight or discredit is due to
their testimony, their whole number did not exceed ten
or twelve individuals ; a number with whom no party
could be identified.
2. The writer of the statistical account affirms in
broad language, that it is well known, that the high par
ty of the Church of Scotland, and the seceders, are of

NOTES. 49?
11 the same sentiments, in doctrine, discipline, and
" church government ; and that what the latter thought
" blameable in the established church, was also thought
" blameable or defective by the former, though not
" in the degree to justify a secession."
For what purpose this representation was introduced
into the subject, it is not very easy to see. For the
author of it expressly states, that the seceders publicly
imputed the effects of Mr Whitefield's labours to the
agency of the devil. To unite them, therefore, with
those who favoured Mr Whitefield, with whom they
were more at variance on that subject, than any descrip
tion of men in the country, is (to say the least) a very
extraordinary mode of explaining the conduct of. either.
But in truth, the writer, having, from what appears in
this account, a sufficient degree of contempt for bothy
could not resist the opportunity of classing them to
gether, even where theiropposition to each other was most
distinctly marked ; leaving the discredit, which he evi
dently intended for both, to have its natural influence
on the public mind.
But after the particulars of his statement are consider
ed, what has he said of them at last, with regard to the
points in which he says they are agreed ? " They are
" known," he says, " to have the same sentiments, in doc-
" trine, discipline, and church government." But let it not
be forgotten, that all parties in the Church, in whatever
way they are divided, are, or ought to be, completely
agreed with one another, and even with the seceders, in
doctrine. The Confession of Faith is equally subscribed
by them all, as the standard of doctrine. Their agree
ment in discipline ought to be equally complete ; for
there also they have one common standard, and the same
authoritative rules. There are certainly different opi
nions among the members of the Church, with regard to
that part of ecclesiastical government which relates to
the settlement of ministers. But on this point, no party
in the Church was completely agreed with the seceders ;
and above all, there was not a pretence for affirming, in
1793, when the Statistical Account was published, that
there were then members of the Church who adopted
the opinions of the seceders of 1740.
j i

498 NOTES.
The seceders separated from the establishment, on
account of the act of Assembly of 1732. It will be seen
in the Appendix, how far the doctrine which they then
maintained, and which they afterwards ramified and ex
panded, was an acknowledged doctrine, to distinguish
any high party in the Church, in 1793 !
There were no doubt, in 1740, many individual mem
bers of the Church, who were ready to admit, that some
of the ecclesiastical corruptions, and particularly those
which affected the influence of the people at large in the
settlement of ministers, specified by the seceders, did
exist, though they did not hold them to be a suffi
cient ground for separation. This fact is alluded to by
the writer in question. But this is in reality all the
foundation he had, for the assertion which he has laid
down so broadly, as an admitted truism.
3. The doctrine which the Statistical Account imputes
to those whom it designates as the moderate party, is in
substance this : That all the extraordinary appearances
at Cambuslang were to be imputed " to the influence of
" hope and j ear, sympathy and example, aided by peculiar
" circumstances s" and this opinion is expressly opposed
to theirs, who ascribed them to " the influence of the
" Holy Spirit"
But did the author of this account, when he stated it,
understand his own meaning ? Or did he intend to affirm,
that they who ascribed the appearances at Cambuslang
to the influence of the Holy Spirit, supposed that they
were miraculous effects, — That the Holy Spirit, in pro
ducing them, operated without the intervention of natu
ral means — or that the individuals had any other expe
rience of his influence, than that which they received,
by means of hope and fear, and sympathy and example,
and such external circumstances, as the occasion afforded,
which he employed as instruments to enligh on their un
derstandings, or to reach their hearts ?
There is no man of sound judgment, who is sufficient
ly convei sant with the subject, who can affix a different
idea tothe influence of the Holy Spirit, in rendering the
preaching of the Gospel effectual for the conviction,
conversion, or edification of human beings, as far as
religious truths can be applied to their hopes and fears,

NOTES. 499
desires and aversions, or can be aided by sympathy
or example, or by any external circumstances in
the situations of the individuals to whom they are
addressed, or in the capacities and talents of those
who are employed in dispensing them. These are all
to be regarded as means, by which the Spirit of God
may operate ; and their efficacy, as often as it is clear
ly ascertained, is to be universally ascribed to his in
fluence. There is no reason to imagine, that the author of the
Statistical Account seriously intended to oppose his doc
trine concerning the influence of hope and fear, to the
Christian doctrine concerning the agency of the Holy
Spirit, in rendering these affections of human nature, by
such means as are employed to awaken them, effectual
either for conversion or sanctification. But he was not
aware of the full import or effect of his own assertions.
He wished to find a marked distinction between two
parties, whpm he had conjured up, to give opposite ac
counts of the same admitted facts. In doing this, he
brings from both what is substantially the same opinion,
though expressed in a very different form. Nor is he
much more fortunate, in his subsequent declamations, on
the sermons preached at Cambuslang, as addressed more
to the passions of hope and fear, than to the understand
ing ; on sudden conversions, and methodistical regenera
tion. If hope and fear were the instruments of the ef
fects produced, this is just tbe creed he imputes to his
moderate party. If the impressions of hope and fear
were afterwards followed in the individual, by a life of
repentance and practical duty, this is just what his high
party arc represented as ascribing to the influence of
God. Both his parties in this way affirm in substance
the same thing. The sermons must of course have been
addressed to the principles of hope and fear, but they
must have had some effect on the understanding also,
to render the operation of these principles in any degree
either permanent or practical. .
If the topics of this writer are minutely canvassed, it
is easy to see how different his representation is, from
what he really intended, and supposed it to be. But it
is not necessary to say more on the subject.

500 NOTES.
In the mean time, let it be specially observed, that in
all that he has said of the transactions at "Cambuslang,
the leading facts are unquestioned ; and that, with all
the disposition discovered to fritter them down, the
number of converts at Cambuslang is even by this writer
admitted to have amounted to some hundreds.
A much greater difficulty might perhaps occur to a
dispassionate inquirer, than any which he has been able
to suggest. Supposing the facts related to have been
correct, how do we account for the narrow sphere within
which the consequences of all those extraordinary events
were limited ? We see many converts within the course
of a few months. But very soon we hear of nothing
more of the same kind ; though the same individuals
continue to preach occasionally, in the same country,
for many years. We naturally ask, supposing all that
was extraordinary in the events before related, to have
been directed by Providence, why Was the same influence
no longer continued by the same instruments, or why
did it not operate afterwards by means of others, in the
same manner ? For what visible ends were such remark
able events directed, of which we see no more than the
immediate effects on a few individuals ? However per
manent their consequences with regard to them, they
were followed by none of the great and signal events,
which so many anticipated, or by any change in the
state of the Christian Church, which we can possibly
connect with them.
All that can be said on this subject amounts to nothing
more, than what resolves itself into the ignorance of
man, with regard tp the laws of Providence. It is clear,
that no remarkable change on the state of the world was
designated. But supposing the conversions at Cambus
lang to have been real, (of which we can say nothing
more than has been related,) the effects produced in the
progress of practical religion might go much farther, than
we have the means of ascertaining. The converts of
that time, who persevered to the end, would leave the
impression of their characters on the society in which
they lived ; on the families whom they left behind them ;
and on all those who had the means of observing the
effects of genuine religion which they exemplified ; while

NOTES. 501
the marked and continued testimony, given by them in
private life, to the efficacy of genuine religion, might go
much farther. It might operate widely during their own
lives ; it may be operating still, in many forms, which
our observation can never reach.
All these conclusions are indeed conjectural. But
there is nothing more definite on the subject for which
there can be any authority. Note P, p. 127.
On this subject, almost all Dr Erskine's American
correspondents were more sanguine than himself, though
he certainly was not without his share of the same im
pressions. At the distance of seventy years, there can
be no hazard in believing, that they all carried their
views beyond what the circumstances warranted. They
persuaded themselves, though with more and less confi
dence, that in what they considered as the revival of
religion, they saw the signal given by Providence of the
approaching " glory of the latter days." " The glory
" of the latter days" shall unquestionably be seen at last.
But is there not reason to believe, that, like the great
Being from whom it shall emanate, it shall approach
rather " as a thief in the night," when men are least
aware, than with many visible signals exhibited before
hand to announce it ? Great events will certainly be
connected with it. But it may well be questioned, whe
ther it is either the intention of Providence, or the lan
guage of revelation, that these shall be so distinctly
marked in their progress, as to be known beforehand to
be the predicted signals. The prophecies already accom
plished, are things revealed, which belong to us, and to
our children. The prophecies which are not yet fulfilled,
are reserved for the instruction of future generations,
Note Q, p. 134.
But why (it will be asked) ascribe so much to the la
bours of Mr Whitefield, whose system of doctrine was
narrow and bigotted, and whose publications are full of
crude and indigested materials, which bear no affinity to

502 NOTES.
genuine eloquence, or to the wonderful effects imputed
to his ministry ?
This question has been often asked with every expres
sion of contempt.
From every account his sermons must have had qua
lities of interest and usefulness, when they were deliver
ed, which are in a great measure lost, in what are called
his " printed works." The publications which bear his
name are, many of them, the productions of short
hand writers, who printed, without his knowledge or
consent, much vvhich he had neither said nor written. *
He published many things in his early youth, which he
would have gladly withdrawn as he advanced in life.
And even the greatest part of what he published at last,
was hastily Written, and (as his friends have always said)
contained a very imperfect view of what he had deliver
ed in public. But it is not true, that every thing
which he wrote is to be put on the same level. There
are some of his sermons, and many of his letters — and
in particular hfs letters addressed to the Bishop of
London — which do no discredit to his memory. Though
* As one specimen of the injustice done him, it appears, that, after
lie was on board the ship which carried him for the last time to Ame
rica, he received a copy of his last sermon at the Tabernacle in To-
tenham Court Road, published by a short-hand writer ; and that he ex
pressed himself in the f611owing terms, to a correspondent, to whom
he wrote immediately : " I wish you had advertised against the pub-
*' lisher of ray last sermon. It is not -verbatim as I delivered it. (as
" the publisher had probably asserted.) In some places he makes
" me speak false concord, and even nonsense. In others, the sense
" and connection are destroyed, by injudicious disjointed paragraphs;
" and the whole is entirely unfit for the public review. But we must
" suffer by the false zeal of professing friends, as well as by the in-
" veterate malice of public avowed enemies. If one sentence is bless-
" cd to the conviction and edification of any single individual, 1 care
" not what becomes of my character, though there is no occasion
" to bring ourselves into needless contempt." Whitefield's Letters,
Letter 1440. There is a note subjoined to this Letter, from which it
appears, that his executors made the same complaint of a part of the
posthumous sermons published in his name, and offered, to indemnify
the publisher if he would burn the whole impression, which com
prehended a great proportion of the sermons Which pass under his
name. This circumstance clearly shews, that we are not entitled to
judge of what his preaching was, by such publications ; as the first
quotation in this note proves the humble and disinterested character,
with which he left Great Britain for the last time.

NOTES. 503
he did not take the time, which he thought could be
better employed, to render his writings either eloquent
or correct, many of them contain a variety of illustra
tion, inferior surely to his spoken discourses, but con
taining nothing either useless or contemptible. He was
accustomed to preach, without writing, and acqu;red by
practice and original talents, a facility and a pathos,
which it was impossible to transfuse into what was writ
ten afterwards from recollection.
That his eloquence made an impression on the wise,
as well as on the vulgar, there are yet men alive, whose
understandings place them on a level with the first men
in this country, and whose judgment will not be ques
tioned, to testify from their own experience.
His system was no doubt Calvinism, and perhaps not
the most enlightened Calvinism, But if it was in any
point narrower than it ought to have been, he had none
of the extravagance, and none of the artifices, which
some others of his time, who were not Calvinists, em
ployed. Whatever may be thought to have been either de
fective or exaggerated ip Mr Whitefield's ministrations,
a life of indefatigable exertion, and perpetual privation,
like his, for no earthly prospect or advantage, and with
the single view of promoting the interests of religion and
morals, as he understood them, and which nothing in
this world could compensate; entitle his memory to re
spect and reverence, from every friend of religion and
humanity. Note R, p. 139.
There is as much narrowness, if it is not bigotry, to
be found in the Protestant churches, on the subject of
ministerial communion, as has ever existed in any age
of the Christian Church.
The Church of England does not admit to her pul
pits, any individual minister from another country,
however vested by the forms of his own church with
the character of a lawful minister, if he has not received
his ordination from an English, or an Irish bishop. If
she thinks this regulation necessary to protect herfrom the
encroachments of foreigners or sectaries, it is neither an
anomalous, (for the Presbyterian Church of Scotland

504 NOTES.
has of late done the same thing,) nor a very unreasonable
exertion of power.
But she is not always satisfied even with this restric
tion. She can exclude even those who are in the re"
gular orders of her own communion. A bishop has
been known to issue his mandate, prohibiting the use
of the pulpits within his diocese, to an individual, who
has been lawfully ordained by another bishop, and even
who holds a rectory or vicarage in a neighbonring dio
cese ; on the pretence, that he did not preach doctrine
of which the bishop approved, though he professed te
adhere to the articles of the church.
It may be fairly asked, why any individual should have
the power to exclude from ministerial communion, an
officiating minister of his own church, who is in full and
unquestioned possession of his clerical character, and
even of his benefice in the church. If he has done or
said any thing, for which he ought to be deprived of
his orders, or of his benefice, why is he not deprived or
ejected? or if this cannot be, (from the tenure of his
freehold,) why is he not suspended, by the competent
authority ?
The same bigotry can be applied to Christian, as well as
to ministerial communion. The English exiles at Frank
fort, in Queen Mary's time, made the service- book ofEng*
land a term of communion in Germany, where it could
have no authority whatever ; and contended for it with
as much pertinacity, as if it had received the sanction of
Christ and the apostles, though it had been then very
recently altered and new- modelled by Edward VI.
who was just dead. What is remarkable, they applied
to John Calvin for his advice, which they did not fol
low, or for his sanction, which they did not obtain.
The Society in England " for Propagating the Gos-
" pel," though the direct object of their charter, as far
as America was concerned, was to propagate the Gospel
among the Heathen, (as is specially stated in the public
sermons of Dr Moore, Bishop of Ely, Dr Ash, Bishop
of Clogher, Dr Sherlock, Bishop of London, and
others,) did, by a manifest departure from their charter,
spend no small part of the sum entrusted to them, to
convert, not the Heathens to Christianity, but the Pres
byterians qf New England to rpiscopacy—the people

NOTES. 505
of New England, whose ancestors had sought a refuge
there, from the persecutions of episcopacy. From 1739
to 1748, they expended L. 8450 for this purpose, in
New England alone, where there were before Christian
churches nearly equal to the population : * while from
pretended want of funds, they refused numerous appli
cations for missionaries to the Indian tribes, f
There is surely no bigotry in saying, that episcopacy
is not yet so completely identified with Christianity, that
every other denomination is to be identified with the
Heathen. In the Life of the late Dr Watson, the venerable
Bishop of Llandaff, who was unquestionably one of the
most eminent men of his time, the following paragraph
appears, in a letter which he addressed to Mr Maseres,
Cursitor Baron of Exchequer, who had sent him a copy
of his book, entitled «* The Canadian Freeholder."'
" By virtue of my office in the University (of Cambridge)
" I am a member of the Society for Propagating the
" Gospel in Foreign Parts; but ever since my appoint-
" ment to the Professorship of Divinity, I have reso-
" Jutely refused contributing any thing towards the
*' support of the Society ; because I always believed,
" that its missionaries were more zealous in proselyting
" dissenters to episcopacy, than in converting Heathens
" to Christianity. This conduct of mine has been con-
e' sidered as exceeding strange, and has given great of-
" fence. But I had rather offend all the dignitaries of
" the church for ever, than act contrary to my decided
"judgment for an hour; and your book will now in-
* It ought to be mentioned, at the same time, that, by the terms of
their charter, the object of their institution was not exclusively
the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. They were to
provide for the supoprt of a learned and orthodox clergy^ in Colonies
" who were wholly unprovided of a maintenance for ministers, and
" the public worship of God." Even in this view of their charter,
the conversion of Presbyterians to episcopacy, where the population
was already fully provided with ministers and .places of worship, cannot
surely be admitted to have been within its original object or design.
It may indeed be said, that Presbyterians' are not a learned or or
thodox clergy ; and as far as the argument founded on this assump
tion goes, it must be left to stand on its own merits.
f Mr Hobart's Second Address, 1751, delivered at Boston.

506 NOTES.
" form them, that my reasons for not subscribing were
*< well founded." *
When Mr Whitefield applied for a charter of incor
poration, to a college which he proposed to erect in
Georgia, which seems to have received the approbation
of his majesty's ministers of the time, though under the
reservation that it should be approved of by the Arch
bishop of Canterbury; it was resisted by the Arch
bishop, who would not consent to it, unless the head
of the college should be a member of the Church of
England, and unless the public prayers should be the
Liturgy of the Church of England, or some such esta
blished form. Mr Whitefield stated, that he could not
agree to either of these restrictions, because the greatest
part of the collections on which the proposed institution
must have depended, had come from dissenters, whom
Mr Whitefield had uniformly assured, that the intended
college should be founded on a broad bottom, and no
other ; that he had no ambition to be the founder of a
college, but was bound to act the part of an honest man.
The plan of a college and of a charter was in conse
quence abandoned, and in place of a college an academy
was added to the Orphan House.
The Protestant dissenters, who had originally formed
a considerable proportion of the Society in London for
the Conversion of the Jews, were obliged to withdraw
from the Society altogether, because many members of
the Episcopal Church, whose assistance was necessary
to render its funds adequate, or efficient, would not co
operate with them, or give countenance to the Society
in any way, unless the management was to be entirely
in the hands of the Episcopal Church, and unless it was
understood that the converts were to become members
of the Church of England.
^ The majority of English bishops, though it is hoped
not the majority of the Church of England, have set
themselves against the circulation of the Bible itself, un
less the Liturgy of the church shall be sent along with
it ; and, indeed, unless the British and Foreign Bible So
ciety shall consist exclusively of members of the Church
* Life of Bishop Watson, p. 64, 65.

NOTES. 507
of England. Happily, in this instance, they have not
been listened to ; and the Society, constituted, as it is,
of churchmen and dissenters, have done more, by the
circulation of the Bible alone, to promote the interests
of genuine Christianity, than either churchmen or dis
senters, or both together, had done, for centuriesbefore.
The old Presbyterians began, in the 17th century, to
torment themselves with controversies about Church
Government, and to turn the world upside down, by
pleading the divine and exclusive authority of presby
tery, in the church of Christ.
The Church of England soon turned the tables on
the Presbyterians, and pleaded against them, the divine
and excliisive authority of Episcopacy, for which a cer
tain proportion of her members have ever since strenuous
ly contended.
It is hard to say; by which of the parties the argu
ment of divine right was maintained with least temper,
or with most bigotry. The independents came forward
pgainst both, pleading for exclusive privilege to them
selves, by arguments which they maintained with as much
pertinacity ; and pretending to trace their claims to an
authority as ancient and decisive, as that which was
relied on by either of their rival sects.
It requires no great sagacity, perhaps, to discern,
on which side the argument fails. It is clear that the
effects of these controversies have not been for the ad
vantage of the Christian Church. The very means
which are employed to render the authority of the
systems assumed irresistible, serve in many instances
to weaken their influence, and (what is more to be
deplored) to fix the attention of those who contend for
them, on the forms, more than on the substance of their
faith. ^ NoteS, p. 17&.
The explanation, as given by Warburton, is in the
following terms : "In this, (that is, in charity,) as the
" same apostle tells us, are comprised all the efficacies
" of the foregoing graces. For, like faith, it believeth
" all things, it hopeth all things ; like virtue, it thinketh
« no evil, doth not behave itself unseemly ; like true

508 NOTES. .
" knowledge, it vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up ;
" like temperance and patience, it suffereth long and is
•' kind, is not easily provoked, bearethall things, endured}
" ail things ; like godliness, it rejoiceth not in iniquity,
" but rejoiceth in the truth ; and,,Jike brotherly kindness,
" it envieth not, seeketh not its own. In a word, begin-
" ning then with faith, and finishing with charity, (or
" as the same apostle much better expresseth it, faith
" worketh by charity,) .we come by just degrees to erect,
" after the divine model here given us, that heavenly
" edifice of Christian perfection, Jesus Christ himself
" being the chief corner stone, in whom all the building,
" framed fitly together, groweth into an holy temple in
" the Lord." Warburton's Works, Vol. V. p. 143.
Note T, p. 179.
The contempt which Warburton affected for Mr
Hume, is sometimes amusing. As a pernicious writer,
he represents him as provoking hostility, " not so much
" by his abilities, as by his malice and vanity." And the
following singular passage occurs in his correspondence
with Hurd. It is in a letter of September 1749. He
was then writing his Julian. "Iam strongly tempted,"
he says, " to have a stroke at Hume, in parting. He is
" the author ot a little book called " Philosophical
" Essays;" in one part of which he argues against the
" being of a God, and in another (very needlessly you
" will say) against the possibility of miracles. Pie has
" crowned the liberty of the press. And yet he has a
" considerable post under government. I have a great
" mind to do justice on his argument against miracles,
" which I think might be done in a few words. But does
" he deserve notice ? Is he known among you ? (meaning
" at Cambridge.) Pray answer these questions. For if
"' his own weight keeps him down, I should be sorry to
" contribute to his advancement to any place, but the
"pillory." Warburton's Letters to Hurd, September
28, 1749, p. 14. Note U, p. 186.
Before the correspondence with Warburton is dis
missed, it is necessary to take notice of a paragraph, in

NOTES. 509
onC of his letters to Dr Hurd, in which Dr Erskine's
flame appears, with circumstances which require expla
nation. The letter is dated August 20, 1770; and the
paragraph alluded to is in the following words : " The
" inclosed is from an eminent minister of Edinburgh ;
" who disobliged a rich advocate, his father, by going
" into orders ; who, however, (I suppose on account of
" a large family,) did not disinherit him. It concerns
" Ossian chiefly ; and he appeals to you, which made
" me smile. It confirms you in your opinion, that these
" poems are patched up from old Erse fragments." *
Dr Erskine never entered deeply into sthe controversy
relating to the authenticity of Ossian's poems. But he
had certainly given more credit to Macpherson's trans
lation, than many other readers. Twenty years after
the date of Warburton's letter to Hurd, he published,
in the first volume of his Sketches, " Observations on the
" Song of the Bards over Cuchullin ;" in which he finds
such * striking resemblances to the language and images
of scriptural poetry, that he thinks it " evident that the
" writer must have seen translations of some poems
" in the Old Testament." He thinks at the same
time, that some argument for the antiquity of the
poem, may be derived from its opposition to the taste
of modern poets ; and concludes with the following re
mark : " Though I cannot believe the poem forged, I
" can much less believe, with some of its warm admirers,
" that it is superior to Virgil, Homer, or Milton. This
" seems to me as great an absurdity in taste, as it would
" be in mathematics to assert, that a point is greater
" than a surface."
At the time when he mentioned the subject to War
burton, Macpherson's Ossian was more popular in Scot
land than it became afterwards ; and he had referred to
Dr Hurd, as a man of taste, without knowing any thing
of his opinion.
Warburton himself had once written to Hurd, in the
following terms : " I have been extremely entertained
" with, the wars of Fingal. It can be no cheat, for I
" think the enthusiasm of this specifically sublime could
* Warburton's Letters to Hurd, p. 455.

510 NOTES.
" hardly be counterfeit. A modern writer would havf
" been less simple and uniform. — Thus far had I writ*
" ten/when your letter of Christmas day came to hand,
" as you will easily understand by my submitting to take
" shame on me, assuring you that I am fully convinced
" of my false opinion, delivered just above concerning
" Fingal. I dici not consider the matter as I ought,
" Your reasons for the forgery are unanswerable. And
" of all these reasons, but one occurred to me; the
" want of external evidence ; and this I own did shock
" me. But you have waked me from a very pleasing
" dream ; and made me hate the impostor, which is the
*' most uneasy sentiment of our waking thoughts." *
This paragraph sufficiently explains what Warburton
meant when he said, that Dr Erskine's appeal to Dp
Hurd " had made him smile" For though he says, that
what Dr Erskine had stated ,was a confirmation of Dr
Hurd's opinion, it made him smile to reflect, that the
reasons which had imposed at first on himself, and
which Dr Erskine had urged, had been anticipated, f
and as he thought refuted, by Dr Hurd. He afterwards
adverts to the subject in another letter to Hurd, (Sep
tember 10, 1770,) which is evidently a reply to one
which he had subsequently received from him ; and says,
" It is certain this Mr Erskine never read lectures on
" Fingal. He is a deep divine, and only amused him-
" self, in writing a few words on a popular subject in
« Scotland." %
\a these paragraphs there was certainly no disrespect,
either expressed or intended, for Dr Erskine ; though a
different construction has been sometimes put on them,
from a clause which is included in the first of them,
which is obviously expressed in terms not respectful to
his father. Warburton speaks of him, as a rich advo
cate, whom his son had disobliged by going into orders,
but who did not (on account perhaps of a large family)
disinherit him for that reason.
This representation of Dr Erskine's father is neither
correct nor fair, and can only be imputed to Warbur-
# Warburton's Letters to Hurd, p. 334, S35.
\ Hurd's Letter to Warburton. Ibid. p. 332. 333.
j Warburton's Letters, p. 456.

NOTES. 511
ton's ignorance of the real characters of both. Mr
Erskine was not, as he conceived him, like a rich Eng
lish attorney, who, having become opulent and proud,
would have disinherited his son, because he preferred
the situation of a clergyman, to the more brilliant pro
spects of a secular profession. The father of Dr Er
skine had his fortune and rank in the country, quite in
dependent of his profession as an advocate. He was,
indeed, originally averse to his son's resolution to go in
to the church ; but was far from having ever intended
to deprive him, on that account, of his natural claims
on him as.his eldest son. He had yielded to his incli
nation, when he found him connecting with it the hap
piness of his life ; and it is certain that his acquiescence
was never retracted.
Though Dr Warburton was not aware of it, Dr Er
skine did not succeed to the whole of his father's es
tate. His father's fortune enabled him to establish two
families, without injury to either. And since the sub
ject has been brought into public view, it is but fair to
mention the principles on which he appears to have
proceeded. To Dr Erskine, his eldest son, he left the original
estates of his family, without any burden or incumbrance
whatever. The estates which he left to his second son
(who was the eldest of a second marriage) were, no
doubt, in themselves of greater extent and value. But
these he burdened with the payment of all his debts ;
which, at the time of his death, (fifty years ago,) were
more than equal to one-half of their estimated value ; in
cluding a jointure to his widow, who survived him many
years, and the provision which he made for his younger
sons.— He had become bound by his contract- of mar
riage with his second wife, to secure to her children,
whatever part of his fortune should be acquired during
the subsistence of his second marriage ; which ultimate
ly became very considerable. On this, his eldest son
would have had no claim, though he had been in no
profession. — By a state of his affairs, in his own hand,
it is clear, that he considered himself as having fairly
divided his fortune, as he ought to have done, and so as
to do justice to every branch of his family. There is a

512 NOTES.
minuteness and accuracy in his own statement, very ho*
npurable to his memory. It demonstrates, that he at
least firmly believed, not only that his last settlements
were to do justice to his eldest son, but that when the
burdens left on his other estates should be deducted, he
was to inherit the most valuable part of his property—
The estates of Cardross and Tulliallan were certainly,
in the end, of much more value than he had supposed
them. But his intentions must be taken, from what clear
ly appears to have been his own view of their value, at
the date of his family-settlements ; after deducting all his
debts, and the debts of his father ; which, though it would
be improper to specify them, were not probably much less
than the original price of both these estates.— — The
value of the estates left to Dr Erskine, free of all debts
and incumbrances, also greatly exceeded his father's
computations, though not perhaps in the same propor
tion as some of his other landed property. But had they
been sold at the time of Dr Erskine's death, at the same
rate at which he had before sold one part of them, they
would probably have produced a greater sum, than that
at which his father had originally estimated the whole
of his independent fortune.
The arrangement of Mr Erskine's property had there
fore no connection whatever with the profession of his
son, or with the number of his family, as Warburton
imagined. Dr Erskine himself always affirmed, that
his father had done him complete justice, and never
would have permitted it to be said, that his family ar
rangements ought to have been different.
This statement is no longer of any importance to any
branch of this respectable family. But Dr Warburton's
note, written in ignorance of the circumstances to which
he alluded, finds its way, where no explanation can be
given. And as it was evidently intended to reflect some
portion of most undeserved discredit on the memory of
Dr Erskine's father, who was one of the most respecta
ble men of his time, there is at least some propriety
in stating the facts, to do away every prejudice and mis
representation, which no individual would have more
sensibly felt, than Dr Erskine himself, if such unfound
ed surmises had ever reached him.
• 11

NOTES. 518

Note X, p. 203.
Though it has been said, that some of the people of
Northampton were, in a certain degree, prepared for
the part which they took at this time, since 1744, when
there had been another question about discipline, which
had considerably divided them ; the immediate cause of
difference related to the terms of admission to the Lord's
Table. — Mr Solomon Stoddart, the grandfather and
predecessor of Mr Edwards, had adopted a conceit, that
this institution is a converting ordinance ; and that it is,
therefore, to be administered to all who have a compe
tent knowledge of Christian doctrine, and are not of a
scandalous life, though they do not profess to have any
personal religion. If he had acted up to his opinion*
he should have gone farther. For even scandalous pep-
sons ought not to be excluded from a converting ordi
nance. — Mr Edwards had originally acquiesced in his
grandfather's practice, but was at last convinced of its
absurdity, and felt that he was bound in conscience to
depart from it. Mr Stoddart had been a man of supe
rior capacity, and in other respects, both an able and a
-successful minister. His talents had borne down all op
position while he lived, and he had so trained his congre
gation to the practice which he adopted, that when Mr
Edwards proposed to depart from it, the great majority
of them became not only his keen but inveterate oppo
nents. The difference soon became irreconcileable. One of
the most active agents against Mr Edwards appears to
have been (as well as himself) a grandson pf Mr Stod
dart. He took the lead in the opposition, and conduct
ed it with the utmost virulence. — That this young man
(for it is probable that he was not then above the age of
thirty) afterwards deeply repented his conduct, is more
than probable. There is a letter published by one Joseph
Hawley, in 1760,' (two years after the death of Mr Ed
wards,) who, by describing himself as an agent on this
occasion, and as his young kinsman, who had been keen
and active against him before a council of ministers, was*
in all probability, the same person, though this is not
k k

514> NOTES.
expressly stated. This letter contains the most humbling
confessions and repentance, in reviewing his conduct
to that venerable man, which it is possible for lan
guage to convey ; and expresses the utmost anxiety to
make his repentance as public, as his conduct had been.
I« came too late for Mr Edwards, who had already
been two years in his grave. But though it had been
originaUy addressed to a private friend, a minister
in the neighbourhood, the writer afterwards published
it, that it might make some impression on others, who
had been as deeply concerned as himself; and that he
might have this consolation before he died. He had
carried along with him the great majority of the
thoughtless multitude, who musi have read his recanta
tion as a heavy reproach to themselves. — Through his
influence, and the keenness of his associates, a council
of ministers, who had the whole subject submitted to
them, very absurdly determined, by a majority of one,
that Mr Edwards should resign his situation at North
ampton. Mr Edwards, with an astonishing degree of
mildness and magnanimity, urged nothing for himself,
or against his opponents, to influence their decision ;
but simply laid before them the grounds of difference,
and declared himself willing to abide by their determi
nation. — In this state he was left, with a wife, and a fa
mily of nine children, completely unprovided, and with
out any visible prospect at the time, of any other situa
tion. If all the circumstances of this case are taken toge
ther, they present to us one of the most striking pic
tures of human folly and injustice, on the one side; and
of conscientious fidelity, supported by Christian temper
and forbearance, on the other, which have ever been
exhibited. Dr Erskine, who entered deeply into the feelings of
Mr Edwards, who had communicated to him every cir
cumstance as it occurred, appears to have afterwards
suggested to him the idea of a parochia] charge in Scot
land, for which he promised him all his influence. Mr
Edwards so far entered into his idea, as, after deliber
ating on the subject, to assure him, that he would have
had no scruple to have subscribed the Westminster con
fession, if other circumstances had encouraged him to

NOTES. 515
embrace the proposal. But it occurred to him, that,
had he gone to Scotland, he must have gone, while he
was uncertain whether his ministrations would have
been acceptable there. At the risk which he built on
this uncertainty, which probably no other individual
would have thought considerable, (but which, after what
had happened at Northampton, he very naturally ex
aggerated,) it appeared to him, that he would not have
been justified, in carrying a wife and nine children across
the Atlantic. This proposal was therefore relinquished ;
and he was soon after invited to Stockbridge.
A detail of these particulars is noj surely out of its
place, when it relates to a man so distinguished as Jo
nathan Edwards ; and contains a narrative of so many
extraordinary circumstances, which have been seldom
mentioned. Note Y, p. 204.
In the same letter, (of July 7, 1752,) alluding to some
accounts which Dr Erskine had given him, of certain un
favourable appearances, with regard tp the progress or
revival of religion in Germany, he has the following
paragraph, which deserves tp be inserted here, as it
may suggest a subject of real importance, to some per
son who has leisure and ability to discuss it. " I should
" be glad to see the pastoral letter you mention, against
" fanaticism, though written by one disaffected to the
" revival. I wish I could see a history of enthusiasm
" through all ages, written by some good hand ; a
" hearty friend to vital religion, a person of accurate
" judgment, and of large acquaintance with ecclesiasti-
" cal history. Such a history, well written, might
" doubtless be exceedingly useful and instructive,, and
" of great benefit to the church of God ; especially
" if there were united with it a proper account and his-
" tory of true religion. I should, therefore, choose, that
" the work should be a history of true, vital, and expe-
" rimental religion, and enthusiasm ; bringing down
" the history from age to age ; judiciously and clearly
" making the distinction, between the one and the
'* other ; observing the difference of source, progi'ess,
" and issue ; properly pointing out the limits, and doing

516 NOTES.
" justice to each, in every age, and at each remarkable
" period. I don't know, that there is any such thing
" extant, or any thing that would in any good measure
" answer the same purposes. If there be, I should be
"glad to hear of it." Note Z, p. 216.
This letter deserves the more attention, that, as far
as appears, it was the last which Ur Erskine received
from the author; and is besides one to which Mr Ed
wards appears to have attached a considerable degree of
importance, as containing what he considered as ex
planations of his doctrine, and of its practical effects,
which do not appear in his book itself. They are the
more important, that his deductions from his system are
diametrically opposite, to the representations of some
later writers, who have affected to be his disciples. The
candid reader will perhaps excuse the length and pro
lixity of the following letter, from these considerations.
" Stockbridge, August %, 1757. — Reverend and Dear
" Sir, In June last I received a letter from you, dated
*' January 22, 1757, with « Mr Anderson's Complaint
" verified,1 and ' Objections to the Essays examined.'
*' For these things I now return you hearty thanks.
" The conduct of the vindicator of the Essays from ob-
" jections against them, seems to be very odd! Many
" things are produced from Calvin, and several Calvinis
tic writers, to defend what is not objected against.
His book is almost wholly taken up with that which
" is nothing to the purpose ; perhaps only to amuse and
*' blind the common people. According to your pro-
" posal, I have drawn up something, stating the differ-
" ence between my hypothesis, aud that of the Essays;
" which I have sent to you, to be printed in Scotland,
" if it be thought best ; or to be disposed of, as you
" think proper. I have written it in a letter to you ;
" and if it be published, it may be, as < a letter from me
" to a minister in Scotland.' — Lord Karnes's notion of
" God's deceiving mankind, by a kind of invincible natu-
" ral instinct or feeling, leading them to suppose that
" they have a liberty of contingence and self-determination

«

NOTES. 517
" of will, in order to make them believe themselves and
" others worthy to be blamed or praised for what they
" do, is a strange notion indeed ; and it is hard for me
" to conjecture what his views could be, in publishing
" such things to the world.
" However, by what I have heard, some others seem
f to be so far of the same mind, that tbey think, that if
" it be really true, that there is no self-determining
" power in the will, as opposed to any such moral
" necessity as I speak of, consisting in a certain connec-
" tion between motives and volitions, it is of mischievous
" tendency to say anything of it ; and that it is best that
" the truth in this matter should not be known by any
" means. I cannot but be of an extremely different mind.
" On the contrary, I think the notion of liberty, consisting
" in a contingent self-determination of the will, as neces-
" sary to the morality of men's dispositions and actions,
" almostinconceivably pernicious; that thejcontrary truth
" is one of the most important truths of moral philoso-
" phy, that ever was discussed, and most necessary to be
" known ; and that, for want of it, those schemes of
" morality and religion, which are a kind of infidel
" schemes, entirely diverse from the virtue and religion
" of the Bible, and though wholly inconsistent with, and
" subversive of the main things belonging to the gospel
" scheme, have so vastly and so long prevailed, and
'' have stood in such strength.
'* And I think whoever imagines that he or any body
" else shall ever see the doctrines of grace effectually
" maintained against their adversaries, till the truth in
" this matter be settled, imagines a vain thing. For,
" allow these adversaries what they maintain in this
'*' point, and I think they have strict demonstration
" against us. And not only have these errors a most
«* pernicious influence in the public religious contro-
** versies that are maintained in the world, but such sort
" of notions have a more fatal influence, many ways,
" on the minds of men of all ranks, in all transactions
" between God and their souls. The longer 1 live,
" and the more I have to do with the souls of men in
'* the work of the ministry, the more I see of this. No-
«« tions of this sort are one of the main hindrances of

51 & Ndifm
" the success cf the preaching of the word, and other
" means of grace* in the conversion of sinners. This
" especially appears* when the minds of sinners are af-
" feeted with some concern for their souls, and they are
" stirred up to seek their salvation. Nothing is more
« necessary for men, in such circumstances, than
" thorough conviction and humiliation ; than that their
" consciences should be properly convinced of their real
" guilt, and sinfulness, in the sight of God, and their
" deserving of his wrath. But who is there, that has
" had experience of the work of a minister, in dealing
" with souls in such circumstances, that does not find,
" that the thing that mainly prevents this* is men's ex-
" ending themselves with their own inability; and the
" moral necessity of those things, wherein their ex-
" ceedifig guilt and sinfulness in the sight of God, most
*' fundamentally and mainly consist-. Such as, living
" from day to day, without one spark of true love to
« the God of infinite glory and fouhtain of all good ;
" their having greater complacence in the little vile
" things of this world, than in him; their living in a
" rej-ection of Christ, With all his glorious benefits and
" dying love ; and, after all the exhibitions of his glory
" and gfaCe, having their hearts still as cold as a stone
" towards him ; their living in such ingratitude for that
" infinite mercy of his laying down his life for sinners.
«' They, it may be, think of some instances of lewd be-
" haviour, lying, dishonesty, intemperance, profaneness,
" &c. But the grand principles of iniquity, constantly
f abiding and reigning, from whence all proceeds, are
" all overlooked. Conscience does not condemn them
« for those things, because they cannot love God of
" themselves, they cannot believe of themselves, and the
" like. They rather lay the blame of these things, and
" their other wicked dispositions of heart, to God, and
" secretly charge him with all the blame. These things
" are very much for the want of being thoroughly in-
" structed in that great and important and certain
U truth, that a bad will, or an evil disposition of heart
" itself, is wickedness. It is wickedness in its very be-
" ing, nature, and essence ; and not only the occasion
!' of it, or the determining influence that it was at first

NOTES. 519
" owing to. Some, it may be, will say, * they own it is
« their fault that they have so bad a heart ; that they
" have no love to God, no true faith in Christ, no gra-
" titude to him, because they have been careless and
" slothful in times past, and have not used means
" to obtain a better heart, as they should have done.'
" And it may be, they are taught that they are to bltime
" for their wickedness of heart, because they, as it were,
" brought it on themselves in Adam, by the sin he vo-
" luntarily committed ; which sin is justly charged to
*' their account, which perhaps they do not deny. But
" how for are these things from being a proper convic-
" tion of their wickedness, in their enmity to God and
" Christ ? To be convinced of the sin of something,
" that long ago was the occasion of this ehmity to
" God, and to be convinced of the wickedness of the
" enmity itself, are quite two things.
" And if persons under some awakening find the
" exercise of corruption of heart, as it appears in a great
•' many ways ; in their meditations, prayers, and other
<e religious duties, and on occasion of their fears of hell,
" &c. &c. ; still their notion of their inability to help it
" exercising them, keeps them from proper conviction
" of sin herein. Fears of hell tend to convince men
." of the hardness of their hearts. But then, when
" they find how hard their hearts are, and how far from
''a proper sensibility and affection on things of religion,
" they are kept from properly condemning themselves
" for it, from the moral necessity or inability that at-
" tends it. For the very notion of hardness of heart
" implies moral inability. The harder the heart is, the
*' more dead in sin, and the more unable to exert good
" affections and acts. Thus the strength of sin is made
" the excuse for sin. And thus I have known many
" under fears of hell, justifying or excusing themselves,
" at least by implication, in horrid workings of enmity
" against God, in blasphemous thoughts, &c
*' It is of great importance that ihey that are seeking
" theirsalvationshould be broughtoff from all dependence
" on their own righteousness. But these notions above
" all things prevent it. They justify themselves, and
" the sincerity of their endeavours. They say to them-

it

510 NOTES,
" selves, they do what they can ; they take great pains ;
f ' and though there be great imperfection in what they
" do, and many evil workings of heart arise, yet these
*\ things they cannot help. Here moral inability comes
" in as an excuse. Things of this kind have visibly
" been the main hindrance of the true humiliation and
" conversion of sinners, in the times qf awakening that
" have been in this land, every where, in all parts, as I
" have had opportunity to observe, in very many places.
*' When the gospel is preached, and its offers, and
" invitations, and motives, most powerfully urged, and
" sinners' hearts stand out, here is their strong-hold,
" their sheet-anchor. Were it not for this, they would
either comply, or their hearts would condemn them
" for their horrid guilt in not complying.
" And if the law of God be preached in its strictness
t' and spirituality, yet cpnscience is not properly con-
" vinced by it. They justify themselves with their in-
" ability ; and the design or end of the law, as a school-
" master to fit for Christ, is defeated. Thus both the
" law and the gospel are prevented from having their
f proper effect.
" The doctrine of a self-determining will, as the
" ground of all moral good and evil, tends to prevent
" any proper exercise of faith in God and Christ in the
*' affair of salvatioji, as it tends to prevent all depen-
" dence upon them. For instead of this, it teaches a
" kind of absolute independence on all those things that
" are of chief importance in this affair ; our righteous-
" ness depending originally on our own acts, as self-de-
*f termined. Thus, our own holiness is from ourselves,
" as its determining cause, and its original and highest
" source. And as for imputed righteousness, that should
<< have any merit at all in it, to be sure, there can be no
" such thing. For self-determination is necessary to
" praise and merit. But what is imputed from another
" is not from our self-determination or action. And
" truly, in this scheme man is not dependent on God ;
" but God is rather dependent on man in this affair ; for
•' he only operates consequentially in acts, in which he
" depends on what he sees we determine, and do first.
!' The nature of true faith implies a disposition to,

NOTES. 521
" give all the glory of our salvation to God and Christ.
" But this notion is inconsistent with it ; for it in ef-
" feet gives the glory wholly to man. For that is the
" very doctrine that is taught, that the merit and praise
" is his, whose is the original and effectual determina-
" tion of the praise-worthy deed. So that, on the
" whole, I think it must be a -miracle indeed, if ever
" men are converted that have imbibed such notions as
" these, and are under their influence in their religious
concerns. " Yea, these notions tend effectually to prevent men's
" ever seeking after conversion with any earnestness.
" It is manifest that men never will be in earnest in this
" matter, till their consciences are awakened, and they
" are made sensible of God's anger, and their danger of
" suffering the terrible effects of it. But that stupidity
" which is opposed to this awakening, is upheld chiefly
" by these two things : their insensibility of their guilt
" in what is past and present, and flattering themselves
" as to what is future. These notions of liberty of in-
" difference, contingence, and self-determination, as
" essential to guilt or merit, tend to preclude all sense
" of any great guilt for past and present wickedness.
" As has been observed already, all wickedness of heart
" is excused, as what, in itself considered, brings no
" guilt. And all that the conscience has to recur to,
" to find any guilt, is the first wrong determination of
" the will, in some bad conduct, before that wickedness
" of heart existed, that was the occasion of introducing
" or confirming it. Which determination arose con-
" tingently from a state of indifference. And how small
" a matter does this at once bring men's guilt to,
" when all the . main things, wherein their wickedness
" consists, are passed over ? And indeed the more these
" principles are pursued, the more and more must guilt
" vanish, till at last it comes to nothing, as may easily
" be shewn.
" And with respect to self-flattery and presumption,
" as to what is future, nothing can possibly be conceived
" more directly tending to it, than a notion of a liberty
" at all times possessed, consisting in a power to deter-
" mine one's own will to good or evil ; which implies a

50$ NOTES.
" power men have at all times, to repent and turn to
" God^ Arid what can more effectually encourage the
" sinner, in present delays and neglects, and embolden
«< him to go oh in sin, in a presumption of having his
" own Salvation, at all times, at his own command ?
" And this notion of self-dependence and self-deter-
" mination serves to prevent or enervate all prayer to
" God for converting grace ; for why should men ear-
" nestly cry to God for his grace, to determine their
" hearts to that, which they must be determined to of
" themselves ? And indeed it destroys the very notion
*l of conversion itself. There can properly be no such
" thing, or any thing akin to what the scripture speaks
" of as conversion, renovation of the heart, regeneration,
" &C. if growing good by a number of self determined
" acts, be all that is required, or to be expected.
" Excuse me, Sir, with troubling you with so much
" on this head. 1 speak from the fulness of my heart.
" What I have long seen of the prevalent notions every
" where, arid what I am convinced will still be their
" consequences, so long as they continue to prevail, fills
" me with great concern. 1 therefore wish that the af-
'¦ fair were more thoroughly looked into, and searched
" to the very bottom.
" I have reserved a copy of this letter, and also of my
" Other to you, * dated July 25, intending to send them
" to Mr Burr, to be by him conveyed by the way of
" New York or Philadelphia. Looking on. these let-
" ters as of special importance, I send duplicates, lest one
" copy should fail. The packet in which I enclose this,
" I cover to Mr Gillies. — O Sir, pray for us, and pray
" in particular for your affectionate and obliged friend
" and brother, Jonathan Edwards."
This letter is not as happily written as other produc
tions of its respectable author. The ideas which he in
tended to convey, are not always clearly brought out or
illustrated, nor is he perhaps always successful in the
application of his doctrine. He scarcely does justice to
Lord Kames, and the latest edition of his Lordship's
book, if he could have seen it, would have removed the
occasion of some of his remarks'; but of this enough has
* The letter printed at Edinburgh at the end of his Inquiry.

NOTES. 523
been said already. The practical argument does not seem
to bear as obviously or forcibly as Mr Edwards intended,
on the metaphysical system ; and in a few instances, per
haps, some of his readers will find it difficult to perceive the
precise connection between them, which was in his mind,
independent of the system, of which there is no occasion
to say any thing here. There is an intricacy, and an
embarrassment ih the composition of this letter, which
lessens its general effect, and the same ideas are fre
quently repeated, withbut adding much to the illustra
tions intended.
But this letter certainly contains a striking memorial
of the author's sincerity in the doctrine which he main
tained, as well as of the extensive knowledge which he
possessed, both of the human heart and of practical reli
gion. If his metaphysical statement is intricate or in
complete, his facts at least are incontrovertible.
Note A A, p. 259.
Mr Wesley did not merely affirm, that a life- of sinless
perfection is attainable ih this world, but that every
sincere believer actually attains it ; that a true living
faith is inseparable from a sense of pardon for all past,
and a freedom from all present sins. (Journal from
Ist, February 1738, to his return from Germany, 2d
edition* p. 29.) He examines a number of individuals
in the neighbourhood of Leeds, from whom he learns,
1. That they feel no inward sin, and to the best of their
knowledge commit no outward sin ; and, 2. That they
see arid love God every moment, and pray, and rejoice,
and give thanks evermore. (Journal from 17th June
1758, to 5th May 1760, p. 933.) He says of himself,
« This I know, and I sin not to-day ; and Jesus my master,
" has forbid me to take thought for to-morrow. I have
" constant peace ; not one uneasy thought ; and I have
" freedom from sin, not one unholy desire." (Ibid. p. 31,
32.) He says besides, " None can have true faith, with-
" out knowing that he hath it ; for whosoever hath it, is
" freed from sin. The whole body of sin is destroyed
" in him." (Journal from his embarking for Georgia,
till his return. 2d Edition, p. 70.)
That Mr Wesley affirmed miracles td have been

5%4> NOTES.
wrought in support of his own mission, is manifest from
his letter to the Bishop of Glocester. (p. 65. 69 .) He
supposes himself to be asked, " If miracles have not
" ceased, why do you not prove your mission thereby ?"
and he replies, " As your Lordship has frequently spoke
«' to this effect, I will now give a clear answer. And first,
" I acknowledge that I have seen with my eyes, and
" heard with my ears, several things which, to the best
" of my judgment, cannot be accounted for by the ordi-
" nary course of natural causes, which I therefore believe
" ought to be ascribed to the extraordinary interposition
" of God. If any man choose > to style these miracles,
" I reclaim not. I have diligently inquired into the
" facts. I have weighed the preceding and following
" circumstances. I have strove to account for them in
" a natural way, but could not, without doing violence
" to my reason. Not to go far back, I am clearly per-
" suaded, that the sudden deliverance of John Haydon
" was one instance of this kind, and my own recovery
" on May 10th, another. I cannot account for either
" of these in a natural way ; therefore I believe they
" were both supernatural. I must, secondly, observe,
" That the truth of these facts is supported by the same
" kind of proof as that of all other facts is wont to be,
" namely, the testimony of competent witnessess ; and
" that the testimony here is in as high a degree, as any
" reasonable man can desire. — We are ready to name
" the persons, on whom the power was shewn, which
" belongeth to none but God, (not one, or two, or ten
" or twelve only ;) to point out their places of abode ;
" and we engage they shall answer every pertinent ques-
" tion fairly and directly ; and if required, shall give
" all these answers upon oath, before any who are em-
" powered to receive them."
If all this was not a specimen of complete fanatical
delusion, it was something less respectable. But it is
useless to make remarks, where the natural conclusion
is so obvious.
On the other hand, though there are points both in
doctrine and practice, on which Mr Wesley published
opinions which will not stand the test of dispassionate
examination, it may be conceded notwithstanding, that

NOTES. 525
in many situations the Wesleyan Methodists have done
good service to practical religion. Whatever their mis
takes have been, their indefatigable activity, their self-
denial and privations at home and abroad, their anxious
solicitude to gain the attention of great multitudes, es
pecially among the lower orders of the people, to the
substantial interests of religion and eternity; and the
visible effects of their labours, to enlighten the ignorant,
to rouse the thoughtless, and to reclaim the profligate,
it would be equally uncandid and unjust to dissemble.
The founder of their sect was undoubtedly a man of
talents, and the zeal with which he exerted himself in
the Christian ministry cannot be denied. It is not in
deed always, easy to separate from the sincerity of his
labours, the artifice and management in which the spirit of
religion had little concern, which is sometimes intermix
ed with them. Mr Wesley unquestionably fell into mis
takes, both in his conduct and opinions, which, though
they may be explained away or palliated, it. is im
possible to vindicate. But amidst all his defects,
it must be admitted, that his own activity, and the la
bours of his sect among the people, however obnoxious,
as a dissent from an established church, have produced
effects in favour of religion and morals, for which they
are entitled to the respect and gratitude of the Church
of Christ. Note BB, p. 402.
Two examples will illustrate this representation On
one occasion, when Dr Erskine was making a reply in
an Ecclesiastical Court, he had said of a speaker who
had preceded him, that " the strength, or rather the
" weakness, of his argument consisted in this," mention
ing the point to which he alluded. His heart smote
him, after he sat down, for having so applied the word
weakness ; and he lost not a moment before he asked
pardon for having done so, in terms of the most affec
tionate respect, though it was evident to all who were
present, that no offence whatever had been ttiken.
On another occasion, he accidentally met on the street,
his near relation and friend, the late Sir William Er
skine, so eminently distinguished as a military officer,
both in Europe and America. Their estates were con-

526 NOTES.
terminous ; and some dispute had arisen between their
tenants. Sir William introduced the subject, with con
siderable keenness ; and Dr Erskine had begun to
reply, with a degree of warmth which seemed to at*
tract the attention of spectators. Sir William was the
first who observed the attention they were exciting ; and
he immediately whispered to his friend, " You and I,
" Doctor, have both too much of the old colonel, to
" settle this dispute on the street of Edinburgh. I shall
" dine with you to-morrow, and we shall soon settle it
" in your house." This he did ; and they met next day,
and adjusted their slight difference, with perfect good
humour and cordiality. Note CC, p. 410.
It will not perhaps be useless, to mention generally,
the preparatory studies and qualifications required in
candidates for the ministry, in the Church of Scotland.
They were at all times in substance what they are at
present ; and it will be sufficient for the purpose of this
note, to mention the general law on the subject, as it
now stands, without taking notice of minute regulations,
originating in particular cases, and introduced at differ
ent times.
A young man, intended for the Church, after com
pleting his education at a grammar school, is required,
before he enters on the study of theology, to attend a
university for at least four years. During that time, he
is supposed to complete his studies in the Greek and
humanity classes, and afterwards to apply to the study
of logic, moral philosophy, and natural philosophy ;
taking along With these, any other braavch of knowledge,
with which the university furnishes him, suhservient to
his studies in these different departments.
He is not allowed to become a student in theology,
till he has completed the course of literature and philo
sophy. He is then placed in the divinity college ; and
besides the prelections in theology, which he must at
tend, he has also to study in the classes of church history
and oriental languages.
This course of study in theology requires an attend-
4

NOTES. 527
ance of four years ; and till it is completed, he cannot
be received on probationary trials, or receive a license
to preach.
If his attendance on the divinity college has not been
uniform or regular, a longer period of study is required.
But in all ordinary cases, a license to preach cannot be
applied for, till after the study of at least eight years,
(including the classical and philosophical course,) at one
or other of the universities.
After this time, a young man is proposed to the pres
bytery, under which he resides, as a proper person to be
received on probationary trials, with a view to his receiv
ing the character of a preacher; and he must then produce
regular certificates from the university, not only of his at
tendance during the time prescribed by law, but of his
good character, and of his having performed the exercises
required in the divinity college. The proposal of receiv
ing him on trials must lie at least a month on the table,
before it is considered, that time may be given to inquire
into the character of the candidate. If at the next meet
ing there is no objection made to him, he is then ex
amined, either by the presbytery, or by a committee, on
the whole extent of his preparatory studies; on his
classical, philosophical, and theological knowledge. This
examination is intended to be private ; and if the can
didate does not acquit himself lo the satisfaction of his
private examinators, he is remitted by them to his
studies, and his name is not again mentioned to the
presbytery till he becomes better informed. If, on the
other hand, the candidate appears to possess the requi
site information, the presbytery, before they take any
other step, is then obliged to write circular letters, to
every presbytery within the bounds of the synod, tq which
it belongs, intimating the intention of taking the young
man on probationary trials, if the consent of the synod
shall be obtained. This must be done, at least two
months before the meeting of the synod- If the sypod,
from any thing supposed doubtful qr exceptionable in
the character of the candidate, shall refuse to consent,
the measure cannot be persisted in by the presbytery,
though there may be an appeal to the Assembly.
It is scarcely conceivable, that better Qr more effectual

528 NOTES.
precautions can be taken, to prevent the reception of
improper persons, on probationary trials.
But after all this has been done, if the synod allows
the candidate to be received, his qualifications are still
to be tried. Five discourses at least are prescribed to
him, which he has to deliver in public before the pres
bytery ; one of them a Latin, and another a Greek
exercise ; one an exposition of a portion of scripture,
and two discourses on scriptural texts. He is then
publicly examined on his knowledge of theology, church
history, Greek and Latin ; or, according to a late prac
tice, these questionary trials are taken before the public
discourses. And it is not till he has acquitted himself
to the satisfaction of the presbytery, on every one of these
points of trial, that he can receive a license to preach.
No institution administered by human beings is so
perfect as hot to fail in particular instances. But there
is no church in Christendom, in which more effectual
precautions are taken, to prevent the introduction of
improper persons into the clerical functions.
After a candidate has been licensed to preach, he is
not put into full orders, till he is to be inducted into a
parochial charge ; and this is not done, till he submits
to a new trial of his qualifications, before the presbytery,
within whose jurisdiction the parish, to which he is
presented, is situated; The substance of the trials pre
scribed for ordination, is the same, with those which are
required for a license to preach.
NoteDD, p. 410.
The establishment of parochial schoolmasters in every
part of the kingdom has given the great body of the
people of Scotland advantages, which no other country
in Europe has hitherto possessed in ihe same degree.
And for these advantages, Scotland is exclusively indebt
ed to the administration under King William.
In 1693, an act of parliament, entitled " An Act for
" Settling the Quiet aud Peace of the Church," inter
alia " declared, That all schoolmasters and teachers of
" youth in schools, are, and shall be liable to the trial,
"judgment, and censure of the presbyteries of the

NOTES. 5@9
" bounds, for their sufficiency, qualifications, and de-
" portment, in the said office."
This legislative provision secured a leading point in
the system of Scotch education, the qualifications
of the persons entrusted with the management of
schools. But the whole system was arranged and completed by
another act of the parliament of Scotland in 1696,
which provided, that there should be a parochial school
and schoolmaster in every parish of the kingdom, with
a fixed salary, payable by the landholders, in propor
tions, taken from the valued rent of their landed estates ;
and giving the schoolmaster the power of recovering his
salary by legal' diligence. The schoolmaster was also
authorized to exact fees from the scholars ; and when
these, moderate as they always were, were added to the
salary, while no unreasonable burden was laid on the
parishioners, (who, excepting paupers, could all afford to
pay what was demanded, without any material hard
ship,) the provision made for the schoolmasters was, at
that time, by no means inadequate, or disproportioned
to the expence of living.
The system which was established by means of these
acts of parliament, has attained its object so completely,
that for more than a century after the enactments, the
great body of the people have been better educated in
Scotland, than in any other division of Christendom.
The power to read and write, and an acquaintance with
the elements of arithmetic, was placed within the reach
of almost every individual ; while all orders of the people
have been taught to read the Bible from their earliest
years, and with the assistance of the catechisms regular
ly taught in every school, have received the rudiments
of a religious education, such as they could not have had
the same means of obtaining, in any other country of
the world.
Besides these advantages, for the greatest part of the
last century, there were few parishes, in which the
schoolmasters were not qualified to give instruction in
the Latin language, to such as were desirous to receive
a grammar school education ; and a very considerable
number of individuals throughout the kingdom have,
i.l

5S0 NOTES.
from 1696, down to the present time, been prepared
for the universities, in the schools of the parishes where
they were born.
From all these circumstances, the parochial schools
of Scotland must be considered by every dispassionate
man, as having secured advantages of incalculable value,
to the great mass of the inhabitants : Advantages, which
baye added as much to the comfort and capacities of
those who have remained at home, as they have contri
buted to give respectability and distinction to those who
have resorted to other countries.
The change which time has produced on the value of
money, has no doubt reduced the emoluments of the
schoolmasters, below the proportion which they ought to
have preserved, to the progress of other situations ; and
has of necessity had a natural effect to lower the qualifi
cations of those, who were willing to accept of them.
Under this persuasion, they who took the manage
ment of Scotch affairs, obtained a new act of parliament
in 1803, which was intended to add to the emoluments
pf the schoolmasters, and to render their situations more
independent and respectable.
But the inconsiderable addition which was made by
Jthis act to the salaries, has not gone far to remedy the
evil ; and some new regulations contained in it, have
injured rather than improved the establishment.
If the parochial schools are to be supported, so as to
answer their original design, the gentlemen and clergy
of Scotland will soon find it necessary to apply for a
new act of parliament, to prevent the advantages which
have added so much to the prosperity, and to the charac
ter of their country, from being lost or impaired to their
posterity. NoteEE, p. 411.
To those who are unacquainted with the nature of
church benefices in Scotland, it may be useful to men
tion, that besides his stipend, which, with the exception
of burghs, is paid in general from the tithes, according
to a certain modification, (which it would require more
room to explain than can be given in a note,) every minis
ter of a country-parish, has a right to a manse (a parson-

NOTES; 531
age-house) and a glebe, furnished at the expence of the
heritors. The glebe must consist of at least four acres
of arable land, and as much grass land as is sufficient
for the sustenance of two cows and a horse. The heri
tors are bound to build the manse, and keep it in repair,
at the sight of the presbytery of the district. But the
sentences of the presbyteries relative to manses and
glebes, are all subject to the review of the Court cf
Session. It ought also to be mentioned, that where
there is a deficiency of tithe, a late act of parliament has
given from the consolidated fund, a sum sufficient to
raise the lowest parochial stipends in Scotland, to the
annual value of L. 150. ,
Note FF, p. 413.
It will be seen from a foot note, afterwards inserted, *
that the superintendence of the clergy by the presby
teries, the synods, and the General Assembly, is equally
watchful and efficient, both with regard to their personal
conduct, and their pastoral functions. The superintend
ence of the morals of the people at large is placed under
the appellant jurisdiction of the same ecclesiastical courts ;
but is primarily entrusted to the kirk-session of each
parisby from whose sentences there lies an appeal to the
Superior Courts. In cases of peculiar atrocity, however,
the kirk-sessions are required to consult the presby
teries, and receive their instructions, before they take
any steps with a view to judicial proceedings. And in
some instances, they must go back to the presbyteries,
before they pronounce a final sentence.
Note GG, p. 428.
Mr Lockhart of Lee was the person claiming the pa
tronage, whose presentation the presbytery sustained.
His predecessors had been infeft in the patronage since
the year 1647. In 1708, when the last vacancy occur
red, though the family could not then by law present to
the benefice, as the act 1690 was in force, they had ex
ercised the right of the patron to dispose of the vacant
stipend, (which that act had not taken away,) without
* In pages 47S, 47«.

532 NOTES.
question or resistance. On the other hand, it was not
pretended, that, since 1647, when they were infeft in
the patronage, the Crown, who now claimed it, had one
act of possession to plead. The family of Lee and their
authors were the only patrons whom the presbytery
found on their record.
After the right of patronage had been decided, and
the question relating to the induction of the minis
ter came before the Court of Session, it was plead
ed for Mr Lockhart of Lee, or rather for his pre*
sentee, that every patron in possession is entitled to
retain and enjoy his patronage, till he is legally dispos
sessed ; that from the documents produced to the pres
bytery, added to those which were found on their own
record, he hud a legal right to present to the vacant
benefice ; and that even though his right was challenged
before collation was given, his presentation was notwith
standing legally entitled to be made effectual for that
¦mee, and could not be rendered invalid after execution,
by any subsequent decree setting aside his right of pa
tronage. In support of this doctrine were quoted,
" Larnbertinus jje jure patronatus, Lib. ii. Part 1,
" Quaest. 3. Art. 4.— r-Jacob's Law Dictionary. — Reg.
" Maj. Lib. 3 cap. 33."
It was pleaded, on the same side of the bar, for the
presbytery, that they had complied with the direction of
law, when they admitted the presentee of the patron in
.possession, and, as far as they were instructed by the
documents before them, of the only legal patron : That
though the law requires a presbytery to admit the pre
sentee of the patron, it has given them no remedy, in
the case of competing patrons, by which they can bring
the claims ih competition before the civil Courts : That
the jurisdiction which the law has given them implies,
that they must have a power of judging of the rights of
competing patrons, prima instantia, to the effect of ex
plicating that jurisdiction : That their judgment must of
Course have the effect to determine the settlement of the
Church pro hac vice, and after execution to exclude
every claim for vacant stipei d: That the application of
this d< ctrine does not prevent the parties from bringing
their civil rights to trial afterwards, or to settle them in
ali time coming by the sentence of the civil Courts ;

NOTES. 038
whereas, if the presbyteries have not the right of deter
mining pro hac vice, as the opposite doctrine affirms, it
would follow of necessity, that they cannot comply with
the law which requires them to induct a presentee, in any
case, where there is a competition for the right of pa
tronage ; and that, in this way, parishes might be kept
vacant for many years, during the protracted litigations
of competing patrons : That if patrons should sometimes
suffer by erroneous judgments pronounced by presby^
teries, they would, in such instances, have only their
own negligence to blame, because they ought to have
taken measures to settle their rights of patronage be
fore the vacancies occurred ; and that they have not
only no ground for complaint, when the presbyteries
induct the presentees, who appear to them, from the
documents before them, to have the best title, but can
have no right to avail themselves of their own negli
gence to protract the* vacancies by litigation, so as to
deprive the parishioners, in the mean time, of all the ad
vantages of pastoral care. And finally, that the power
claimed by the presbytery of Lanark, is no new or un*
founded pretension : That the same power was uniform
ly exercised by the bishops in Scotland as long as epis
copacy was established ; and that the presbyteries, coming
in place of the bishops, must be vested with the same
jurisdiction. These arguments were completely successful in the
Court of Session, who unanimously found, that the mi
nister inducted had a legal title to the benefice.
The same arguments, afterwards pleaded on an appeal
at the bar of the House of Lords, wete not equally suc
cessful there. Lord Hardwicke, who was then the Lord
Chancellor, reversed the judgment of the Court of Ses
sion, chiefly on a ground which none of the parties had
anticipated ; and which, not having at all occurred to the
counsel who had pleaded the case for tKe respondent,
could be met by nothing which had fallen from the bar.
Lord Hardwicke said, that he could hot conceive how a
Scotch bishop could have been possessed of a power
or jurisdiction, which an English bishop never had.
Though tbe answer is very obvious, that they lived un
der very different constitutions, and, as bishops, had ih
this point, and many others, a very different jurisdiction,

634s NOTES'.
there was no possible opportunity of making this reply.
The decree of reversal was in consequence pronounced;
and whether it was well or ill founded, this decision has
ever since been held as having laid down the law on the
subject.' At the same time, the following anecdote may be
relied on, although, as the question of law is now for
such a length of time understood to be settled, it is per
haps no longer of any importance.
The counsel who pleaded for the presentee to Lanark,
and who belonged to the English bar, was so thorough
ly convinced, that the decision was wrong, and that
the Lord Chancellor had misapprehended the point on
which he had rested it, that he afterwards asked his
Lordship to give him an opportunity, for his own satis
faction, to converse with him privately on the subject.
He was the more solicitous to have this opportunity,
that at first he had himself been with difficulty persuad
ed to relinquish his English prejudices, in favour of the
powers claimed for the presbyteries in Scotland, and as'-
serted to have belonged tb the Scotch bishops ; but was
ultimately so thoroughly persuaded that the doctrine
was sound, that he thought he would either be able to
satisfy Lord Hardwicke, that the decision was not found
ed in law, ior would hear from his Lordship a reason to
convince him, that his own opinion had been too hastily
adopted. Lord Hardwicke very readily gave him the
opportunity which he requested. The result was',
that he so completely convinced his Lordship that he
had taken up an English idea, not applicable to the law
of Scotland, and that the ground on which he had
chiefly rested his decision was untenable, that he can
didly acknowledged his mistake ; and requested him to
say to the clergyman chiefly concerned, whom he had
seen at the bar, that he was afraid he had done him an.
injury by an involuntary mistake, which he had not the
power of correcting ; but trusted that he would be can
did enough to believe, that he had acted conscientiously
at the time, and sincerely intended to do justice to all
the parties.
This. anecdote the writer of this note received from
Dr Dick, the clergyman in question, a very few weeks

NOTES. 5B5
before his death. He had been translated from Lanark
to Edinburgh in 1754; and, even at that distant period,
{jn 1782,) he mentioned this history of his case in the
House of Lords, with a considerable degree of emotion.
He had suffered severely from the litigation. He had
entered into life more independent than most of his
brethren. But the expence of living at Lanark for the
greatest part of four years without a stipend, added
to the expence of the process, which (excepting the as
sistance which he got from the public funds of the church
at the disposal of the Assembly) fell entirely on himself,
had nearly exhausted his resources before he was trans
lated to Edinburgh ; and materially affected his private
comfort to the end of his life. *
Dr Dick was unquestionably one of the ablest and
most distinguished men, whom the Scottish Church has
ever possessed. The extent of his knowledge, the cor
rectness of his taste, the vigour of his talents, his capa
city for the business of active life, and the powerful,
chaste, and commanding eloquence, in which he had so
few competitors, raised him far above the level of the
greatest part of his contemporaries. Not unconscious
of his own superiority, he had a strength of principle,
and a delicacy of feeting, which often prevented him
from asserting his just pretensions, and which gave his.
* Before this subject is dismissed, it should be mentioned, that, in
dependent of every question of law, the opposition made to Dr
Dick's settlement at Lanark was the effect of a political intrigue,
conducted by the magistrates of Lanark, supported by the officers
of the crown. The magistrates at first claimed the patronage to
themselves, and offered a presentation to the presbytery. But sen
sible that their claim could not be sustained, they had influence to
obtain a presentation from the crown in favour of the same indi
vidual whom they had presented. Their own presentation was not
insisted on ; and all the subsequent litigation for the patronage was
between the crown and Mr Lockhart of Lee. The party politics of
the burgh, and hostility to the family of Lee, had an influence at
Lanark stronger than the merits of any question at issue.
There have been doubts in later times, whether even the right of
patronage was then decided, as it ought to have been. It has been
understood that the patronage of Lanark was not the only one, of
which the family of Lee were in possession by the same tenure.
But the crown has never attempted another challenge, and will not
probably be forward to bring the decision given in the case of La
nark into question, by another claim, on the same grounds.

536 NOTES.
character a dignity and a pre-eminence, of which every
individual who associated with him was conscious.
His eloquence in public debate was of the highest
order : heard indeed but seldom, and n ver on insig
nificant subjects— but when it did break forth, the
splendid and vigorous eloquence of intellect and feeling,
supported by dignity of manner and powers of lan
guage, which the ablest of his opponents felt to be irre
sistible. In a higher situation he would have been equal
to all that superiority of talents can achieve. In the
situation which providence assigned him, he was less
fortunate than many of his inferiors ; and conscious that
he was so, he exerted himself less than he ought to have
done. But he knew how to preserve his high minded dig
nity and independence, when he was most disappointed ;
and as a man of sterling worth and probity, who never
could bend his integrity to his interest, or seek by
adulation or sycophancy the advantages which were due
to his talents, he lived in the humble situation to which
providence confined him, cheerful and contented among
his friends, happy in his family, and universally respect
ed and looked up to by the whole community of Edin
burgh ; till death suddenly and ji/ematurely put an end
to his honourable life, in l7t<2, at the age of sixty-one.
The writer of this note confesses, that from habits of
intimacy and affection, he regarded Dr Dick, for the
last seven years of his life, with the greatest veneration,
and cannot but be partial to his memory. He has perhaps
exceeded the proper bounds in this account of him ; and
even in his history of the case of Lanark. He trusts
that some allowance will be made for a feeling, which
has given him an irresistible inclination to do some
justice to the character of one, whom he can never cease
to remember with gratitude and reverence.
Note HH, p. 476.
Besides the superintendence of the pastoral functions
and personal conduct of the clergy, after they are in
possession of their benefices, which is vested in the Ec
clesiastical Courts ; there is another power entrusted to
the presbyteries, whith is intended tq protect the
7

NOTES. 537
church and the people, against the introduction of cler
gymen who are of exceptionable or doubtful characters.
Before a minister can be inducted to a benefice, inti
mation must be made from the pulpit of the parish,
that on the day appointed for his ordination or admis
sion, (that is, for his collation t:> the pastoral cure and
the benefice,) any individual parishioner may state to
the presbytery, any objections to his life or doctrine,
which he may think relevant, of which the presbytery
are afterwards to judge.
When that day arrives, intimation is made at the
principal door of the church, that if there are any ob
jections to be made to his life or doctrine, the presby
tery are met in an adjoining house, reudy to hear and
to decide on them. But in this case, the diet is per
emptory ; the objections, if they are made, must be ve
rified instanter ; and if there are any witnesses to sup
port them, they must be in attendance, and ready to be
produced for examination.
If the presbytery should find that the objections are
relevant, and are proved, they have authority to sist
their procedure, and to refuse to go on to the induc
tion. If the objections stated are frivolous or unfound
ed, or if the proof offered is insufficient to sustain them,
they are of course dismissed, and the induction is com
pleted. These forms are uniformly and strictly observed, and
cannot go into desuetude. There are not many instances
indeed, in which presbyteries find it necessary to sist
their procedure at the return of an edict ; though some
examples there have been, at no remote period. But
every one must see the efficiency of the law, wherever
there can be a substantial reason for having recourse to
it. So effectual and complete is the superintendence, un
der which the Scottish clergy hold their situations in
the church.

Printed by George Ramsay and Co.
Edinburgh, 1818.

IYA11
J IRTTISH HISTORY
S PRESERVATION
^ PROJECT
jg ' SUPPORTED BY NEH

_______ nni