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A HISTORY

ORTHODOX CHURCH OF CYPRUS

CARVING AT OMODOS MONASTERY

***,
A HISTORY OF THE
ORTHODOX CHURCH OF CYPRUS
FROM THE COMING OF THE APOSTLES
PAUL AND BABNABAS
TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE BRITISH OCCUPATION
(A.D. 45-A.D. 1878)
TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
LATIN AND OTHER CHURCHES
EXISTING IN THE ISLAND

J. HACKETT, B.D.
CHAPLAIN TO THE FORCES

METHUEN & CO.
36 ESSEX STREET, W.C.
LONDON 1901

TO FIELD MARSHAL
THE RIGHT HON. VISCOUNT WOLSELEY,
K.P., G.C.B., G.C.M.G.,
AS THE FIRST REPRESENTATIVE
OF BRITISH RULE IN CYPRUS
SINCE COSUR-DE-LION,
AND IN RECOGNITION OF HIS KINDNESS
THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY THE AUTHOR

PREFACE

This work is the outcome of two tours of service in Cyprus,
where the author acted as military chaplain. Though it does
not profess to much original research, sources of information
have been used which are generally inaccessible to the ordinary
reader. Hitherto the quest for such brief notices of the ecclesi
astical history of the island as still exist has entailed laborious
search in the pages of many writers. It has been the author's
principal object to collect these scattered fragments, and to
attempt to lay before his readers as one continuous whole the
story which they represent. After a long period of comparative
oblivion Cyprus has within recent years again come prominently
into view. Since the commencement of the British occupation,
much has been done to clear up the obscurity connected with
its early history and antiquities, but no corresponding effort has
been made to render the like service to its ecclesiastical records.
Yet it is a subject which for many reasons is deserving of equal
attention. As Cyprus is now the only part of the British
dominions where English churchmen are brought into immedi
ate contact with that great Eastern Communion, numbering
within its fold so many millions of fellow-believers, it presents
an exceptionally favourable opportunity for that friendly inter
course between the Anglican and Orthodox Churches which it
is to be hoped may yet prove productive of the happiest results.
The author begs to assure his many Orthodox friends, who
may honour him by reading what he has written, that he
has approached his task in no captious or censorious spirit.
His one constant endeavour throughout has been to remember
that Christians, however much they may be separated by
doctrinal differences, form after all but one body, and that
" whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it,
or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it ".
Nothing has, therefore, been set down with the intention of

viii PREFACE
causing pain or giving offence, and he is confident that any
seeming reflections will be accepted in the spirit in which they
have been made.
The author is gratefully sensible of the kind assistance he
has received from various quarters during the course of his
labours. Among the many names which readily recur to him
selection is difficult. To the present Commissioner of Larnaka,
C. Delaval Cobham, Esq., the mention of whom will recall
pleasant memories to every traveller in Cyprus, his thanks
are more particularly due. Mr. Cobham's own achievements
in the field of Cypriot literature are too well known to need
description. Not only has he freely placed the rich stores of
his learning at the author's disposal, but he has also most kindly
permitted him to use a series of valuable notes he had himself
collected for a similar purpose. Such generous treatment well
merits the most cordial recognition. Mr. C. J. Whitfield,
from his extensive knowledge of the island, was also able to af
ford very considerable help. To the Bishop of Kition and the
Hegoumenos of Kykko the author begs to tender his warmest
acknowledgments for like services most courteously and willingly
given. With them he would wish to couple the names of other
Cypriot ecclesiastics, alas ! now no more, His Beatitude the
late Archbishop of Cyprus, the late Bishop of Paphos and the
late Archimandrite Hieronymos Myriantheus, formerly in
charge of Hagia Sophia, Bayswater. To the Rev. J. H. Bernard,
D.D., F.T.C.D., he is deeply indebted for much valuable assist
ance in the verification of references, as well as to J. B. Bury,
Esq., F.T.C.D., for the keen interest he has taken in the pro
gress of the work, and for his exertions in furthering its
publication, also to W. W. Copland, Esq., C.E., for preparino-
the maps accompanying the volume.
Gibraltar, 1900

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter I. — Services of Cyprus to Christianity, ±. Threefold division of its
ecclesiastical histoiy, i. Chaiacteristics of each division, 2. Scarcity
of early records, 2. Airival of the Apostles, 2. Piobable motive fot their
coming, 3. Traditional accounts of their proceedings, 3. Second ap
pearance of Barnabas, 5. Jewish levolt, 5. Advance of Christianity, 6.
Earthquakes and famines, 6. Cypriot Bishops at the First Geneial
Council, 7. Cyprus visited by drought, 8. Coming of the Empress
Helena, 9. Cyprus included in the Eastern Empire, 11. Revival of
paganism, 11. Final triumph of Christianity, 11. Primacy of St.
Epiphanios, 12. Independence of the Cypriot Church assailed by Antioch,
13. Arabic Canons of the First General Council, 14. Attempt of John,
Patriarch of Antioch, 16. Council of Ephesus, 17. Memorial of the
Cypriot Bishops, 18. Eighth canon of the Council of Ephesus, 18. Action
of the Cypriot Church condemned by some ecclesiastical historians, 18.
Decision of the Council conditional, 21. Letter of the Patriarch of
Antioch, 21. Claims of Antioch unsupported by history, 22. Renewed
attack by Peter the Fuller, 23. Apparition of the Apostle Barnabas, 24,
Origin of the independence of the Cypriot Church 26. Monophysite
controversy, 32. Cypriot Bishops present at the Council of Chalcedon, 33.
Invasions of Abubekr and Moawiyah, 33. Monothelite controversy, 35.
The Mardaites, 36. Justinian Rhinotmetos attacks the Moslems, 37.
Emigration of the Cypriots to the Hellespont, 37. Council in Trullo, 37.
Its Thirty-ninth Canon considered, 38. "The right of Constantinople," 41.
Opinions as to Justinianopolis, 43. The title of Nova Justiniana wrong, 45.
Return of the Cypriots, 46. Renewal of the Moslem invasions, 47. Ser
vices of the Kibyrraiot fleet, 48. Invasion of Harun-al-Rashid, 48. Flight
of Christians to Cyprus, 48. Final expulsion of the Moslems, 50. Icono
clastic controversy, 50. Cypriot Bishops at the Seventh General Council, 52.
Rebellions of Erotikos and Rhapsommates, 53. Deposition of the Bishop
of Amathus, 54. Seizure of Cyprus by Isaac Komnenos, 55. Attempted
recovery by the Byzantines, 56. Tyrannical conduct of Isaac Komnenos, 57.
Chapter II. — Third Crusade, 59. Arrival of Cceur-de-Lion, 59. Defeat and
capture of Isaac Komnenos, 60. Subsequent fate, 61. Retention of the
island by Cceur-de-Lion, 62. Invasion of Renaud de Chatillon, 63. Sale
of Cyprus to the Templars, 65. Rebellion of the Cypriots, 65. Guy de
Lusignan acquires the island, 66. His previous history, 66. Intro
duction of Latin settlers, 70. Constitution of the Latin kingdom, 71.
Divisions of the rural population, 72. Establishment of the Latin Church,
74. Discontent of the Cypriots, 76. Hostile designs of the Byzantine
Emperor, 77. Fourth Crusade, 78. Capture of Constantinople, 79. Effect
upon the Orthodox, 80. Conventions of Limassol and Famagusta, 82.
Reduction of the Orthodox Sees, 84. Intervention of Philippe d'Ibelin, 86.
Cardinal Pelagius, 87. Cypiiots appeal to the Oecumenical Patriarch, 8g.
His counsel to them, go. Martyrdom of Orthodox monks, 93. Allatius'
defence of the Latins, 95. GJcumenical Patriarch addresses Gregory IX.,
98. The Pope's replies, gg. Withdrawal of Orthodox ecclesiastics, 100.

x TABLE OF CONTENTS
Conciliatory policy of Innocent IV., 101. Demands of the Orthodox, 102.
Election of Germanos Pesimandros as Archbishop, 104. Points in dispute
between the Orthodox and Latin Churches, 105. Vexatious proceedings of
the Latin Archbishop, 112. Germanos Pesimandros appeals to Alexandei
IV., 113. The Bulla Cypiia, 114. Final triumph of the Latin Church, 123.
Hostile attitude of the Orthodox, 124. Remonstrances of Urban IV., 124.
Attack upon the Archbishop of Rodez, 126. The Papal Legate, Pierre de
Thomas, 127. His proceedings in Cyprus, 130.
Chapter III. — St. Bridget, 135. Growing fusion of the Latins and Orthodox,
136. War with Genoa, 138. Proposed union of the Cypriots with the
Oecumenical See, 141. Opposition of Bryennios, 141. Mameluke invasion,
i4g. Orthodox complain to Eugenius IV., 151. Unexpected results ofthe
Council of Florence, 152. Gradual extinction of religious differences, 153.
Hellenic tendencies of Jean II., 154. Commanding influence of Helena
Palseologos, 155. Dispute with the Pope, 155. Opposition of the Latin
faction, 156. Jacques appointed Archbishop, 158. Murders the Chamber
lain and flees to Rhodes, 159. Returns and slays the Vicomte of Nikosia,
159. Reconciliation with the King, 160. Quarrels with Queen Charlotte,
160. Escapes to Egypt, 161. Seizes the crown, 161. Marries Catarina
Cornaro, 163. Death and character, 164. Catarina proclaimed Queen, 164.
Influence of Venice, 164. Opposition of the Spanish party, 165. Murder of
the Queen's uncles, 166. Supremacy of Venice, 168. Death of Jacques III.,
168. Abdication of Catarina, 169. Local Venetian government, 170. No
change in ecclesiastical policy, 170. Better treatment of the natives, 172.
Orthodox look to Turkey foi deliverance, 172. Popes forbid interference
with the Orthodox, 173. Real cause of the Ottoman Conquest, 176. Precau
tionary measures of Venice, 176. Grand Vizier opposes the designs of Selim
II., 178. Warlike preparations of the Porte, 178. Surrender of Cyprus de
manded, I7g. Sermon of the Latin Bishop of Paphos, 180. Disaffection of
the Cypriots, 182. Siege and capture of Nikosia, 184. Retirement of the
Christian fleet, 186. Capitulation of Famagusta, 186. Treachery of Lala
Mustapha, 186. Reflections of Angelo Calepio on the fall of Cyprus, 188.
New era in the ecclesiastical history of the island.
Chapter IV. — Turkish rule. Administrative changes, igo. Wretched state of
the Cypriots, igi. Imposition of the Kharaj, 191. New social conditions,
ig2. Decrease of the population, 192. Transfer of Cyprus to the Qapudan
Pasha, 193. Reforms of Sultan Mahmoud II., 193. Khatti-Sherif of
Gulhane, ig3- Favours shown to the Orthodox, 194. No concessions to
the Latins, 195. Intrigues about the Archbishopric, 195. Issue of Berats
to the Bishops, 197. Commanding influence of the Orthodox prelates, 198.
Cause of its destruction, 198. Archbishop Timotheos, igg. Doctrinal
disputes, igg. Intervention of Meletios Pegas, igg. Deposition of Arch
bishop Athanasios, 200. Interference of the Patriarch of Antioch, 202.
Attempts ofthe Dukes of Savoy to recover Cyprus, 205. The GEcumenical
Patriarch, Joannikios, intervenes between the Archbishop and his suffragans,
208. Synod against the Calvinists, 212. Deposition of Archbishop Nike-
phoros, 213. Accession of Archbishop Hilarion Kigala, 214. Banishment
of Archbishop Silvestros, 216. Imprisonment of Archbishop Philotheos, 217.
Intrusion of Neophytos, 217. Restoration of Philotheos, 217. The Bishops
appointed Qoja-bashis, 218. Flight of Archbishop Paisios to Beyrout, 218.
Intrusion of the deacon Kyprianos, 218. Return of Paisios, 219. Murder
of the Muhassil Chil Osman Agha, 219. Revolt of Khalil, 221. Accession
of Archbishop Chrysanthos, 222. Haji Baki Agha appointed Muhassil, 223.
Flight of the Bishops to Smyrna, 224. Attempted intrusions into their Sees
224. Deposition of Haji Baki Agha, 224. Return of the Bishops, 224,

TABLE OF CONTENTS xi
Banishment of Chrysanthos, 226. Accession of Archbishop Kyprianos, 226,
Hostility ofthe Qapudan Pasha, 228. Kuchuk Mehmed appointed Musellim,
228. Plots the destruction of the Christians, 228. Murder of the Prelates,
22g. Accession and resignation of Archbishop Joakim, 231. Banishment
of Archbishop Damaskenos, 231. Accession and resignation of Archbishop
Panaretos, 231. Accession of Archbishop Joannikios, 232. Kyrillos Arch
bishop, 233. Makarios Archbishop, 234. Sophronios II., Archbishop, 235.
Cyprus constituted an independent Mutessariflik, 236. Cession of the island
to Great Britain, 236.
Chapter V. — Early history and constitution of the Cypriot Church, 238.
Lists of Sees, 240. Primacy established at Salamis, 243. Foundation of
Constantia, 244. Destroyed by the Moslems, 246. Primacy transferred to
Arsinoe, 246. Consecrations of the Bishops, 246. Classes of autocephalous
Archbishops, 247. Dositheos' views regarding them, 247. Criticised by
Archbishop Philotheos, 250. The constitution of the Synod, 260. Extent
of the existing Sees, 260. Precedence and titles of the hierarchy, 260.
Election of Bishops, 261. Revenues of the Sees, 263. Division of the
clergy, 267. Qualifications for the ministry, 267. Incomes of the secular
clergy, 267. Numbers of the clergy, 268. Educational status, 26g. " No
Provision of Clergy," 270. Officials of the Sees, 272. Administration of
parish and monastic churches, 273. Religious census, 280. Prevailing
ignorance of the laity, 280. Ecclesiastical reforms imperative, 282. Circular
of the Bishops, 285. Dangers of delay, 287. Disposal of ecclesiastical
revenues, 288. Translations of articles from the Salpinx on ecclesiastical
questions, 2g2.
Chapter VI. — Lists of Orthodox Sees with their occupants. Archbishopric, 303.
Kition, 311. Kurion, 312. Tamasos, 314. Neapolis, 316. Amathus, 317.
Arsinoe, 318. Lapithos, 319. Karpasia, 320. Chytri, 321. Trimythus,
322. Soli, 323. Kyrenia, 325. Theodosiana, 326. Levkosia, 327. Note
on three Bishops of the name of Nicolas, 328.
Chapter VII. — Orthodox monasteries classified, 329. Pococke's description, 330.
Sources of revenue, 330. Preserved and suppressed, 331. Kykko, 331.
Machaera, 345. Enklistra, 348. Chryssorrhogiatissa, 354. Trobditissa,
355. Hagios Panteleemon, 355. Hagios Mamas, 355. Kutzuventi, 356.
Hagios Nikolaos, 358. St. John Bibi, 361. St. George of Mankana, 361.
Andrio, 361. Sergi Flatro, 361. St. Barnabas, 362. Apsinthi, 362. Pallu-
riotissa, 362. Ienechio, 362. All Saints, 362. Phaneromene, 362. Lists
of Kyprianos and the Ecclesiastical Properties Commission, 362. Note on
the chronology of the Ritual Ordinance of Neophytos, 366. Eikon of the
Blessed Virgin at Constantinople, 367. Hyperpyron, 367. Ceremony of
the Stauropegion, 368.
Chapter VIII.— Saints of Cyprus. The Native, 370. The Foreign, 398. The
German, 418. Names specially honoured by the local Latin Church, 430.
List of Saints from the Tresor de Chronologie, 430.
Chapter IX. — Relics once numerous in Cyprus, 433. Cross of Tochni, 434.
Miraculous Cross constructed by the Patriarch of Antioch, Ignatios II. , 439.
Cross of Stavro Vouni, 439. Monastery of Stavro Vouni, 451. Ruse of
the Levkariots, 453. Fragments of the true Cross, 454. Other relics of the
Saviour, 454. Relics of various Saints, 455. Miraculous eikon at Palaeo-
Chytro, 457. Arm of St. Anne, 458. Monastery of Trikoukkia, 458. Sar
cophagus in the Cathedral of Santa Sophia, 460. Remarkable rock on the
summit of TroSdos, 462. Relics of St. Ursula, 463. The Seven Sleepers,
464. Eikon of Our Lady of Tortosa, 465.

xii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter X. — The Latin Church. Early appearance of Latin Christians in
Cyprus, 467. Lusignan and Le Quien on the date of the settlement of the
Latin Church, 468. Introduction of the Latin hierarchy, 470. Erection of
four Sees, 470. Their extent, 470. Coronation oath, 471. Dispute regard
ing episcopal elections, 472. Authority and jurisdiction of the Latin
Archbishops specially protected, 475. Bestowal of Papal privileges, 475.
Encroachments of Legates and Patriarchs, 477. Endowments of the
Latin Church, 478. Exorbitant demands of the Latin clergy, 481. Disputes
about the payment of tithes, 481. Computation of ecclesiastical revenues,
487. The Latin Synod, 4go. Cathedral of Santa Sophia, 4gi. Diocesan
chapters, 494. Measures for the education of the clergy, 494. Cathedral
staff of Santa Sophia, 4g5. List of donations to Santa Sophia, 4g6. List
of Latin churches in Nikosia, 500. Attendance at cathedrals and parish
churches enjoined, 507. Erection of churches and oratories restricted, 508.
Action of the Monastic Orders with regard to religious attendance, 510.
Irregular lives of the Latin ecclesiastics, 510. Disgraceful conduct of
Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 510. Regulations to restrain the clergy,
511. Rapacity of the clergy, 513. Regulations for admission of foreign
ecclesiastics, 514. Felix Faber on the state of religion, 515. Sale of
ecclesiastical preferments a fertile source of scandals, 518. Cypriot depu
tation to Venice on the subject of ecclesiastical reforms, 518. Petition
against non-residence and bestowal of benefices upon foreigners, 5ig.
Report of Bernardo Sagredo, 520. Absence of the Archbishops responsible
for religious irregularities, 521. Cathedral of St. Nicolas at Famagusta,
521. List of Latin churches in Famagusta, 522. Syrian Christians in
Cyprus, 522. Georgians, 523. Armenians, 523. Jacobites, 525. Copts,
526. Abyssinians, 526. Maronites, 527. Nestorians, 52g. Annual pro
cession of the united denominations on the festivals of Corpus Christi and
St. Mark, 52g. Dissentient bodies subject to the Latin Archbishop, 530.
Roman Church repeatedly attempts their conversion, 530. The Jews, 534,
The Linobambaci, 535.
Chapter XI. — The Latin prelates of Cyprus. Cartulary of Santa Sophia, 536.
Archbishops of Nikosia, 537. Bishops of Paphos, 564. Bishops of Limassol,
56g. Bishops of Famagusta, 577. Bishops of Kyrenia, 587.
Chapter XII. — Religious Orders of the Latin Church in Cyprus, 589. Date
of their appearance, 58g. Place of settlement 589. Date of departure, 58g.
Cause of disappearance, 5go. Order of arrival, 591. Dominicans, 592.
Franciscans, 600. Cistercians, 602. Benedictines, 605. Augustinians, 610.
Carthusians, 611. Premonstratensians, 611. Monastery of the Thorns, 615.
List of Latin Priories, 616. Military Orders : Templars, 617. Hospitallers,
629. St. Thomas the Martyr, 648. Teutonic Order, 650. PAGE
Appendix I. — (1) Orthodox Archbishops of Cyprus 651
(2) Latin Archbishops of Nikosia - 652
Appendix II. — Order of Ecclesiastical Precedence 654
Appendix III. — Sovereigns of the Lusignan Dynasty 655
Appendix IV. — Catalogue of Dates 5-7
Appendix V.— Decrees of the Council of Nikosia, 1668 660
Appendix VI.— Berat appointing Sophronios II. Archbishop of Cyprus 665
Appendix VII. — Copies of letters addressed to the Bishops of Cyprus with
replies - 671
Appendix VIII.— Extract from Ricaut's " The Present State of the Greek
and Armenian Churches "- (1679) - 680
Addenda 683
Inscription concerning Sergius Paulus 692
Index - - 693

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

Carving at Omodos Monastery
Map of the present Orthodox Sees -
Kykko Monastery
Courtyard, Kykko Monastery
Eikonostasis, Chapel of Kykko Monastery
Omodos Monastery
Map of the former Latin Sees
West Front, Santa Sophia, Nikosia
West Front, St. Nicolas, Famagusta
Entrance to the Refectory, Bella Paese Abbey
Ruins of Bella Paese Abbey
The Bedestan, Nikosia

Frontispiece FACING PAGE 260

331338341 454470 490
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61464g

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Fabii, Fratris Felicis. Evagatorium in Terram Sanctam. Ed. C. D. Hassler
Stuttgart. 1843 et seq.
Malipiero, Domenico. Annal. Veneti. Ed. Sagredo. Fiorenza. 1844.
Sereno, Bart. Gommentari della Guerra di Cipro. Monte Cassino. 1845.
Archives des Missions Scientifiques. Paris. 1847.

LIST OF PRINCIPAL, AUTHORITIES xvii
Le Correspondant.. Paris., 1847.
Bohn's Early Travels in Palestine. London. 1,848.
Neale, L M. History of the Holy Eastern Churcji. London-, 1850.. -,n
Finlay, Geo. Mediaeval Greece and. Trebizond. Edinburgh, and London. B.851.
Latrie, L. de Mas. Histoire de I'llfe de Chypre sous le regnedes Pirincesidelaj
Maison de Lusignan. Paris. 1852 ekseq. (Cited as Hist.de Chyp.)i d . ¦)
Finlay, Geo. The Byzantine and Gieek Empires. Edinburgh and London. 1854.
Sakellarios, Athan. to. Kinrpiana. 'A8r)vais. 1855 jt seq,., p.
Finlay, Geo. Greece under Venetian and Turkish Domination. Edinburgh and
London. 1856.
 Greece under the Romans. Edinburgh. ' 18.57.
Stanley. Lectures on the History of the Eastern Church. London. 1861.
Cyprus. Commercial Reports. London. 1863.
Ffoulkes, E. S. Christendom's Divisions, pt. ii. London. 1865.
Sathas, C. N. NeoeWnvMri $i\o\oyia. iv'A9r)vais. 1868.
Synaxaristes, The. Ed. Sergios Ch. Raphtane. Zante. 1868.
Walcott. Sacred Archaeology. London. 1868.
Sathas, C. N. TovpKOKpaTov/j.4vri"E\\as. 'PSijvriai, 1869, '
Du Cange. Les Families d'outre-mer. Ed. E.' G. Rey. Paris! 1869.
Hypselantes, A. K. ret /zero Ti)v "AXtcffiv. iv J£pyo'Tav.Tivovit6\e^. 1870.
 'EkK\r](rla Kal iro\'iTeia. iv KwvffTa.vTivovTr6\ei. 1870.,,
Bohn's Chronicles of the Crusades. London. 187 1.
Hefele, C. J. von. History of the Christian Councils. Edinburgh. 1871 et seq.
Sathas, C. N. Bibliotheca Graeca Medii'^vi^'tom. ii'., iii. Venert, 1872.
Machaera, Leontios. Xpoyucbv Ytimpov. Ibid., torn, ii., pp. 53-4P9.
Boustron, Geo. XpoviKbv Kvrrpov. Ibid., torn, ii., pp. 413:543.
Gams, P. B. Seiies Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae. Ratisbonae, Monachii.
1873-86.
Robertson, J. C. History of the Christian Church. London, 1875. n
Georgiou, Philippos. Ei'S-jjireis iaTopmaX irepl rrjs 4KK\naias tt\s Kvirpav,, < 'ASiivais.
1875.
Vondiziano, C. A. 'Io-ropia Trjs vr)<rov Kiiirpou. 'A0<jf.aAS- 1877.
Creasy, Sir E. S. History of the Ottoman Turks; London. 1877.,
Lauriotes, Kyrillos. TlarpiapxiKhv Xpovmiv. '"A6i]vaiov," torn. vi. 'ABfanot..
1877.
Latrie, L. de Mas. L'ile de Chypre, sa situation presente et ses souvenirs du
moyen age. Paris. i87g.
3AKO?u}v9ia^TrvplSa>vos imo'KdTrovTpifivBovvTOs. 'EveTiyai. 1880.
Warren, F. E. The Ritual Ordinance of Neophytus (Archaeologia, vol. xlvii.
Westminster. 1881).
Latrie, L. de Mas. Histoire des Archeveques Latins de l'ile de Chypre.
Genes. 1882.
 Documents nouveaux servant de preuves a l'histoire de l'ile de Chypre.
Paris. 1882.
Bright, Wm. Notes on the Canons of the First Four General Councils.
Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1882.
I'Anson and Vacher. Mediaeval and other Buildings in the Isle of Cyprus.
Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects. London. 1883.
Latrie, R. de Mas. Florio Bustron. Chronique de l'ile de Chypre. Paris. 1884.
Sathas, C. N. Vies des Saints Allemands de l'eglise de Chypre. Genes. 1884.
Publications ofthe Palestine Pilgrim Texts Society. London. 1886 et seq.
Stubbs, Wm. Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History. Clarendon Press,
Oxford. 1886.
Raynaud, G. Les Gestes des Chiprois. La Societe de I'Orient Latin. Geneve.
1887.
Kepiades, G. I. 'Airofivr}fM)vevfiaTa. iv 'A\c£avb'peiq. 1888.
Latrie, L. de Mas. Le Trevor de Chronologic Paris. 1889.

xviii LIST OF PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES
Latrie, R. de Mas. Chroniques d'Amadi et de Strambaldi. Paris. i8gi et seq.
Bohricht. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani. 1893.
Kyprianos. Archimandrite, 'AKoXovSiai, tov iaiov irarpbs rnj.au, Heoipirov tov
'EyK\flffTov. 2nd Ed. 4v AevKaialq. 1893.
Gobham, C. D. Excerpta Cypria. Nikosia. 1895.
Gibbon, E. Decline and Fall. Ed. Guizot.
Migne. Patrologia Latina : —
Rufinus, xxi.
Jerome. Vita Santi Hilarion, xxiii.
Guilelmus Tyrensis, ccii.
Patrologia Graeca : —
Eusebius, xix.-xxiv.
Vita Sancti Epiphanii, xii.
Socrates, 1 . ..
Sosomenus, J" lx™*
Theodoretus, lxxx.-iv.
Theodorus Lector, lxxxvi.
Alexandri Monachi Laudatio in Apostolum Barnabam, lxxxvii., pars. 3-
Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii, xciii.
Theophanes, cviii.
Constant. Porphyrogenitus, cxii.-xiii.
Cedrenus, cxxi.-ii.
A. Comnena, cxxxi.
Cinnamus, cxxxiii.
Zonaras, cxxxiv.-v.
Balsamon, cxxxvii.
Joel, cxxxix.
Choniates, cxxxix.
Acropolita, cxl.
Niceph. Callistus, cxlv.-vii.
Glycas, clviii.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
CHAPTER I.
CYPRUS, now so far removed from the great centres of special im-
modern life, once played a most distinguished part i'n-SeMcSiiM.
the annals of the faith. It was one of the first ofofcypra17
heathen lands to receive the Gospel message. Its inhabitants
] * were some ofthe earliest to proclaim "the good tidings of great Acts n. 19, ».
joy," for we read that among the first missionaries to Antioch
were men of Cyprus. But what renders the island doubly in
teresting to Christians is that it was the scene of one of the Act» mi. 12.
most striking of the many triumphs, which the great Apostle of
the Gentiles gained in the cause of Christ. A native chronicler, Lnatraan, pP.
himself a Latin, when recounting the exploits of Barnabas at
Antioch, thus exultingly sums up the services, which Cyprus has
rendered to Christianity : —
" Under what an obligation then should the city of Antioch
be towards the Cypriots ! Under what a debt, too, are Chris
tian people in being called Christian through the instrumentality Acta it 26.
of Cyprus ! But what shall we say of thee, 0 holy Rome ?
Whence hast thou received the first beginning of our holiness but
from Barnabas ? And Milan, Bergamo, and Brescia, what thanks
do ye not owe ? Behold, then, how Cyprus is a true friend of
Christ and in the truest sense a part of the Holy Land, since it
was the first cause that Rome was consecrated head of the
world." 1
The subject of this work falls naturally into three main Threefold
divisions, corresponding to the threefold change of ownership, the Subject.
1 Quanto obligo dunque deve havere la citta. di Antiochia alii Cipriotti ? Et
il popolo christiano quanto obligo ha d'esser chiamato christiano per opera di
Cipro ? Ma ehe diremo di te, Santa Roma; onde hai il primo principio della
nostra santita havuto se non da Barnaba ? et tu Milano quante gratie, Bergamo
et Brescia ? Eccoyi dunque come Cipro e vera arnica di Christo, et Provincia
veramente di terra santa, poscia ehe fu causa primiera, ehe fosse santificata
Roma capo del mondo (!).
1

2 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
which the island has undergone within comparatively recent
times. I. From the arrival of the Apostles to the final extinction of
the Byzantine supremacy (a.D. 45-a.d. 1191).
II. From the establishment of the Latin Kingdom under the
Lusignans to the expulsion of the Venetians by the Turks (a.d.
1191-a.d. 1571).
III. From the incorporation of Cyprus into the Ottoman
dominions to the Convention with Great Britain (a.d. 1571-
a.d. 1878).
characteru- Each of these periods is marked by varying fortunes in the life
oi these divi- of the island Church.

sions.

The first comprises not only its foundation and gradual
development, but also the attacks made upon its ancient liberties,
from which it at length emerged, with its independence secured
and its privileges increased and confirmed.
The second is the story of one long and continuous struggle of
nearly 400 years with an unscrupulous assailant on behalf of its
dearly cherished prerogatives.
In the third its lowest ebb appears to have been reached.
Contemptuously tolerated by the professors of an alien creed it
has fallen from its former high estate, retaining only the shadow
of its ancient glory.
eSfy'reco'is Unfortunately of its earliest records scarcely anything remains.
Most of the notices of this period still extant are drawn fromi
external sources. Nor is this surprising, since Cyprus formed!
for some centuries after the introduction of the faith the battle
ground between the Cross and the Crescent, when the fierce'
warriors of the Prophet destroyed both churches and monasteries
alike with their precious contents.
PaS^d0' r^^ie ^rs^ imPortant event in its religious history, of which we
Bamaoas. have any definite knowledge, is the arrival of the two Apostles
(a.d. 45). Though the names of Paul and Barnabas must ever
stand foremost in the ecclesiastical annals of the island, they
Acts u. is. were not the earliest pioneers of Christianity to reach its shores.
St. Luke informs us that in the persecution, which succeeded
the death of Stephen, some of the fugitive disciples carried the
knowledge of the Gospel as fcar as Cyprus. But their preaching
was confined entirely to the Jews. The message of salvation
was only proclaimed without distinction of race or creed at the
coming of the Apostles,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 3
It was no mere chance' which had brought these two men to- Eariy inti-
gether for the great work, in which they were associated. Holy S^7Aposties.
Scripture clearly indicates that their intimacy was of long
standing. It was Barnabas, for example, who had vouched for Acts 1x27.
the sincerity of Paul's conversion. It was Barnabas, too, who Acts xi. 22.
had sought him out in his retreat at Tarsus. An early tradition
represents them as being fellow disciples under Gamaliel. But
may we not perhaps assign to their friendship an even earlier
date ? Tarsus, as we know, lies at no great distance from Cyprus.
Its celebrated schools were the resort of students from all the
adjacent countries. Is it so very improbable to suppose that
in Tarsus itself began that acquaintance, which was to have such
important results for Cyprus ?
The motive, which led Paul and his companions to choose this probable
island as the scene of their first missionary enterprise, is very th"°e1ectiron
obvious. Not only was Barnabas himself a native of Sala- JJ« "c;nJ ot
•z , , their labours.
mis on its eastern Coast, but it contained at this period a large
Jewish population. Their first appearance there seems to date
from the reign of Ptolemy Soter, who is reported after theiMaccab.,*v.
capture of Jerusalem in b.c. 320 to have transferred great num
bers of them to Egypt and other parts of his dominions. Many
more subsequently reached the island in the hope of finding em- Joseph.,
ployment in the copper mines, which were at one time farmed ih>. xVVi
by Herod the Great. And the ranks of these later comers were
constantly being recruited by the advent of others from the
mainland, who were driven from their homes in Judaea by the
disturbances so long prevalent there.
The account of their journey, so far at least as Cyprus is con- st. Luke's
cerned, is recorded very briefly in the Acts. The writer merely brief"11 very
states that the Apostles, after landing at Salamis, crossed the Acts xi. 12.
island to Paphos, where they converted the representative of the
Roman government. According to local tradition Paul had, Local tradi-
previousto this event, received from the Jews of this town the pairs in-'
customary forty stripes save one.1 A column of white stone merides, p.
about seven feet high is still pointed out to travellers as the one,
to which he is said to have been tied on the occasion. Possibly
this may have been one of the instances of ill-usage at the
hands of his compatriots, to which the Apostle himself alludes. 2 cor.u. 24.
The conversion of so influential a person as Sergius Paulus could Favourable
1 ° results of
Sergius
1 This tradition is noticed by Le Huen (1487) as follows : — version.
" Dessoub? 1 lesglise qui fust aux Cordeliers a une chartre ou Sainct Paul
fust lie et detenus par aulcun temps avec Sainct Bernabe en preschant levan-
gille":

4 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
not fail to have a most favourable effect upon the success of
their mission. No one would lightly venture to assail a faith,
which counted him among its adherents. From the Jews the
Apostles would naturally meet with the most determined op
position. Their converts, however, were chiefly drawn from the
heathen population, who would not have the same prejudices of
sathas, tom. early training to overcome. One modern writer, indeed, as a
"P' ' proof that the new doctrines did not meet here with the same
resistance as in other places, asserts that the Gentile Chris
tians of the island even after their conversion continued to call
themselves Greeks, a name elsewhere regarded as equivalent to
idolater. But, since he has given no authority for this state
ment, we are unable to judge of its accuracy.
other sources Though the Acts themselves are silent as to the subsequent
tiona's'to'the doings of the Apostles in the island, there are other sources of
ApoBties. information available, which must, however, be received with
Aiexandri considerable caution. Alexander, a Cypriot monk, in his en-
Laudatioin comium on Barnabas asserts that the Apostles founded churches
Apostolum IT
Bamabam. jn various parts of Cyprus, appointing to them such of their
Acta.et disciples as were pre-eminent for their zeal and courage. In an
nab». apocryphal work of the fifth century, generally ascribed to Mark,
LeQuien,o.c, but based most probably either on the records, or traditions, of
laM1*)." ' the native Church, it is stated that at Kition they met with one
Herakleon, whose name Paul changed to Herakleides. Him they
consecrated first bishop of the island and placed in charge ofthe
congregation, whose place of meeting was in a cave near the city
of Tamasos. At Paphos they would inevitably be brought in con
tact with the national cultus of Aphrodite, whose principal shrine
jauna^tom. was situated in that district. In connection with this subj ect various
legends are told. A very late writer mentions, without, however,
stating the source of his information, that they urged the Pro
consul to destroy the celebrated temple at Old Paphos. But
Suetonius in this improbable story is sufficiently refuted by the testimony of
w?u?£!*" Suetonius and Tacitus. These historians inform us that, when
».*• " Titus some years later visited the sanctuary on his way to join
Vespasian on the eve of the Jewish war, he was greatly struck by
the display of wealth which he saw. Even without such evi
dence we might safely assume that the Paphians would not
quietly have submitted to the destruction of a building, which
LusiBnanj brought them such profit and renown. One of the mediaeval
itoeVir chroniclers of the island relates a somewhat similar legend. He
10°- says that Barnabas on his subsequent visit was so moved with
indignation at the abominations committed in the temple, and

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 5
the throng of naked worshippers collected there, that he prayed
for its speedy destruction. In answer to his prayer the building
is reported to have been shattered by lightning and all within
destroyed. But this story may be dismissed as being equally
as improbable as the other. In fact its utter improbability is
well attested by the scene of the occurrence being placed at
New Paphos. As a German writer very aptly remarks, Luke Reinhard
would certainly not have omitted the circumstance had it beenuT«'«c7». '
as true as the adventure with Elymas.
No second visit of St. Paul is recorded. Barnabas is known no second
to have returned after the rupture with his fellow Apostle, bring- Paul recorded.
ing with him the cause of the quarrel, his kinsman Mark. From ActBxv. 39.
the apocryphal work bearing his name already quoted we further Return of
learn that in the neighbourhood of Cape Krommyon he con- andMa?k.
verted two-temple slaves, Timon and Aristion. After traversing Acta etrassio
Cyprus in company with Mark and Timon he returned to Sala- cJ.aSabi"'
mis. There he again met Herakleon, whom he urged to iwd„ c. 46.
build churches everywhere and to ordain ministers for them.
Shortly afterwards he fell a victim in that town to his own
zeal and the fanaticism of the Jews. rbid.,c. 47.
In the year a.d. 115 occurred one of the most terrible events Jewish revolt
in the island's history, which for a time threatened the very the spread of
existence of the Church. The Jews throughout the Roman Em
pire had long borne with impatience the insults and indignities Eusewos,
heaped upon them by the Gentile world. At length in the eirenicon,'
*- n • ftd am 119
reign of Trajan, exasperated beyond endurance, they broke out Jm» ^¦i1ins-
into open rebellion. Insurrections took place in Cyrenaica, l**"*^,"
Egypt, and Mesopotamia. The numerous Jews living in Cyprus
did not long remain mere passive spectators of the struggle.
Under the leadership of Artemion they flew to arms and com
mitted incredible atrocities, massacring some 240,000 of their
fellow-citizens, and reducing the flourishing town of Salamis
to ruins. This rebellion was only suppressed after a severe
struggle, in which great excesses were committed on both sides.
Thousands of the insurgents perished in the rising and the sur
vivors were banished from the island. So great, indeed, was the dio cassius,
prejudice excited in consequence against this unhappy people x?phu!'(Edit.
that for centuries afterwards no Jew was allowed under pain of Far?s, irai, p.
death to land in Cyprus. In fact, with such merciless severity
was this cruel law applied that, if a member of the hated race
was even cast by the winds and waves upon its inhospitable
shores, he was at once put to death. That they returned at a later

6

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Benjamin of
Tudela,
Asher's trans
lation, vol. i.

Kyprianos.
p. 95.

Bakellarios,
torn. 1. , p. 163,

Cypn
vlsite

prus
sited by
earthquakes
and famines.
SynkeUos,Euseblos,S. Jerome,
Vita Sti.
Hilarion,Kedrenos.

period is quite evident from the accounts given us by travellers of
their presence in the island. They appear at any rate to have been
fairly numerous when Benjamin of Tudela wrote (a.d. 1160), for
he says : — " Besides the rabbanitic Jews in this island, there is a
community of heretic Jews, called Kaphrossin, or ' Cyprians 't
They are Epicureans and the Jews excommunicate them every
where. The evening ofthe Sabbath is profaned and that of the
Sunday kept holy by these sectarians." The archimandrite
Kyprianos in his history cites this law and the circumstances^
which gave rise to it, as reasons why the Jews have ever since
been comparatively strangers in Cyprus. He urges his fellow-
countrymen to bear it in mind and to tell it to their children,
assuring them that, though no longer of any effect, other, means
still existed for preventing the detested race from settling among
them.1 The worthy ecclesiastic is very properly taken to task
by a later writer for such sentiments, as ill-befitting that religion
of love, which he was supposed to profess.
But what seemed at first the most terrible misfortune, thatcould
have happened to the Church of Christ, eventually proved the
greatest blessing, which could have befallen it. The banishment
of its most determined foes was the one thing needed to ensure
the advancement of Christianity. On their departure it spread
with much greater rapidity than it had ever done before. , New
teachers came from Syria to replace those, who had lost their
lives in the late troubles. Whole families, too, already converted
passed over into the island from the same regions. Thesfc, with
the numerous hermits and recluses, who began to flock thither
from all parts, helped to confirm the faith of the native Christians.
Though the records of this period have almost all perished, we
possess enough to know that civil commotions were not the only
evils, from which unhappy Cyprus had at this time to suffer.
Frequent earthquakes destroyed its fairest cities, while the effects
of famine and other causes contributed largely to the decrease of
its population. That the Christians in Cyprus did not escape the
persecutions, which their brethren in other parts of the Roman
Empire had then to endure, is shown by the long list of martyrs
and confessors, whose names the island Church still hold precious.

1*As eb6v/j.ovvTai oi av/nraTptaTai avTbv rbv v6fn.ov, Kal as rbv SrnyovvTdi Kal eis
ra t4kvu tuv ¦ Kal hv Ti)v u-fj/iepov Bee exei Kdn/xiav iaxby, TrKijv eivai rpivoi aMoi
Sidtpopoi, KaX /i4aa, va p.f)v cupr]o-ovv nore va noKvvooai ri)v TlaTplSd tovs ipxouevot
'EjSpaioi va. KaTotKT)<rovai. Tevos Toaov nviaTov KaX ixipbv twv &X\uv yeviisv, birav
oi ttjs Eipdirns 0ao-i\e<s, robs Ixouo-i fie ueydhas tpu\a£eis xaP'<r)i.e'vovs, Kal irept-
KXeiafievovs, pe v6fiovs a^iovs **ia t)\v aTTiffriav twv,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS T
The- first and most famous of the Councils, that of Nicaea cypriot
(a.d. 325), was attended by representatives from Cyprus as well *|]£L*«j["t*w
as from other parts of the Christian world. The existing lists c°uncu.
of subscriptions are admittedly very defective; which may account Mansi, tom.
for the names of only two Cypriot bishops being recorded— viz., "°"'
Kyrillos of Paphos and Gelasios of Salamis. But from other sources sokrates,H.E.,
we know that a third, the famous miracle-worker Spyridon of Rufous,' i. 5.
Trimythus, was also present. With the exception of these three, AJJbnu-Tij,
ecclesiastical history is silent as to any others. Kyprianos, f-n socmen,
however, asserts that twelve took part in the proceedings, yet KypnanoB,
their names as given by him amount to fourteen, viz., Kyrillos, Wi '
Gelasios, Auxibios, Photios, Gerasios, Aphrodisios, Irenikos,
Nunechios, Athanasios, Makedonios, Spyridon, Triphyllios, Nor-
banos, and Sosikrates. But, except in the case of the first two,
he has not mentioned the sees, over which they presided. Though
he has omitted to state the source of his information we can
form a tolerably certain guess whence he derived it. For he
asserts that these same prelates were also present at the much
later Council of Sardica (a.d. 343 or 344). Of this Council there
are several contemporary documents still extant, which tell us
of whom it was composed. We have (1) the Council's letter toMansi, tom.
the Bishops — (2) another copy ofthe same in Athanasios' Apology Athan.,APoi.,
against the Arians — and (3) Hilary of Poictiers1 list of those, ThMdoret,
who were present and subscribed the decrees, which follows his i™1" Eccl"
version of the Council's letter to Pope Julius. The Council and hu. piet., m>.
Athanasios record the names not only of those who attended, but *' °*
also of those who, though absent, afterwards subscribed the
decrees. Their lists include those given by Kyprianos, with the
exception of Kyrillos and Gelasios, and in the same order.
Hilary, who gives an imperfect list of those only actually at
tending, does not mention them at all. That Kyprianos merely
took the first two of these lists and attached to them the names
of the two prelates, who are mentioned in the Nicene catalogue,
seems highly probable. And what strengthens the supposition
is the fact that not only are the names for both Councils given
by him in exactly the same order, but the sees also of the two
first on the list alone are added. For, while the Nicene records
give the names of the bishoprics as well as of their occupants,
those of Sardica mention the bishops only. Another circum
stance, which greatly confirms this conjecture, is to be found in
the fact that, though Kyprianos gives the number as twelve, he
enumerates fourteen names, showing that when counting those,
who figure in the Sardican lists, he omitted to include the two

8 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
taken from the Nicene. Even had all these bishops been present,
as represented, at the earlier Council, it is inconceivable how they
could all have figured at the later Conclave also, which was held
some twenty years afterwards. Many of them must have been
very old men even in a.d. 325 — and thus in the natural order
of things it is well-nigh impossible they could have survived
to a.d. 343 or 344. These considerations, therefore, cannot
fail to excite doubts as to the accuracy of Kyprianos' list.
Cyprus In the fourth century a.d. Cyprus was visited by a drought
a severe of unusual severity, a scourge to which at all times it is very,
Sit urth liable. The earlier chroniclers represent it as lasting for thirty-
iiaciuera i six years. One of them even hints that it was sent in retribu-
(sathas, i., ^on ^ j.ne marj-yr(jom 0f gj. Catharine. The inhabitants, theyi
p.^laT' 2' inform us, were so distressed by the want of water and the
famine, which ensued in consequence, that they were obliged
Kyprianoa, p. fo entirely abandon the island.1 But Kyprianos, though ad
mitting the severity of the visitation, assigns to it a period of
seventeen years only, at the same time denying that the island
was so utterly deserted by its inhabitants, as described^ He ad
mits that large numbers of the poorer classes may have been
forced to leave, but he thinks it impossible that a country so,
long inhabited could be so entirely abandoned, or that the well-
to-do would so generally consent to relinquish their homes and
property. He bases his contention on the fact that at the first
Council of Nicsea there were present from Cyprus twelve bishops,
who would represent a considerable population still remaining.
We know from other sources that this famine, which occurred in
a.d. 324, was not confined to Cyprus, but was fairly general
throughout the East, causing great misery and frequent riots in
various places. In Antioch itself the price of wheat went up to
400 denarii the modius. Constantine the Great did what he
'"tom"' could to alleviate the universal distress by causing corn to be
' distributed gratuitously to the Churches for the relief of ithe
1 'O peyas KavaravTlvos peTa rb 0airTio-TT)vai elrrev, Stl t) Si/rij pas Yo5po r)
Klnrpos efieivev xaP^s Twav XP^V0VS Xs', Siarl iyivnv ¦weiva fieydx-n cnroii a&pdxiav,
Kal oitXr) r) airopd ixd8i)Kev ¦ KaX i) ireiva eyivqv peydXi), KaX ovXa Ta vepa tosv Upvaasv
i^epdvav, KaX eirnyaivav ol avdpanroi airov t6ttov els tStov fie to. KTljvd tovs va
ebpovv vepbv, va. 0)<rovv KaX to KTTjvd tovs • KaX otiXa iareyvSiaav, KaX XaKKol Kal
Hpiaes, Kal cupTJKav Tyv TraviavjxaaTOv Kvirpov KaX iirepacrav &S& KaX Keioi Sirov irSd'a
els 7)vpev avdiravaiv • KaX Tb vi}<rXv efietvev xuP^s rivav xpovovs Xs'.
2 II Re di Cipro per il peccato forse di Catherina fu castigato esso et tutto il ¦
Regno insieme, perche stette 36 anni ehe non piovve : onde non solamente il
Re fu costretto di fuggire, ma anchora molti anzi quasi tutti li habitant! fuggi-
rono dall 'Isola, et cosi hebbe di nuovo fine il Regno di Cipro.

Grajc.•xxi., col. 565).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 9
poor and needy. It is on record that the inhabitants of Antioch
received in this way some 36,000 modii.1 A modern writer,
Sathas, quotes Theophanes to show that Cyprus suffered even sathas,
less than some of her neighbours from the affliction, as the latter p^i' Th">:
reports that the famine-stricken wretches from other parts of ^ e"pat "
the Empire in their destitution attacked it and carried off the ¦?£**{¦•• k».
corn there by force.2 U7)
It was in the midst of this all-prevailing misery that there visit of st.
appeared upon the scene a woman, whose name the Church of Machmra
Cyprus has always held in the greatest reverence. The mother of p"^^"
the first Christian emperor, St. Helena, returning to Constanti
nople after her successful quest for the true cross at Jerusalem
(a.d. 327), touched at the island. She landed at its eastern
coast near the modern village of Mari. Carrying with her on proves a great
shore some of the treasures she had lately so miraculously ac- to"thea«and.
quired in the Holy City, she made her way to the monastery
of St. George near the river Tetios, which in honour of her
visit has since received the name of the Vasilipotamos, or Royal
river. The presence of these precious relics soon became ap
parent in the island. The wrath of Heaven was at length
appeased and the long withheld rain descended. The news of
this speedily becoming known induced many of the exiles to
return to their native land. But the good offices of the Saint
did not cease with the removal of the drought. She was excited
to compassion on beholding the universal misery and desolation,
into which the country was plunged. Observing the fertility
of the soil and the temperate nature of its climate, she resolved
that a region so eminently adapted to support a large popula
tion should no longer remain so thinly inhabited. Accordingly
she invited settlers from all the surrounding countries, from
Arabia, Syria and Anatolia, and to induce colonisation bestowed
estates upon them with exemption for a certain time from all
1 ri$ Kin' eTei Xi/xbs fieyas iyeveTO iv T7j avaToXfj. d tie fiaaiXebs o'Itov itoXvv
awoo'TeiXas tovtov iJufiXvve • fx6vn Be t\ 'AvriSxeia Xs' ;tiAta5as (t'itov Kar eras
iXd/M&ave. . 2 roira r$ erei peXXovans i0S4fa)S ivoiKriwvos iirtXafi&dveoSai Xt/ibs iyivero ev
TJj avaToXfj 4iriKpaTr)(Tas o~tpoSp6repov, mine K&ixas KaTa. t*> airrb iv oxXw iroXXcp
trvvayofievas 4-jtX tt)s x^Pas 'Avrioxewv Kal tt}s Kvirpov 4ir4pxeo'9at Kar' dAA^A.wz',
Kal apvd&lv fihv ws iv wktI tois i<p6o'ots, effxaT0V 5e iv ijfiepq iiretaievai els tovs
o-nofioAwvas Kal iv toTls airoO-tiKais, Kal irdvTa TpaiSeiiovras a.pird(eiv KaX avaxwpelv.
yfviaQai Se T$v pobiov tov avrov reTpaKotriaiv apyvpiwv. 6 Se fieyas KwvcrTavr7vos
<riTop.irpiov rats iKK\i)alais Kara ir4\iv ixapl<raro eis SiaTpo<priv SvnveKws x^iPa's Ka'
6p<pavois Kal £emSoxeiois rrevnal Te Kal Tois KX-npiKuls. i) Se iv 'AvTiox^q iKKXnaia
iXdpBavev trirov fioSiovs Xs'.

10 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
taxation. Many of these new comers are reported to have been
natives of Telos and others ofthe Sporades. Their descendants
are still to be met with in the western parts of the island, and
have given their name to the district of Tylliria. While con
tinuing her journey to Constantinople Helena is said to have.
shown yet further proof of her regard for Cyprus by throw
ing one of the nails of the true Cross into the gulf of Satalia.
These waters, which had previously borne a very bad reputa
tion for storms, became in consequence less formidable to sailors.
Drummond, The traveller Drummond thus alludes to the legend : " Had
Jfm "dU" she not thrown one of the nails of it" — i.e., the Cross "(which
our heralds call passion-nails) into the sea, when she was over
taken by a dreadful storm in Satalia Bay, her imperial majesty
would undoubtedly have gone to view the wonders of the deep :
but the holy nail bore down the waves, smoothed the surface
of the sea, and procured her a safe landing. Though I do not
find that either she or any of her beatified historians tell us
whether or not the nail, after having knocked down the tem
pest, was pleased to return to its former station.''
New era of The visit of this saintly woman seems certainly to have brought
ftrcJroruI with it a new era of prosperity for the sorely tried island. The
inhabitants, so we read, partly by agriculture and partly by
commerce, made rapid advances in material prosperity. This
was to be seen in the erection of stately edifices and the rebuild
ing and fortifying of ruined cities. The numbers, too, of those,
who confessed the faith of Christ, kept daily increasing. The
growing importance of the new religion might be observed in the
numerous shrines and churches, which sprung up on every side.
Schools were also established for the cultivation of both sacred
and profane learning, from which have proceeded many,, whose
fame for piety and wisdom shines brightly in their Church's
history.
ihe place of On the death of Constantine the Great his extensive dominions
dfviXn'Sf*118 were divided among his three sons, Constantine (II.), Con-
the Empire, g^jj^g (H.)5 and Constans. To the second of these princes
was assigned the sovereignty of the East, Cyprus being included
in his share. After the deaths, however, of his two brothers
the Roman world became once more united in his person. This
Emperor, who was an ardent champion of the Arians, bitterly
persecuted their opponents. As the heretics were everywhere
in the ascendant, Cyprus doubtless witnessed those same acts of
oppression against the Orthodox, which occurred in other parts

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 11
of the Empire. His successor in power was the remarkable man
known as Julian the Apostate. Though nothing positive is probable
stated, we may affirm with tolerable certainty that the revival of *£|»n'™i
Paganism under this Emperor could not fail to affect Cyprus
also. By his orders the temples, which the Christians had
destroyed, were rebuilt at their expense, and the old rites and
superstitions, which had been gradually losing ground before
the steady advance of .the new faith, restored. In an island so
noted for the worship of one of the chiefest among the heathen
deities, where, too, her most famous shrine was placed, such an
attempt must have been especially felt. The result could Only
have been transient after all. It was the last expiring protest
of the old order against the new, and ended with its originator's
death in a.d. 363. But the Church, though now freed from the
most formidable of her external foes, speedily became once more
the prey of internal enemies. In a.d. 364 Valens was declared
Emperor of the eastern division of the Empire. Originally
orthodox in his views he is said to have become an Arian through
the influence of his wife and to have displayed the greatest ani
mosity against his former co-religionists. Among other bar
barous acts he is reported to have caused many of the Catholics
at Antioch to be drowned in the Orontes, while by his orders
the monks were dragged from their retreats in the Egyptian
deserts, and under pain of death compelled to perform their
duties as citizens. While such cruel measures were adopted in
other parts of his dominions, it is not unreasonable to suppose
that the, Orthodox in Cyprus felt the sharp sting of persecution
also. , By the close of the fourth century Christianity may be, re-cMstiantty
garded as firmly established in the island. Perhaps to its grow- jj^latuie
ing importance as much as to Hadrian's orders we may ascribe |'°££hx
the abolition J of the human sacrifice to Jupiter at Salamis, Lactantius
which had been brought about during that emperor's reign (a.d. j^s*".; «* '
117-a.D. 138). Its final supremacy, however, was mainly due ,to j.„rphyr De
the great Epiphanios, Archbishop of Constantia. According En8B*Mo's De '
to his disciple and biographer, Polybios, Bishop of Rhinocorura, g^f™**--
the Valentinians were then specially numerous in the island.16- Hereticalsects
1 In the month Aphrqdision it was customary to offer there a human sacrifice JS.*'
at first to Agraulos, the daughter of Agraulos and Cecrops, and afterwards to the PolyMaS|
deified Diomedes instead. Diphilos, a legendary King of Cyprus, is reported EJMK^, c
to have substituted an ox for the man. The human sacrifices in honour ofj£
Jupiter are said to have been instituted by Teucer.

12 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Their leader was a bishop named Aetios, with whom Epiphanios
had many disputations on matters of faith. In addition to the
Valentinians there were representatives also of various other
sects, the Ophites, Sabellians, Nicolaitans, followers of Simon
Their anai Magos, Basilidians, and Carpocratians. Finding himself unable
FihLdos to contend successfully with so many opponents, Epiphanios
was forced to invoke the assistance of Theodosius I. who was a
staunch upholder of orthodoxy. The Emperor in reply to his
appeal issued an edict, threatening with banishment all who
opposed the Archbishop, but permitting to remain such as were
willing to renounce their errors. In consequence of the imperial
intervention many were converted to the true faith, while those,
who still continued obdurate, were compelled to leave the island.
Epiphanios, Epiphanios, as one of the most remarkable ecclesiastical per-
o^saE? sonages of the age in which he lived, deserves more than a mere
passing notice. Hardly a religious event of any importance
occurred during the period of his long life, in which he did not
play a conspicuous part. It is a singular fact that in the list
of those attending the Second General Council (a.d. 381)j while
Mansi, tom. the names of other prelates from Cyprus are to be founds
"c° '570' as Julius of Paphos, Theopompos of Trimythus, Tychon of
Tamasos, and Mnemonios of Kition, no mention is made of the
Metropolitan himself. Though these lists are known to be im
perfect, the omission can be accounted for otherwise than by
defectiveness or absence. As Epiphanios was present at the
council held in Rome the following year (a.d. 382) under
Damasus, when the Apollinarian heresy was yet further con
demned, he may have left the Imperial city before the decrees
were actually signed. In his later years he was distinguished
by the animus, which he displayed against the memory and
writings of the great Origen. His violence on this subject
frequently hurried him into the commission of acts unbecoming
one of his exalted reputation. While on a visit to Palestine in
a.d. 394 it led to an unseemly quarrel between him and John,
the Bishop of Jerusalem, whom he charged with favouring the
doctrines of the heresiarch. But the greatest blot on his fame
was the part he took in the persecution of the saintly Patriarch
of Constantinople, which also arose out of the Origenistic contro
versy. Theophilos, the crafty Patriarch of Alexandria, had long
cherished a secret grudge against Chrysostom. This question,
which was then agitating the religious world, seemed to present
Bokrates,ub. a favouraDle opportunity for gratifying it. At his suggestion
5ui°Tii.lib' Epiphanios, who fell an easy victim to his wiles, summoned the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 13
island Synod at Constantia (a.d. 399 or 402), when the reading
of Origen's works was condemned. The Archbishop thereupon
wrote to Chrysostom, directing him to do the same. On the
latter ignoring the request Epiphanios, though nearly 100 years
of age, proceeded to Constantinople in a.d. 402, where he was
guilty of the same lawless acts as at Jerusalem. Becoming con
vinced after a while that he was merely the tool of Theophilos,
he dissociated himself from that Patriarch's proceedings and set
out to return to his own province, but died at sea when almost
within sight of Constantia.
... The second great danger, which the Church of Cyprus had to The ecciesias-
face, was an attack upon its independence by a neighbouring pe'ndencfof
Christian community. The subject, unquestionably one of the J;hr^sl|'eed
most difficult in its history, is involved in much obscurity. Antioch.
Among the prerogatives of the Patriarchs of Antioch was the nuemont,
right of consecrating their subiect Metropolitans. For years tonTxil8,'
before the question came to a crisis attempts had been made to *&'¦
extend the practice to Cyprus also. The political condition of councils,
the age, it must be admitted, greatly favoured this pretension. J?t. '"" p'
The island was at that period included in the civil diocese of the *vpr'»n'ra. p-
East and administered by an official sent from Antioch.1 It was Baisamon in
this circumstance which prompted the demand of the Patriarchs J?™011:, '
for its ecclesiastical subjection to Antioch also. One of these sathas, tom.
prelates, Alexander, in a letter on the jurisdiction of his patriarch- "0,a^'"Jb12'
ate, which he addressed to Innocent I., actually pretended that u-> °- •'¦'
such a right had formerly been exercised by his predecessors, but Notit01*'
had lapsed during the Eustathian schism. The Pope, without 10JT109. *' cc"
making any inquiries, accepted the statement of his correspon- p^"!^;
dent as correct and wrote to the Cypriots, exhorting them to°e0*^|m"ub'
conform to the canons and return to their obedience.2 But they Baisamon and
^ Zonaras in
Can. viii.,
Concil. Ephes.
1 Kyprianos conjectures that the revolt of Kalokairos was the cause of the JjJJ6,1"'^
island becoming subject to the Dukes of Antioch, who sent a representative to 104-5. *'
administer its affairs, as Baisamon says in his comment on the Eighth Canon of Epist.
the Council of Ephesus. But Sathas on historical grounds shows both these ^"^^ L|
writers to be incorrect in their statements, as on the reorganisation of the Empire % see's.
by Constantine the Great Cyprus was never given a separate government, but I11™1?. Hist.
always included in the Diocese of the East, which was the first of the five tiauefbtxxv.,
divisions of the prefecture ofthe East, having its capital at Antioch. According jj^J^^4'
to the Notitia Dignitatum this diocese, after originally comprising the pro- translation,
consulships of Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia and Cyprus, was subsequently pp- U31i
re-divided into fifteen, of which Cyprus was one, and administered by officials Sj^j^p.
called consulars. 114, Sew- '
man's note.
2 " St, Innocent's testimony resolves itself into that of Alexander's since
he merely decided on the strength of Alexander's assertions (. . . sane asseris

14

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Tillemont,Merooireg,
tom. xiv.,
art. 73, p.
444.

Testimony of
the Arabic
Canons of the
First General
Council un
trustworthy.
Labbe, tom.
il., p. 302.

Mansi, torn.
1., p. 964.

Hefele, L, p.
355 sqq.

continued to resist what they regarded as an unwarrantable
encroachment with the same vigour as before. Either they
refused to relinquish their ancient liberty even at the bidding
of a Pope, or succeeded in persuading him of the justice of their
action.1 If the testimony of the Arabic canons 2 of the first General
Council could be" trusted the matter would not allow of a
moment's doubt. For the thirty-seventh of that collection once
admitted closes all further discussion on the point. "If the
bishop (i.e., archbishop) of Cyprus die during the winter, and the
people be unable by reason of the roughness of the sea to send
to Antioch that the Patriarch of Antioch may appoint them an
archbishop in the room of the deceased, they are to write to
the Patriarch and request him to allow them to appoint whom
they will, nor shall the Patriarch refuse after they have written
to him — but rather let him permit the thirteen bishops to as
semble and appoint an archbishop in the room of the deceased,
lest, if the archbishop die at the beginning of winter, they re
main by reason of the weather without a head, and lest per
chance any of the thirteen bishops die, and there be no archbishop
to appoint a bishop in the room of the deceased, and thus it
happen that they be deprived of an archbishop that whole year.
Wherefore this decree has been made, and whoso gainsays it, the
Council excommunicates him." 8 But the gravest doubts exist

. . . ). We may therefore say with Constant (Rom. Pont. Ep., t. i., p. 853)
that his advice to the Cyprians was only hypothetical, that is, it went on the
supposition that the information forwarded to him was correct. The question
is thus reduced to a balancing of evidence, and there seems to be no reason for
preferring Alexander's statement to the clear and explicit testimony of Zeno."
1 Innocent supposant que ceux de Chypre violaient les canons de Nicee, en
refusant a l'Eglise d'Antioche la soumission qu'ils luy avoient rendue autrefois,
leur en ecrivit. Mais ou ceux de Chypre ne crurent pas devoir preferer son
autorite* a leur ancien usage, ou ils le persuaderent luy mesme de la justice de
leur cause.
2 La Geographie sacree (Geographia Sacra Caroli a Sancto Paullo, Amstel,
1711) pretend qu'elle estoit soumise a PAntioche dans les premiers temps et
qu'elle se retira peu a peu de cette soumission. Mais elle n'en allegue point
d'autre preuve que les canons arabiques.
3 Concilii Nicaeni lxxx Canones Arabici.
Can. 37. De electione archiepiscopi Cypri subjecti patriarchae Antiochise.
Si episcopus Cypri diem suum in hieme obierit, et non potuerint populi
propter tempestatem maris mittere Antiochiam, ut patriarcha Antiochenus
constituat ipsis archiepiscopum loco mortui, debent scnbere ad patriarcham et
petere ab eo ut permittat eis constituere quem voluerint ; neque prohibebit hoc
patriarcha, postquam ad eum scriptum fuerit : sed potius concedat 13 episcopis
ut congregentur et constituant archiepiscopum loco mortui : ne defuncto archi-
episcopo principio hiemis, sine capite propter tempestatem remaneant, et ne

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 15
as to their genuineness. There is no mention of them in any
of our earliest authorities on the history of the Council, nor are
they to be found in the most ancient collections of the canons.
Those, who defend their authenticity, ascribe the more frequent ^^ orlgin
occurrence ofthe universally acknowledged twenty to theirsuperior Manal
utility to the Church. According to them Alexander, the then u- "*• *"¦
Patriarch of Alexandria, caused the Greek copy, which he brought
back with him from Nicsea, to be translated into Arabic, the
vernacular of his Church, and the Arians, when they subse
quently burnt the Greek original, overlooked the Arabic trans
lation through their ignorance of the language.1 These canons
were certainly unknown to Western Christendom till the pontifi
cate of Paul IV., when the Jesuit, J. Baptista Romanus, copied
them from a MS. which he found in the house of the Patriarch
at Alexandria. This copy he afterwards translated into Latin
at Rome. Another member of the same order, Franciscus »»*j'8. '-. pp-
Turrianus, published an emended Latin version in 1578, in
the preface to which he endeavoured to prove that the Council
of Nica^a issued more than the number of canons, with which
it is usually credited. Though all the compilers of the canons
since Turrianus' time have on the strength of his statements
accepted them as genuine, later critics 2 have conclusively proved jjaij^tom
them fictitious from internal evidence. In fact the commonly Beveridge,
received opinion is that this particular one — the thirty-seventh — tom. a.,"*'
was expressly manufactured to support the claim of Antioch. 212. °a ' "'
Had these canons been really extant at the time of the third
General Council it is inconceivable how all recollection of them
aliquis fortassis ex 13 episcopis a vita recedat et non sit archiepiscopus qui
constituat episcopum loco mortui : atque ita fiat, ut toto eo anno archiepiscopo
careant : ob hanc causam constitutum est hoc ; et qui contradixerit, synodus
eum excommunicat.
1 Surely Coptic was the language used by the local Church at this period,
the Arab invasion not taking place till a.d. 638 ?
2 Beveridge's reasons for rejecting these Arabic canons may be thus briefly
summed up.
i. The action ofthe Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 450-1), in quoting and con
firming the ancient code, in which the recognised twenty canons alone are
ascribed to the Council of Nicaea.
ii. Kyrillos of Alexandria, in reply to the request of the African bishops (a.d.
418) to be supplied with the most genuine copy of the canons of Nicaea, sent the
one containing twenty canons only, which had been deposited in the archives
of the Patriarchate toy iris predecessor Alexander, who had been present at the
Council. ifi. The absolute identity of the information contained in the letter sent on
the same occasion by the Patriarch Attikos of Constantinople with the contents
qf JfCyfillos' .c opy <jf f*?e ca.wpns.

16 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
should have so completely disappeared in the short space of a
hundred years, for it was on the basis of the Canons of Nicaea
that the assembled fathers at Ephesus acknowledged the inde
pendence of the Cypriot Church.
Hostile at- The Patriarchs of Antioch were at first content merely to
johVpatri- assert their claims, without taking any active steps to enforce
IWch. them. But when John became head of the see more aggressive
Tuiemont, measures were adopted. The tendency of the age, which was to
ra.'p.'S.' art' increase the powers of the more important Churches at the ex
pense of the smaller, may have suggested a more adventurous
Mansi, tom. policy. The death of Theodoros, Archbishop of Constantia, in
iv.,pP. 146568. AD ^g-^ seemed a fitting opportunity for making the long
Letters ot meditated attempt. Exerting all his influence with Flavius
DionySus. Dionysius, then Count of the East, John persuaded him to write
on the 21st May of that year to Theodoros, the Consular of
Cyprus, requiring him to use every possible means, even to the
employment of force, to prevent a fresh election till the question
at issue between the two Churches had been submitted to the
General Council about to assemble at Ephesus. In case the
letter arrived after the election, Theodoros was to order the
newly appointed archbishop to proceed with his colleagues to
Ephesus and explain their conduct before the Council. To en
sure greater attention to these directions Theodoros and his
officers were threatened with a heavy fine should they fail to
carry them out. At the same time Dionysius addressed the
chapter of the metropolitan Church to the same effect, threaten
ing them also with severe penalties in case of disobedience. Two
military officers and a deacon of the Church of Antioch were also
sent into the island to see that these orders were duly carried out.
Action of the ^he Cypriots, nothing daunted by the threats which they re-
cypriots. ceived, proceeded to elect a successor to their late Archbishop.
Their choice fell upon Rheginos, who immediately after his con
secration set out for Ephesus in company with four other ecclesi
astics, Saprikios, Bishop of Paphos, Zeno, Bishop of Kurion,
Evagrios, Bishop of Soli and the Protopapas Caesarios, to lay
before the Council an account of these irregular proceedings.
circum. The Patriarch of Antioch could not have chosen a more un-
i*e*dIto*thIhicl1 propitious occasion for the prosecution of his schemes. The
Ephesus0 Eastern division of the Church was then agitated by the heresy
of Nestorios, Patriarch of Constantinople, whom the Orthodox
charged with denying the union of the two natures in Christ.
At the head of the opposition, which his doctrines excited, was
Kyrillos of Alexandria. The bishops of that city had shown a

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 17
strange hostility to the see of Constantinople since its elevation ,
to the .patriarchal dignity in a.d. 381. His uncle and pre
decessor, Theophilas, had already rendered himself conspicuous
fpr his persecution of the saintly Chrysostom.; And now the ...
nephew: was following. closely in his relative's footsteps. ,. It has
been suspected, and not without reason, that ! personal animus ; ! "
rather than religious zeal prompted his conduct. To, allay
the excitement, caused by the dispute the Emperor TheodosiUs '",'.'.' *
the Younger in November a.d. 430 ordered in the joint. names of
himself and his WesterUcolleague, Valentinian III. the assembling
of a General Council at Ephesus in Whitsuntide of the follow
ing year., , John, while at first equally as emphatic as the rest in
hjs condemnation of the alleged errors, was averse to extreme
measures. He dreaded the scandal likely to arise from the
condemnation of so important a personage as Nestorios. The
enemies of the latter^ however, ascribed quite a different motive
to ^his moderation. They accused him of being unwilling to
condemn one, who had formerly belonged to his own diocese.
Despite, the request of some of the bishops that the proceedings proceedings
might be; stayed until all, who were to take part in the delibera- ° * <"m"
tions, were present, the Council was formally opened on 22nd June
under the presidency of Kyrillos in the church called St. Mary's
from jits being the supposed burial-place of the Virgin. The '.';.:
sequel may easily be imagined from the unseemly haste with ¦""<-'
which matters were conducted. Nestorios, who declined to appear,
was deposed ,and his opinions condemned. But Candidian, the
.Emperor's commissioner, refused to endorse the sentence from
the irregular manner, in which it had been procured. Among
the1 absentees, when it was passed, was the Patriarch of Antioch,
whose arrival 'had been delayed by various causes. , Five days
after the opening of the conclave he appeared at Ephesus. On
learning what had occurred he not only refused to identify him
self with these irregularities, but in turn summoned a Council ¦:
composed, of the fourteen bishops, who had accompanied him
from Antioch, and of twenty-nine others, who subsequently joined
them. Kyrillos was by them pronounced guilty of turbulence and
with, his, abettor, Memnon, Bishop of Ephesus, sentenced to be ...,, >. ,u ,.o
dieposed ; while the 198 prelates, who had sided with them, were
refused all communion with John and his party until they had
, withdrawn the anathemas pronounced against Nestorios. When
Kyrillos and his partisans heard of these proceedings they in turn,
as was to be expected, condemned the Patriarch of Antioch! to
excommunication. i;
2

18 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Arrival or the It was under such circumstances as these that the Cypriot
jffijsatthe deputation presented themselves to the assembled fathers in their
seventh session. Rheginos, who acted as spokesman, requested
presentation that a memorial, which he had brought with him, bearing the
o0^"iII>eU" signatures of himself and his suffragans, might first be read.
S?nkMts- This list of grievances began with an account of the harsh
"¦' treatment which two former archbishops of Cyprus, Troilos and
u'SoKis0-' Theodoros, the latter being even subjected to the indignity
tt of blows, had suffered, when in Antioch, at the hands of the
clergy there, to force them to acknowledge the supremacy of
that patriarchal see. It next charged them with instigating
Dionysius to interfere in the election of a successor to Theodoros,
which he would never have done but for their misrepresentations.
It offered the letters and other documents connected with the
case for inspection, as the perusal of them would show the Ilk'
gality of the late proceedings. It prayed the assembled fathers
not to allow themselves to be duped by men, who were endea
vouring to introduce an innovation contrary to the canons and
constitutions of Nicaea. And it ended by an earnest appeal to
them to uphold by their decision the independence of the island
Synod.
inquiry by After the reading of the memorial Rheginos further asked that
intoth*e11com- the letters of the Count might also be read. The Council next
EyprW* * proceeded to question the bishops on several points Connected
with the business that had brought them to Ephesus. In reply
to the request that they would state clearly the motive, which
had induced Dionysius to issue such letters and orders, Zeno
declared that it was due to the suggestion of the Patriarch and
clergy of Antioch. On being asked what was the object of
the Patriarch in so doing Evagrios answered : " To subjugate
our island and to secure to himself the prerogative of ordaining
our bishops contrary to canon and custom ''. As the result of
Eighth canon these statements the assembly on 31st August pronounced the
°ecureesth? decision known as the eighth Canon of the Council of Ephesus,
of the^cypriot which effectually secured the Church of Cyprus from all further
molestation by the Bishop of Antioch.
Labbe,tom. " Our fellow-bishop, Rheginos, most beloved of God, has,
together with the most reverend bishops ofthe province ofthe
Cypriots, who are with him, Zeno and Evagrios, reported an
innovation, which is contrary to the customs of the Church
and the canons ofthe holy fathers, and affecting the liberty, ^f
all. Wherefore, since diseases that are common to all require the
greater care, as being attended by the greater danger^ if it be

Ui., p. 801.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 19
not in accordance with ancient custom for the Bishop of Antioch
to hold consecrations in Cyprus, as the most religious men, who
are in attendance at this holy Council, have assured us in their
memorials and orally, the presidents of the holy Churches, which
are in Cyprus, shall enjoy, freed from molestation and hindrance,
the right of performing by themselves the consecrations of the
most holy bishops, according to the canons of the holy fathers
and ancient custom."1
Bishop Hefele calls this decree a resolution, and Bright Remarks on
remarks that the word " canon,'1 by which it is generally known, canon?
is loosely applied. Both question the accuracy of the date, on 5*|*pp. n!i
which it is said to have been passed, and mention that Gamier Bright, Notes
and other commentators are in favour of 31st July instead, as nntiSar0
John, Count of the Sacred Largesses, the Emperor's new Com- iis^o. ' pp'
missioner, only reached Ephesus at the beginning of August,
when no further meetings took place. Beveridge says that this Beveridge
canon was not recognised by Photios, for in the preface to his gjgjjjjjj-'
Nomocanon that Patriarch declares seven only were framed by the *<™- **-. p-'
Council, while in the first chapter of his first Title he cites the
one immediately preceding as the seventh. John of Antioch
himself, however, in the preface to his collection of the canons,
though agreeing with Photios as to the number, mentions this one
as the eighth. This apparent discrepancy Beveridge ascribes to
the fault of the copyist, as John in the first Title of his Nomo
canon distinctly calls it the seventh, while saying that the whole
number was seven. As he never refers to the one, which is
generally known as the seventh, he must have intentionally
omitted it.
Some distinguished ecclesiastical historians maintain that the Action of me
Church of Cyprus was wrong in opposing what they regard as J^^T"
the just claims of the Patriarch of Antioch. It has been said, %£££**•*¦
moreover, that the evidence, upon which the decision rested, was writers.
' r Tillemont,
, ... \„\\\ i -e/ Memoires,
1 llpay/ia trapa tovs eKKXna taar lkovs Bea/xovs Kal tovs xayovas tw aylwv tom. riv.,
Harepwv KaivoTopuovfievov, Kal Tijs irdvTwv iXevBepias aitT6p.evov TrpoaityyeiXev 6 ^ "3- P-
9fo<pi\4araTOS o-vveirio-Koiros 6 'PriyTvos, Kal oi abv ai/rcp evXaBeararoi iiriffKovoi Trjs neaie,Eastern
Kvnplwv iwapxias, 7A\vwv Kal Eiidypios, iBev irretSr) Ta Koivh irdBi) fiel&vos Seirai Ch., voL i., p.
ri}j Bepane las, ws Kal fiel(ova ri)v $XdBriv QepovTa, Kal pdXiaTa el firiSe e$os dpxaiov
TtapnKoXovBnirev, ware rbv IniaKOTOv Trjs 'Ai/Tio^fW UiXews Tas iv Kvirpw iroietoBai
Xe'porovias, KaBd Sia rwv XiBeXXwv Kal twv oixeiwy <pwvwv iSiSa^av ol evXaBeffraToi
avSpes, ol tt}v itpiaoSov rjj aytq SvviSw irocnadfievoi, e^ovai Tb dvemip4ao,Tov kal
dBiaarov oi rwv aylwv iKKXijtnwv tojv Kara t^v Kvirpov XlpoeffTWTes, Karoi rds
Kavivas tqiv ayiwv Tlaripwv, Kal tV apxaiav (rvv4\Beiav, Si' tavruv Tas x^'porovtas
rwv evXaBearirwv iviaK&itwv irotov/tevoi.

20 THE CHURCH OF: CYPRUS
false.1 Neale,for example, writes that, "the island of,, Cyprus,,
which had formerly been in the Antiochene Diocese, was (it seems
under a false impression), declared autocephalous by the Council
of Ephesus at a time when John of Antioch, through his support
of and presence at the pseudo-Council, was not at hand to main
tain his own rights1'. It is to be regretted , that i the learned
author did not live to produce in his unfinished history of the
SSbl55Emtk Patriarchate of Antioch the evidence, which alone cou 1<1 justify
w/, ch. 4,' p. sucn a statement. But to pretend that the rights of Antioch
were sacrificed merely out of spite to an individual appears a
Decision of most unwarrantable assertion. Though the Council,, it must be
defended? admitted, was actuated by: no friendly feelings towards, John,
Robertson, there is nothing to indicate that it had quarrelled with; his, , See
ui.', ch. 4,' p. also, but rather the reverse. When Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem,
taking advantage of the general hostility to John, tried, to advance
the claims of his See to supremacy over Antioch, hisi attempt was
so forcibly opposed by KyrilloSj the president of the Council, that
gfeie, vol. he was obliged to abandon it. The history, too, of the proceedr
Bright, Notes ings prior to the publication of the decision shows that it was
nrsSour0' the result of careful investigation, and not due to mere impulse.
ppfiisSr 'The assembled fathers, mindful of the injunction of the Sixth
Canon of the Council of Nicaea, confirmed, too, ,by the Second
Canon of Constantinople, that " the rights, which they formerly
possessed, must be preserved to the Churches of Antioch and; the
other Eparchies,11 were careful not to pronounce their verdict
until the alleged independence of the Cypriot community had
been conclusively proved. Many of them occupied tbe highest
positions in the Church themselves, and to haveacted from mere
prejudice might have created a most dangerous precedent, , jn
LeQuien.o.c, case of resistance to their own rights and privileges. The
ioS^s.'' " ' bishops of Cyprus, as we cannot fail to observe, were subjected
by the Council to the most searching examination. They were
most distinctly asked whether . the Patriarch of Antipch had
ever been known to have exercised the right of consecration in
Constantia. To this question Zeno of Kurion made answer
equally as emphatically that from the times of the holy Apostles
it could not be shown that either he, or any other prelate, had
1 Le Pere Gamier croit que Rhegin ne fut pas fort fidele. dans le rapport des
faits, et que le Concile ne se mit pas beaucoup en peine d'examiner les droits
de l'Eglise d'Antioche, a cause du peu d'union qu'il avoit, avec Jean. Mais
il ne nous allegue point de preuve de ce qu'il croit. Zonare ne trouve rien que
le juste dans ce decret, dont il fait le 8e canon du Concile d'Ephese, et Balsainon
meme, quoique Patriarche d'Antioche reconnoist encore plus formellernent que
les faits alleguez par Rhegin estoient veritables. ,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 21
ever conferred consecration in their metropolis, or any other
city, or had ever conceded to the island the right of consecration.
On the Council next requiring proof that the Patriarch did not
by ancient privilege possess such a custom, the same prelate
replied that it was the local Synod, which appointed the arch-
bishdpv Still seemingly unconvinced, the Council further en
quired whether the three metropolitans, whom it named, Epi
phanios, Sabinos, and Troilos, had been appointed elsewhere than
in the local Synod. Zeno again answered that these bishops,
as well as their predecessors in office, were from apostolic times
appointed solely by the Cypriots. It has been conjectured that miiemont,
these three archbishops may have been consecrated locally in:tomn^iv.1'art.
g 1 J " 73 p. 444.
accordance with the pseudo-Canon already cited. But the base
lessness of this supposition is sufficiently shown by the fact that
Epiphanios1 death took place not in the winter, but on 12th
May^'403.1 In the face of this accumulated evidence refusal to
accede to the request of the deputation was no longer possible.
" The very form, however, in which the decision commences : Decision of
"if it be not in accordance with ancient custom," shows that, conditional.
like Innocent's reply to Alexander, it was simply conditional. It i^^tt^'
depended entirely upon the truth of the evidence offered by the orient."'
Cypriots. Had any Patriarch of Antioch in subsequent times JS'iib"?",
proved the falseness of that evidence, who can doubt that the"' '?'
decision would have been reversed and its rightful jurisdiction
restored to the patriarchal See ? But ho such attempt was ever
made. And there is only one possible way of accounting for such
an omission. Because those most interested in doing so knew
very well that they had no rebutting evidence to offer.
¦ ; There is, moreover,a very curious circumstance connected with
the question, which ought not to be lost sight of. John himself curious omu-
seems not to have considered Cyprus as being really among the patriarch ot'
?rovinces subject to him. In a letter to Proklos, Patriarch ofL8Qnlen00
Constantinople, which, has been preserved by Irenaaos of Tyre, ii"coU^81-82''
when enumerating the other provinces of the Eastern diocese nunfSon81"
dependent upon Antioch, he never once makes mention of its PatrSu
rf ' EplstoHe.
,,,,,, Christ. Wolff,
tom. vii.,
1 La Geographie sacree semble vouloir dire que ces trois (Epiphane, Sabin, p. 356.
et Troilus) avoient ete ordonnez par ceux de l'isle, conformement au canon
arabique, qui ordonne que si FEvesque &6 Constancie meurt en hiver, on se
contehtera d'avoir le consentement de l'Evesque d'Antioche pour ordonner son
successeur, sans qu'il soit besoin en ce cas qu'il l'ordonne luy mesme, a cause
du danger de la mer. Mais cette conjecture qui ne pourroit pas etre consider
able quand rien ne la dementiroit, se trouve combatue par la mort de S. Epi-
phane, qui selon toutes les apparences mourut non en hiver, mais le ia de May
en l'an 403.

22 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
name.1 What does such an omission amount to but a tacit ac
knowledgment that the island was never actually within his
jurisdiction ? That he would have accepted as final the decision
of a Council, whose proceedings he had already questioned, is not
to be believed. The attempt of one of his successors, Peter the
Fuller, to revive the claim shows that the Church of Antioch did
not regard the decree as binding. And, therefore, the omission
cannot be accounted for as a mere act of acquiescence on his
part. It is true that Wolff in his scholion on the above letter identi
fies Paralia, one of the provinces mentioned, with Cyprus. But
his reason for doing so appears to be a very fanciful one. He
asserts that the word Paralia is connected with the name of the
celebrated state trireme of the Athenians, which he calls Paralos
Salaminia, whence all islands were named Paralia. There seems
to be a trace of some confusion in his mind between Salamis in
Cyprus and Salamis in Attica, while he appears also unaware
that there were two of these vessels, the one known as the
Paralos and the other as the Salaminian.2 Le Quien more
correctly regards Paralia as Phoenicia Maritima.
astorynot From historical considerations, too, we can clearly see that no
SuTcffinwof such claim, as the Patriarchs of Antioch advanced, could be
en! church.' reasonably based upon the political divisions of the period.
SKS*., c. e, When the notorious Publius Clodius Pulcher, to gratify a personal
""*• 6' grudge against Ptolemy, the last independent sovereign, trans
ferred the ownership of the island to the Republic (b.c. 58),
the government was administered by a praetor responsible to the
Diocassius, central authority at Rome. This arrangement continued until
Btrabo, lib. 1 John in his letter to Proklos enumerates the provinces of his patriarchate as
follows: — i. Paralia (Phoenicia Maritima); 2. Phoenicia Secunda; 3. Cilicia
Prima; 4. Cilicia Secunda ; 5. Arabia (annexed to Jerusalem by Fifth G. C); 6.
Mesopotamia ; 7. Osrhoena ; 8. Euphratesia ; 9. Syria Secunda ; 10. Isauria ;
n. Syria Prima.
Labbe, Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Tertia, which once belonged to
GonciL, (ne Same patriarchate, had then transferred themselves to the See of Jerusalem.
cou.' eii-618 At the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) they were formally resigned by John's
ttoa]° BeP successor, Maximos, to Juvenal of Jerusalem.
Neale makes his list ofthe provinces ofthe Antiochene Patriarchate to exactly
correspond with John's, with the addition of Cyprus.
Panciroius The civil diocese of the East contained the following fifteen provinces: i.Palae-
in Notit. stina ; 2. Phcenice ; 3. Syria Prima ; 4. Cyprus ; 5. Cilicia ; 6. Palaestina Secunda ;
orient, p. 169. 7. Palaestina Salutaris; 8. Phcenice Libani; 9. Eufratensis; 10. Syria Salutaris;
11. Osrhcena; 12. Mesopotamia ; 13. Cilicia Secunda ; 14. Isauria; 15. Arabia.
2 Paralos Salaminia erat famosissima triremis species, ideoque ab illa\ omnis
insula accepit nomen Paralia.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 23
the time of the first Triumvirate, when it reverted for a while
to the Ptolemies, its former owners. Augustus on becoming sole
master of the Roman world at first included Cyprus in his own
dominions, but afterwards exchanged it and Gallia Narbonensis
with the Senate for Dalmatia. Cyprus, from being an imperial, dio cassius,
now became a Senatorial province, under the administration of a
proconsul. But it continued to possess a separate government
of its own, and was in no way dependent upon any ofthe neigh
bouring provinces. During the reign of Constantine the Great
(a.d. 306- a.d. 337) the Empire was divided for convenience of
administration into thirteen dioceses. The first of these, called
the East, with its capital at Antioch, was further subdivided into
fifteen provinces (eparchies), of which Cyprus formed one. The
island by this arrangement lost the political autonomy, which it
had enjoyed since the time of Augustus, but no alteration in its
ecclesiastical status took place. The Church still remained inde
pendent and self-governing, as before. Christianity had been
introduced (a.d. 45), long prior to the administrative changes
established by Constantine. Though it is well known that the
ecclesiastical divisions of the Empire, when first constituted, were
generally made to correspond with the civil, yet it was contrary
to custom to alter them for any political changes, which might
subsequently occur. That such changes did occasionally take
place cannot be denied, but their rarity only serves to prove the
careful observance of the general rule. Innocent I. in his already Epist. Lmo-
cited letter to Alexander of Antioch distinctly states that " the cen '
Church does not follow all the changes of the temporal power ".
But this rule would have been plainly disregarded, had the
Patriarch been allowed to establish his claim in consequence of
the after incorporation of the island into the civil diocese of the
East. The decision of the Council of Ephesus, though tacitly disre
garded by the Antiochene Church, was not openly disputed until
the reign of the Emperor Zeno (a.d. 474-a.d. 491), when the
Monophysite, Peter the Fuller, occupied the Patriarchal throne. |jjj*£*|*"*^
The grounds, upon which he proceeded, were entirely different J^;^jk
from those of John. He asserted his title to supremacy not on gj^J
ancient rights, but on the plea that, as Cyprus had originally
received the faith from Antioch, which was an apostolic founda
tion, it ought, therefore, to be subject to that See. There is little
doubt the attack against the liberties of the island Church would
this time have succeeded, but for the opportune intervention of its

24 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
patron saint. The Emperor favoured the cause of the heresiarch,
whom he had restored to his diocese after being twice expelled
during the reign of Leo. Though Anthemios, then in possession
of the archiepiscopal See, resisted the pretension to the utmost
" ' of his power, he must eventually have succumbed to the powers
ful influences brought against him. But assistance came from a
opportune ap- most strange and unexpected quarter. The Apostle Barnabas,
SeA|ost°e suddenly appearing in a vision to the archbishop, urged him to
Aiex. lay his case in person before the Emperor at Constantinople, and
ii^'dat'in at the same time revealed the place of his sepulture. On the
Barnab., c. 30. morrow, accompanied by his clergy and a great concourse of
people, Anthemios went in procession to the place, which had
Discovery of been so miraculously indicated. After engaging in prayer they
commenced to dig beneath a carob-tree, which marked the sup
posed site of the burial. They soon came upon a cave, in which
they found a chest containing the remains of the saint, with a
copy of St. Matthew's Gospel in Barnabas' own handwriting upon
the breast, where it had been placed by Mark. The most
sceptical could no longer doubt that the Church of Cyprus was
equally as apostolic as that of Antioch, and, therefore, of equal
rank. Overjoyed at the discovery Anthemios set off at once with
the precious relics for Constantinople, where he reported- the
marvellous occurrence, and requested the Emperor's protection
Action of the against the Patriarch's tyranny. Zeno, on hearing what had
zeno. taken place, ordered Akakios, the Patriarch of Constantinople, to
convene a meeting of his Synod to decide the matter in dispute:
The opponents of Cyprus began the discussion by claiming the
pre-eminence for Antioch from its having been the first See of
the Apostle Peter. Instructed by Barnabas, Anthemios retorted
that his Church was equally as apostolic, as it also possessed an
Apostle for its founder. The Antiochenes, struck with the
cogency of this reasoning and being unable to urge anything
in reply, retired from the contest in confusion, leaving the arch
bishop master of the situation. Zeno, to mark his < sense of the
importance attaching to the discovery, conferred upon the Cyp^
riot primates certain privileges, which they have most jealously
Kyprianos, guarded ever since. Among others they received the right of
phiiippos ', signing in red ink, a mark of distinction only otherwise enjoyed
%°w. by the Emperors, wearing a purple cloak at the festivals of
the Church, and carrying an imperial sceptre in place of the
joeiis onrono- ordinary pastoral staff. The copy of St. Matthew's Gospel,
SSix*, cii. "which Anthemios presented to the Emperor, was sumptuously
adorned with precious stones and metals, and conveyed to the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 25
chapel of St. Stephen in the imperial palace, where it was read Kedrenos
annually on Good Friday. By the Emperor's commands Anthe- Kfi'*1*1"
mios; on his return to Cyprus constructed on the spot, where the t?/0^^180'
body was found, a magnificent church furnished with cells for £££{*,¦,*¦
monks, arid with chambers for such pilgrims, as might be001184''
attracted thither by the sanctity of the place. The box, too, Apost Barga
in which the sacred relics were laid, he deposited on the right of
the altar, in a place adorned with silver ornaments and marble
columns. Well might a native historian, remembering all the benefits Eulogy of the
said to have resulted to Cyprus from this fortunate discovery, ISabas.
thus apostrophise their author : —
' " I doubt whether any other Apostle so defended his native Kyprianos,
land and proved himself such a patriot as our Barnabas, whop'
during his life freed his fellow-countrymen from the abominable
worship of idols by teaching them the true faith of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and after his death delivered the holy Church of
his native land from the oppression of the ambitious and grasp
ing clergy of Antioch, and raised it to such an eminence that it
was the envy even of those of the highest rank in the hierarchy.
Truly and without doubt the veritable Son of Consolation he,
I mean Barnabas, fulfilled in all respects the injunction :
'Fight for faith and Fatherland'. Under what an obligation
then are we Cypriots to the deliverer of our souls,1 to the bene
factor and originator of our Church's renown, let each decide
for himself; and let us celebrate the patron and protector of
his ' native land both in the present life and in the one to
come." The date of this occurrence is a matter of some uncertainty, probable date
Kedrenos places it in the fourth year of Zeno's reign, which Smurrence.
would correspond to a.d. 478. But against this is opposed the j^aj ""j0^
fact that Peter was not then in occupation of the See of Antioch. coi- **"¦
Victor Tununensis assigns it to the year a.d. 488.1 Yet, ifBaromus
Baronius is right in his conjecture that the Patriarch died in ann/ise?
a.d. 486, this date is equally as impossible. Nikephoros Kallis- Kaiust.; Hist.
tOs, indeed, refers the discovery to the reign of Anastasios (a.d. f.'n.'111''"1"
491-A.d. 518), but, since Peter is. known to have flourished
under Zeno, the inaccuracy of this statement is very evident.
1 Post consulatum II. Longini V. C. (a. 488) corpus sancti Barnabae apostoli EpfcTSJun-
in Cypro et Evangelium secundum Matthaeum ejus manu scriptum, ipso eodem ends (MJ|ge.
revelante, inventum est. coi. iii). ''

26

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

letajis'of the Those, who have described the finding of the saint's body, differ
discovery, somewhat, too, as to the details. Kedrenos, Joel, and Theodore
Kedrenos, Lect,or report that the tree, which grew over the place of inter-
£$rhuOr'm°~ ment, was a cherry, while Kallistos describes it as a carob. Lusig-
L^ctor°iib ii nan' f°U°wing the Roman martyrology, declares that the copy
Lusignan, of the Gospel found in the grave was from the pen of St. Matthew
Martyroiog. himself, which is distinctly opposed to the generally received
Rom.fujun'e). accounts.1

various opin- These historians, it will be observed, have represented the
lonsastothe . .,.-'. .. _ .. l . .

. _ opiL
priginofthe ecclesiastical independence of Cyprus as being entirely due to
independence ..„ . . r . . ^r , D „.•'....
of the Cy
priot Church.
Cf. Sathas,
tom. 11., Fraf.
pp. 26-28.
Mansi, tom.
iv. 1126.

Kedrenos'opinion.

this fortunate discovery, and in no way the result of the decision
of the Council of Ephesus. They report that in consequence
of the occurrence, which confirmed the tradition of its apostolic
foundation, Constantia was promoted to the dignity of a metro
polis, and all further interference on the part of the Patriarchs
of Antioch prohibited. But the worthlessness of these state
ments is proved both from the letters of Flavius Dionysius
written in a.d. 431, wherein Constantia is styled a metropolis,
and also from the fact that its bishop, when present at the
Second Council of Ephesus in a.d. 449, describes himself in
differently in his signature as Bishop of Constantia and Bishop
of the metropolis of Cyprus.
Kedrenos, indeed, after declaring Cyprus to have been created
for this reason a metropolis, independent of Antioch, proceeds
to add that it was made subject to Constantinople instead.

Kedrenos, Ub. i.

Joelis Chrono-
graphia.

TheodoreLector, lib. ii.

Kallistos, Ub.
rvi., c. 37.

Lusignan,
p. 12 (b).
Martyroiog. Roman. (11 June).

1 tovtw to? xp6>"t T0 "rov ayiov BapvdBa Xei\f/avov evpeSr] iv Klnrpip inrb SevSpov
Kepaaeav io-rdixevov exov iirl toS <rrf)8ovs rb koto MaTSaTov evayyeXiov ISwypacpov
avTov tou cWooto'Aou BapvdBa. f'{ 1)s irpotpdaews enrore yeyove firiTp6iroXls T\ Kxnrpos,
Kal tov firj TeXeiv inrb 'AvriSxetav, a.XX' inrb KwvaTavTivovTr6Xiv.
Kal BapvaBa tov diroo'ToXov Tb Xeltyavov evpe&n tnrb SevSpov Kepatriav, i\bv 4nl
o-tt)8ovs rb KaTa MarBaTov evayyeXiov itiioypa<pov tov BapvdBa. 'E£ i)s Trpotpdirews
trapayeyivaai Kvwpioi tov fir/ TeAeTy inrb 'Avri6xeiav ri)V Kar' avTovs fi7iTp6iro\iv.
BapvdBa tou diroffT6Xov Tb Xeiif/avov evp48r) iv Kinrpw inrb SevSpov Kepareav, %xov
iirl o-Tt)8ovs rb Kara MaTBdiov evayyeXiov iSi6ypa<pov tou BapvdBa. «"| i)s irpoipdo-ews
KaX irepiyey6vaai Kvirpioi Tip avTOK4(paXov eFxai tt/v KaTa avroiis pvnTp6iroXiv koI fiHi
TeXeTv inrb 'AvTi6xeiav.
'EttX Se ttjs avrov (tov ' Ava(TTao-lov) r)yepu>vtas Kal Tb Xetyavov BapvdBa rov
awoo-To'Aou ebpeBri iv Kinrpa, inrb SevSpov, o KepaTiov XeyeTai, Kel/ievov. o5 tVi-
<TT4pviov rb Beiov Kal lepbv evayyeXiov MarBaiov tou euayyeAio-Tou iriyxavev bv,
XepaXv o'lKeiais t$ BapvdBa ypa(p4v. 4k rairns Totvvv irpo<pdvews Kal Kvwpioi Tb
Karapxas 7repiyey6va<riv avTOKetpaXov %x*iv tt\v kut' aiiToiis /j.riTp6woXiv , Kai /it)
TeXeiv inrb 'Avrt6xeiav, p Kal irp^Tepov inreKeiTo.
Col libro di San Mattheo degli Evangelii, scritto con la propria mano di
esso Mattheo Apostolo.
Corpus (Sancti Barnabae) tempore Zenonis Imperatoris, ipso revelante,
repertum est, una cum codice Evangelii sancti Matthaei, sua manu descripto.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 27
Allatius in commenting on this statement remarks that such a Aiiatius' com-
transference would constitute an act of the grossest injustice, Auatius, De
and that, if this is the only result of the discovery, he fails to ft orient1'
see the advantage of it, unless Kedrenos regards subjection to L*n?u*?iib°T,
the See of Constantinople as the highest form of ecclesiastical c' ** p' *"'
liberty. He imagines, and very plausibly, that an error has
crept into the text through the abbreviation used by the first
copyist not being understood, and that Constantia should be
read for Constantinople. This emendation seems most probable,
as Constantia was in reality the metropolis, to which all the
ether island Sees were in subjection.
On the other hand a modern writer, who has devoted some Sa.^M'
considerable attention to this question, asserts that the ecclesi- sathas, tom.
astical independence of Cyprus was not actually established until ii.' P™'" "'
the time ofthe Council in Trullo, a.d. 691. He declares that
the Eighth Canon of the Council of Ephesus only secured to the
island Church the ancient right of electing its metropolitan, free
from the interference of the Patriarch of Antioch, who in all
other respects continued to exercise his former supervision over
it. In support of this statement he cites the concluding part
of the Canon, which directs that " the same rule also shall be
universally observed in the other dioceses and provinces, viz.,
that none of the most religious bishops may lay hands upon
another province, which has not been originally and from the
veryrfirst subject to him, or his predecessors, and that if any
have so done, and subjected a province to himself by violence,
let him restore it, that the Canons of the fathers be not trans
gressed, nor the lust of worldly power under the pretence of
religion be introduced, nor through inattention we gradually
lose that liberty, which Jesus Christ, the liberator of all men,
purchased for us with His blood. It has seemed good, there
fore, to this holy and (Ecumenical Council that to every province
shall be preserved pure and intact the rights, which it possessed
from the beginning and for many years past, every metropolitan
being authorised, according to the custom, which has now for a
long time obtained, to receive copies of the acts for his own pro
tection. If, however, any one shall introduce any constitution
contrary to the decisions, which have now been passed, the holy
and (Ecumenical Council decrees it to be null and void." 1 He
1 Tb Se avrb Kal iirl twv &XXwv SioiKt)o'ewv Kal tojj' airavraxov iirapxiwv Trapa- ConcU.
<pvXax8f)tTeTai • wo"Te ftrfSeva twv 8eotpiXeo~TdTwv iiriffK6rrwv itrapx^av erepav ovk can.vlli.'
ovaav &vw8ev Kal €*£ dpxris inrb tt\v avrov, Ijyow rwv irpb avrov, x^Pa KaTaXafiBd'vtiv '
aXX' et tis Kal KareXaBe, Kal v<p' eavry vevolrirat Biatrofievos, Tavr-qv diroSiS&vai, 'Iva

note (a).

28 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
declares that had this Canon established beyond dispute the in
dependence of the Church of Cyprus, as Baisamon erroneously
says, the other metropolitans would, by appealing to it, have been
able to secure the same privilege also, while the Patriarchs of
Antioch must have desisted from all further interference, which
we know they did not.
Phiiippos Another writer,1 who may be regarded as holding a brief for
consent on the Cypriot Church, while agreeing with that part of the
phiiippos above statement, which deals with the election of the arch^
t^&n? bishops, objects to the assertion that the Patriarchs of Antioch
continued in all other respects to exercise their former super
vision. He remarks that, though on first reflection the Canon
may not appear to expressly recognise such independence, yet
the prohibition against the subordination by bishops to them
selves of provinces not originally subject to them conclusively
establishes the independence of those, which had been indepen-r
dent from the first. The failure of the other bishops to avail
themselves of the protection afforded by the Canon furnishes in
his opinion no argument against the recognition by it of the
autonomy of the Church of Cyprus. He maintains that from
no source can it be unquestionably proved that the Church of
Cyprus was ever subject to the See of Antioch. On the contrary
the replies of the bishops to the Council furnish indisputable
proof that it was from the first entirely independent. Moreover
the Patriarch could have rio object in trying to bring it under
his jurisdiction, if it were already subject. That the bishops
of the other Churches were not able to check intrusions from
without is to be explained by the fact that the. occupants of
the larger Sees were often aided by the. civil power in subjecting
the smaller and less important. This action was partly due
to the desire of making the ecclesiastical and civil divisions of
provinces and dioceses coincide, and was partly the result of
court influence. Thus it came to pass that provinces were
either divided, or united, insignificant cities promoted to the
firi twv traT4pwv ol Kav6ves trapaBaivwvTai, fiySe iv lepbvpylas irpoo'x'flfiafrt i^ovffias
KotrfiiKTis T&ipos TrapeiaSvy)Tait finSe Xa8w/iev ttjv iXevBepiay KaTa, fuKpbv airoXeo-avTes,
7)v i)fuv eSwphcaTo Tip ISlw a'tpaTi 6 Kvpios r\fiwv 'Itjo-ovs Xpurrbs, 6 rravTwv dv&pw-
irwv iXev8epwTT)s. "ESo£e to'ivvv tt} ayiq Tavrn KaX oiKovfieviKy .o'vvdbw, rrw^eaBai
eKdrrr-n iirapxia KaBapa KaX aBiaara Ta avrri irpoow6vTa SiKaia i£ apxys avwBeV', Kara
rb irdXai KpaTrjaav edos, dSeiav exovros eKdrrrov inyrpaTroXiTov Ta Xaa twv Treirpay~
pevwv irpbs Tb oiKeiov datpaXes iKXaBeiv • ei S4 tis fiaxo/xevov tvitov tois vvv wpirr-
fievois irpoffKOfiiaoi, &Kvpov tovtov e5o|e.T77 ayiq irdo"n Kal oiKovfieviK^ ffvv6Stp.
1 He is described as " 'O iXXoyiararos UpoSiSiaKaXos Kal ypa/i/jiaTebs tt)s
' ApxieTriffKoirr\s Kvpios $lXnrnos Tewpyiov ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 29
Tank of bishoprics and metropolises, and patriarchates established
by imperial decrees. The fourth (Ecumenical Council, recognising
this growing intrusion of the state in ecclesiastical matters, en
deavoured to check it by the publication of its Twelfth Canon : concii. chai-
" It has come to our notice that certain persons, having recourse St0"' an'
to force, contrary to ecclesiastical customs^ have divided one pro
vince into two, so that as a result there are two metropolitans
in: one province. The Council accordingly has decreed that no
such, attempt is for the future to be made by a bishop, and that
he who does is to be deposed from his dignity. Such cities,
however, as have been honoured by, imperial decrees, may, with
the bishop who is, placed at the head of their Church, enjoy the
rank, while its proper privileges are reserved for the real metro
polis." 1 This Canon, nevertheless; failed to check these innova
tions, as we learn from Zonaras, who informs us that it was not
observed, as certain bishops in his time had been promoted to the
dignity of metropolitans by imperial decrees. As instances of
these irregularities we have (1) the elevation of Constantinople
to the patriarchal rank by the Second General Council of Con
stantinople, with the subsequent bestowal upon the See of the
metropolises Of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace by the Council; of
Chalcedon; and (2) the further elevation of the Church of
Jerusalem to the same rank by the Emperor Theodosius II. on
the personal application of its bishop, Juvenal, with the bestowal
upon it of the provinces of .Palestine, Phoenicia, and Arabia,
which had been , previously refused by the Council of Ephesus.
The Thirty-eighth Canon, too, ofthe Council in Trullo, by placing concii.
the imperial pleasure in certain circumstances above these Canons can. Siviii.
and giving it, so to speak, the force of law, favoured this ten
dency.. " If any city has been restored, or shall be restored, by
the . imperial authority, let the Order of its ecclesiastical affairs
follow the civil and public." 2 It was the imperial power then
which, by its bestowal of privileges upon some cities and its
promotion of others to the rank of bishoprics, or metropolises,
1THXSev eis r)fias as rives iraph tous iKKXriaiaartKovs Beafiobs irpo<rSpafi6vTes
Svvaareiais Sid TrpayfMvriKwv (toutcVti ypa/xfidrwy BaaiXiKwv) Tt)v ftlav iirapxiav eis
Sio KaTerefiov, Sis in tovtov Sio /iriTpoiroXlTas , elvdi iv t# at>Tp iirapxiq ' wpiae
roivvv r) uyla ffvvoSos tov Aoi7rou fiTjSev toiovtov ToXfj.do'dat irapa iiriGKOirov • iirel
rbv-Totovro imxeipovvTa iKir'itrTeiv tov ISiov BaBfiov. "Offai Se i)Si) ir6Xeis Sid ypap-
fidrwv BaaiXiKoiv Tip rr)s finrpoirdXews 4Tip.i)Brio'ajv byopari, fi6vr\s airoXaveTwaav rr)s
ti/«*j, Kal o -rrjv iKKXr\alav aim's Sioikwv iiridKotros, StjAovoVi (TwCofievwv rfj Kar'
dXriBeiav paftpoTrSXei T«y OiKeiwv SiKaiav.
2 Et Tis Ik Bao-iXiKrjs 4(ovo-ias ikaivio-Bn iriXis, t) aSBts KaivioSeir], tois ttoAitikois
Kai Snfioiriots -rirtois Kal r) ray iKKX-nu-iaGTiKWV irpayfxaTwv T&I-IS dKoXovBeirw.

30 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
or even patriarchates, hindered the general application of
the Eighth Canon of the Council of Ephesus and the Twelfth
Canon of the Council of Chalcedon. Bishops did not dare to
protest against the imperial decrees, and, even if they had ven
tured to do so, they would have been powerless to prevent their
execution. As instances of futile resistance Phiiippos Georgiou
Baisamon calls attention to two cases mentioned by Baisamon, which
co^^Trui occurred in a.d. 1087 during the reign of Alexios Komnenos.
pa' K?& Vacancies having occurred in the metropolitan Sees of Basilaeon
col'om). 'and Madytos, which were properly within the jurisdiction of
Ancyra and Herakleia respectively, the Patriarch of Constanti
nople claimed the right of appointment in virtue of his being
the patriarchal Church. An imperial decree was accordingly
published, directing the bishops of Ancyra and Herakleia to
abstain from all interference in the matter. They protested
against this order, representing that the appointments should
be made by them, since these two bishoprics, though honoured
with the title of metropolis, were in reality dependent upon their
Sees. And in support of their contention they appealed to this
Twelfth Canon or the Council of Chalcedon. In consequence of
their representations an imperial rescript was published, stating
that the Emperor had the power to bestow precedence Upon
Churches, and to promote bishoprics and archbishoprics to the
rank of metropolises, and to settle all matters connected with
their elections and government according to his good pleasure,
since the Canon preserving to the original metropolis the rights
it anciently enjoyed over the more recently created did not
prevent him from so doing.
Here then, according to Phiiippos Georgiou, we have the
reason why no bishop was able by an appeal to the Canon about
Cyprus to check outside intrusion into his Church. And so the
conclusion drawn from it by Sathas that the Council of Ephesus
did not recognise the absolute independence of the Church of
Cyprus, but that the Patriarch of Antioch continued to super
vise it, since it was still subject to him, comes to nothing.
Even though Zeno may have been the first to assign the title
of autocephalous to the Archbishop of Cyprus, which is a
matter of doubt, yet this fact does not preclude us from
holding the opinion that the actual independence was long
prior to the bestowal of the title. No argument, too, can be
based upon the fact that the Patriarchs of Antioch did not
cease even after the publication of the Canon to prosecute their
designs upon Cyprus. Their action in so doing does not prove

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 31
the validity of their claims, but only testifies to the obstinacy,
which possessed them.
Our own canonist, Beveridge, from his remarks on the Sixth Beveridges
Canon of the Council of Nicaea is clearly of opinion that it was BeverTgu,
to that Council alone Cyprus owed the preservation of its inde- toSdiic,Ai
pendonce. Commenting on the words : " the rights, which they ™t!ci™a!aJ''
fornterly possessed, must also be preserved to the Churches of
Antioch and the other eparchies,11 x he says that they prove the
Nicene fathers to have confirmed their privileges not only to
the inetropolitans of Alexandria, Rome, and Antioch, but to all
other metropolitans also, and to them alone, since they only are
set over provinces. He quotes de Marca as holding the view that
only three provinces, or dioceses, are to be understood by the
expression, "the other eparchies,11 viz., Asia, Pontus, and Thrace,
since they alone, in addition to Alexandria and Antioch, are
enumerated in the Second Canon of the Second (Ecumenical
Council. Beveridge, however, is opposed to this opinion on the
ground that in that Canon the question was not about provinces,
but dioceses, while in the Sixth Canon of Nicaea the fathers were
speaking generally. Accordingly he asserts that their words are
not to be restricted to this, or that, particular province, but are
to be taken as applying to all without exception. The correct
ness of this opinion he claims to be shown by the action of the
Council of Ephesus in the matter of Cyprus. For that Council
on its own authority reaffirmed the Sixth Canon of Nicaea, which
the Patriarch of Antioch had endeavoured to set aside, and,
moreover, issued a decree ordering that ancient privileges should
be preserved unimpaired both in Cyprus and in all the other
provinces. By so doing the Ephesine fathers showed they
understood this Sixth Canon of Nicaea as referring not to
Rome only and those five Churches, which are enumerated in
the Second Canon of the Second (Ecumenical Council, but to
all the provinces generally. In consequence Cyprus has al
ways preserved its privileges intact even after the erection of
the Patriarchal Sees, since it was always autocephalous from
the first.
A modern writer cites as a proof of its former subjection toL.de Mas
Antioch the circumstance that even afterwards the Church of Hist de
Cyprus continued to receive the Chrism from the Patriarchs ofp • «£'
1 Ti apxaia ii-q Kparelra Td iv AiyinTip Kal A</3utj Kal TlevTair6Xei, ware rbv
'AXe^avSpeias IntiaKonov irdvTwv tovtwv <=Xetv rhv it-ovalav, iiretSri Kal Tip iv in
'Vrbp.'n eVto-KoVqo tovto avirqBis io-Ti. 6/xoiws Si Kal KaTa 'AvTi6xe'av Ka' & Tcus
aXXais iirapx'iais Ta TrpeaBela a&feaBai Tails iKkXyalais • k.t.X.

32

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

PhiiipposGeorgiou,
pp. 28-29.

that See.1 He is evidently unaware that, as the consecration of
this holy oil is in the Orthodox Communion reserved to the
Patriarchs, the Archbishops of Cyprus, being of an inferior grade,
could not prepare it for themselves. What more natural then
than that they should receive it from Antioch, the nearest Patri
archate ? Phiiippos Georgiou says that this custom, which was
not obligatory on the island archbishops, continued in force until
1860, when it ceased, consequent on the disturbances which then
took place at Damascus, where the Patriarchs of Antioch now
reside. Archbishop Makarios accordingly applied for it in 1864
to the Church of Constantinople, as all the other : independent
Churches of the East are in the habit of doing, with the excep
tion of Russia.

The Mono-
physltecontroversy.

ManBi, tom.
vi., ooi. 609.

Mansi, tom.
vt, 668.

The peace, which the Church secured by the condemnation of
Nestorianism, was not of very long duration. A new controversy
known as the Monophysite was destined soon to arise, having as
its author, Eutyches, abbot of a monastery in the neighbourhood
of Constantinople. After the dispute occasioned by his doctrines
had continued for some time a Council, called from, the violence
of its proceedings the Latrocinium, or Robber Council,1 was asr
sembled at Ephesus in a.d. 449 under the presidency of DiOskoros,
Patriarch of Alexandria. The orthodoxy of Eutyches, chiefly
through the threatening attitude of his partisans, was acknow
ledged, while his accusers, who had already procured his con
demnation at Constantinople the previous year, were in turn
anathematised. This Council was attended among others by
Olympios, Archbishop of Constantia. But matters changed
considerably on the sudden death in a.d. 450 of Theodosius II.
who favoured the heresiarch's party. Marcian, his successor, was
a strong advocate of the orthodox views. By his orders a Council,
known as the Fourth Oecumenical, was summoned in a.d. 451 at
Chalcedon. The opinions of Eutyches were condemned and his
chief supporter, Dioskoros, deposed. Among the prelates from

Kyprlaip. 104.

'Seulement, comme souvenir et dedommagement honorifique de' leurs an-
ciennes obligations vis-a-vis des patriarches d'Antioche, , dont ils ayaient recu
quelque temps l'investiture, les metropolitans chypriotes consentirent 4 leur
derhander de temps a autre le saint chreme necessaire aux ordinations episcopates.
C'est la encore aujourd'hui le seul indice qui reste de l'ancienne suprerrlatje du
siege d'Antioche.
Kyprianos writing in 1788 comments as follows on this custom : a«k ?xet
&XXo 6 'AvTioxeias p.4xpi ttjs arjiiepov va Troij) eis t))v Kiirpoy, irapd iirov oreXXet
KdBe TdVous XP^V0VS to &yiov Mupor, Kal touto /nerd 8eXi\aews twv 'Apxtepewv
Trjs N4jo-ou, oux' '*' &ToXi)s r) vofiou.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 33
Cyprus, who attended, were Epiphanios of Soli, Epaphroditos of
Tamasos, and Soter of Theodosiana. Epiphanios also repre
sented the Archbishop Olympios, while Soter acted for Heliodoros
of Amathus and Proechios of Arsinoe, and Epaphroditos for
Didymos of Lapithos. Photinos of Chytri sent as his represen
tative the deacon Dionysios.
In little more than a century afterwards another General
Council, the Fifth CEcumenical, was assembled by Justinian I. at
Constantinople, a.d. 553, when the decrees of Ephesus and Chal
cedon were confirmed and the guilt of Nestorios and Eutyches
reaffirmed. But in the lists of signatures no names of Cypriot
bishops occur.
But misfortunes were now about to befall Cyprus almost Rise of Mo-
greater than any it had ever yet known. Before the meeting ism.
Of the next General Council in a.d. 680 an enemy more for
midable than any heresiarch appeared, threatening the very
existence of Christianity itself. In a.d. 609 began at Mecca
that strange religious upheaval, which eventually transformed
the illiterate camel-driver of the Koreish into the Prophet of
God. For more than two hundred years the island became the
battle-ground between the opposing forces of the Cross and the
Crescent, in which only after a severe struggle victory finally de
clared for the former. During that disastrous period the ruthless
warriors of Islam are reported to have carried fire and sword Lusignan,
into it on more than twenty -four x occasions, rasing populous p' ** (b)'
cities to the ground, burning churches and monasteries with
their precious contents, destroying the venerable monuments
of antiquity, and dragging the population wholesale into cap
tivity. It was in the year a.d. 632 during the reign of the Emperor pirst
Heraclius, that unfortunate Cyprus is said to have first felt the invasion.
stern fanaticism of the Arabian sectaries, when the Caliph Abu- PoSh"yr!j
bekr, the father-in-law and immediate successor of Mohammed, c. ism' ™ ''
obtained temporary possession of Kition.2 A memorial of this
1 Molte destruttioni hebbe (l'isola) al tempo delli descendenti di Cethin, delli
Assirij, et massime dai Re Amasis, il qual totalmente destrusse Cipro : poi li
Argivi, li Dei, li nove Re, li Megaresi, gli Ateniesi, et Persi, Ptolomeo, et
Macedoni : e da Sarraceni in piu fiate da 24 volte.
a The passage, in which the Imperial historian describes this supposed
invasion, is as follows : —
Tou xpb'voo °"e irapaSpa/ji6vTos, Kal toV 'YwfiaiKwv UttXwv KaKw84vrwv e£ dpeXeias,
iKpdrno'av avryjs oi 2apaKTjvol iirX ttjs BatriXeias 'HpaKXeiov • KaX irpwros iv aiirrj
3

34 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
invasion exists to the present day on the borders of the salt lake
near Larnaka in the Mosque of Umm Haram, where the daughter
of the Caliph, who took part in the expedition, is said to be
gvasionof buried.1 But the attempt was really made fifteen years later
Eintacta'HiBt. (a.d. 647) when Moawiyeh, the son of Abu-Sophian, attacked the
Saracen., Ub. ^^ with & ^ Qf ^qq ^ ^^ he ha(J co]leCted in the
AMPharag, harbour of Alexandria. The troops of the Emperor Constans
syriacum. jj beinp, too weak to resjst the invader the whole country fell
Theophanes o ^.^ . , . ^
«Aaitj)ha" an easy Prey to the Moslems. The wretched inhabitants, re-
pauipiaco. fusing the terms offered to them, felt the full fury of the storm.
EMrenos Constantia was levelled to the ground, great numbers of the
coY^r*1'' citizens massacred, and the famous metropolitan Church, which
iBrch'?i'S8de had been erected by the great Epiphanios, profaned. On hear-
dSfdi41**" ing, however, of the approach of an overwhelming Byzantine
j£™!*Lang. force under the Chamberlain Kakorizos, Moawiyeh retired to
S,pe22»e' Alexandria, bearing with him a rich booty. But the tide of
!?attes* tom. invasion had only ebbed to return with increased force. In the
22',' notl ii)p.' following year, while Moawiyeh was engaged in an expedition
AbulPharag, yriac. ^ialTSpljL(Tas 'ABovBdxapos, ov KaX ttjs Bvyarpbs rdipos iv airy ipalveTat, Taurus
iKpaTTjaev. One consideration alone will show the utter worthlessness of this statement.
It was not until the conquest of Syria, after Abubekr's death (a.d. 634), had put
them in possession of a navy that the Moslems were able to attempt any
expeditions over sea.
1 This female was in reality the daughter of Milhan the Ansari, one of the
contemporaries of the Impostor. The following details of her career are derived
from the " Story of Umm Haram," published by Mr. Cobham in the Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, January, 1897. She was twice married, her first
husband being 'Ami bin Qeys, who fought at Badr (a.o. 623), and was killed at
Ohod (a.d. 623), her second, 'Ubada, one of the XII. and ofthe LXX. at 'Aqaba,
fought at Badr, became first Qazi of Palestine and died at Jerusalem, a.h. 34.
His surname was Abu'l Walid and his nickname Al Hubla (the pot-bellied).4
According to the Arab chroniclers Umm Haram took "part with her husband
'Ubada in Moawiyeh's expedition to Cyprus, where she met with her death by
being thrown from her mule. The Turkish biography of this Moslem worthy
makes the curious statement that the Arabs were attacked on the site, where
the mosque now stands, by Genoese (!) infidels when, " falling from her beast,
she broke her pellucid neck and yielded up her victorious soul and in that
fragrant spot was at once buried". Her tomb, which is shrouded from profane
gaze in black velvet, is composed of three huge stones, one at the head and
another at the feet of the corpse, while the covering stone is believed to hang
in mid-air above its companions. Mr. Cobham regards it as a prehistoric
monument, bearing very close affinity to two other monolithic structures in
Cyprus, known respectively as the Tomb of St. Catharine, near Salamis, and
the Hagia Phaneromene, near Larnaka. The shrine containing this relic,
which is held in great veneration by Moslems of every country, being saluted
by vessels carrying the Ottoman flag as they pass, is known as " the Pious
Woman's Grave ". It possesses an endowment of 1800 donums of land, with
a yearly subsidy of £58 and 3000 okes of salt.
2 Cf. Physkon applied to Ptolemy V.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 35
against Arados, a part of the Moslem army was detached under
Abu-Alur to operate against Cyprus. The work of destruction
left unfinished by the previous invasion was now completed.
The island was ravaged and the city of Paphos, for the resist
ance which it offered to the foe, destroyed, while the Arabs
again retired laden with booty.
Whilst the safety of the Eastern Empire was being threatened The
by the repeated attacks of these formidable enemies, a fresh controversy.
religious controversy known as the Monothelite broke out. The
Emperor Heraclius, who favoured the idea from the prospect it
offered of healing the Monophysite schism, issued in a.d. 639 an
edict, called the Ekthesis, or exposition of the faith, in which, after The Ekthesis
laying down what he considered as the correct doctrine, he for
the sake of peace forbade all further discussion on the subject.
But this attempt increased rather than diminished the troubles
it was intended to allay. The Orthodox, who unanimously refused
to recognise this imperial interference in matters of faith, rejected
the Emperor's formulary. Among the malcontents was Sergios,
Archbishop of Cyprus, under whose presidency it was condemned
in the local Synod. The decree then passed was forwarded to
Theodore, Bishop of Rome, a staunch opponent of the Monothe-
lites.1 Constans II. who succeeded to the throne in a.d. 641, re
newed with no better success the attempt at reconciliation made
by his predecessor. In a.d. 648 a new formulary, called the Type, The Type of
or model of faith, was issued by his orders. This document,
more peremptory and less theological in its tone than the Ekthesis,
imposed silence on the disputants under the severest penalties for
disobedience. The harshest measures were adopted against all,
who ventured to oppose the imperial will, and the persecution of
the recalcitrant did not cease until the Emperor's murder, which
occurred at Syracuse in a.d. 668. His son and successor, Con
stantine IV., laboured earnestly to put an end to the divisions,
which had so long rent the Church. With this object a Council,
1 A copy of the letter said to have been sent on the occasion is to be found
in Baronius (Annal. Eccl., tom. viii., p. 407, ad ann. 643). But its genuine
ness may well be questioned, as the language in places is such as an Orthodox
prelate can scarcely be supposed to have used towards a Pope, e.g. : —
" Firmamentum a Deo fixum et immobile, atque tituli formam lucidissimam
fidei, vestrum Apostolicam Sedem constituit (o sacer vertex) Christus Deus
noster. Tu enim es Petrus (sicut divinum veraciter pronuntiat Verbum), et super
fundamentum tuum Ecclesiae columnae confirmatae sunt. Tibi et claves
caelorum commisit, atque ligare et solvere potestative, quae in terra et in cselis
sunt, promulgavit " !

36

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Mansl, tom.
Ii., coi. 639,
etc., col. 688.

the Sixth Oecumenical, was by his orders summoned at Constanti
nople (a.d. 680), when the Monothelite heresy was finally and
decisively condemned. Among the delegates from Cyprus were
Tychon of Kition, Stratonikos of Soli, and Theodoros of Trimy
thus. The last named also represented his archbishop, Epiphanios,
as well as signed the Synodical letter to Pope Agatho.

Services of
the Mardaites
to the Eastern
Empire.

Kedrenos.Theophanes.

Abul Pharag,
Hist Dynas-
tiarum. Theophanes
(P. G., cviii.,
col. 737].
Kedrenos(P. &., cxxi.,
col. 841).
P. Diaconus,
lib. xix.
Abul Pharag,
Chron.Syriacum.
Finlay, Greece
under the
Romans, vol.
i., p. 488.

Treachery of
Justinian 11.
towards them.

Meanwhile the Moslems had been advancing unchecked in their
career of conquest, until it seemed that the Byzantine Empire
must have eventually succumbed to their victorious arms. But
deliverance appeared from a most unexpected quarter. Con
stantine Pogonatos, despairing of being able to cope successfully
with such terrible foes, who were even then threatening the safety
of his capital, besought assistance from the Mardaites of the
Taurus range. These mountain tribes, in response to the imperial
appeal, assembled their forces, and establishing themselves upon
Mount Lebanon, carried on from that commanding position an
incessant and sanguinary warfare against the Arabs. So fierce was
their attack that the haughty Moawiyeh was glad at last to con
clude a truce of thirty years with the Greek Emperor, by which he
agreed to payan annual tribute of 10,000 pieces of gold,100 slaves,
and fifty well-bred horses. The wise policy, however, which had
opposed so effectual a barrier to the further progress of Islam,
terminated with its originator's death. Justinian II. the son
and successor of Constantine Pogonatos, succeeded to the throne
almost at the same time that Abd-al-Melek was proclaimed Caliph
at Damascus. The latter, beset by enemies on all sides and con
fronted by powerful rivals at home, proposed in a.d. 686 a treaty
for ten years, even more favourable to the Christians than that,
which had been previously concluded between Constantine and
Moawiyeh. He stipulated to pay a daily tribute of 1000 dinars,
one horse, and one slave, to the Emperor, who in turn agreed
to divide with the Caliph the revenues and provinces of Cyprus,
Armenia, and Iberia. But the treaty contained a further con
dition, which proved fatal to the future security of the Empire.
The Arabs had long been anxious to rid themselves of the dreaded
Mardaites. At the Caliph's request Justinian in an evil hour
consented to withdraw these formidable troops from their moun
tain fastnesses in the Lebanon, and to restrain their forays into
the Arabian dominions. But his treatment of these faithful
allies was marked by the blackest ingratitude. Being unable
to remove them by force he had recourse to treachery. After
assassinating their leaders he divided them into two bodies, one of

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 37
which he dispersed throughout Greece and Epirus, while the other
was incorporated in the Kibyrraiot Theme. The consequences
of this senseless proceeding were soon apparent. Abd-al-Melek
having now established his authority on a firm basis, and being
no longer in dread of an attack from the Mardaites, resolved to
renew the war on the first favourable opportunity. Under such Renewal of
circumstances peace was not likely to be of long duration. The bStweenthe
immediate cause of the war, which broke out in a.d. 691, was the $» Eastern
n -i n Empire.
refusal of Justinian to receive in Arabic money the tribute, which pauiDiaco-
had hitherto been paid in the Roman coinage. As the new cur- Theophanes
rency bore upon it the legend, " God is the Lord,11 he pretended £'.<7&j71"u''
to regard it as an attack upon the Trinity. Hostilities began ^%en°^
by the Emperor carrying off as prisoners the Moslem settlers in coi- ***'¦
Cyprus. But he soon afterwards sustained in person a crushing chron. syriac.
defeat near Caesarea in Cilicia. Aware of his inability to protect f a*?accen.' HiBt'
the Christians of that part of Cyprus, which owned his authority, J^eJiS6600
he resolved to withdraw them rather than allow them to become R°p.aiai.T°1'
accustomed to the Arab rule. In obedience to the imperial com- zona™,
-l-ri l Aii'i ¦ i-i Ub. xiv., c. 33.
mands John, who was then Archbishop, migrated with a con- withdrawal
siderable following to a new settlement, which had been assigned inhabitants
to the Cypriots in the province of the Hellespont. Multitudes, New colony '
however, having perished on the journey from shipwreck, disease, Hellespont.
and other causes, the survivors returned to Cyprus, where they
kept up the succession of the bishops, and conducted ecclesiastical Theophanes
matters as before.1 coi. iii.)
While these events were taking place in Cyprus, there as- Quini-sext
sembled at Constantinople that council known in ecclesiastical
history as the Quini-Sext, or Trullan, from the domed hall of
the palace, where its sessions took place. The assembled fathers
compassionating the fugitive Archbishop endeavoured, by direc
tion of the Emperor, to compensate him in their thirty-ninth its Thirty-
Canon for the rights and privileges, which he had lost. "Since
our brother and fellow-minister, John, president of the island of
Cyprus, has, by the providence of the merciful God and the
care of our Christ-loving and pious Emperor, removed with his
people from the said island, on account of the attacks of the
barbarians, and to escape the thraldom of the heathen, and
to place himself entirely under the sceptre of the most Christian
power, we decree, that the privileges bestowed by the holy
1 irXrjBos Se Kvirpicov wepwvTwv KaTeirovriirBT), Kal dirb dppwffrias &Xovto • KaX oi
Xoiiroi iffTpdrpT]txav eis KvTrpov.

38 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
fathers formerly assembled at Ephesus upon the throne of the
before named man may be preserved intact, that Nova Justinian-
opolis shall have the right of Constantinople, and that the most
reverend bishop appointed over it shall preside over all those
of the province of the Hellespontines, and shall be consecrated
by his own bishops according to ancient usage. For our divine
fathers have also decreed that the customs in each Church shall be
observed, the bishop of the city of the Cyzicenes being subject to
the president of the said Justinianopolis, for the imitation of the
rest of the bishops, who shall all be under the said most reverend
president, John, by whom, when necessity arises, the bishop also
of the city of the Cyzicenes itself shall be consecrated.11 x
The canon There are several points in connection with this canon, which
considered. - , . _ , I J
need elucidation. The explanations ofthe Greek commentators,
Baisamon, Zonaras, and Aristenos, whom we should naturally
have expected to shed the clearest light upon the subject, leave
much to be desired. They are content, for the most part, to
repeat the statements of the canon itself. The western inter
preters, however, Le Quien, Allatius, and Beveridge, are much
more satisfactory in the information they supply.
This canon, be it observed, created no precedent, nor was it
ever appealed to as establishing any rule. A circumstance un
paralleled in the annals of the Church had just happened, which
required to be met by exceptional measures. An entire Christian
community, under the guidance of its spiritual head, had left
its ancient home to escape an attack from the enemies of the
faith, and transferred itself with its whole system of ecclesiastical
government within the jurisdiction of another Church. It seemed
unreasonable to require a prelate, who occupied so unique a
1 Tou aSeXipov KaX rrvXXeiTovpyov i)nwv 'Iwdvvov tov ttjs Kvxpov vrjaov irpoeSpov,
apa Tip o'Meiw Xacp iirX rr/v 'EXXT)o-rr6vTiov evapxiav, Sid re Tas BapBapiKds iipSSovs,
Sid Te rb ttjs iBviKTJs iXevBepwBijvai SovXeias, KaX KaBap&s rois OKiyirTpois tov xpur-
TiaviKondrov ^ KpdTovs inroTayTJvai, Trjs eipTifievris fieTarrTdvTos vi\aov, irpovolq
tou ipiXavBpiiirov &eov, Kal fiSxBw tov tpiXoxpiaTov Kal evo-eBovs Tffiwv BaaiXews,
avvopw/iev, ao-Te aKaivoT6p.T)Ta SiaTT)pnBr)vai Td irapd toV iv 'Eipecrw t*> irptiTepov
o-vveXB6vTwv 8eo<p6pwv iraTepwv Tip 8p6vw tov irpoyeypafj./j.4vov dvSpbs Traparr-
XeBevra Trpovd/iia, Sore tt)v Ne'aj/ 'Iouo-Ticiai'ouiroAiy rb SiKaiov eXeiv Trjs
Kwvo-TavTivovir6Xews, Kal Tbv iir' out** KaBuXTdfievov Beo<piX4aTaTov MaKO-nov,
irdvTwv irpoeSpeveiv tojv ttjs •EXX-qo-rrovTlwv iTrapxias, Kal Inrb toV oUelwv
eViO-KoW xeipoTove-icrBai, Kard tt,v dpXalav (rvvt)8eiav. Ta ydp iv 'eKdaTr, iKKXr\-
<riq eB-q KaX oi Beoipdpoi warepes i)fj.wv TapaipuXdrTeaBai SieyvwKairi, Vou ttjs
Kv{iki\vwv irbXews iiriaKotrov JnroKeipivov t$ irpo4Spw ttjs eip-q^vns 'lovffTiviavov-
ir6Xews, pip^aei tSc Xonrwv dirdvTwv eVio-KdVtw, toV inrb rbv XexBevra BeoAiXeo-
Tarov rrpieSpov 'Iwdvvnv, i<t>' ol xpcias KaXovo-qs, Kal o Trjs aiiTTJs K,i£iktivwv v6Xews
iiriaKonos x€lpOTOt,yBT)o'eTaif

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 39
place in the hierarchy, and who was, moreover, the head of
an independent Church, to submit to the authority of another.
Accordingly the Emperor Justinian Rhinotmetos, commiserating
the wretched plight of the fugitive Archbishop, thus bereft of
his rights and prerogatives, by an arbitrary exercise of imperial
authority detached the province of the Hellespont from the See
of Constantinople and, erecting it into an independent arch
bishopric, installed John into it, at the same time bestowing
upon him all the powers and prerogatives, which he had pre
viously enjoyed in Cyprus. Whether the fathers of the Trullan
Council, if left to themselves, would have consented to such a
spoliation of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, it is impossible
to say. As they were merely required to give an ecclesiastical
sanction to the Emperor's action they had no choice but to
obey, knowing well the danger of opposition.
Beveridge claims that this indulgence was entirely a personal Beveridge's
favour to John, and in support of this statement he asserts Beveridge°n
that it expired with him, or at least lapsed after his return to ca*^*"'
his original See.1 Allatius, however, says that it was bestowed ceS'iruu.,
upon the Bishop of Cyprus in perpetuity by the Synod out of ppmis4''i.
compliment to the Emperor Rhinotmetos, but that on the f^Stion.
tyrant's death, when his wishes were no longer respected, the d.ecS'cSu
island primate lost the jurisdiction, which he formerly possessed per^™o'on-
over the Hellespontine province, as well as became himself sub- SfSIp.'Sj.1"
ject to the See of Constantinople.2 Archbishop Philotheos, in Archbishop
an essay published in 1740 on the prerogatives of his Church, explanation.
strenuously combats the idea that the grant was merely tem- p^re're8'
porary and personal. He remarks that the decree of the
Council gives these privileges, as its language denotes, not to
the then Archbishop John, for any personal honour, but to
his See, Justinianopolis, and to the most reverend bishop
1 Cautum est igitur hoc canone, ut Joannes eadem in Hellesponto retineret
jura, quae in Cypro antea habuerat. Et hanc sane veriorem esse canonis hujus
expositionem exinde quispiam suspicetur, quod egregium hoc privilegium Joanni
Constantiensi indultum cum ipsius persona, vel saltern cum restitutione ejus ad
Cypriam Provinciam, extinctum fuit : utpote ex quo illud in ipsius solius gratiam
indultum esse manifestum est.
' Alterum privilegium de jure in Hellespontiacam Provinciam dicunt personale
fuisse, soli Joanni concessum, unde factum, ut cum ipsius persona jus quoque
illud extinctum fuerit. Verosimilius est, illud a Synodo in gratiam Rhinotmeti,
cujus alias beneficia in eandem Insulam exstabant, Cyprio concessum in per
petuum fuisse ; sed defuncto Rhinotmeto, exoso omnibus nomine, neque aliis de
illius fama sollicitis, et quod magis est, Patriarchis Constantinopolitanis ad se
omnia quacunquerationeraptantibus, jus quoque in Hellespontiacas Metropoles
Cyprium amisisse, et quod gravius est, ipsum quoque Constantinopolitani
ditionem subire coactum.

40 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
appointed over it, and not as a mere temporary arrangement
until Cyprus should be delivered from the hands of the bar
barians. These privileges, he declares, were bestowed uncon
ditionally upon the Cypriots in place of those, of which they
had been deprived, as will appear evident to all who examine
the canon calmly and impartially.1
Duration of The extent of their duration is a matter of some uncertainty.
conierredby' Baisamon in his notes on this canon admits that they had ceased
the Canon. , , _ . . J .
Baisamon. to exist when he wrote. But, instead ot assigning a reason, he
merely suggests an inquiry into the circumstances, under which
they had come to an end, as though he were himself ignorant of
zonaras. the cause.2 Zonaras uses language very similar, remarking that
that part of the canon concerning Cyzicos was no longer in
force, nor over the other districts and cities of the Hellespont
Aristenos. had Cyprus any jurisdiction.3 Aristenos, however, offers the true
explanation when he says that, on Cyprus becoming free from the
thraldom of the heathen, the metropolises of the Hellespont re
turned to the throne of Constantinople.4 That these privileges,
indeed, lasted less than a century is evident from a comparison
of the signatures of the Quini-Sext Council with those of the
nans!, tom. Second Nicene. At the former, a.d. 691, this same John signs as
ibid., tom. Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis, whereas at the latter, held in
idl* ¦**¦ a.d. 787, the then Metropolitan, Constantine, describes himself as
Bishop of Constantia. The date, too, at which the deliverance
alluded to by Aristenos took place, admits of some doubt.
Leouien, Le Quien regards it as having occurred during the reigns of
cou/ioSsi. " the Isaurian Emperors, especially during that of Constantine
Kopronymos (a.d. 741-a.d. 775), after the victory gained over
the Arabs by the Kibyrraiot fleet, when the Christian Church of
1 Kal ydp 7) avvoSiKT) avr-n ipTJipos, •Kpovolq tov fpiXavBpdnrov ®eov KaX p6xBw tov
<piXoxpi<TTov Kal evaeBovs BaffiXews, ws <pT]aiv, ov rip r6Te 'Apxieirio'^Trw 'Iwdvvy
TrpoawTriKTJs tivos TipTJs eveKev, aXXa t§ tovtov Bp6vw Tp 'Iouo"T«'iai'ou7ro'Aet, Kal
toj iir' ai/Tij Ka8io~Tap4vw BeoipiXetrTaTW 'ETriaK^irw Tavra SiSwci, Kal oh irpbs Kaipbv
Kal Kar o'iKovopiav, is t ac 0T\Bev 6 Kimpos ttjs BapBapixrjs iXevBepwBei-n x«'pos,
kvB' wv iio-Tep^BT) irpovoplwv TauYa xvC^I TrefyiXoTipvqTai Tois Kvirpiois, ws iirl
x4£ews <paiverai rois diraBws Kal dSeKdarws tce tov Kav6vos Kpivovo~t, KaBd Kal Tois
SiaX-qipBeio-i tovtois i^nyqTais ivapyws SrjXovrai.
2 2f)pepov Se oiiSe pia dirb tSc 'EkkXt]0-iwv tovtuv tj; 'ApxieTriaKoirfj Kirrpov
inr6KeiTai, aXX' oitSe Ta SiKaia ttjs Kwvo-ravTivovrr6Xews exei. Kal £t]tt]t4ov Hiras
tovto yiveTat.
3 El pev oiv KaX eis epyov T*jX8ev i) irepl ttjs Kv£'ikov iptjrpos tote, ouk olSa. Teas
Se ov KpaTei Ta ttjs ipfiipov '6aov irpbs ttiv K6(ikov, aXX' oiSe iwl rdis &XXais 'EW770--
•jrovTiav ^wpats KaX irdXeai 7rp6<reo'Ti ti t&5 Kinrpov Sixaiop.
1 'Eirel i) Kxnrpos ttjs eBviKTJs iXevBepwBn xeLPus> iiravrjXBov aZBis al KaB' 'EXXrjtr-
ttovtov Wlr\Tpoir6Xeis Trpbs Toy ttjs Kwv<rTavTivovrr6Xews 8p6vov.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 41
-Cyprus was restored to its ancient position. Leo AUatius is of LeoAiiatius,
opinion that the commentators have confused the periods con- occidCCe't
nected with the migration of the Cypriot Church. He says that JbIf8*i0o5n-
on the island being conquered and occupied by the Moslems the *"¦ ^
Archbishop of Cyprus was placed in charge of the Hellespont,
but that afterwards, on the expulsion of the enemy by Rhinot
metos, he recovered his ancient rights over his former See,
retaining at the same time his newly acquired ones over the
Hellespont. On a fresh invasion of the Arabs he again retired to
the Hellespont, where he remained until the second deliverance
of the island by Nikephoros Phokas (a.d. 963- a.d: 969), when he
finally returned to his own province, the metropolises of the
Hellespont being again transferred to their original diocesan.1

In connection with this subject much discussion has arisen various in-
with regard to the proper interpretation of the words : " the o?*3S«. on£
•1. p/-i . . ¦ i V pression "the
right of Constantinople . right of con-
°T-. . , ¦*¦ atantinople ".
Beveridge seems to imply that Archbishop John during his Beveridges
absence from Cyprus exercised a twofold jurisdiction. Over hisHon!™*3"
own people and clergy he continued to enjoy the same powers, fS^MSl,
which he had possessed when Metropolitan of Constantia, while caCn1''' in
over the province of the Hellespont and its Metropolitan at co^u'.'Truu.,
Cyzicos he wielded the authority previously exercised by thepp^Ws.
Patriarchs of Constantinople. He asserts that the fathers of the
Trullan Council by their Thirty-ninth Canon decreed that John,
the president of Nova Justinianopolis, should henceforth so have
in subjection to himself the province of the Hellespont that the
rights of Constantinople were to be entirely transferred, and that
whatever privileges the Patriarchs of Constantinople formerly
claimed there the Bishop of Constantia, or Justinianopolis, was
in future to possess.2
Le Quien, though he makes no direct allusion to this double Le Quien's in-
terpretation.
Le Quien,
1 Tempora prasterea, quae confundunt Interpretes, distinguenda sunt, ut °^j^m' '•¦
Canonis sententia, quae verborum importunissima scriptura confunditur, exscul-
patur. Primum, victa expugnataque Insula a Saracenis, Episcopus extorris in
administrationem Hellesponti admittitur: ejectis deinde Saracenis Justiniani
Rhinotmeti auspiciis, cum novo nomine jus sibi antiquum in Insulam recuperat,
novumque in Hellesponto retinet. Invaditur denuo a Saracenis et occupatur, et
Episcopus in Hellespontiacam Provinciam se recepit : cum vero tandem sub
Nicephoro Phoca a Saracenorum tyrannide esset liberata, Episcopus in ditionem
suam regreditur : sed Hellespontiacae Metropoles, cum jam cessasset furor
demortui Imperatoris, ad propriam suam sedem convertuntur.
2 Joannes in Hellesponto degens quatenus ad Episcopos Cyprios Tb S'lKaiov
ttjs rwv Kwvo~TavTivewv ir6Xews, quatenus ad Hellesponticos Tb ttjs Kwvo-ravTivov-
TriAtws Sixaiov habere potuit.

42 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
jurisdiction, says Rhinotmetos decreed that the Bishop of Cyzicos,
with his suffragans of the Hellespontine Province, should be
subject to the Archbishop of Constantia, or Justinianopolis, in
the same way as they had formerly been to the Patriarch of
Constantinople.1
AUatius' in- AUatius offers an entirely different explanation. He doubts
terpretation. J - * , . , ,
Leo Aiiatius, the accuracy of the generally accepted reading, to possess the
occhTet right of Constantinople," which he is inclined to regard as a
p^erpet. con- misreading for : " to possess the right of the Constantians ". He
c^25,p. 428-" declares that to Nova Justinianopolis were transferred, not the
privileges of Constantinople, but of Constantia, the metropolis of
Cyprus. He questions whether the prerogatives of the imperial
city were ever accustomed to be so granted.2 That this conjecture
is correct seems highly probable. The Patriarchs of Constanti
nople were at all times so jealous of their prerogatives and
privileges, that it is impossible to believe they would ever have
allowed them to be transferred to another, however exalted his
rank in the hierarchy might be.
Beveridge, Beveridge, though admitting that the reading, " to possess the
c£?°xxxit right of Constantinople,11 is found in most of the collections of
toTu.,"tPnik the canons, both MS. and printed, declares that the Codex Amer-
bachianus contains another reading, "to possess the right of the
city of the Constantians," which in his opinion renders clearer the
meaning ofthe canon, viz., that the Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis
shall enjoy the same privileges, which had been already confirmed
to him by the Council of Ephesus, when his See was known as the
city of the Constantians, or Constantia. He regards it as very un
likely that the privileges of Constantinople would ever have been
conferred upon the Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis, whom this
canon does not create a Patriarch, nor invests with the preroga
tives of Constantinople, but merely declares to be independent.3
1 Sub Justiniano II. Imperatore expugnataa Saracenis Cypro, quum Johannes
Constantiae illius metropolis Archiepiscopus in Hellespontum multam Cypriorum
turbam secum trahens migrasset, voluit Imperator, et Trullano canone 36
sancivit, ut Constantiae, quam Justinianopolim de suo nomine appellari voluerat,
archiepiscopo Cyzicenus cum aliis Hellespont subderetur, velut prius Constan-
tinopolitano. 2 In hoc canone rb SUaiov ttjs KavaTavTivoinrSXews "jura Constantinopolitana,"
quod omnes fere interpretes legunt, non placet quibusdam. Siccine vero cele-
berrima regiae urbis wpeaBeia concedi solebant ? Quare evellendum dico errorem,
qui omnibus fere magni etiam nominis, et summae eiuditionis viris imposuit :
cum in novam Justinianopolim transferantur, non Constantinopolis, sed Con
stantly Cypriorum Metropoleos privilegia ; quod et vero simillimum est. Frus-
tra namque apud Grascos Constantinopolitano aequalem quaesiveris.
3 rb SiKawv exeiv ttjs Kavo-TavTivomr6Xews. Ita quidem non modo in MS. nostro
Bodleiano, veium etiam in plerisque aliis Codicibus tam MSS. quam impressis

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 43
Banduri has introduced into the text of this canon in his Banduri,
edition of Porphyrogennetos1 "De administrando imperio" an orient, tom.
almost identical reading, which he prefers to that of the Codex "" P' aL
Amerbachianus. He, too, declares against the ordinary reading
"to possess the rights of Constantinople11.1 His emendation
appears to have been since very generally adopted. Agapios has
admitted it into his collection of the Canons published at Venice
in 1787, and it is to be found also in the edition of Ralli and Potli.
These editors further state in a note appended to Balsamon's in
terpretation of this canon that it occurs in a MS. of Trebizond.
With regard to the name Justinianopolis various conjectures
are extant as to the place it is meant to designate. Le Quien lb Quien,
asserts that it was bestowed by the Emperor Justinian II. upon cou. "1041-2.
that city on the Hellespont near Cyzicos, to which he removed
the emigrants from Cyprus.2 AUatius, however, refers it to ieo Aiiatius,
Cyprus itself, after its alleged recovery from the Saracens byg^Jt8t
Rhinotmetos, and not to any other locality,3 though from what I^S^'SSa.,
he says in another passage he seems to infer that it may have c- ffi" * 427'
legitur. Sed Cod. Amerbachianus legit Tb SiKaiov exeiv ttjs twi/ Kowo-Tai'Tu/eW
ir6xews. Constantinopolis autem tou KwvffTavTivov quidem, sed non t<Si/
Kwvo-TavTiv4wv ir6xis uspiam, ut opinor, appellatur. Et haud veri sane cuipiam
simile videatur, ut novae Justinianopoli, ipsius Constantinopolis privilegia con-
cederentur. Etiamsi enim ex hujus Canonis praescripto novae Justinianopolis
Episcopus aiiToKeipaXos esse asseratur : Patriarcha tamen non fit, neque iisdem
propterea, quibus Constantinopolitanus, privilegiis gaudet. Ex altera autem
lectione clarior sensus facile eliciatur.
1tS SiKaiov exeiv ttjs KwvaTavTiv4wv tt6x ews. Nimirumi" utque nova Justiniano
polis jus habeat Constantiensium civitatis sive Constantiae ". Sic in MS. codice
habetur ; perperam vero in Editis, t<) SUaiov exeiv ttjs YLavaravTivoinriXews. Sic
legitur in eodem codice. Verum Beveregius in Codice Amerbachiano scriptum
etiam reperit, rb SiKaiov exeiv ttjs Tftjy KavaTavrtvewv iriXeas, et hanc veram ac
genuinam lectionem esse demonstiat, — sed nobis lectio Codicis MS. magis
probatur. 2 Constantia civitas, ad tempora usque Saracenorum stetit, quumque ex pactis
conventis partem insulae unam illi tenerent, alteram Romani : rupto a Barbaris
fcedere, Justinianus II. Imperator male sano consilio urbis illius et reliquae insulae
quam illi occupaverant incolas, quotquot voluere, in Hellespontum cum metro
politan suo transtulit, quorum multi mare trajiciendo perierunt, alii pedestri
itinere asrumnis variis consumpti, reliquos in urbem Cyzico proximam duxit, quam
Justinianopolim appellavit, quam paribus ac Constantia juribus ornavit, prae-
cipiens ut ipse quoque Cyzicenus metropolita Justinianopolitani archiepiscopi
ordinationi subderetur.
3 Occupata postea Cypro a Saracenis, et rebus ecclesiae infidelium rabie atque
immanitate summopere afHictis, illius Episcopus una cum populo fideli in Pro
vinciam Hellespont immissus est, illique in ea provincia jus supremum concessum
est, ad Justiniani Rhinotmeti tempora, a quo in pristinam libertatem vindicata,
nomen sibi ab eodem Justiniano assumpsit, Justinianopolis dicta.
Et forte etiam deductae (colonjae) nomen inde suum impartitur.

44 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
been conferred on the colony led from the island. He reports
that the Emperor, having restored Cyprus to its former position
in the Empire, called it after himself in commemoration of
Beveridge, the fact. Beveridge, moreover, likewise regards the name as
|Siot^ referring to the Metropolitan See of Cyprus, the title of
condi. Trail, which was changed to Nova Justinianopolis, instead of Con-
pp. 15415. stantia, by the Emperor Justinian.1 Phiiippos Georgiou declares
G^fou, pp. in favour of the opinion of Le Quien, and enters into a long argu-
33-35, note (a). men^. ^q proye ^^ fae name could only have been bestowed upon
the new city on the Hellespont built for the reception of the
refugees from Cyprus. He declares that the commentators of the
canons and their followers have misunderstood and misinterpreted
this passage, as well as strained the meaning of the word : "city"
of Justinian. The title " city,11 he asserts, has never been bestowed
upon any province, island, or church, nor could it properly be so
applied. If Cyprus, or any city in Cyprus, had been so called, why,
he asks, did not the Archbishop on his return from the Hellespont
retain the title of Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis, which was
the only one he bore while in exile ? That he did not, however,
retain it is amply proved by a reference to the acts of the Council
of Trullo and the second Nicene. The title, he admits, is still
used, but merely as an honorary distinction, and in remembrance
of the time when the Archbishop of Cyprus was Bishop of Nova
Justinianopolis, just as there are many empty titles yet preserved
in the styles of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and
Jerusalem. Phiiippos Georgiou further contends that from the
very order and arrangement of the names in the canon the city
on the Hellespont alone can be intended. This part of the
argument is best given in his own words : " Immediately at the
beginning the canon, before it mentions the migration of Bishop
John, calls him with chronological accuracy president of the island
of the Cypriots, as in fact he was before he migrated. But
after mentioning his migration and settlement on the Helles
pont it no longer calls him president of the island of the
Cypriots, because such he was not then, since he had quitted
the island. Neither does it call him Bishop of Nova Justinian
opolis, as the See of Nova Justinianopolis had not yet been
confirmed to him, though it is confirmed by this canon. Ac
cordingly the Council, depriving him of the title of president of
the island of the Cypriots, and not having any name by which
to call him, passes from the individual to the city, on which it
1 Ista autem Cypii metropolis, quae ante Constantia dicebatur, a Justiniano
Imperatore suo de nomine nova Justinianopolis dicta est.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 45
first bestows 'the right of the city of the Constantians,1 and
afterwards gives to him, that is appointed over it, the presidency
of all the bishops of the province of the Hellespontines, and
directs that ' the most reverend bishop that is appointed over
it ' (le., Nova Justinianopolis), not, that has been appointed, nor,
that was appointed, but, that is now appointed,1 simply 'bishop,1
without the title of any province until the See of Justinianopolis
is confirmed to him, ' shall preside,1 immediately after the See of
Justinianopolis is given to him, and the rights of the city of the
Constantians. Accordingly it is not the Bishop of Cyprus, who
is to preside, but the Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis, since he was
not then Bishop of Cyprus, neither in fact nor in name, though he
had formerly been Bishop of Cyprus, for he was then appointed
both in fact and in name Bishop of Justinianopolis."
Archbishop Philotheos in his above-mentioned essay on the inaccuracy of
prerogatives of his Church asserts that the island was subsequently phSthe'o'?
known as Nova Justiniana. But he appears very confused in the fji^103'
explanation, which he offers to account for the change of name,
stating that it was due to the great Justinian, who so called it
after his Empress, Theodora, a native of Salamis. Even were
the statement true, which it is not, it should have been called
Theodorias, and not Nova Justiniana, the name bestowed upon
Carthage after its capture by Belisarius in a.d. 533. This origin of the
tradition seems to be derived from the unsupported assertion of mke J'^
Kallistos that Justinian I. called the Church of Cyprus, Secunda H^"'0"a
Justiniana, in honour of his celebrated consort, Theodora,
whose native land was Cyprus. But the fact that it was
Ulpiana in Illyria, which Justinian named Secunda Justiniana,
shows how utterly devoid of foundation the story really is.
Moreover, none of the Byzantine historians, with the excep
tion of Kallistos, not even her contemporary Prokopios, to whom
we owe so much of our knowledge concerning her, have ever
said that Theodora was born in Cyprus. Her only connection
with the island was through her father, Akakios, who, himself a
Cypriot, was keeper of the wild beasts at Constantinople during
the reign of Anastasios I. (a.d. 491-a.d. 518).
One of the distinguishing traits of Justinian's character was
an absorbing passion for building. During the course of his
long reign he is reported to have founded, or restored, in various
parts of his dominions no less than eighteen cities, which, in
1 Xeyei Se Tbv iir' avTf (t*? veq '1ovffTiviavovir6Xei) KaBiCTdpevov ovxX KaBeo,Ti}K6Ta,
obre KaTarrrdvra t) KaraffTaBevra, aAAa vvv, vvvX KaBurrdpevov.

46 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
commemoration ofthe achievement, he called after himself. But
no city in Cyprus ever received its name from him. And the
council in Trullo by its action admitted as much. For when in
its Thirty-ninth Canon it confirmed the title of Justinianopolis,
bestowed by Justinian Rhinotmetos, to the new city on the
Hellespont, it added also the epithet Nova, to distinguish it from
the many towns of the same name founded, or restored, by the
first Justinian.
How long the island remained abandoned to the Moslems
cannot, after this lapse of time, be determined with certainty.
The imperial historian, Constantine Porphyrogennetos relates
that Rhinotmetos, wishing to restore the exiles to their ancient
home, sent a distinguished Byzantine official and three Cypriot
nobles to the Caliph at Bagdad with a request for the release
of the islanders, whom he held in captivity. The Caliph, ac
ceding to the Emperor's prayer, is said to have caused such of
them, as were dispersed throughout Syria, to be collected and
sent back to their native land. Justinian further gave direc
tions to transfer to Cyprus those of them, who had settled in
const., Roumania, Cyzicos, Thrace, and among the Kibyrraiots.1 Porphy-
idmi'n'iinp8, rogennetos declares that this recolonisation of the island took
place seven years after its abandonment, which would be in a.d.
1 Tt)s vr)o~ov dXwBelirns inrb twi/ ^apaKTjvwv Kal iirX eirrd ereffiv doiK1)Tov peivdvqs,
Kal tov dpxieTrLffK6irov 'ladvvov pera tov Xaov avrov irpbs t^j/ Bao"lXevovaav KaraXa-
Bovtos, iyevero o'tKovopia irapd tou Bao~iX4ws 'lovariviavov iv ttj dyia %ktt) o~vv6Sw,
tov tt)v KvQikov TrapaXafieTv pera twv eTriaK6irwv avTov Kal tov Xaov tt)s vT)ffov, KaX
iroieiaBai Kal x^'porovias i)viKa av Xeiipy iirlaKoiros, irpbs to pi) Siairerreiv tV avBev
Tiav KaX to Siicaia ttjs Kvirpov, Kal yap Kal avrbs 6 'lovariviavbs BaaiXevs Kinrpios
T)v, KaBws KaX irapd Toiy iraXaiwv Kvirpiwv 6 x6yos pexpi ttjs ar)pepov eireKpaT-qaev •
ware Kal apiaBr) iv ttj ayiq eKT-n ffvv6Sw xeipoTOPeu/ rbv dpxieir'iffKOirov Kvirpov Tbv
T7Js Kv£ixov irpSeSpov, koBws iv Tip XB' KerpaXaia ttjs avrrjs dyias '4kttjs avviSov
avayeypairrai. MeTa Se eirTa err) B4x-q(Tei ®eov iKiVT)Bt\ S BaaiXeiis irdXtv o'tKTJo-ai
tV Kinrpov, Kal diriaTeiXe irpbs Tbv apeppovpvTJv tov BdySaS Tpeis tojc ivS6^wv
Kmrptwv, avr6xBovas tt)s aiirris vi\<rov Tvyxdvovras, robs Xeyop4vovs Qayyoupeis ,
peTa KaX BaaiXiKOV tivos dyx'ivov Te KaX ivSi£ov, ypdipas Tip dpeppovpvri 'Iva tov iv
^vplq ovra Xaov ttjs vT^rrov Kvirpov diroXvo-n els Tbv tSiov t6ttov. KaX vrraKovrras 6
dpeppoupvTJs t?7 tou Bao-iX4ws ypaipfi, aTreo-reiXe Kara wdo-ns Trjs ~S,vpias ivSSijovs
tapaKT)vobs Kal eirerrilipevcre irdvras tovs Kvirpiovs, KaX Sieirepaaev els Tbv tSiov t6ttov.
'AireaTeiXe Se Kal o Bao'lXevs BaaiXmbv, Kal SieTr4paffe Tobs iv 'Pwpavta o'tK^o-avTas
ijyovv ev Te Ty Kv(iK<p Kal t<£ KiBvfSpaiwTwv Kal Tip ®paKT)a-la, Kal ivipKiaBri i) vt)<tos.
Porphyrogennetos is mistaken in calling this council the Sixth Council. It
was in reality that known as the Quini-Sext. The Sixth General Council was
held during the reign of the Emperor Constantine IV., the father of Rhinotme
tos, against the Monothelites.
'ApeppovpvTJs is a title, not a name, and is equivalent to " Commander ofthe
faithful "- The caliph in question was Abdalmelek (a.d. 684-A.D. 705). His
successor was Walid I. (a.d. 705-A.D. 716).

c. 47.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 47
698. But considerable doubts exist as to the historical accuracy
of the statement. It is very unlikely, in the first place, that the
Arabs would have been disposed to gratify the wishes of one, who
had been the first to break the truce, while another, and more
fatal, objection is based on historical grounds. In a.d. 698, when
this alleged repeopling of the island is represented to have
occurred, Justinian was no longer Emperor, having been exiled
in a.d. 695 to Cherson in the Crimea. It is more probable that
this event happened during the reign of the usurper Apsimar,
admiral of the Kibyrraiot fleet, who on Justinian's deposition was
elevated to the throne as Tiberius III. The hereditary enemy
of the Arabs, his enterprises against them were marked by
extreme vigour of action. Having entrusted the conduct of
the war to his brother Heraclius, the latter defeated them with
immense slaughter at Samosata, besides gaining further victories
in Armenia and Syria.
These defeats, however, only temporarily disabled the power invasion of
of the enemy. For in a.d. 743, during the reign of Constantine Yezida p
(V.) Kopronymos, the Caliph Yezid III., making an incursion into p. Diaconus,
the island, carried off large numbers of the inhabitants, whom m>. ixii. ''
he settled in the adjacent districts of Syria. But the honour of
the Byzantine arms was soon afterwards retrieved by an over
whelming disaster, which befell the Moslems on the scene of
their former triumphs. In a.d 747, Kopronymos, hearing that Defeat of the
the Arabs were preparing a fresh expedition from Alexandria, dansab*y*the
ordered the Kibyrraiot fleet to protect the coasts of Cyprus. The fleet
hostile vessels appearing off the coasts of Keramsea1 were suddenly ^qFOwi.,
1 The identification of the locality, where the encounter took place, has caused (p. g. cxxi.,
much discussion. Theophanes' words are " iv to) Xipevi tSc Kepapaia," which co1- 8°8)-
have been variously rendered, (i) by Paulus Diaconus "in portu Ciramea," and
(2), by Lebeau, "au port du Ceramee " (Hist., tom. xii., p. 202). De Mas Latrie
(H. de Ch., tom. i., p. 88, n. 1), who seems to think that these writers refer to
Kyrenia (Keraunia), remarks that a fleet about to invade Cyprus from Egypt
would hardly sail round the island and effect a landing on its northern coast.
He suggests that the invaders, as usual with the Arabs, disembarked most prob
ably on the southern coast, and perhaps on the beach at Mazoto, between
Kition and Amathus. As this is the great carob district of Cyprus, a fact indi
cated by the name of one of its headlands, Cape Caroubier, he proposes for the
generally accepted reading to substitute "iv Tip Xipevi t6> Kepareav (Kepartwv) " ;
since no such place as Keramaea is known in the island.
Sathas, who criticises the above emendation, commences by a misquotation, sathas, tom.
representing De Mas Latrie as suggesting for the alternative reading iv rip pp'. 58*59','
Xipevi tSc Keparala. He himself regards the passage as defective, though he11!1)-
supports the original reading, accentuated slightly differently (tojv for ai/Twv and
Kepapalq, dative in apposition to Xipevi. He explains that the Arabs, on seeing
their adversaries keeping so strict a watch over Cyprus, to create a diversion
sailed away to the Kibyrraiot Theme, the principal port of which was the

48 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
attacked by the defenders, who, blockading the port, captured
and destroyed the entire armament of 1000 ships, with the ex
ception of three, which they permitted to escape that they
Further might carry the news to their friends. In a.d. 790 during the
invasions, joint reigns of Irene and Constantine VI. another attempt was
made by the same watchful foe. But it was again frustrated
Theophanes by the timely assistance of the Kibyrraiot fleet. On this oc-
coi. 936). *' casion the admiral of the Kibyrraiots, Theophilos, a man pf
intrepid courage, outstripping the rest of the Christian forces,
attacked the Arabs single-handed. Being captured in the un
equal contest and brought before the famous Harun-al-Rashid,
who commanded the enemy, he suffered a martyr's death rather
than abjure his faith. But in a.d. 806 the Moslem arms were
p. Diaconus, more successful. The Emperor Nikephoros (a.d. 802-a.d. 811),
the successor of Irene, having rashly refused to continue the
Eimacin, Hist, tribute, which had been paid by his predecessor to Harun, as
Abuifeda, well as broken the other conditions of the peace, which had been
Annales illi l ¦ /-, • i l
Musiemici. concluded between the two sovereigns, Cyprus, with other parts
ofthe Byzantine dominions, experienced the resentment of. the
Theophanes Caliph. The devastation wrought by this hero of the " Arabian
coi. 9&>). '' Nights '' exceeded anything that had previously taken place.
^etG.Tii, Churches and monasteries were involved in one common ruin,
co1- 9 ')• while multitudes of the inhabitants were put to the sword, or
Fimay, By- carried off into captivity. Among others was the Archbishop
Emnir*S, bk.' of Constantia, who is said to have been obliged to pay a ransom
P: 121. 'sec' ' of 1000 dinars for his liberty. That the Arabs did not perma
nently occupy the island after this invasion we may infer from
Theophanes the statement of Theophanes. He informs us that in the time
^rn'orif'0;' of the Emperor Michael Rhangabe (a.d. 811-a.d. 813) great
numbers of Christian monks and laity fled to Cyprus from Pales
tine and Syria, to escape the persecution of the Arabs. Many
of these subsequently made their way to Constantinople, where
they were hospitably received by the Emperor and the Patriarch
Nikephoros, who assigned them a monastery in the imperial city
for their habitation. To those, however, who preferred to re
main in the island, a talent of gold was sent, as well as other
Karian city of Keramos (Keiamo) or Keramia on the Keramic Gulf (Gulf of
Kos). The Kibyrraiots on this issuing from Cyprus blockaded the mouth of
the harbour, while the hostile fleet was within, and then destroyed it. He
declares that the passage should run as follows : " b Se OTpaTrrybs toV KtPvpaiw-
twv iimreawv avrois atipvns iv Tt? Xip4vi twv (TtSi/ KiBvpaiwrwv STiXaSi)) Kepapala."
"And the general of the Kibyrraiots suddenly falling upon them ih their (i'.e.,
the Kibyrraiots') harbour of Keramaea."

coL 1001).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 49
assistance.1 In 824 a.d. the Kibyrraiot fleet under Krateros
rendered yet further service. Crete having recently been captured constant, por.
by the Arabs of Spain, the same danger threatened Cyprus and Ad£i. imp.,
the neighbouring Cyclades. By order of the Emperor Michael "^agister.
the Stammerer the fleet, sailing to Crete, reconquered it and re
leased the other islands also from the perils, which threatened
them. According to other testimony this expedition, though zonaras,
at first completely successful, was utterly destroyed at last by c. 24 ip! &!''
the enemy. After inflicting a crushing defeat upon the Arabs,
the imperialists were so elated by their victory that they neg
lected the most ordinary measures of precaution. The Moslems,
observing the carelessness of the victors, suddenly attacked them
by night with such slaughter that scarcely a survivor escaped
to tell the tale. Krateros himself, who had fled on board a
merchant ship from the scene of carnage, was captured and
hanged. Cyprus was destined yet again to fall under the yoke
of Islam. For Porphyrogennetos informs us that his grandfather, constant,
Basil the Macedonian (a.d. 867-a.d. 886), on expelling the gj™-'.'™'. '-.
infidels constituted it into the Fifteenth Theme of the Empire,
under the administration of the famous Armenian general
Alexios, who held it for seven years, when the Arabs resumed
possession. But the exact date, when this temporary liberation
by Basil took place, is unknown. That it was for a while at
least recovered by the Byzantines, during the time of Basil's
successor, Leo the Philosopher (a.d. 886-a.d. 911), we learn on
the authority of the same imperial historian. He relates that constant,
Leo the Protospathary, or Captain ofthe imperial guards, while Adminis'i.
governor of the island (circ. a.d. 902), sent spies to the Gulf of
Tarsus, as well as to Tripoli and Laodicea, to ascertain if the
Arabs were meditating any hostilities. That it soon afterwards,
however, changed hands is evident from the testimony of the
historian John Kameniates who, after being captured by the Kamemates,
Arabs at Thessalonica in a.d. 904, was carried off to Tripoli in Z'£*®£.
Africa. He relates that during the voyage the vessel, in which %£%?**•
he was being conveyed, put into Paphos to enable the Moslem
crew to perform their customary ablutions in the adjacent rivers.
1 t£ Se ai'jrtZ %Tei Kal iroXXol twv Kara naXataTlvqv XpuTTiavwv povaxav KaX
Xa'iKwv Kal 4k TrdffTjs 'Svpias tt)v Kvirpov KareXaBov ipevyovTes TJjy dperpov KdKaaiv
rav 'Ap&Bwv — Kal ol pev dvnpeBrtaav paprvpiKws, oi Se ttjv Kinrpov Kar4xaBov, KaX 4k
touttjs Tf> Bv£dvTiov, otis Mixai)X 6 ebffeBTjs BaaiXevs Kal NiKTi<p6pos 6 dyiwTaros
TraTpidpxys ipiXo(pp6vws Qeviaav. Tois pev ydp iXBovaiv iv ttj ir6Xei povaffTi)piov
irrlar\pov iSwprjaavro, rois Se Kard ri)v Kvirpov ivairopelvaai povaxois re Kal Xa'iKois
T.dXtwTov xpwLov direareiXav, Kal iravroiws toutous iBepdirevcrav.
4

50 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Final ez- The credit of finally expelling these enemies of the Cross from
Sulslonofthe ~ , J r e> . . r\£*ci
dans'™1116" Cyprus belongs to the Emperor Nikephoros .Fnokas (a.d. \)oo-
v£??Z%t 4-D- 969). In a.d. 961 during the reign of the Emperor Romanus
l^atV II. (a.d. 959-a.d. 963) he had, as Grand Domestic, already signa-
&c<taetf lised his prowess against the Moslems by wresting Crete from
m"" °01' them after a servitude of 124 years. He had not long succeeded
(le G.en°x*u., Romanus on the throne before he rendered yet further services to
coii. re, 74). Christianity, by driving: these profane intruders from the native
LeoDiac, , , ^ -n , -r -i -i pi • • rin a
mst, lib. u., land 0f Barnabas also. In the second year or his reign, a.d. yfo4,
Kedrenos through the exertions of the patrician Niketas Chalkutzes, he re-
SS'.,Gcroi.C97). covered Cyprus for the Byzantine Empire, to which henceforth it
remained firmly united, until the time ofthe tyrant Isaac Komnenos.
iconoclastic Whilst a cruel and relentless enemy was threatening the
controversy, destruction of the Empire, there occurred another of those un
fortunate disputes, which were for ever disturbing the peace of
the Church. This controversy, known in ecclesiastical history
as the Iconoclastic, began by the Emperor Philippikos Bardanes
(a.d. 711-a.d. 713) removing pictures from the churches with the
consent of John, the Patriarch of Constantinople. But it acquired
increased force during the reign of his successor, Leo (III.) the
Isaurian (a.d. 717-a.d. 741). Originally a rude and illiterate
peasant from the province of Isauria, this Emperor owed his
elevation to the military talents he had displayed during the
reign of Justinian II. Like most of his fellow-countrymen he
was animated by an inveterate dislike for the worship of images,
which had imperceptibly crept into the Church. On his pro
motion to the purple he determined to use the powers, with
which he had been invested, for the suppression of this super
stition. It is stated that he was induced to adopt this course by
the prospect it offered of conciliating the Jews and Mohammedans,
to whose conversion the adoration of images had proved an
insuperable obstacle. The imperial decrees forbidding the use
of religious pictures in churches excited from the first the most
strenuous resistance, and gave rise to popular tumults, which were
only suppressed after considerable bloodshed. But it was in
Italy that the liveliest opposition to the Emperor's orders was
encountered. The Pope, Gregory II., threw himself heart and
soul into the movement. For years the ties, which had bound
that country to its Byzantine rulers, had been growing steadily
weaker. The quarrel, which now ensued, undoubtedly sowed the
seeds of that gradual estrangement, culminating in its final sepa
ration in a.d. 800, when Charlemagne was crowned in St. Peter's

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 51
at Rome by Leo III. as Emperor of the West. On the death
of Leo the Isaurian in a.d. 741 the work of suppression, which
he had begun, was continued with unabated zeal by his son and
successor, Constantine (V.) Kopronymos.
The iconoduli, as the patrons of the images were called,
found him even more uncompromising than his father had been.
In a.d. 754 a Council, calling itself the Seventh GCcumenical, was
assembled by the Emperor's orders at Constantinople. This
conclave, which was attended by 338 prelates from the imperial
dominions, both condemned the worship of images, as a corruption
of Christianity and a return to paganism, and decreed their
destruction. Among those specially honoured with its strictures, Le Quien, o.c,
as an ardent champion of the proscribed objects of popular
veneration, was George, Archbishop of Constantia, whom it
anathematised in company with Germanos, Patriarch of Constanti
nople, and the famous John of Damascus. But this anathema was
subsequently reversed by the Second Council of Nicaea, and the
names of these holy confessors invested with peculiar honours.
The monks, who from interested motives had been particularly
active in their opposition to the imperial wishes, felt the full
severity of the repressive measures, which were employed against
the recalcitrant. In Leo's reign they had even ventured to
direct a fleet, assembled among the islands of the Archipelago,
against Constantinople, with the intention of deposing the icono
clast and appointing a more orthodox successor. But its de
struction, through the agency ofthe dreaded Greek fire, caused the
design to miscarry. Constantine Kopronymos, who had marked
them out for signal vengeance, endeavoured to accomplish his
purpose by the extirpation of the monastic order. The religious
communities were dissolved, while the buildings, which sheltered
them, were converted into magazines, or barracks. Michael
Lachanadrako, the Governor of the Thracian Theme, zealously
seconded the efforts of his sovereign. Having summoned to
Ephesus all the monks and nuns within his jurisdiction he
assembled them in the plain of Tzukanisterion, where he ordered
all, who were disposed to obey the Emperor's commands, to
assume a white dress in token of assent and immediately marry.
At the same time he threatened all, who refused, with the loss of
their eyesight and banishment to Cyprus. Some through fear of Theophanes
the consequences, if they ventured to disobey, hastened to com- km: Jm.','
ply, but many preferred to suffer the penalty rather than yield.1
1 t$ Se avT$ trei (A. D. 762) pipiiadpevos 6 AaxavoSpdKwv Tbv SiSdiTKaXov avrov
•ndvra povaxbv Kal povao'Tpiav robs inrb to Bepa twv &paKTjo'iwv ovras o'vvrj^ev els

52 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Constantine Kopronymos was succeeded in a.d. 775 by his
son Leo IV. The work of persecution, which had been so
vigorously carried on during the two preceding reigns, was now
abated. The laws against the champions of images, though
unrepealed, were seldom put into force. Even the monks, the
most active opponents of the iconoclastic emperors, were allowed
to return from exile. On Leo's death in a.d. 780 the direction
of affairs was entrusted to his widow Irene, as the guardian of
their infant son Constantine VI. She belonged to an Athenian
family conspicuous for its devotion to the cause of the images.
Her own veneration for them was so well known as to have
rendered her an object of suspicion both to her father-in-law and
husband. On becoming sole mistress of the Byzantine world
she resolved without delay to restore these objects of popular
devotion to their ancient splendour. But it was necessary to
proceed with great caution in the execution of her design. The
iconoclastic faction, comprising within its ranks most of the
bishops, with a very considerable following of the laity and
military, was both numerous and powerful. She began by
publishing an edict granting general liberty of conscience in the
matter. But the resignation and death of the iconoclastic
Patriarch of Constantinople, Paul, seemed propitious for making
the attempt she contemplated. Having procured the promotion
of her secretary, Tarasios, a layman, to the vacant dignity she
no longer hesitated. In a.d. 787 after considerable opposition
a general council, known to the Orthodox as the Seventh GCcu-
menical, was assembled at Nicaea and attended by about 350
bishops. After reversing the decrees of the previous Council
of Constantinople, the Conclave unanimously pronounced the
worship of images to be agreeable to Scripture and reason, the
Mansi, fathers and Councils of the Church. Among those present from
coS'9^5. Cyprus we find the names of Constantine of Constantia, Eusta-
thios of Solea, Spyridon of Cythri (Chytri), Theodoros of Kition,
George of Trimythus, and Alexander of Amathus. Marvellous
Le Quien, tales and anecdotes were related in proof of the sanctity of
i64i'42U" coU' images. In the fourth session of the council Archbishop Con
stantine especially distinguished himself by the accounts, which
he gave, of several miraculous circumstances, that had occurred
'Eipeo-ov, Kal i^ayaywv avrobs eis ireSiov Xey6pevov T£ovKavio"Tr)piov eipy irpbs aiirovs
8ti S pev BovX6pevos Tip BaaiXei ireiBapxeiv Kal ypiv ivSvadaBw <ttoXt)v AeuK^p,
Kal XaBerw yvvaiKa Ty ilipq Tavry, oi Se tovto pr) irotovvres TvipXovpevoi eis Kvirpov
elppioBi\aovTai. Kal apa Top Xiya Tb ipyov iTeXeaBy, Kal iroXXol pdprvpes 4v iKelvy
ry ypepq iveSelxBycrav,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 53
in connection with them, both at Constantia and Kition, as also
at Gabala in Syria. This question, though for a while happily
allayed by the decision of the Council, was not yet completely
appeased. It broke out again under the Emperor Leo (V.) thie
Armenian(A.D.813-A.D. 820), and continued throughout the reigns
of the iconoclasts Michael the Stammerer (a.d. 820-a.d. 829) and
his son Theophilos (a.d. 829-a.d. 842). But the victory of the
images was finally secured by Theodora, widow of the last-named
Emperor, in a.d. 843. This fortunate event is still annually com
memorated by the Greeks in the Festival of Orthodoxy (First
Sunday in Lent). A further discussion on the subject arose atLeQuien.o.c,
the close of the eleventh century, during the reign of Alexios
Komnenos (a.d. 1081-a.d. 1118), while Nikolaos Grammatikos
held the See of Constantinople. At that time it was debated
whether these venerated objects of popular regard possessed any
inherent sanctity of their own. At the Conclave, which decided
the question in the affirmative, delegates from Cyprus, includ
ing the Archbishop, attended, but their names have not been
recorded. After its reunion with the Eastern Empire the island entered,
for a while at least, upon an era of comparative peace. With
the exception of two insignificant insurrections, which were
easily suppressed, its history at this period presents little of
interest. In the former of these risings the standard of revolt Rebellion of
was raised by Theophilos Erotikos. This ambitious, but in- ErotfLs.'"1
capable, individual had been entrusted by Michael (IV), the f'.'SSL*, ml
Paphlagonian (a.d. 1034-a.d. 1041), with the government of^araa
Servia. Being ignominiously expelled by Stephen Bogislav heA"maI"ili'
, do t J i J J. O Finlay The
was in a.d. 1040 appointed to Cyprus. Taking advantage of the fy5al?r'in?
confusion consequent upon the dethronement of Michael ( V.) fJlp1SreJn 3
Kalaphates in a.d. 1042, he incited the Cypriots to murder the ¦""'*• '"''i'-606'
protospathary Theophylaktos, who had rendered himself odious
to them by his exactions in the collection ofthe public revenue.
But Constantine (X.) Monomachos (a.d. 1042-a.d. 1054) on his
accession to the throne crushed the revolt without delay. The
Patrician, Constantine Chages, being sent against the rebel,
speedily captured and conducted him to Constantinople. So
contemptible did the movement appear that Erotikos, after
being exposed in female attire to the popular derision in the
hippodrome, was merely deprived of his property and sent into
exile. The second of these rebellions, which occurred about fifty Ini'Sfiii.

54 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Ima?' iv years later, during the reign of Alexios (I.) Komnenos (a.d. 1081-
A.Koionena, a.d. 1118), was due to the seditious conduct of another governor,
ubl6Sa?p'. g„ named Rhapsommates. Having come to an understanding with
ceo). " co Karykes, who occupied a similar position in Crete, they simul-
Khapsim1-0' taneously renounced their allegiance to the Emperor in a.d. 1092.
mat6S' But the prompt despatch of a powerful fleet under the Caesar,
John Dukas, the brother-in-law of Alexios, disconcerted the
conspirators1 plans. The Cretans on hearing of Dukas' approach
murdered Karykes, and quietly submitted to the imperial author
ity. In Cyprus, too, the revolt fared no better. Rhapsommates,
after vainly attempting to oppose the advance of the Byzantine
forces, which landed at Kyrenia, endeavoured to escape to Syria,
but being foiled in his design fled for refuge to the Church on
Stavro Vouni. Captured there, however, and brought to Nikosia,
he suffered the penalty of his treason.
Deposition of The only ecclesiastical event of any importance, which oc-
of Amathus. curred at this period, took place during the reign of Manuel (I.)
tacan°0xii., Komnenos (a.d. 1143-a.d. 1180). John, Bishop of Amathus,
cartha|"'' having been deprived of his See by his namesake, the Arch-
panaectftom. bishop of Constantia, appealed to the Emperor for redress. By
204. ,p' Manuel's directions the matter was referred to Lukas Chryso-
berges, Patriarch of Constantinople, and the CScumenical Synod.
As the result of their investigations, in which the Senate also
participated, the sentence was pronounced invalid on the ground
that it had been irregularly procured. The Eleventh Canon of
the First Council of Carthage (a.d. 348) expressly lays down
that all charges against members of the episcopate shall be
investigated by a court of twelve bishops, while the Fourth Canon
of the Council of Antioch in Encaeniis (a.d. 341) clearly shows
by implication that the deposition of a bishop is a matter re
served exclusively for the action of a Synod. The decision of
the Oecumenical Patriarch and his assessors on this occasion
seems to have been based upon the Twelfth Canon of the Sixth
Council of Carthage (a.d. 419), which is evidently a compromise
between the two statutes above quoted. It enacts that all such
cases shall be referred to a court composed of at least twelve
bishops, when circumstances render it impossible to assemble a
greater number. The avowed intention of this legislation is to
enable the accused to free himself without delay from any sus
picion attaching to him. As in this instance the tribunal only
comprised eleven members, exclusive of the Archbishop, though
no apparent reason existed to prevent the assembling of the
entire Synod, its proceedings were set aside. The interference

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 55
of the GScumenical Patriarch, which at first sight seems to be an
act of ecclesiastical intrusion, may perhaps be defended by an
appeal to the Fifteenth Canon ofthe same Council in Encaeniis,
wherein it is laid down that " if a bishop accused of certain
offences has been tried by all the bishops of the eparchy, and
all have unanimously given sentence against him, he may not be
tried again by others, but the unanimous decision of the bishops
of the eparchy must hold good ". In this case, as the entire
Synod of thirteen was not present, it cannot be pretended that
the sentence was pronounced in accordance with the above regu
lation. But whether the power of revising it was vested else
where than in the Cypriot Church depends upon the view taken
of the extent of its independence and jurisdiction.
Isaac Komnenos, as the last ruler of Hellenic race in the island, Isaac
deserves more than a passing notice. He was connected with ja,, famUy
the imperial house of Komnenos, whose name he assumed, through hStor^'7
his mother, a daughter of Isaac Sebastokrator, brother of the jfffiffi £*¦
Emperor Manuel I. The name of his father is unknown, though ifcol1^^*™
Du Cange supposes him to have been a member of the family of gucange,
Dukas. Entrusted by his grand-uncle, the Emperor Manuel, ?yJg,tl,1*>
with the government of Tarsus, Komnenos became involved in choniates,
hostilities with the Armenians of Cilicia. Being captured by Ke0phytos
them in battle he owed his release to the good offices of his oypri ''
maternal aunt, Theodora, widow of Baudouin -III., King of
Jerusalem. Through her influence with Andronikos I. (a.d. Fiu^By^
1183-a.d. 1185) she, after much difficulty, persuaded the usurper <.£. Empm»,
to allow Komnenos to draw 60,000 besants from the revenues of**.*.*™.'
Cyprus for the purchase of his liberty. Rupin, Prince of Cilicia,
had transferred his captive to Boemond III., Prince of Antioch.
On receiving half of the stipulated ransom Boemond permitted
Komnenos to proceed to Cyprus and collect the remainder.
But the latter, impatient at the thought of being subject to
Andronikos, had formed a design for regaining his indepen
dence. On reaching the island he deceived the inhabitants by Isaac seizes
means of forged imperial letters purporting to appoint him Kata-
pan or governor; No sooner, however, was he firmly established
in possession and had gathered around him a body of mercenaries,
than he threw off the mask, and openly proclaimed himself an
independent sovereign, with the title of Emperor. Andronikos, **«£»«*
on hearing what had occurred, was beside himself with rage.
Unable to get the rebel into his power he directed his anger
against Cdnstantine Makrodukas and Andronikos Dukas, who

onlaos at
Isaac's con
duct.

56 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
had induced him to advance the necessary sum for Komnenos1
ransom by becoming sureties for his good behaviour. At the
instigation of Stephen Hagiochristophorites, the ready instru
ment of the tyrant's vengeance, they were stoned to death and
impaled. There was another reason, too, why the occurrence so
greatly disturbed Andronikos. It had been predicted that some
cuoniates. one, whose name began with I, should deprive him of his life
and throne.1 Aware of the detestation, in which his subjects
held him, and of their readiness to welcome any deliverer, he
was afraid lest the rebel in Cyprus should be encouraged by the
popular discontent to make the attempt he so much dreaded.
But that catastrophe was destined to be accomplished by Isaac
(II.) Angelos, who in a.d. 1185 put an end at the same time to
his life and blood-stained reign.
Isaac allies Komnenos feeling insecure in his new position, and conscious
sicuiamII'of ^na* *^e Empire would never tamely endure the loss of Cyprus,
piniay The strengthened himself by an alliance with the Norman king of
GjZEmpir*es, Sicily, William IL, whose sister he married. The recovery ofthe
sec. i,'p. 29i.' island, which Andronikos was unable to effect, was attempted by
ti'ypr'us'by'the his successor, Isaac IL, in a.d. 1186. Finding that Komnenos
TSefrndefta't was not to be cajoled into surrender, he despatched a fleet of
choniates. seventy galleys with a numerous army, under the joint command
of John Kontostephanos 2 and Alexios Komnenos,5 to reduce him
by force. But the undertaking ended most disastrously for the
imperial arms. The Sicilian admiral, Magaritone,4 who was re
turning from Tyre after a successful defence of that town against
Saladin, suddenly attacked the invaders' fleet, and captured most
1 "fiv ydp vipopttipevos del Tb IwTa ws t^/i/ avrov irapaXvcov dpxTJv.
Eeinhard 2 The family of Kontostephanos was related by marriage with the imperial
sec^'p. 103', house of Komnenos, John's father, Stephen, having married the sister of the
notes b, c, d. Emperor Manuel I. Komnenos, by whom he had three sons. The eldest, Alexios,
assisted Stephen IV. to the throne of Hungary. The second, Andronikos, was
one ofthe greatest warriors of his age, while John, the youngest, received the
title of Sebastos.
3 This Alexios was the son of Andronikos Komnenos, brother of Manuel I.
who had borne the title of Sebastokrator and died in 1142. The tyrant Andronikos
had put out his eyes and caused him to be shut up in a monastery. The Emperor
Alexios withdrew him from this retreat and sent him as joint commander of the
expedition against the rebel Isaac.
4 Margaritone was a Spaniard by birth, though in the Sicilian service. He
was regarded as one of the greatest seamen of his time. He was on his way
back to Sicily, after compelling Saladin to raise the siege of Tyre, when he came
so opportunely to the assistance of Isaac. He, as well as the tyrant, was related
by marriage to the royal house of the Two Sicilies, having married a daughter
of William I. Choniates describes him as " o twv rire KaTa BdXarrav ireipaTwv
( ! ) KpdriffTOS, o Meyapeirys KaXoiipevos ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 57
of their vessels. ¦ The land forces, which had disembarked near
Amathus, also met with total defeat. The two Byzantine com
manders, with many of their galleys, were carried off to Palermo
by the victorious Sicilians, while of the remaining prisoners some
were enrolled in the Cypriot army and others were put to death.
As an instance of Komnenos1 inhumanity it is recorded that he
deprived Basil Rentakenos, his former instructor in oratory and
the science of war, who took part in the expedition, of a leg,
which was severed at the knee with an axe (ireXiicei, e'« tov
yovaro<} ffdrepov r&v irohdv i/cre/Mov).
Being no longer apprehensive for his safety Komnenos now Isaac's
gave free play to his cruelty. Of all the scourges Cyprus has tyranny S>.
ever known he proved himself the worst. Vinisauf among cypriots.
Western chroniclers has declared him to be "the most wicked of Sd?1'!*'?***.
all bad men, and surpassing Judas in treachery and Guenelon in
treason,"1 while Niketas Choniates among the Orientals has choniates
furnished us with a most graphic personal description of this coi. 732).
amiable tyrant. He says that he was the most irritable of men
and when angry emitted strange noises resembling the bubbling
of a kettle, his lower jaw trembling all the while with excitement.
The same historian has also drawn the following terrible picture
of his treatment of the unfortunate Cypriots. " Revealing the
savageness of his disposition he behaved inhumanly to the
inhabitants, and as much exceeded Andronikos in the harshness
and cruelty of his character, as Andronikos surpassed in his wrath
the most notorious tyrants, who ever existed. As soon as he
thought himself securely seated in power, he ceased not to act
with the most unbounded ferocity towards the Cypriots. He was
hourly stained with the murder of innocent persons, and became
a slayer of men, inflicting upon them, like an instrument of fate,
penalties and punishments, which resulted in death. The shame
less and abandoned wretch passed his time, moreover, in adultery
and the seduction of young girls. Families once in affluent cir
cumstances he deprived for no fault of their property, and natives,
who but a short time before were noted for their wealth, when
he did not put them to death, he dismissed naked and starving
to beg their bread." We learn further from the letter of his
contemporary, Neophytos, the recluse of Enklistra, that for seven Neophytos,
years the island groaned under his tyranny. During that period cypri.
1 Hie omnium malorum nequissimus, Judam exsuperans perfidia, Guenelonem
proditione. 'OpyiXwraros 5' wv dvBpdnrwv Kal KaTa XeByTa KaxXd£wv del to? 8vp$, irapd-
(popd re tp6eyy6pevos 4v Tip x°Xqv KaX rijv k£tw y4vvv Tpopax4av SeiKvvs.

58 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
he reduced the Cypriots to such despair by his coiifiscationsof/
the property of the well-to-do and his daily acts of oppression,
that all were ready to welcome any means, which promised, an
escape from his intolerable yoke. The deliverance so earnestly:
desired came at last and from a most unexpected quarter. The
events, which led to it, will, however, be told in the next chapter.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 59

CHAPTER II.
EUROPE was at this time in the throes of the third of those The Third
great movements, which had for their ostensible object rajade'
the recovery of Palestine from the infidel. The news
of the disastrous battle of Hittin and the capture of the Holy
City filled all Christendom with consternation. Among those,
who assumed the cross in defence of the faith, were Richard ofchromquede
England and Philip Augustus of France.1 The two Kings, after i^i^u'
joining forces at Messina in 1190, set out in the spring of thepps™iSr01*'
following year for their destination. A terrible storm overtook uK*1?: 9.
the English fleet on its way. Some of the ships were stranded S°^- d<! a
on the coast of Cyprus and such ofthe crews, as escaped to land, Ub- xxi"- °- 6-
were by Isaac's orders taken prisoners and their property seized. English Beet
i~\ i?j.i i iiiii i, ii- wrecked on
Une 01 the vessels reached the harbour of Amathus, having on j*^"*- °f
board Richard^ sister, Johanna, the Queen Dowager of Sicily, uaac's treat.
and his affianced bride, Berengaria of Navarre. The tyrant, being savors. 6
informed of their presence, tried to get the two princesses into iSa"^
his power. But they, mistrusting the sincerity of his friendly aanced wue*
advances, refused to land at his invitation. The tyrant, there- $$£¦ de s-
upon, sending four armed galleys attempted by force what he "!\"k "^7* 1
could not effect by artifice. Richard himself, who had mean-"^^-'
while succeeded in reuniting most of his scattered fleet, appeared vl£&li°f
before that port on 6th May. Hearing of the outrages, which""
had been inflicted upon his shipwrecked subjects, and the insult oy"^

1191, sec. 60.
Richard

May, 1191.

1 En ce dit an l'an de M.C.XC. de Crist, le roy Phelippe de France & le roy
Richart d'Engleterre passerent en Acre et asegerent Acre : & ses ij. rois ne
passerent mye ensemble, car le roy de France passa y de poy de tens avant dou
roy d'Engleterre, & le roy d'Engleterre en son venir espouza la fille dou roy
de Cezille, & laissa le roy d'Engleterre sa mere en Sezille, quy li mena sa feme
a Acre. Et sestuy roy Richart avoit proumis au roy Phelippe de France d'es-
pouzer sa seur, & li failly ; & prist seste fille dou roy de Sezille, & ja soit se
que le roy de France l'eut a grief, il ne li en fist nul senblant, ains il meymes le
roy de Fiance son cors entra en mer & se moullia, & prist la dame espouzee en
ses bras & la mist de la barche en terre, & fu dit que a paser que seste dame fist
par Chipre & la mere dou roy d'Engleterre, & furent j. jour devant Limesson,
une ville de Chipre, que Qirsaquy tenoit ; si se mist en say de prendre la dame,
& si ne post, car il partirent selle nuit, & por ceste achaisson le roy Richart
d'Engleterre ala en Chipre & la prist.

60 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Demands offered to his relatives, he instantly demanded satisfaction, as
wwchji m well as the liberation of his people and the restitution of their
property.1 Isaac, who had assembled all his forces to repel the
vinisauf, new-comers, answered the demand with threats. Richard lm-
contin'.de'o. mediately determined on more active measures. There were
Siv^.1?' other reasons why the English King was not reluctant to have
vinisauf, recourse to arms. Since the island had passed into Isaac's hands
"" it had ceased to be of the same value, as formerly, to the Latin
Kingdom of Jerusalem, while the tyrant was said to be a friend of
Saladin. It was even reported that they had drunk each other's
blood as a sign and testimony of mutual treaty.2 Dashing into
Defeats the the sea at the head of his troops Cceur-de-Lion at once im-
t'orl'l'mlSns. petuously attacked the forces drawn up to oppose his landing.
But the Cypriot levies were no match for Western valour. After
sustaining a heavy loss in killed and wounded they fled pre-
vmisauf, cipitately from the field, bearing their Emperor with them. En-
Brompton, couraged by the small numbers of his assailants, the fugitive
fTwysuMi). rallied his shattered forces a few miles from the scene of com
bat, with the intention of again trying the fortune of battle.
second defeat But, being suddenly attacked by the invaders, he sustained a
second and more crushing defeat, which compelled him to retire
vinisauf into the mountains.3 A conference between the two sovereigns
Ub. ii., c'. 36.
chron. Slav., 'Arnold of Lubec erroneously attributes Richard's attack upon Cyprus to
lib. Ui., c 37. Isaac's alleged apostasy from Christianity. " Invaluerat rex (Isaac) terrae illius
divitiis et in superbiam elatus recessit a Constantinopolito, similiter et a fide
catholica. Hujus rei gratia eum Anglicus impetebat."
Bartholomew Salignac, who visited the island in 1552, tells the following
delightful story, which well illustrates the way history is occasionally per
verted : " Regis Angliae quondam filia sanctorum locorum fruens amore
Hierosolymam profecta est honesto sodalitio. Quae cum Cyprum ingressa esset
et Cypri regem salvi conductus gratia salutaret, voti quidem compos evasit, et
a rege humaniter fuit recepta. Caeterum inter comedendum et colloquendum
(ut fieii solet) impudicus rex speciosissimse reginse flagrans concupiscentia, et
hospitalis juris oblitus, vi earn oppressit. Quae probe dissimulata interim
injuria, et peracta peregrinatione in regnum suum rediens, defuncto jam patre
(i.e. Henry II.) fratri regnanti (Richard I.) turpe ludibrium exposuit, et de tanto
scelere vindictam postulavit. Rex nil moratus, instructa classe, navigavit Cyprum,
et fugato rege Cypri, regnum demolitus est."
Nicole le Huen has the following remarks upon the same subject : —
" La cause de ceste destruction fust par la seur du roy dangleterre qui sen alloit
par devotion en Jherusalem, le roy de Cypre la print et la viola, dont mal luy
print & a tout le pais qui la vint en secours, & destruit, tout mectant a feu & a.
sang." 2 Saladino dicebatur familiaris et mutuum singuli hausisse cruorem in signum
et testimonium initae invicem confcederationis, tanquam ex commixtione san
guinis exterius revera fierent consanguinei.
3 The standard of Isaac, which was captured on this occasion, was deposited

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 61
was now proposed by the Master of the Hospitallers. At a Terms of
meeting held " in a very large plain, between the sea and the peace
highway, close by the city of Limozim,11 Isaac agreed to the
following terms.
(1) To recognise the King of England as his suzerain.
(2) To send 500 knights to the Holy Land to take part in
the Crusade.
(3) To place all his fortresses in Richard's hands as a pledge
of his fidelity.
(4) To pay 3500 marks in satisfaction to those of the English,
who had lost their money, or had it stolen.
Richard on his part undertook at the close of the expedition
to restore the island to its former owner, if his conduct in the
coming campaign should prove satisfactory.
But the peace, which had been concluded, was of short duration. Isaac's
Isaac, being falsely informed that Richard meant that night to vinisauf,
seize him, fled away in the darkness to Famagusta. Thither ^^'J"*
Cceur-de-Lion followed in hot pursuit, but finding that his SSmJTc* .ei!*'
enemy had left that city, marched with his forces to Nikosia,
the capital. On the way a third and decisive engagement was Third and
^ o O final defeat
fought, when the emperor, narrowly escaping capture, fled with ofisaac.
all speed to his stronghold of Kantara. The conqueror con
tinued his march without further opposition, the inhabitants of surrender of
Nikosia on his approach coming out in a body to congratulate
and admit him within their walls. Receiving them amicably
the king caused their beards to be shaved, in token of their
change of allegiance, and exacted homage from the nobles, who,
like the rest of their compatriots, seemed to throw off* the tyrant's
yoke with ioy. One by one the fortresses fell into his hands, conquest of
until within fifteen days he had become master of the entire |™ece'^ f
island. On the capture of Kyrenia, where he had placed for JJf"^' M
safety his daughter and treasures, Isaac resolved to throw him- ^ff^ „
self upon the generosity of his conqueror, stipulating only that surrender of
he should not be put in iron chains. Richard delivered up his Hii°subse.
captive to Guy de Lusignan for safe custody and, to fulfil his ||a|auf°'
promise, loaded him with silver instead of iron fetters. His sub- Jjontii *« a.
sequent fate is a matter of some uncertainty. He is reported to JiS.'SiT'of-zi-
have been carried by Richard to Acre, and there handed over to JJjV jg^jeu
des Hist, des
Crolsades,
by Richard in St. Edmund's Abbey, Suffolk, formerly known as Bedericsworthe m™hh)).' pp'
or Edmundestow. " Sir James Burrough's Collections say that in ngi Richard gave to the and*Dugdaie
Church of St. Edmund the Standard ofisaac, King of Cyprus" (MS. Col., vol. Monast
iv ° Anglic, vol
xiv., p. ag). u.,pp. 104,165.

62

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

the Hospitallers, who confined him in their castle at Margab until
Amow Lnbec, his death.1 Another account represents him as having regained
Brom ton"'' ^ls UDerty, when he was ultimately poisoned by his cup-bearer at
Hovede*n the instigation of the Emperor Alexios Angelos, against whom
cioniate's, De he was plotting. Though Isaac himself now finally disappears
AngSipJ., fr°m history, another member of his family comes yet again
(So:; &m. before our notice in connection with the island story. His
After-care?'1* daughter, who had been entrusted by Richard to the care of his
daughter. queen, Berengaria, is said to have been restored to freedom on
(saw]e*rp.732. the demand of her kinsman, the German Emperor, who made
Coggeshale, .. „ ., ,... i-i.i -r-i i> i tt-- i • l /»
ann. 1193
(Martene,Ampi. Coll.,

tom. v., col.
833).Contin. de G.
de Tyr, Ub.
xxiv., c. 38
(P. L., ccl.,
p. 967).
Claims the
throne of
Cyprusthrough her
husband. Sanutus,
Secret. Fid.
Crnc, Ub. iU.
pars si., c. 1.

Richard garri- fV.r
sons Cyprus xwl
and departs to
Palestine.
Vinisauf,
Ub. ii.. c. 41.
Brompton,

B. of Peterb.,
p. 661.
Brompton,
col. 1200.
Hoveden, p.
692 (Savile).
B. Peterb.,
tom. ii., p. 660
(Twisden and
Selden,
Script.Anglic).
Choniat, De
Alex. Isaac
AngeU, Ub. i.

it one of the conditions, on which the English King himself re
gained his liberty. She became the wife of Raymond (VI.) de
Saint-Gilles, Count of Toulouse, who subsequently divorced
her. When the fleet bearing the Flemish contingent of the
Fourth Crusade entered Marseilles towards the end of lSOS,
the Cypriot princess was living in that town. One of the
knights, a relative of Baudouin, Count of Flanders, marrying
her there resolved to demand the restitution of the island in
her name. Being promised the support of his compatriots he
was bold enough to appear before Amaury with his request.
The king, though he affected to treat the matter as a jest,
ordered the claimant to leave his dominions at once under pain
of death.
The Cypriots had, it is true, by the late events been delivered
from a tyrant of their own race and faith, but they were soon
made aware that they had only exchanged one kind of servitude
another. Recognising the value of his conquest Richard
was by no means inclined to relinquish the rich prize, which had
fallen so easily into his grasp. After collecting a considerable
quantity of booty he crossed over with his forces to Acre, leav
ing garrisons in various parts of the island, with two representa-
1 Accounts vary considerably as to Isaac's subsequent fate. Vinisauf and
one continuator of Guillaume de Tyr report that Richard, at Isaac's singular
request, placed him in fetters of silver instead of iron. The former further
states that the King gave him in charge to Guy de Lusignan, while the latter
says he carried him off to Acre. According to other authorities he was com
mitted to the care of Richard's Chamberlain. Neophytos distinctly asserts that
Isaac was placed by the English King in iron fetters and imprisoned in the
castle of Markappos (Margab) near Latakia in Syria, then the head-quarters of
the Hospitallers. Other chroniclers also represent Isaac as having been first
placed in iron fetters, which were afterwards at his entreaty changed to silver
ones. Choniates, another contemporary Greek writer, merely states that Isaac
was placed in fetters, without specifying the metal, of which they were made.
According to him Richard deported the usurper from Cyprus and gave him as a
slave to one of his compatriots in Palestine.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 63
tives, Richard de Canville and Robert de Turnham, to administer
the government.1
This was not the first occasion, upon which unfortunate Cyprus invasion of
had felt the might of a Western conqueror. In the year 1155**™^**^
.... ° .. - . ^ , J ChatlUon,
lt had been cruelly ravaged by a Jbrench adventurer, Renaud AD- U55-
de Chatillon, chief of the Latin principality of Antioch.2 The ubilivuT.',
cause of the misfortune was as follows. During the reign of ^nnamog
Manuel I. an Armenian chieftain named Thoros, taking advan- {JJ"-,£ -^j'
tage of the weakness of the Empire and his own remoteness ^i''r ml
from the seat of power, made an incursion into Cilicia, inflicting
grievous losses upon the inhabitants. Unable to oppose him
in any other way Manuel applied to the Prince of Antioch,
offering him a large sum of money if he would expel the invader
from the imperial territory. Renaud responded readily to the
appeal and, inflicting a severe defeat upon the Armenian, freed
the province from his presence. But the payment of the reward
was so long delayed that he at last lost patience and, fancying
he had been deceived, resolved upon revenge. Selecting Cyprus
as the object of his resentment he made a sudden descent upon
1 Accounts are equally divergent as to the manner in which Richard disposed (a) vinisauf,
of his new conquest. According to (a) Vinisauf he sold it to the Templars, though (b*'conti'n37a.
the price is not mentioned, (b) One of the continuators of Guillaume de Tyr dt.Tyr' "J*'
represents Cceur-de-Lion as wishing to bestow it as a gift upon the Knights, who (Migne,Pat.
refused to accept it, though they promised to be responsible for its safe custody. cJ0'f'$42)m'oci''
(c) Other continuators of the same historian state that the island was sold by (c) Hist, de
Richard to the Order for 100,000 Saracen besants, 40,000 of which were to be S!",3?. "iTui.,
paid immediately, . while the balance was to be raised from the local revenues, ft.5!?-
The price paid has been variously stated also as (d) 35,000 silver marks and Ann. 1191 (Du
(e) 100,000 gold ducats.* (/) Neophytos, the Cypriot chronicler, puts the^™^^^
amount at 200,000 pounds of gold.t On the other hand (g) Choniates asserts v.).
that the English king retained it in his own possession.! pp. 6^0328.r*"'
The (h) " Gestes des Chiprois " § declare that Guy bought the island from [£>tD| 'catamt-
the Templars, who had purchased it from Richard, while (i) Sanutus || says that <g) be i^aac
they were merely its custodians. u^^'s'ip.'g.,
2 Renaud de Chatillon sur Loire, Seigneur de Gien sur Loire, was the second j£^x'' coL
husband of Constance, widow of Raymond de Poitiers, Prince of Antioch. He (h) chronlque
was captured at the battle of Hittin (a.d. 1187) by Saladin, who beheaded him saintMLes
with his own hand. chiprois1,68
* 'O iroTos (6 {rl\yas rys 'EKAe-re'pas) iirovXyaiv ryv (t^v Kvirpov) toB pe OvyyKe (1 ) Rj g4^1IltlUj
tov pyybs twv \epovffoXvpwv old p' xiAioiSes SovKdra xpoad, k.t.X. lib. iii., pars
t Siairpdaas ti)v x&Pav Aarivots xpoo'tov xiXtdSav Xnpwv SiaKocriav. 198.
J Ka! airbs pev els HaXaio'Tlvyv kaTeirXevaev, iv Se Ty Kinrptp KaTaXeityas arpd-
revpa ws o'lKeias %Sy ttjs vr)(rov avreiroieiTO, k.t.A.
§ " En se dit an (M.C.XCII.) acheta le roy Guy de Lezegniau, quy estoit roy
de Jerusalem, Chipre des Templiers qui 1'avient achetee dou roy Richart."
|| Dismissaque insula sub Templariorum custodia.

64 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
it. But the islanders, being forewarned, were prepared for resist
ance. In the only battle which took place, the Cypriots were
so completely defeated that no further opposition was attempted.
Renaud, being now in undisputed supremacy, committed horrible
pfouikes, _ atrocities upon the unfortunate inhabitants. " Going through
DWsioensd™sthe whole island where he would, he overthrew cities, destroyed
pp. lii-m" towns, broke open convents, male and female, wantonly ; expos
ing to insult the holy women and tender virgins. So for some
days they raged about the entire country, without finding any
Abui. Pharag., to oppose them, sparing neither age nor sex, and subjecting all
syria'c.iBruns alike to the same treatment. At length, having got together
tm!*' their spoil from all quarters, infinite both in kind and quantity,
they betook themselves to the coast : and having got their ships
together, crossed over to Antiochian territory.11 1
Far-reaching The conquest of Cyprus by Richard had, however, a much
conquest of " more important result than its conquest by Renaud. Its con-
Eichard. sequences were more far reaching. It meant more than a mere
Imil'T^tt]' addition of territory to the already extensive dominions of the
p. ss'.' sec' 2' English king. As a modern historian has well remarked it was
an event, which affected the whole future relations of the East
and West with one another. "The subjection of the Greeks to
the Franks was commenced by an English King. Richard Cceur-
de-Lion by conquering Cyprus and subjecting its inhabitants to
the domination of the Latin Christians, struck the first serious
blow at the national independence of the Hellenic race on the
part of the Crusaders.11 That the lesson was well laid to heart
we must admit, when we remember that less than fifteen years
afterwards men of the same race captured the Queen of Cities
herself, and parcelled out the dominions of the eastern Emperor
into feudal fiefs.
Eevoit of the The Cypriots had looked on with apparent unconcern at the
late events, thinking no doubt that the strangers would soon
depart and leave them in the enjoyment of their ancient free
dom. But, when they saw their hopes so rudely dispelled and
perceived that they had merely passed under the yoke of a foreign
Brompton, King, they resolved to strike a blow for their independence. The
col. 1203. ° J r
'Anno Grascorum 1468 (a.d. 1157) Princeps, Antiochise dominus, insulam
Cyprum, Graacorum impeiio subjectam, invasit totamque diripuit, homines,
oves, boves, equos et omnes divitias abduxit ; Cyprii cum ad maris littora venis-
sent, multo auro pro se gregibusque suis promisso, a Francis dimissi sunt, qui
tamen cum aliis divitiis episcopum, abbates et populi magistratus Antiochiam
secum obsides abduxerunt, donee aurum persolutum esset.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 65
dwellers in the mountainous districts of the south-west were the
first to raise the standard of revolt. Proclaiming as emperor a
monk, who was said to be a relative of the deposed Isaac, they
proceeded to levy war against their new masters. /The movement
had not escaped the vigilant eye of Richard's lieutenant, Robert
de Turnham. Making a sudden attack upon the insurgents
before their plans were matured, he captured the mock sovereign
and hanged him.1 The news of the insurrection reaching Cceur-
de-Lion in Palestine caused him to regard his new possession in
a less favourable light. He now recognised that it lay too far
from his European dominions to be of any permanent value,
while he could ill spare the troops from Syria necessary to ensure
its safe keeping. These considerations led him soon afterwards to Richard seiis
sell the island to the Templars for the sum of 100,000 besants. Te^piam
Severe though the rule of the English King might have been, Harshness of
it was mildness itself when compared with that of the Knights. towardsgthe
Their sway had always been marked by great cruelty towards rpr ° **
their subject populations, and their conduct now in Cyprus was
no exception to the rule. Their arrogance, coupled with their
exactions, soon alienated the goodwill of the natives. At length, The natives
goaded to desperation by the harsh treatment which they had cln^deo'.
• ¦ de Tw lib
received, and encouraged by the fewness of their tyrants, the xxiv., i. 13.
Greeks resolved to avenge themselves by a general massacre, ^m"u' p' K
which was fixed for Easter Day, 1192. The Knights, apprised of Ei,*0™'1'™,;,.
the plot, yet unable from their lack of numbers to meet the
insurgents in the field, shut themselves up in their castle at ™e|?.e»n=e°
Nikosia, where they were soon besieged by a crowd of infuriated Nicosia.
enemies.2 Their offer to retire to Syria, if their lives were spared,
being contemptuously rejected, they resolved to meet death sword
in hand rather than perish slowly by famine. Accordingly, after
passing the previous night in confessing and receiving the Com
munion, they sallied out one morning at daybreak and, taking
their foes unawares, cut them to pieces. The Knights bent on Defeat and
slaughter ran about the streets killing all whom they met, ir- thebesiegers.
respective of age and sex. In their fury they even pursued the
wretched fugitives into the churches, whither they had gone for
1 Quo defuncto (i.e., R. de Camville) Griffones et Herminii, qui in Cipro ad
pacem regis nondum venerant, novum imperatorem quemdam monachum con-
sanguineum Isaac imperatoris sibi constituerun't, sed Robertus de Thornham qui
solus in Cipro Regis Justiciarius remansit, ilium cum gente sua vincens cepit
et in patibulo suspensit.
2 Amadi gives the exact number of the garrison of Nikosia as follows : — Amadi, p. si
" Quelli ehe vi entrono nel castello (di Nicosia) erano quatordise cavaglieri,
settanta quatro pedoni, et altri vinti nove a cavallo."
5

p. 514.
W. Neubrig,3
Ub. 111., c. 16.
His career in

66 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
sanctuary, and sprinkled the altars with their blood. The Order
saw that it would now be impossible to hold Cyprus any longer.
They had been in possession for nearly twelve months, during
which period they had rendered themselves thoroughly detested.
The order They resolved, therefore, to get rid of their troublesome purchase,
island to and requested Richard to receive it back at their hands. This
Richard. T. i-iill-l
he agreed to do, restoring to them the sum which they had paid
for it.
From the Templars the island passed into the possession of a
dynasty, which was destined to exercise a more permanent in-
originofthe fluence over its fortunes. Guy de Lusignan, its new mastei-, a
fa*nufy""n younger son of Hugues VIII. Count de la Marche, was the scion
Fa'nSi'S6' of a family, whose founder, Hugues I., had held the office of im-
doutremer, perja]^ chief huntsman in the tenth century.1 He was one of
Eariy five brothers, two others of whom, Geoffroy and Amaury, also left
de Lusignan. their paternal home for a life of adventure in the Holy Land.
"am%$ Banished from Poictou in 1168 for the murder of Patrick, Earl
of Salisbury, he came to Palestine, where he entered the service
of Baudouin IV. the Leper, the seventh Latin sovereign of Jeru-
p*aiesTto" *"* salem. What his own relatives thought of him can be well in
ferred from the remark of his brother Geoffroy on hearing of his
1 The reigning family of Cyprus derived its name from the Castle of Lusignan
in Poictou, said to have been built in the tenth century by its then bead, Hugues
II., and to have existed till the year 1574, when it was demolished by the Duke
de Montpensier during the religious troubles of that period. The Lusignans be
came vassals of the English crown on that province coming into possession of
Henry II. by his marriage in 1152 with Eleanor, heiress of the last Duke of
Aquitaine. It was wrested for a while from the English sovereigns by Philip
Augustus, restored at the Peace of Bretigny in 1360, and united finally to the
Fiench ciown by Chailes V. The elder branch of this family became extinct in
1303 by the death of its then representative, Hugues XIII.
Hugues VIII., the father of Guy, had four other sons, viz : —
i. Hugues IX., who succeeded him.
ii. Geoffroy, surnamed a la grande dent, who, after distinguishing himself at
the siege of Acre and being appointed Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, returned to
France in ng2.
iii. Amaury, the first Latin King of Cyprus, who had previously been Constable
of Jerusalem and also Count of Jaffa.
iv. Raymond, who became a monk.
2 Eodem anno Gwido de Leszennam interfecit Patricium Comitem Sales-
biriensem ledeuntem in peiegrinatione a Sancto Jacobo. Unde Henricus rex
Anglise plurimum iratus expulit eum de Pictavia. Qui accepta cruce peregre
profectus est Jerosolymam et ibi remansit in obsequio Baldewini leprosi regis
Jerusalem, et propter probitatem illius a rege et principibus regni plurimum
dilectus est et honoratus.
3 Nam tempore fratris Regis voto proprio secundas contraxerat nuptias cum
homine peregrino, Guidone scilicet quodam Pictaviensi, qui a facie regis Anglorum
Henrici Secundi de Aquitania fugerat, et Regi Jerosolymorum egregie mili-
tabat.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 67
elevation to the throne. " Since they have made him a king, Bernard! The-
surely they would have made me a god. ' 1 He owed his advance- Acqufsitione
ment entirely to a fortunate marriage with Sibylle, elder sister W.f™-toi£f
of Baudouin. Her first husband had been Guillaume Longue- Guii! Tyr, ub.
fipee, son of the Marquis of Montferrat, created on his marriage *"*'" "' 13'
Count of Jaffa and Ascalon. On his death, leaving an only son,
Baudouin IV., whose disease daily more unfitted him for the
cares of government, as a protection against two of his most am
bitious vassals,2 married her to Guy, whose only recommendation guu. Tyr, ub.
was a handsome person. Lusignan, after being in turn created
Count of Jaffa and Ascalon, was appointed regent of the king
dom. The feelings of Baudouin towards his new brother-in-law
seem soon afterwards, however, to have undergone a complete
change. Guy was deprived of the regency and, to remove all
chance of his ever succeeding to the throne, the King caused his
nephew, Guillaume1s son, a child of five years of age, also called
Baudouin, to be crowned and homage paid to him.3 Civil war
seemed now on the point of breaking out between the disputants,
when the death of Baudouin IV. averted the danger. After acontin. dec
de Tyr lib
reign of eight months Baudouin V. followed his uncle to the*xii..cc.7,8,9.
tomb, when the crown fell to Sibylle as the next heir. With
the assistance of the two Military Orders she procured the coro- Guy is
nation of her husband and herself by the patriarch Heraclius. Sng'of
The accession of Guy to the throne caused the greatest dissatis- erm"lem'
faction among the already discontented nobles. But a great
and pressing danger from without turned the thoughts of all
for a while from internal dissensions.
1 De hoc Guidone fertur fratrem ejus Gaufridum, quum audivisset eum coro-
natum in Regem, dixisse, quod ejus agnoscebat ignaviam, " Si Rex est, merito
futurus est Deus "-
2 Boemond III. surnamed Le Begue, or Le Banbe, Prince of Antioch, the
eldest son of Raymond de Poictiers and Constance, daughter of Boemond II.
Prince of Antioch.
Raymond III., Le Jeune, the son of Raymond II. Count of Tripoli and
Odiarte, daughter of Baudouin II. King of Jerusalem.
3 38. A.M.C.LXXXI. le roy Bauduyn, mezel, si fist en sa vie encoroner a(u)
roy de Jerusalem j. enfant, son nevou quy avoit a nom Bauduinet, quy n'en
estoit que de vij. ans d'aage, le quel dit enfant fu fis de marquis Guillaume
Longue Espee & de Sebille, seur dou dit Bauduyn, le roy meziau, la quele chronique de
Sebille estoit au jor espouze d'un haut home de France, qui avoit nom Guy de jx™ Gestos*1*
Lezigniau, & avoit le roy Bauduyn, mezeau, done a suer Sebille & au dit son des chlprois,
mary la contee de Jaffe, mais sestu franc home Guy de Lezegniau estoit si tres *'
orgueillous que le roy & tous les barons dou royaume se tenoient mal apaie de xxii!, 0^25.
luy, & le haoient mout, & por ee en sa vie fist il encorouner BanAiiri son nevou Gull. Tyr, lib.
a(u) roy de Jerusalem ; & por ce que l'enfant fust bien veil de la^k^, messire XJcU-' c- 29,
Balian d'Eyblin, quy estoit le plus grant chevalier, de persone le^^Pta sur sa Gnu. Tyri ub_
espaule le jor de son corounement. xxiii., c. 1.

68

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Increasingpower of
Saladin.

Defeats the
Latins at
Hittin and
captures Guy,
whom he
shortly
releases. Contin. de G.
de Tyr, lib.
xxiii., cc. 12,
13, 18, 36.
Vinisauf,Ub. i„ c. 26.
Terms of
Guy's free
dom, which he
breaks. Vinisauf, ut
supra.

Conrad of
Montferratdisputes the
throne of
Jerusalem with Guy.
Vinisauf,
Ub. i., c. 64.

Dispute
referred to
Kings of
England and
France.

Choniates, De
Isaac Angelo,
Ub. 1., c. 7. ;
Ub. ii„ c. 1.
Contin. de G.
de Tyr., Ub.
xxii., cc. 3, 7;
xxiii., cc. 17,
18, 29, 30, 31.

While the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem was declining in
power, Egypt, under the guidance of its able Sultan, Saladin,1
had been increasing in strength. In an ill-advised moment the
Christians now broke the truce, which alone had preserved them
from destruction, and commenced hostilities. They soon had
reason to repent their temerity. Saladin at once accepted the
challenge, and pouring his troops into Palestine gained a crush
ing victory at Hittin, near the Lake of Tiberias, in which Guy
was taken prisoner, while the flower of his chivalry was either
captured or left dead upon the field. After an imprisonment of
one year at Damascus he was set at liberty, on the promise that
he would renounce all rights to the kingdom of Jerusalem, never
again bear arms against his captor, and retire from the Holy Land.
But Guy, who could not reconcile himself to the loss of his do
minions, instead of observing the compact persuaded his clergy
to absolve him from his oath, on the double plea that it had been
given under compulsion and that Saladin also had broken the
compact. While he was engaged in the siege of Acre, his wife
Sibylle and the children, whom she had borne him, died. The
opposition to his rule became in consequence greater than ever.
A competitor to the throne now appeared in the person of one of
the most romantic characters of the age. Conrad of Montferrat,2
taking advantage of Lusignan's unpopularity, claimed it in right
of his wife Isabelle, younger sister of Baudouin IV. As Guy re
fused to acknowledge the justice of the claim, it was decided to
refer the dispute for arbitration to the Kings of England and
1 Yusef was his real name, Sala\h-ed-Din being merely an epithet meaning
" honoui of the faith ".
2 Conrad came of a family which played a conspicuous part in the history
ofthe period. He was the youngest of four sons of Guillaume III., Marquis
of Montferrat. The eldest, Boniface, was created King of Thessaly by Baudouin,
Count of Flanders, after the capture of Constantinople. The second, Guillaume,
surnamed Longue-Epee, was the fiist husband of Sibylle, elder sister of Bau
douin IV., King of Jerusalem. The third, Reinier, who married a daughter of
the Emperor Manuel Komnenos, died in Palestine a few years previous to the
capture of the Holy City by the Saracens. Conrad first distinguished himself
in Italy in the disputes between the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and Pope
Alexander III. When subsequently journeying to the East he had been driven
by stress of weather to Constantinople, where he assisted in placing Isaac (II.)
Angelos upon the imperial throne in opposition to a rebel general named Branas.
For his conspicuous services he was created a Caesar and given the emperor's
sister, Theodora, in marriage. But, growing weary of a life of splendid inac
tivity at the imperial court, he secretly left Constantinople and his Greek wife
and, proceeding with some troops to Tyre, undertook its defence against Saladin
on condition that the town should become his if he succeeded. By virtue of
his marriage with Isabelle, younger sister of Baudouin IV., he claimed the king
dom of Jerusalem on the death of Sibylle and her children.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 69
France. Philip Augustus showing himself, however, a warm par
tisan of Conrad, Guy appealed for assistance to Richard, then
engaged in the conquest of Cyprus, coming to the island to urge
his suit. The English King lent a ready ear to his petition and Richard
promised to champion his cause. Through his powerful influ- Guy-
ence an agreement was come to on the following terms. Guy or theSspute.
was to retain the crown for life, with reversion to Conrad and his Jbi'ui^c. 20 ;
children by Isabelle, Conrad meanwhile to have half the revenues ub' T" "' 23'
of the kingdom, with the addition of Tyre, Sidon, and Beyrout. Murder ot
It was further stipulated that, in the event of the marquis and Typ
his wife dying, while Richard was in Palestine, the kingdom d°*ryr; ubG'
was to be placed absolutely at the latter's disposal. This ar- VtoTsaui,15
rangement was soon disregarded by the Crusaders themselves, "J"- T" c' **•
l i l p-n-ii-n ii Choniates, De
who, on the rumoured return 01 Richard to Europe, resolved togaaiciA£gieL'
elect the marquis as King. But death removed Conrad from the co'^feo^"*"*"**"
scene before he could be invested with the royal dignity. On Richard
** ^ •* S11SD6Ct6d of
the very day on which he received the news of his elevation to66™**1" ,.
iii . i • p 1 author of the
the throne, he was waylaid m a narrow street of Tyre by two deBd-
emissaries of the Sheik of the Mountain, as he was returning from m,. v, c' 27.
supping with the Bishop of Beauvais, and slain. The murder was T™fut e' de
really prompted by revenge for an act of pillage committed by
Conrad in the harbour of that town upon a trading vessel be
longing to the tribe. But the French insinuated that the deedf^p'S^
was committed at the instigation of Cceur-de-Lion, who was0:*"1;, T .
© . ? Arnold, Lub.
known to have quarrelled deeply with the murdered man.1 And gj™?- s^v.
the suspicion was strengthened by the story of the two assassins Bohadin,
themselves, who on being put to the torture confessed that the schuitens',
King of England had sent them. Montferrat being thus out of
the way, the choice of the army next fell upon Henri, Count of JJ»j&°0,lntpagne, elected
King of
1 Though the name of the author has never been revealed, it is undeniable erusiL em'
that his contemporaries mainly suspected Richard of the crime from his com
promising behaviour in marrying Henri to the victim's widow only three days
after its commission. There is still extant a letter from the Sheik to Leopold Rymer, Act.
VI. Duke of Austria, generally, however, regarded as a forgery, in which the toml'i.fpf 71.''
writer exculpates Cceur-de-Lion from all participation in the murder. The w. Neubrig,
King of France is also reported to have questioned the Sheik as to Richard's ub- T-> °- 16-
alleged complicity, and to have received an answer in the negative. The Qn|°^ (Du
Moslems indeed cite, as a proof of his guilt, the confession ofthe assassins that Script.; torn.
they had been sent by the English King for the purpose, but against this may T" p' 3B''
fairly be set the statement of Vinisauf that one of them before his death acknow
ledged they had acted by the command of their superior. The same chronicler,
moreover, represents the whole affair in a very different light. According to vinisauf,
him the marriage was really suggested by the populace of Tyre and the French 28,'34,'36.' '
Crusaders, while Richard showed himself strongly averse to it. The Count of contin. G. de
Champagne's singular conduct in subsequently visiting the president of this Jg^u]!; 27
guild of murderers would rather seem to indicate him as the actual culprit.

T supra.Richard of
Devizes, ann.
' 1192, sec. 96.

70

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Vinisauf,
Ub.v.,cc.28,37.

Champagne, Richard's nephew, who with his uncle's consent
was duly elected King. The English monarch, pitying the con-
up™ ot^"™ dition of Guy, who was now a King without a kingdom, bestowed
upon him the unconditional sovereignty of Cyprus as a set-off
for the loss of Jerusalem.1

Measurestaken by Guy
to ensure the
stability of
his new
kingdom.Contin. de G.
de Tyr, Ub.
xxiv., c. 14.
Eist.de Chyp.,
tom. ii. p. 8 ;
tom. iii., p.
594.

W. Neubrig,
Ub. iv., c. 29.
Hemingford (GaleTU.,
p. 634).
Brompton(Selden, 1.,
col. 1250).

Choniates, De
Isaac Angelo,
lib. ii., c. 8
(P.G., cxxxix.,
col. 785).
Coggeshale(Martene,Amp. Coll.,
tom. v., coi.

Hove den (Sa
vile, p. 759).
Contin. G. de
Tyr, Ub.
xxiv., c. 13
(Pat. Lat.,
torn, cci.,
p. 947).
Amadi, p. 87.

Strambaldi,
p. 8.

JohannisIperii Chroni-
con Sti.
Bertini, pars
vi. (Martene
and Duran-
dus, Thes.
Nov. Anec-
dot. , tom. Ui.
col. 679).

The first care of Guy was to render his new acquisition secure.
Those of his followers, who had lost their estates in Palestine
during the recent troubles, were compensated by fresh grants in
Cyprus. Due provision was also made for the widows and
orphan daughters of those who had fallen by the hands of the
infidel. The public domain, largely increased of late years by
1 The terms, upon which the island was acquired by Guy, is another of the
vexed questions of Cypriot history. Vinisauf represents it as a free gift from
Richard in compensation for the loss of the kingdom of Jerusalem, which had
been bestowed upon his nephew, Henri of Champagne, a statement which agrees
with Choniates' account of the transaction,* while Hoveden asserts that Guy
was only a life owner. But other English chroniclers report that is was obtained
by purchase, and in this they are supported by the various continuators of
Guillaume de Tyr. Of these latter one represents that Guy, on hearing of its
surrender by the Templars, bought it on the advice of the Master of that Order.
Another states that he agreed with the Knights to repay them the 40,000 besants
they had already advanced and to make himself responsible for the 60,000 still
owing, and on these terms received possession from them. A third asserts that
Guy went to Richard in person and offered to purchase the island at the same
price as the Templars had agreed upon, and that Richard accepted the offer.
Guy, thereupon, consulted with his chancellor, Pierre d'Angouleme, Bishop of
Tripoli, as to the raising of the money, which it seems had to be found within
two months. But a discrepancy occurs here in the account. It is represented
that Pierre borrowed 60,000 besants of the required sum from the citizens of
Tripoli, which Guy paid over' to Richard, who then put him in possession ofthe
island. On Cceur-de-Lion afterwards demanding the 40,000 still outstanding
Guy so successfully pleaded his poverty that the English monarch cancelled
the debt. The truth of this latter statement is doubtful, as from other sources
we learn that Henri of Champagne, the nephew and heir of Richard, demanded
its payment from Amaury, the brother and successor of Guy, and imprisoned
him for a while in the castle of Acre on his refusal to satisfy the claim. One of
the island chroniclers reports that the purchase money was borrowed from the
Genoese, who in consequence received many privileges in the island.
Jean d'Ypres gives the following account of the circumstances, under which
the island came into possession of Guy de Lusignan : —
" Graeci Cyprenses contra Anglicos et illos qui insulam pro rege Anglorum
observabant, conspirantes animantur, sed auxiliante Deo Latinis victoria cessit.
Quo facto magister Templi resignat in manus regis Anglia; custodiam Cyprensis
insula;, quam sibi commiserat : ipsiusque Magistri consilio Wido de Luzinzano
quondam rex Jerusalem (terram nullam habebat), Cypii insulam a rege Anglia;
sibi donari poposcit, et rex sibi dedit, ipsumque in ea regem instituit anno
MCXCII. Tunc rex Guido omnes Terra; Sanctse milites suos hereditarios
secum trahens in Cyprum, eis dimisit terram possidendam. Ex hujus igitur
donationis titulo rex Anglia; super regem Cypri prasrogativa petiit."

* ws aiperepav iSwpr^iraTO x^Pav Thv Kvirpov rip twv 'lepoooXiipwv yyi\Topi fyyyi.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 71
the confiscations of Isaac, and the property of those natives
who had shown hostility to the Westerns, or voluntarily ex
patriated themselves rather than submit, were employed in
the establishment of a feudal society on the usual model. But,
though obliged in some degree to provide for the needs of his
own adherents, Guy was by no means disposed to alienate the
sympathies of his new subjects. He beheld with concern the
partial depopulation, which the island had recently suffered, and
did his best to remedy it. To induce those Cypriots, who had
emigrated, to return, he caused it to be proclaimed in the ad
jacent countries that their houses and estates would be restored
on condition of their doing so within a certain fixed period.
Failing compliance, however, it was announced that they would
be disposed of to the new-comers. Finding these measures in
sufficient to supply the places of those who had left, he further
invited settlers from Syria and the surrounding districts. His
appeal found a ready response. Numbers flocked to Cyprus,
in the hope of enjoying there that quiet and opulence, which
had been denied them elsewhere. So lavish were the grants
bestowed upon these arrivals that the resources of the crown
were seriously impaired. In fact a contemporary writer has contin. de o.
complained that even poor cobblers, masons, and public scribes, h. d'e raw.
who had previously lived by the work of their hands, be-n-2-
came all at once through Guy's liberality nobles and landed
proprietors.1 As might have been expected the new state very much re- constitution
sembled in its constitution the sister kingdom of Syria. Both kingdom of
cj m/ Cyprus
were regulated by the same code, called the Assizes of Jeru
salem.2 It was a limited monarchy, the royal prerogative being
restricted to the exercise of military authority. Public matters
were administered by two courts, called respectively La Haute
i " Et as Griffons et as chevalieis . . . et as corversiers et as massons et as
escrivains en sarracineis."
2 The Assizes of Jerusalem was the name of a code of laws compiled in
French under the direction of Godefroy de Bouillon, King of Jerusalem, about
a.d. noo for the use of the realm. After being attested by the seals ofthe
King, the Patriarch, and the Vicomte of Jerusalem, it was deposited in the Holy
Sepulchre, whence it was taken for consultation whenever necessary. Lost at
the capture of Jerusalem by Saladin in a.d. 1187, the code was preserved tradi
tionally until the middle of the thirteenth century, when it was again committed
to writing by Jean d'Ibelin, Count of Jaffa. A final revision for the use of
Cyprus was made in 1369 by sixteen commissioners chosen in the states of the
island. The work was finished on 3rd November, 1369, sealed with four seals,
and deposited in the cathedral of Santa Sophia at Nikosia. An Italian version,
made during the Venetian Supremacy, was published at Venice in 1735.

72 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Cour and La Basse Cour.1 To the first, presided over by the
sovereign, or his representative, and composed of the nobility,
holders of fiefs, and chief civil functionaries of the kingdom,
were entrusted all important affairs of State. Without its
consent no laws, or customs, as they were termed, could be
passed. The second and inferior court, as its name implies,
took charge of all matters affecting the burgesses, and was re
sponsible for the police of the kingdom. Its president was an
official styled the Vicomte.
The constitu. The knights and squires, who had accompanied Guy into
o? soecfemyn * Cyprus, with other subsequent arrivals from Europe and various
Lusignan parts of the East, formed the nucleus of the nobility and landed
class.2 After these came the burgesses, chiefly composed of the
traders and artisans of the towns, corresponding to the modern
middle class, on whom were conferred numerous privileges
and franchises. The various divisions of the rural population,
which had been established in the island long before the com
ing of the Westerns, were left undisturbed. They were as
follows : —
Lusignan, 1. The Pwrici (irdpoticoi), corresponding to the ascripti glebae
Loredano, ub. of Western Europe, occupied the lowest grade in the social scale,
i.,p. 8sq. an(j were regarded almost as slaves by the owners of the fiefs, on
which they lived. Besides being obliged to pay their feudal lords
annually fifty besants, together with the third of the produce of
their lands, they were also compelled to serve them two days
every week for their bare food. They were liable to be sold, or
even exchanged, for a horse, dog, or hawk, at the pleasure of
their lords, who had also the power of inflicting every kind of
punishment upon them except death.3
1 These courts were also known as the Cour du roi and the Cour du vicomte,
or des bourgeois.
Contin. G. de 2 Guy is said to have bestowed fiefs upon 300 knights and 200
xxTvUc.'i4 squires:—
(Pat. tat., " II fiefa ccc chevaliers en la terre, et cc serjans a cheval, sans les borgois,
pM949l)C*'' cu' il dona grant terre, et grant garnisont ".
3 The origin of this class is said to date from the time of the Katapan Kalo-
kairos, who levied an annual tax upon all the inhabitants alike for the defence of
the sea coasts from pirates. During the course of years the dwellers in the towns
were exempted from the impost, while the contributions of the rustics were in
creased. Members of this class were allowed to purchase their freedom. The
ordinary price, so Lusignan assures us, was sixty ducats, though in the case of
avaricious owners it sometimes amounted to a hundred.
E. Bustron, Florio Bustron thus explains the meaning of the word : " II Parico e voca-
£i*g|ndu> bolo greco, tratto da irapd tovk^s, ehe vuol dire huomo obligato star appresso
la casa, ehe non si pud partir da quella casa, overo casale, senza licentia del
patron di quel casale ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 73
2. The Perpiriarii (irepirvpidpioi) were identical with the
Parici, except that they were free in the persons of themselves
and their children, a privilege which they had purchased from
some of the Dukes or Katapans, who had formerly governed the
island. They had, however, to make an annual payment of
fifteen besants {virepirvpa) to their feudal lords.1
3. The Lefteri (EXevdepoi) were Parici, who had been eman
cipated either on payment, or by the goodwill of their lord, the
only condition imposed being the annual payment of a certain
proportion of the produce of their land. With regard to their
children those born after emancipation alone were free, while in
the event of their marrying women of the Parici class, even after
obtaining their freedom, the offspring were regarded as Parici.
4. The Albanians were the descendants of certain soldiers of
that nationality, who had been originally brought from Albania
to protect the island from pirates. Settling in Cyprus and
marrying native women their progeny still bore the name of
Albanians, continued to draw pay, carry arms and possess estates,
like their progenitors, though most of them had, in course of
time, degenerated from soldiers to mere cultivators of the soil.
Guy, however, soon after his arrival withdrew their pay and
deprived them of their military status on account of their
admitted inefficiency.
5. The White Venetians were the descendants of certain sub
jects of the Republic, who, after accompanying their Doge, a. de Tyr, Kb.
Vital Michiele, to the Holy Land (a.d. 1123), subsequently ""'
settled in Cyprus. Among many privileges and exemptions,
which Guy conferred upon them, was the right of being tried by
a Venetian nobleman, who resided at Nikosia with the title of
Consul or Bailiff. Though they recognised no authority except
that of the King, they paid a trifling sum annually, as an act of
homage, to the seigneur, on whose lands they had settled.2
'Florio Boustron thus derives their name, "Perpiro* era una moneta ehe "(i.e. imipw
valeva bisanti tre carati quattro ; la qual moneta erano tenuti pagar li habitatori ?°f = *°sant>
nella citta, per il stipendio degli stratioti ". Tl01,,)
Lusignan says that there were not many of them in the island.
2 De Mas Latrie questions this account of their origin, and asserts that they Hist.deChyp.,
were merely Levantines, upon whom the privileges of Venetian citizenship had 4J*m'n f p'
been conferred. In proof of the correctness of his statement he cites from the
instructions given, in the name of the Republic, by the Doge Agostino Barbarigo
(27th Aug., 1489) tb Balthazar Trevisani, lately appointed Governor of Cyprus,
which contain a prohibition against any increase in the numbers of these
White Venetians : " De cetero autem creari ullo pacto nequeant Veneti blanchi ".
Loredano represents the fleet under the command ofthe Doge, Vital Michiele,

74 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Such in brief were the elements of that society, which for
the next three centuries was destined to exercise so powerful
an influence upon the fortunes of the island.
no immediate The various changes of ownership, which it had lately so rapidly
stat"Seofthee undergone, brought with them no immediate consequences for the
Shurdi. native Church. It was still left, for a while, in the undisturbed
enjoyment of its liberties and possessions. Western supremacy
was not yet sufficiently assured to allow of any such interference.
The recent experiences of the Templars forbade any attempt for
the present, while Guy was too politic a prince to involve himself
in religious disputes with his new subjects. But, though the
Orthodox so far had no apparent grounds for alarm, their minds
were naturally filled with anxious misgivings as to what the near
future might bring with it. The treatment already meted out
to their co-religionists elsewhere rightly led them to conclude that
sooner or later an attempt would be made to bring them also
into subjection to Rome. They had good reason to suspect that
their present immunity would be of but short duration, once the
Latin clergy felt themselves strong enough to act. Still, in spite
of the apparent hopelessness of the struggle, they were resolved,
so long as they were able, to defend their Church and ancestral
faith from the attacks of enemies, whom bitter experience soon
taught them to regard with the greatest hatred and aversion.
It was during the reign of Amaury, the successor of Guy,
that the first indications of the coming struggle were discerned.
In temperament he was the reverse of his brother, being of a
violent and harsh disposition. Under him began the preliminary
stages in that long course of ecclesiastical tyranny, to which for
nearly four centuries the native Church was subjected. He had
cart. s. not long ascended the throne, when he devised measures for the
?HPdeafch.°' permanent introduction of the Roman hierarchy, and the con-
605?' " version of his Orthodox subjects.1 With this object he applied
as consisting of 200 sail, but this is largely in excess of the number as given by
Guillaume de Tyr.
" Eodem tempore, audita regni Orientalis necessitate, dux Venetia;, Domini-
cus Michaelis, una cum majoribus ejusdem provinciae, composita classe, cum
quadraginta galeis, gatis vigenti octo, quatuor majoribus ad devehenda onera
aptatis navibus, iter in Syriam arripiunt," etc.
eart. s. a That the conversion of the Orthodox was one of the main reasons which
lu*tU2(ith °' 2' ProtnPted tn's step, is evident from the language of the Pope: " Sane, quia,
Feb., 1196). sicut ex tenore litterarum dilecti filii nobilis viri A(malrici) domini Cipri, per-
pendimus evidenter, ipse Dei scientiam, ejus inspiratione dumtaxat, in singulari-
tate fidei possidet, et romanam ecclesiam, caput et magistram ecclesiarum

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 75
to Celestine III. for permission to establish Latin dioceses in the Amaury
island. But, if we may credit the testimony of a native chronicler, ce?estme°m.
the royal proposal did not at first meet with much success. Be- 'h.e K°I**a"*
tore acceding to the request the Pope naturally inquired how 0*7*"1*UB-
the endowments were to be provided. On learning that it was pp* 66?67.'
proposed to furnish them by the payment of stipends, he refused ??piyope'""
to accept such an arrangement on the plea that it would en
danger the independence of the clergy. At the same time he
intimated his approval of the scheme, if the question of endow
ment could be placed beyond the possibility of alteration by any
of Amaury 's successors. Matters, however, were finally settled Appointment
to Celestine's satisfaction, as in 1196 he appointed two com- misBioners tor
missioners with full powers, viz., the Archdeacons of Laodicea cart. s.
and Lydda, to carry out the King's wishes. As the result of |pst!deN°' 2
their deliberations a Latin metropolitan was established at ui.*fp'.'6ooT'
Nikosia with suffragans at Limassol, Paphos, and Famagusta,
all of whom were endowed out of the spoils of the Orthodox cart. s.
Community.1 The Cypriots, who had looked on with apparent {.f^-'k m
ill., p? an).'
omnium recognoscens, Cipri insulam, cujus dominium divina potius credimus
quam humana ei potestate collatum, a suis tandem erroribus suo diligenti studio
revocatam a beluato fermentatorum scismate ad unitatem ortodoxe matris ecclesie
reducere studio se contendit, sicut per dilectum filium magistrum B. archidia-
conum Laodicensem, nuntium suum, virum utique providum et discretum, nobis
est manifestius intimatum," etc.
Compare with this the language of Pope Alexander IV. in the Bull of 1260
called the Summa Alexandrina : —
" Cum auctoritate felicis recordationis Ccelestini Papae prsedecessoris nostri Raynaid, ad
qui insulam Cypri propter inobedientiam et perfidiam Graecorum habitantium a"cn'39. '
tunc in ilia, exposuit Latinis Catholicis occupandam "
1 These proceedings were quite in keeping with the invariable practice of the
Westerns in their dealings with the Orthodox Communion. Palestine was the
principal scene of these episcopal usurpations. There, amid a host of minor
instances, two stand prominently forward, the appropriation of the Patriarchates G. de Tyr,
of Antioch and Jerusalem by Bernard, Bishop of Artois (a.d. 1098), and Daim- "*• vl;'' c'; B'
1 . , , • , e ™- / 1 ^-i Ibid., Ub. ix.,
bert, Archbishop of Pisa (a.d. 1100), respectively. c. 15.
Some slight justification may be offered for these irregularities by the fact
that, in the case of Jerusalem, the Orthodox Patriarch Simeon had previously Albert.
died in Cyprus, while his colleague of Antioch was suspected of wishing to $™™$ '
betray that town to the Emperor Alexios Komnenos. But no such excuse can jj'jj'f"?' ^
be urged in the case of Cyprus, which, with perhaps the exception of Morosini's
election to the See of Constantinople in a.d. 1205, presents one of the most
unwarrantable examples of ecclesiastical intrusion on record. The action of
Celestine III. in thus establishing the Roman hierarchy in the island constituted
a most glaring breach of canon law. Not only did he act in open defiance of the
eighth decree of the Third Oecumenical Council, which especially exempted
Cyprus from all external interference, but he also contravened the code of the
universal Church by ordaining in a province, which did not belong to him,
without the invitation of the bishops of that province (Antioch, Can. 13 ; Con
stantinople, Can. 2), whereby he incurred deposition, the canonical sentence
pronounced against all, who so offend (Apostol., Can. 36 ; Antioch, Can. 22).

76 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
unconcern at the extinction of their civil rights, soon gave un
mistakable proofs of the displeasure, with which they viewed
these proceedings. This act of spoliation naturally exasperated
the native clergy still further against their Latin rivals, whom
jauna, bt they charged not only with depriving them of the patrimony of
their Church, but also with harbouring designs against their
creed. The Latins, in defence of their conduct, made a counter
accusation against their accusers of simony and the encourage
ment of disloyal sentiments among their co-religionists. Amaury
in vain sought by every means in his power to allay these disputes.
On the eve of his departure for the Holy Land to assume the
crown of Jerusalem (a.d. 1198), he assembled the heads of the
two communions before him, when he ordered them under threat
of the severest penalties to live at peace, and to occupy them
selves with the care of their respective flocks. At the same time
he declared that the disposal of all ecclesiastical property in the
island was his exclusive prerogative, which he would endeavour
to exercise in the way most satisfactory to both parties. A con
temporary document, fortunately still extant, enables us to gauge
accurately the feelings of the Orthodox inhabitants under the
Neophytos' treatment, to which they were then subjected. It is a letter
the tyranny from the pen of Neophytos, the famous recluse of Enklistra.
Neophytos The writer, whose hatred and contempt for the Latins is plainly
oyprt a ' discernible, describing the recent misfortunes of his native land
oyprS'p. 48. from domestic tyrants and foreign invaders, writes as follows :
" The state of our country now is no better than that of the
raging sea, under a great storm and tempest. Nay it is worse
than a wild sea. For a calm succeeds the wildness of the sea,
but here day by day the tempest increases and its fury knows
no end.111 But the Cypriots did not confine themselves to
mst.de mere verbal protests. A partisan leader, named Kanakes, col-
uL"fp.'596m' lecting around him a number of his fellow-countrymen, began
!anakes!whoa war of retaliation upon the sacrilegious Latins. Hard pressed
Quee^andhcer by his pursuers he at last took refuge in the neighbouring
coasts of Karamania, where, with the assistance of a compatriot,
Isaac, Seigneur of Antiochetta, he armed a galley, in which he
made continual forays upon the property of the Latins in the
island. Being unhindered in his work of destruction he was
at length emboldened to attempt something still more daring.
1 Matvopevys BaXaaays 4k iroXXys TpiKvpias Kal iroXXys KaraiyiSos ovSev airoSiei
vvv rd ttjs x^Pas ypwv. pdXXov Se KaX x*ipov dypias BaXdao-ys • 4Keivys yap t^v
dypi6ryra SiaSexerai yaXf)vy . evBa Se 6 kXvSwv koB' eKdtrryv iirav^ei, KaX rb paySaiov
aitTov TeXos ovk exei.

chUdren.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 77
Hearing from some of his numerous spies that Echive d'Ibelin,
the consort of Amaury, was then residing with her children in
the village of Paradisi near Famagusta, he formed the design
of carrying them off. Accordingly, making a sudden descent
upon the village at daybreak, he captured the royal family, whom
he bore oft' in triumph to his patron Isaac. It was only through
the intervention of Leon de la Montagne, Prince of Lesser
Armenia, that the latter was at length induced to release his
captives, who were restored to the distracted husband and
father, on his coming with a fleet into the harbour of Gorhigos
to receive them.
But another and more formidable opponent now appeared on Designs of the
the scene. The Eastern Empire had never really acquiesced in Alexios An-
the loss of Cyprus, which had been torn from its grasp when too Cyprus.
weak to resist. The Byzantine Court, regarding the occasion Raynaidi,
as favourable for the assertion of its former claims, secretly No- »•'
fomented the discontent of the Cypriots, with the design of GestMBaiuz'e,
reuniting the island to its own dominions. At the same time it p'
made extensive preparations to enforce, if necessary, its rights
by an appeal to arms. Before proceeding, however, to open
hostilities the Emperor, Alexios Angelos, on the plea of unwill
ingness to shed Christian blood and thus bring destruction upon
the kingdom of Palestine, applied to the new Pope, Innocent
III., requesting him to order Amaury, under threat of excom
munication, to peaceably surrender the island. He promised, if
his wishes were gratified, to render large pecuniary assistance to
the Latin Kingdom and the Military Orders in defence of the
Holy Land, while he threatened, in case of refusal, to make good
his pretensions with the sword. Innocent, who was anxious to
secure the Emperor's co-operation in the coming crusade, re
turned a very guarded answer. He affirmed that, as Cyprus
formed no part of the Greek Empire when conquered by the
Westerns, it would be impossible to expect its present owners,
who had acquired it lawfully from the English King, to surrender
it. At the same time he besought the Emperor not to molest
Amaury, then engaged in the defence of the Holy Land, lest
disaster might only accrue to the Christian cause in Palestine,
without the Greek Empire reaping any advantage at all. This
remonstrance, however, failed to move Alexios, who continued
his hostile preparations. The Pope, in alarm lest the Emperor mnocentm.,
should make good his threat, and also to retain Amaury in jj|. ]^m*»'
Palestine, where his presence was of the utmost importance, not
only wrote to the Prince of Antioch and the Masters of the

78 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Military Orders to enlist them in defence of the island kingdom,
but also begged the Kings of England and France to dissuade
Alexios from his purpose. But an event of far-reaching conse
quences to the two great Communions of the East and West
was now close at hand, which effectually relieved Innocent of all
further anxiety from that quarter.
crusfdeIrtl1 Saladin, the terror of the Latin East, was now dead, while
a.d. 1203. the Empire, which his genius had erected, was brought to the
verge of ruin by the disputes of its numerous claimants. Inno
cent had long cherished the design of recovering the Holy City
from the hands of the infidel. The disappearance of this for
midable enemy of the Christians seemed a favourable opportunity
for inaugurating the projected crusade. Legates were de
spatched for that purpose into every country of the West.
Europe resounded with the din of preparation. Everywhere
could be heard the call to the holy war. The summons was
received with general enthusiasm. Multitudes either enrolled
themselves under the banner of the Cross, or gave their money
in furtherance of the meritorious work. It was resolved to
attempt the deliverance of Jerusalem this time by attacking the
enemy in Egypt. The Crusaders, taught by the experience of
former disasters the dangers and hardships attending a land
march, decided to convey their forces by sea to the scene of
vuiohar- operations. Negotiations were accordingly opened with Venice,
douin, 11 (Du f . V , . • ,i VV7 i -a j- l-i
cange). already a recognised naval power m the Eastern Mediterranean,
mid., 14-n. for the necessary transport. The Republic for a sum of 85,000
marks in silver agreed to furnish the required number of vessels,
together with a contingent of fifty galleys. Many things oc
curred, however, to hinder the departure of the expedition.
contin. g. de Thibaut, Count of Champagne, its chosen leader, died before he
Sti., c.' 35. could assume the command, and some time elapsed before his
douS'20. successor, Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, was appointed.
mid., 22. Disgusted with the repeated delays many, who had originally
joined the expedition, now returned home. Those, who still
resolved to persevere, not having sufficient funds to pay the sum
agreed upon, the enterprise seemed on the point of collapsing,
when a proposal made by the Venetians infused fresh life into it.
crusaders Zara, with some other places on the coast of Dalmatia, had some
luthXv.?™'' time previously revolted from the Republic and declared for the
vuiehar. King of Hungary. The Venetians now promised, if the Cru-
donin,32^ sabers would assist in reducing the rebels, to waive their claims
Contin. G. ae o 7
xUv"c.'37. to the money and still convey them to Alexandria, the goal of
their endeavours. Thus they were persuaded, despite the pro-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 79
test of the Pope, to turn against fellow-believers the weapons
which had been intended for use against the infidel. Upon
the successful conclusion of the campaign in Dalmatia the expe
dition was about to pursue the object, for which it had been
originally formed, when another incident occurred to still further
divert it from its purpose.
A fugitive from one of those domestic revolutions, so frequent Alexios, son
in Constantinople, suddenly appeared in the allied camp at Zara. £2J*"2*(n.
Isaac Angelos had been deposed and blinded by his brother, pjJf^'S^'
while his young son, Alexios, escaping from his uncle1s clutches, aJti' .
had fled to the West to implore the aid of Philip of Suabia, the p^^JJ1*'
husband of his sister Irene. Philip, being engaged in asserting ib-, <*¦'«, 9.
his claims to the imperial crown against his rival, Otho ofdoum,*46-49.
Saxony, was too fully occupied to assist, and advised him to ^J^.0- d*
seek instead the aid of the Venetians and Crusaders. Alexios ***v" c' 42'
had already appealed to them in vain at Venice. Now, however,
supported by the recommendations of his brother-in-law and of
Philip Augustus, and accompanied by the envoys of the former,
he appeared once more to claim their assistance and protection.
Many considerations led these holy warriors to listen now more
favourably to his prayer. It was thought that the restoration
of the deposed Emperor would render easier the conquest of
Palestine. The young prince1s offer of a large sum of money sanutus, ub.
towards the expenses of the holy war, coupled with the promise c- >'¦
to persuade the Greek clergy to acknowledge the supremacy of the
Pope, confirmed their resolution. The bargain struck was crowned
with complete success. The usurper was deposed and the right- Bestoration
ful sovereign conducted from a dungeon to his throne. But the ^gce^a^erB
harmony, which reigned between these strange confederates, wasvmehar-
not of long duration. Complaints were soon raised by the ra^tn ,De
Latins that the terms of the agreement were not observed. r£uD*?!8!!'
How the dispute would have ended it is difficult to say. Theo™4-***-*'
ambition of another candidate for the imperial throne relieved ****¦¦ c *>
the Crusaders, however, of any scruples they might have felt. *>uSi, ub.
The murder of Alexios set the Westerns free to act as they ibid., 117.
chose. A residence of some months in Constantinople had SJ^aSLi.
shown them the weakness of the Byzantine Empire, while itstt1"' "'
riches had excited their cupidity. Inflamed with the lust of %°*%G Qe
conquest and excited by a sectarian bigotry, which led them to^-1-*-
regard the schismatic Greeks with horror and contempt, they
resolved to seize the capital of the Eastern Empire for them
selves, and to seat one of their own number upon the imperial
throne. The capture of Constantinople was accompanied byJJ^BpI°e0

The Crusaders Conatan-

80 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
excesses, which would be well-nigh incredible were they not so
Akropoutes, well attested. These warriors of the Cross did not hesitate to
cxi., coi. fe). commit enormities, from which the very enemies of the faith
Tyrfub.s' **e would have recoiled in horror. The eloquent historian of the
Description Decline and Fall, in one of his most glowing chapters has thus
excises. painted the shameful scenes, which took place on that memorable
chab°ix occasion. "The churches were profaned by the licentiousness
and party zeal of the Latins. After stripping the gems and
pearls, they converted the chalices into drinking cups ; their
tables, on which they gamed and feasted, were covered with the
pictures of Christ and of the Saints ; and they trampled under
foot the most venerable objects of the Christian worship. In
the Cathedral of St. Sophia, the ample veil of the Sanctuary
was rent asunder for the sake of the golden fringe ; and the
altar, a monument of art and riches, was broken in pieces and
shared among the captors. Their mules and horses were laden
with the wrought silver and gilt carvings, which they tore down
from the doors and pulpit ; and if the beasts stumbled under
the burden, they were stabbed by their impatient drivers, and
the holy pavement streamed with their impure blood. A pros
titute was seated on the throne of the patriarch ; and that
daughter of Belial, as she is styled, sang and danced in the
church, to ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals.
Nor were the repositories of the royal dead secure from viola
tion ; in the Church of the Apostles the tombs of the Emperors
were rifled."
condemn*- The tidings of these profanities were at first received in the
doings in the West with universal indignation and reprobation. And no voice
West. . . *
Raynaid, ad was raised more loudly in their condemnation than the Pope^.
Non'71205' But, sincere though his protests might be, Innocent had at last
Srub111'' to bow to the logic of accomplished facts. The conquerors
vm., jfep. 131. were jn no mooa* t0 relinquish their prize even at the bidding
of the successor of the Apostles. It is true they had disre
garded his express commands not to spoil, nor occupy, Greek
territory, yet there was much secret satisfaction to be derived
from the late events. The long dream of the Papacy had been
unexpectedly realised. New Rome lay prostrate at the feet of
the Old, the East was at last in subjection to the West, while a
Latin emperor was in possession of the palace of the Caesars,
and a Latin patriarch seated in the chair of Chrysostom.
consternation The consternation, which the capture of Constantinople caused
orientals. among the Orientals, can be better imagined than described.
A thrill of horror ran throughout the whole Orthodox world

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 81
on receipt of the news. The Crusaders had pleaded, in justifica
tion of the crime, their anxiety to promote the reunion of
Christendom. But henceforth the chances of reconciliation be
tween the two great divisions of the Christian Church seemed
more remote than ever. The perfidious Latins, whom in an
ill-advised moment, more than a century before, the Greeks had
called to their aid against their Saracen foes, stood revealed at
last in their true colours. And the Orthodox soon gave proof Theirattitude
how true was the prediction uttered by Innocent on the first ajencfto-
receipt of the news : " The Church of the Greeks, notwithstand- £!££* °
ing its persecutions, mocks at the notion of returning to its St°ubm''
obedience to the Apostolic See : and forasmuch as in the Latins Fou^s, m
it is only conversant with examples of treachery and works of gJ^SSs^t"
darkness, it on that account abhors them deservedly as dogs 11. "."179; ui"
The Latins, who had once been received with open arms and
hailed as the champions of a common faith, were now every
where regarded with hatred and aversion. To such an extent, concu., Late-
indeed, were these feelings carried, that Greek ecclesiastics refused Ijfcjj^
to use even the very altars, at which Latin priests had officiated, f^rTSa-
until cleansed from the pollution of their touch.1 concu*?tom.
When the rest of the Orthodox world was so deeply stirred Edi'' *¦ 990)
it cannot be supposed that those in Cyprus would remain passive
spectators of these occurrences. They had, it is true, no such
acts of profanity to complain of, but the tidings of the treat
ment shown to their co-religionists elsewhere must have excited
still further their animosity against their own oppressors, men
of the same race as the despoilers of their brethren.
So far the temporalities of their Church alone had been as
sailed, tbe new-comers having respected its spiritual privileges.
But now it would appear that these also were, to be no longer
left intact.
In a.d. 1220 was made what may certainly be considered as
the first determined endeavour, on the part of the Latins, to
meddle with the Greek clergy.
The natives soon found the newly imposed feudal burdens, to Attempts of
which they were unaccustomed, very grievous to bear. As a^vafe the
means of escaping them they were in the habit of enrolling imrdem.
themselves among the members of some church or monastery.
1 Postquam enim Grsecorum ecclesia cum quibusdam complicibus ac fautoii-
bus suis ab obedientia sedis apostolicas se subtraxit, in tantum Graeci coeperunt
abominari Latinos, quod inter alia qua; in derogationem eorum impie com-
mittebant, si quando sacerdotes Latini super eorum celebrassent altaria, non
prius ipsi sacrificare volebant in illis, quam ea tanquam per hoc inquinata lavis-
sent. 6

82 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Many serfs had thus left the lands of their feudal superiors and
been admitted to one of the minor orders, so as to enable them-
convention at selves and their children to avoid these oppressive charges. At
tober, 1220. a meeting of the Latin clergy and feudal nobility, which took
sopwa, no. place at Limassol in October, ] 220, various means were devised
chyp'., iu., for putting a stop to this growing practice.
Measures 1- Greek priests and deacons were declared exempt from all
therS feudal charges and services, on condition of obedience to their
respective Latin ordinaries.
2. In view of the large number of these ecclesiastics then in
the island they were forbidden, for fear of creating disturbances,
to leave the villages and demesnes, where they usually resided,
and, in case of non-compliance with this order, were to be returned
by force to their former abodes.
3. No Greek was hereafter to be ordained without first ob
taining the sanction of his feudal superior. Any of the Latin
bishops permitting the ordination of a candidate, in defiance of
this rule, was to be compelled to replace the newly ordained by
another serf equally as good.
4. A Greek fraudulently leaving the island without the know-
ledge of his feudal superior, and becoming ordained elsewhere,
was, on his return, to be suspended by his Latin ordinary from
the exercise of all ecclesiastical functions, and was, moreover,
liable to be reclaimed and returned to his former servitude.
5. Orthodox priests and deacons, who should hereafter be
ordained in conformity with the above regulations, were to be
allowed, with tlie permission ofthe Latin archbishop and bishops,
to remove from one village or demesne to another, if unaccom
panied by their children, and without prejudice to the rights of
their feudal superiors. In such cases other Greeks were to be
substituted in their stead by the bishop granting the permis
sion. 6. On the election of an abbot to any of the Orthodox
monasteries it was provided that the election should be con
ducted according to the canons, and that the feudal superior, in
whose fief the monastery lay, should have the right of canonical
assent, while the proceedings were to be confirmed by the Latin
archbishop or bishop, within whose diocese the monastery was

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 83
situated. The abbot when elected was not to be removed with
out due form and process of law, while he was also, with the
rest of the brethren, to be obedient to his Latin diocesan.
7. All property conferred, free of service, upon Orthodox
churches and monasteries subsequent to the Latin occupation,
by permission and gift of the Latin seigneurs, was to be still
held on the same conditions, the rights and privileges, which
the donors possessed in them in respect to temporalities, being
preserved. 8. No Greek was to be enrolled as a member of any monastery
without the previous sanction of his feudal superior. In cases
of non-compliance with this regulation the latter had the option
of seizing the offender and returning him to his former state of
vassalage. It was hoped that the passing of these statutes, which among
other things conferred upon the intruders the whole of the tithes
once enjoyed by the Orthodox ecclesiastics, would have appeased
the growing demands of the Roman clergy. But they soon
showed that they never meant to be satisfied with anything less
than the complete supremacy of their Church. To ensure this
they requested that their own Archbishop should be appointed
sole Metropolitan in the island, with the entire charge over all
the other Christian communities of whatever denomination.
The Greek bishops they professed to regard merely as the dele
gates of the Latin prelates, from whom they derived all their
authority. To lessen still further the authority of the native cf. Letters of
hierarchy they claimed that all Greeks, both clergy and laity, cemanosto
should have the right of appealing from the decisions of their (ooteKr,
own bishops to the Latin primate and his coadjutors. They|=^
required, moreover, that no dignitary of the Orthodox Church, ^£32" " pp-
however valid his election might have been, should be allowed
to exercise any spiritual functions, until he had first obtained
the sanction of his Latin ordinary. But the last, and most
humiliating of all the conditions they put forward, was that
all the Greek prelates lately consecrated should appear before
their respective Latin ordinaries, and take the oath of fealty
and obedience.
This vexatious interference with their spiritual privileges soon
produced its natural result. A most determined opposition was
at once offered to these encroachments by the native clergy.

84 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
The dissatisfaction, which they felt at the arrogance of the
Roman ecclesiastics, was well shown in the conduct of Esaias
(a.d. 1220), the successor of Symeon on the archiepiscopal throne
Dositheos, of Famagusta. This prelate seems for a while at least to have
fol! ub.?vm., acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope. Regretting after-
pVsle860'5' wards what he had done he presented himself before the Oecu
menical Synod at Nicaea and, on expressing sorrow, received
pardon for his act of submission. The Latins on hearing of the
occurrence forbade him to return to his native land. Others
Raynawi, of the Greek bishops, however, surpassed him in the boldness
Eccies.', ad. and vigour of their protests, venturing to intrude even into
N°-8- the Churches of the Latins in defence of their prerogatives.1
conference at At a conference held at Famagusta on 14th September, 1222,
1222 Sm'es under the presidency of the Papal Legate, Cardinal Pelagius,2
convpentiiot,nsat assisted by the heads of the two great Military Orders, the con-
LimasBoi. vention already concluded two years previously at Limassol was
sopMa, no. renewed and approved.3 Other provisions were added, too, which
chyp.tom served to rivet their fetters yet more tightly on the Greeks. It
was expressly declared that the King and the Latin Primate were
to determine the number of monks for each of the Orthodox
monasteries, which were forbidden to make any fresh admissions,
until their numbers had been reduced to that fixed upon. But
a far more serious step, and one that had never before been at
tempted, was now taken. The Roman party had hitherto hesi
tated to interfere with the native episcopate. For some years
after the establishment of the Western Church the Orthodox
continued to possess an Archbishop of their own, whose See was
Famagusta, while his Latin colleague resided at Nikosia. To
Reduction of weaken the power and authority of the Orthodox prelates it
Episcopate, was now decreed that the Greek bishoprics should be reduced
1 This is how the Roman Church historian describes the very natural attempt
of these dispossessed prelates to recover what they had been so unjustly deprived
of: " Pontifex quorundum Graecorum in Cypro episcoporum audaciam patri
archa; Hierosolymitani, ac Tyrensis et Canadensis archiepiscoporum opera
reprimendam statuit, qui per summam fraudem (!) injuriamque metropolitani
Latini ac prassulum ipsius suffraganeorum, auctoritate legatorum Apostolica;
sedis institutas diceceses sibi usurpare (sic) conabantur," etc.
mst. de 2 On the death of Hugues I. in 1218 Honorius III. had, in a letter dated
ui.yp'.'eio™' I2th JulY of tne same year> commended the widowed Queen, her children and
kingdom, to Pelagius' special protection.
Hist, de 3 This convention was confirmed by Honorius III. on 21st January, 1223.
S**3p"450m' " Archiepiscopo Nycosiensi. Confirmatur inita Concordia inter regem et
barones regni Cypri et archiepiscopos et episcopos ejusdem regni, mediante
Pelagio Albanensi episcopo, papa; legato, cujus concordia; tenor habetur inser-
tus. Later, xii., Kal. Feb. ann. vii.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 85
to the number of the Latin. That this step had been already
in contemplation for some time is evident from the letter of
Honorius to the Patriarch of Jerusalem and the Archbishops of
Tyre and Caesarea, directing their entire suppression. In vain The Queen
did the Queen Regent, Alix de Champagne, in the interests of ceX'W'tnT
j^.. ,1 ? .1 • i . .-n i ii i . ¦ , ¦ Orthodox.
peace petition that they might still be allowed to supervise their Raynaid ad
co-religionists. The Pope in his reply, while protesting his So*?**.1 '
readiness to yield to her wishes as much as possible, and to
maintain the rites and customs of those Greeks, who returned
to their obedience to the Apostolic See, declared that in a case
involving spiritual danger and subversive of ecclesiastical order
he could grant no such favour. But the Legate only partially
carried out the Papal commands. Instead of suppressing all he Four ortho.
i i l o dox Sees to
retained the four Sees of Nikosia, Paphos, Limassol, and Fama- he retained.
gusta. As the Latin bishops of these dioceses resided in these
towns, the Orthodox prelates were directed to take up their abode
in certain obscure villages expressly assigned to them. To avoid, {j°reidan°;3
however, any inclination to rebel on the part of those, who had
been dispossessed, the Queen ordered that they should be allowed
to retain for life their functions and emoluments. We find the g,e«'lent
civil power on more than one occasion thus intervening to miti- »t the civu
¦T -i • t power on
gate the harsh treatment of the Orthodox. Their conduct was fe^"16
prompted not so much perhaps by disinterested motives, nor by
a spirit of toleration, as by prudential motives. The Roman
hierarchy had already in several instances, notably in the elec
tion of Durandus to the See of Nikosia in 1211, shown but scant
respect for the royal prerogative. It was feared that even more
high-handed proceedings might follow, if only a dangerous rival to
its supremacy could be removed. There was the likelihood, too,
of a considerable emigration taking place, if the lot of the Greek
inhaoitants of Cyprus were rendered less endurable than that
of their brethren in the neighbouring Mohammedan countries.
Such a loss of population it was well known would bring ruin,
not only upon the landed proprietors, but also upon the Church
itself. These considerations may account in a great measure
for the marked toleration, which throughout the whole course
of Western domination was shown by the civil authorities to
the native clergy. They were regarded as a convenient instru
ment, ever ready to hand, for checking the unbounded ambition
of the opposite communion. The sovereign and the nobility
would gladly, therefore, have left to the Orthodox Church the
enjoyment of its ancient liberties, stipulating only for a due
recognition of their own authority.

86 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
The Convention of Famagusta certainly completed the work,
which had been begun by Amaury. The native communion was
now completely stripped of all the property, which it had ever
possessed. But at the moment when its fortunes seemed at their
lowest ebb, a champion unexpectedly appeared among the ranks
dibiun" °^ ^s despoilers in the person of Philippe dTbelin, Bailiff of the
c£p™of kingdom, the uncle of the Queen. According to Loredano, who
th™anse1of nas recorded the incident, the grant of the tithes to the Latin
chur'ch!*od°x Church was most likely due to the influence of her confessor,
Loredano, a Dominican friar. While the Orthodox Church was still in
Ub. 1., p. 42. possession Philippe is stated to have commuted those on his pro
perty for a considerable sum. Naturally objecting to be again
made liable he applied to his niece to have the donation rescinded.
Being unsuccessful in his appeal he next complained to the High
Court, strongly representing that the avarice of the Latin clergy
ought not to be gratified at the expense of the Greeks. He
charged the former with having rendered themselves hateful to
the Cypriots by their greed, with being ill-disposed towards the
nobility, and with wounding the consciences even of their own
adherents by their sale of the Mass for money. He professed to
regard their possession of property as a device of the devil to
destroy any real spirit of religion, that might be in them, while
it increased the discontent felt by the general community, who,
being mostly Greeks, could with great difficulty be induced to
contribute towards the support of the ministers of an alien
Church. The Latin priests, he protested, should not be too
liberally endowed since, in addition to the very considerable
revenues of their churches, they had an ample source of income
in the fees for masses, preachings, confessions and burials. The
Council, anxious not to offend the Queen, paid no heed to these
representations. D'Ibelin, thereupon, in conjunction with several
others of the nobility, who were equally as incensed as himself at
the conduct of the Roman ecclesiastics, opposed the clergy, refused
to obey the Queen's edict, and encouraged the Greeks in the same
msdenance course. Summoned before his niece to explain his conduct he re
plied, in answer to her declaration that, since she was Queen, she
would be obeyed as such, that, if she wished for obedience, she
should issue just commands, but that so long as she did not govern
rightly, so long he would recognise her neither as niece, nor as
Queen. Em-aged at this speech and suspecting from it the exist-
who leaves ence of a plot against her authorit y, Alix shortly afterwards quitted
tSpou. or the kingdom for Tripoli, where in 1223 she married Boemond, son
of Boemond IV., Prince of Antioch and Count of Tripoli.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 87
It is time now, however, to turn our attention briefly to one,
whose name has already figured in these pages, the Cardinal- cardinal
TV 1 j>»n JO ro> Pelagius,
-bishop oi Albano. Bishopof
Whatever hopes Innocent III. may have secretly cherished
from the capture of Constantinople were doomed to speedy dis
appointment. Though the provinces of the conquered Empire
had been duly parcelled out among the hungry Latin adven
turers, who forced upon the reluctant natives at the sword's point
the feudal customs of the West, the object dearest to his heart,
the subjugation of the Orthodox Church, was no nearer its ac
complishment. For years he had reproached his co-religionists
with their supineness in not compelling their schismatic subjects
to enter the Roman fold, but all to no purpose. The Greeks
resolutely refused to have anything to do with a faith, which
had been presented to them under such a guise. At last, find
ing remonstrances useless, he determined to adopt more violent
and, as he hoped, efficacious methods. A fitting instrument lay
ready to hand in the person of a Portuguese ecclesiastic, named
Pelagius, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano. This individual he now Appointed
sent to Constantinople, with full legatine powers, to attempt by atconstfntt
force what milder measures had failed in accomplishing. But a Raynauu, ad
more unfortunate selection could scarcely have been made, if we no"^. '
may judge by the results. In fact we may regard him as the evil
genius of the Papacy while he lived. He was a man of a haughty
and imperious temper, equally as intent as his master on further
ing the interests of the Holy See, and perfectly indifferent as to
the means employed for effecting his purpose. He had not been
long in the East before he gave startling proofs how completely
the policy of the Pope towards the Orthodox had changed.
Akropolites has given us a description of his entry into Con
stantinople on first assuming office, and of his proceedings there.
" During the reign of Henry, the successor of Baudouin, a prelate gJfp^JJ.0'
was sent by the Pope to the queen of cities, named Pelagius, **& there-
legate they called him, possessed of all the prerogatives of the Annap.%. 17
Pope himself. He had red slippers and a red dress, the saddle coi. 1628).''
and bridle of his horse were also of the same colour. He was a
person of rough manners and showed great arrogance, and was
guilty of many harsh acts to the inhabitants of Constantinople.
His pretext was plausible enough, as he was for compelling all to
bow submission to elder Rome. Hence monks were imprisoned,
priests bound with chains, and every church closed. One of two
things was necessary. To admit the primacy of the Pope, and
commemorate him in the liturgy, or else submit to the penalty

88 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of death for refusing to do so. * These proceedings excited the
inhabitants of Constantinople to indignation, and especially the
leading men among them, who coming to the Emperor remon
strated with him as follows : ' We, who are of another race, and
have a pontiff of our own, have submitted to your rule with our
bodies, but not with our souls and spirits. We are obliged to
fight for you in battle, but it is wholly impossible for us to give
up our rites and ceremonies. Either, therefore, save us from the
oppression now being put upon us, or let us go in peace among
our own kindred.1 On receiving this protest the Emperor, un
willing to lose so many good and illustrious men, ordered the
churches to be opened in spite of the legate, released all the
priests and monks, who were in prison, and stayed the tempest
thus far, according to his ability. Many monks, notwithstand
ing, departing from Constantinople, went over to Theodore, who
assigned them monasteries to inhabit, and of the presbyters, who
betook themselves to Nicasa, some were added to the patriarchal
staff', and others provided with chapelries in other places, where
they could live in peace.11 It is true that Raynaidi charges the
Byzantine writer with being led into exaggeration by religious
rancour, but we can hardly credit such an act on the part of
one, who, when Grand Logothete of Michael Palasologos, himself
Raynaidi, ad joined the Latins. Besides, the account of the subsequent doings
So. ' of Pelagius in the war against Frederick II. of Germany, as told
us by that Church historian himself, sufficiently disposes of such
rbid., no. 45. a charge. In the expedition, which he made into Apulia with
the Papal forces under Jean de Brienne, the cruelties committed
with his cognisance were so terrible as to draw down upon him a
severe rebuke from Gregory IX. The action of the Emperor in
protecting his persecuted subjects from the legate's bigotry, and
his own want of success, obliged the Pope to withdraw him from
ms evil Constantinople. He next comes prominently into notice in con-
the Fifth011 nection with the Crusade in Egypt. It was entirely owing to
Crusade • -1 ./ O
a.d. 1218. his presumption and arrogance, in assuming the functions of
Raynaidi, ad generalissimo in the Pope's name, that the expedition ended so

ann. 1218,
No. 11.

1 "Airavra ra Trpovofita tov ira-mra tyepovra, 4pvdpo{3a<pi} Kal yap -foreSe'SeTO iredtha,
4k ttjs avTTJs Se ^poias teal to, eVSuyuara eT^e, koX t) 4<p€0~Tpls 5e tov '(irirov Kal ra
X<z}<tva t§ TOtovT(p efiairTOVTO xp^fJ-aTl • %6ovs de tvx^v ayptwrepov Kal a\a{,ovda.
Xp<*>fi*vos, iroWa detva iveBel^aTo iirl Toh ttjs Kwyaravrivov otK^TOpfft, Kal i)
o~KT}tyts as tijXoyos • i)vdyKa^e Kal yap tovs ttavTas Tp ttjs Trpeo'&VTepas lVd>fXT)s
inroKvrpat vTTOT&yr). 'EvTevdev KaTcipyvvvro ftovaxol, Upe?s iSeo'fj.QvvTOy Kal vabs
airas iKtKh.eto'TO. Kal t)v iv avTtp Svo7v QaTepov, t) dfj.oKoyrjo'ai tov irainTav wpuTov
ap-^iepea Kal tovtov tt^v fxvf)/xf)v iv UpoTeAeffTiats ttoislv t) B&varov eivai t<$ /jlt)
8ia7rpa£afJ.evct> tovto to iiriTifuov.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 89
disastrously. By his rejection of the favourable terms offered by contin. de o.
the Sultan the Christians lost Damietta, which they had acquired xxiv., c. so,
at so great a cost, and were obliged, moreover, to conclude a
humiliating truce with the enemy. What his contemporaries
thought of him may be inferred from the following remark by
the Continuator of the history of Guillaume de Tyr : —
" He (i.e., the Pope) afterwards sent two cardinals to the contin. de a.
army at Damietta, Robert (Curzon), an Englishman, and Pela- xlivT%. 66.
gius, a Portuguese. Cardinal Robert died there and Pelagius
lived, which was a great misfortune, for he wrought much mis
chief there 'V Such was the man, whose baneful influence was
now felt by the native Church of Cyprus.
The convention of Famagusta placed the Orthodox bishops and Dimcmt posi-
pastors in a very difficult position. By refusing compliance 0*^,*°IC
with its demands they rendered themselves liable to expulsion, gfj****^*1*'*.
and so deprived their flocks of the benefit of their supervision, wuw***.
while by acquiescing they seemed to be making an agreement
with schismatics, in strict violation of the canons and contrary Expulsion of
to all ecclesiastical usage.2 Neophytos, however, who had lately Neophytos by
been elected to the metropolitan chair in the room of Esaias, First letter of
decided to brave the former danger. Refusing to make the e*ermanToisato°
required submission to the Latin primate he was, in consequence, (sathasii0,8
expelled from his native land. He, thereupon, came with several Coteiier,
of his brethren to Asia Minor, where so many others of their GracTtoS.01'
race had already found a refuge, and whence the Greeks issued at n^J^loi
no distant date to wrest Constantinople from the feeble hands of pPno|S.
its alien masters. The Patriarch Germanos (II.) was then living m*™*. tom
at Nicaea, whither the patriarchal throne had been transferred j^^011'
from Constantinople. To him in their perplexity the Cypriots cypriot dePu-
sent two of their number, Leontios, Bishop of Soli, and another Patriarch
7 7 i _ Germanos at
ecclesiastic of the same name, the Abbot of the Monastery of *"<*»»•

1 Apres envoia deux cardinaus a Damiete a l'ost, li cardinaus Robert, qui
Anglois estoit, et le cardinal Pelage, qui estoit de Portigal. Le cardinal Robert
i fu mort et Pelage vesqui, dont ce fu grant damage, qui mult i fist de mal, si
comme oires dire en aucun tans.
2 Cf. Honorius' instructions on this point to the Patriarch of Jerusalem and lust, de
the Archbishops of Tyre and Caesarea. a,"p!'i6,0n.'i.
(a) Du Theil, R. L., 54.
Patriarcha; Hierosolymitano, ut episcopos Grascos ejiciat de regno Cypri, iii.
Non. Jan. an. vi. (3rd Jan., 1222).
(b) Patriarcha; Hierosolymitano, Tyrensi et Caesariensi archiepiscopis, ut
episcopos Graecos, qui in regno Cypri a Latinorum ritibus recedebant, compes-
cant ; eosque, juxta compositionem reginaa Cypri cum sui regni prelatis, Eccle
sia; Romanae obedire compellant. Later, iii., non Jan. ann. vi.

90 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Mansi, Apsinthi, for advice and guidance in the crisis, which now
xxu., i'o8i-82, threatened them. The delegates recounted to him and the
members of the Holy Synod all the wrongs they had endured.
But it was no new tale, to which their hearers were called upon
to listen. As long as their property alone had been assailed
they had borne without murmuring all the attacks of their ene
mies. But now their very souls were in danger. Their native
land had been inundated with hordes of Romish ecclesiastics,
who had overthrown their churches and dispossessed them of
their patrimony. Their revered Archbishop was then an exile,
having been driven from his See by the Latin intruder, who
would brook no rival near his throne, nor allow the Orthodox
bishops to exercise their functions, until they had first promised
obedience to him. They prayed them, therefore, to take their
case into earnest consideration and to devise some means, whereby
so large and populous an island might not be altogether left
without spiritual care. The Patriarch and his assessors, recog
nising the difficulty of the question, which they were called
upon to solve, debated long and anxiously without being able
to arrive at any definite decision. At length in their perplexity
they resolved to ask the deputation to state briefly and succinctly
what were the Latin demands, to which the Cypriots took such
exception. In reply they learnt that they were three :¦ —
(1) That the Orthodox clergy should swear fealty in feudal
fashion, by kneeling and placing their hands between those of
the Latins.
(2) That no Greek elected to any ecclesiastical office should
presume to take possession without the previous knowledge and
sanction of his Latin ordinary.
(3) That every Greek, whether cleric or layman, should have
the option of bringing his case for adjudication before the Latin
metropolitan, if dissatisfied with the decision of his own bishop.
Decision of The Patriarch and his colleagues, thereupon, decided that so
and us alc long as the canons, traditions and rites of their faith were in no
danger of violation, and it could be done without injury to the
Church the Cypriot bishops might, in the spirit of St. Paul,
" who was made all things to all men that he might by all
means save some," yield a seeming compliance to these demands,
if by so doing they could serve their flocks, and avert the im
pending spiritual disasters. Nay, Germanos gave it as his
opinion that, under the circumstances, such a piece of duplicity
immediately would be perfectly justifiable. This decision had scarcely been
and why.' announced when an unforeseen incident led to its being rescinded.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 91
A number of the victims of Latin violence, clerics, monks, and
laymen, who had escaped from Constantinople and other cities,
hearing of it burst into the Council chamber, where the Patri
arch and Synod were sitting. With loud shouts of " Let your
light shine before men not only from your works, but also from
your words,11 they exhorted them to take care that their decision
was plainly stated. Their own experience and sufferings had
taught them, so they declared, what Latin duplicity was like.
Their opponents said one thing, when all the time they meant
another. This placing of the hand in theirs, though repre
sented as a thing, to which no offence need possibly be taken,
was a virtual surrender of their ancestral faith and the first step
towards complete subjection to the Roman Church. The Latins,
clerics as well as laymen, were all warriors and well versed in
the usages of warfare. With them this act was regarded as a
token of defeat and surrender, being what prisoners taken in
battle were wont to do. They, therefore, besought Germanos
and the Synod to strictly prohibit the Cypriots from placing
their hands in those of the Latins, even though it was not a
matter, which had been thought worthy of notice in the canons.
Sterner counsels at last prevailed. Overawed by the vehe- Final deci-
11 • • i i • l sion of the
mence ot the angry crowd, and perceiving that their suggested |at^|rch and
compliance would most likely lead to a revolt among their own
adherents, the Patriarch and Synod decided on a course of action
more suitable to the occasion. The Cypriots were now expressly
forbidden to give the required tokens of fealty and submission.
But to the other two demands, since they seemed of trivial
importance and, on the showing of the delegates themselves,
prompted merely by motives of avarice and greed, the Patriarch
and his advisers urged the Orthodox pastors to offer no opposition,
The synodical letter embodying these decisions bore the sig
nature and seal of Theodore Stilbe, the Chartophylax of the
QCcumenical See. It concluded with the following exhortation: —
" Imitate, O brethren of Cyprus, the Church of Constantinople,
and let your clergy imitate ours. Our flocks, too, have long
been separated from their pastors and forced to dwell with
ravening wolves. Yet they have suffered the wolves to howl
and have confounded them by their calmness, while at the same
time keeping inviolate the sacred trust of their ancestral faith.11
This first letter was, after an interval of six years, followed in second letter
1229 by a second. Germanos begins by commending his Ortho- to the
dox brethren in Cyprus, both Syrians and Greeks, for the readi- sathas, «.,
ness, with which they had received and acted on his former pp' 14"19'

92 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
coteuer, tom. counsels. He next declares the Roman Church to have fallen
Re'inhard, away from the ancient standards, both in its disregard of the
pp'^0'68' rights of others, as laid down by canons and Councils, and
in its unauthorised addition to the creeds of Christianity. In
its attempts at universal dominion it had not hesitated to try
and subvert the other Patriarchates. Its ambition had at last
prompted it to place the Pope in the place of Christ, the true
Head of the Church. The later Pontiffs had by their actions
repudiated their predecessors, who through their representatives
had assented to the canons and decrees of the General Councils,
and had treated them as they did the Greeks. The Italians
had introduced a new faith and new dogmas, and had invented
different canons. Let them, therefore, seek a different Christ
and different Apostles. The Patriarch asserts that his object, in
bringing these matters briefly to the notice of his readers, was
that they might recognise how great was the evil in yielding
spiritual submission and obedience to the peculiar tenets of the
elder Rome. He, therefore, strictly enjoins upon them to shun
the society and ministrations of those ecclesiastics who, from
whatever motive, have submitted to the Latins and acknow
ledged the supremacy of the Pope. He assures them that they
had better pray privately at home than join in public worship
with those, who have ranged themselves on the side of their
persecutors. Such offenders, too, were only to be restored to
communion after a public confession of their error before the
Latin Archbishop and a return in their allegiance to the Patri
arch and the Holy Synod. Clerics, moreover, who remain con
stant to the Orthodox Church, are absolved from canonical
obedience to their bishops, who have submitted, and are not to
fear any sentence of excommunication pronounced by them.
All such sentences are not only invalid, but rather recoil upon
their authors, who have created scandal among the people of
God by trampling under foot the discipline of the canons,
receiving trespassers and busybodies, and giving them their
hands, a sign of obedience and servitude. Even though such
persons may contend that they have not surrendered their
ancestral customs, nor acted contrary to the canons, yet their
defence will be of no avail, as the canons subject to excommuni
cation those bishops, who invade the dioceses of others, and
anathematise those, who introduce any innovation into Chris
tianity. After an exhortation to the Orthodox to continue
steadfast in the faith, the letter concludes by invoking the divine
protection upon all ecclesiastics, both Greek and Syrian, and by

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 93
praying that they may keep their minds free from the new
error concerning the faith, and that the laity may remain warm
partisans of Orthodoxy.
These letters and the counsel, which they contained, were not
likely to make the Orthodox in the island more reconciled to
the tyranny of the Latin clergy. The Church of Cyprus had
not yet resisted unto blood, but an opportunity of doing so was
now close at hand.
Two monks of exalted piety and undoubted zeal for Orthodoxy, Martyrdom of
John and Konon, inmates of one of the numerous monasteries, monks in
, Cyprus, A.D.
which crown the headland of Athos, hearing of the persecutions 1231 (,s<m»).
in Cyprus and full of enthusiasm, determined to share in the p^SSs.1''
struggles of their brethren there on behalf of the faith.1 Ac
cordingly, leaving Athos and coming to the island, they at first
took up their abode in the monastery of Machasra. Afterwards
quitting that retreat, they transferred themselves to that of St.
John Chrysostom on Mount Kutzuventi in the northern range.
Finding this also unsuitable for their purpose they quitted it in
turn, finally settling at the monastery of Kantara in the same
mountains. Here they collected around them a number of dis
ciples, attracted to the spot by the fame of their austerity and
good works. Reports of this saintly band at length reaching
the ears of the Latins, they resolved to judge for themselves as
to the truth of what they had heard. Two of them, therefore,
ascended to the monastery, where these ascetics were living,
and in a seemingly friendly way began to question them about
their religious views. The answers received proved satisfactory
until their questioners came to touch upon that subject, so fer
tile in disputes between the two Churches, the use of azymes.
Challenged as to their opinion of the Latin custom the monks
roundly declared against its unscripturalness. To prove the cor
rectness of their views they proposed a test which, ridiculous
though it may seem to us, appeared to them one calculated to
set the matter finally at rest. They suggested the selection of
two representatives from their respective Churches, who should
enter a glowing furnace bearing in their hands, the one a piece
of leavened and the other a piece of unleavened bread, and they
agreed to regard as correct in its practices that Church, whose
champion should pass unscathed through the ordeal. Upon
1 The account of their martyrdom entitled Aiiiyyais raj' dyiwv rpiwv Kal S4ica
00-iwv iraT4pav twv Sid irvpbs TeXeiaB4vrwv irapd 7W AaTivwv iv Ty vT)arw Kvirpw is
taken from a Greek MS. (No. 575) in the Library of St. Mark at Venice and
published for the first time by Sathas in his Bibliotheca'Medii Mvi, vol. ii.

94 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
hearing this proposal one of the Latin emissaries, named
Andrew, dropping the mask of friendship, which he had hitherto
assumed, summoned the audacious monks within a stated period
to answer before his Archbishop at Nikosia for the disrespectful
way, in which they had spoken of the Romish mass. These
intrepid men, beholding with joy the near approach of their
long-expected martyrdom, expressed their readiness to come and
die a thousand deaths, if necessary, for the Orthodox faith. The
night before their departure from Kantara they spent in the
chapel of the monastery in prayer and praise and participation
in the Holy Eucharist. On the morrow they took their way to
Nikosia, where they lodged in the monastery of St. George of
Mankana1 without the walls. The enthusiasm excited by the
news of their approach was unbounded. Multitudes of the
Orthodox went out to meet them, as they neared the city, and
to crave their prayers. As soon as their arrival was announced
to their enemy, he made known the cause of their coming to the
Latin Archbishop, Eustorgius, who ordered the holy monks to
be brought before him. They at once obeyed the summons and,
with John and Konon at their head, wended their way to the
Archbishop's palace, singing, as they went, the 119th Psalm.
When they appeared he inquired whether the report he had
heard about them was true, and, on their replying that it was,
committed them to prison, hoping by such means to shake their
fortitude. Thither they were immediately conducted, being
subjected on the way to the most inhuman treatment by their
cruel gaolers, besides being branded with the name of dogs and
heretics. For three whole years did these devoted men endure
without a murmur all the miseries of a most irksome captivity,
but still their resolution remained unshaken. At last their suf
ferings so told upon one of their number, Theodoret, a monk
from Athos, that he died. His dead body was, thereupon, sub
jected to the indignity of being dragged through the market
place, and then burnt. Eustorgius, in despair of ever being able
to reduce them to submission, appealed to Gregory IX., who
directed him, in case of continued disobedience, to proceed against
them as heretics. Accordingly, acting on this advice, he handed
them over, as his presence was required elsewhere, to the tender
mercies of their malignant accuser, Andrew, who resolved to
make short work of them. At this juncture another of the
strambaldi, 1 This monasteiy was not built, however, until after the capture of Constanti-
P- m nople by the Turks in 1453. This fact would tend to show that this narrative
was not a contemporary record.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 95
heroic band, named Gennadios, a member of the monastery of
Machaera, being advised by a Latin friend to consult his own
safety by a timely compliance, indignantly rejected the sugges
tion, preferring to suffer with the rest of his companions. Three
days after they had been handed over to their arch-enemy they
were for the last time brought before him. There, in the presence
of the King, the nobles, and the members of the High Court, he
recounted all the vain attempts, which had been made to force
them to yield. The King, hearing of their obstinacy, gave him
full permission, as chief ecclesiastical functionary in the realm,
to punish them as he pleased. Andrew, however, declined to
avail himself of it, pleading, as his reason, that it was not lawful
for a churchman to inflict death. But his scruples did not pre
vent him from deciding how they should die. He accordingly
surrendered them to the secular authority for execution, after
pronouncing sentence. They were condemned to be tied by the
feet to the tails of horses and mules, and thus dragged over the
rough stones in the market-place, or the river-bed, until the
flesh was torn from their bones, and then burnt. One of the
Latin nobles, as we learn from another narrator, who witnessed
the ghastly scene, on beholding the leader John standing and
praying for a long time in the fire, was so moved to fury at the
sight that, hurling a fagot, he knocked him down in the midst
of the flames. After the fire had been extinguished the holy
remains were discovered unconsumed. Thereupon a quantity
of the bones of animals and unclean beasts was brought and
spread over them, when the fire was again lighted, until every
thing was finally reduced to ashes.

And yet a Greek of all men, himself once a member of that Aiiatius
very communion, which he afterwards reviled, seeks thus to act.
excuse, with all the misplaced zeal of a renegade, the savage
conduct of his Latin friends ! " Why should men, who were *%fi™.
Catholics and most devoted adherents of the Roman Church, occidet
permit the Greeks to rage unpunished in those provinces, which f^6^0^
they had acquired by their blood and swords ? Not exile, but *"¦ *•
fire" and sword were necessary to reduce to a more reasonable
frame of mind the unruly and those, who had rebelled against
their own faith and opposed the truth.. Had not the Greeks
themselves, when they possessed the power and will, acted even
more harshly towards those same Latins ? Heretics must be pro
scribed, expelled, and punished, and the contumacious put to the
sword and burnt. So the laws decree, antiquity has sanctioned

96

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

AUatius, ut
supra, p. 700.

AUatius, ut
supra, p. 695.

Anonymousindictmentof Latin
tyranny.

Allatius' com-
ment on it.
AUatius, ut
supra,pp. 696-97.

the practice, and the modern Church, both the Greek, while
the Empire lasted, and the Latin, recognises no other method.
I know not whether the Greeks would have been moved to pity
and humanity by the misfortunes of the Latins. Who then
reproaches the Latins with cruelty and tyranny ? Those, who
were burnt in Cyprus, first deserved their fate by their obstinacy
and temerity. He is not an unj ust j udge, who makes the punish
ment to fit the crime. To scatter the bones of heretics, after
mixing them with those of animals, is also no proof of savage-
ness. It is merely depriving madmen of an opportunity for a
further display of their insanity.11
The same author, who has composed the above precious de
fence, has also preserved for us a most terrible indictment from
the pen of an anonymous writer, alas, only too true, of the
wrongs inflicted by the Latins upon the Orthodox at this epoch.
" From the reign of Manuel Porphyrogennetos to that of the
Emperor John Vataces all they did was to plunder cities and
islands in their fury, and from those, which they seized, they
expelled the Orthodox prelates, substituting for them cardinals
of their own party — viz., in Constantinople, Cyprus, Antioch,
and other cities — nor was that all, for they compelled the entire
populace, with the priests and monks, to accept their doctrines
and communion, and to commemorate the Pope in their liturgy.
To those, who were willing to do so, they showed themselves
somewhat friendly disposed, but those, who reproved thenuas
heretics and rejected all intercourse with them, they openly pun
ished and visited with martyrdom after the manner in which the
kings and tyrants of old treated the Orthodox Christians.11
And this is how the same apologist, too, seeks to minimise
the force of this damaging accusation : " In this statement there
are many things to be considered. The Latins, who conquered
the Eastern Empire, never expelled the Orthodox. If by Greeks
the writer meant those, who, while adhering to their own ritual,
in other respects followed the truth, his assertion is false, for, so far
from expelling them, the Latins employed their assistance when
ever necessary. If, however, he meant schismatics and those,
who defended the errors of the Greeks, it is absurd. They cer
tainly did appoint cardinals and other prelates of their own
party. But were they not right in so doing? They confided
their subjects to bishops of their own, whom they could trust.
The Greeks steal what does not belong to them, and invade the
dioceses of others and, disregarding the authority of the Pope,
appoint to them bishops acceptable to themselves, and, if the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 97
Latins complain of the theft, meet them with ridicule. When
the Latins recover and defend what is theirs, then the Greeks
make a great fuss, as though they had been unjustly deprived.
While the Greek is in the ascendant he does as he pleases, and
shall not the Latin, when he, too, is in the ascendant ? What
justice is this ? As long as the Greeks are subject, let them obey
and carry out the commands of their Sovereign and, even though
unwilling, accept the true faith, which they vilify. Were men
of the Latin rite, for whom that part of the earth, which they
had acquired by force of arms, had become their native land,
to be directed by Greek bishops, in those customs, which they
had brought in with them, especially if those Greeks hold dif
ferent views from the Roman Church on the subject of faith and
religion ? Perish so disgraceful a thought ! The Greeks, in good
sooth, are somewhat mildly treated, since they retain their bishops
with undiminished authority, and their priests are allowed to
live in the enj oyment of their own rites, as they had been accus
tomed during the reigns of their own Emperors, provided, as is
only reasonable, they acknowledge the head ofthe Church.1 If
they refuse, and do not cease from encouraging errors, are they
harshly treated when, after previous warnings, they are made to
suffer, and are punished with fire and sword ? The Latins, with
the sanction of the Supreme Pontiff, have left the Greeks to the
Greek bishops and priests with the same authority they for
merly possessed. For their own countrymen they have provided
in a way that seemed more suitable. And does the Greek com
plain, as though he had received some wrong ? Nay, the Greeks
themselves, though hostile to the Latins, confess that, when the
latter governed the Empire, they were most friendly to the Greeks,
bestowing upon them various offices and honours and permitting
them, despite the protests of the Papal Legates, who earnestly
strove to bring them to a right mind, to remain undisturbed in
their own opinions.11
1 This passage, which appears somewhat defective, runs as follows in the
original : —
" An etiam Latini ritus homines, qua; una secum duxerant, et quibus jam
patria armis parta terra; facta erat, Graecis Praesulibus dirigendi erant, et
praecipue si Graeci illi aliter ac Romana ecclesia de fide ac leligione sentirent ?
Apage sceles. Mitius sane cum Graecis actum est, dum suos Praesules cum
integra facultate, et Sacerdotes, ut Graecis Imperantibus sueverant, suis riti-
bus vivere permittuntur, dummodo, uti par erat, caput Ecclesiae agnoscant,"
etc. Some such word as habent would seem to have been omitted after cum
integra facultate. The expression " quae una secum duxerant " presents the
greatest difficulty.
7

98 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Germanos The tidings of this atrocity stirred the Orthodox community
with the Pope to its very centre. Thouffh Germanos was at the moment power-
on behalf of . J O. . „ . . . J
"igionists ^ess *° a-° anything in mitigation of these seventies, an oppor
tunity soon afterwards presented itself of interceding on behalf
Raynaidi, ad of his persecuted co-religionists. Five Latin monks, who had
no. 46. ' escaped from a Turkish prison, suddenly appeared at Nicaea to
claim the protection of the Greek Emperor. After being hos
pitably entertained and admitted to several conferences with the
Patriarch, in which discussion chiefly turned on the long-standing
schism and the prospects of reunion, they left, full of gratitude
for the treatment which they had received, and bearing with
them letters from Germanos to the Pope and cardinals. In his
sathas.^tom. epistle to Gregory the writer, while lamenting the dissensions,
Mansi, which had so long separated the two communions, lays the blame
xxm., pP°m' upon the Latins. To them, and not to the Greeks, he asserts,
Raynaw., ad the curse pronounced by the Apostle Paul upon innovators in
NSeSk doctrine applied. To their want of harmony, disagreement in
HeanrVIrrilB'ad doctrines, disregard of the canons, and changes in ancient usages
ann. 1237. ne ascribes the implacable war between the two Churches, the
destruction of cities and the closing of places of worship to the
Orthodox. " One thing only,11 he passionately exclaims, " has
hitherto been wanting, and even that has now been accomplished,
the hour of martyrdom. Cyprus, that famous island, knows what
I mean. She has seen new martyrs and soldiers of Christ, who,
after passing for long years through the water of the tears of
contrition and being bathed in the perspiration of wearisome
bodily labours, have at last passed through fire and water. But
God, the arbiter of their contests, conducted them finally to the
heavenly rest. Are these things well,11 he asks, " most holy suc
cessor of the Apostle Peter ? Are these the commands of the
disciple of Christ, the meek and lowly in heart ? Is it thus that
i pet. v. 1.4. he instructs the elders in his epistle ? Nay, his words are : ' The
elders, which are among you I exhort, who am also an elder, and
a witness of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the
glory that shall be revealed : —
" ' Feed the flock of God, which is among you, taking the
oversight thereof, not by constraint, but willingly ; not for filthy
lucre, but of a ready mind ;
" ' Neither as being lords over God's heritage, but being en-
samples to the flock :
" ' And when the chief Shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive
a crown of glory that fadeth not away.1 This is the teaching
of Peter and let those, who disregard it, take care.11 Craving

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 99
pardon for the bitterness of his language, which he describes as
the outpouring of a heart stricken with grief, he expresses his
readiness to assist his Holiness in any attempt at reunion, and
concludes by proposing that the matters in dispute between the
two communions, since each is fully convinced it is in the right,
should be decided by an appeal to Scripture and the fathers.
This letter, mild and forbearing, considering the circumstances
which provoked it, has been described by the Roman Church
historians as insolent in its tone and false in its statements.
One of the most distinguished of them thus writes of it and of
its author : " In this year, through the opportunity given by Raynaid., ad
certain Minorites, a discussion was raised about the union of^M. '
the Greek Church with the Latin. Germanos, the Archbishop
of the Greeks, who was residing at Nicaea in Bithynia, wrote to
the Supreme Pontiff on the subject. Although in his letter he
seemed to exhibit some trace of dutifulness, and expressed the
desire that the two Churches might unite in faith and harmony,
he, nevertheless, slandered the Roman Church in insolent lan
guage and full of the ancient rancour, as though it, indeed, had
separated from the Greek, and challenged the Pontiff' to decide
on the authority of Scripture the question as to which of the
two communions had been excommunicated by Christ the Head.
Some more serious complaints, or rather calumnies, he enlarged
upon in stilted phraseology, viz., that the Pope had forbidden
the worship of God according to the Greek rite, and had so
excited persecution against the Greeks in Cyprus that certain of
them, after suffering the misery of a long imprisonment, had
been burnt. These he boasts to have received the illustrious
palm of martyrdom. But any one can see that he has falsely
circulated these charges, which are so opposed to the truth and
the clemency of the Roman Church."
The letter of Germanos drew from the Pope two replies. In Gregorys
the first Gregory clearly shows that its separation from RomeSSioi
was the cause of all the miseries which the Orthodox communion anTS',' """
was then suffering. "When the Church of the Greeks," are his^6^,
words, "withdrew from the unity of the Roman Church, it im-fflL^
mediately lost the privilege of ecclesiastical liberty, and it, which 1232' p- 305-
had once been free, was made the servant of the secular power,
that by the just judgment of God it, which had been disinclined
to acknowledge the divine primacy that is in Peter, might un
willingly submit to the secular power." In the second, (18th sathas, tom.
May, 1233), he announces to the Patriarch the despatch of four

100 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
envoys x to arrange with him the terms of the proposed agree
ment. The discussion, which ensued, accomplished, however,
nothing definite — the two parties, if possible, separating with an
even greater dislike and mistrust of one another than before.
short respite The Orthodox now seem for a while at least to have remained
tte'cirtholox free from further molestation. Their Latin tyrants were too
contin. g. de busily engaged in resisting the encroachments of the Emperor
Hl'.^i et Frederick II. upon the island to have much time for anything
else. No doubt many of the Orthodox prelates and clergy took
Gregory. advantage of this lull to return to their former charges. But
tnfworkof the respite was a short one, for in 1240, by the action of Gregory
himself, the old familiar work of persecution was resumed with
his letter of all its accustomed vigour. From a letter of his, dated 13th
Echlish?" April of that year, we learn that the Pope had charged the
Raynaidi, Latin metropolitan to direct the bishops of his province not to
NoBal44i45. ' allow any Greek ecclesiastic to celebrate mass in their respective
dioceses until he had, in the presence of their commissaries, first
taken the oath of obedience to the Roman Church and had
further renounced all his heretical opinions, especially that one
in which the Latins were falsely represented as heretics for their
use of azymes. In obedience to the Papal commands Eustor
gius assembled the Greek Archbishop and his suffragans, and
consequent communicated to them the orders he had received. In reply
orthodox thev requested an opportunity for discussion before deciding; on
prelates. ..1 r r J . o
their course of action. When the allotted period had expired,
after stripping the churches and monasteries of their valuables,
they secretly left the island, accompanied by the j>rincipal monks
and priests — the Archbishop threatening with excommunica
tion those of his brethren remaining, who should yield to the
Papal demands. In his perplexity the Latin Archbishop ap
pealed to Gregory, who directed him to formally banish the
refractory ecclesiastics from the province and to fill the churches
and monasteries of those who had left with Latin ecclesiastics
and other suitable persons.
But the dawn of a comparatively brighter day was close at
hand. Coercion had proved a failure. Persecution had only
served to call forth increased powers of resistance. Conciliation
was now to be tried instead. Motives of expediency in the main
dictated this change of policy. Under the wise and able direc
tion of Theodore Lascaris and John Vataces, the Greek Empire,
1 They were Hugh and Peter, two Dominican friars, and Radulph and Haimo
of the Order of St. Francis.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 101
which was once thought to have received its death-blow by the
capture of Constantinople, had acquired fresh strength in its new
home at Nicaea. It was now the turn of the Latin Emperors of
the East to be threatened with expulsion from the Imperial City
by the descendants of those, whom they had formerly dispossessed.
Innocent IV., the successor of Gregory IX., had not been long innocent iv.
seated on the Papal throne before he gave convincing proofs of policy of
his intention to reverse the attitude of his predecessors towards |^-0rd^xtne
the Greeks. In 1247 he appointed his penitentiary, Laurence, Raynaid.
a Franciscan, as his legate in the East. " It is from the full m^'nat™,!
confidence,11 he tells him, "that we have in the Lord of your cir- SSreMe, the
cumspection, that we have thought fit to send you beyond the ^J^ate*
seas as an angel of peace, with full legatine powers for Armenia, J^Btvi,
Iconium, Turkey, Greece, Babylonia: over all Greeks dwelling^; &¦£¦¦
in the patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, or in the island 244,
of Cyprus : and over all Jacobites, Maronites and Nestorians,
as well : that according to the prudence, which you have from
God, you may pluck up and scatter, build and plant ; on which
account, too, we enjoin you to protect the Greeks in those parts,
of whatever denomination, by the Apostolic authority, which you
derive from us, not allowing them to be vexed or troubled in any
way ; causing any molestation or inj uries, which they may have
received from the Latins, to be redressed tenfold : and bidding
the Latins themselves at their peril abstain from any such acts
for the time to come.11 In a later epistle, dated 7th August, Raynaid., ad
¦¦ a nn 1247
1247, he lays down rules for his conduct towards those Greek no. in.
prelates who show any disposition to return to their allegiance
and obedience to the Holy See.
1. Those who are known to have been formerly subject to the
Latin patriarchs of Antioch or Jerusalem, or any other prelates
of the same Church, are not to be released from their obligations.
2. Those who are known to have never been subject to these
patriarchs or bishops are to be admitted to immediate depend
ence upon the Pope, all existing rights and prerogatives being
preserved. 3. The Orthodox Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem like
wise, if it shall be proved that they have never been dependent
upon any of the Latin Patriarchs or bishops, together with their
suffragans, if enjoying a similar freedom, are to be placed in im
mediate dependence also upon the Holy See. These Patriarchs
are, if unable to visit the Supreme Pontiff' personally, to send
suitable persons to represent themselves and their suffragans. In
case want of funds should debar them from making the journey,

102 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Laurence is directed to defray the necessary expenses out of the
Results of Papal treasury. These conciliatory measures were attended with
this change i i ¦ 1
of policy. the happiest results. Many of the Greek ecclesiastics, among
them the Archbishop, who had gone into exile in consequence of
Raynaid, ad Gregory's arbitrary proceedings, were persuaded by Laurence to
no. 40. ' return to Cyprus.1 But even greater results were to follow from
Raynaid., ad this change of policy. In 1248, when the crusading army under
no. 33. ' St. Louis reached Cyprus, there accompanied the French forces
ii°,iIjLD.ei2148'. another angel of peace in the person of Cardinal Eudes de
w*aldaofCM-e Chateauroux, Bishop of Tusculum. Through his exertions the
chaateau?oMe long-standing feud between the two Churches was, for a while
wFSsS' """ a^ ^east? so far forgotten that the Greek Archbishop, coming with
no. M. ' his clergy to the legate, of his own accord promised obedience to
the Church of Rome, placing, moreover, his hands between the
Cardinal's in feudal fashion as a token of submission.
ibid., nos. 40, The Orthodox in the island, noting the evident desire ofthe
41 42. ' o
Holy See to secure their good-will, now made through their
metropolitan several demands, which virtually amounted to
the abolition of the objectionable clauses in the Convention
made at Famagusta in 1222. Among other things they re-
Demands of quested : —
1. The re-establishment ofthe fourteen original Sees.
2. Complete independence of the Latin hierarchy in the island,
with immediate dependence upon the Pope instead.
Ffouikes, 1 Ffoulkes comments as follows on this incident. " Laurence, the Franciscan,
dom's Divi- acting as legate for Innocent, a.d. 1247, as we have seen, induced some of them
sions, pt. H., to return, and a few years afterwards, when Otto (Eudes) Bishop of Frascati
246aP V ' P (Tusculum) came to Cyprus as legate, one of them, a namesake of the Greek
Patriarch, Germanos, met him with a profession of obedience to the Roman
Church ; on which the legate seems to have permitted him to be consecrated by
his suffragans Archbishop of the Greeks in Cyprus, receiving from him after con
secration, and from his suffragans, a promise of obedience, in the name of the
Raynaid., ad Roman Church," etc. In note 704 he continues, " so we learn from the consti-
anu.^1260, tution of Alexander IV., otherwise it might have been inferred from the letter
Hist, de °f Innocent to Otto that Germanos had been Archbishop at the time of his expul-
chyp.^tom. s;0n ". As permission for his consecration was not given until 20th Dec, 1251,
and Innocent's letter is dated 21st July, 1250, any one knowing these facts
would hardly be likely to come to such a conclusion. Moreover the letter in
question begins, " Venerabilis fratris nostri archiepiscopi Graecorum in Cypro,"
etc., while the permission contains the words, " archiepiscopo jampridem de-
functo," thus clearly showing that the vacancy, which gave Germanos the
primacy, had occurred meanwhile.
Who this individual alluded to by Innocent may have been it is impossible to
say. The name immediately preceding Germanos' in the list of Orthodox Arch
bishops is that of Neophytos. If this person be Neophytos, then it is evident
that the celebrated recluse of Enklistra can never have been primate, as many
suppose, since at this date he would have reached the fabulous age of 116 years,
having been born in A.D. 1134.

il., p. 65.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 103
3. The restoration of the jurisdiction over the clergy and laity
of their own faith, which the bishops had possessed before their
revolt from the Roman Church, the members of their own com
munion to show them the same submission in spiritual matters
that the Latins paid their bishops.
4. The removal of all restrictions from those desiring to take
ecclesiastical orders or to embrace a monastic life, with perfect
freedom in these matters, as had been customary before the Latin
occupation. 5. The transference to the Orthodox prelates of the tithes,
which were paid by the Greek monasteries, the Syrian Orthodox,
and the Greek Elefteri to the Latin bishops, who were also to
assign a portion of the tithes derived from the agricultural and
pastoral pursuits of the Greeks towards the support of the
native bishops and clergy.1
6. The right of the bishops to hear and decide, in accordance
with the canons and ancient usage, all spiritual matters, in which
the Greek inhabitants were concerned. Appeals against their
decisions to be made, not to the Latin Archbishop or bishops,
but to the Pope himself, or his legate in those parts.
7. The legate to receive on behalf of the Pope the promise of
obedience and respect from the Orthodox Archbishop for the
time being, and to protect him and his suffragans from all un
necessary interference and annoyance.
8. The abolition of all the penalties pronounced by Pelagius
and others against the Orthodox bishops, clergy and laity of the
island for their previous disobedience, it being contended that,
since the cause of offence was now removed, the punishment
should be done away with also.
The Pope on receipt of these demands, recognising that hisihePope
1 r ' t o r o leaves the
remoteness from Cyprus made it impossible for him to give a decision of
.„ . . . J l .. r -r-,1 - th*B matter to
satisfactory decision, referred the matter to Eudes, requesting oardmai
him, after due deliberation with those best qualified to advise, Raynaid., ad
to settle the question in the way most conducive to the no. 43.
salvation of souls, the peace of the Church, and the promotion
of catholic obedience. From the Latin point of view it was of
course quite impossible to grant these demands. To have done
so would virtually have entailed the destruction of the whole
fabric of ecclesiastical supremacy, which the Westerns had been
at such pains to erect. But these well-meant attempts at peace HugoFagiano,Archbishop of
1 " Et nihilominus eorundem, ac suorum sustentationi clericorum a memoratis j^SJjJnemy
archiepiscopo et episcopis Latinis aliqua decimarum, quae ipsis de laboribus et of the Ortho-
nutrimentis animalium Graecorum praefata; insula; proveniunt, portio assignetur."

104 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
were to a very great extent frustrated by the arbitrary conduct
of the Latin metropolitan, Hugo Fagiano, who had lately been
appointed to the See of Nikosia. His great ambition was to ex
tend the authority of the Roman Church over the entire native
population. He, therefore, naturally regarded this policy of
ms arbitrary conciliation with the greatest disfavour. Notwithstanding
wardscthem. Innocent's prohibition against interfering with the Greeks he,
SviBl336om' in a constitution read to the people in the great cemetery of the
x?bPara°?* Cathedral of Santa Sophia on Palm Sunday, 1251, ordered, under
"*¦ pain of excommunication, all Greeks who had been confirmed
and married according to the rites of the Churches of Rome
and Nikosia, and their children, to attend service at least once
a week — viz., on Sundays — in the Latin cathedral at Nikosia
and to confess there once a year to a Latin priest, and for
the future to receive the sacraments there according to the
Latin rite, and never again according to the rites and usages of
the Greeks, unless absolutely compelled. He further threatened
the same penalty to all Orthodox priests and deacons, who had
not already promised, or who refused to promise, obedience to
the Churches of Rome and Nikosia.1
These aggressive proceedings would in themselves have been
enough to rekindle the angry feelings so lately appeased. But
the action of the legate himself unconsciously precipitated
Election ot a matters. The Greek metropolitan throne of Cyprus being at
primate.0 o:* this time vacant, it was resolved to allow the Orthodox to elect
another occupant as some compensation for the refusal of their
late demands. Accordingly, having received the necessary per
mission from the Pope, the Greek bishops proceeded to choose
Germanos Pesimandros. Their choice received the sanction of
the legate and was subsequently confirmed by Innocent himself.
Disregarding the protests made by the representatives of the
Latin metropolitan, then absent from the island, Eudes caused
the newly elected to be consecrated by his suffragans as the
Raynaidi, ad Orthodox Archbishop of Cyprus, receiving from him and them,
No. 37. 1 Item praecipimus districte et sub poena excommunicationis universis Graecis
qui sacramenta confirmationis et matrimonii juxta morem ecclesiae Romanae et
ecclesia; Nicosiensis receperunt, et etiam iis qui ex praedictis sunt procreati, ut
de caetero semel saltern in hebdomada, die scilicet Dominica, in majori ecclesia
Latinorum Nicosiensi ad audiendum Divinum officium conveniant, et ibidem
confiteantur Latino presbytero, saltern semel in anno, sua peccata, et ab eadem
ecclesia juxta morem Latinorum omnia ecclesiastica recipiant sacramenta
eadem de caetero, nisi forte in necessitate, juxta mores et ritus Graecorum
nullatenus recepturi.  Item omnes presbyteros et diaconos Graecos
qui non fecerunt, nee facere volunt, obedientiam ecclesiae Romanae et ecclesiae
Nicosiensi.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 105
after the ceremony, a promise of obedience to the Church of
Rome — no mention being made of the local Latin hierarchy —
with a further promise from the suffragans of canonical obedi
ence to Germanos as their metropolitan. Hugo, though furious Hugo quits
at these proceedings, was unable to resist the legate's authority, disgust after
Regarding the presence of a Greek metropolitan as an affront g^JJ^IJ
to his dignity and fatal to the supremacy of his own communion,
he shortly afterwards withdrew to Tuscany, where he remained Returns on
until the death 1 of the King, Henri I., placing the kingdom He"nri,L
meanwhile under an interdict.
While still acting as legate Eudes was called upon to medi
ate between the two Churches in certain disputes, which had
arisen regarding baptism, the chrism, the Eucharist, and other
rites and ceremonies. The Pope, to whom the matter was finally innocent rv.
referred, pronounced after careful deliberation the following certain rites
i-*i-ii --iii i i-i, ft and cere-
decision, which he enjoined the legate to have explained to all S""^1^.
the Greek bishops of the kingdom, requiring them at the same^';™11tbetwo
time to observe its provisions and to see them observed by their Raynaid., ad
*¦ *" anti 1254
co-religionists. But the language, in which he addressed his nos.' 7, 8/9, 10,
representative, showed that he was as resolved as ever to continue
his policy of conciliation. "As some of the Greeks have re- FfouikeB,
turned to their duty to the Apostolic See, and have been for dom's Divi-
11- 11- • 1 • • 1 1.1 ^onB, P*- H;j
some time past heeding and obeying it reverently : it is both <*• v. p. aw.
lawful and expedient by tolerating their rites and usages, so
far as we can before God, to retain them in their obedience to
the same : though on any point detrimental to the interests of
souls, or where we cannot do so with honesty, we neither ought,
nor mean to defer to them in any way."
1. In the administration ofthe chrism at baptism the Roman
usage was to be observed,2 but the Greeks were at liberty to
1 Various dates have been assigned to this event, Florio Boustron, Amadi,
and the Continuator of Guillaume de Tyr representing it as having occurred in
1253, while Machaera and Strambaldi postpone it till 29th Aug., 1261. Fl. Boustron,
" In detto tempo (1253) mori il re Henrico de Cipro a Nicosia, alii 18 diP-ios.
gennaro." Amadi, p. 202.
" Morite Henrico re de Cypro a Nicossia, a di 18 zener (1253)." Sr'iib*"' ae
" A MCCLIII — moururent li rois Henri de Chipre," etc. xivi.,c.'lii.
" KaX 6 avrbs pe Xapijv eireBave Ty kB' avyovarov a,ir£a'." Machiera,
" E morse il preditto re Charin 1261 a di 29 Agosto." Itrambaldi,
2 The Roman Church uses thiee oils, viz., (1) Oleum Catechumenorum, (2)P-18-
Oleum Infirmorum, and (3) Chrisma Sanctum, all consecrated by the bishop on Neaie, Holy
Thursday in Holy Week after the " Per quem haec omnia, Domine, semper bona ^Sch'vol
creas " in the canon of the mass. The first is used in baptism, confirmation, li.,pp.69M.

106

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Mansi, tom.
xxvi. 322.
Labbe, tom.
xi.,pars. 2,

Mansi, tom.
xxvi., 322.
Labbe, tom.
xi., pars. 2,

continue their custom of anointing the entire body of the can
didate, if the practice could not be abolished without causing
offence, as it was quite immaterial to the efficacy and due per
formance of the sacrament. The use of cold or warm water was
also declared to be a matter of no consequence, since the Greeks
were reported to assert that baptism performed in either way
was equally efficacious.
Note. — In the Constitution of Archbishop Raphael the Greek
bishops are directed to instruct their priests to perform the
unction according to the Roman usage, i.e., by anointing the
child, before being baptised, with the oil with the thumb, making
the sign of the cross between the shoulders and on the breast.
2. In the Greek Church it is customary for the priest to pro
ceed to confirmation immediately after baptism. But this cere
mony was now to be restricted to the bishops, on the ground
that it was a rite which the latter alone were entitled to confer
as the representatives of the apostles. By this decision, there
fore, the rite of confirmation was virtually postponed for some
years. 3. The Greek bishops were directed to consecrate the oil for
the chrism in their cathedrals on Maundy Thursday according
to the usage of the Roman Church. The chrism itself was to
be composed of balsam and olive oil. But if in this matter the
Greeks preferred to observe their ancient custom, whereby patri
archs and archbishops consecrated it in company with their
suffragans, they were at liberty to do so.
Note. — The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael directs the
Orthodox bishops to make the chrism, holy oil, and oil for the
sick in the cathedral towns of the Latin bishops. The two
latter were to be composed of olive oil only.1 All three were to

and consecration of altars ; the second for the sick and in the consecration of
bells ; the third in the consecration of bishops, priests, etc., churches and church
ornaments. The Church of Constantinople has likewise three kinds of oil, viz., (i) The
oil of Catechumens, which is simply blessed by the priest in the baptismal office ;
(2) The evxeXatov, or prayer oil, for the visitation of the sick, blessed in the sick
man's house by seven priests ; (3) The ayiov pipov, solemnly consecrated by the
bishop on Thursday in Holy Week.
In the unction of Catechumens the priest takes of the oil and makes the sign
of the cross upon the forehead, breast, between the shoulders, the ears, the feet,
and the hands of the person to be baptised.
1 Chrism was at first made only of oil by both Latins and Greeks. In the
ppCifi-2°By' sixth century balm brought from Judaea was mixed with it, and this kind was in

Walcott, Sacred

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 107
be kept carefully locked up in safe and clean places, where they
would be out of the reach of profane hands, and were to be dis
tributed for use among the priests as required. Any remaining
until the following Maundy Thursday was then to be burnt and
the ashes buried in the sacristy. If the Orthodox service books
contained no forms for the consecration of these oils, the Greeks
were directed to make use of those to be found in the Roman
manuals. 4. In the Oriental Church it is customary to anoint with or. Hook, ch.
prayer oil1 (euchelaion) such penitents as are conscious ofthe ict"p'321'
guilt of any mortal sin. The ceremony, which is performed by
the archbishop or bishop, assisted by seven priests, consists in
anointing the penitent in the form of a cross on the forehead,
chin, each cheek, back, and palms of the hands. Such a practice
was now strictly forbidden in Cyprus, while priests and con
fessors were prohibited from giving unction of any kind in lieu
of the satisfaction of penance.
5. Extreme unction was to be administered to the sick.
6. The Greeks were permitted to follow their own custom in
the use of warm water with the wine in the Eucharist, provided
they believed and maintained that, so long as the form of the
canon was preserved, the sacrament was equally efficacious,
whether with cold, hot, or tepid water.
7. The Eucharist consecrated on Maundy Thursday for the
use of the sick was not to be reserved until the same day of the
use in the West until the sixteenth century, when the Spaniards by permission
of Paul III. and Pius IV. adopted balm from India. The Greeks use, instead
of balm, forty different kinds of aromatic spices. Consecration of chrism was
reserved to bishops only, who distributed it to the parish priests. In the fifth
century this ceremonial was fixed to Maundy Thursday, and during the second
of the three masses celebrated on that day, which, in consequence, was called
the Mass of Chrism. However, in France, the Council of Meaux, in 845, per
mitted consecration on any day, as in primitive times ; and the Greeks, although
regarding Maundy Thursday as the principal occasion, still follow the same
practice, but reserve it to the patriarchs, who perform the office with great
pomp. The chrism and holy oil were kept under lock and key, to provide
against any abuse for purposes of sorcery and witchcraft, in the thirteenth century.
1 The office of the prayer-oil, tov evxeXaiov, differs from that of extreme Neaie, Holy
unction among the Latins in more than one particular : 1. The oil is not pie- church? vol.
viously consecrated by the bishop ; but, at the time, by seven priests. 2. The li., p.ifasiq.
unction is not conferred only in extremis, but in slighter illness ; and, if possible,
in the church. 3. It is not usually considered valid unless at least three priests
are present to officiate.

108 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
following year. The Sacrament consecrated for that purpose
might not be reserved for a longer period than fifteen days.
The reason given for this prohibition was lest it might, by a
change in the species through a longer reservation, become less
easy to take, though its reality and efficacy were declared to be
always the same, and to be neither destroyed nor impaired by
lapse of time.
8. With regard to the celebration of solemn and other masses
and the time of celebration the Greeks were at liberty to follow
their own customs, provided they made use of the correct words
of institution, and the celebration did not occur after the ninth
hour. Except on Christmas Day, and on occasions of necessity,
priests were forbidden by the Constitution of Archbishop Raphael
to say more than one mass daily.
9. Priests were to be allowed to say the canonical hours
according to their own use (more suo), but were forbidden to
celebrate mass before they had finished matins.1
10. Candidates for the priesthood, and priests appointed to
the charge of churches, were first to be carefully examined, es
pecially with a view to ascertaining if they had been properly
instructed in the due performance of the canonical hours and
the office of the mass in their proper sequence (secundum distinc-
tionem temporum).
Mausijtom. Note. — Archbishop Raphael in his Constitution, when repeat -
Labbe, tom. ing this order, asserts that he had been informed by priests worthy
xi^pars. 2, Q£ creci*t that the Greek ecclesiastics knew little or nothing about
the canonical hours, especially matins, and were also ignorant of
their masses.
1 1 . Priests were directed to use in the Eucharist only chalices
of gold, or silver, or at least pewter,2 and to provide themselves
Neaie.Eastern 1 In the Orthodox Church the canonical hours are as follows : —
lih'pC894,">'' *' '^o-irepivbv = Vespers. 2. 'Air6Senrvov = Compline. 3. MeaovvKTiKbv =
Matins. 4. "OpBpov = Lauds. 5. The First Hour = Prime. The Mesorion
of the First Hour. 6. The Third Hour = Tierce. The Mesorion of the Third
Hour. 7. The Sixth Hour = Sext. The Mesorion of the Sixth Hour. 8. The
Ninth Hour = Nones. The Mesorion of the Ninth Hour.
Waicott, 2 Wooden chalices were in use until the ninth century. The Council of
irchafoiogy, Rheims, in 226, forbade glass, and in 883 the use of wood, tin, glass and copper.
p. 129. ' ' Pope Leo, in 847, prohibited glass or wood ; the Council of Tribur, in 897, pro
scribed wood ; the Council of Cealcythe, in 785, forbade wood ; but jElfric's

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 109
with a corporal of clean white linen, and to see that their altars
were covered with clean vestments, or suitable hangings (para
menia) .
Note. — The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael also orders Mansi tom.
them to provide suitable clean linen corporals, altar palls, and S^e.tan.
other ecclesiastical vestments. They were directed to wipe the 4^"' 2'
chalice after use with a clean white linen cloth, both externally
and internally, and to wrap it up in a cloth of the same kind.
The same code of regulations prohibits the use of wooden or
earthen chalices, a custom which they were most probably driven
by poverty to adopt.
12. Women were not to be allowed to take part in the ser
vice of the altar, but were to be entirely precluded from all
ministrations in connection with it.
13. The Greeks were to be permitted to preserve their custom
of not fasting on Saturdays during Lent,1 though the Pope
expresses the opinion that they would do better to abstain
altogether during the whole of that period.
14. Married priests, as well as unmarried, to whom the care
of parishes or the supervision of parish churches had been
entrusted by the bishops, might hear the confessions of their
parishioners, and impose penances upon them for their sins.
Note. — Archbishop Raphael in his Constitution complains Mansi, tom.
that the Greeks and Syrians were very lax in their observance Labl)ei tom.
of penance. According to him some rarely or never confessed, 239i.parB* *"'
and never to their own priest ; while others, avoiding those
priests who had submitted to the Churches of Rome and Ni
kosia, chose as their confessors those who were disobedient and
notorious for heresy, thereby themselves becoming infected with
the same errors. Priests also sometimes gave the sacrament to
persons who were unconfessed, or who had confessed to such
priests, or even in cases where it was doubtful whether the re-
canons, in 957, allowed wood, probably owing to the devastations ofthe Danes;
but, three years later, King Edgar's canons allowed only molten metal. Glass
was considered improper, owing to its fragility ; horn, from blood entering into
its composition, by the Council of Cealcythe ; wood, from its porousness and
absorbent nature ; and brass and bronze, because liable to rust. In 1222 the
Archbishop of Canterbury forbade tin or pewter.
1 Until the sixth century Saturdays were not fasted in the West ; but then waicott,
the Council of Agde and Fourth Orleans excepted only Sundays. The East f^Sjflogy_
still preserves its old tradition. p. 349.

110 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
cipients had confessed at all. To remedy this state of things the
Archbishop decreed that annually, at the beginning of Lent, in
every parish should be read and explained to the people the
concu. Lat., Constitution of the fourth Lateran Council beginning, " Omnis
utriusque sexus fidelis ". This constitution he enjoined upon all
Greeks and Syrians, both clerics and laymen, under threat of
excommunication, strictly to observe. Furthermore, no priest
was to administer to the sick the Eucharist, or any of the other
sacraments, without first ascertaining if the intending communi
cant had confessed to some duly appointed confessor. Priests
and monks, both Greeks and Syrians, were forbidden to hear
confessions ; and all, both clergy and laity, were forbidden under
penalty of excommunication to confess to any but to those who
had been authorised by the Archbishop to hear confessions in the
diocese and city of Nikosia. Any one contravening this regula
tion, or failing to confess once a year to the properly appointed
person, was to be repelled from the Church during life and, after
death, to be denied Christian burial.
15. Bishops were to be allowed the assistance of suitable
persons in hearing confessions, imposing penances, and other
spiritual matters. They were at liberty also to depute such
persons to act for them in these matters in their dioceses, with
out prejudice or injury to their own clergy, when through press
of business it might happen that they were unable to perform
their duties themselves.
16. The marriage of divorced persons was to be regarded as a
mortal sin.1
17. The Greek bishops were expressly enjoined for the
future to confer the seven orders2 according to the usage of
the Church of Rome, they having been in the habit of neglect
ing or omitting three of the lesser ones. Those, however, who
had been previously ordained in this negligent fashion by the
Neaie Eastern 1 The point in theii system, which Eastern canonists have ever found most
S""!ib2201' difficult of defence, is the facility with which divorces are allowed.
concii,. 2 The seven orders of the Roman Church are as follows : —
xxiif'De8688' I- Priest' 2- Deacon, 3. Subdeacon, which comprise the holy or greater;
Ord„'c. ii. and 4. Acolyte, 5. Exorcist, 6. Reader, 7. Ostiarius, which constitute the
lesser. The corresponding ones in the Orthodox Communion are : —
1. lepevs. 2. SiaKovos. 3. inroSidKovos or viryp4rys. 4. irropKiaTT^s or i^opKitTTT)s.
5. Bvpwp6s or irvXwp6s. 6. dvayvw(TTT)s. 7. tyaXTi)s.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 111
bishops were, on account of their numbers, to have their orders
recognised. Note.— The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael after no tic- Mansi tom.
ing the above directions orders that in the ordination of a priest t,»d1)'Bi tom.
and the consecration of a bishop the oil and the chrism were to S&.11**™' 2'
be used according to the form prescribed in the Roman ponti
ficals, which, if the Greeks did not possess, they were to apply
for to the Roman ecclesiastics.
18. The Greeks were instructed no longer to condemn second,
third, or even fourth marriages.1 Their priests, however, were
not to bless second marriages. Marriages between persons re
lated in the eighth degree according to the Greek reckoning:, or Mansi, ut
o o o O" supra
the fourth according to the Latin, were for the future strictly Labbe, do.
forbidden. Such marriages, however, as had already taken
place were allowed by dispensation to hold good.
Note. — The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael repeats this
prohibition and further directs the publication of banns accord
ing to the usage of the Roman Church, so as to prevent such
marriages from taking place among the Latins and Greeks.
20. The Greeks were for the future to be required to accept
the Roman doctrine of purgatory.2 The Pope declares they
1 The strictness of the Eastern Church far exceeds that of the Western on
the subject of second marriages. The notice at the head of the office in the
Euchology is as follows : —
" Chapter of Nicephoros, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Confessor. He Neaie Eastern
that enters into a second marriage is not crowned ; and, in addition to that, is H^ifal01'
warned not to receive the spotless Mysteries for two years ; and he that enters
into a third, for five."
From the replies of St. Niketas, Metropolitan of Heraklea, to Constantine
the Bishop : —
" In strictness second marriages ought not to be crowned. But the use of
the Great Church crowns second and third marriages, though the parties con
tracting them are not to be admitted to the mysteries for one or two years.
The Priest, however, who blesses them, is not to sup in the wedding feast,
according to the Seventh Canon ofthe Council of Neocaesarea."
The relaxation of the rule concerning the coronation is referred to the time
when Constantine Kopronymos wedded Eudokia as his third wife. Fourth
marriages are, however, condemned as altogether unlawful. The Emperor,
Leo the Philosopher, was excommunicated for having so offended.
2 The truth of this doctrine forms one of the greatest questions in dispute
between the two Churches, the Orthodox Communion never having received it.
Though the Greek deputies, who attended the Council of Florence in 1439, were
induced to acknowledge the existence of purgatory, and the decrees of the Coun
cil weie signed by the Emperor, John-Palaeologos, and eighteen Eastern bishops,
they were summarily rejected in the East, while the council has never been re
cognised.

112 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
had already admitted it tacitly, but had hitherto refused to do
so publicly, because none of their theologians had expressly
mentioned it by name.
21. Any one dying in mortal sin, without penance, was to be
regarded as punishable for ever with hell-fire.
22. The souls of infants, after baptism, and of those adults who
die in peace, and are not in the bondage of sin, nor require to
do penance for it, go immediately to heaven.
23. Greek abbots and monks were to carefully observe the
ordinances and regulations framed by the Fathers for the lives
and conduct of monks.
Mansi tom. Note. — The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael requires them
Labbe, tom. to strictly follow and observe the rule of St. Basil, according to
xi^pars. 2, jfafa V0WS] especially in the matter of obedience, continence, and
renunciation of property. They were directed also to sleep
under one roof, to eat together in the same refectory, and not to
leave the precincts of the monastery without the permission of
the abbot or prior. Wandering monks were to be sent back to
their monasteries. Monks were forbidden to engage in the
pursuits of the laity, to hunt, keep hounds and hawks, or
harbour women in their establishments. They were not to
undertake servile work of any kind, unless when absolutely
necessary, and that only by command of their abbot or prior.
The Pope concludes these instructions with a caution, which
he requests the legate to communicate to the Latin Archbishop
and his suffragans, that they are not to disturb nor molest the
Greeks, in opposition to what he has laid down and ruled on
the above questions.
But the untimely death of Innocent IV. at Naples on 7th
December, 1254, only a few months after the promulgation of
the above decrees, prevented all further progress in the policy of
Hugo Fagiano conciliation. Hugo Fagiano, who had meanwhile returned, corn-
persecution of menced once more his old work of persecution, undeterred now
by fears of Papal censures, and freed from the restraining influ
ence of Eudes, who had left the island. Germanos, as the head
of the rival communion and his equal in episcopal rank, was
especially singled out for attack. At length the quarrel, which
had for some time been slumbering, assumed an acute form
through the tyrannical conduct of the Latin metropolitan.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 113
Certain facts in connection with Germanos1 administration of his dispute
his diocese having come to his notice, he summoned the Greek prfmate
Archbishop to appear before him and explain his conduct. Ger- Raynaid., ad
manos naturally refused to obey the order of one whom he re-te%, 38,' 39°"'
garded merely as an equal. After placing himself, his church Germanos
and his flock under the protection of the Holy See, he repaired complaint to
in person toiRome, with his three suffragans,1 to complain to the
new Pope, Alexander IV. of the persecutions to which he was
subjected. Hugo's reply, on hearing what the Greek met- Hugo's
ropolitan had done, was to forcibly eject the representatives proceSgs.
whom he had left in his stead, endeavour by violent means to
compel the Greeks to renounce their allegiance to him, reverse
the sentences of excommunication, which Germanos, in virtue of
his archiepiscopal power, had passed upon various members of
his own communion, and pronounce that sentence upon Ger
manos himself. After listening to the latter's recital of the
wrongs, which had been inflicted upon him by his Latin col
league, Alexander, in response to his petition that a stop might Alexander iv.
be put for the future to these arbitrary proceedings, entrusted decision of
i 1, 1 -r-,ii/-,i ii 1 • *-» l *ne matter to
the matter for settlement to Eudes de Chateauroux, well qualified gu^iBn'11
to act from his previous experience of the questions at issue.
Some proctors of the Latin Archbishop were at that time pre
sent in the Eternal City. These the Cardinal summoned to
appear before him and to answer, on their masters behalf,
the complaints of the Greek metropolitan. They at first re
fused to obey the summons, alleging that no citation had been
served upon the Latin Archbishop, and that they had not been
sent by him to Rome for such a purpose. At length, however,
they consented to appear on receipt of an express order from the
Pope, who, under pretence of wishing to do full justice to Ger
manos, commanded their presence. Their first act on coming The validity
before the tribunal was to call into question the legality oftitiedisputed
Germanos' election, which they impugned on the following pr^orsof
grounds :— Archbishop.
1. That the prelates, who elected him, had no power to do
so as, at the time of his alleged election, they were themselves
excommunicated ; while, moreover, the Apostolic letter granting
them permission to proceed to the election had been obtained
by excommunicated persons. For these reasons the representa
tives of the Archbishop, who was at the time absent from the
1 Their names as given in the text of the Bull are : Nibon de Solia, Joachim
de Carpasia, and Matthias de Lefchara.
8

114

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

island, protested on his behalf against proceeding with the elec
tion, confirmation, or consecration of Germanos.

The Bulla or
ConstltutioCypria, 3rd
Jury, 1260.
Mansi, xxiii.
col. 1037.
Labbe, xi.,
col. 1037.
Hardouin,
vii., p. 447.
Cherubini,Bull. Magn.,
i., p. 100.

Its provisions.
Raynaid., ad
ann. 1260, Nos.
40-50.

2. From the action of Celestine III. in establishing four Latin
Sees in the island and endowing one of them with metropolitan
powers, and from the subsequent action of Cardinal Pelagius in
reducing the number of the Greek dioceses to four, with certain
fixed places of residence for the bishops within the Latin dio
ceses, and from the promise of obedience made by these prelates
to the Latin Archbishop of Nikosia, as their metropolitan, and
to the other bishops, within whose Sees they were respectively
situated, they deduced the argument that there could not and
ought not to be in the island, which formed but one ecclesias
tical province, any other metropolitan than the Archbishop of
Nikosia. On these grounds the advocates of Hugo Fagiano prayed
the court to cancel the appointment of Germanos, as prejudicial
to the Church of Nikosia, and to inhibit him from infringing
upon the rights of the Latin Archbishop. Their object through
out seems to have been to delay the proceedings as much as
possible. But, after some time had been spent in argument
without any prospect of an immediate settlement, Germanos,
in view of the expenses, which the proceedings entailed, en
treated the Pope to take compassion upon the poverty of the
Orthodox community and to pronounce, without further delay,
such a decision, as would enable his co-religionists to live at
peace with their Western neighbours. Alexander, acceding
to his request, issued under the form of an arbitration, in the
presence of all the Greek bishops and the representatives of
the Latin primate, a general regulation known as the Bulla, or
Constitutio Cypria, dated at Anagni, 3rd July, 1260, and bear
ing the signatures of eight cardinals in addition to his own.1
(1) The reduction previously made by Cardinal Pelagius in
the Orthodox Sees was confirmed. It was expressly stated that
they were not to exceed the Latin in number, and to comprise

1 The following in order of precedence are the names of the signatories to
the Bull, which is also known as the Summa Alexandrina : —
I. Alexander Catholicae ecclesiae Episcopus. 2. Odo Tusculanus episcopus.
3. Stephanus Praenestinus episcopus. 4. Frater Joannes tituli sancti Laurentii
in Lucina presbyter cardinalis. 5. Frater Hugo tituli sanctae Sabinse presbyter
cardinalis. 6. Ricardus Sancti Angeli diaconus cardinalis. 7. Octavianus
sanctae Mariae in Via Lata diaconus cardinalis. 8. Joannes Sancti Nicolai in
carcere Tulliano diaconus cardinalis. 9. Ottobonus Sancti Adriani diaconus
cardinalis.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 115
the same extent and be included within the same limits. Like
them they were to be placed under the supervision of the Latin
Archbishop, who was now recognised as the sole metropolitan
in the island. To prevent any difficulties, which might have
arisen in the various dioceses from the presence of prelates of
different rites within the same place, it was further directed
that the Orthodox bishops should continue to reside in the
localities already assigned to them for that purpose by the
Convention of Famagusta.1
(2) In the event of a vacancy occurring in any of the Greek
Sees it was enacted that another ecclesiastic from the same See
should be chosen to fill it. The Latin bishop, within whose
jurisdiction the vacant See lay, was directed to confirm the
election, after he had satisfied himself that it had been con
ducted in due form and that the candidate was a fit and proper
person. He was next to summon the Greek prelates of the ad
jacent dioceses to perform the ceremony of consecration, while
he was instructed himself to receive from the newly elect an
oath of obedience, before putting him into possession of the
See and investing him with the prerogatives of his office.2
(3) The form, in which this oath was to be taken by the
Bishop of Solia, was expressly laid down in the Bull and, with
the necessary alterations, was directed to be exacted from the
other Greek prelates also by their respective Latin ordinaries.
It ran as follows : —
" I . . . Bishop of Solia in the diocese of Nikosia, from this
time forward will be faithful and obedient to Blessed Peter and
the holy Roman Church, and to my Lord N., Archbishop of
Nikosia, and to his successors canonically appointed. I will not
be privy to any plot nor act, whereby they may lose life or limb,
or suffer any loss. Any purpose, which they shall reveal to me,
either personally, or by messenger or letter, I will not make
1 Loca autem sunt, in diocesi Nicosiensi, in Solia ; in diocesi Paphensi, in Cart, do s.
Archino (i.e., Arsinoe) ; in diocesi Nimociensi, in Lefkara ; in diocesi Fama- fStl'a'e1'0' 83
gustana, in Carpasio. STp"622^m'
2 Dositheos remarks with regard to the tendering of an oath upon such an D„sitheos
occasion that it is a proceeding characteristic of heretics, and instances the AioSena- '
case of the schismatic Novatus, who, according to Eusebios (H. E., lib. vi., P^os Mb.
c. 43), when giving the oblation to any of his followers used to say : " Swear par's*!' p. 824.
to me by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ never to leave me and
turn to Cornelius ". The historian declares that the would-be recipient was
not suffered to taste it until he had first cursed himself and, instead of saying
Amen when receiving the bread, had declared : " I will no more return to
Cornelius ".

116 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
known to any one to their disadvantage. I will assist in defend
ing and maintaining the supremacy of the Church of Rome and
the primacy of the Church of Nikosia and the ordinances of the
holy fathers against all men, my privileges being safeguarded.
When summoned to the Synod I will attend, unless hindered by
any canonical impediment. The legate of the Apostolic See,
when he shall be duly notified to me, I will treat respectfully
both when going and returning, and I will assist him in all his
wants. So help me God and these holy Gospels." l
Lusignan, pp. Note. — Lusignan, who informs us that he had, as commissary
31 (bi-32 (a ^ ^e Latin Bishop of Limassol, installed the Orthodox Bishop
of Levkara, thus describes the ceremony. After the election
had been approved by the King, or by the Senate, when the
island was acquired by Venice, the proceedings were submitted
in writing to the Latin bishop of the diocese in question, who,
if he found they had been properly conducted, either proceeded
himself to the Greek cathedral, or sent his representative.
There, entering within the eikonostasis and having his chancellor
by his side to note down the replies, he called before him the
clergy of the See, twenty-nine in number, and asked them separ
ately on oath if they knew ought against the candidate to unfit
him for the office, and if they accepted him as their bishop.
1 Ego . . . episcopus de Solia Nicosiensis dicecesis ab hac hora inantea
fidelis ero et obediens beato Petro sanctaeque Romanae ecclesiae, dominoque meo
N. archiepiscopo Nicosiensi eiusque successoribus canonice intrantibus. Non
ero in concilio, nee in facto, ut vitam perdant, aut membrum, vel capiantur mala
captione. Consilium quod mihi aut per se, aut per nuntium, vel per litteras
manifestaverint, ad eorum damnum nulli pandam. Papatum Romanae ecclesiae
ac pontificatum Nicosiensis ecclesiae, et regulas sanctorum patrum auditor ero
ad defendendum, retinendum, salvo ordine meo, contra omnes homines. Vocatus
ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero canonica praepeditione. Legatum
sedis Apostolicae, quem certum esse cognovero, in eundo et redeundo honorifice
tractabo, et in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo. Sic Deus me adjuvet, et haec
sancta Dei Euangelia !
This oath of canonical obedience seems to have served as a model for the
one which the Orthodox metropolitan of Rhodes was subsequently required to
take to his Latin superior on the conquest of that island by the Hospitallers : —
Bosio parte2, " Io N. eletto metropolitano de' Greci di Rodi da hora innanzi saro fedele,
lib. ix., p. 277. e 0bediente a San Pietro, alia Santa Romana Chiesa e al mio Signore l'arcives-
covo Colosense, in questo per Apostolica autorita Delegato, e a' successori suoi.
Non faro in consiglio, dove si machini contra la vita e honor suo, ne di tradirlo.
Non daro aiuto, consiglio, ne favore a malevoli e Nemici suoi. Sard sottoposto
al Papato di Roma, e al Pontificato Colosensi ; con tutte le forze mie gli aiutard,
e difendero, osservando le regole de' santi Padri. Chiamato essendo al sinodo
provinciale v' andaro, non essendo pero legitimamente impedito, e nelle neces-
sitEt sue lo soccorrero. Cosi Iddio m' aiuti, e questi sacrosanti Evangelii, per i
quali giuro," etc.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 117
When the examination of the clergy was over, he caused the
candidate to approach, and exacted from him the oath of obedi
ence to the Roman Church. This being concluded the bishop
directed his chancellor to read in a loud voice the patent of
appointment, wherein it was stated that, finding no defect nor
impediment in the election, he confirmed it and invested the
candidate with the customary authority and privileges. The
Latin bishop now took the Greek bishop by the hand and con
ducted him to his throne, after which the Greek priests com
menced to chant. This finished, the Latin bishop, and after
him the Latin clergy present, gave the Greek bishop the kiss of
peace, and then his own priests and people kissed his hand. *
Finally the consecration was performed by the three other Greek
bishops, the abbot of the monastery of Antrio, in the absence of
any of them, supplying the vacant place.1
(4) Questions involving the condemnation or degradation, as
well as the translation or resignation, of the Greek bishops were
1 Bryennios, who during his stay in the island may have had an opportunity Bryennios,
of witnessing the ceremony of installation, describes it somewhat differently as MeAeTij ?repi
fouows:- z:;l,
The Latin bishop, who presided over the conclave on such an occasion, K.T.\.
asked the candidate: "Wilt thou be obedient to the Roman Church?" To
this question he immediately replied : " Yes, my holy Lord, therefore am I
present ". After a short pause the bishop further addressed the candidate thus :
" Dost thou acknowledge the Pope to be holy, and the holy Roman Church to
be Orthodox and Catholic ? " The latter assented to this also, when he was
again expressly asked: " Dost thou promise that thou wilt henceforth be faith
ful in all things to the Latin Bishop of Levkosia (Nikosia) and wilt regard him
absolutely as thy Metropolitan, and, moreover, when summoned to his Synod
wilt freely meet him there under penalty of a fine ? And when the Papal legate
comes wilt thou commemorate him in thy prayers during his stay (eV Tip
elrrepxeo-Bai aiirbv Kal i(4pxeir8ai) and wilt thou with all thy people attend him
and assist him to the utmost of thy power ? " The candidate agrees to all these
conditions and publicly promises to strictly observe them and, in confirmation
of what he has just said and done, stretches out his hand and, in the sight of
all, places it upon the holy Gospels lying open before him and swears during
his whole life, both for himself and his people, to observe all that he has pro
mised in word, in writing, and in deed. After the oath is completed he
demands a blessing of the Latin bishop and places his head upon the latter's
knees, who then blesses him, holding his own Ordinal upon his head. While
the Latin clergy sing the "Gloria in Excelsis"the Latin bishop repeats in a
low voice to himself the prayer of consecration out of the Ordinal. This con
cluded, the candidate bows reverently to the bishop and, kissing his hand and
mouth, receives his blessing. Two Latin priests next range themselves on
either side of him, whereupon, with a notary preceding, he sets out to take
possession of the See, to which he has been appointed. His escort conducts
him as far as the episcopal dwelling, when, shutting its doors and standing in
front of the gates, they turn to him and say: "Receive, O candidate, this
Church, which the Latin bishop entrusts to thee by our hands ",

118 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
to be referred to the Holy See, with whom the right of decision
alone rested.
(5) The Latin prelates were forbidden on their own initiative
to appoint to any Orthodox See, unless those, to whom the right
of appointment belonged, neglected to fill the vacancy within the
statutory three months laid down by the General Council. In
such a case the nominee of the Latin bishop must be a Greek,
and one in every way suited to the position. During the period,
in which the See remained vacant, the dean and chapter were to
take possession of the temporalities, which they were directed to
hand over to the newly-appointed prelate.
(6) Cases proper to the ecclesiastical courts were, if the liti
gants were Greeks, to be referred for decision to the Greek
bishop. If, however, the suit was between a Latin and a Greek,
or that a Greek was either plaintiff or defendant in a mixed
case, then it was to be decided by the Latin bishop of the dio
cese. The right of appeal for all nationalities to the Holy See
was distinctly laid down. All cases, however, in which Greeks
alone were concerned, could be referred from the Greek to the
Latin bishop of the diocese, and thence to the Archbishop of
Nikosia, if necessary.
(7) All canonically-ordained Greek bishops in the island were
to be permitted the free exercise of all those privileges over
their co-religionists, which are recognised by common right as
belonging to their order, without any interference from their
respective Latin ordinaries, except in those cases where by right
the metropolitan had jurisdiction.
(8) The Greek bishops were restricted to one spiritual court
each within the dioceses of their respective Latin ordinaries. An
exception, however, was made in the case of Churches adminis
tered by archdeacons and other dignitaries, to which spiritual
courts had been attached from ancient times. These were
allowed to remain with the proviso that, whenever necessary,
appeals should be made from them to the Greek ordinary, and
from him to the Latin.
Note. — The Constitution of Archbishop Raphael reserves the
following classes of offences for the decision of the Latin arch
bishop and bishops, viz. : —

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 119
Murder, sacrilege, unnatural offences, incest, rape, assaults on Labbe,
parents, wilful overlaying of infants, perj ury, arson, restitution xi. (pars. 2),'
of property, imposition of penances, absolution of excommuni- sec- *¦»¦ '
cated persons, change or non-fulfilment of vows of pilgrimage, xxvi8'' tom'
(9) It was decreed that the Latin archbishop and bishops were
to have over the Greeks, as they already had over the Latins, the
same power of visiting with ecclesiastical censures all offences against
them, and in protection of their rights and those of their churches.
(10) The Greek bishops were directed to attend the diocesan
synod held annually by their respective Latin ordinaries, in
company with all the abbots in their dioceses and such priests
as had the cure of souls. They were further required to receive
and observe all constitutions passed by these synods, which were
not opposed to those orthodox rites of theirs, that were in
accordance with the Catholic faith and permitted by the Church
of Rome. But they were to be excused attendance at the pro
vincial synod held by the Latin metropolitan.
Note. — According to the Constitutions of the metropolitan Mansi, tom.
Church of Nikosia, framed by Archbishop Hugo Fagiano, synods Labbe, tom.
were to be held twice a year, viz. : (a) On the Friday after wi^m' 2'
the Octave of the Epiphany, and (b) on the Wednesday after
the Octave of Pentecost.
It was further enacted by the same constitutions that the
Synod was to assemble early in the morning in the church of St.
Sophia and that all members, under pain of punishment, were to
be in their places on the bell ceasing to ring. In the winter
they were directed to attend, clad in a surplice, or in a close or
choral cope — in the summer in a surplice only, and were to oc
cupy the places allotted to them according to their rank and
dignity. They were to preserve silence during the debates and
were strictly enjoined not to make any noise while the benedic
tion was being pronounced (!) No one was to leave the synod,
while it was in session, except in a case of urgent necessity.
(11) In their visitations among the Greeks of their respective
dioceses the Latin bishops were to have the same power as was
conceded to all metropolitans when engaged in visitations among
their suffragans. The Latin archbishop and bishops were en
joined, however, to use moderation in the contributions they
exacted from the Greeks towards the expenses of these visita
tions. The total number of contributions to be levied annually
by each of the Latin prelates is expressly stated in the Bull.

120 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
The sum to be demanded by the Archbishop was not to exceed
five contributions, or procurations,1 the Bishop of Paphos was
limited to four, while the Bishops of Famagusta and Limassol were
restricted to three respectively. The value of each contribution
was fixed at thirty livres tournois, or an equal number of be
sants. It was further provided that after the resignation or
death of Germanos, when the duties of metropolitan over the
Greeks devolved upon him, the Latin Archbishop was to receive
annually from the Greeks of each diocese in his provincial visi
tations a sum equivalent to sixty livres tournois, or the same
number of besants. In addition to these pecuniary contributions
there was also, according to Lusignan, given annually by each
Orthodox bishop to his Latin ordinary and certain other digni
taries a fixed proportion of the offerings, which he received in
h. dechyp., kind from his own clergy and people. There has fortunately
pp. 538-9. been preserved an account of the Bishop of Solia's contribution
for 1547 to the Latin Archbishop, his diocesan, from which we
may learn the nature of this exaction.2 This account is divided
under two heads, summer and winter. During the former period
the contributions were as follows : —
mi. a i-i • u f 12 measures of rose water.
lhe Archbishop \ ,„ n ,.
r *. 1!3 ropes ot garlic.
rr,, r, (6 measures of rose water.
lhe Commissary \ n c ,.
J "- o ropes of garlic.
The Dean < 4 measures of rose water.
The Chancellor t 4 ropes of garlic.

3 measures of rose water.

The Chanter
The Sub-Chanter , ,, , ,
rj,, . , j 3 ropes ot garlic.
lhe Archdeacon J r &
The Chaplain ) „ „
The Beadle * me™mf of ,rose water*
The Treasurer j ^ ropes of garlic.
Waicott, ] "Procuration, an entertainment made at a visitation for a bishop. In 1336
Ixchajology a money composition was permitted to be offered by Pope Benedict XII. but
p. 478. ' ' only one procuration could be demanded if several churches were visited in one
day. The amount varied in different countries. In England an archbishop
received 220 turons, a bishop 150, an archdeacon 50, and an archpriest or rural
dean 10." The evidence of the Bulla Cypria would seem, however, to show
that a money composition was permitted at an earlier date than that mentioned
by Waicott, at least in Cyprus.
2 From the same source we learn that the Greek Bishop of Solia had to pay
the following fees to his Latin superiors on his consecration :• —
" Quando il monsignore vescovo greco di Solia si consacrara, per consuetu-
dine si suoi dare al reverendissimo arcivescovo di Nicosia bisanti 200, al rever-
endo vicario bisanti 25, alii canonici, a ciascuno, bisanti 25 ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

121

The Archbishop

The Dean
The Commissary
The Dean
The Commissary
The Canons, each
The Chancellor

The Chanter
Tbe Sub-Chanter

The Beadle.
The Treasurer.
The Chaplain.

In the winter the contributions, which appear to have then
been heavier, were : — ' Walnuts, 600.
Figs, 4 measures.
Sack, 6 measures.
Pigs, 12.
. Hens, 12.
' Walnuts, 500.
Figs, 6 measures.
Sack, 4 measures.
. Rgs, 8.
Hens, 8.
Hens, 6.
Walnuts, 400.
Figs, 2 measures.
Sack, 3 measures.
Pigs, 6.
Hens, 6.
Walnuts, 300.
Figs, 2 measures.
Sack, 2 measures.
Pigs, 4.
Hens, 3.
Walnuts, 200.
Figs, 2 measures.
Sack, 2 measures.
Pigs, 4.
Hens, 2.
Walnuts, 300.
Figs, 2 measures.
Sack, 2 measures.
Hens, 40.
Pigs, 4.

The Archdeacon

(12) Finally, in the vexed question of tithes, the frequent source
of so many disputes between the rival communions, it was distinctly
stated that they were the property of the Latin clergy, who were
confirmed in their possession by the Bull and authorised to collect
them in their accustomed manner. As a reminder, too, to the
nobility, who so often neglected to pay these dues, it was de
clared that no one was to regard himself as exempt from their
payment, since their imposition had received the sanction both
of the divine and the canon law.

122 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
specia enact- Having thus concluded the general regulations for the govern -
ments in the /» , 1 • i ¦ i .1
sy "s-arding ment ot the two communions m their relations to one another,
the position ,
ofoennanos. the Pope next proceeds to lay down certain special enactments
with regard to the position of Germanos himself.
Although the Bull deprived the Orthodox of their metropoli
tan, it made an exception in favour of Germanos, who was
allowed to retain the title and rank during his lifetime, with
complete independence of the Latin Archbishop. But it was
most emphatically declared that no successor, in the event of
his death or resignation, was to be elected. As the Greek Arch
bishops had always continued to hold, even after the Western
occupation, their seat at Famagusta, he was transferred to Solia
instead, advantage being taken of a vacancy in the See of Arsinoe
to establish there Nibon, bishop of the former diocese. He
was given free choice to reside either at Solia, or in the Church
of St. Barnabas at Nikosia, which was declared by the Bull to
be attached for ever to the See of Solia. On his death, or re
signation, his successor was not to enjoy the archiepiscopal title,
but was to be subject to the Latin metropolitan of Nikosia in
the same way as his colleagues were to their respective Latin
diocesans. Germanos was, however, to have the same authority
in matters spiritual over the Greek population of Nikosia that
the other Greek bishops possessed over their co-religionists in
their dioceses.
To remove all causes of dispute it was further provided that
during the lifetime of Germanos, or while he continued to act
as metropolitan, all exercise of authority over the Greeks on the
part of the Latin Archbishop and his suffragans should be sus
pended. To Germanos was given the sole power of appointing
to any of the Greek Sees which might become vacant, after the
candidates had been duly approved by their respective Latin
ordinaries, and of summoning the other Greek prelates to assist
him in their consecration. He was also to conduct visitations
among his co-religionists, whenever necessary and, while engaged
in this and similar duties, was to be invested with such powers
as the canons conferred on metropolitans. The Latin prelates
were strictly cautioned against interfering with him contrary
to his wishes while so occupied, though these and other kindred
duties were to fall to them in the event of his death or resignation.
Germanos, on his part, was forbidden to exercise any authority
in those matters, in which the Bull had conferred powers over
the Greeks upon the Archbishop of Nikosia in his capacity as
metropolitan, and upon the Latin bishops as diocesans.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 123
In questions of appeal and other matters the Latin Archbishop,
both during the lifetime of Germanos and afterwards, except in
the case of Germanos himself, was to enjoy jurisdiction over the
Greeks included in the diocese of Nikosia, and the same privi
lege was extended by the Bull to the other Latin prelates over
the Greeks of their respective dioceses. Although the person
of Germanos was exempted from the jurisdiction of the Latin
Archbishop, he was directed to make to him the prescribed
oath of obedience on being invested with the See of Solia. This
once done the Latin metropolitan was to possess no power of
either censuring or giving him orders, under any pretext what
ever. Germanos had the right, however, of appealing to him,
should he so desire it, due regard being paid to the prerogatives
of the Holy See.
After strictly enjoining both parties to observe closely the
terms of this decision, the provisions of which were extended
to the Syrians of the island also, as being in communion with
the Orthodox Church, the Pope concludes with a prayer, which
must have sounded as a solemn mockery to the Greeks, that the
two Churches by mutual forbearance and assistance might be
come united as one body under one head in Christ, the true
peace of all.
Thus after a struggle, which had extended over more than
sixty years, the native Church, that for twelve whole centuries
had preserved its autonomy and independence, became finally
subject to the intruding Latin clergy. The Bull, however,
instead of producing that peace which its author professed to
have intended, only gave rise to a fresh crop of troubles. Hugo
Fagiano, not content with the triumph which he had gained,
was furious at the empty honour granted to Germanos of being
allowed to retain during life the title of Archbishop. Being
unable to deprive him of even this crumb of Papal mercy he
resigned his See and, returning to his native Tuscany, spent the
remainder of his days in the monastery, which he had founded
near Pisa, called Episcopia.
In spite, howevei', of the favour which the civil authorities gg**J^J
continued to show them, the position of the Greek clergy after g?Sht0ia;°'tl'e
the publication of this Bull was certainly worse than it had ever °IerEy'
been before. They were now deprived of the prospect of ever
being placed upon an equality with their Latin rivals. The
concessions made by Innocent IV. had been revoked, and the
measures devised by Celestine III. and Cardinal Pelagius re-
imposed in an even more objectionable form. All power was

124 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
completely vested in the Latin Archbishop and his suffragans.
The Greeks were regarded merely as their representatives among
ArchMshop the members of their own communion. Archbishop Raphael,
inslfuentsatl0 n°t ^onS after the publication of the Bull, issued a constitution,
Gnecoset which the Greek bishops were required to read four times
Mansi, tom. annually to their clergy and laity, especially assembled for the
Labbe, tom. purpose. In it he put the case very plainly by boastfully pro-
g^pars. 2, claimjng that the Latin bishops were the real pastors of Cyprus,
while the Greek were only tolerated. Such outspoken utter
ances naturally did not tend to allay the feelings of mutual
dislike which animated the two Churches. The Greeks were
yet further irritated by these tokens of contempt and indiffer
ence, to which they had to submit from their victorious rivals.
The spirit of opposition made its presence felt in a variety of
ways, and only awaited a favourable opportunity for asserting
itself with effect. It was this which rendered the Orthodox at
all times ready to welcome any deliverer, in whatever guise he
might come, who seemed to promise them release from the
intolerable yoke of Rome. And such an occasion appeared
to present itself soon after the publication of this obnoxious
conSnti301 Bull. Constantinople had once again reverted to its old masters,
Greeks>52oith after being in possession of the Latins for more than fifty years.
jmy.ifei. On 25th July 1261, Alexios Strategopulos, the general of
Michael (VIII.) Palaeologos captured the Imperial City by
assault, while the Emperor Baudouin II. was a fugitive in
Europe, seeking assistance in vain from the Latin princes.
The eyes of the Cypriots turned instinctively to the conqueror
for protection against the persecutions, to which they were
once more exposed. It was known that Palaeologos, elated
suspected with his recent success, contemplated an attack upon the
Emptor Venetians in Crete, with the aid of the Genoese. It was also
cal*rusogos °n susPected that he might take advantage of the discontent rife
among the Greeks in Cyprus to make a sudden descent upon
that island, too, with the fleet which he and his allies had pre
pared for the conquest of the former place. Filled with appre-
counter hension as to the result of these designs the new Pope, Urban
pop\Bnrban IV., wrote from Orvieto on 12th January 1263 to the Regent1
Raynaid., ad and barons, warning them of the suspected enterprise and ex-
S^'J?63' horting them to place themselves, without delay, in a position of
1 Hugues, son of Henri d'Antioche and Isabelle, daughter of Hugues I. de
Lusignan, who became King of Cyprus on the death of his cousin, Hugues II.
in 1267. Previous to his accession he had been bailiff and regent of the king
dom,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 125
defence. This first letter was followed by a second, dated the urban com-
23rd of the same month, in which the writer complained to the Regent of
Regent that the toleration shown the Greeks only encouraged sS1„ev^"™the
them in their resistance. It would appear that some of the or?hr„to
Orthodox clergy had been induced to submit to the Church ofoart., s.
Rome and to acknowledge the authority of the Latin metro- £[H-Je °°h-
politan. But their act had exposed them to the resentment pp-^55-"'-
of their co-religionists, who had excommunicated them and
forbidden them to officiate, at the same time branding them
as heretics and schismatics for what they had done. Not con
tent with this display of hatred they had proceeded to even
more violent measures, refusing to contribute to their support,
destroying their property, and reducing them to such straits
that the Latin metropolitan was obliged at times to give them
shelter and to provide them with the bare necessaries of life.
Though the Archbishop had protested against these lawless
proceedings to the Regent and nobility, and had solicited their
assistance to put down such a state of things, his appeal had
met, the Pope asserts, with scant attention. Urban accordingly
reminds the Regent of the respect which he, as a Catholic and
a devout son of the Church, owed to ecclesiastical persons and
especially to his spiritual father, the Archbishop, as well as of
his duty to maintain them in their rights and privileges, and
to defend the Catholic religion and the liberties of the Church
against all assailants. He requests him, moreover, to protect
the persecuted Greek clerics against their co-religionists, and to
assist the Latin metropolitan in his endeavours to repress the
audacity of the Greeks and Syrians, whenever called upon to
do so. The Archbishop, he added, had received instructions
from him to invoke the aid of the secular arm, when necessary,
and to punish all offenders with spiritual censures, notwithstand
ing that exemption from excommunication and from having
their estates placed under an interdict by any general Papal
brief had previously been granted to some of them by the Holy
See. This letter appears to have failed in its object, for the The Latin
Latin primate soon afterwards repaired in person with his grie- carries us
r l. ill grievances to
vances to the Pope.1 He represented that, owing to the culpable ™*°i>e at
apathy of the Executive, his authority was derided and he him
self no more regarded than if he had been a mere priest. When
JThis circumstance is expressly mentioned in the Pope's third letter dated H^te chyp.,
from Orvieto, 13th April 1264, though the prelate's name is not given. " Acce- 657, No. i. '
dens, non absque multis periculis et laboribus, ad Apostolicam Sedem venera
bilis frater noster Nicosiensis archiepiscopus."

126 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
he had endeavoured to use his powers as metropolitan for the
suppression of vice and the punishment of evil-doers, he had
been told that such matters did not come within his jurisdiction
and that he should confine himself strictly to the supervision of
so'1' hia!' no nls own c^ergy and dependants. As the result of these eom-
cthy£p'<*tom plaints Urban wrote again on 13th April 1264 to the same
No'.'i)'655' effect, warning the Regent and nobles that, if they persisted in
am?i264' *"* withholding their assistance, he would confirm any sentence the
no. se. ' Archbishop might pronounce against them for their neglect.
The orthodox Of the irritation felt by the Orthodox at this constant inter-
populace at , J
tempts1 the* ference with their religious liberty, and of the readiness so often
pipai Legate, shown by them to resent it, we have clear proof in the follow-
bLehol'oirob" ing incident, which took place at Nikosia in 1313. The Papal
"' ""'¦ Legate, Pierre, Archbishop of Rodez,1 having had some dispute
s^No'tfi. with the Greek prelates the latter presented themselves at the
a^S' a4 capital on the 1st May in that year and, after consulting among
nos. 33-34. themselves, went in a body to the Archbishop's residence to
Annai. ' confer with the Pope's representative. Some of the populace,
tom vi19' seeing them go and imagining that the legate was about to put
p. m ' some slight upon them, proceeded to escort them thither. The
n. Bustron, bishops, observing that they were being accompanied and fear-
pp.' n. ing lest a disturbance might arise, retraced their steps. But the
mob continued on its way to the palace and, on arriving there,
burst open the doors of the various rooms, intent upon doing
the legate some injury. Furious at finding their prey had escaped
them they rushed into the kitchen and, seizing some fire from
the hearth, endeavoured to burn down the building, hoping in
this manner to destroy the object of their search. Luckily, be
fore any great damage could be done, the Vicomte of Nikosia
appeared with a posse of police and drove the rioters away,
threatening any of them, who should return, with the loss of a
hand and foot. An inquiry being held some of the culprits were
apprehended and imprisoned, but being proved to have acted in
ignorance were afterwards released. The Greek bishops are also
reported to have been confined for a while as prisoners in the
archiepiscopal palace for their supposed complicity in the affair.
Notwithstanding these displays of popular indignation the
1 This prelate appears really to have been Pierre de Pleine Chassaigne>
Bishop of Rodez, who was appointed Apostolic Legate in the East from the
commencement of the year 1308. In 1313 he was occupied in the suppression
of the Templars in Cyprus. In 1314 he was raised to the dignity of Patriarch
of Jerusalem. In 13 15 he was still at Nikosia and the following year at Paris.
His death occurred in 1318.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 127
Papal authorities did not cease to harass the Orthodox on the
subject of their religious opinions. In a letter dated from Avig- Renewal of
non, 1st October, 1326, John XXII. exhorts Raymond, Patri- oypope John
arch of Jerusalem, to proceed with the extirpation of heresy in Raynaid., ad
Cyprus. After directing the latter's attention to the peculiar no11^26'
errors of the Jacobites and Nestorians, many of whom were then
inhabiting the island, he goes on to enumerate certain objection
able tenets held by the members of the Orthodox Communion.
Among others he specially mentions a denial of the existence of
purgatory and hell, and an assertion that the souls of the saints
are not in Paradise until after the Judgment, but that the souls
of all, including even those of the wicked, are meanwhile at rest,
free from purgatorial pains. He charges some of them also with
refusing to partake of the Sacrament, unless brought from Con
stantinople, and others he accuses of the incredible and supersti
tious practice of administering it to their animals as medicine.
The letter concludes by exhorting the Patriarch to root out all
such detestable doctrines and heresies, the writer expressing con
fidence in his well-known tact and discretion, which he declares
equal to the task.
The Church of Rome, again apparently losing all patience at Merre de
the long-deferred conversion of its Orthodox subjects, once more rapai Legate.
endeavoured to accomplish by force what it had failed to effect
by milder measures. It had now at hand a fitting instrument
for its purpose in the person of one, whose methods strongly re
call to mind a former occupant of the same position, Pelagius,
Bishop of Albano. In fact the two might have been cast in
the same mould, so closely did they resemble one another in
their manner of proceeding. In both there was the same con
suming desire for the exaltation of their Church, with the same
total disregard of the means employed. The man now honoured
with the confidence of the Papacy was a Carmelite friar, named
Pierre de Thomas. His first appearance in the East dates from
the mission sent in 1356 by Innocent VI. to the Emperor John
(V.) Palaeologos on the contemplated union of the two Churches.
We next find him placed in charge of the See of Korone in the ^'f^ **
Morea, whence shortly afterwards he was appointed to the im- no. in.
portant position of Apostolic Legate in the East. Several jh^pede
biographies of him have appeared, the most remarkable being g^™1^*™1
the work of his intimate friend, Philippe de Maizieres, Chan- E^jg-*,,
cellor of Cyprus. x In it the most fulsome adulation is strangely Raynaid., ad
J V <~- •/ ann. 1359,
i His biography by Philippe de Maizieres has been published by the Bollan- ^'tt'Bbmn
dists under date of 2qth January. De Mas Latrie in his second volume oftom.il..
•* pp. 281-284.

128 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
blended with accounts of the most astounding miracles. The
author gravely informs his readers, so great was his hero's
reputation for sanctity in Cyprus, that even on the testimony
of Armenians, Greeks, and other schismatics a light used to
descend from heaven into his cell, while he was praying ! Once,
Raynaid., ad while j ourneying from Rhodes to Cyprus, the ship encountered
No^io. ' such a tempest that death by drowning threatened every mo
ment to befall all who were in it. The sailors threw out six
teen of the stoutest anchors, but they were useless owing to
the heavy seas. Seeing that all their efforts were in vain the
crew betook themselves to the legate for assistance. After
earnestly engaging in prayer, with his face upon the deck, he
arose and threw the crucifix he was accustomed to carry into
the foaming billows. The effect produced by this act was
marvellous to behold. A great calm immediately succeeded.
All who were in the ship, so the narrator of this wonderful ex
ploit takes care to relate, were strangely astonished at this
marvellous occurrence, and returned thanks to God, Who through
the merits of His servant had delivered them from a watery
Raynaid., ad grave. Against the opponents of the Roman Church, who
no. 17. ' found in him a most formidable antagonist, he waged unceasing
hostilities, regardless of the personal risks he ran. Nor were
the weapons of his warfare always such as we should have
expected from a man of his sacred profession. The sword of
the flesh came equally as ready to his hand as more spiritual
weapons. At Smyrna, Rhodes, Constantinople, Alexandria, and
elsewhere he showed that he could don the armour of the warrior
with the same ease as the vestments of the priest. The labours
that he endured and the perils that he ran, by sea and land, read
like the adventures of a second Paul. So great was the repu
tation he had thus acquired that, by the very terror of his name,
he compelled one of the most powerful of the Turkish emirs to
pay tribute to the Christians — a feat which none of the princes
or legates had ever yet been able to achieve. His admiring
biographer records many examples of that cool courage in the
Hisadven- face of danger, for which he was so noted. On one occasion,
crete. hearing that an especially objectionable form of heresy was prev-
alm.ni35'9,' a alent among the nobility and principal inhabitants of Crete,
the History of Cyprus gives extracts from another manuscript biography en
titled :—
" Legenda gloriosi patriarche Constantinopolitani sancti fratris Petri Thome,
ordinis intemerathe Virginis de Carmello, legati sancti passagii, compilata per
fratrem Johannem Carmessoni de Arragonia, magistrum in sacra pagina, ac
fratrum Minorum Terre Sancte ministrum ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 129
he determined to uproot it, and came with all haste to Candia
for that purpose. But the news of his intention must in some
way have preceded him, for we read that he was received on
his arrival, not as the legate and a friend, but as an enemy.
After diligent inquiries he summoned the guilty parties, chief
among whom was a relative of the Venetian governor's wife, to
appear before him. The delinquents, full of wrath and indigna
tion, presented themselves in obedience to his request, but re
fused to answer satisfactorily any of his questions. The legate,
thereupon, appealed in the name of the Roman Church to the
civil power. But the governor instead of answering the appeal
threatened him, at the instigation of his wife, with death, if
he persisted in his attempt. The undaunted Pierre de Thomas,
undeterred by these threats, laid the governor and entire com
munity under an interdict, ordering the churches to be closed
and forbidding the bells to be rung. With that arrogance,
which the emissaries of Rome know so well how to assume at
times, he informed the astonished governor that his Church,
which bestowed kingdoms upon her faithful children and with
drew them from the disobedient, would, for his contumacy and
the favour he showed to heretics, deprive him of his dominions
and bestow them upon more worthy recipients. These bold
words so astounded and intimidated the governor that he
asked pardon of Pierre de Thomas, who at once granted it.
The heretics seeing themselves thus deprived of the protection,
upon which they had so long relied, confessed their error and,
on renouncing it, were graciously pardoned, though previously
condemned to the stake. The relative of the governor's wife,
however, still proving contumacious and refusing to recant, was
burnt. Thus was that pernicious heresy stamped out and
Crete once again illumined with the light of the true faith, as
his biographer exultingly exclaims. But his animosity against
the enemies of religion was not confined to them while living.
It pursued them even when dead. On the same occasion, dur
ing his progress through the island, he came to a town called
Canila, where he caused the remains of a dead heretic to be
exhumed and consumed by fire. On the completion of this most
successful undertaking he at once left the island, accompanied,
so we are assured, by the plaudits and good will of the Cretans !
Another remarkable instance of his intrepid conduct, shown j^j****^
at the capture of Alexandria in 1365, is thus recorded by his g AjexKarS
admiring biographer : " I cannot remain silent about the activ- Raynaid., ad
ity of my father, the legate, and his burning desire for martyr- l^i"65,
9

130 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
dom. The Saracens, drawn up wisely and skilfully in dense
array on the shores of the harbour, awaited with shouts the land
ing of our men. The legate, so far ignorant of the cause which
delayed our attack, cried out to me in a great fervour of enthu
siasm, ' My dear brother Chancellor, by the memory of our Lord's
passion let us make for the land with our galley. I cannot endure
such insults. Let us attack the Saracens, with the cross at our
head, and let all our galleys follow it.1 I, beholding his boldness
and readiness to die, though greatly admiring it, answered him
with a smile : ' My father, as the time has not yet come for us to
die, with all respect I will not do so1. His grief at my reply was
indescribable. At early dawn it was decreed by the King and
Council, with the help of God, to land and begin the holy war.
My father might then have been seen, completely clad in a suit of
magnificent armour, standing on a projecting part of our galley,
cross in hand, blessing the host to right and left of him. As
the battle progressed and the arrows kept raining down, did he
fear to advance ? By no means, for God knows I saw his face
unchanged and without any sign of fear on it, both when on sea
and land. So eager was he to disembark that, though the
arrows kept flying in countless numbers, he was reluctant to
cover himself with a shield, even when I had advised him to do
so many times.11
Date of Ms It was about the year 1360 1 that this redoubtable ecclesiastic
appearance o \ • j_l "I j? ¦ j_* ' iA £~\
iioypms. first comes prominently before us in connection with Cyprus.
Raynaid., ad He was lying seriously ill at Rhodes, when he received a sum-
No. i6. ' mons to proceed to Cyprus for the coronation of Pierre (I.) de
S;.m!*Bpr<258. Lusignan. Rising from his sick bed he embarked in obedience
ub"^0' to the call, but so much worse did he become during the voyage
p. 362 so.. \S\sX he was at death's door when, in answer to his prayers, he
was miraculously restored to perfect health. He had not been
long in the island before he resolved to convert the Orthodox
Attempts the by force to the Roman faith. The attempt and its result are
version omL thus described by his biographer : " Hearing that the Greek
Raynaid. ad bishops and priests, with the rest of the Greek population in
ann. 1360, x l L
No. 16. 1 The actual time was December, 1359, but the local chroniclers vary as to
the exact day of the month, as the following extracts will show.
Machxra, Ty Sevr4py ttj k' SiKepBpiov a/rvB1 (Monday, 20th Dec, 1359) dvdrpavev eis rbv
p- ^ Xipiovav rys Kepivlas evav Kdrepyov appaTwpevov Kal dirdvw T)prev 'ivas XyydTos tov
irdira, Tbv iroiov iKpdQav Tbv (ppepe Yltepyv re Tovpas dire rbv vpSivov tov Kdppe, k.t.X.
Amadi, A di 8 decembrio arivo una galia a Cerines et mend un legato del papa nomi-
pp. 409, 410. nat0 fja pjero de Thomaso, de l'ordine de Carmeni.
strambaldi, Et a di 8 decembrio 1359 de Christo apparve una gallera in Cerines, et vene
p. 39. un legato del papa nominato fra Pier de Thomaso de l'ordine carmelitano.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 131
Cyprus, were schismatics and unwilling to obey the Roman
Church, and were with all their power persuading faithful Chris
tians to continue in their rites and ceremonies, he, with the per
mission of the King, called before him in the greater Church of
Nikosia (i.e., Santa Sophia) the primate of the Greeks with all
his clergy. When all had come Pierre de Thomas caused the
doors to be shut, fearing a tumult on the part of the Greeks,
and sitting before the high altar pointed out to them their error,
courteously and plainly, from passages of Scripture, striving to
recall them to the true faith and obedience to the Church of
Rome. Many, thereupon, recognising their error and confessing
their fault repented. But the devil, envying the Church such
good fortune and profit, through the agency of a certain stubborn
and obdurate priest, excited the rest and moved them to deride
Pierre de Thomas. The populace assembled outside on hearing
the noise began to get angry and to shout against Pierre de
Thomas and suddenly rushed to the cathedral with cries of
' Death to the Legate '. The wicked Greek priests, observing
the rage and fury of the mob, opened the doors, when the multi
tude rushed in mad with rage. Pierre de Thomas perceiving
what had taken place, though many of his attendants took to
flight, encouraged those who still remained, saying : ' Trust in
God. Place the cross in front of me and let us die bravely in
defence of the Catholic faith \ He uttered these words without
stirring from his seat, showing himself the more undaunted the
closer his foes approached, and when every moment expecting
death. The King, at last hearing of what was taking place,
despatched his brother, the Prince of Antioch, who, mounting
his horse and accompanied by a body of soldiers, rushed to the
church. He, driving out the mob with difficulty, rescued Pierre
de Thomas from his perilous position, whereat all the faithful
returned thanks to God.11
The story, as told by most of the native chroniclers, differs, Madura,
however, considerably from the above. By them the legate is
represented as having attempted the conversion of the Orthodox
less by argument than by force. It was the noise caused by the
resistance offered by the Greek ecclesiastics to these violent pro
ceedings, which attracted their co-religionists to the spot. On
learning what was going on within they battered down the doors
with a heavy beam, and rushed in to the rescue of their outraged
pastors, while some of the bolder spirits even tried to fire the
building in the hope that the legate would perish in the flames.
One of the latest of these historians tells the story somewhat fp?S™S.

132 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
differently. He says that the populace was excited to fury by
the indiscreet language of the legate himself, who gave out that
he had been commissioned by the Pope to suppress the Greek
bishoprics and hand over the Orthodox to the entire control of
the Latin hierarchy. This report so enraged the Greeks that
they rushed with arms in their hands to the residence of the
legate to wreak their vengeance upon him. He, divining the
hostile purpose of their coming, fled to Santa Sophia, where his
pursuers would have slain him but for the timely intervention
of his rescuers.1
Raynaid, ad If we may accept the doubtful statement of his friend and
No^ie360, biographer, even this severe lesson did not dissuade him from his
attempts at converting the Orthodox, for partly by threats and
partly by blandishments he is said to have induced the Greek
primate and his colleagues, with a majority of the priests, to
obey the Church of Rome. This, as the same authority remarks,
none of the bishops or legates before him had been able to ac
complish. And for the same reason we may well question his
success also.
Loredano, Another and much more likely account represents the legate
as going to the King and, while protesting that he had not at
tempted anything unusual, demanding the punishment of his
assailants on the ground that, in his person, the dignity of the
Holy See had been insulted. The latter by way of reply pointed
out that it was not to his interest at the beginning of his reign
to provoke the hatred of the Greeks, who far outnumbered the
Latins ; that he was not master of their consciences, and that, if
he should punish them, he would seem to be in collusion with
Machsera, * o irolos 484Xy(re vd iroltry tovs Pwpaiovs Aarlvovs, Kal iBeXyae vd robs Kovtpep-
pp' ptdtry, KaX iyivyv p4yav ffKavraXov pe tovs Pwpa'tovs KaX pe tovs Axit'ivovs - Kal
eireipev vd (pepy tovs lriaK6irovs Kal yovpevovs, KaX fjprav piav yp4pav els t)}V ayiav
~S,o<piav, Kal ol irio~Koiroi Sev e£evpav To BeXypav tov • Kal dvrav eiryKav eis T^v 4k-
KXyalav, itpaXiaav Tais ir6prais Kal iKovrpepptdaav evav irairav, Tb irapav6piv tov o
Mavr£ds ¦ KaX ol aXXot iSiaipevTevyovvrav, Kal ol QpdvyKot iSvvao-revydv tovs.
'EypoiKyaev 6 Xabs Tr;// Tapaxhv Kal 4rp4*av vd 'pirovv eis tt)v ayiav %o<piav, Kal
Sev robs aipyKav, dppe pwpavlo'Tyo'av. ToVes iiryyav KaX iipipav pia vevpiav peydXyv
vd TffaKiaovv Tais ir6prais, KaX &XX01 BdXav Xapirp6v. VpoiKWVTa Td yev6peva h
piyyas eiretyev rbv aSeX(p6v tov rbv irpivT^yv* KaX Tbv dptpaXXyv,f Kal rbv Bi(rKoi>VTyv
ttjs AevKoffias,\ KaX wpitrav Kal dvoi^av t^p ayiav ~2o<piav, KaX 4Siaipevr4ipav Tbv Xabv,
KaX eo-vpryrrav eis piav pepiav • teal povavra iBydXav robs 4irio-K6irovs KaX (ira)irdSes
robs Pwpaiovs, KaX wplcrav tovs vd iroXopovv KaTa rb i)crav avveiBiapevoi - Kal Tbv
Ayydrov wpiaav rbv vaiiKaip4<ry rb vyoiv • Kal els Tovryv rty rrrpdryv eiraipev rb
ffKavTaXov ' Kal oaovs iKovipeppiaaev, ipptyav rb iravirdKiv, KaX iirrvtrav to.
* Jean de Lusignan, Prince of Antioch. f Jean de Sur, Admiral of Cyprus.
J Henri de Giblet, Vicomte of Nikosia (?)

p

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 133
the legate, an idea he was most unwilling they should form ;
that, where religion was concerned, it was difficult to single out
individual offenders ; and that it was wiser to ignore what had
been done, since any punishment would be regarded bv the
Greeks merely as an attack upon their faith. With this answer
the meddlesome ecclesiastic had to be content and to pocket the
affront offered to him, since he saw that any insistence on his
part would only have exposed him to the indignity of further
refusals. In justice to the memory of this sincere and whole-hearted Ms conduct
bigot mention should be made of the services which he is re- eia-sue at
ported to have rendered Cyprus during an epidemic of the Raynaid., ad
plague. While that fell disease was raging at Famagusta, carry- n*o**'9. '
ing off daily from thirty to forty victims, the legate, heedless of
the risks he ran, visited the death-stricken town and by his ex
ample instilled courage into the survivors. To avert the just
anger of Heaven, which in his opinion had sent this affliction
upon the inhabitants in punishment for their sins, he organised
a solemn procession, ordering those desirous of taking part in it
to come barefooted and to prepare themselves by previous fast
ing. On the day appointed the legate, clad in his episcopal
robes, marshalled the procession, and so worked on the populace
by the fervour of his exhortations that not only Christians, but
also Turks, Saracens and Jews, moved to tears by the power of
his words, walked barefooted with the rest. Scarcely was the
function ended when its benefits became at once apparent.
Though the sick and moribund were then lying about the
city in scores of places, the ravages of the plague immediately
ceased and no more deaths occurred. And what made the
miracle the more remarkable was the fact that the moon was
then in her last quarter, a period, according to the worthy
Chancellor, when in the experience of medical men few patients
recover.1 This favourite of Heaven died at Famagusta on 6th January Date ot death
1366 from a wound, received at the capture of Alexandria, and sepuftur'e'.0
was buried in the church belonging to his order in that town.2
His last request was that his body might be laid at the entrance Raynaid., ad
T- JO ann. 1366,
No. 18.
1 " Quodque miraculum effecit majus, revolutionem luna peragebat, et tunc
pro medicorum sententia pauci solent evadere.
2 Strambaldi, however, reports his death to have occurred at Rhodes. strambaldi,
" Et ando anche il legato a Rhodi e morse," while Machasra represents it to p' 69,
have taken place at Famagusta on 6th June 1366, " KaX diriBavev ry s- ' iovviov p ,i3ifra'
r|r*' Xpio-Tov.

134 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
to the choir, so that all, even goats and dogs, if it were possible,
might have a chance of walking over it. Even after death the
power of working miracles, which had so distinguished him during
life, did not desert him. His holy body is reported to have re
mained limp to the touch and to have exhaled a most agreeable
odour, while the schismatics, who once thirsted for his blood,
now paid the greatest veneration to his sacred remains.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 135

T

CHAPTER III.
HE failure of Pierre de Thomas seems to have at last change of
taught the Papacy the uselessness of all further attempts |artc oA'he1*''
at forcible conversion. Henceforth it had recourse to _ , ',' ,
v ti 1 r* • Revelation of
other expedients. By the mouth of a crazy Swedish saint, named st Bridget.
Bridget,1 it now threatened the Orthodox for their stubbornness torJm (Sh
with the wrath of Heaven instead. This visionary claimed to have
received at Jerusalem a special revelation of impending judgment
against Cyprus. This message of doom she first communicated Raynaid., ad
by letter to the new King, Pierre IL, and subsequently herself K. '
publicly proclaimed in Famagusta, when on her way home.
After representing the Saviour as warning the inhabitants gener- Loredano ub.
ally to repent, under the threat of wiping them out and intro- " p'
ducing in their stead more faithful Christians, she further makes
Him address the refractory Greeks as follows : " I have only
one Vicar upon Earth, the Supreme Pontiff at Rome. They,
who from pride or other worldly sins are disobedient to him,
shall be unworthy of My presence after death. Learn, O ye
Greeks, that neither your empire, nor the rest of your powers,
shall continue in safety and peace, but shall always be exposed
to the attacks of enemies, unless ye hasten with repentance to
the Roman Church, and conform entirely to its laws and teach
ing.'1 But the Orthodox remained as impervious to these spirit
ual terrors as they had previously been to more material ones.
The learned Dositheos, by his contemptuous reference to them Dositheos'
as the work of a schismatic and ventriloquist, represents the view Bn^et,°I5i'
always held by his Church with regard to these predictions.2 he? reveia?
1 Bridget, who was of the royal blood of Sweden, and had been married to Robertson,
Ulf, Prince of Nericia, lived chiefly at Rome from the jubilee of 1350 until her %£%£'$*
death in 1373. She founded an order which had its chief seat at Wadstena, in vol. vii., p.'
Sweden. In the headship of this she was succeeded by her daughter St. Catha- 190, Note g'
rine. Bridget was canonised by Boniface IX. Attempts were made to pro
cure from the Council of Basle and from Eugenius IV. a formal authorisation of
her prophecies, but no decided step was taken in consequence.
" irp6BXypa AaTivwv Tp'iTov, on Bpiyiry TivX yvvaiKl irxia'pariKy KaX iyyaaTpipvBw
direKaXitpBy 0 dipaviapbs rys BarnXelas twv 'Pwpdvav, k.t.X.

136 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Dositheos, He charges Bridget with falsehood, if she really uttered them,
ud°xl"c. i, ' unless they were, as he supposed, a fiction of the Romanists.
1156.51.'' They at any rate, he declares, had no cause for elation, since
the fact that the divine intimation had been confided to a woman
was a clear proof that they had not one godly man left among
them. Claims, too, to supernatural revelations were a very
common device, he remarks, of the heretics Sabellius and Mar-
cellus to subvert orthodox teaching. The doctrine of the Pope's
supremacy was an innovation, diametrically opposed both to
Scripture and ecclesiastical history. The Eastern Communion,
moreover, placed its reliance on the Scriptures and the Councils
rather than on revelations and miracles — and least of all when
proceeding from a woman, who was both a schismatic and mani
festly untruthful.
The papacy But the attention of the Papacy soon became directed to a
theadeutyof subiect more nearly concerning itself. A movement, natural
its own ctd- ^ ** ^^
herentsin and inevitable when we consider the circumstances under which
Cyprus. it arose, now threatened to destroy its hold upon the allegiance
of its own adherents in the island.
causes giving The last of those remarkable religious enterprises known as
anxiety. the Crusades had resulted in the death of St. Louis before Tunis
(25th Aug., 1270), and the ignominious retreat of the French
chivalry. Acre, the only stronghold possessed by the Chris
tians on the soil of Palestine, had been captured by the vic
torious Khalil twenty years later. In vain did the Popes urge
the faithful to arm for the recovery of* their former conquests,
and promise the rich rewards of Paradise to all, who would risk
life and fortune in such a venture. Their appeals failed to
arouse that enthusiasm which they had once so easily evoked.
Europe, after two centuries of fruitless endeavour, had grown
weai-y of pouring her blood and treasure into the thirsty sands
of Syria. So long as Cyprus continued to serve as the base,
whence the armies of the Cross went forth to do battle with the
infidel, the mutual antipathy of the Easterns and Westerns re
mained as strong as ever. Each fresh arrival from the West
helped to keep up that racial animosity which, while it lasted,
prevented all possibility of a fusion. But with the abandon
ment of the Crusades a new era commenced. Cyprus having now
lost that importance, which it once possessed, ceased to attract
to its shores the more adventurous spirits of the West. The
Latin settlers, thus cut off in great measure from intercourse
with their brethren outside, became insensibly drawn towards
those whom they had once looked down upon and despised.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 137
The situation appears to have been very similar to that created
in England at an earlier period, when the Norman aristocracy
, severed connection with their ancestral homes in France. There
force of circumstances compelled them at last to amalgamate
with their once-despised Saxon serfs. And the same forces, now
at work in Cyprus, would have produced a similar result but
for circumstances acting from without, which suddenly arrested
the growth of the national sentiment before it had time to ma
ture. That the Roman Church had for some time recognised
the danger to herself of the growing tendency, and had done her
best to combat it, is very evident.1 Witness in support of this
statement the Constitution of Archbishop Philip, passed at The constitu-
Nikosia in 1350, which contained two important clauses designed |>J|{p PnUiP
for that very purpose. The first, directed against mixed mar- Labbe
riages, which were recognised as the most obvious source of the xMpars. 2)m'
dreaded danger, prohibited their celebration until the banns
had been published on three several occasions according to
prescribed form in a Latin church. Moreover, of the two
contracting parties the one who happened to be a Greek, was
required, before marriage, to receive confirmation according
to the Latin rite. It was further distinctly declared that the
children of such marriages were to be considered and educated
1 i. De Franco contrahente cum Gracd. — Statuimus et ordinamus et in nostris
constitutionibus scribi mandamus, quod de csetero nullus Francus audeat con-
trahere cum Graeca, vel Graecus cum Franca, nisi tribus edictis propositis more
solito in ecclesiis Francorum, secundum formam per praadecessores nostros
editam, cum ad invicem contrahunt Franci. Et quod teneatur mulier Graeca,
quae contrahet, seu contrahere velit cum Franco, primo recipere sacramentum
confirmationis more Francorum ; et e converso si sit Graecus qui velit cum
muliere Franca contrahere, primo antequam ad contrahendum admittatur, con-
firmetur, et banna etiam proponantur juxta mores, ut supra : ita quod liberi
ex eis procreati seu nati, pro Francis habeantur et teneantur, et more Francorum
vivere debeant, super omnibus sacramentis recipiendis et perficiendis, et aliis
quibuscumque negotiis per ipsos agendis et sciendis.
2. Ut nee Grcecus Franco, nee Francus Grceco, ministret sacramenta : —
Item statuimus et ordinamus, quod de caetero nullus presbyter Graecus,
cujuscumque status et conditionis existat, audeat sacramenta ecclesiastica, vel
eorum aliquod ministrare alicui Franco, nisi in casu necessitatis evidentis ; et
e converso, quod nullus Francus eodem modo sacramenta ecclesiastica, vel
eorum aliquod ministrare audeat alicui Graeco ; nisi, ut praemissum est, necessi
tate cogente evidenti. Et quia praemissa consueverunt et solent inter Francos
et Graecos plura scandala generare, viam quibuscumque scandalis et malitiis
volentes praecludere, cum non simus sola prsemissorum excessuum prohibitione
contenti, una cum praemissis canonicis et capitulo nostro deliberavimus pcenam
imponere, ut quos Dei timor a malo non retrahit, saltern coertionis poena restrin-
gat ; videlicet, ut sacerdotes et clerici omnes, qui ausi fuerunt contra nostras
prohibitiones praemissas matrimonia solemnizare, vel sacramenta ministrare,
puniantur poenis statutis et declaratis in constitutionibus matrimonia clandes-
tina prohibentibus : et laici excommunicationis sententiam incurrant ipso facto.

138 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
as Latins, and to receive the sacraments in accordance with the
rites of that Church. The second forbade any Greek priest to
administer the sacraments to a Latin, except in cases of urgent
necessity ; and the same prohibition was extended to Latin
ecclesiastics administering to Greeks, unless for similar reasons.
All clerical offenders against this regulation, as well as all who
ventured to celebrate marriages contrary to these statutes, were
declared liable to the penalty pronounced against those per
forming clandestine marriages ; while all lay persons assisting
in the commission of such offences were threatened ipso facto
with excommunication.
Letter ot The futility of these measures is fully exposed, however, in
May. 1368. the letter which Urban V. addressed to the Archbishop, Ray-
i3?(*^aie°' morid Je la Pradele,1 from Montefiascone on 29th May, 1368.
pp7?^'.' In it he informs the Latin metropolitan that the King, Pierre I.,
who was then on a visit to the Papal Court at Avignon, had
charged his Latin subjects with two serious offences, which he
requested him, as Supreme Head of the Church, to correct. The
first was that a great many of the inhabitants of the capital,
both nobles and burgesses, had, to the prejudice of ecclesiastical
order and the interests of the See, abandoned public worship in
the Cathedral for the services which they had instituted in their
own private houses instead. But in the second and far more serious
accusation complaint was made that numbers of females of all
classes, though nominally members of the Roman Communion,
were in the habit of attending the Greek services to the detri
ment of their own faith. As a remedy against these abuses the
Pope charges the Archbishop, by virtue of his canonical obedience
and under penalty of excommunication in the event of failing
to do so, to use all his powers to compel all such offenders, not
only in the capital, but everywhere throughout the island, to
attend the services of their own proper churches. In case of
disobedience he was instructed to invoke the assistance of the
royal authority to ensure compliance with these orders.

origin ot the Shortly after the accession of Pierre II. occurred an event
BeH™ and wnlcn we may .)us^iy regard as the primary cause of all the sub
sequent misfortunes that befell the island. In October 1372 he

war between
Cyprui Genoa.
Machaera, p. 215.

1 This is only a conjecture, as unfortunately the Pope does not mention him
by name. He is regarded by De Mas Latrie as the immediate successor on the
archiepiscopal throne of Philippe de Chambarlhac, who died in June, 1361.
The date of his death is not known, but documentary evidence proves that he
was no longer alive in 1382.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 139
received, according to custom, at Famagusta the crown of Jeru- strambaldi,
salem.1 That town then contained within its walls many na
tives of Genoa and Venice, attracted thither by the commerce of Amadi, p. 432.
the place. The rivalry, which prevailed between the citizens of "SSI^Ste.
these two enterprising republics, led, as is well known, to fre- J"™**™^.
quent collisions. And just such an opportunity for the display
of national animosity now presented itself. As the procession
was returning from the cathedral a dispute arose between the
consuls of the two communities for the honour of holding the
right rein ofthe King's horse.2 The Venetian seized it, despite
the protests of the Genoese, who claimed it as his by ancient
privilege.8 To put a stop to the quarrel, which every moment
threatened to become more serious, the King's uncle, Jean,4
Prince of Antioch, drove away the disputants and, taking
the right rein himself, gave the left to the Seigneur of Tyre.
But, though bloodshed was thus averted, the angry feelings en-
1 The sovereigns of Cyprus at their coronation were accustomed to receive
the crowns of Cyprus and Armenia in the Cathedral of Santa Sophia at Nikosia,
and the crown of Jerusalem in the Cathedral of St. Nicolas at Famagusta.
2 .^Eneas Sylvius, as the following extract shows, most erroneously represents
the fracas as having occurred during the reign of Jacques I., at a banquet which
was accustomed to be held annually.
" Post varias successiones regnum ad duos fratres pervenit, quorum alter
nomine Petrus (Pierre I.). — Hie multo postea, ut nulla reperitur sancta regni
societas, a fratre interfectus est (Jacques I.), et regnum ad occisorem delatum,
cui nee longa quies, neque impune parricidium cessit. Cum sollenne convivium
instituisset, quod annis singulis instruere mos erat, dira calamitas obtigit,"
etc." The same writer among other historical inaccuracies makes the Genoese in
vasion to have taken place during the reign of Jacques, instead of during that
of his nephew and predecessor, Pierre II. , whom he completely ignores, while of. Amadi,
he repeats the now generally discredited story that Jacques was privy to the5'425'
murder of his brother, Pierre I.
3 Loredano, as a Venetian, seems to have sacrificed truth to patriotism in his
account of what occurred. He grossly misrepresents the Genoese as having
caused the offence, which occasioned the subsequent affray : " Cedevano sempre
li consoli Genovesi in tutte le funtioni e nella coronatione dei re, senza pretensione
e senza contrasto il luogo ai Venetiani ". All the local chroniclers, however,
without exception, state that the privilege of holding the right rein of the King's
horse on such occasions belonged by right to the Genoese.
4 Jean de Lusignan was created Prince of Antioch and Constable of Cyprus Amadi, p. 408.
by his father, Hugues IV., at the same time that he caused his eldest son
Pierre (I.) to be crowned King of Cyprus (24th Nov., 1358).
Machaera declares that the right rein was jointly held by the Prince of
Antioch and the Seneschal of Cyprus (<$ o-vveo-KdpSos), who at this time was
Jacques de Lusignan, afterwards Jacques I., another son of Hugues IV., and
also an uncle of the King, while the Seigneur d'Arsur took the left.
Amadi also states that the holder of the left rein was the Seigneur d'Arsur,
who would have been Philippe d'Ibelin, lieutenant of the seneschal, Jacques
de Lusignan,

140 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
gendered by the incident still remained, and required very little
to rouse them into action. Unfortunately the necessary provo-
Machsera, cation was not long forthcoming. At the banquet held after
strambaldi, the ceremony the Genoese and Venetians were, by the king's
Amidi.'p. 432 orders, assigned places on his right and left respectively. There
«t- the hatred of these belligerent guests found expression in mutual
n'b. STpron' insults and defiances. Pierre had scarcely retired, on the con-
Loredano, elusion of the entertainment, when three of the Genoese rushed
pb474m'' upon the Venetians, who were compelled to draw their swords
sy'Mus com- m self-defence. Others of the assailants, who were standing
vunpp'.*32*, outside, hearing the sounds of the affray, rushed up the
321 stairs of the palace to the assistance of their compatriots, but
were disarmed by the guards. Some of the nobles, on news of
the fracas reaching them, hurried to the scene of disorder and,
seeing swords drawn and men trying to force their way into the
royal chamber, ordered the troops to arrest the rioters. In the
scuffle, which ensued, four of the Genoese were killed. The rest
taking to flight were pursued, and such as were captured were
thrown from the windows of the houses in which they had taken
refuge. The mob, by this time thoroughly excited against the
Genoese, whom they had long hated for their pride and avarice,
rushed off' to the consulate and, after burning the archives, would
have committed further damage, had they not been prevented.
Genoa was not slow in taking steps to avenge the deaths of her
slaughtered citizens. The king, foreseeing that war was inevit-
mst.de able, invoked the aid of Venice, but that state declined its
ii.,ypp635™o. assistance on the plea that its forces were then fully engaged
elsewhere.1 At length the Genoese fleet under its admiral,
1 The Signory was at that time occupied in the defence of its Dalmatian
territories against Louis the Great, King of Hungary. De Mas Latrie quotes
from the State archives the exact words, in which the Pregadi conveyed to the
Cypriot ambassador, the Archbishop of Tarsus, their reason for refusing the
assistance demanded (13th May, 1373). " De auxilio autem et favore respon-
deatur quod toto mundo potest esse notoria guerra magna quam habemus :
que non est parva, consideratis personis que de ea se impediunt, ita quod
opportet pro conservatione nostri honoris ut cum toto nostro posse attendamus
ad illam."
The invasion of Cyprus by Genoa proved in the end most disastrous to that
republic. Pierre (II.) de Lusignan, who burned to avenge the insults offered to
him by the Genoese, after his marriage with Valentina, daughter of Bernabo
Visconti, Duke of Milan, concluded on 14th November, 1377, an alliance against
Genoa with his father-in-law and the republic of Venice. The latter state had
a private ground of complaint against that city regarding the disputed owner
ship of the island of Tenedos. Genoa formed a counter-alliance with the King
of Hungary, Francesco Carrara, Lord of Padua, and Marquarden, Patriarch of
Aquileia. The war was prosecuted with varying success, until the blockade
and capture of the Genoese fleet at Chioggia in 1380 by the Venetian admiral,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 141
Pietro di Campo Fregoso, appeared off the coast, when the work Machau-a, pp.
of destruction and pillage at once began. The result might 268,'?77, 324.
have been easily' anticipated. Cyprus proved no match single- p^S^m
handed for her powerful adversary. Nikosia and other towns ^adl m
were sacked, and a crushing indemnity imposed upon the island, "¦¦ ^ M®'
while Famagusta, the most important stronghold in the king-ukS""™'''
o ' J. O O 294 302 312
dom, was retained as security for payment. Thus did Cyprus 32^ 332'
experience the first of those successive blows, which, by weakening vm.°dpp°455,b'
her resources, slowly, but surely, paved the way for her subsequent '
.subjugation by the Moslem.
As time advanced the yoke imposed upon the native Church Disastrous
by the Bull of Alexander IV. proved more and more irksome, orthodox of
Its effect was to completely isolate the Orthodox Community in cypria.
Cyprus. Through their forced subjection to the Latin Church
they found themselves regarded by their co-religionists elsewhere ph. seorgiou,
as apostates from the national faith, and refused all intercourse p'
with them. Their merchants and pilgrims were looked upon as Angeio
excommunicated and denied admittance to the churches, more Lus!gn*anapu
especially in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, while their prelates
experienced the same harsh treatment also, because their elec
tions had to be approved by the Royal Council and confirmed
by the Latin bishops.1 To remedy this state of things proposals
were made at the beginning of the fifteenth century by the The cypriots \
Cypriots for the definite union of their Church with the See of umonof -their
• i mi 1 i Church with
Constantinople. They represented as a reason why their peti- JJ^^Jg,,,
tion should be granted that they had in no way deviated from Me\eVi, n-epi
the recognised standards of Orthodoxy, while they had always ^™L
consistently refused to commemorate the Pope in their liturgy. T^J^T,,
This application was so far successful that in the year 1405 a "ekk^^uv
learned and eloquent monk, Joseph Bryennios, was commissioned i^JZs.^^
to proceed to Cyprus and by personal negotiation with the sn'tej™)rtis
bishops arrange, if possible, for the liberation of the island ^raPg"; nod in 1405.
Vittore Pisani, virtually decided the struggle. Through the mediation of
Amadeo VI., Count of Savoy, peace was at length concluded at Turin on 8th
August, 1381. Genoa never recovered from the blow, which her maritime
supremacy had received at Chioggia, and her commercial pre-eminence was
gradually eclipsed by that of her more enterprising rival in the Adriatic.
1 Esso Patriarcha (i.e., di Constantinopoli) et li altri greci Patriarchi, masime
quelli di Hierusalem, quando ehe li poveri Ciprioti mercanti et pellegrini anda-
vano nelle loro Chiese, essi gli abborrivano tenendo li per excommunichati
perche in Cipro davano obedientia alii Latini, et il simile dicevano imo di piu
alii Vescovi greci de Cipro, perche erano eletti dai consiglio regale latino, et
dalli Vescovi Latini erano confirmati.

142 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Church from the Papal yoke and its union with the GScu-
Hisinstruc menical Patriarchate. The instructions which he received be-
tions before „ . .... . . . TJ, , , . ,
starting. tore setting out on his mission were most explicit, li he should
find that the Cypriot Orthodox acknowledged the Pope as holy
and recognised the Latin bishops, communion with them was
Bryennios' pronounced to be impossible. The conclusions, which the en-
report hostile i i . j. j, i ¦ • j_*i_* if ii
to the cypriot voy was led to form from his investigations, were so unfavourable
which were that no prospect of the desired union could then be entertained.
rejected. Seven years afterwards, however, during the patriarchate of
proposals Euthymios II. the same question was again brought forward
1412. ln by the island bishops. This time they professed a readiness to
place themselves entirely at the disposal of the CScumenical See,
Again re- and promised implicitly to carry out its behests. The Synod
advice or seemed favourably disposed towards their suit until the appear-
Bryennios. J t>~r\ • i ¦
irept-ypaow, ance on the scene of Bryennios, whose urgent representations
¦njsKvKKov Jeci it; to again declare the proposal impossible. The speech
precisof which he delivered on the occasion, before the assembly in the
SS1 Church of the Eternal Wisdom on 17th March, 1412, contains
Hagia Sophia j. , , ,, l • l 1
on 17th a series ot arguments against the measure, which may be con-
March 1412 ~ . . . "
densed as follows.1 The hostility of the orator is apparent
even in the opening sentences of his address. After inquiring
what advantage was likely to accrue to the Church of Con
stantinople from admitting the Cypriots to communion, he
charges them with seeking union with the Orthodox, while at
the same time desiring to retain all those outward marks of
compliance, which they were obliged to render to the Latins.
This compact, moreover, was to be kept secret lest, forsooth,
their tyrants, on hearing of it, should compel them to forswear
even the small remnant of Orthodoxy they still seemed to pos
sess. The result of such an agreement would be, not to unite
the Cypriot Church to the Oecumenical, but to secretly subject
the Patriarch and his people to the Bishop of Rome, since the
latter has never required the Orthodox to do more than to
acknowledge him as holy, and to join in worship with his ad
herents. But such a profession of faith, secret or public, and
such a voluntary co-subjection of a free Church with an en
slaved has never been recorded in history. The Orthodox
1 This speech is included in an edition of the extant works of Bryennios
printed at Leipsic in 1768 under the following title : —
'Iwa^ip Movaxov tov Bpvevviov rd evpeBevra aficoo-ei tov inpyXoraTOv Kal evaeBeo--
TaTOv irpipyv yyep6vos MoXSoBXaxias Kvpiov, Kvpiov Tpyyoplov 'AXe^dvSpov FKiKa,
BoeBoSa, Si iirtpiXeias Evyevlov StaKdvov tov BovXydpews, tfSy Tb irpwrov tvitois
4KSo8evra. 'Ev Aeitylq ~£a£ovlas iv ry Tinroypatpiq tov BpetTK6irtp, erei a$%y'.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 143
Church has never stooped or yielded to force, nor will it consent
to unite with those who have, lest it imperceptibly lose its
freedom also, and in its anxiety to extricate others be itself
dragged down by them into the pit of slavery. Besides, how
can the Cypriots promise to bestow upon the Church of Con
stantinople and guarantee that independence, which, whether
by force or by consent, they have already lost themselves? We
here suppose that there exists one autonomous ecclesiastical
authority in Cyprus, while in reality there are as many of these
authorities as there are bishops, since each of the four Orthodox
prelates, though subject to his own immediate Latin superior,
is independent of the others. Such a circumstance is a mark of
schism and not of orthodoxy. But, if they plead compulsion
as a reason for this state of affairs, this very excuse shows them
to be unfitted for communion with us, for granting that it is
against their wills, yet they tamely submit to it. Let them,
therefore, keep company with Calabrians and Sicilians and all
other victims of persecution for conscience1 sake. Two hundred
and forty years have elapsed since the Cypriots have bowed to
the Latin yoke, during which period Constantinople has known
forty-two Patriarchs and seventeen Emperors, yet to none of
these did it occur to admit them to communion.1 Shall we then
now welcome to the ranks of Orthodoxy persons whom they
passed by as unworthy of the privilege, as though we were
holier and wiser than they ? To do so would be either to con
vict them of excessive remissness, or to prove ourselves greatly
devoid of sense. For his own part he would rather suffer a
thousand deaths than see the Orthodox Church united to the
Cypriot, which was no longer an independent community, since
in many particulars it was subject to a foreign. How can
there in fact be any real union when a thousand obstacles
intervene, or how can there be any genuine Synod of the two
Churches when the representatives of one must perforce be
absent ? To the argument that the Cypriot bishops do not
materially differ from those of the Oecumenical See, since they
do not expressly commemorate the Pope, he rejoins that they do
worse, for they acknowledge him, both in writing and on oath,
as most holy and the only genuine successor of Peter, the prince
of the Apostles, while they promise for themselves and their
1 The chronology of Bryennios is here somewhat at fault. The conquest
of Cyprus by Cceur-de-Lion took place in a.d. 1191. The interval between that
event and the delivery of his speech (17 March, 1412) comprises a period of
221 years only.

144 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
people obedience to him and the bishops, who are under him,
as is evident from the terms of the oath taken publicly by each
of them before his consecration. That this promise in itself
amounts to a rejection of Orthodoxy and an accommodation
with heretics is further confirmed by the procedure observed on
such an occasion. The Greek prelates, too, with their clergy
are compelled to present themselves at the services held in the
various Latin cathedrals at the great festivals, when the chief
of the priests reads the epistle from the ambon and the bishop
the gospel from the steps of the altar, first saying to his Latin
colleague, as our custom is, " Sir, bless this Evangelist,11 and
then bowing to him as his fellow-minister and kissing his right
hand. The bishops are also invited to the funerals and
requiem masses of deceased Latins, while the priests have to
attend all sermons preached on festival occasions, receiving pay
for their attendance and participation in the service like their
Roman brethren, as though no difference existed between them.
An additional ground for rejecting the application was to be
found in the lax discipline then prevalent in the native Church,
which was not due to outside pressure, but adopted from de
liberate choice. Among the things enumerated by Bryennios
as worthy of reprobation are the ordination of candidates who
were known to have contracted second marriages, and the as
sociating in worship with others who, after ordination, married
again and had illegitimate families openly by harlots and con
cubines. Indeed, so widespread was immorality at this period
among the Orthodox clergy that, according to him, there was no
one in holy orders, who did not publicly keep a mistress during
the lifetime of his lawful wife, as well as after her death, and
also before marriage. Such persons as these venture to con
duct the public services of the Church, and are permitted to
minister in company with the bishops — the simple reason being
that the bishops are just as great offenders themselves. In
the administration of many of the sacraments they conform to
the usages not only of the Latin Church, but even of the
various heretical sects, which are scattered throughout the
island. While Latins and heretics preserve their own rites and
dogmas unaltered, the Greek prelates alone show themselves
thus accommodating to the opinions of others. Despite all
their efforts they cannot escape from their present degrading
servitude, however willing they may be to do so, nor even after
this contemplated union has taken place shall we be able to
hinder the performance of any one of the observances, which

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 145
they are now compelled to render to the Latins. There is
only one thing which it is within our power to do, and that
is to unite with them in submission to the Pope. In face of
this reflection all prospect of reunion must be abandoned. It
will be urged in reply that the Cypriots promise, both verbally
and in writing, to carry out all the orders of the Oecumenical
See. Yet none of them will dare, notwithstanding, to come
to Constantinople, when summoned, nor venture to openly pro
claim themselves members of the Orthodox Church. And the
truth of this statement is to be found in the provisions of the
Bull of Alexander IV. which they dare not transgress, in spite
of all their promises, for this instrument constitutes both
communions in the island virtually one, under the headship of
the Pope, as the speaker had discovered from personal observa
tion when in Cyprus. He assures his audience that he would
not hesitate to make any personal sacrifice, if he thought that
this contemplated union would be of any real service to the
Cypriots ; but, since this cannot be, he warns his co-religionists
to beware, lest, in their anxiety to save the former, they un
wittingly imperilled the salvation not only of themselves and
countless numbers of other Orthodox Christians, but also of
generations yet to come. His hostility to the measure was not
due to any personal motive, nor to malice, but solely arose from
his anxiety to preserve inviolate the Orthodox faith. With
this object he desired that the instructions, which he had for
merly received on the eve of his departure for the island, should
be strictly adhered to.
To the representations of some that this request of the Cyp
riots should be granted, so as to prevent their complete apostasy
to the Latin Church, he replies that there is another considera
tion which ought to be taken into previous account, viz., that
such an act may be the means of inducing thousands of others
elsewhere to conform also to Rome. This contemplated union
has, as yet, attracted but little attention, but once it is established
the case will be very different. Misleading reports will get
abroad to the effect that the Oecumenical Patriarch, the Em
peror, and all the Metropolitans of this See, with their suffragans,
have, after a prolonged discussion in the Synod, at last submit
ted to the Bishop of Rome. And as for the Cypriots themselves,
as soon as news of the union reaches the island, they will be
regarded as traitors to the Latin Church and compelled to con
form more rigidly than ever. The effect of this ill-conceived
project will also be felt by the Orthodox inhabitants of Crete,
10

146 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Rhodes, Lesbos, and the other islands, who will be forced to
submit to the Latin bishops, or rather will avail themselves of
this precedent as a pretext for a voluntary submission. And,
what is worse, many, who are regarded here as the pillars of
Orthodoxy, will go to Italy and swell the ranks of the Latin
party, while legates glib of tongue and skilled in argument
will be despatched from Rome to depict in glowing language to
the Orthodox the joy of the Holy Father and the Catholics of
Elder Rome at the tidings of their conversion and the union of
the two Churches. And how will it be possible to contradict
such statements ? The synodical letters signed and sealed by the
Patriarch and the Emperor will silence all denials. One of three
things must inevitably follow, either the deposition and excom
munication of those, who have appended their signatures thereto,
or conformity to the Latins, or the rise of numerous schisms. The
result will be that the Oecumenical See will be deceived, while
the Cypriots will achieve an easy triumph over it, and the Ortho
dox elsewhere be filled with shame at the reckless and foolish
way, in which they have been admitted to communion. Let
them, therefore, remain in their present alliance with heretics,
since all endeavours to rescue them from their position will only
end in others being dragged down by them into the pit of de
struction also. Their faith is the only possession still left to
the Orthodox. Is it not enough that they have been banished
from the East and West, from both land and sea, but must the
devil, through the agency of the Cypriots, seek to deprive them of
their religion also ? But this attempt shall not succeed. More
over, this present Synod is not properly constituted to decide
such a question, lacking as it does representatives from the Syrian
Patriarchs, as well as from Cyprus, while the majority of the
Metropolitans should be present on so momentous an occasion,
the matter in hand being one that cannot be settled on paper,
but requiring personal discussion also. To those who would
urge on behalf of the Cypriots that, as Christ did not reject
one sinner who came to Him, in like manner so many thousands
of Christians, when returning to the unity of the Church, ought
not to be rejected, and that, if there is joy in heaven over one
sinner that repenteth, how great will be the joy both there and
on earth at the admittance of the Cypriots to communion, the
reply might easily be made that God only receives the sinner,
who repents of his sins, and that it is only over such an one
that the angels of heaven rejoice. Why, even in the case of a
man, who after the commission of some deadly sin wishes to par-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 147
take of the Sacrament on confessing it, the bishops of the Ortho
dox Church cannot impart to him the awful mysteries until he
has first desisted from his evil courses, even though he makes
a thousand verbal and written promises to do so, since words
without actions are of no value. Should any of them, indeed,
venture to infringe this rule he is liable to the same punish
ment as the offender. And shall then so many myriads be re
ceived into communion, when they cannot refrain from manifest
error ? To do so would be both foolish and absurd. For if
those, who continue in their errors, or who are unable or un
willing altogether to renounce them, are admitted, then it is
high time to receive into fellowship Armenians, Jacobites, Nes-
torians and, above all, the Latin nations, as well as every profane
person, robber and murderer, who still continues in his career
of sin. Yet, if it can indeed be shown that the Cypriots are
able to refrain, after their union with the Oecumenical See, from
all those malpractices which have kept them apart for 200 years,
why then let every one who refuses to receive them be anathema.
But it is suggested that they should be admitted and tested and,
if found to keep their promises, allowed to remain in communion ;
while, if they fail to do so, there will in that case exist a good
reason for rejecting them. Suppose, by way of illustration, that
this religious union with the Cypriots were to take place to-day
and that within the next three months some Latin, as is very
probable, should die in the island, will the bishops and hegou-
menoi there, when invited to attend, as heretofore, the obsequies
of the deceased with their Cross and clergy, be able to refuse ?
Certainly not. And at the annual festivals of the Latins will
they be present, as they were last year and 200 years previously,
or will they have the courage to decline when summoned? Why
it is evident even to children that they willdo as they are bidden.
What need then of any such test, since it is manifest that, when
confronted with the Pope's order and the King's command, they
will be unable to refuse any of these customary observances ?
In fact the test has been already tried and signally failed.
These very same bishops seven years ago, Bryennios remarks,
after vowing by letter to carry out all the behests of the Church,
when they met him in a Synod in Cyprus, were unable to per
form any of the promises they had then expressly and publicly
made. And just as they cheated then the Church of Christ, so
are they endeavouring to deceive it now. Still, if a test is in
sisted upon, it should precede and not succeed this contemplated
union, since, if subsequent to this measure, it would prove no

148 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
test at all, but merely a mockery and delusion. Otherwise, under
existing circumstances, the proper course would be neither to
admit, nor yet to harshly reject them, since in the latter case
out of pure revenge they might of their own accord secede alto
gether from the faith ; while in the former the Latins would
immediately compel them to conform entirely, so as to destroy
this union, the result either way being final separation from the
Orthodox Communion. That suffering will certainly follow to
the Cypriots from granting their petition is evident by reason
of the close connection now existing between the chief Latin ec
clesiastical and civil authorities in the island, where the brother
of the King has lately been promoted to the archiepiscopal dig
nity.1 This fact alone is enough to ensure for them the com
bined persecution of the Latin nobility and hierarchy.
The arguments conclude with the following impassioned appeal
to the sympathies and prejudices of his audience, which is per
haps best given in the orator's own words. Who, after reading
it, can wonder at the hostile effect the harangue must have exer
cised upon the minds of those who heard it ?
" But that which is said to keep them apart from us, viz., their
acknowledgment ofthe Pope as holy, and the presence of Ortho
dox priests at the funerals and requiem masses of the Latins and
at their public services, is it nothing, or does it in any way injure
the orthodoxy of the Orthodox ? Are you then willing, while
the observances, which the Cypriots are compelled to render to
the Latins, remain intact, for them to j oin in worship with us ?
Are you then contriving to secretly convert us into Latins ? Do
you not know that all great evils spring from trivial causes and
so become great, and that error always originates from things
which appear of no importance, and that from assenting to trans
gressions, which appear to be small, we come to be involved also
in those that are great, and that there is a way, which seems to
men to be right, the end of which leads to the abyss of hell ?
1 'Hpiv pev oZv tout iiraKoXov8f]o-ei, KaX TrXeiw, 4k ttjs irpax8y(rop4vys airpdKTWs
evwaews raiiTys, Hirep KaX eipByv elirwv, etirep eyKaraAetyei ©eou avry ye^Tat •
rois Se Kvirptois avyxvo'is dpa Kal Siwypbs e^erai irpbs Se twv alperi(6vTwv e/ce?,
Kal rwv ttjs NTJtrov irdffys 'Apxovrav, Kal twv ^payKeiriaK6irwv avTwv ¦ Kal pdXiara
vvv, 'ire 6 tov 'Pyybs avTaSeXipos rip ttjs ' ApxieiriaKoirys rerlpyrai d^iapaTi, Kal tij
KorrpiKy dpxy Ta Trjs 'EKKXyclas rwv Aarlvwv eis irdyra o~vv4pxerai.
The allusion is to Hugues de Lusignan, third son of Jacques I. and brother
of Janus, the reigning sovereign. According to Le Quien he was first placed
in temporary charge ofthe archdiocese in 1413. But the evidence of this speech,
which was delivered on 17th March 1412, shows that his connection with the
See must be somewhat antedated. Hugues was promoted to the Cardinalate
by Martin V. in 1426.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 149
Is this nothing ? Is that nothing ? Are all things then per
missible ? Not so. Away with this pernicious counsel ! May
this opinion perish with those who commend it ! We will not
deny thee, beloved Orthodoxy. We will not play thee false, O
religion handed down by our fathers ! We do not separate from
thee, O godliness, our Mother ! In thee we were born, and for
thee we live, and in thee we will be laid to rest, and in defence
of thee, if need be, we will die a thousand times. We are the
disciples of the Apostles of Christ, who say : ' He who associ
ates with the excommunicated is himself excommunicated ' and canon.,
' if any man pray even at home with an excommunicated person, no>0ii°i
let him also be excommunicated V
During the reign of Janus (a.d. 1398-a.d. 1432) another mis- Cyprus m-
fortune befell the island kingdom. For years previously the disputesnwith
Cypriots had given great offence to the Sultans of Egypt by Egypt.
their patronage of the Catalan and other pirates, who preyed lT38?385PP'
upon the Egyptian shipping.1 These sea-robbers utilised the IS-'; HiS^Sos.
numerous harbours of the island as convenient lurking-places p?'^'^;
from which to make their attacks, and as markets for the sale^^^-
disposal of their rich prizes. Their comparatively isolated posi-^ad.
tion should have taught the Cypriots how necessary it was for^|^"|gJ-
their own safety that they should live at peace with their power-513'514-
ful Moslem neighbours. But the traffic which they carried onuim-.pp.'
• 1 1 - 1 .-.ill ii ii- 356 Bq., 361 so,.,
with the corsairs proved so profitable that they allowed their 366' 369. 37°-
greed of gain to outweigh all considerations of prudence. For ix°'pPa563sq.;
a time the Sultans had been content merely to remonstrate with 584, 586, 589. ''
the Court of Nikosia on the unfriendly conduct of its subjects.
But at length the annoyance and loss caused by these perpetual
depredations became so great that Melec-el-Aschraf, who then
occupied the throne of Egypt, determined to retaliate, and
equipped a powerful fleet for that purpose. He is said to have .Eneas
been incited as much by a desire to avenge the destruction ofment.,i'ib.
Alexandria in 1365 by Pierre I. as by any other motive. When 322''
too late the eyes of the Cypriots were opened to see the peril to
1 An account ofthe Mameluke invasion was composed by Khalil Dkaheri, vizir KhalUDha-
of the Sultan Melec-el-Aschraf Ebi-el-Nasr Barsebai, in the year ofthe Hegira ch^re'.,'tom.
831 (a.d. 1427-8), scarcely two years after the conquest of Cyprus. It forms the ii.,p.506sqq.j.
fourth chapter of his eleventh book and was translated with the rest of the work
from the Arabic into French by M. Venture de Paradis. The translation bears
the following title : " Abrege geographique et politique de l'empire des Mamlouks,
compose par Khalil, tils de Schahin-el-Zhahiri (ou Dhaheri), vezir du Sultan
Melik-el-Eschref Ebi-el-Nasr Bersabai, et traduit par M. Venture de Paradis,
secretaire interprete du roi pour les langues orientales ".

150 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
which their conduct had exposed them. Every effort was now
made to meet the coming storm. Nicolas, Bishop of Famagusta,
was sent into the West to enlist the assistance of the Christian
powers. But, though furnished with the recommendation of
Martin V., he was able to effect very little in that quarter. In
tuS"tala?i" 14^> a hostile fleet of fifty galleys appeared off the coasts of
in 1425. Cyprus, which, after capturing and destroying Limassol, returned
second Egyp- to Egypt laden with much booty. The following year a still
tian invasion OJ r J p J
in 1426. more powerful armament ot 150 sail was despatched thither,
having on board a land army under the command of the Emir
Tangriverdi-el-Mahmoudi. After again capturing Limassol the
invaders marched into the mountains towards Nikosia.
Defeat of the Janus, on hearing of their advance, left the capital to meet
cappture8o'f*a them at the head of all the forces he could muster. The two
chierochitia^ armies encountered one another at the village of Chierochitia,
near the Vasilipotamo River. There a battle took place on the
7th July, 1426. Victory at first seemed to incline to the Chris
tians. But, seeing their King fall from his horse and supposing
he was killed, the Cypriots were seized with panic and turned
their backs upon the foe. Janus himself was taken prisoner
after a desperate resistance. Most of the nobility either shared
his fate, or were left dead upon the field. Among the latter
was the King's brother, Henri, Prince of Galilee. The victorious
capture and enemy continued their march without further opposition to Nik-
Nikosia. osia, which they sacked, bearing off an immense quantity of
plunder to their ships. This, with the King and other captives,
they carried away with them to Egypt. The news of the terrible
disaster at Chierochitia threw the country into the utmost con
fusion and dismay. The royal family took refuge in the impreg
nable maritime fortress of Kyrenia, l whence the government was
carried on in the King's name by his brother, Cardinal Hugues,
Revolt of the Archbishop of Nikosia. Taking advantage of the general dis
order the peasantry rose in various parts of the island, while an
Italian soldier of fortune, named Sforza, formerly in the service
of the King, tried to seize the supreme power for himself. But
all these movements were suppressed without much difficulty.
janus ran- After a captivity often months2 Janus at length purchased his
Cyprus liberty for 200,000 ducats,8 with the promise of an annual pay-
Egyptian ner. ment of 5000 more, and the recognition of the Sultan as his
1 Loiedano says that Buffavento was the place of refuge.
2 His captivity lasted from 7th July, 1426 to 12th April, 1427.
3 ^Eneas Silvius mentions 125,000 pieces of gold as the price of his ransom.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 151
suzerain. Thus, after an interval of many centuries, the Moslem's
baneful presence again obtrudes itself into the history of Cyprus.
If we may believe the chroniclers many strange and startling
portents only too clearly foretold the approaching disaster. A Machan-a, pp.
Christian lad of Alexandria on a pilgrimage to the Holy 3trambaldii
Land had a vision of three youthful warriors. These heavenly 1^™' "^
visitants informed him it had been their intention to assist the
Cypriots against their Egyptian foes, but that they had been "£ m-. p-
forbidden by the Almighty, as the islanders placed more faith in Loredano, lib.
their fleshly swords than in Him. At Nikosia round the citadel MacLra,
and the palace the dogs had strangely howled, while the ravens PP'S98,1031
and the owls had kept up a most persistent croaking and hoot
ing. On the fatal Sunday, when the encounter took place, a
dense mist had enveloped the whole country, and on the eve
of the engagement a bright meteor, in the form of a great star,
had burst over the Christian camp, causing great alarm.
In 1439 at the Council of Florence a final attempt was made Attempts
to bring about the long-desired reunion of the Eastern and ^tee™and
Western Churches. But the healing of the divisions, which had ™e"'i1^BcUtof
so long kept the two great communions apart, was more appa- SixmsS.
rent than real. The proceedings of the Council excited the
profoundest dissatisfaction among the Orthodox, who refused to
recognise the agreement entered into by their representatives.
The delegates on their return to the East were received with
a storm of execrations, and branded as traitors to their ancestral
faith. On the doubtful authority of Raynaidi we are informed that me orthod.*
%i j clergy of Cy-
complaint was made in 1441 to Eugenius IV. by some of the j»j^c™gjin
Greek ecclesiastics in Cyprus on the subject of this Council. SJ^S*"^,
They represented that its decrees enjoining union between the ^¦";^a^ms
two Churches were disregarded by the Latin clergy, who refused ^n1^- ad
to allow them to take part in marriages, funerals, and other N°- "*•
public functions. They pointed out that such conduct was
likely to prejudice the lately-contrived union and to be produc
tive of further troubles, and concluded by humbly petitioning
the Pope to order the Latin prelates and clergy to no longer
debar them from participation in such matters. The Pope, on
receipt of this memorial, forwarded it to the Archbishop of
1 Ta aypaSia Sev XaXovv ip4paTa, Siarl iKeivoi airov ra SoKipdCovv dypwvl£ovv irws
eivai dXyBeia • oi ckvXXoi iyovpidfav dirb Kaipov, oi Kwpwvais iyovpyidCav, y KovKovipd-
Ses els tV avXiiv Kal els Ta TeixoKaarpa iyovpyidCav, wsttov Kal iirypav rbv pyya,
'Opolas t^v ovtt)v KvpiaKT)v eyiveTov pia KaTaxvia, '6ti irdvTes exdByv b Kitrpos.

152 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Rhodes with instructions to compel the Latins to comply with
the decrees of the Council, and to admit the Greeks to com
munion with them. But the accuracy of this statement is open
to considerable question. In matters of religion the Orthodox
had never shown any wish for intercourse with their Western
neighbours. All they had ever desired was freedom from inter
ference. Besides, Greek interests in the island were now so
prospering that they could afford to be independent. Men of
their race were fast acquiring distinction in the service of the
State, while their tongue was becoming, to a considerable extent,
the official language and the medium of diplomacy.
But the Council of Florence, though it failed to secure the
permanent union of the two Churches, had another effect never
contemplated by its promoters. In the various Latin principali
ties scattered throughout the Eastern Mediterranean the adher
ents of the Roman Communion, who constituted the ruling class,
had always formed but an insignificant minority. Divergence of
religious views had hitherto served to keep them asunder from
those, to whom for their temporal interests they ought to have
Raynaidi, ad been most closely united. When, however, Eugenius announced
ann 1443 . 7 O
nos. 14-19. to the nations of the West that, as the result of the Conclave,
ad ann. 1444, ^ne oncg.^egpiged Orthodox were now not merely of one flesh
and blood, but also of the same faith with themselves, it seemed
to many of these Latin settlers no act of apostasy to abandon
their ancestral creed for one, which by their own spiritual head
had been pronounced so absolutely identical with their own.
This tendency, which made itself felt within a very short period
after the conclusion of the Council, called forth the most strenu-
Raynaid., ad ous efforts of the Papacy to arrest its further growth. In 1448
No.io. ' Nicolas V. the immediate successor of Eugenius, felt constrained
to write to the inquisitor and provincial of the province of
Greece on the subject. By his own showing many Catholics
; " had already, through the union of the two communions, deserted
, the Church, in which they had been born and nurtured, for the
Orthodox rite. The Pope, while disclaiming any idea of con
demning the tenets of the Orthodox, protests that it is not per
missible to thus mix up the two rites — an act neither intended,
nor sanctioned, by the Council of Florence. He, accordingly, en
joins upon these two officials, by virtue of their obedience, to take
measures for checking the evil and to invoke for that purpose,
if necessary, the assistance of the secular power. But the move
ment, so far at least as Cyprus was concerned, appears to have
successfully defied all the efforts of the Papacy to stamp it out.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 153
So rapid, indeed, was its progress that, when Felix Faber visited Evagator, f.
the island, all distinctions between the two communions seemed pugrie5teB '
fast becoming obliterated. He mentions with strong disapproval v^t, pp."
a case, which came under his own notice during his pilgrimage
to Stavro Vouni, where the same cleric served both a Greek and
a Latin Church. But the incident, together with his observa
tions upon it, had best be given in his own words : " While we
sat there (i.e., in a Greek chapel in the village of Holy Cross), a
clerk in orders came and said to us in the Latin tongue : ' What
are you doing in the Greek Church ? Here close by is a Latin
Church of your own rite ; it is there that you ought to pray and
rest yourselves.' So we arose and went with him to the Latin
Church. I found that this clerk was a monk, which however I
could not discover from his dress, because he was covered with
a camlet cloak, and that he was the parson of both Churches,
both the Greek and the Latin one, and that in all respects he
conformed himself to the rite of each ; for on Sundays he first
celebrated Mass in the Latin Church, and consummated it in
the Western fashion with unleavened bread ; and when this
office was finished he crossed over to the Greek Church and con
summated in the Eastern fashion with leavened bread. This
displeased me much, and I held that priest to be a heretic of the
worst kind, leading the people astray hither and thither; for
the two rites cannot be performed by one and the same person ;
nay, hardly in the same city, because of their disagreement in
many important articles. How can any honest man and good
Catholic be a Latin and Greek parson at the same time ? No
one acts thus except to satisfy his avarice or his love of pleasure,
for such men as this accept whatever is pleasant in either ritual,
and renounce those things which are hard and grievous to be
borne, whether they be in the one or the other. Many Latin
priests transfer themselves to the Greek rite that they may ven
ture upon marriage, yet at the same time they wish to enjoy the
liberty of priests of the Latin rite, which is not theirs.11
That this accommodating cleric was only a type of many
among his fellows there cannot be much doubt, and that this
indifference to religious distinctions continued to the end of the
Latin occupation is evident from the testimony of Raynaidi.
According to him when Filippo Mocenigo, the last Archbishop Raynaid., ad
of Nikosia, assumed office (1560), it was a common thing to find no.'si.
within the same party walls a man, his wife, and children all
professing different religions. This assertion, indeed, is amply
borne out by what the historian Lusignan has recorded concern- p"?^.™'

154 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
ing the religious state of his own family.1 Though he was him
self a Dominican and eventually died as Bishop of Limassol in
partibiis, his brother Jean became a Basilian monk, under the
name of Hilarion, and for his sanctity was proposed for the
Orthodox See of Nikosia, while one of his sisters, Isabelle, took
the name of Athanasia and entered the same order as a nun.
His cousin Philippe was also a canon of the diocese of Paphos
and Latin Archdeacon of Limassol, in which preferments, on
his death, he was succeeded by his own brother, Jerome.
Few, in fact, at this period adhered entirely and steadfastly to
any one creed, but only observed and practised such parts of it
as appealed most strongly to their own individual fancies. Thus
a person, who on other days professed himself a member of the
Orthodox Communion, would on Wednesdays, when the eating
of meat was forbidden, follow the Latin rite, while vice versa,
Latin Christians, who on other days strictly observed the re
quirements of their own Church, would on Saturdays, when the
use of flesh was prohibited, conform in this matter to the prac
tice of the Orthodox Communion. Many Latin clerics, too,
like their Orthodox colleagues, were married men, to the great
scandal of their new Archbishop.
The national It was during the reign of Jean II., the son and successor of
strengthened the unfortunate Janus, that the first great impetus was given in
SSSe?*''0' Cyprus to this new national movement. The consorts of the
Raynaid., ad sovereigns had hitherto been sought in the West. His marri-
No/45. ' age in 1440 with Medea, daughter of John James Palaeologos,
1469, "no" H.**' the semi-Greek Marquis of Montferrat, was a tacit recognition
Madura, Gf the altered condition of affairs. But this lady only survived
strambaldi, the union a few months. Jean's second matrimonial venture
I. Boustron, was even more pronounced in its Hellenic tendencies. In the

lib. Ui., pp.
371, 372.

1 Giovanni figliuolo di Jasone si fece monaco di San Basilio, et fu di una vita
buona, et riputato Santo, per laquale concorse nell' elettione del Vescovado di
Nicosia, et cio fu contra ogni sua volunta, et lo chiamavano Hilario, fatto
monaco nel casale nostro detto Antifoniti, et fece una morte santa, come testifi-
ca il Reverendissimo Ragazzoni Vescovo di Famagosta.
Isabella figliuola di Jasone fu fatta monaca di San Basilio chiamata Atha
nasia. Filippo figliuolo di Hettore fii canonico di Paffo et Archidiacono di Limisso,
morto Hieronimo figliuolo di Hettore hebbe il Canonicato di Paffo et Archi
diacono de Limisso, et altri et e al presente a Roma favorito da molti Signori et
di sua Santita.
This piedilection of so many of his kindred for Orthodoxy seems a sore point
with the historian to judge from the vehemence, with which he expresses his in
tention of remaining in the Church of his fathers, e.g., " Giacomo figliuolo di
Jasone, presente scrittore, si fece frate di San Dominico, et perseverera insino
alia morte con questo santo proposito ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 155
following year he took as his second wife, Helena, daughter of
Theodore Palaeologos,1 Despot of the Morea, and niece of the
Emperor Constantine XII. This energetic princess soon entirely Loredano, ub.
relieved her indolent husband ofthe cares of government. She ssV™,' eoo.'
is said to have been completely under the influence of her nurse, s^lvfus com-
the latter being in turn controlled by her son, who thus became vh."!p'. 3*22 sq.
the virtual ruler of the kingdom. Orthodoxy regained much of °'|103°Iit''on'
its former importance under her patronage. Among her other Helena
benefactions to the native Church was the foundation of the second wife of
J can II,
monastery of St. George of Mankana, near Nikosia. During
the whole of her career she showed herself a bitter opponent of
the Roman Supremacy. Many of the Latins in consequence, Loredano, m>.
observing in which direction lay the Queen's inclinations, pro- *" "' 5 8'
fessed the Greek rite to ingratiate themselves in her favour
The Papacy quickly recognised that it had in her a most im
placable enemy. ^Eneas Silvius, afterwards Pius IL, describes
her as being " clever and sagacious, an adept in Greek treachery,
hostile to the Latin religion and an enemy of the Roman
Church 11.2 It was not long before an opportunity for a trial of
strength arose between these determined foes.
On the death in 1442 of Cardinal Hugues, uncle of the King Helena
and Archbishop of Cyprus, a vacancy occurred in the Metropo- |^^fB"r
litan See. Helena, at the instigation of her nurse, nominated as Pointment °r
' . o ' a successor to
his successor a relative of the latter, who was a member of the Ha^e1sade
Orthodox communion, and requested the Pope to confirm herSffshr*"1
appointment. Eugenius IV., however, expressed his inability Delano Ub
to comply with her wishes, as the vacant dignity had already '*- *¦ 60lK'
been bestowed upon a more worthy recipient, Galesius Mon-
tolif, a man distinguished for his piety and learning. The
Queen, accustomed to the most implicit obedience, was greatly
exasperated at the receipt of this reply. She did not hesitate
to imprison the envoy, who brought it, and would have put
him to death, had not the Vicomte of Nikosia,3 with the secret
1 During the decline of the Byzantine Empire the two titles of Duke of
Sparta and Despot of the Morea were conferred upon the same person. Theo
dore, the father of Jean's second wife, was a son of the Emperor Manuel II.,
and succeeded to the twofold dignity in 1407.
2 " Ingeniosa et cordata mulier, verum Graeca instituta perfidia, Latinis
inimica sacris et Romanae hostis ecclesiae."
3 This was not a title of nobility, but one borne by the chief civil functionary of H**t de .^
Nikosia. According to the Assizes he had to be chosen from the feudatories of iii., p. 852 sq.
the kingdom and, under the Venetians, held office for two years. He presided
over the Court of the Burgesses, and his jurisdiction extended to a radius of
three leagues round the city, whence the district was called the Vicomte. He

156 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Raynaid., ad connivance of the King, assisted him to escape. An intimation
mn 1445 o' l
mo. 20. ' was at the same time conveyed to Galesius that, though he
might enjoy the empty dignity of Archbishop, he would not be
allowed to take possession of the temporalities of the See.
Galesius, thereupon, appealed to the Pope, who found himself
placed in a position of some difficulty by this glaring act of
defiance. He feared to adopt extreme measures lest he might,
by doing so, alienate the Latin Cypriots, who had already shown
strong leanings towards the Orthodox faith. So he had recourse
to diplomacy instead. The settlement of the dispute was en
trusted to two Cardinals, John, Bishop of Praeneste, and John,
Cardinal Priest of St. Laurentius in Lucina. As the result of
their action Galesius was temporarily appointed to the Arch
bishopric of Caesarea in Cappadocia, while the administration of
the See of Nikosia was entrusted to Giacomo Benedetto, Bishop
of Orvieto. This prelate was instructed to threaten the King
with the censures of the Church, unless he restored the archiepis-
copal revenues, which he had seized. At length in 1446, through
the good offices of Jean de Lastic, Grand Master of Rhodes, the
King was induced to receive the nominee of Rome. De Lastic,
taking advantage of the Queen's chance absence from the capi
tal, presented himself at Nikosia, accompanied by Galesius and
the Papal Legate, when he persuaded the weak-minded King to
cancel the prohibition, which he had issued against the former's
assumption of the See. Helena, finding that her enemies had
outwitted her, sullenly acquiesced in the arrangement. But
the Archbishop did not long enjoy his triumph, as he died a
few months afterwards, not without suspicion of having been
poisoned by his vindictive adversary.
The Latin The Latin faction, apprehensive of the hostile attitude of
to counteract Helena towards them, endeavoured to find some means of coun-
the influence . i- • n •
[£H|ienaoverteractmg the commanding influence, which she possessed over the
King. As the readiest way of doing this they persuaded him to
was also the chief of the police and the " seigneur du nuit," in which latter
capacity he exercised authority over all, both nobles and burgesses, found con
trary to regulations in the streets two hours after sunset, whom he had the
power to imprison or to punish with the strappado. It was his duty, moreover,
to see that the town was well supplied with provisions. When he rode abroad
in the streets he carried, as a badge of office, a gilt staff surmounted with two
balls and was furnished with an escort of twenty archers. His lieutenant or
deputy bore the title of mathessep or mactasib.* Famagusta also possessed,
like Nikosia, a vicomte and his deputy.
* This is an Arabic title, " matahaseb" signifying " accountant ". Conder.
Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 173.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 157
marry his only daughter and heiress, Charlotte, to some Western .Eneas
prince, through whose co-operation they hoped to restore the ment., io,.
waning prestige of their Church. Loredano, lib.
The choice fell upon a Portuguese prince, John, Duke 0f*x-*»;608"*'-
Coimbra, grandson of John I., King of Portugal, who in 1456 J°fe,D^^
became the husband of Charlotte. The expectations formed by glf"**^
those who had advocated the marriage were not disappointed. tfloypriot
Soon after his arrival in the island he was created Prince ofthrone-
Antioch, when by his skilful management of affairs he made gj pp- aX
such a favourable impression that he was appointed regent.
The Queen and her favourites now lost the power they once
possessed, while the new adviser laboured earnestly to restore
the Latin Church to the position which it had formerly occu
pied. But Helena was not inclined to suffer quietly the ruin
of all her projects. To regain her lost influence she saw that
she must remove her son-in-law, and bent all her energies to the
task. By insinuating to the King how dangerous a rival John
was fast becoming she so excited his jealous fears that he ex
cluded him from any further share in the government. The g. Boustron,
prince, highly incensed at this prohibition, retired with his wife f. Boustron,
from the court. But he did not long survive his withdrawal PP: 373'sq.
from public affairs, dying suddenly the year after his mar
riage. It was commonly believed that he had been poisoned John's
o .' . J- suspicions
by Helena's familiar, her Greek nurse, at the instigation of thedeath^^
latter's son, who had fled to Famagusta, then in occupation of marriage.
the Genoese, on the prince's arrival in the island.
There now appears upon the scene a person who, however Jacques, the^
much we may disapprove of his actions, is certainly one of the Jean n.
most remarkable characters that has ever appeared in Cypriot
history. His abilities were of so high an order that, with a
wider field for their display, there is no saying to what emin
ence he might not have attained.
In the interval between the death of his first wife and the F^Boustron^
advent of his second Jean II. had formed an illicit connection 373'.
with a beautiful Greek lady, named Maria, a native of Patras. LxTpda5n98sqb'
By her he had a son, who afterwards succeeded to the throne
as Jacques II. Shortly before his birth Helena, hearing of her
condition, summoned the King's mistress to the palace. No
sooner did she appear than the Queen, not content with heaping
the foulest abuse upon her, even proceeded to kicks and blows.1
1 Helena was not the only Cypriot Queen, who thus avenged her wrongs upon
the partner of her husband's infidelity. Eleonore d'Aragon, the second wife ofMachaBra
Pierre I., treated in an even more outrageous fashion his mistress, Jeanne p. im. '

158

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan, p. 60 (b).

Indeed so ungovernable was the fury, which possessed Helena
on the occasion, that she is reported to have herself bitten off
Maria's nose, who from this incident became known as Como-
mutena.1 She hoped, no doubt, by this savage conduct not
only to alienate the King's affections from the mother, but also
to endanger the life of her unborn child. But in this she
was disappointed. From the very first his father conceived so
inordinate an affection for this offspring of his guilty love that
it blinded him to all his faults. Not so, however, with Helena.
She never ceased to regard him with feelings of suspicion and
dislike. As the boy's character developed she recognised in him
a kindred spirit, and trembled when she thought how for
midable a rival her daughter might afterwards find in him for
the throne.2 To obviate all such danger she resolved to devote
him to a clerical life and persuaded the King to bestow upon
him, when only sixteen years of age, the See of Nikosia, then
^Jis,p'3™' vacant by the death (?) of Archbishop Andreas. But his
m?nt.Tiib.om" subsequent career shows how vain these precautions were.
vu., P. 323. puj] 0f m-ief at the death of her husband, and nourishing
G. Boustron, „ ~ ... . . ^, . °
IS' SI' 416' feehngs ot revenge against his supposed murderer, Charlotte ap-

G. Boustron,
p. 415.
F. Boustron,

Amadi, pp.
419-420. Strambaldi,
pp. 92-94.
F. Boustron,
p. 268.
Loredano, lib.
vii., p. 402 sqq.

SakeUarios,
tom. iii.,
pp. 39-46.

Dn Cange,
Glossar. Med.
et Inf. Graci-
tatis, tom. i.,
Coll. 700, 929.

F. Boustron,
p. 372.

L'Aleman, widow of Sire Jean de Montolif, Seigneur of Choulou. During the
King's second visit to Europe in 1367 the Queen, hearing of the intrigue, sent
for Jeanne and, for the purpose of destroying her yet unborn child, subjected her
to treatment so revolting that decency forbids its publication. Though she
failed in her malevolent design she caused the child on its birth to be brought
to her and made away with it. The wretched Jeanne herself was consigned to
an oubliette in the fortress of Kyrenia, whence, after a year's imprisonment, she
was removed to the convent of Santa Chiara at Nikosia.
The guilty loves of Pierre and Jeanne have inspired the mediaeval Cypriot
muse with a theme, in which the former figures as the King of the East and
Monarch of the West (a 'PT)as ttjs 'AvaroXys Ky 6 BaaiXeas Trjs Aiays), while the
latter appears under the legendary name of Arodaphnousa.
1 Comomutena, Greek, Koppopiryv, accusative of Koppopvrys (cf. Kovropvrys),
composed of k6tttw and pvry, the same as pirns, pr)Ty, plry, all of which are
derived from pvKT^p.
2 Even from his earliest years Jacques gave indications of that masterful
spirit, which so distinguished his subsequent career.
" Quando fu il tempo lo mandava alia scuola a imparar lettere : ma lui era
tanto fiero, et haveva tanta forza, ehe tutti li scolari erano da lui battuti
ancorche di eta molto maggiori di lui fossero. Andava piii volontieri a veder a
giuocar di scrimia ehe alia scola delle lettere ; ma dove trovava cavallo da
cavalcare non lo dismontava se non lo faceva arivar sangue, ne si vedeva mai
stracco per fatica ehe facesse ; e se alcun scolaro gli diceva alcuna parola a lui
spiacevole, o faceva alcun atto meno ehe honesto, guai a lui et agli suoi com-
pagni, perche non dormiva, se non faceva vendetta, tanto gli dispiaceva d'esser
tocco dall' honore. Di modo ehe tutta la citta haveva rispetto di lui, et alcuni
cominciavano a dubitare di qualche grandezza, ehe doveva aspirare, vedendolo
di si elevato animo."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 159
pealed to her half-brother for protection against the insults of .sneas
Thomas, who had now returned to Nikosia. Jacques readily ment., it
promised his assistance. In doing this he was doubtless led
more by considerations of personal interest than by any other
motive. He saw that so long as this upstart Greek lived he
would prove a formidable obstacle to his own ambitious de
signs. Accordingly, taking with him two Sicilian desperadoes, f. Boustron,
whom he could trust, he proceeded under cover of night to thes74,skpp*
Chamberlain's residence. On entering the house he ordered
them to slay him, looking on while the deed was being done.
The news of this terrible crime filled the whole community with
horror and dismay. Jacques was deprived of the revenues of Jacques
the archbishopric and, to escape the vengeance of his victim's Rhodes.
friends, withdrew to Rhodes, where he was honourably received
by the Knights. There he was shortly afterwards joined by
one whose counsels and suggestions exercised the greatest in
fluence over his after life.
Guillaume Goneme, for such was this individual's name, was g. Boustron,
the scion of an ancient Cypriot family and a member of the p' Boustron,
Augustinian fraternity. He had formerly acted as the King's 3%, "'•¦ p-
confessor, but, through the hostility shown him by the Queen,
had been obliged to withdraw himself from Court. Recog
nising the ambition and abilities of the young prince he quickly
attached himself to his party, and continued his most trusted
adviser until the latter's death.
Finding his soiourn in Rhodes becoming daily more irksome Jacques returns from
Jacques resolved to return to his native land. Accordingly-, Rhodes, iat
T. o J ' May 1457.
embarking in a Catalan vessel in company with his trusty g. Boustron,
friend Goneme and an envoy of the Pope, named Sulpicius, SB. ' '
whom he had won over to his side while in Rhodes, he sud- uifSi,^™'
denly landed with a small armed force at Kyrenia on 1st May376,377'
1457 and marched the same night to Nikosia. His first act Jacques
after scaling the walls was to proceed to the house of Jacques Jacques de
de Gourri, Vicomte of Nikosia, who, as the creature of the Queen, gjgjjj'
was one of his bitterest enemies. Suddenly bursting open the
doors he rushed into the room, where his enemy was sleeping,
and caused him to be despatched with repeated dagger thrusts.
Another party of his adherents, under the guidance of the
Papal envoy, at the same time proceeded on a similar errand to
the residence of the Vicomte's brother, Thomas. But he
managed to save his life by a timely flight. The tidings of
this second act of bloodshed caused the greatest consternation.
Meanwhile Jacques retired to the archiepiscopal residence,

160

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Jacquespardoned by
the King for
his crimes.

G. Boustron,
p. 423.
F. Boustron,
Ub. iii., p. 378.

where, with a chosen band of associates, all fully armed, he
awaited the course of events. Once again the misplaced affec
tion of his father was allowed to come between him and the
punishment he so richly deserved. The King, who at first made
a show of bringing him to justice, suddenly abandoned his in
tention and a reconciliation was effected between them on the
following terms : —
1. A full pardon to all who had assisted him in his late
enterprise. 2. The retention by his followers of all the plunder they had
captured in the houses of the brothers Gourri.
3. The restoration to him of the revenues of the Arch
bishopric.

Death of the
Queen 11th
April, 1458,
removes the
last obstacle
to the
Archbishop's
supremacy. G. Boustron,
pp. 426, 427,
430, 431, 432,
433, 435, 440.
Death of Jean
n. 26th July,
1458.
F. Boustron,
lib. iii., pp.

The enemies
of Jacques
create sus
picionsagainst him
in the mind
of the new
sovereign, Charlotte.
F. Boustron,
Ub. iii., pp.
386, 387, 390.

Jacquessecretly
leaves Cyprus
for Egypt.

Henceforward Jacques became the most powerful personage in
the realm. Warned by the fate of the Chamberlain and the
Vicomte men hesitated to oppose him. But to the Queen this
triumph of her deadliest foe caused the keenest mortification.
The rage which she felt at the defeat of all her schemes brought
on an illness, which terminated fatally on 11th April, 1458.
Thus the last obstacle to the complete supremacy of the Arch
bishop was removed. The King's regard for his son became so
extravagant at last that he is said to have intended making him
his successor to the exclusion of Charlotte, the rightful heir.
But, if ever he contemplated such a step, death overtook him
(26th July, 1458), before he could carry it out. All the hopes,
which the partiality of the late King may have led Jacques to
form, were by this event completely shattered. Charlotte was
immediately proclaimed Queen, and the first to take the oath of
allegiance to the new sovereign was the formidable Archbishop.
Though Jacques has been charged with great duplicity at this
period, there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of his loyal pro
fessions. But his enemies were determined to destroy the good
understanding, which existed between the brother and sister.
Their constant misrepresentations of Jacques' motives were at
last successful. The first serious indication of the change was
an order from the Queen, forbidding him to officiate at her coro
nation. Such an affront was not to be tamely endured. The
breach now became rapidly wider until at length Jacques, fear
ing that he might fall a victim to the malice of his enemies, re
solved to seek safety in flight. Accordingly, quitting Nikosia
secretly with a few faithful companions towards the close of
1458, he rode under cover of night to Larnaka, where he took

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 161
ship for Egypt. The quarrel between Jacques and his sister .sneas
has also been otherwise explained. n£nCub°m"
It is reported that, when he petitioned the Pope for the re- mi: p. 3^3.
stitution of his Archbishopric, which he had forfeited for the
murder of the Chamberlain, Charlotte and her mother wrote
to the Pontiff representing him as unfit through his crime, and
that these disparaging letters subsequently fell into his hands.1
But this explanation seems to be unknown to the local chroni
clers. The news of the Archbishop's flight caused the gravest mis- f. Boustron,
givings at Court, as it was rightly felt that his journey boded 392, 393,394.
no good to the Queen. Jacques on his arrival in Cairo threw SSfthe
off the mask and showed that the object of his ambition wasl^y^ftp
the throne of Cyprus. Presenting himself before the Sultan, the'thSe*0
Melec-el-Daher, he complained that, though the next male heir l^^t ad
to the throne, he had been driven from his native land, and^J460'
appealed to him, as suzerain, for redress. His appearance and gj,2^*1011'
misrepresentations so won over the Sultan and his courtiers p- 442-
that it was resolved to proclaim him King of Cyprus and to
assist him in recovering his inheritance.2 But an embassy
which Charlotte sent to counteract the schemes of her fugitive g. Boustron,
brother nearly succeeded in its object. Fortunately the receipt Eneas'
of a letter from the Turkish sovereign, Mohammed II. threatening myeSTiibom"
Melec-el-Daher with the writer's vengeance if he failed to support 327'.' pp*
Jacques, caused him to adhere to his original intention. On
the 18th September 1460 the fugitive, escorted by an Egyptian Jacques
fleet of eighty galleys, landed once more in his native land. Cyprus with
0J0 J ' i«ii i • ai1 Egyptian
Everywhere the Cypriots, disgusted with the overbearing con- j™^"^ crown.
1 Per amicos apud Nicolaum Pontificem Maximum instat, ut ecclesiae Nicosi
ensi praeficiatur. Sed Helena et Carlotta contra nituntur, negantque sanguin-
arium hominem, et qui regnum seditionibus agitet, in ecclesiae militia recipien
dum. Litterae casu a Jacobo intercipiuntur, etc.
2 Among other slanders circulated against Jacques was one to the effect that
he had renounced Christianity to secure the assistance of the Egyptian Sultan.
The most malignant of his traducers was Pius II., who for private reasons ^neas
cherished the bitterest animosity against him. This veracious Pontiff professes i\5e1nt.*jjb°m"
in his commentaries to give the very words of the oath of fealty taken by Jacques vU., p.' 325.
before his acknowledgment by the Sultan as King of Cyprus. But the absuid
nature of some of the promises, which it contains, suggests grave doubts as to
the genuineness of the whole, e.g., " Quodsi aliquid horum neglexerim, ero
• apostata, et mandatoium sancti Evangelii Christianaeque fidei praevaricator ;
Dicam Evangelium falsum esse: negabo Christum vivere, et matrem ejus
Mariam virginem fuisse : super fonte baptismatis camelum interficiam, et altaris
presbyteris maledicam : divinitatem negabo et Jesu nuncii humanitatem adorabo ;
super altari cum Judaea fornicabor, et sanctorum patrum maledictiones in me
omnes recipiam."
11

162

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

G. Boustron,
i. 426, 442,
I, 469 (a).

pp. 426, 442,
m,<

F. Boustron,
pp. 392, 394,

Raynaid., ad
ann. 1461,
No. 31.
G. Boustron,
pp. 474, 475.

Sylvius, Com
ment., Ub.
vi.,p.301: lib.
vU., p. 327.

F. Boustron,
Ub. Ui., pp.
394,3 432.
Loredano,Ub. xi., pp.
725, 726.

Alleged reason for the
hostiUty
shown to
Jacques by
Husn.

duct of the Savoyards, whom Charlotte's second husband, Louis,
son of the Duke of Savoy, had brought in his train, received him
with open arms and flocked to his standard. On the news of
his approach Charlotte and her husband abandoned the capital
and retired to Kyrenia. Jacques thus became master of the
whole island, with the exception of that fortress, which, after a
siege extending over three years (1463), was finally betrayed by
the treachery of its commandant.1 Charlotte made several vain
attempts to recover her dominions. She eventually died at
Rome on 16th July 1487, after bequeathing her claims to the
house of Savoy.2
The first care of the usurper was to secure the recognition of
his accession to the throne by the Court of Rome. For this
purpose he sent two envoys to the Eternal City in 1461, one of
whom was the Bishop of Limassol. But they were received
with scant courtesy by Pius II. who was a warm partisan of
Charlotte, and, after being reproached with their master's alleged
apostasy from Christianity, ignominiously dismissed. The hos
tile attitude of the Supreme Pontiff has been ascribed by Florio
Boustron, however, not so much to religious zeal as to personal
pique. It appears that the Pope wished to give him one of his
nieces as a wife, but that the King declined the proffered alliance
on account of certain unfavourable rumours, which he had heard
concerning her. Whereupon the Pope, being nettled at his re
fusal, wrote as badly as he could against him. But, remarks

G. Boustron,
pp. 426, 442,
444, 469. [a)

1 He was a Sicilian named Sor de Naves, whom Charlotte had taken into her
service when she retired to Kyrenia in 1460. On quitting Cyprus she placed
him in chief command of that fortress, which he surrendered to Jacques in
1463, after the garrison had been reduced to the verge of starvation, as is evident
from the testimony of George Boustron. " Kal els robs a,ufy' iiTTevoxwpyaev 6 pe
TCaK rr]V Kipivlav t6<tov iroXXd, un iriov C<*>hv Sev eixav ' Kal etpayav KaX (TkvXXovs
Kal Karrais, KaX evav avybv e^aCev evav XokotIviv". (a) The price of Sor de Naves'
perfidy was said to have been the hand of Charlotte, a natural daughter of
Jacques, who died in 1469. The traitor stood high in the favour of the usurper,
being appointed by him Prince of Antioch and Constable of Cyprus.
2 She was buried in St. Peter's between the chapels of St. Thomas and Our
Lady, with this inscription over her grave : —
Carola Hierusalem, Cypii et Aimeniae regina
Obiit xvi. Julii, Anno Dom. MCCCCLXXXVII.
3 S'ha detto da molti malivoli, e falsi raportatori, ehe il re fece giuramento al
soldan, e renego la croce, et altre ciancie, le quali non solamente credette papa
Pio II. ma le scrisse anco in mala forma : pur non si deve maravigliar alcuno,
peroche il detto papa trattava di darli per moglie sua nipote, et il re Giacomo
la rifiuto per alcune informationi, ehe gli furono date della detta novizza ; onde
sdegnato per questo il papa scrisse del re ogni male ; ma quando havesse tolta
per moglie sua nepote saria stato il miglior christiano del mondo basta ehe si
conosce ehe Sua Santita scrisse con passione.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 163
the chronicler, had Jacques only taken the lady as his wife, he
would have been in the Pope's eyes the most exemplary Christian
in the world.
In 1468 the King took a step which was destined to have Jacques
most important results upon the fortunes of his kingdom. Venetian
Among those, who stood highest in the royal favour, was a com'aro.
certain Venetian nobleman of ancient family, Andrea Cornaro, p.' f7<*UBtron'
who had been created Auditor of Cyprus. He is said to have Loredano, ub.
ingratiated himself with the King by advancing the latter large cr! .Eneas
sums of money while engaged in the struggle with his sister nffi!*ubom"
Charlotte. One day, by design or accident, he let fall from a L?redano, ub.
letter, which he was reading in Jacques' presence, the miniature 729, So, to,
of his niece, Catarina, daughter of his brother Marco. Full of734'
curiosity the King requested to see the portrait, when he was so
struck with the beauty of the lady that he resolved forthwith
to marry her. Jacques' choice was not altogether influenced
by the mere dictates of passion, but was swayed by motives of
policy also. He felt the insecurity of his present position, ex
posed as he was to the frequent attempts of such watchful
enemies as Charlotte and the house of Savoy. An alliance with
the powerful republic of Venice seemed to promise him the f. Boustron.
protection he so much needed. Accordingly he despatched an
ambassador to Venice to request the sanction of the republic
to his marriage with Catarina, and to propose a perpetual alli
ance. For a long time that State had cast covetous eyes upon
the island kingdom. Its possession could not fail to be of great
service to her commerce in the Levant, while its valuable forests
promised abundant supplies of timber for the construction of
her fleets. In the person of Catarina Comaro Venice recognised
that she had to hand a convenient instrument for the accom
plishment of her deep-laid schemes, and so readily agreed to the
King's proposals. At a solemn function held in the Cathedral
of St. Mark Catarina was invested with the emblems of royalty,
publicly declared the adopted daughter of the State and pre
sented with a dowry of 100,000 ducats. On the day appointed Lusignan
for her departure she was escorted by the Doge and Senate in P'
the state galley, the Bucentaur, as far as Lido, where she was
entrusted to a specially accredited envoy and accompanied by
the Venetian fleet to her new home. In 1472 she landed at
Famagusta, where she was received by the King, nobles, and
people with the utmost enthusiasm. Her beauty excited such
universal admiration that it was said Venus had returned to her
favourite isle. But the married life of Jacques was fated to be

164 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Death of of short duration. On 6th July in the following year he died
July, 1473. at Famagusta, after a brief illness of only nine days, in the thirty-
suspicions ex- third year of his age and the thirteenth of his reign. Grave
cited by it. * ® • i
doubts were, however, entertained at the time that his death
was not due to natural causes. Some accused the adherents of
the dispossessed Charlotte with having poisoned him. They, to
avert suspicion from themselves, charged the Queen's uncles,
Andrea Cornaro and Marco Bembo, with being the authors of
the deed. This rumour, which was credited by Sixtus IV. among
others, acquired considerable strength from the strange conduct
of the accused in not allowing any one to see the King after his
various seizure. Thus prematurely perished this most remarkable man,
estimates of . , • . i • . • , it-ii
Jacques- concerning whose merits his contemporaries were strongly divided.
Some regarded him as a monster of perfidy, utterly without
scruples as to the means he employed to attain his ends, while
others held him in affectionate remembrance for his many good
qualities both of heart and head. These latter affirmed that
he had never appealed to arms until compelled to do so for his
own safety and in defence of his own dignity ; that, in addition
to many other services rendered his native land, he had freed
her from enemies, who had long held her in terror,1 and that,
though forced at times by circumstances to commit deeds of
cruelty and violence, he held them naturally in the greatest ab
horrence.
Loredano, ub. Shortly before his decease Jacques was visited by his firm
5ri ti 732 friend the Venetian admiral, Pietro Mocenigo, who on hearing
of his illness put into Famagusta with the fleet. To him the
dying King confided the care and protection of his kingdom and
g. Boustron, successor. The management of affairs was entrusted to a coun-
^Boustron, cil of regency, consisting of eight persons, among whom were
lib.m^'433' his reputed murderers. Catarina was named Queen until the
Qu°ece1nR1egent birth of the heir, which was shortly expected, and other pro
visions were also made for the succession in the event of his
dying before coming to the throne.
increase of The Venetians, who were already numerous and powerful in
bSuHscain the island, naturally acquired increased importance from the
the island. n , .-, . , , • • j} ,
fact that the crown was now in possession of a country-woman
of their own. And she, too, was not long in showing where
Birth ot her sympathies lay. At the christening of the youthful heir
28thAug.™'73. to the kingdom, who was born on the 28th August of the
G. Boustron,
Loredano ub * Tne fortress of Famagusta, which had been vainly besieged by his father,
viu., p. 471. ' Jean II. in 1441, was surrendered to him by the Genoese on 6th January 1464,
after being in their possession since 1373.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 165
same year, the honour of holding him at the font was assigned
to the admiral, Mocenigo. This preference for her compatriots Discontent of
deeply offended the regents and Cypriot nobility. noW^atthe
Chief among the malcontents was a small group of foreigners, ^*Jtf^„tshe
mostly Spaniards, whom Jacques had raised to some of the
highest dignities and offices in the kingdom. Their hostility
to the Venetians was prompted by the fear they felt lest their
influence and position, hitherto all powerful, might be en
dangered by the course events were taking. At the head of
this faction was Louis Fabricius, successor of Goneme on the
archiepiscopal throne, and brother of Jean Perez Fabricius,
Count of Jaffa and the Karpassos. When the death of Jacques g. Boustron,
occurred he was absent from the island, negotiating a marriage 490-93, 512. '
between Alfonso, natural son of Ferdinand, King of Naples, x^T,e^nmfh'
and an illegitimate daughter of Jacques, named Charlotte. See- ' ' sq'
ing that he had little to expect from the Venetians he offered
his influence in procuring the vacant kingdom for Alfonso,
representing that it would be a matter of no difficulty. Ferdi
nand, the implacable enemy of Venice, grasped eagerly at the
proposal. He was anxious, too, to remove Alfonso from Naples,
since he was hated by the Queen and his lawful children. Fa
bricius, thereupon, returned to Cyprus, accompanied by a Nea
politan emissary with two armed galleys and a plentiful supply
of money to buy off all opposition. His design was warmly
approved by the members of his own party and by the maj ority
of the regents, who were deeply incensed at the arrogant con
duct of Cornaro. The reading on the steps of Santa Sophia of f. Boustron,
a letter from Sixtus IV., in which the writer expressed his sur- 438, 439spp'
prise that Cornaro and Bembo had been allowed to usurp the
kingdom after poisoning the King, brought matters to a crisis.
Stung to fury by the Papal censures the Spanish party swore piot to km the
to kill the uncles of the Queen and set out for Famagusta to Queen.0
accomplish their vow. But at the last moment some, whose
courage failed them, refused to join in the enterprise. The
Archbishop, foreseeing the danger to himself should they now
hold back, resolved to effect his purpose by stratagem. He
feigned to have discovered a counterplot between Cornaro and
Giovanni Visconti, captain of the Italian troops, whereby the
latter on the ringing of the tocsin was to slay the regents and
imprison the rest of the conspirators. On hearing this they
resolved to assemble in arms and, at the sound of the bell, anti
cipate their own destruction by the slaughter of Cornaro and
Bembo. Three hours before daybreak on the 15th November

166 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the wily Archbishop bribed a servant of the palace to sound
the expected signal. The foremost among the conspirators to
reach the palace were the Count of Tripoli x and the Chamber
lain, Rizzo di Marino.2 While vainly searching for the Queen's
uncles they encountered a Cypriot noble, named Paolo Zappe,
a confidential adviser of the Queen, and her physician, Gentile,
whom they put to death. The latter, indeed, for a while eluded
his pursuers by hiding in the Queen's bedroom, but Rizzo slew
him there at last, in spite of all her efforts to save him. Mean
while Cornaro and Bembo were proceeding armed to the palace
to ascertain why the alarm had been sounded. Hearing, how
ever, of the murders, which had already taken place, they went
to the house of the Venetian podesta and demanded an escort
for their protection. But he refused on the plea that he did
1 Jean Tafures was one of the most devoted adherents of Jacques II. He
was originally captain of the vessel, which conveyed Jacques to Rhodes after the
murder of the Chamberlain Thomas. He took a leading part in the assassina
tion of Jacques Gourri, Vicomte of Nikosia. On the accession of his patron
to power he was created Count of Tripoli and Captain of Famagusta and was
nominated by Jacques, before his death, chief governor of the kingdom. He
joined the Neapolitan party in opposition to the Venetians and was, in conse
quence, obliged to leave the island. In 1476 his family was also removed from
Cyprus to Venice by order of the Signory.
2 Rizzo di Marino, a Neapolitan, came to Cyprus after the death of Jean II.
and attached himself to the party of Jacques. He accompanied the latter to
Egypt and was subsequently appointed by him Chamberlain of Cyprus, being
the last to hold that distinguished office. Nominated by Jacques when dying
to the Council of Regency he proved himself a most determined opponent of
the Venetians and warmly supported the scheme of Archbishop Fabricius to
marry Alfonso, natural son of Ferdinand of Naples, to one of Jacques' illegiti
mate daughters and place him upon the Cypriot throne. He it was who played
the most conspicuous part in the tragedy at Famagusta, slaying with his own
hand not only Cornaro, but also Zappe and Gentile. To escape the vengeance
of Venice for his share in these murders he was obliged to quit Cyprus, which
he did in a Neapolitan vessel from Famagusta (Dec, 1473), in company with
the Archbishop and others of his fellow conspirators. The republic, recognising
in him a most dangerous enemy, placed a price of 10,000 ducats upon his head
if taken alive, and half that sum if biought in dead. He was eventually cap
tured in Cyprus near the Fons Amorosa on the western coast in 1488, while
visiting the island in disguise, and conveyed to Venice, where the following
year he was secretly strangled at night in the armoury of the Council of Ten.
The order for his execution is still extant among the archives of that dread
tribunal, dated 13th May, 1489, and runs as follow : —
H. de chypre, " Volunt quod iste Ritius, infra terminum dierum trium proximorum, stran-
tom. iii., p. guletur sive suffocetur, per ilium secretiorem modum et sicut capitibus hujus
concilii videbitur et ordinabitur, sic quod moriatur et anima a corpore separetur.
Utque hujusmodi executio tarn mortis quam sepulture sue, quanto fieri possit,
transeat secreta, faciant ilium reduci et poni ex carcere forti in turricellam, sub
ilia custodia que videbitur capitibus piefatis : cui in illo loco conducto, per
unum ex secretariis hujus consilii, notificetur sibi presens deliberatio mortis
sue, sed non genus mortis, ut possit disponere super omnia sua.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 167
not wish to involve his government in any untoward event,
which might occur. On receiving this reply they proceeded for
shelter to the Citadel, the commandant of which was a friend
of theirs. He declined to admit them, alleging that his orders
from the regents were to allow not even the Queen herself to
enter after nightfall. Soon afterwards they were discovered by Murder of
a search party under the guidance of the Chamberlain and the Bemb*J,°Sd
Count of Tripoli, and slain. Sole's8
When they had time to reflect on what they had done the Alarm of the
conspirators were filled with alarm for their own safety. They at'ffde'eT
knew that Venice would not allow the murder of her citizens to ^p4™"*?1''
remain unavenged. And they were disappointed, moreover, at m."1" 751,
the hostile attitude of the native population, who were averse
to exchange the Venetian for a Neapolitan yoke. The unex
pected arrival of two Venetian galleys in the harbour of Fama
gusta only served to increase their fears. To account for the
deaths of Cornaro and Bembo they requested Catarina and the
Venetian podesta to represent to the Signory that the former
had been murdered by his soldiers for withholding their pay
when due. The Queen, to gain time and lull their suspicions,
feigned to do as they requested. At the same ti.ne they de- g. Boustron,
spatched an envoy to Venice to try and minimise, as best he %, 504', 514',
could, the resentment of the republic. Having thus, as they F. Boustron,
supposed, provided for their safety the conspirators next pro- m>~ m'' p' ML
ceeded to publicly announce the betrothal between Alfonso and
Charlotte. But the arrival shortly afterwards of the Provveditore, ma., pp. 442,
Vittorio Soranzo, with a squadron of ten ships, the advance n'' '
guard of the whole Venetian fleet, and his demand for the
surrender of the fortresses of Kyrenia and Famagusta, at
length opened their eyes to the dangers of their position.
Observing that their adversaries were daily increasing in strength
while their own party was gradually dwindling away, they re
solved, before the toils finally closed around them, to seek safety
in flight. Accordingly, after collecting all the valuables upon rught ofthe
which they could lay hands, they embarked secretly one night from cypms.
(Dec, 1473), in a vessel placed at their service by Ferdinand
and escaped from the island. Shortly afterwards the remainder
of the Venetian fleet appeared off Famagusta. Its presence
served to overawe the disaffected and to restore the Queen's
authority. After taking such vengeance, as was possible, upon
the authors of the late murders and stamping out the last
vestiges of the conspiracy Mocenigo sailed away, leaving a squad
ron of thirteen ships under Soranzo to preserve order.

168 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
vemce vir- The republic was now at liberty to pursue her own schemes,
of Cyprus, without any danger of further interference. All those known
g. Boustron, ^0 i^ nostile to her interests, or likely to cause trouble, were
tomeiu1?pp: removed to Venice,1 while Venetian commandants and garrisons
408 sq., 822. were introduced into the cities and fortresses ofthe island. To
n\§- ' such lengths did her preparations go that it was at one time
even proposed to settle a colony of 100 of the Venetian aris
tocracy in Cyprus, to act as a kind of local militia.2 But the
project failed owing to the monetary difficulties connected with
its execution.
Death of The opportune death of Jacques III., the youthful heir to
o'Smtooi, the throne, which happened in 1474 (26th Aug.), removed the
542>4!i43.'i*'*'' last serious obstacle to the realisation of her designs. Catarina,
ubBSiJ'tppn' 1T: ls true, was allowed some time longer to pose as the ruler of
pp.' 454^ 458. 1 Among the number were the late King's mother, Maria, and his three
Navigiero, illegitimate children, Charlotte * (to be distinguished from the wife of Sor
(Muratori1'' de Naves), Eugene and Jean. They were interned for safe custody at Padua,
torn, xxui!, where Charlotte died 24th July, 1480, aged twelve and three-twelfths years, while
1146,'ubo). Maria survived until 12th April, 1503. De Mas Latrie asserts that Jacques'
H. de chypre, two sons died in that town also, but Lusignan's testimony seems to throw
346n'Note It' doubt upon the statement, at least with regard to Eugene. He represents him as
Lusignan, having come to the island, in the guise of a Minorite friar, to recover his ancestral
p. 74 (b). ' patrimony and, on being discovered, to have fled. But his language, which is
perhaps purposely obscure, had better be quoted in the original : " Li altri
duoi bastardi (i.e., Ianno and Giovanni) vissero alcuni anni dipoi, et massime
l'ultimo ; il quale gia 15 anni in circa era vivo, et 1' altro fu spento in un canale,
et si annego ; et questi alcuni anni innanti ando in Cipro vestito da Fra
Minore, chiamato Fra Bernardino, era nobile ancho dalla madre di Casa di
Flatri, et cercava d' impatronirsi di Cipro : ma essendo discoperto, si fuggi, et
di questi poneiemo silentio".
H. de chypre, 2 It was ananged that they should be distributed as follows : " Del numero
822°' m'' P' ^elli cento, 25 habbino a star a Famagosta, 25 a Cerines, et 50 in la citta de
Nicossia ". It was further enacted that for the period of five years, under penalty
of losing their estates, they were not to quit the island on any pretext whatever :
" No possano partirse de Cipro per cinque anni continui, sotto pena de privation
del feudo, ne con licentia, ne senza ".
3 George Boustron distinctly states that Catarina's mother was the first
agent employed in the work of persuasion and afterwards her brother Giorgio
Cornaro, as the subjoined extract will show. Florio Boustron, however, omits
all mention of Catarina's mother in this transaction, as does the despatch of
H. de chypre, ihe Council of Ten to Francesco Priuli, captain general of the fleet, dated 3rd
ppm42o*sqq. 3 Nov- I488- Trie apparent discrepancy may be reconciled by supposing that
Giorgio Cornaro was the official agent of the republic, while Catarina's mother
was only sent to ensure the success of his mission. The date assigned by
George Boustron to her arrival in the island, i486, seems to strengthen this
supposition, though the date he gives for Cornaro's does not agree with that
ofthe despatch.
" Kal t) atpevria eireptyev T^ pdvav Trjs ^yatvas KaX yprev eis ttjv Kvirpov, Sid vd
ttjv iroiffy vd irdyy eis ttjv Beveriav avoirs' Xpiffrov, Kal pe iroXXais crparais aTrov eix*v
* Navigiero calls the daughter Carola.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 169
Cyprus. But, though nominally Queen, she enjoyed in reality catarina a
only the semblance of royalty. All the principal offices and sovereign.
dignities of the realm were in the hands of the Venetians.
Catarina, who to all outward appearances quietly acquiesced in Venice plots
... p rt* • l .1 i - - Tr. ^er removal
this state ot affairs, was known to the authorities at Venice tog™a«
be secretly impatient of the restraint to which she was sub
jected. As she was yet quite a young woman, there was a chance
of her marrying again and leaving descendants to inherit her
claims. There was always the danger, too, of her refusing to
submit any longer to her present dependent position and in
ducing the Sultan of Egypt, her suzerain, and the nobles of
the kingdom to take up arms in defence of her rights. So, to
guard against these threatening contingencies, which would have
marred the success of its own projects, the Signory resolved at
last to drop the mask and, after removing Catarina to Venice,
seize the island for itself. To compensate her for the loss of
her throne it proposed to allow her to retain for life the empty
title of Queen, with an ample allowance to maintain the dignity
of her position. The agent selected for the purpose was her
own mother, whom in 1486 the republic sent to Cyprus to induce
vd iroitry, eiirev Tys iras ttjv irapoKaXei y arpevTla ttjs BeveTlas vd irdyy vd iroiay
Kavevav XPOVOV, Ka* iraXe va o-rpaipy. Kal etrpovpovriaaev Tys vd irdyy ¦ Kal tryyai-
vovTa y pdva Tys eiirev Tys — irdyw, KaX irepirw Tbv dSeXip6v o*ov v&pry vd o~e avvrpo-
tpidffy els t\v BeveTiav. KaX i\pTev o dSeXtp6s Tys eis robs a^C (1487) b pifrep
TCoprCovs eis t$jv Kvirpov."
Considerable uncertainty also prevails as to the exact date, on which Cata
rina left Cyprus. George Boustron states that it was the ist March 1488, Kal
Ty a' paprlov a/viry' Xpiarov ipiryKev eis Tb Kdrepyov Kal iiryyev els T^y Beveriav.
The following inscription relative to the unfurling ofthe standard of St. Mark, L'ile de
which was found at Famagusta in 1873 or 1874, would tend to confirm the 0hJ,l"'8. P- m-
accuracy of his statement, if the date can be accepted as correct.
Fran, de Priulis Venetae class.
Imper. Divi Marci Vess.
Cypri feliciter erectum est.
no. MCCCCLXXXVIII. 28 Febru.
This, coupled with what George Boustron has said, would fix the date of
Catarina's departure for the day after the surrender of the island to the republic.
But Florio Boustron gives the 14th March 1489, as the actual date of the trans
fer of the island to Venice : "Ea questo modo fu redotto il regno di Cipro in
provincia, del 1489, alii 14 marzo ". Navigiero, however, reports that the nS^enet.
abdication of Catarina and the unfurling of the banner of St. Mark in presence jj^^Jj-
of Francesco Priuli took place at Famagusta on Thursday, 26th Feb. 1489. col. 119s). "
He adds, too, that the Queen did not quit the island until the 14th of the fol
lowing May. Contemporary records show that she reached Venice on 5th h. de Chypre
June. S2m''""P'
She was permitted to enjoy the empty title of Queen of Cyprus together with
an annual pension from the Government of 8000 ducats for life. She died at
Venice on ioth July 1510, aged fifty-six years, and was interred in the Church
of the Holy Apostles in that town.

170 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
her daughter to go to Venice. At first Catarina refused to
leave, but, on the understanding that she should be allowed to
catarina return, finally consented. Accordingly in 1489 she embarked at
Cyprus. Famagusta for her native city, under the escort of her brother,
Giorgio Cornaro.1 She never, however, returned, as the Sig-
nory kept her instead in honourable exile at Asolo in the
province of Treviso.
Cyprus passes To reconcile the nobility and clergy to the changes which
under the flag . J n i , . , P . ,
of Venice now took place, the republic confirmed them in their ancient
Agreement . " 1 • " ¦ ¦ J
native*16 privileges and possessions, and promised to govern in accordance
nowuty. wjtj1 the C0(je Qf jaws introduced by the first Lusignan Kings.
p. 74(b). ' It was further agreed that, while the customary imposts and
tithes should continue to be paid as heretofore, no new taxes or
organisation burdens of any kind should be imposed. The administration
government, of local affairs was entrusted to a lieutenant chosen from one of
the noblest families of the republic and sent every two years
from Venice. With him were associated in the government
two other nobles called Consiglieri. These three constituted
the Rettori, or Governors, of the kingdom, and resided at Ni
kosia. Another official, known as the Provveditore, was placed
in charge of military matters, while the collection of the re
venue was provided for by the appointment of two others, called
Camerlenghi. These three also, like the Rettori, were of Vene
tian nationality.
precautions The republic, true to that tortuous policy, which seems so
Venice fo characteristic of all her diplomacy, adopted the most curious
ensure the . r , J ? r .
cypSs0' precautions to ensure the safety of her new possession, iaber,
Evagat. whose two visits occurred shortly before the actual abdication
tom. ui., ' of Catarina, declares that the Venetians purposely circulated
false reports concerning the insalubrity of the island, so as to
deter the princes of Christendom from attempting the re-esta-
h. dechyp., blishment of its former kingdom. Emissaries were despatched
pp. 484-5'. throughout the country to visit the various localities and any,
whom they heard advocating the restoration of the ancient Kings,
or finding fault with the present regime, were sent in chains to
1 Giorgio Cornaro played subsequently an even more conspicuous part in
the history of the republic. He twice acted as Venetian ambassador at the
French Court. In 1503 he was appointed podesta of Padua, in 1507 puiveyor
general (provveditore generale) of Friuli during the war with the Emperor
Maximilian. He occupied the same rank the following year at the time ofthe
league of Cambrai, when he was promoted to the dignity of Provveditore of St.
Mark. In 15 17 he seived as puiveyor ofthe land forces (Provveditore di terra
firma), in 1521 he was candidate for the office of Doge. He died in 1524 at the
age of seventy and was buried at Venice in the Church of the Holy Apostles.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 171
Venice to answer for their language to the Senate. "In my first
journey," he says, " when I spent many days in the island, I ob
served in the city of Nikosia a certain friar of our Order frequently
riding through the city on a well-caparisoned mule, as though he
were a bishop. When we re-embarked he came on board our ship,
in company with certain of the Queen's servants, and set sail with
us. He always came down to me in my cabin early in the
morning to say his office with me, as he did not possess a prayer-
book of his own. When I asked him where his own breviary
was, with sighs and tears he told me secretly that he was a
prisoner because he had, in a certain unguarded speech of his,
alluded to the election of a King for Cyprus. For this he had
been suddenly arrested and hurried on board the galley, nor
had he been allowed to return to his house even to bring away
his breviary and cope." 1
Another of the devices Venice had in contemplation for the Lusignan, p. 8
better security of this fraudulently acquired addition to her °"
empire was the erection of a strong fortress at Akrotiri in the
extreme south of the island. Thither it was proposed to remove
the native aristocracy, of whose loyalty the republic was long
doubtful. In such a place, surrounded as it was by the sea and,
consequently, within easy reach of the Venetian fleet, it was con
sidered they would be able to accomplish little mischief. But
the project was abandoned owing to the scarcity of water in
the vicinity.
The presence of these new masters seems to have had little Venice makes
influence at all upon the relative positions of the two Churches, ^{jjj™^,.
Questions of ecclesiastical policy had naturally but little attrac- tw° churches.
tion for the merchant princes of Venice. Though indisposed to
intervene in the disputes between the rival communions, yet by
the terms of their agreement they were bound to support the
existing order of things. Thus, though the natives were in
many instances admitted to higher civil privileges, the domina
tion of the hateful alien Church was still maintained. The
1 In prima peregrinatione mea multis diebus in insula degens vidi in civitate
Nicosina quemdam fratrem ordinis nostri per civitatem in mulo ornato frequen-
tem spatiantem, ac si fuisset episcopus, et in nostio recessu intravit ad nos in
galeam cum quibusdam regina; clientibus et recessit nobiscum. Semper autem
mane descendit ad me in cumbam meam ad dicendum mecum officium, quia
per se librum non habuit. Quem dum interrogarem, ubi suum haberet brevia-
rium, cum gemitu et lachrimis occulte dixit mihi, se esse captivum pro eo, quod
mentionem fecisset in quadam vaga locutione de rege eligendo in Cypro, propter
quod subito eum rapuissent in galeam nee ei reditum in suam habitationem ad
tollendum breviarium et cappam indulsissent.

172 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
upholds the new-comers continued to conduct ecclesiastical affairs on exactly
noucyorthe the same lines as their predecessors. The Roman prelates en
joyed no more licence under the Venetians than they had done
under the Lusignans. They still had cause to complain of the
leniency and consideration shown towards the GreeK clergy by
Grants the authorities. The wretched peasants, too, who had been re-
cessi*ons"tonthe duced to the condition of serfs by the tyranny of their feudal
parutalub. i„ lords and regarded as of less value than dogs and horses, were
p'6, delivered to a great extent from the thraldom to which they
had been so long subjected, and allowed to purchase their free
dom for a certain fixed sum. But in all other respects Venice
observed that traditional policy, which governed her treatment
Fimay, of all her colonies. " If the gentlemen (nobles) of these colonies
otnomaTand do tyrannise over the villages of their dominion, the best way
Domin'auon, is not to seem to see it, that there may be no kindness between
them and their subjects ; but if they offend in anything else,
'twill be well to chastise them severely, that they may not brag
of any privileges more than others." If, however, the Signory
hoped by such trifling concessions to win the esteem and alle
giance of its new subjects events proved how greatly it had
miscalculated. Centuries of oppression and contumely had so
embittered the Greeks against their Latin tyrants that no
amount of conciliation would now have removed the feelings
of hatred which existed. The Greeks were resolved to be satis
fied with nothing less than the complete removal from the island
of the Roman Church, whose presence they regarded as an insult
to their own communion, and a sign of their servitude, as well
as the restoration of the native hierarchy to that position, from
which it had been so unjustly deposed. To this of course the
Venetians, as owning the supremacy of the Holy See, could not
ihe orthodox consent. Thus the Orthodox were led to seek elsewhere that
Jega,rd°the deliverance which they seem never to have quite despaired of
the'ir only eventually obtaining. Their eyes naturally turned for assistance
to a power which for years had been the terror of the whole
Christian world. For centuries the Turkish Sultans had been
advancing to fresh conquests. One after another the Latin
kingdoms of the East, which the piety and valour of bygone
ages had erected as bulwarks against the encroaching tide of
Moslem fanaticism, had disappeared. Rhodes had been forced
to yield (20th Dec, 1522) in the unequal contest after a glori
ous, but futile, resistance. Cyprus alone remained, the only
outpost of the Cross in the Levant still unsubdued by the vic
torious Crescent. The storm, which at length burst over the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 173
last fortress of Christianity in the Eastern Mediterranean, had
been long foreseen. But when it came the ease, with which it
carried everything before it, was due not so much to the apathy
and indifference of Venice, nor yet to the bravery of the Turkish
soldiers and the skill of the Turkish leaders, as to the attitude of
the native population. That thorough subjugation of the island,
which centuries before it had taken the Latins years to effect,
was now accomplished in the brief space of a few months. The
Greek inhabitants everywhere readily welcomed the invading
forces, once a prospect of getting rid of the detested Latins
seemed really to have come at last. But they learnt subse
quently to lament the part they had taken against their former
masters, when they discovered by bitter experience that the
Sultan's little finger was thicker than the Pope's loins.
No ecclesiastical event of any especial importance seems toBuuofLeox.
have occurred during the Venetian occupation, except the publi- decrees of the
cation in 1521 of a Bull by Leo X. enforcing the provisions of Florence.
the Council of Florence. After enumerating the concessions simiPapl1"'
then obtained by the Greeks the Pope goes on to state it had prfviiegiis
come to his knowledge that the Latin ordinaries, in defiance of ifo- ...
o " . Venetlis,
the Council, had endeavoured to suppress them. He, accordingly, gjj,^*
reaffirms them and declares that the Orthodox were not to be
molested for observing their ancient customs and usages. The
Bishops of the two Churches were forbidden to admit to Holy
Orders members of the opposite communion. In dioceses in
habited by a mixed population, where there happened to be no
Orthodox bishop, the Latin ordinary was in all matters ex
clusively concerning the Greeks to be represented by a function
ary of that nationality, either chosen by them, or at least with
their approval. The same regulation was to be observed, too,
in cases of appeal, where there was no Orthodox metropolitan.
The Latin metropolitan was then directed to appoint a Greek
as his representative in all matters affecting Greeks only. The
Pope censures the practice of the Latin priests in forcibly in
vading the churches of the Orthodox and anticipating the regular
minister in the celebration of the Mass. As it was customary
among the Greeks only to celebrate once daily in each church
this proceeding, he remarks, prevented numbers of them, to the
great injury of their souls, from hearing Mass at all. The Latins
were, therefore, prohibited from celebrating or conducting any
services whatever in the Greek churches, and were further cautioned
against condemning or speaking disparagingly of any rites or

174 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
ceremonies which had been sanctioned in the Council of Florence
or elsewhere. In places where both communions were presided
over by prelates of their own, the Latin bishop was enjoined not
in any way to interfere with his Orthodox colleague, but to
strictly confine his attention to matters, which came within his
own province. Latin clerics were on no account to be present
at or take part in the weddings, baptisms and funerals of the
opposite communion, without express invitation. The Greek
ecclesiastics were to enjoy the same privileges, exemptions and
immunities, both in their persons and property, as their Latin
brethren ; while in the matter of the monasteries and monastic
property the inmates of these establishments were to possess the
same rights, as had been conferred upon the Franciscans by the
Bull " Mare Magnum " and other charters. Finally the widows
of Greek ecclesiastics, living in accordance with the regulations
of their Church, were to retain the same status and position as
they enjoyed during the lifetime of their husbands.
Offenders against these enactments, of whatever ecclesiastical
grade they might be, were threatened with various severe pains
and penalties. To the Bishops of Caserta and Ascoli was en
trusted the task of seeing that the Orthodox were left unmolested.
For this purpose they were invested with full discretionary powers
and instructed to appeal, if necessary, to the secular authorities
for assistance.
buii of Leox. This Bull was renewed and confirmed by Clement VII. in 1526.
ciementvT/ That it practically remained a dead letter, at least so far as
Corfu was concerned, we learn from a fresh pronouncement on
FreshBuiion the same subject, issued in 1540 by Paul III. in response to the
subject*issued complaint of the Greek Protopapa of that island. Compliance
io4oa with the decrees of the Council of Florence was again enjoined,
under similar threats, and the aid of the Doge was, moreover,
invoked to protect the Orthodox of Corfu from all further an
noyance in religious matters.
The papal That the same disregard was shown in Cyprus by the Latins
sUg5°/.re" to the decrees of this Council is evident from the testimony of
(Tardea in , J
LalS? by the one 0l them, Angelo Calepio, Vicar General of the Dominican
Province of the Holy Land at the period of the Turkish invasion,
who has well portrayed the harassing conduct of his Archbishop
towards the Orthodox and the resentment occasioned by it.
Lusignan, "When the most reverend Archbishop, Filippo Moccionico (Moce-
Excerpta nigo) returned from the Council of Trent, and like a most watch-
cypria, p. 164. ^ g^gphgr-d^ with all diplomacy and modesty, urged them to ac
cept the sacred Oecumenical Council of Trent, with no little warmth

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 175
they refused to yield, and proved how deadly was the venom of
disobedience hidden deep in their hearts. Every one can see
the hatred they bore to the dogmas of the Latin Church, and
knows that they held it to be heretical. Hence they would not
allow any Latin to celebrate upon their altars, but held their
priests to be profane persons, and when the Chiefs of the State
desired to hear Mass in their churches, they made portable altars.
And through all the time up to the siege what did not the poor
Archbishop suffer ! How he kept exhorting the Greeks, Ar
menians, Copts and Maronites, Jacobites and Nestorians ! and
yet many times these Greeks laid snares for him. Witness the
arms which they carried under their cloaks to extirpate the
Latins ! They would never accept the Council nor its decrees,
nor the Eighth Council of Florence. Nay, the Greek bishop
Loara said to me openly, when I was sent by the said Arch
bishop to enlighten him and to exhort him to obey our Holy
Church, and fulfil his oath. "My son (said he) there are
bounds set between us Greeks and you Latins, and the cures
are divided between us and the flocks, so that on me lies the
care of my Greeks, and on your Archbishop of the Latins. The
Eighth and Ninth Councils were held concerning matters in ques
tion among you Latins, but they have nothing to do with us."
Did not the Archbishop give him a citation to appear at Rome ?
But he came to Venice, and did not go on to Rome, the Signory
sending him back boasting of the rich present it had given him.
Did not God clearly visit him with His vengeance, and the
punishment of his rebellion ? For as soon as he returned from
Venice he died suddenly, that this schism might not spread, al
though he said that he acted herein out of respect for the
people."1 1 That this spirit of interference was not confined to the Latin clergy is evi- Hist.de chyp.,
dent from the language of Bernardo Sagredo in his report to the Senate (circ. m-- p- 642-
1562). After describing the ignorance ofthe Orthodox bishops and their male
volence towards the adherents of the Roman Church, and charging them with
abuse of their privileges by simoniacally admitting criminals to Holy Orders for
the purpose of screening them from justice, he recommends their suppression
on the ground that this act would render the Orthodox population more obedient
to the Romish hierarchy. In justification of this course he instances the opposi
tion offered by them to the promulgation by Archbishop Mocenigo of the decrees
of Trent, and says that they employed the occasion to excite their co-religionists
against the Latin bishops. He affirms that their abolition would not only
obviate all future cause of scandal and dissension between the two communions,
but would cause intending criminals to hesitate from the knowledge that they
could no longer rely upon the protection of the Orthodox prelates, while it
would also mitigate the anger felt at present by those who had relatives and
friends wounded and murdered, at the sight of the authors of the crimes going

p

176 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
paruta, m>. i., Though from the year 1426 nominally a fief of the Egyptian
Ludovici Caliphate, the independence of Cyprus was not seriously fhreat-
Daimata:'' ened until the conquest of the suzerain power by the Turks in
comment., 1517. From that time the Ottoman Sultans always regarded
¦ •' ¦ ¦ the island as forming part of their empire from its previous
sereno, ub. i., subjection to the rulers of Egypt. And their claim the
Venetians tacitly admitted by remitting to them the annual
tribute of 8000 ducats formerly paid to the Mameluke sove
reigns. Its possession by the Westerns must always have
Eeai cause of rendered Cyprus a standing menace to the safety of the Turk-
conquest of ish dominions. But it was the asylum afforded by its harbours
Cyprus . -' *
to the galleys of the Knights of St. John in their constant
attacks upon the Ottoman shipping and pilgrims, which taught
the Sultans the necessity of wresting the island from the hands
of the Christians.
Measures The Venetians had long foreseen that they would eventually
Venice &r its have to iustify their retention of it by force of arms.1 Accord-
defence. _ _ J «/ j
sereno, ub. i., ingly in 1563 they despatched the eminent engineer, Giulio
paruta1 ub i Savorgnano, to Cyprus with orders to place it in a state of de-
*¦""¦ fence. This precaution so enraged Solyman II., surnamed the
Magnificent, that he swore to be revenged on the presumptuous
through the island unpunished. But perhaps the passage had best be given in
the original language : " Sono ignoranti et maligni contra quelli ehe osservano
il rito della corte romana, tenendoci per scommumcati. Non e male ehe per
danari no fanno, per il ehe guadagnano assai, massime per in far zaghi, perche,
dopo ehe uno havera fatto qualche debbito, li fanno piivilegio d'esser zago, et
se fa parere ehe sia fatto molti anni davanti ; et con tal modo i rei s'assolvono,
per il ehe loro non li danno alcuno castigo. Finalmente credero, anzi son certis-
simo, ehe saria bene, con bel modo, fare ehe detti vescovi non stessero sopra
l'isola, massime quel di Nicosia. Che non essendo detti vescovi, tutti quelli
populi sariano obedienti all 'arcivescovo et altri vescovi italiani, ne mai li saria
alcuna controversia, come fu quando l'arcivescovo volse publicare il sacro
concilio, ehe detti vescovi non solamente non volsero publicarlo, ma cercavano
di suscitar i populi contra l'arcivescovo et vescovi nostri. Con il levar detti
vescovi, cessaria ogni dissensione et scandalo ehe potesse succedere, et anco
quelli ehe hanno animo di far qualche delitto, col scuso d'essere o farsi zago,
s'asteneriano, perche non essendo dimandato dai vescovo come huomini sotto
la giurisdittion sua, saperiano d'esser castigati certamente, il ehe saria cagione
d'owiare qualche scandalo ehe potria succeder da gli offesi, vedendo ehe quelli
ehe hanno ferito o amazzato qualche suo pertinente di parentela over amicitia
caminino per le citta et luoghi, senz' esser puniti.
1 The precarious nature of the tenure by which Venice held the island, as well
as the unpopularity of her rule, have not escaped the observant eye of Nicole le
Huen, who so eaily as 1487 writes as follows : —
" Et est (i.e., Cypre) aujourdhuy soubz les Venitiens ; et sont en danger de la
perdre briefment, car les soudars ou gendarmes qu'ilz ont ne sont paies et si n'ont
de quoy vivre que en chestivete et en grant desplaisir. Partir ne peut quelque
homme sans conge ; par quoy plusieurs qui la ont demeure aulcune fois s'en vont
avec les Tures soy rendre, comme pour eviter ce lieu et la jurisdiction."

, which led him

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 177
republic for fortifying against himself a part of his own do
minions. But his opportune death in 1566 at the siege of
Sigeth in Hungary fortunately removed for a while the threat
ened danger. The long-impending catastrophe was at length
brought about by his son and successor, Selim II., surnamed theseiimn.
Sot.1 To commemorate his accession he determined to erect a the conquest
of Cyprus.
beautiful mosque at Adrianople. On declaring his intention heIUBlgnan,
was informed by the Mufti that the Moslem laws forbade the p'J^a'ub i
expenditure upon such a building of any money, save whatp-9-
had been captured from vanquished enemies. The conquest of
Cyprus, it was thought, would provide the required funds and
was immediately resolved upon. The enterprise was one, more
over, which Selim had long contemplated. It is said that he Reasons
was led to undertake it chiefly through the fame of its celebrated to do so.
... • H HI. (
vintages.2 When governor of Cilicia, during the lifetime of hisPpr™ii>, ' ''
father, he had caused careful inquiries to be made as to the ex- paruta, ub.i.,
tent, climate, fertility and resources ofthe island. Its proximity,
too, to his own dominions and remoteness from Venice seemed to
promise an easy victory for the Ottoman arms. He was encour- ibid., lib. i.
aged in his designs by a Portuguese Jew named Miquez, his most
trusted friend and adviser. This individual, who had embraced
Christianity in the country of his birth to escape the disabilities
attaching to Judaism, ultimately came to Constantinople, where
he reverted to his ancestral faith. Full of resentment against
the republic for some fancied wrongs which he had received, he
craftily excited the Sultan's ambition to further his own schemes
of revenge. The ridiculous Hebrew is reported to have assumed
the arms and title of King of Cyprus on the strength of a prom
ise once made by his patron, when in his cups, that he should
receive the sovereignty of the island in the event of the enterprise
proving successful. But Cyprus was not fated to have the Jew
'"Arno tanto il vino ehe i suoi sudditi medesimi il chiamavano Sarkok e Sereno, note,
Mest." No. 1, p. 379.
2 By an appropriate kind of Nemesis Selim's death is said to have been occa
sioned through an immoderate indulgence in his favourite beverage, he having
slipped, when under its influence, upon the polished marble floor of his bath and
fractured his skull. Other accounts, however, refer his death to apoplexy.
Selim's fate is not the only recorded instance of the danger attending over
indulgence in the vintages of Cyprus. In the journal of a voyage made to Jeru- Hackiuyt's
salem by a Mr. John Locke in 1553 occurs the following notice : " The 4 of JoyKgJ™1-
November. This day departed this present life one of our company named
Anthonie Gelber of Prussia " — with the addition — "who onely took his surfet
of Cyprus wine," as though that were not a sufficient reason for the untimely
demise of the too bibulous Teuton !
12

178

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Thuanus, Ub.
xlix., p. 925.
Paruta, Ub. i.
p. 13.

The Grand
Vizier pro
tests against
the contem
plated inva
sion.Lusignan,
p. 93 (b).
Sereno, Ub. i.,
p. 18 sq.
Paruta, Ub. i.,
pp. 13, 14, 17,
18, 19, 20, a,
22, 23, 71.
The opinions
of his enemies
prevail.

Lusignan,
p. 93 (a).

Sereno, Ub. i.
p. 16.

Commence
ment of the
Turkish pre
parations.

for its King, as he had to console himself with the dukedom of
Naxos instead.1
The better to conceal his plans from the vigilance of the Vene
tian ambassador a divan was held on horseback in the outskirts
of Constantinople, under the pretext of a hunt, when the project
was revealed by Selim. In vain did Mehemet Sokolli, the Grand
Vizier, protest against the scheme, representing the dishonour
and injustice of attacking in a time of profound peace a nation
with whom he had only j ust concluded a treaty of friendship.
He asserted that, if his Majesty must have war, he should turn
his arms rather against Philip II. , the relentless persecutor of the
Spanish Moslems. The opinions of Piali and Lala Mustapha,2
two of the principal pashas at the Turkish Court, however, pre
vailed. They were personal enemies of the Grand Vizier and,
besides wishing to contrive his downfall, hoped to obtain the
chief commands in the coming expedition. They urged in its
favour the powerlessness of the republic to resist aggression and
the little assistance to be expected from the other Christian
powers, the favourable position of Cyprus, which warranted the
success of the attempt, the necessity of its conquest for the safety
of Turkish commerce, and the disgrace attaching to the Ottoman
Empire in allowing it to remain any longer a refuge to the cor
sairs, whose attacks so seriously hindered the annual pilgrimage
to Mecca. The Council having unanimously declared in favour
of the attempt there only remained a favourable opportunity for
carrying it into execution. This seemed to present itself shortly
afterwards on news reaching Constantinople of a terrible explo
sion in the Arsenal at Venice (13th Sept., 1569), the supposed
work of incendiaries, whereby an immense quantity of munitions
of war was destroyed. The Sultan immediately issued orders
for a general arming and concentration of his forces. These
warlike preparations did not escape the watchful eye of Marc'
Antonio Barbaro, the Venetian envoy to the Porte, who speedily

1 Naxos had been pieviously owned by the Greek family of Crispo, which
also possessed the adjacent islands of Paros and Milo. In 1265 for the zeal it
displayed in the cause of Venice against the Emperor Michael Palaaologos its
name was inscribed in the Libro d' Oro of that city. In 1537 the family was de
prived of Naxos by the famous Turkish corsair Hayradin (Barbarossa), and in
1570 it suffered the loss ofthe rest of its possessions at the hands ofthe Turks.
It then retired to Venice, where it became extinct in 1600.
2 Piali and Mustapha had served in the disastrous expedition to Malta in
1565, the former as admiral of the fleet, the latter as generalissimo of the land
forces. They had lost the favour of the Sultan through the machinations of the
Grand Vizier.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 179
divined their real purpose. But his warnings fell on unheeding The Venetian
ears. The Signory assured him that he must be mistaken, as™^eit
the State had nothing to fear from the well-known friendship
of the Sultan. Precautionary measures, moreover, implying dis
trust might have the effect of inducing him to entertain projects
for which so far he had shown no inclination. But more urgent
letters received at the beginning of 1570, conveying the startling
intelligence that the Turkish troops were on the march for the
southern coasts of Asia Minor, at length aroused the Venetians
from their apathy. Orders were at once despatched to the go ver- The signory
• 'it lensrth
nors ofthe islands in the Archipelago to be prepared against a takes lhe
sudden attack. At home the Procurator of St. Mark, Girolamo prepares to
' resist.
Zane, a skilful and hitherto successful leader, was appointed to sereno, p. 47.
the supreme command of the fleet. But the land forces, with
which the republic proposed to resist the onset of the greatest
military empire of the age, were contemptible in point ofLusignan,
numbers.1 Three thousand Italian infantry under Hieronimo sereno, ub. i.,
Martinengo, sent to strengthen the garrison of Famagusta, con- pp' 32, 47'
stituted the sole reinforcement. But their leader dying off Corfu,
only part of these troops proceeded to their destination.
Meanwhile the work of preparation went on in the Arsenal at Lusignan,
Constantinople under the personal supervision of the Sultan, paruta, ub. i.,
At length everything being completed, the military and naval jjPre3ni;)3Jjb65i'
forces were placed respectively under the command of Mustapha p- 31-
and Piali. But hostilities did not even then at once commence.
For on Barbaro representing to the Grand Vizier how discredit
able it would be for the Sultan to attack a nation, with which
he had concluded peace and which had relied upon his assurances,
and that his Majesty should first inform the Venetians what
cause of complaint he had against them that, if well founded,
they might make reparation, it was resolved to send an envoy
to Venice. The Cavass ' Cubat was accordingly despatched Despatch of
with instructions to demand the immediate surrender of Cyprus *° Venice.
under threat of war in case of refusal. The Sultan's messenger ppr!6,°4o"u.'''
was received in solemn audience by the Doge and Senators. On
presenting his master's ultimatum he was informed that the
republic would not shrink from the contest, as she trusted for
1 As a proof of the defenceless condition ofthe island Calepio states that the
armoury at Nikosia contained only 1040 arquebuses, while many of the soldiers
were so devoid of training in the use of their firearms that they could not dis
charge them without singeing their beards. " La munitione non haveva altro Lusignan,
ehe 1040 archibusi — molti de l'istessi (i.e., soldati) tanto erano esperti ehe nel p' 6 (a)'
dar fuoco a l'archibuso si brusciavano la barba."

180 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
spirited success to the righteousness of her cause and the help of God.
signor*y. e The news of his envoy's reception and the undaunted reply of
pU97g(bT' the Senate so enraged the Sultan that he caused Barbaro and
paruta, ub.i., the other Christians, who were at Pera, to be arrested.
The cypriots The peril which threatened them did not take the Cypriots
wSeTly wholly by surprise. Letters had been previously received from
94ufar95n(bpp' the ambassador at Constantinople, and also from Venice, urging
the inhabitants to prepare for hostilities and to resist as vigor
ously as they could. Unfortunately the supreme authority at
pamta, lib. i., this period was vested in Nicolo Dandolo, a man quite unfitted
se™no, ub. i., f°r dealing with the momentous crisis, which had arisen. Though
p- "• his term of service was now at an end he was continued at the
head of affairs, and by his presence contributed in no slight de
gree to the subsequent disasters.
Reception of The news of the declaration of war filled the citizens of Niko-
tion ofwaJat sia with consternation. While those entrusted with the defence of
Lusignan, the capital busied themselves in preparing for resistance, the
p. 94(b) churches of all denominations were thronged with crowds of
p- s1- ' anxious worshippers, beseeching Heaven to protect them in the
sennonbythe coming trial. In a sermon preached before the notables and
ofapihosu? inhabitants in the Cathedral of Santa Sophia the Bishop of
of santa" a Paphos, Francesco Contarini, who represented the Archbishop
then absent from the island, thus sought to sustain their drooping
courage : —
pamta, ub. i., " If I regard the magnitude of the present dangers I cannot
rin RZ-84 ® •
Lusignan, but feel the gravest fears for the public safety and at times,
p. 98(a). through uncertainty as to the ultimate result, yield dejectedly
to adverse fortune. And if, on the other hand, I bring myself
to think of your conspicuous virtue, your loftiness of soul, cou
rage and constancy I feel an unmistakeable glow arising within
my breast, which bids me hope for the better. But if from
these more . lowly thoughts I rise to the contemplation of the
divine providence and goodness, not only is that former fear of
mine allayed, but it is changed into an assured confidence, be
cause, comprehending then the truth better, I know that to
brave men dangers and difficulties are not insuperable, while to
faithful Christians impossibilities become easy likewise. There
fore, if your ancient and peculiar valour does not fail you, and
if your faith, which you have undertaken to protect together
with your lives, remains firm and constant in your hearts, I am
very sure you will in the end discover that these troubles have
been ordained not for your destruction, but for your exceeding
praise and imperishable glory. We know by numberless ex-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 181
amples in every age how many sieges have been bravely sus
tained and rendered abortive by a mere handful of men against
the most numerous armies, an unshaken valour and a noble reso
lution springing from an invincible determination being very
often sufficient to effect a rescue from the very gravest perils ;
while those nations, whose special protector God has been
pleased to show Himself, not only has no power of men been
able to harm, but even Nature herself has assisted them,
and the very heavens and elements have helped them. Thus
the waters by standing on an heap opened an easy and safe
passage for the Hebrews through the midst of the sea, the
parched earth caused fountains of the purest and most abund
ant waters to flow for their refreshment, and the heavens
furnished them with that strange and marvellous food, the
manna, for their sustenance. These, indeed, or similar aids we
should now look for at the mighty hand of God for our pre
servation, since Ottoman Selim is a no less impious and cruel
persecutor of the Chosen People than was Pharaoh of old, nor
are we Christians, who have been bought with the blood of
His Son, less dear to God and less beloved by Him than any
other people ever was. You have an illustrious and recent in
stance to inspire you with confidence that this miracle will
come to pass. Do you not know in what straits but five years
ago the island of Malta found itself, harassed with so long and
so severe a siege, attacked by so many assailants, with so few
defenders, deprived of almost every hope of assistance, and re
duced to the utmost extremity ? Yet the bravery and faith
of the defenders, unimpaired by any reverse, rendered vain and
feeble the might of the barbarians, and mocked their overween
ing designs. And, that the power of divine providence might
the more appear, that fortress, already reduced to the last gasp,
was delivered from the hostile blockade before succour reached
it from its friends.1 You must imitate those stout and valiant
men by exposing yourselves voluntarily to all the hardships and
perils of military duty, nay rather it is incumbent upon you
to surpass them. For those knights, foreigners from various
countries, fought only for religion and renown, whereas you, in
addition to these incentives, are at the same time fighting on
behalf of your native land, your wives, your children, and your
1 The Turkish fleet of 180 sail containing upwards of 30,000 men appeared
off Malta on 18th May 1565 and the shattered remnant of the Ottoman army
re-embarked on 8th Sept. 1565. The fiist succours reached the besieged from
Syracuse on 6th Sept.

182 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
property. Thus every motive, both human and divine, bids
you display invincible valour, and that with a resolution the
more bold and intrepid, inasmuch as you, freemen and the
scions of a noble and illustrious race, are called upon to contend
with slaves, an ignoble and unwarlike rabble, accustomed to
achieve victory more by the numbers than by the valour of its
soldiery; an advantage which they will not now enjoy, since
this city is surrounded by very lofty walls and defended by an
artillery so numerous that it alone will be able to repulse the
enemy, who are of such a sort that, rest assured, if you only
beat off their first attack, when they have screwed up their
courage to deliver the assault, the victory will certainly be
yours. For the succour cannot long delay its arrival, which
you have heard is being prepared with a very powerful fleet by
our republic, as she will never hesitate to send all her forces
for the defence of this kingdom, which is regarded as the
noblest portion of her dominions and is most dear to all. These
human measures, though of themselves sufficient for your pro
tection, your prayers, your faith, and your firm resolve to
forsake your sins will render altogether invincible, while you,
chastened more by fear than by actual punishment, will
have time and cause to praise, honour and glorify the most
High God, Who, with singular kindness showing you the ap
pearance only of His anger through the rage of this Ottoman
barbarian, has been pleased to provide for the safety of your
souls and for the obtaining of the heavenly riches, and at the
same time for the preservation of your lives, your native land
and property, to the intent that you may henceforth devote
all these things to the glory of Him Who is your true and
bountiful Lord and the giver of all good gifts."
The discourse When the reverend orator descended from the pulpit he was
enthusiasm of affectionately embraced by the notables and warmly thanked for
Lusignan, his patriotic and inspiring harangue. The burning words to
p. 98(a). which they had just listened roused the martial enthusiasm of
his hearers. They vowed to shed their last drop of blood in
defence of their homes and to bury themselves beneath the ruins
of their city rather than allow it to fall into the hands of the
hated Moslem.
shortsighted The local government at this juncture was guilty of an error,
Po°cai which yet further increased the difficulties of the situation. It
'elwntr*1*'1 was well known both at Venice and Constantinople that the
peasantry were dissatisfied with their lot, and ripe for rebellion.
Lusignan pp. In fact, just prior to the invasion, two Cypriots had reached the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 183
latter city with letters expressing the desire of many of the
parici to pass under the Sultan's rule by reason of the excessive
burdens, to which they were subjected. But these emissaries
were for a bribe secretly delivered over by the Grand Vizier to
the Venetian envoy and never seen again.1 Many of the serfs,
1 Many other instances occur to mark the extreme aversion, with which the
Orthodox at that period regarded their Venetian tyrants, and the satisfaction
they displayed at the prospect of a Turkish invasion. Gratiano, Bishop of
Amelia, in his history of the war, has indicated the cause which occasioned this
hostile attitude on the part of the natives, as well as recorded the last attempt
they made during the Latin supremacy to free themselves from the foreign yoke.
" At apud Cyprios ad primos belli nuncios cum ingens pavor et trepidatio, turn Gratiani, De
variis cujusque generis studiis animorum habitus : agrestes, ut quique graviori 5DUuC,pP6i2'
servitute premebantur, passim lsetari, et cujuscunque, dum nova;, fortunae spem
fovere. His enim Cyprii pro servis uteb'antur, et acerbe crudeliterque habe
bant. Quem illi dominatum ita non abjecto animo ferebant, ut ad eum excu-
tiendum saepe cum Turcis prodendae insulae consilia miscuerint. Et peregissent
aliquando facinus, si validum auctorem invenissent ; qui usque eo illis defuit,
ut proximis superioribus annis didascalum quemdam infimae sortis hominem
secuti, eum regem facturi viderentur, nisi, antequam cum Turcis, in quorum se
clientelam ille dedebat, transigeret, detecta. conjuratione, eum magistratus
Venetus supplicio subito affecisset." The individual heie alluded to as Didas- Mai, Snicileg.
kalos was James the Cretan, who raised the standard of rebellion in 1546. The JgJ"- '
same historian in a monograph, which he composed on the hero of this revolt, Antonji
bears the following further testimony to the hostility evinced by the Cypriots of Marias Grati-
all classes towards their Venetian masters : " Nobilitas, ut turn invita sic nun- Amerinide"
quam libenter alterius quam regis imperii patiens fuit ; quamquam enim com- S^fratre
municato cum magnis et Claris familiis connubio se se Venetis miscuerit, et etc. (Mai,
eorum moderato et aequabili prope septuaginta annorum imperio, oblitterata K?manftom.
illius temporis memoria videatur, tamen permanet insitum animis regii nominis XSJ-aP'*-
desiderium. Plebes, praeter quam quod omnis natura inconstans mobilisque, et
novarum reium cupida, Graecis maxime innata levitas est. Haec communi
civitatum morbo adversa nobilitati, et eadem pertinacia, qua olim in sacris
conciliis consentientibus ceteris patribus, uni Graeci, etsi cessere turn quidem
post modum adingeniumredeuntes, publicam auctoritatem neglectui habuerunt,
suo more sacrorum caerimonias colit, et ingenti odio ab iis dissidet qui romanae
ecclesiae religione et ritibus continentur, quorum est tota insula satis magnus
numerus. Quod quidem odium saepe in populares tumultus erumperet, nisi
magistratuum metu omnes cohiberentur, qui veteri concessu Graecos suis uti
sacris permittunt ; praeter quam nobiles, quorum tamen ipsorum permulti in-
fecti vulgi superstitionibus, respuere Latinorum rationem videntur, quamvis
palam id facere, quod lege nobilitati Graecorum ritibus interdicitur, non audeant.
This James is described as the brother of the despot of the Wallachians
(despota Valachorum). The same volume contains his biography also by the
same author.
Soon after the landing of the Turkish forces a very significant proof was given Lusignan,
of the prevalent disaffection. The invaders, under the guidance of a Greek Jg™(,,)"l->
priest of Levkara, occupied that important village without encountering any
opposition from the inhabitants, who seemed to have readily transferred their
allegiance to the Sultan. To check the serious consequences this disloyal ex
ample might have otherwise entailed, the Venetian authorities at Nikosia sent
a body of cavalry with orders to fire the place and kill all the inhabitants irre
spective of age or sex.
Angelo Calepio in his account of the siege of Nikosia reports that it was a
drunken Greek, who on the fatal gth September hauled down from the Gover
nor's palace the standard of St. Mark and hoisted the Ottoman ensign instead.

184 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
who still remained in bondage to their feudal lords, had for
some time been awaiting with impatience the declaration of
sereno, lib. i„ their unconditional release. Reports had got abroad that orders
to that effect had been received from the authorities at Venice.
The refusal to comply with their demands only served yet
further to alienate their affections. Perceiving that they had
been deceived in their expectations, and despairing now of ever
obtaining their long-desired freedom except through the Turks,
they were eager to receive the invaders with open arms.
Appearance On 1st July 1570 the Ottoman fleet appeared off Paphos and
man neet°" on the 4th of the same month a landing was effected at Larnaka.
*$$»{$?' Mustapha made immediate preparations for prosecuting the
i<§ la!', (d),""' campaign with vigour. Before, however, proceeding to actual
sTreno, ub. i„ hostilities he summoned Nikosia to surrender, offering favour-
l'55' „,. . able terms to all who would submit quietly to the Sultan's au-
Paruta, Ub. i., , ^-. •' , .. . ~ n
Pip'q71'937' thority. His messenger on the occasion was a blind Corfiote
monk named Nikodemos. But the inhabitants rejected his pro
posals with scorn, declaring they preferred death to capitulation.
Nikosia was selected as the first object of attack from its being
the capital and containing all the treasures of the kingdom.
The siege of On the 26th July the Turkish army, with a numerous train of
be"g£Sa artillery, sat down before the town. For six weeks the be
leaguered garrison sustained with unshaken courage all the
assaults of the besiegers, until the failure of their ammunition
prevented them from keeping the enemy any longer at bay.
its capture, On 9th September the final assault was delivered. The heroic
Serenepub5i | Bishop of Paphos, Contarini, in the garb of a soldier urged the
p' 62' defenders to one last desperate resistance, while the Superior of
the Carmelites, crucifix in hand, ably seconded his efforts. But
all was in vain. The ferocious soldiery of the Porte swarmed
ibid., ub. i„ over the defences, and the work of massacre began. Contarini
himself, who had been taken prisoner by a Mollah on the un
derstanding that his life should be spared, was mortally wounded
by a Janissary while his captor was engaged in plundering. For
three whole days the town was given up to pillage and slaughter.
Massacreof Twenty thousand persons of both sexes are said to have been
tants. *" '' butchered in cold blood.1 Even the very churches were not
respected, all who had taken refuge in them being killed.
Among the slain were two bishops of the Orthodox Church
Lusignan, 1 Among the victims was Lucretia Calepia, the mother of the historian of
p. io! (a).' these atrocities, whose head was cut off on her maid's lap.
" Lucretia Calepia, mia Madre, tagliandoli la testa nel grembo della sua ser-
vitrice."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 185
with many priests and nuns belonging to the same communion.1
Of the captives the most beautiful children and girls were first
sold, the remainder being disposed of at a mere nominal price,
except the more robust, who were sent to the galleys. The
Cathedral of Santa Sophia, with many other Latin churches, santasophia
was converted into a mosque. On the 15th September, wheniutoamosque.
Mustapha attended in state to return thanks for his recent
victory, this noble fane, which for so many centuries had re
echoed to the holy strains of Christian worship, was for the
first time desecrated by the profanities of the Impostor of
Mecca. The Turks were now free to undertake the siege of siege of
Famagusta, which they began on the 18th September. sT^™1,
On the first appearance of hostilities the Venetians had con- The H„iy
eluded an alliance with the Pope and Philip II. of Spain. AIeaBue
combined fleet, with a land army on board, assembled at Crete.
During the end of September it arrived at Castelorizo, where
tidings of the fall of Nikosia reached it. The news filled thepamta, ub.i.,
allies with dismay. A council of war was immediately held to sereno, m>. i.,
decide what steps should be taken. The majority of the mem- pp- 68, 69,
bers were in favour of proceeding at once to the assistance of
the garrison at Famagusta. But Doria, the Spanish commander,
acting it is supposed under secret instructions from his sovereign,2
1 The clergy of all denominations suffered severely during the siege, as is
evident from the following list of those killed and made prisoners, which has
been furnished by Angelo Calepio. Del clero morto. Lusignan,
II Reverendiss. Contarini Vescovo de Paffo. p' 112 |a)-
II Reverendiss. de Coron. Sufraganeo de Nicosia.
II Reverendiss. Vescovo greco de Nicosia.
II Reverendiss. Vescovo greco de Paffo.
II Reverendiss. Vescovo greco de Limisso, schiavo.
II Vescovo de Cofti.
II Rever. Monsig. Vicario de l'Archivescovato frate Thomaso Tacito de
l'ordine Eremitano. Tutti li Reverendi Canonici e de altre dignitate ritrovati
in quella Citta, e quasi tutti li Preti, e Frati sone ammazzati e pochi fatti
schiavi. Capi delle Religioni.
II Reverendo Vicario Generale di Frati de S. Dominico, il P. Maestro An
gelo Calepio, schiavo in Constantinopoli.
II Rever. Provinciale delli Carmini Maestro Nicolo, schiavo in Soria.
II Rever. Guardian de Hierusalem di Zoccholanti, schiavo a Scio fu liberate
II Rever. Comissario de S. Francesco, Maestro Andrea Tacito, si dice
essere morto.
II Reverendo Vicario de Santo Augostino, F. Luca, schiavo, e mo libero.
Li Reverendi Abbati de Monaci greci, e li loro Monaci tutti quasi sono am
mazzati, e pochi furono fatti schiavi.
2 The fact, too, that he was a native of Genoa, the hereditary foe of Venice,
increased the suspicions attaching to his conduct.

186 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
opposed this decision. He represented that the object of the
expedition, the relief of Nikosia, had failed, that it would be
madness to engage an enemy so superior in numbers, and that
the safety of his vessels at that advanced season compelled him
to return to port. In vain did they try to dissuade him from
his purpose. He not only remained obdurate, but sailed away,
The christian whereupon the rest returned to Crete without accomplishing
vrithout "" anything. This splendid armada, however, the following year
engagingthe . ¦> & r .' . ' » < J
Turks. m a measure retrieved its previous inactivity. ±$y the total
Battie^ destruction of the Turkish navy at the famous battle of Lepanto
ocpai57i. (7th Oct., 1571), it effectually freed the Western Mediterranean
from all subsequent fear of the Ottoman arms.
capitulation Meanwhile Famagusta was left to its fate. After one of the
ist Aug., i57i! most memorable sieges on record, in which the brave garrison
Lusignan, ™ ' V
Sereno" lib covered itself with imperishable renown, the town capitulated
paruta! ub. i., on the 1st August, 1571 on the following terms : —
Th'*"?3"94' f 1. That the lives of the citizens and soldiers should be spared.
surrender. g. That the troops should be allowed to march out with all
the honours of war.
3. That the Pasha should furnish vessels to transport the
garrison to Crete, with as many of the townspeople as were
willing to accompany them.
4. That such of the inhabitants, as were desirous of re
maining, should be allowed to do so, and be further granted
the full enjoyment of their liberty and property, together
with the free exercise of their religion and the use of their
churches.
Treachery of But Mustapha soon showed the value attaching to his plighted
Mustapha. word. Enraged at their strenuous resistance, which had caused
such enormous losses among his troops, he had no sooner got
Lusignan, the survivors of the brave garrison into his power than he put
sereno, ub. them to death. Marc' Antonio Bragadino, the heroic com-
paruta^ub i mander, was reserved for a more terrible fate, which he suffered
p. i% s'q. 'with a fortitude worthy of the name he bore (17th Aug.,
1571).1
surrender of The fortresses, which still remained in possession of the Vene-
fortrlsstsin'5 tians, despairing of assistance and deterred by the fate that had
LnBignMi, overtaken Nikosia and Famagusta, hastened to surrender to the
p. 105 (b).' 1 The inhuman Mustapha caused him to be flayed alive in the grand square
of Famagusta immediately in front of the Venetian Governor's palace. His
skin after being hung at the yard-arm of the Turkish admiral's galley was pre
served in the Arsenal at Constantinople for twenty-five years, when it was pur
chased foi a large sum by his brother and sons and deposited by them in a

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 187
victorious Ottomans, and thus the complete subjugation of the Paruta, ub.i.,
island was achieved in little more than twelve months.
Thus tragically ended the domination of the Boman Church
in Cyprus. During the four centuries that it had reigned
supreme its course had been marked by the grossest oppression
towards the sister communion. But, tyrants though its chief
pastors ever showed themselves to be towards their Orthodox
brethren, we cannot withhold our tribute of admiration from
the heroic Contarini, Fortebrazza, and their fellows, who, how
ever deficient they may have been in Christian charity, yet in
the hour of their Church's sorest need "jeoparded their lives
unto the death in her defence and waxed valiant in fight, turn
ing to flight the armies ofthe aliens".
Unfortunately for the credit of the Roman Church it is im
possible to speak in the same eulogistic terms of the action of
all her sons in Cyprus. There is one name especially which
suggests very different reflections. It is that of Angelo Calepio,1
marble urn in the Church of SS. John and Paul at Venice with the following
inscription : — D. O. P.
M. Antonii Bragadini dum pro fide et patria
Bello Cyprio Salaminae contra Turcos constanter
fortiterque curam principem sustineret longa
obsidione victi a perfida hostis manu ipso vi
vo ac intiepide sufferente detracta
Pellis
Ann. Sal. CIq Iq LXXI. XV. Kal. Sept. Anton. Fra-
tris opera et impensa Byzantio hue
advecta
Atque hie a Marco Hermolao, Antonioque
Filiis pientissimis ad summi Dei Patria; pater-
nique nominis gloriam sempiternam
posita
Ann. Sal. CI3 Io LXXXXVI. vixit Ann. XLVI.
1 P'ra Angelo Calepio, D.D., Superior of the Cypriot Dominicans and Vicar
General ofthe Province of Terra Santa, was the author of the two descriptions
of the siege and capture of Nikosia and Famagusta placed by Lusignan at the
end of his Chorograffia, or Short General History of Cyprus. The latter event Lusignan, pp.
he did not personally witness, but derived his information from the narratives 109 ,b)' u2'°)-
of fellow prisoners present at it, whom he met in captivity at Constantinople.
After the capture of Nikosia he became the property of a Dervish (Talisman or
Turkish monk he styles him, " Talismano, religioso Turcho "), who sold him to
a certain Osman Chelebi, the Rais, or Captain, of a Turkish galley. By him he
was restored to liberty on bth January 1571 on payment of a ransom of 4500
aspers. Having resumed his monastic habit after his release he was in conse
quence rearrested by the Turkish corsair, Uluj Ali (3rd February 1572), on
suspicion of being a Papal spy, but liberated three days afterwards through the
good offices of Ababamach, Dey of Algiers, when he returned to Europe. Mr. Eicerpta
Cobham conjectures that he may have been connected with one of the oldest cyPria. P- W3-
and noblest houses of Bergamo in Lombardy. Lusignan certainly reckons the p-"!!8^'

188

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan,
p. 122.
Excerpta Cypria, p. 182.

Doctor of Theology in the Order of the Preachers, and Vicar
General of the Province of Terra Santa, whose facile pen has so
graphically described the thrilling scenes, which marked the
closing days of the Venetian occupation. Blinded by prejudice
and passion to the real cause of the disasters he then witnessed,
he can see in the horrors which took place nothing but the
righteous judgment of God upon the Orthodox for their per
versity and stiffheckedness. To quote his own words : " This
was indeed a punishment and act of justice upon the Greeks of
this kingdom, many of whom while they were under the rule of
the Latin Christians abhorred the limpid water of the Holy
Roman obedience, and despised the lifegiving stream of its
Head ; for as these Greeks preferred to be subjects to that
gangrened limb, the Patriarch of Constantinople, because he and
his fellow patriarchs, especially the Patriarch of Jerusalem, when
the poor Cypriot merchants and pilgrims went to their churches,
held aloof from them, considering them excommunicate, because
in Cyprus they gave their allegiance to the Latins, and saying
the same in even stronger terms to the Greek bishops of Cyprus,
because they were elected by the Royal Latin Council, and con
firmed by the Latin bishops — hence this ignorant people began
to nourish a secret hatred against the Latins, as persons excom
municate and accursed. So our Lord God, yielding to their
impious wishes, and to inflict upon them lasting pain and chas
tisement, removed nearly all the Latins from before their eyes,
left them at liberty to subject themselves to the divided members
of the Church, and made them for all time the wretched slaves
of the Turks." In this language we seem only to recognise the
mingled shriek of impotent fury and despair at the thought that
the long night of ecclesiastical tyranny had at length reached
its appointed end !
With the departure of the Latins the ecclesiastical history of
Cyprus undergoes a striking change. Those constant bickerings
and wranglings, which were once matters of such ordinary oc
currence between the rival communions, are now a thing of the
past. Their dearest wishes were realised at last and the Or
thodox once more found themselves in undisturbed possession of
their native Church. But the price, which they had to pay for
the fulfilment of their desires, was indeed a very heavy one.

Sathas,NopAAtjc .
</>iA.oA. o"cA.
228.
Lusignan,
p. 92 (a).

Calepii among the distinguished families of Cyprus. Sathas asserts that his
account of the two sieges was composed in Greek, but there is no evidence in
support of this statement. It was furnished by the author to Lusignan at his
request in the Dominican convent at Bologna on 4th December 1572.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 189
They found to their cost that they had only exchanged one
kind of servitude for another. It is true that the independence
of their Church was no longer threatened, yet that circumstance
brought very little real benefit to them at all. Though they
were now released from the active persecution of the Roman hier
archy, they had at least to endure the contemptuous toleration
and open insolence of the new conquerors. And occasionally,
too, they were made to feel how dire were the effects of Moslem
fanaticism when once aroused.

190

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

CHAPTER IV.

Mustapha
reorganisesthe govern
ment of
Cyprus.
Kyprianos,p. 300 sq.

Lusignan,
p. 80 (a).

The first care of the victor on the conclusion of hostilities was
to introduce some kind of order into his new conquest. For
that purpose he appointed a Pasha of the highest grade to the
supreme command at Nikosia, with two others of inferior
rank at Famagusta and Paphos. Among other administrative
changes the former division of the island into twelve districts
was abolished, and seventeen new divisions, called Qaziliqs, estab
lished instead.1 As a security against both external and internal
foes, in addition to a corps of regular troops, or Janissaries,
1000 strong, he established a body of the usual mounted militia,
called Sipahis or Timariots.2 The protection of the coasts from
the attacks of hostile vessels and the supervision of the maritime
towns and fortresses were likewise entrusted to certain officers
specially appointed for the purpose. To provide for the due
administration of justice a Mollah was sent for some months
annually from Constantinople. His jurisdiction extended over
five of the new Qaziliqs, where he took cognizance of all matters
affecting the relations of his co-religionists with one another
and with the Christian inhabitants. In the remaining Qaziliqs
were placed Qazis, taken from the order of the Readers of the
Koran, who were invested with similar powers and authority.

irianos,

Finlay,Greece under
Othoman and
Venetiandomination,p. 50 sq.

1 The twelve foimer districts were : Nikosia, Famagusta, Limisso, Paphos,
Kyrenia, Salines, Mesaoria, Karpassos, Masoto, Avdimou, Chrysochou,
Pentagia. The seventeen Qaziliqs are : Levkosia with Orini, Kythraia, Mesaoria, Am-
mochostos, Karpasion, Paphos, Chrysochou, Kouklia, Avdimou, Larnaka,
Lemesos, Episkopi, Kilanion, Kyrenia, Morphou, Pentagia, Levka.
2 The irregular troops of the Ottoman Empire were composed chiefly of
feudal cavalry. This militia was divided into three classes according to the
extent of the fiefs. First in rank were the Sandjak Begs, who were bound to
bring into the field more than twenty well-armed followers on horseback. The
second class were the Ziams, who were bound to take the field with from four to
nineteen mounted followers, and who may be compared to the holders of
knight's fees in feudal Europe. The third class was called Timariots, and might
be bound to take the field alone, or with as many as three followers. Until the
time of Suleiman the Legislator the timars or fiefs were granted only for life.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 191
The condition of the wretched Cypriots immediately after the pitiable con-
war was pitiable in the extreme. The few representatives ofoyprfots.
the once proud local aristocracy, who had escaped to the moun- p^oMa"'
tains, were compelled to surrender to the mercy of their con
querors.1 Deprived of their possessions and degraded to the
level of the peasants they were forced to purchase their free
dom at a heavy ransom. Indeed to such straits were they re
duced that they were glad to follow the humble callings of
labourers and muleteers, in order to eke out a precarious liveli
hood and to raise money for the payment of the poll-tax.2 The
inhabitants in general, who had survived the horrors of the war,
were now threatened with destruction by famine. Through the
failure of the crops from the recent operations a terrible dearth
prevailed in the island. The new-comers did all in their power
to encourage the resumption of agricultural labours, but with
little success, owing to the scarcity of seed.
The demands made by the Porte upon its Cypriot sub- Exactions of
jects were not at first excessive. The old social distinctions, ^BSi"e at
which had existed in the island even before the advent of
the Latins, were obliterated, and the Christian population
divided into three classes according to the assessment of the
poll-tax or kharaj.3 The land, which had formerly been the
1 The names of those who succeeded in escaping from Nikosia to the moun- Lusignan,
tains on gth September, have been preserved in the narrative of Angelo Calepio. rS(bf <a)'
They were : —
Jean Philippe de Lusignan.
Jeanneton de Nores and his son Hector.
Flatro de Flatri.
Alfonso Bragadino.
To these must be added Pierre Paul Sinclitico and Scipio Caraffa, who were ™*- P- m
appointed to command the troops in the hills before the siege began, Gioane
Sinclitico and others. These latter are said by Calepio to have been clothed
by Mustapha on their submission with brocade from head to foot : " Li vesti
Mustafa de brocchado alto basso ". Kyprianos adds the following names to Kyprianos,
the above lists, viz., Tutio Constanzo, Livio Podocataro, Giovanni Muscorno, p' '
and Orsatto Gustiniano, whom Lusignan, however, mentions among the noble
Cypriot Captains made slaves after the capture of the city. The Pasha is re
ported to have restored to them their property, as well as enrolled some in the
Ottoman army, but Kyprianos doubts the story both from the well-known hatred
ofthe Turks to other nations and the general mistrust they felt towards Chris
tians, and especially towards those they had vanquished in war.
2 Quelli pochissimi poveri gentilhuomini ehe rimaseno nel' isola rischatati In?iK?°'
con gli altri cittadini de Nicosia volendosi viver posero a fare l'essercitio di
mulatieri, et portitori di vino, et di telle, et altre cosette, essercitio certo assai
differente dai primo di essi."
3 According to Kyprianos the scale was fixed as follows : — Kyprianos,
First Class, eleven piastres. Second, five and a half. Third, three. p'
The great financial distinction between the true believers and the infidel
subjects of the Sultan was the payment of the haratsh or capitation-tax. This

192 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
exclusive property of the nobility, was transferred to the
peasants. Those, who for centuries had been mere bondmen on the soil,
were now on payment of a trifling sum constituted its possessors,
with the right of succession to their descendants. The only
impost levied upon them was the tax of a nominal third of
their crops in kind. This, with the kharaj and a further sum
of six piastres each to secure the free exercise of their religion,
formed their sole contribution to the government. But this
lenient treatment, which was designed to retain the native popu-
Graduai lation in the island, only partially succeeded. Many, warned
the po'puia'.0 by what they had already experienced, emigrated to other parts
of the Venetian dominions rather than submit to the yoke of
these new masters. To supply their places and to compensate
for the losses caused by the war Mustapha was obliged to settle
20,000 of his compatriots in the depopulated districts. Still
these expedients were powerless to arrest the steady diminution
in the population, which had now set in. At the census taken
immediately on the return of Mustapha to Nikosia those liable
to tribute of all nationalities, from the ages of fourteen to fifty,
exclusive of old men, women and children, amounted to 85,000.
But not many years elapsed before the usual effects of Turkish
greed and misgovernment became only too apparent. The
officials, who were sent from Constantinople to administer the
island, thought solely of enriching themselves at the expense
of those over whom they were placed. Frequent droughts,
coupled with the destructive ravages of the locusts and the
grinding exactions of the tax-gatherer, caused such a general
exodus that in less than a century after the conquest the male
population had dwindled down to 25,000, including old men
and boys of twelve and fourteen. In vain did the Rayahs ap-
Remedies peal to the Porte for redress. The evils, however, became at
porte t'o7 e length so pronounced that shortly after 1640 the Sultan sent
ineffectual, a commissioner to inquire into the complaints of the Cypriots.
In consequence of his report some alleviation of taxation was
granted, and the two Pashas withdrawn from Famagusta and
Paphos, while the Pasha of Nikosia suffered a considerable re-
Pinlay, tax was levied on the whole male unbelieving population, with the exception of
oaomanand children under ten years of age, old men, and priests of the different sects of
Venetian Christians and Jews. The maimed, the blind, and the paralytic were also ex-
p026mati<m' empted by Moslem chaiity. This payment was imposed by the Koran on all
who refused to embrace the Mohammedan faith, as the alternative by which
they might purchase peace.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 193
duction in his establishment. But the orders of the central
government were so ignored by the local authorities as to
render these measures of relief practically useless. The drain
in population continued, until about 1670 the Porte in despair
transferred Cyprus from the Grand Vizier to the Qapudan
Pasha, who delegated his authority to an official called a Musel-
lim. For more than two centuries and a half it was possessed
alternately by these two powerful ministers. At length, during
the reign of Mahmoud IL, an effort was made to remove the
abuses under which it had so long suffered. In 1838 a firman Keforms
was issued by that enlightened Sultan introducing the newbyMKnoud
method of government, which he sought to establish every
where throughout his dominions. The system of leasing the
island to the highest bidder was abolished and a paid gover
nor substituted, who was compelled to remit to the imperial
treasury the whole of the taxes levied. This wise measure of
reform was further strengthened by the publication in the fol
lowing year of the Khatti-Sherif of Gulhane (3 Nov., 1839), by
his brother and successor, Abdul Mediid. The Governor of c?ntinuedby
/-, i i • i c s~t • l • lWs successor,
Cyprus now received the title ot Caimakan, and was invested ^^
with full executive and administrative powers. To assist him
a supreme Council, called the Divan or Surah, was established,
consisting of eight members, among whom were included re
presentatives not only of the Orthodox Church, but also of the
Armenian and Maronite communities.1 But these well-inten-
1 This court was originally composed of : —
i. The Mufti, the highest Mussulman religious authority in the island.
2. The Cadi (Qazi), or judge, of Nikosia.
3. The local Commander of the forces.
4. The chief Aghas of Nikosia.
5. The Orthodox Archbishop.
6. One of the three elders chosen by the Oithodox as their representatives.
7. A representative of the Armenians.
8. A representative of the Maronites.
But in later times it seems to have been increased to thirteen members be- Savile,
sides the Pasha. Nine of these were Mussulmans, of whom six sat in virtue pffS8'
of their office, and four were Christians, viz. : —
1. The Cadi.
2. The Mufti.
3. The Mal-i-Mudiri, or treasurer and financial agent.
4. The Administrator of Mortmain property.
5. The Administrator of Crown Lands.
6. The Public Registrar.
7. 8. g. Three Mohammedan representatives of Nikosia.
10. The Archbishop of Nikosia, who sat ex-officio.
n. 12. 13. Three Christian elected members.
One writer, however, puts the number at ten only, all told, and in the fol- Lang^Cyprus,
lowing order : — p. 269.
13

194 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
tioned measures again proved of little practical avail. The
canker of Turkish misrule had taken too deep a hold to be
now eradicated. Commerce and industry, which had been
scared away from the island by the former rapacity of its rulers,
refused to return. The soil still remained in great part un
cultivated, while the cities and villages continued to mourn the
loss of their inhabitants, who sought elsewhere that prosperity
and security which were denied them at home.
Eetum of As soon as the work of reorganisation was completed Mustapha1
constanti- with twenty-one galleys set sail for Constantinople. But un-
Lusignan, fortunately his return occurred while the Turks were still feeling
p. 122 (a) sq. ^ne gflg^g 0f tj,e stunning blow dealt them at Lepanto. Hardly
a family at the capital had not to mourn the loss of some member
fallen in that famous battle. The conqueror of Cyprus, known
to have been the chief advocate of the war, was accordingly re
ceived in silence by the populace, who regarded him as primarily
responsible for the disaster. His departure was speedily followed
by the despatch of an envoy from the inhabitants of Famagusta
to demand from the Grand Vizier the fulfilment of the promises
which Mustapha had made to them. In consideration of the
important services which the Greeks had already rendered, and
Favourable to secure their goodwill, the following favourable terms were
terms granted j_ i j. j.i
to tho Greeks, granted to them : —
1. The free enjoyment of their religion with the undisturbed
possession of their churches.2
i. The Pasha.
^. The Mufti.
3. The Greek Archbishop.
4. The Financial Agent, Mubasebegi.
5. The Evcaf-nazir, or administrator of Mussulman religious property.
6. 7. 8. Three Mussulmans, and
g. 10. Two Chiistian notables.
1 Mustafa ritorno in Constantinopoli con 21 galera, et perche era gionto in
quelli giorni ehe fu fatta la maravigliosa vittoria navale, il popolo secondo il
solito non gli ando a incontrarlo, non gli fu fatto feste, ne scharcato artegliaria,
et pochissimi se ne andorno a congratularsi seco, la causa fu perche perdendo
la giornata navale tutta Constantinopoli ha pattito assai, perdendo, qui il figlio,
qui il padre, altri li fratelli et mariti, davano a questo la colpa del movimento
della guerra.
2 In quelli giorni quasi venne da Famagosta un ambasciatore per confirmare
li capitoli fatti da Mustafa alii Famagostani, et li fu confirmato, ehe essi puossino
viveie alia Christiana con questo pero, ehe non si trovi nissun Christiano della
Chiesa Latina, a quali non volse conceder ne chiesa, casa, ne cosa alcuna. Li
Famagostani Latini erano constretti di simular religione, et ritto. Li altri Greci
speravano d'haver tutte le loro chiese greche, ma non gli fu concessa altra ehe
la cathedrale grecha, et spoigendo in questo megio bonissimi presenti, ottennero

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 195
2. The right of ransoming the monasteries seized by the Otto
mans.1 3. Permission to acquire houses, estates and other kinds of
property, with the power of transmission to their heirs.
4. The supremacy of the Orthodox community over all the
other Christian denominations in the island.
To the Latins, however, no consideration at all was shown. Hoconces-
As the avowed enemies of Islam, the conquerors refused to grant tne Latins.
them any indulgence whatever. They were not allowed to pos
sess property of any description, while such of their churches as
were not converted into mosques, became stables and warehouses.
Thus by a strange irony of fate those of them, who remained in
the island, were compelled to attend the services of that rival
communion, which they had erstwhile so despised and oppressed.
Our information as to what happened immediately after the
cessation of hostilities is derived from the narrative of Angelo
Calepio, Vicar-General of the Cypriot Dominicans, who, after
witnessing the invasion and its attendant horrors, was carried off
a slave to Constantinople. But, as his attitude is one of evident
hostility towards that Church, which alone was fortunate enough
to survive the shock of arms, his statements must be taken with
considerable reservation. According; to him great destruction Greatdestmc-
i l c i ii • i wrought
was caused by the war among the ranks of the higher clergy. j™™| the
With the exception of the Archbishop, who had gone to Venice Dy1ti,Be'aw"'rs
before the outbreak of hostilities, all the members of the Latin
hierarchy, as well as the heads of the religious orders, were either
captured or slain. Of the monks some were fortunate enough to
escape from the island in secular attire, while others saved their
lives by timely flight to the mountains. The Orthodox prelates,
too, had fared no better, those of them who had not fallen in
the struggle having been carried off into captivity. Accordingly Lusignan,
some ofthe more influential among the surviving Greek inhabi- The orthodox
tants waited upon the Grand Vizier, Mehmed Pasha, urging him the'se!'esthat
r o o formerly held
by the Latins
maybe
la chiesolina de San Simeone. Li concesse anchora le case ehe li Turchi non u^n>wn3etm.
possedevano, et se un Turcho voleva vender una casa ehe li Famagostani fusseno
piu anciani di ricomprarla, ma non volendo venderle, ehe fusseno i Turchi
patroni, ehe li godevano. II resto delle chiese sonno fatte stalle et altre habi-
tatione immonde, et la Chiesa Cathedrale de San Nicolo latina e fatta Mus-
cheada. 1 Kyprianos asserts that the Christians redeemed nearly all the monasteries
and a great part of the Church lands also after an interval of from fifteen to
twenty years from the date of the Ottoman conquest.
Ews perd SeKairevTe Kal etKOfft xPuvovs ot' XpurTiavol eXev84pwaav trxeSi*' SXa rd Kyprianos,
MoyaffTripia dirb tovs Kvpieiffavras avrd, Kal iroXXd tovtwv inroffTariKa Spoiws. p"

196

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

to bestow the Sees formerly held by the Latins upon monks of
their own communion, who were to receive consecration at the
hands of the GEcumenical Patriarch. A Servian monk — "a
scion of those old heretics who were condemned in the early
councils" — so Calepio describes him, happened to be sojourning
at Constantinople when the deputation arrived.1 Hearing of
the object which had brought them to the capital, he induced
the Grand Vizier by a bribe of 3000 sequins to bestow the
primacy of the island upon him instead. After being duly
consecrated by the Patriarch, who was forced to perform the
ceremony, the newly-appointed Archbishop left for his pro
vince, escorted by two Janissaries and furnished with letters to the
governor, Muzaffer Pasha, directing the latter to instal him in
office. An alien to those over whom he presided, ignorant alike
of their language and customs, and actuated solely by the desire
of wringing as much money as possible out of his flock, he ren
dered himself so odious to the Cypriots that they resolved to agi
tate for his removal. Selecting as the bearer of their complaints
an abbot (hegoumenos) of their own nationality, they sent him
to Constantinople with instructions to oust the tyrant and get
himself appointed in his stead. Meanwhile a second competitor
had appeared upon the scene. A monk, the scion of a noble
Cypriot family, who was then resident in the capital, was also

Kyprianos, Le Quien,
0. C , tom.
II., col. 1054.

Choniates,
Urbs Capta,
c. 5 (Pat.
Grac, tom.
cxxxix., col.
977.

1 The exact words are : "un Caloiro de Suruia, quale era una reliquia di
quelli antiqui Erretici quali furono condemnati nelli primi Sinodi," which trans
lators have almost universally rendered as implying that he was a native of Syria,
e.g., Kyprianos, " 'ivas KaXiyepos ''Apaij/ rb yevos d-rrb tt)v 5,vplav " It is probable,
however, that Calepio intended to convey that Servia, and not Syria, was his place
of origin, as indeed Le Quien understands him : " Monachus quidam qui e Servia
venerat " And in support of this conjecture is the fact that Syria is always ren
dered Soria, and not Siria, by Lusignan.
Calepio affects a most righteous indignation at these proceedings on the
ground that the canonical Archbishop (Mocenigo) was then alive, " non curando
ehe Cipro habbia vivo il suo Illustriss. Arcivescovo ". Romish writers have con
veniently short memories, otherwise he might have been expected to remember
the treatment shown by his own Church not only to the Orthodox primate of
Cyprus on its first intrusion, but also to scores of other Eastern prelates. The
instance, which will most readily recur to the student of ecclesiastical history,
is that of John Kamater, Patriarch of Constantinople, whose miserable flight
from that city on its capture by the Latins in a.d. 1204 has been so graphically
described by his contemporary and fellow-sufferer, the historian Niketas, " Xlpoyye
Se ypwv & oiKovpeviKbs dpxnroipi)v , p$] irtipav ip4pwv, pfy xpoo'bv iirX t))v bo-(pbv, dpaBSos
Kal aadvSaXos Kal xiriiviov ev irepiKeipevos, ivreXijS eiiayyeXiKbs diriaToXos, t) pdXXov
tov Xpiarov dvrlpipos, KaB' ilaov dvaplw irraxiKip iiroxovpevos peBiaraTO rys vects
~S,iwv, ov Tbv err' avrys io~x€u'aCf BplapBov" -
Besides, the Orthodox in demanding for themselves these Sees were not guilty
of usurpation, but only endeavouring to recover that of which they had been
most unjustly deprived.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 197
endeavouring to secure the coveted distinction through the aid
of the Patriarch, with whom he was on terms of the closest inti
macy.1 The new-comer from Cyprus, anxious not to risk the
large sum, with which he hoped to secure his nomination, applied
to Calepio for advice in his perplexity. His chief concern was to
ascertain whether the Latins would recognise him as Archbishop
in the event of their recovering the island, or reject him as the
nominee of the Porte.
The Dominican would have us believe that he dissuaded him
from having recourse to such simoniacal measures, while at the
same time revealing to him the rival, of whose existence he had
till then been ignorant. The hegoumenos on receipt of this
news hurried off to Adrianople, where the Porte had taken up
its quarters. Finding the funds he had brought with him insuf
ficient for the purpose, he borrowed a large sum of money and
with it bribed the Grand Vizier to bestow the archbishopric
upon him. But he was subsequently compelled to resign in
favour of the Patriarch's protege, when he received the See of
Paphos instead by way of compensation. The diocese of Limas
sol was bestowed upon the hegoumenos of St. John Chrysostom
at Kutzuventi, who having been released from slavery happened
to be then at Constantinople, while that of Famagusta was
conferred upon a Cretan monk, the chaplain of St. Simeon's
in that town. Such in brief is Calepio's account of the re-estab
lishment of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus. But fortunately
for the credit of that Communion this disreputable story of
bribery and simony appears to rest solely upon its author's un
supported testimony.
The Orthodox prelates seem at first to have been totally pp!P3IiliI1s*S.
ignored by the Ottoman authorities, whose sole recognition of
their existence consisted in the issue of the necessary Berats
confirming their appointment to the various Sees. According
to Kyprianos nearly a century elapsed after the conquest (1660),
1 Calepio describes him as " un monacho de casa d' Acre, gentilhuomo Ciprioto Lusignan,
et amico del Patriarcha de Constantinopoli ". p' (a)'
Lusignan includes the name D'Acre, which is also mentioned by the local ibid., p. 82 (a).
chroniclers, among the families of Cyprus. tron.'p^wi,
An order of the Council of Ten dated 17th March, 1490, concerning the lands 424. '
and fiefs of a member of this family, Jean d' Acre, is still extant. v>e0aukN(mo24
A village of the same name in the island, from which the family doubtless ^^'P'
derived its own, is mentioned in a Bull of Honorius III. (29th January, 1218) R°gesta£egni
taking the abbot of St. Theodosius at Jerusalem and the property belonging to Hierosoiymit,
the monastery under the protection ofthe Holy See, e.g., " cum casali in insula
Cypri, quod dicitur de Acra ".

198 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
before they acquired any importance at all. The primary cause
which brought them out of their original obscurity was the
desire of the home Government to devise some check upon the
rapacity of its local representatives. With this object the
Primate and his suffragans were constituted the guardians of the
Christian community and encouraged to lay their complaints,
when necessary, before the supreme authorities at the capital. Of
this privilege, as we shall presently see, many of the occupants
of the archiepiscopal throne were not slow to avail themselves.
In process of time the influence of the Archbishop overshadowed
even that of the Governor. He possessed nearly all the execu
tive power and was not only independent of the Mouhassil, but
generally decided the question of that functionary's selection
and recall. In fact he became virtual master of the situation,
appointing the various officials, fixing the annual amount of
taxation to be raised, and remitting to the Grand Vizier, or the
imperial treasury, the sum agreed upon for the farming out of
the island. The influence thus imperceptibly acquired reached
its highest point during the reigns of Selim III. (1789-1807),
and his immediate successor, Mustapha IV. (1807-8). The resi
dent Turkish notables at first regarded with favour the growing
importance of the Primate as a much-needed restraint upon the
despotism of the civil governor. But their attitude changed on
perceiving that all the machinery of government was gradually
becoming centred in him. The first open expression of their
dissatisfaction occurred in 1804, when the Turks of Nikosia and
the neighbouring villages, purposely excited by a rumour of the
insufficiency of the food supplies, rose against the authority of
the Archbishop, whom they regarded as responsible for the
threatened famine. The movement was promptly quelled by
the despatch of troops from Asia Minor, seconded by the inter
vention of some of the European consuls. Another and more
successful attempt occurred, however, in 1821. This, which re
sulted in the massacre of all the bishops and leading personages
of the Orthodox Communion, both lay and clerical, overthrew
the government of the Mouhassils, destroyed the commanding
influence of the Greek clergy, and restored the authority of the
Pashas. From this deadly blow the ascendancy of the Arch
bishops never recovered, and we find them ever afterwards occu
pying an inferior position to that which they had before enjoyed.
From a document preserved in the Monastery of St. Catharine
at Mount Sinai, in which his signature immediately follows

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 199
those of the Patriarchs, the name of the second occupant of the
archiepiscopal See is conjectured to have been Timotheos.1 The
exact date, however, of his accession is unknown, but, as he ap
pears to have been still a resident of Constantinople in 1575, it
could not have taken place before that year. On his death, Phiiippos
which occurred in 1592, dissensions broke out between the p8?^.11'
bishops and the community regarding the choice of his suc
cessor. The matter, though involved in some obscurity, ap
pears to have been mainly due to doctrinal disputes. The most
prominent part in the controversy was taken by a monk named
Leontios Eustratios,2 a native of the village of Kilanion in the
district of Limassol. This individual, after a short sojourn at
Constantinople, attached himself for a while to Matthew, Metro
politan of Thessalonica, whom he subsequently left for a course
of study at Corfu and Zante. On its completion he returned
with deacon's orders to Cyprus, where for a time he gave in
struction in Greek. In the Ionian Isles, which were then in
possession of the Venetians, he had imbibed certain notions on
the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist and the dual
procession of the Holy Spirit, strongly savouring of Romish
doctrines and directly opposed to the practice and teaching of
the Orthodox Communion. The inculcation of these views
among his compatriots seems to have caused the differences,
which for a while agitated the Cypriot Church. Being chosen
by the community of Nikosia as their representative in the
dispute which had arisen between them and the bishops, he
wrote to Meletios Pegas, the well-known Patriarch of Alexan
dria with whom he was on terms of friendship, requesting
letters to the Oecumenical Patriarch approving of his action.
Meletios in his reply, while admitting that his knowledge of
1 The following note concerning him occurs in Kyprianos's history : — Kyprianos,
Avrbs ffvpirepaivopev vd wvopdCero TipoBeos, evpio~K6pevos ev KwvaTavTivovir6Xei p' '
eret 1575- eis ev ~2vyytXiwSes tov Movao~Typiov ~S,ivd inreypaipev ei/dvs perd tovs
TiaTpidpxas ws tpaiverat iv tovtw, " Tip6deos ' ApxieiriffKOTros Kvrrpov," k.t.X.
2 Phiiippos Georgiou has the following note concerning him, copied from
Sathas, NeoeXXyv. QtXoXoyia (p. 182).
" Ae6vTios EvGTpaTios iyevvftBy els KoiXdviov ttjs Kvirpov Kal ixpypdricrev dl-ios
pa8yTT)s Ma^ipov tov Mapyovviov. AieTpetpev iir' bxlyov els KwvtrTavTtvoviroXiv,
irpoffKoXXydels eiTa rip pyrporroXiTy ®efftraXovlKys Mardalw. 'Eireo-Ketpdy xaPLV
SiSalTKaXias t^v KipKvpav Kal XdKvvBov, uBev eypatyev eiriffToX^v irpbs Mapyovviov.
'lepoSidxovos i}Sy 4Trav4Kapipev els T7lz/ iraTpiSa tov Kal 4SiSa£ev 4ir dXiyov rd eXXyviKa.
'AireBiwo~ev yyovpevos tt)s ev AevKwaiq povys tov ayiov 'Iwdvvov tov Tlliry iv yXtKlq
TpidKovra irevre irav."
Sathas in his TovpKOKpaTovpevy"EXXas, p. i8g, n. 1, conjectures him to be the
same individual as the Bishop of Paphos who, in conjunction with Archbishop
Christodoulos, wrote to Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, in 1608.

200

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

the matter was too slight to allow of his forming an opinion,
advised his correspondent to instil into the minds of his fol
lowers a proper regard for constituted authority and to preserve
the peace. In a second letter, addressed to another monk
named Paisios and the community of Limassol in response to
their request for an authoritative decision upon the tenets
in dispute, the Patriarch censured Eustratios for raising such
questions at so inopportune a time, when the island had so
recently passed into infidel hands, and recommended his readers
to adhere to the doctrines already accepted and professed by
their fathers. This letter seems to have had the effect of pre
venting any further discussion on these controverted points.
The author of the disturbance, which at one time so seriously
threatened the peace of the Church, eventually died at Nikosia
in the thirty-fifth year of his age, as Abbot of the Monastery
of St. John Bibi in that town.

Phiiippos
Georgiou,p. 78 sq.

The next name, which occurs on the list of Archbishops, is
that of Athanasios. During his tenure of the See Meletios
Pegas again intervened in consequence of certain grave accusa
tions brought against him by members of his Church. The
whole of the circumstances, of which the following is a sum
mary, are fully recorded in the letter of deposition issued by
the Oecumenical Patriarch, Matthew II. The Archbishop was
charged among other things with : —
1 . Tearing and burning certain ancient antiminsia l of great
sanctity for the profit to be derived from the sale of new ones,
as well as putting others to unseemly uses.
2. Breaking open with an axe the throne 2 of Germanos, Patriarch
of Jerusalem, and abstracting the sacred relics deposited in it.
3. Sanctioning fourth marriages for bribes, and pronouncing
divorces without just cause.

Neaie,Eastern Oh. ,
vol. i., p. 186.

PhiiipposGeorgiou,
p. 78 n. (a).

1 avTiplvata aie consecrated corporals used for celebration where the Altar
is itself unconsecrated. Relics being pounded up with fragrant gum, oil is
poured over them by the bishop, and, distilling on to the corporals, is supposed
to convey to them the mysterious virtue of the relics themselves. The Holy
Eucharist must then be celebrated on them for seven days, after which they
are sent forth as they may be wanted. It is usual that the date of dedica
tion be written or worked on them. The Greeks always spell the word as
antiminsia, and derive it from pivaos, a canister, though the derivation from
mensa, which would spell it antimensia, and explain it as the substitute of a
table, seems to Dr. Neaie the more probable.
2 Phiiippos Georgiou's comment upon the presence of this throne in the
island is as follows : 'Airopias &£iov irws evp48y ev Kinrpw 6 8p6vos ovtos tov
irarpidpxov 'lepoaoXiipwv.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 201
4. Admitting to the priesthood monks who had broken their
vows of celibacy.
5. Permitting the ministrations of remarried priests.
These charges were supported by the evidence of numerous
witnesses, among whom was the Abbot of St. John Chrysostom
at Kutzuventi. On receipt of these complaints the Alexandrian
Patriarch addressed a letter of remonstrance to the Archbishop.
Finding, however, that his admonitions were treated with scant
courtesy he resolved, while in temporary charge of the Oecu
menical See, to adopt more active measures. Accordingly he
despatched two commissioners from Constantinople to Cyprus
with full powers to make inquiries in conjunction with the local
hierarchy. These emissaries on their arrival assembled the island
Synod and, after causing the letter of the OEcumenical Synod
to be read, summoned Athanasios to appear and defend himself.
On his failing after three citations to put in an appearance it
was decided that the case should be heard in his absence. The
result of the investigation, as might have been anticipated,
tended to confirm the charges that had been made against him.
But the Archbishop had no intention of submitting tamely to
his judges. Seizing the persons of the two envoys he handed
them over to the Turkish authorities, who cast them into prison,
whence they barely escaped with their lives. Matters now re
mained in abeyance until the return to the Oecumenical throne
of Matthew II., which occurred soon afterwards.1 That Patri
arch with the approval of Meletios, who had then retired to
Alexandria, issued, on a renewal of the former complaints, a
sentence of deposition against the Cypriot primate.2 His flock
were at the same time released from their canonical obedience,
while those who continued to support him were threatened, if
clerics, with suspension and deprivation, if laymen, with excom-
1 Matthew II. first became Patriarch of Constantinople in 1594. The same
year he was forced to retire when Gabriel of Thessalonica and Theophanes of
Athens were successively raised to the Patriarchate. On the latter's death
Meletios Pegas, Patriarch of Alexandria, governed the (Ecumenical See for
one year. In I5g6 Matthew was restored, but again deposed in 1600. He
occupied the See a third time in 1601 or 1602.
Manuel I. Gedeon ('A8r)vaiov, eras s', Top. 6, aeX. 51) gives an order of suc
cession apparently somewhat different to that of Le Quien.
Matthew II. , 1594. Theophanes I., 1595. Gabriel I., 1596. Theophanes
II. (Karykes), 1597. Meletios Pegas, 1598. Matthew II. (second time), 1600.
2 In the TleplXyif/is TlaTpiapxiKwv 'Eyypdipwv (1538-1684), published by Sathas
in vol. iii. of the Bibliotheca Medii CEvi occurs the following notice (p. 549) :—
yiarBdios B', rb y' — 7108, IvS'. 17'. /car' lovviov (1600), KaBalpeais tov
Kvirpov 'ABavaaiov, yviispy Kal tov ' AXetyuiSpelas MeAe-n'ou n7)-ya.

202 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
munication. Phiiippos Georgiou, from whose work the above
facts are derived, though expressing the greatest respect for the
learning and piety of Meletios Pegas, is of opinion that the charges
brought against Athanasios were not in themselves sufficient to
procure his condemnation in accordance with the canons. He
suspects that the real cause of the Archbishop^s downfall was
his insolent behaviour towards the two Patriarchs, which irritated
them into pronouncing not only his deposition, but also his
degradation from the episcopal order.
It was at this crisis in the history of the island Church that
Joakim,1 Patriarch of Antioch, made an attack upon its liberties,
which recalls to mind the similar attempts of some of his prede
cessors centuries before. Taking advantage of the confusion
caused by the misconduct of Athanasios he asserted that to him
alone belonged the prerogative of restoring ecclesiastical order
in Cyprus. He based his contention partly upon an alleged
commission, which he pretended to have received from the Patri
arch of Constantinople, and partly upon that fictitious canon
(forty-second ?) of the Council of Nice, which conferred upon his
See the right of consecrating the bishops of Cyprus. The in
habitants of Famagusta appealed to Meletios against this
threatened aggression. That Patriarch in his reply, while re
gretting his inability to assist them, as the matter did not come
within his j urisdiction, counselled them to have recourse to the
OCcumenical throne. At the same time he wrote on 5th Sep
tember, 1600, to Joakim, strongly remonstrating with him on
his conduct. This letter, extracted from the register of the
library of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, is given at length
as exhibiting the amenities of patriarchal correspondence.
"All-holy Patriarch of Antioch, our beloved brother and
fellow-worker in the Lord, peace be to thee and mercy from our
Saviour. " Thou hast already addressed to us two letters very unworthy
of patriarchal good sense, and now thou writest to us again on
the subject both of the irregular Laurentios 2 and the condemned
Le Quien, o. o. 1 He was the seventh of the name and the hundred and forty-sixth oc-
ii„ col 772. cupant of the See.
Neaie's The list of the Patriarchs of Antioch by Constantios, Patriarch of Constanti-
o?Sioeh,te nople, in Neaie's Patriarchate of Antioch shows Athanasios III. as occupying
p. 180. the See at this period, to which he succeeded in 1598 as the hundred and forty-
third Patriarch. He had previously been Bishop of Chabranion.
2 Laurentios is so called because he was irregularly consecrated Bishop
of Sinai by the Patriarch of Antioch, instead of by his own Patriarch of Jeru
salem.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 203
Athanasios. And in the first letter thou assertest that the
Patriarch of Constantinople appointed thee his proctor to decide
the question of Cyprus. But in this thou dost not agree with
the holy Patriarch of Jerusalem, who writes, and writes well, that
the question of Cyprus should be decided in Constantinople by
twelve bishops.1 And in the second letter thou writest to us
that the consecration of the bishops of Cyprus belongs to thee
according to the Forty-second Canon of the First Council of the
318 holy fathers. And in regard to this, in the first place what
need is there for thee to write that thou art his proctor, if the
appointment is thine by right ? And in that case how comes it
that Athanasios is not irregular, since he was consecrated not by
thee, but by him of Constantinople ? Secondly, I wonder how
thou daredst to cite a Forty-second Canon of the First Council
and dost not know that the Orthodox Church possesses only
twenty canons of the First Council, although it is for this reason
that the third holy Oecumenical Council, when decreeing that the
Patriarch of Antioch shall not take part in the consecrations of
Cyprus, witnesses and says that neither long-established custom
nor ecclesiastical law permits the Patriarch of Antioch to take part
in the consecrations of Cyprus. Thou seest then that the Ortho
dox Church possesses the twenty canons only.2 But the rest are
considered apocryphal, wherefore the Church holds them not.
But thou sittest and Ustenest to those who are ignorant, and
who do not love thee according to God, and thou departest
from the law of God, though an old man and a Patriarch. I
know not, too, why thou citest also the canons of Sardica,3 the

1 This is an evident allusion to the Tenth Canon of the Synod of Carthage Hefeie,
held in a.d. 387 or 3go, which provides that " a bishop can only be judged by ?°™.°39i.To1'
twelve bishops, a priest by six, a deacon by three bishops (besides his own) ".
2 This passage in the original runs as follows : Seirepov BavpdCw iras eriXpytres Phiiippos
va dva<p4pys Kavova ttjs irpwrys 2vv6Sov pB' KaX Sev yvwplCeis irws y eKKXyffia twv pp0^^'.
bp6oS6l-wv Sev exei irapd etKOffi Kavbvas ttjs irpwrys ~S,vv6Sov, KaX Sid tovto opiCovffa y
dyia Tp'ny ~S,vvdSos y o'lKOvpeviK^ vd p))v exy b 'Avrioxeias vd Kdpy els Tas xeiP°~
rovias Tys Kvirpov, paprvpei Kal Xeyet irws oi/Se paKpd o~vvr)8eia, ovSe v&pos eKKXyaiao'-
tikSs exei 'dri 6 ' AvTtoxeias vd iirixeipiCerai eis Tds x*ipOTOy'tas T7)s Kvrrpov ' BXeirets
irws y iKKXyaia twv bpBoSb^wv Sev exei irapd tovs etKOtri Kavbvas.
3 The two canons referred to are as follows : — Sefele4
Canon 1. "Otrios eirloKoiros iroXews KopSoiBys elirev Ov tosovtov y tpaiXy avvl)- a.: pp. 169-iii.
Beta '6aov i) BXaBepwrdry twv irpaypdrav SiatpBopd e'£ avrwv rwv BepeXiwv iarXv
eKpiCwrea, Iva pySevl twv iirio-Kbirwv i\y dirb irbXews piKpas eis erepav ir6Xiv
peBiffTauBai • y yap ttjs alrias ravrys irpbtpaais (pavepd irrri, Si %v rd rotavra
iiriXeipe'tTai • oi/Sels yap irdnroTe evpeByvai iiriaKbirwv SeSvvyrai, '6s dirb peiCovos
irbXews els iXaxio'Torepav irbXiv 4o-TrovSaae peTao~Tyvai, '69ev avv4ffTyKe Siairvpw
irXeovel-ias Tp6irw vrreKKaieaBai tovs toiovtovs Kal pdXXov ry aXaCoveia SovXevetv,
ottos i\ov<riav SoKeiv pelCova KeKTyaBai. el irdai to'ivvv tovto dpiffKei, ware rfyv

204 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
first and second of which nearly affect thee, who hast deserted
thy Metropolis and become a Patriarch.1 For they pronounce
that thou shalt not receive at the end of thy life even lay com
munion. Are not thine own affairs sufficient for thee, blessed
one,2 but dost thou meddle also in the disturbed affairs of others
that Holy Scripture may condemn thee as a busybody ?3 Finally,
why dost thou write to me about Cyprus ? I seek nothing
either by delegation or by right, though this throne possesses,
as it is, the judgeship of the world.4 So far with regard to the
Archbishop of Cyprus. If he had only been willing to listen to
us originally there would not have been there so much misfortune
and death and losses." The text of the rest of this interesting
letter, which is not given, contains severe censures on the Patri
arch for his illegal consecration of a certain Laurentios to the
bishopric of Sinai.
Benjamin. Of Benjamin, the immediate successor of Athanasios, but little
GeSfou" ls known. Though his election to the vacant See was approved
Pi86- by the Patriarch Matthew its legality would appear to have
been questioned.6 For in 1602, after the accession of Neophytos
TOiavryv o-Kaibryra avrXTypbrepov eKSiKyByvai ; yyovpai yap pySe Xa'iKav exeiv robs
toiovtovs Kpyvat Koivwviav • irdvres oi iirlo~KOiroi eiirov ¦ 'ApeffKei iraffiv.
Canon 2. "Otrtos iiriaKoiros elirev - El Se tis toiovtos eiiplo'KoiTO paviwSys t)
roXpypbs, ws irepX twv toiovtwv **o*£ai rivd tpepeiv irapalTyffiv, SiaBeBaiovpevov dirb
tov ttXt)Bovs eavrbv KeKopiarBai ypdppara, SyXbv io'Tiv, bxiyovs Tivds SeSvvytrBai
ptffBtp Kal TipT)pari SiaipBapevras ev Ty iKKXyaiq aTaaidCeiv, ws SijBev d^tovvTOS Tbv
avrbv exeiv eiriaKoirov • KaBaTra\ ovv rds pqSiovpyias rds Toiavras Kal rixvas KoXaa-
reas eivai vopiCw, ware pyS4va toiovtov pySe iv tQ riXei Xa'iKys yovv d^lovtrBai
Koivwvlas ' el to'ivvv apeaKei y yviiipy aiiry, diroKpivairBe • direKpivavro ' Ta XexBevra
Ttpeaev. 1 Previous to his elevation to the Patriarchate Joakim had been Bishop of
Emesa. 2 EvXoyypeve. This expression is generally used in a contemptuous sense =
Lord bless you, or, silly fool.
3 aXXoTpioeirio-KOTros. This word, which is a airaj Xeybpevov, is to be found in
1 Pet. iv. 15, pT) yap tis vpwv iraax*Ta> as tpovebs, t) KXeirrys, $) KOKOiroios, fj ws
aXXOTpioeTriaKoiros .
4 An allusion to the title of " Oecumenical Judge" (Kpiri)s ttjs O'lKovpevys)
borne by the Patriarchs of Alexandria.
The source, whence these various Patriarchal letters are derived, is thus indi
cated by Phiiippos Georgiou (p. 85, 11. (a)).
Tds eirio-TOXas raiiras tov XlaTpidpxov 'AXe£avSpeias peTeypdtyapev 4k x*ipoypd<pov
kwSikos rys iv 'lepotroXvpois BiBXioB-fjKys tov ayiov Tdtpov • tS Se ypdppa tov llaTpi-
dpxov Kwvo~TavTivovTrbXews iK x^ip°ypd^pov ttjs iv KwvffTavTivowrdXei BiBXioBfjKys
tov dyioratplTOv perox'iov.
Bibiioth. Med. 6 Cf. XlepiXyif/is UaTpiapxiKwv 'Eyypdtpwv.
u**^*01**'***'' MaTBaios B' to y' — 7109 — tvS. iS', Kara iavovdpiov (1601) ypdppa irpbs tovs Kmrpi-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 205
to the Oecumenical throne, he proceeded to Constantinople, pre
sumably to get an authoritative decision upon the matter. The
new Patriarch not only acknowledged the validity of his appoint
ment, but also furnished him with Patriarchal and Synodical
letters to the Cypriots, confirming his predecessor's deposition
and his own election to the primacy.
Phiiippos Georgiou merely mentions the name of Christo- phiiippos
doulos, the next on the list, whom he represents as having p'leT0*1'
been in possession of the See for more than twenty years (1609-
1631). But contemporary records show that his tenure of office
was not altogether uneventful in the history of his Church and
nation. Even after Cyprus had become a part of the Ottoman Empire
the Dukes of Savoy never abandoned the claims, which had
been bequeathed to them by Charlotte, the last legitimate sove
reign of the house of Lusignan. At the beginning of the seven
teenth century Carlo Emmanuele I., taking advantage of the
discontent displayed by the natives towards their new masters,
resolved to attempt its reconquest. With this object he de-mst.de
spatched to the Levant in 1600 a confidential agent named hi., p'.' 574 si
Francesco Accidas, a native of Bhodes, to ascertain the feelings
of the islanders towards him. This emissary first proceeded to
Jerusalem, where the Patriarch, who heartily approved of the
scheme, gave him letters for the Duke and the Primate of
Cyprus. Bearing these missives with him Accidas crossed over
to Famagusta, where he found the Archbishop engaged in visit
ing his province. The latter received the Patriarch's letter at
first in silence. But on arriving at Limassol, whither Accidas
accompanied him, he threw off all reserve and, in the house of
a trusted friend, discussed the project freely. The Archbishop
assured his visitor that the enterprise would present no diffi
culty from the small numbers of the Turkish garrison.1 In fact
ovs, oti KaXws iKXexBeXs b BeviapXv, eXaBe rb pirepdriov (Berat) KaX d-rryXBev els
Kvirpov. NedipvTOS B' — 71 10 — ivS. ie'. (1602) kot avyovarov, irpbs tovs Kvrrpiovs, iiriKvpw- ibid., p. 551.
tris tov apxieiriffKbirov ainwv Beviaplv.
1 Marc Memmo, an inhabitant of Paphos, who visited Turin to urge Carlo Hist, de^
Emmanuele to undertake the conquest ofthe island, wrote in i5go to the Dukem,*'5,;^™'.!.
to inform him that the garrison consisted only of 4800 men, split up into small
bodies of 200 or 300 each. In 1608 Pierre Goneme, dragoman of the Pasha at anichenon,
Nikosia, writing in the name ofthe inhabitants of that town to incite the Duke om' "p'
to undertake the invasion of Cyprus in concert with Philip III. of Spain, puts the
number of Christians capable of bearing arms at 35,000, while he estimates the
Turkish force at not more than 8000.

206 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
he had himself already arranged with the bishops and heads of
the monasteries for a general rising of the Orthodox population.
This was to take place the following Easter Day three hours
before the time usually appointed for the singing of the "Gloria
in excelsis," when the Turks would be off their guard. So ad
vanced, indeed, were the preparations of the conspirators that he
had but to give the signal, when a general massacre of the op
pressors would take place immediately. Accidas endeavoured
to persuade his informant to commit the. substance of their con
versation to writing, but to this the cautious prelate would not
consent. On 3rd December of the same year Accidas quitted
Hist, de Limassol, being furnished by the Archbishop with an exhaus-
ul.p'p. 566 sq, tive report on the island and the terms of an agreement, drawn
up by one Claudio Cenchi, an Italian. This individual, the
leading spirit in the proposed rebellion, was then acting as
superintendent of the island salt-works, a post he had previously
held under the Venetian administration. On the 11th April of
the following year Accidas handed to the Duke the various
documents entrusted to him. The most important of these was
the paper containing the conditions upon which the Cypriots
were willing to recognise Carlo Emmanuele as their sovereign.
This instrument, which they required to be ratified by him,
comprised twenty-four articles. Among them were the follow
ing affecting the status of the native Church and its ministers : —
1. The Archbishop and his suffragans were not to be removed
from the positions then occupied by them, until a sum sufficient
for their maintenance in accordance with the dignity of their
rank had been assigned to them. This was to be raised from
the revenues of the former Latin dioceses. They were further
to be permitted to retain the titles of their Sees and to live un
molested in conformity with the tenets of the Orthodox Church,
as defined by the seven Oecumenical Councils. To the Latin
bishops were to be left merely the honorary titles of their Sees
with the enjoyment of the revenues.
2. Similar conditions were to be observed with regard to the
heads of the Orthodox monasteries.
3. The Duke was to promise for himself and his successors
not to attempt anything prejudicial to the Orthodox faith.
13. No professors of any of the new sects, such as Lutherans,
Hussites, Calvinists, Anabaptists, Huguenots, Arians, or Athe
ists, were to be allowed into the island.
14. The Jesuits were not to be admitted nor to have any place
assigned to them for their settlement, without the previous con-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 207
sent of the Boyal Court, as was customary in the time of the
Lusignan Kings.
18. The Inquisition was not to be conducted on Spanish prin
ciples, but on those which were in force under the Lusignans and
the Bepublic.
21. The Archbishop and his relatives to the fourth degree
were to be declared exempt from all taxes, obligations, and
penalties, to be ennobled, and all actions affecting them, civil
and criminal, were to be tried by the sovereign or his represen
tatives. 23. The establishment of a university for the education of
the nobles and people, to be called the Royal Seminary, at
Nikosia, as in the time of the Lusignans.1 At the head of this
establishment was to be placed an ecclesiastic distinguished for
learning, who was to be appointed by the Duke and to be
changed about every four years.
The success of this first attempt emboldened Carlo Emmanuele
to continue the negotiations. In a letter of thanks to the Arch
bishop for the favourable reception accorded to his envoy the Duke
announced his intention of sending two others, to hold further
conferences with him upon the proposed expedition. But his
thoughts being soon afterwards diverted to more pressing matters
nearer home the proj ect was abandoned. In vain did the Cypriots
through the agents, whom they sent to the Court of Turin, urge ouichenon,
the despatch of the promised succours. The Turks at length pp. ssi-sw.
becoming aware of the plot, the Archbishop fled to Albania to
avoid arrest. Meanwhile his compatriots had recourse to arms,
but the movement was easily suppressed. From his place of
refuge Christodoulos informed (8th July 1609) the Duke of
what had occurred, and tried once more to induce him to carry
out his design.2 But the advisers of the latter dissuaded him
from the attempt, representing that, though the actual conquest
of the island might prove comparatively easy, its mainten
ance and protection against the Sultan would involve enormous
expense. If Phiiippos Georgiou's chronology is correct more
1 Ludolphe, cure of Suchen in Westphalia, who visited the island in 1350 h. de Chyp.,
during the reign of Hugues IV. speaks of schools for the study of languages : tom- "- p- as-
" in specialibus scolis docentur omnia ydeomata cuncta," while Jacques II. is jauna, H. de
reported to have established at Nikosia an Academy for the education of the jj115^' *^-
youth of the nobility. c. 2, p.' ion.''
2 This letter the Archbishop caused to be written in Italian that the Duke
might be able to read it direct.

208 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
than one primate must, have been involved in the conspiracy.
Though the name of Christodoulos alone is mentioned, it is
represented to have commenced towards the end of 1600, when
Benjamin is known to have been in possession ofthe Archiepis
copal throne.
The hopes of deliverance through the aid of Savoy, though
doomed for the moment to disappointment, were not finally extin
guished till long afterwards. Twice again during the same cen
tury overtures for assistance were made on the part of the Cypriots
mst. de to the Court of Turin. In 1632 a monk named Theophilos, a
in., p'.' 576 si. member ofthe monastery of Cochenichy in Macedonia and nephew
of the Archbishop of Cyprus, while in France collecting the sum
of 5500 livres to pay the fine imposed upon his house by the
Turks for facilitating the escape of five French prisoners, wrote 1
to Vittorio Amadeo, in the name of his uncle and other relatives
at Nikosia, to undertake the liberation of the island. In 1668 also
another occupant of the See, Nikephoros,2 seems to have entered
into a similar correspondence. The agent selected on this
occasion was a vendor of cheese and fish, by name Luigi de
Barrie. Embarking secretly at Cape San Andrea he in due
course reached Villefranche near Nice, whence he proceeded to
Turin and delivered the letters confided to his care. These he
said had been handed to him by the Archbishop, in the presence of
his chaplain, with strict injunctions to throw them overboard in
the event of his being stopped by a Turkish vessel. But this
last endeavour to invoke the aid of the West was no more suc
cessful than the previous ones had been. The Dukes, satisfied
with the empty title of Kings of Cyprus and Jerusalem, relin
quished henceforth all further intentions of acquiring by force
the goodly heritage left them by Charlotte.
phiiippos About the middle of the same century the Oecumenical Patri-
P. 86 sq. ' arch again busied himself in the ecclesiastical affairs of Cyprus.
On this occasion the cause for intervention was furnished by the
dissensions, which had broken out between the then Archbishop
and his colleagues on the subject of jurisdiction. The names
H. de chyp., 1 This letter was in Greek accompanied by a French translation.
p.*577, n.' l. 2 Nikephoros would appear to have made the first advances some four years
ibid., torn. earlier, as on the gth Dec. 1664 he addressed a letter in Greek and Italian to
iii.jP. 575, (he jjuke Carlo Emmanuele II. urging him to the same effect. " Che la vostra
altezza si degna di venir, tosto il nostro regno sara nelle sue mani, poiche adesso
non si ritrova altro ehe 5000 Turchi, et noi siamo 40 mille persone : et li Turchi
sono sparsi per le ville ". The fewness of the Turks, it will be observed, is also
held out as an augury of success.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 209
of the disputants, however, have not been preserved. It appears
that the suffragan bishops, eitherdhrough ignorance or ambition,
claimed the same rights and privileges in the primate's diocese
which he exercised in theirs, as though their position towards
him was one of perfect equality. Some were even charged with
having solicited the assistance of the Turkish authorities in the
enforcement of their claims. Another cause of offence was their
attempting to employ in their correspondence with him the
same epistolary style which he used when addressing them. On
the matter being referred to the Patriarch Joannikios a meeting
of the Great Synod was held under his presidency, when the
conduct of the refractory prelates was condemned, and their posi
tion with regard to the Archbishop defined in accordance with
the canons. This decision he was directed to have read in all
the churches throughout the island. Phiiippos Georgiou admits
that it is somewhat peremptory in tone, but he explains this as
being customary at the period when it was written, and perhaps
necessary under the circumstances. The letter, which is dated
July, 1651, commences with a general denunciation of ambition,
which it charges with despising the divine laws, trampling under
foot the canons, and subverting ecclesiastical order and harmony.
It next refers to the various irregularities then prevalent in
Cyprus, and concludes by laying down certain directions for the
guidance of the bishops and clergy, to which it requires obedi
ence under threat of ecclesiastical and temporal censures. The
following is a summary of its contents : —
1. Priests when leaving their own diocese for another were to
show their letters of commendation to the bishop of the diocese
into which they might go, and were forbidden to take part in
any services there without his express sanction.
2. On the occasion of any of the suffragan bishops visiting
Nikosia and attending service in any of its churches the priests
there were directed to follow the usage of Constantinople in the
honours which they paid him, viz. : —
(a) To assign him the place immediately behind the Arch
bishop's throne.
(b) To cense him with three single wavings of the censer, but
not crosswise.
(c) At the Little Entrance 1 the priest, after concluding the
'The ceremony of the Little Entrance (y pixpd etaoSos or etaoSosTov evayyeXiov), Neaie, Eastern
that is, the bringing in ofthe Gospel, is one of considerable pomp. Preceded by jj^aJli.™1'
tapers the deacon carries the volume before the priest, through the prothesis, and
so back again to the holy doors. It answers to the carrying the Gospel by the
deacon to the rood loft or ambo in the Western Church.
14

210 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Entrance Prayer in the middle of the church, was to go to the
bishop and offer him the Gospel to kiss and then return to his
former position, where he was to pronounce the words : " In
wisdom, stand up 'V
(d) At the Great Entrance 2 the priest was to say with a loud
voice, enough that the bishop could hear him, the words : " The
Lord God remember thy episcopate ".
(e) When the bishop desired to partake of the Holy Mysteries
he was himself to carry the elements within the altar, and there
receive them first, but not to communicate the celebrant.
(J') At the distribution of the Antidoron 3 it was first to be
sent to the bishop, where he was standing, and by him be re
turned to the priest, who was then to distribute it to the people.
(g) On leaving the church the bishop was to go first.
With these exceptions the priests of the archdiocese were
forbidden to show the suffragan bishops any special marks of
honour at all. Those disobeying these regulations were threat
ened on the first offence with suspension for three years, and in
the case of continued disobedience with excommunication.4
Neaie Eastern x aoipla bpBoi. These words are to be regarded as a warning against the sin
i., ^394™. p. and folly of sitting at this part of the service. The more usual form ofthe words
is rrocpia, opBoi, " Wisdom, Stand up ".
2 The Great Entrance (y peyaXy etaoSos) is the entrance of the priest into the
church with the sacramental elements.
Neaie.Eastern 3 The Antidoron ('AvTiSwpov) is the blessed bread distributed by the priest to
p. 525. ' the congregation at the end ofthe Communion service (XeiTovpyia). It is only
eaten fasting. Baisamon refers its origin to the Council of Antioch ; by the
Latins it is attributed to Pope Pius I.
It is distributed equally to those who have, and those who have not, communi
cated, though designed especially for the latter. In the West it has usually
been known by the name of Eulogias. The French use of Pain beni is of a similar
character. 4 The following has been kindly communicated by a learned Orthodox ecclesi
astic, formerly of the Greek Church in London, and recently of Geneva, the late
Archimandrite Hieronymos Myriantheus, D.D. : —
"A bishop when officially entering a church of his diocese is received with
honour and gives his benediction to the people, while the choir sings the ' f Is
iroXXa ery, Aeo-iroVa '. After this he takes possession of his throne, when the offi
ciating priest comes and, kissing his hand, receives his benediction and permission
to officiate. The deacon also incenses him nine times and receives his bene
diction. At the Great Entrance (peydXy ettroSos) the priest on coming out of
the Sanctuary with the elements turns to the bishop on the throne and says in
a loud voice : ' May the Lord God be mindful of thy prelacy in His Kingdom
always, now and for ever,' etc. At stated periods the bishop says the ' Peace
to all ' and gives the benediction, and also at the end of the service distributes
to the people the Antidoron or consecrated bread.
" A bishop, however, who enters a church not belonging to his diocese, does
not give the benediction to the people, does not take possession of the throne,
but of the seat next the throne instead, does not bless the officiating priest, nor

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 211
3. The bishops themselves were enjoined not to infringe any
of the above ordinances, but to carefully follow the practice ob
served by their brethren of the Oecumenical See when visiting
Constantinople. They were forbidden to —
(a) Take part in the services of the church in which they
might happen to be present.
(b) To carry a pastoral staff inside, or even outside, the build
ing. This they might do only within the confines of their own
dioceses. (c) Pronounce the benediction.
(d) Give permission to the priest to commence the service.
(e) Enter the church in his company.
(f) Pronounce the " Peace be to all ".
(g) Permit themselves to be censed crosswise, or bless the in-
censer, either openly or secretly.
(h) Distribute the Antidoron, or
(i) Exercise in the Archdiocese any of the prerogatives proper
to them in their own individual dioceses.
(j) When attending a service, at which the Archbishop was
present, the only privilege they might claim was that of occupy
ing a place near him.
(k) When present at a service conducted by the Archbishop
they were not to presume, unless one of the Patriarchs was also
present, to begin the service with the former, nor to salute the
holy eikons at the same time as he did.
(I) When the Archbishop was commencing the service, they
were to stand outside their seats and, after he had finished salut
ing the holy eikons and pronounced the benediction and taken
his seat upon his throne in the middle of the church, they were
then to approach him, two by two, and, on receiving his permis
sion, to go within the altar to robe, being followed in turn by the
priests and deacons. On such occasions the only distinction be
tween them and the priests was to consist in the wearing of their
episcopal cloaks (irepi^okaia), with the right of immediately pre
ceding and sitting in company with the Archbishop.
4. The Archbishop when engaged in the visitation of the
whole province was declared to possess everywhere throughout
the island the same powers which he enjoyed in his own particular
give him permission to conduct the service, nor does he say the ' Peace to all,'
nor distribute the Antidoron, while the deacon only incenses him three times
and does not receive his benediction. The priest, too, when leaving the Sanctu
ary at the Great Entrance with the elements says the words : ' The Lord God be
mindful,' etc., in a tone of voice only just loud enough to be heard by him."

212 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
diocese. All were enjoined to submit to him without opposi
tion and to reverence him as their spiritual father. The bishops
were further reminded that his very title proved him to be their
superior and, consequently, that they could not claim to exercise
the same unlimited powers as he did. This letter,1 the directions
of which have been scrupulously observed to the present day,
had the desired effect of restraining the encroachments of the
bishops.
christodoulos. Between Christodoulos and Nikephoros, the next recorded
a66o-i6°3™ occupant of the archiepiscopal See, occurs an interval of thirty
years, about which we possess no information. Towards the end
of the seventeenth century the Church of Cyprus united with
the other Orthodox Communities in rejecting the doctrines of
the Reformers as being contrary to the teaching of the Oecu
menical Councils. Following the example of Jerusalem in 1648
Nikephoros twenty years later (8 April 1668), assembled a
Synod for the same purpose in the Church of the Archangel at
Nikosia. This conclave, which was attended by the principal
ecclesiastical dignitaries of the island, condemned the errors of
the Calvinists. Hilarion Kigala, or Tzigala, the immediate suc
cessor of Nikephoros in the primacy, compiled the acts and pro
ceedings of the Council. A summary of the decrees passed on
Le Quien, o.c, the occasion was presented to the Franciscans at their request
and by them sent to France, where it was rendered into
Latin. These decisions, which are comprised in seven chapters,
deal with : —
n'oAv1'8p.*66o. 1- The Sacraments.
2. Episcopacy.
3. The Chrism.
4. Fasting.
5. Monasticism.
6. The Adoration and Intercession of the Saints.
7. Commemorations of the Dead.

1This letter bore the signatures ofthe following ten prelates, viz. : —
i. Meletios of Herakleia.
2. Ignatios of Ephesus.
3. Anthimos of Cyzicos.
4. Kyrillos of Nikomedia.
5. Porphyrios of Nicsea.
6. Neophytos of Adrianople.
7. Daniel of Euripos.
8. Paisios of Larissa.
g. Christophoros of Medeia.
jo. James of Didymotoichos.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 213
Suffice it here to say that the doctrines inculcated in these
decisions in more than one particular show strong Romish
tendencies, which may perhaps be due to the unconscious in
fluence of their compiler's early training and associations.
In 1672 Nikephoros came into collision with the (Ecumenical ra. sathas,
See through his holding communion with Parthenios IV. whom «vv tom.' ul,
it had deposed from the Patriarchate.1 In consequence of this P'
act sentence of deposition was pronounced against him also.
But on his proceeding to Constantinople and asking pardon the
penalty was remitted and he returned, furnished with a Synodi-
cal and Patriarchal letter of acquittal, bearing the signatures of
the three Patriarchs of Constantinople, Antioch and Jerusalem.2

1 Phiiippos Georgiou in his notice of this occurrence (p. g3) says : " In the
year 1672 the Archbishop of Cyprus, Nikephoros, because in error he held com
munion with a certain Parthenios, who had been deposed by the Great Church
and banished to Cyprus, was himself also deposed " (iv erei 1672 iireiSi) d
apxieirirTKOiros Kinrpov NtKytpbpos airaryBels avveKoivavyrre YlapBeviw rivi inrb ttjs
peyaXys eKKXyaias KaBaipeBivTi KaX eis Kinrpov e^opiaBevrt, KaBypeBy KaX avrbs).
He seems, however, to be confusing between the Patriarch Parthenios and a sathas, Bibl.
namesake, the Bishop of Chalcedon. The former is reported to have been ^m " m^pp
exiled not to Cyprus, but to Rhodes, lt was the latter, who was banished to 374, '377.''
Cyprus but at a much later date, viz., (1) i7go. He appears to have died in 'ASyvmav,
the island after a very short stay there, viz., in (2) I7g2. Lvyypappa
The vicissitudes through which the Patriarchate passed at this period are ¦^1°J'^V'
best illustrated by the subjoined list of occupants of the CEcumenical See, 1877, p. 52.'
which forms part of the series attached by Manuel I. Gedeon to his edition ofthe cf. Le Quien,
metrical chronicle of the Patriarchs of Constantinople by Kyrillos Lauriotes. eii. '34iom' ''
Parthenios IV. Mogilalos (Prusa) . . a.d. 1657.

Dionysios III. Bardalis (Larissa)
Parthenios IV. (2nd time) .
Clement I. (Iconium)
Methodios III. (Herakleia)
Parthenios IV. (3rd time) .
Dionysios IV. Mouselimes (Larissa)
Gerasimos II. (Tirnova)
Parthenios IV. (4th time) .
Dionysios IV. (2nd time) .
Athanasios IV. ....
James I. (Larissa)
Dionysios IV. (3rd time) ' .
Parthenios IV. (5th time) .
1. ~2,vv4(rxe Se 4v toIs avrov &pKvo~i Karayaywv tSv XaXKySbvos TlapB4vtov b iraTpi-
dpxys, diraTTyaas as SiaXXayyabpevos, Kal eis Kinrpov QbpiffTov aTr4wire, TravreXei
Ka6aip4crei inroBaXwv, ry rplry HoepBplov tov rp4xovTOS, k.t.X.
2. 'O 5e iravayiwraros paBwv rbv iv Kinrpw BdvaTov tov i^opiaBivros YlapBeviov
XaXKySbvos, k.t.X.
2 A copy of this letter is preserved in the Patriarchal archives at Constanti
nople dated Dec. 1672, as we learn from the TleplXytyis irarptapxiKwv eyypdtpwv
contained in vol. iii. of the Bibliotheca Medii JEvi.
Aioviaios T'. rb y' — 1672 IvS'. io! , Kara SeKepBpiov, aBtbwais tov Kvirpov NiKy- Sathas^ Bibl.
tpbpov, ws KoivwvT\aavTos Tip KaBypypevw XlapBevia irpifav KwvaTavTivovirbXews . torn' ill'"'
p. 599. ''

A.D. 1660.
A.D. 1665.
A.D. 1668.
A.D. i66g.
A.D. 1671.
A.D. 1671.
A.D. 1674.
A.D. 1675.1676.
1679.1679.
I685.1686.

A.DA.DA.D.A.D
A.D,

214

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

miarion On his death Hilarion Kigala (1674-1678), the historian of
Kyprianos, the Council of Nikosia, was immediately chosen to fill the
phiiippos vacant dignity. According to the evidence of his contem-
peKT' porary, the famous Dositheos, Patriarch of Jerusalem, he seems
to have been a man of considerable ability and learning.1 A
LeQtue^ac. native of Nikosia, he was educated with his two brothers at
1055-56." the Greek College at Rome, where he subsequently taught
theology, rhetoric and poetry. He was afterwards employed
for a while by the Propaganda on missionary work in the East,
during which period he resided for a considerable time in
Epirus. On his return to Rome he was appointed president
of the Greek College at Padua, where he also discharged the
duties of a professor. He next visited Constantinople, where
he was made the recipient of numerous distinctions by the
CEcumenical See. Proceeding thence to Cyprus he took part
in the Synod of 1668. While in Jerusalem in 1671 he was
of great assistance to the Patriarch, Nektarios of Sinai, then
engaged in writing a treatise against the supremacy of the

Dositheos,
Dodekabib, bk. xi., c. il.
sec. 7.

Sathas, NeoeA.
*iA.oA.ov,p. 300.

Sathas, ut
supra.

Sathas, Bibl.
Med. Mvi,
tom. iii.,
p. 487.

1 'IXapiwv 6 T£iyd\as> <5 xP7]riaTt0'as ' Apxi-eiriffKOTros Kinrpov, os '\epofx6vaxos ert
&v, Kal evpi(TK6/j.evos iv 'lepovo~a\T)fj., ixpv^Tta'e avyypdtpovTt t<£ Kvpicp NeKTapttft
KaTa, ttjs apx^js tov Tldira ep/ATjvevs iroWwv xP7^<T^<av Svtikujv iraTepwv, ov T^iydXav
avyypdtpovTa virep ttjs tov Yldtrxa a-irA. avows eopTrjs, eK&kvffev 6 OdvaTOS iv KavffTavTt-
VOV7t6\€1. Dositheos may possibly be confusing between him and another member of
the same family, Matthew, who published at Venice the following works : —
±. ^vvrayfiaTLov ireptexov KavSvas Te Kal •cu^as* iKSTTiplovs els tov Kvpiov Tjfx&v
'lrjcrovv XpuTTOV, Kal els tt)v virepaytav ®cot6kov, a-vAkexOev \i.i\v e/c h~ta<p6p(tiv fiif}\i<uvt
to 7rA.€?frTa de airh tov ayiov ^E<ppat/x. — npoaeTedTjO'av de Kal eTepoi Tpeis Kav6ves
wapaKAyTiKol, els Tt)v virepaytav ®€Ot6kov, Kal 6XoK\i)pos 6 aKaQiffTOS vfivos. ''Eti
de irpocreTedri Kal Ylacrxd^iov alcvviov, Kal KavSvtov, irao'wv t&v eopTcov, 6irov o,ko\ov6-
OVfft T(p Tld(TXa7 ^TO, O-e/KTJVO^pOjxiov (TVVOirTtKtoTdTOV Kal fXTJVOhoyloV CWTOfXtDTaTOV.
'EveTtyo'ev, a^-H-a' (1631) 4t0.
2. Nea ^vvo^/ls Sta<p6pcov IffTopiwv a,pxo/J.evr} airo KTlcews k6o~/iov} Kal K^yovffa 'eus
tt)\vvv expovia, k.t.X. 'EveTiTjCtv irapa *AvT<ovicp T(p 'IovAtaytp, eTei Kvpiov &,X^-C
(i637)- 3- Ha(Txd\tov altavtov fieTa. koivtjs Kal cvvotttikt^s /.leSubov irpSxetpov tois iraffi,
apx6fievov airh Xpio~TOv enj a,xK£ (I^27) Ka^ ^\y°v *<*>s ef>s *ttj &p/j.d' (2149), irepiixQV
Kal eopTo\6yiov irdvv fapaiov Kal evKoA&TaTov. 'Everi-go-tv, irapa Nt/coAay t$ T\vk€?,
a/X°C (ID77) 8vo o-€A. no.
Sathas only mentions two products of Hilarion Kigala's pen, which he does
as follows : —
MeTetypaffev eWrjviO'Tl to irepl 'Apx^is tov Tldira crvyypa/xfia XleTpov tov 'Iffiravov,
xdpLV tov alTT^cavTOS NeKTapiov '\epoao\vfxovv Kal eypa\f/ev i)pa}e\eye7ov iirtypafifia
els Tov^Aytov rojSSeAav, o~vveKdo8ev tt} 'AKoAovdia. tov 'Ayiov iv BeveTia 1661.
Demetrios Prokopios in his short memoir irepl Xoyiav Tpaiicwv, compiled in
1721, thus notices Hilarion Kigala : —
'IXapioiv 6 T&yaXas Kvirpios, 6 xpVtMaT^a'as v-PXl€lv'LO'K0'iros Kvirpov, avfyp 6eo\6yos,
Kal <piA6o~o(pos, Kal irot^TTis, avixvevTf)s tov fldOovs T*5*f Oeitov ypa<piav, Kal t£>v 6vpa6eu
<pL\oo~6<ptoV • crvveypa^/ev kKKrjvio'Tl ypapLfiaTtKTjv 6ea>pT}TtK7)v, Kal aXAa Std<popa 4k
Kkijo'iao'TtKa cvyypdfifiaTa, Kal ironjTtKa ird^iroKXa e^aipeTa.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 215
Pope, by translating for him many passages from the Latin
fathers. Three years later he was consecrated to the See of
Nikosia. Kyprianos has fallen into several errors concerning
this prelate. In the first place he assigns the year 1660 as the
date of his accession to the primacy. Against this may be set
the testimony of Ricaut in his notice on the state of the Ortho
dox Communion, which represents Kigala in 1678 as being then
already four years in possession of the See. He also reports
him to have been the convener, while Archbishop, of the Synod
which met at Nikosia in 1668. But this is opposed to the Phiiippos
statement of Kigala himself that it took place during the tt^ll' p'
primacy and under the presidency of Nikephoros.1 Lastly he
described the latter as being his successor. The same historian
claims to have found in the year 1762 in an old register be
longing to the See a letter addressed by the clergy of Nikosia
to the then GCcumenical Patriarch charging the Archbishop
among other things with having secretly fled from the island
and gone to Constantinople.2 Kyprianos professes not to re
member the reason assigned for Kigala's flight, but it may pos
sibly have been due to the Romish proclivities he displayed
during his tenure of the See. With regard to the Synod sathas,
^J O ¦/ 'V a X
against the Calvinists a modern writer, misled by Kyprianos, ¦saoxoy,"'
says that he assembled it at the instigation of the Latins then p' m
in Cyprus and that when the news reached Constantinople he
was deposed and with difficulty escaped the resentment of his
fellow-countrymen.3 Dositheos records his death as having oc
cured at that town (1682), while engaged in a work on the fixity
of Easter.
Of the next three primates but little is known. James I. (1679- Pniiipnos
1 v Georgiou,p. 100.
1 riacri to?s ivrev^opevois Kal dvayvavai peXXovm rd irap&vra ypdppara ttjs ypwv
TaireivbryTOS Sia&eBaiovpeBa '6ri Ta KaBviroypatpevra KerpdXaia aiiTOXe£eX airoy4-
ypairTai, iv Ty AevKwrriq ry irepupljpip Tys vt)o~ov Kinrpov pyrpoirbXei, yevopevys
avvbSov byS6y dirpiXiov tov lo~Tap4vov eTOvs (a,x£7/ — 1668), 4v rip tov ivSo\ov
' ApxayyeXov vaip, irpoKaBeCopivov tov paKapiwraTOv apxieirnrKbirov irdo~ys Kvirpov
Kvpiov NiKytpdpov, K.T.X.
2 That the CEcumenical See entertained doubts as to his orthodoxy would sathas, Bibl.
appear likely from the following extract from the YleplXyij/is irarpiapxiKwv t0m.' m., '
iyypdq,wv. _ t **'598'
Med6h~t.os r'. — 1670 ivd . ij j fiatov 13, tov fieya\ov QeoXoyov Ihapiwvos (KiyaAa ;)
ofj.oA.ay t a ttjs eavTOV iriffTews.
3 Ilepl to 1660 ietqs ix^tpoTOvffdT} iiriaKOiros Kvirpov- iKei de avvevvoov/xevos fxeTa.
to>v dvTtKSiVt aireBaKe tt^v aKcaireKijv, Kal 0'vveKp6Tr\cev avQatpeTws cvvodov 4v AevKoaia
irepl tov deiov $a7rTiff/xaT0s, Kal tov fivaTfipiov ttjs evxapWTeias. Tv<*>ffTr\s yevofxevns
ttjs irapaT6\fi.ov TavTijs irpd^eais eis t*V peydkijv 4KK\7)o~iav, KadrfpeB-rf tt)s apxiepai-
ffvvjjSj Kal fi6\is Bta, ttjs <^vyi)s iffibdij airh ttjs diKaias opyrjs tcov o-vfj/irarpiuTccv tov.

216

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Germanos n.
James n.

Silvestros.

Kyprianos,p. 314 sq.
PhiiipposGeorgiou,
p. 101 sq.

Sathas, Bibl.
Med. .Evi,
tom. ill., -
pp. 519, 522.

Sathas, Bibl.
Med. JSvi,
tom. iii.,
p. 532.
Sathas, Bibl.
Medii. JEvi.
tom. ill., p. 99.

1689) is represented as having been the successor of Kigala.
His name occurs twice in the series of archiepiscopal signatures
immediately after that of Nikephoros, being followed in turn by
those of Germanos II. (1690-1705) and James II. (1710).1 The
period of these two latter prelates, which is only approximate,
is thus ascertained. The name of the former is found on an in
scription in the Church of the Archangel at Nikosia, bearing
date 1690, while in the great register of the diocese is contained
a copy of a letter written by him in 1705. From this it would
appear that James II., his successor, must have held office be
tween the first and second decades of the eighteenth century.
Silvestros2 (1718-1731), is the next Archbishop of whom any
thing definite is known. According to the evidence of an in
scription still preserved in the archiepiscopal residence he restored
that building at his own expense in 1720. Ten years later, viz.,
in 1730, by the unanimous desire of the inhabitants he proceeded
with his suffragans to Constantinople to complain to the Grand
Vizier of the intolerable burdens under which the island was
then groaning. The Porte being for some reason unfavourably
disposed towards the deputation arrested the members of it.
The Bishops of Paphos and Kyrenia were soon restored to liberty,
but the Archbishop and the Bishop of Kition were banished to
Avret-Odasi. During their enforced absence the administration
of their Sees was carried on by their colleagues, the Bishop of
Kyrenia assuming charge of the Archbishopric, while the Bishop
of Paphos directed the affairs of Kition. But the exiles were
shortly afterwards released from captivity and restored to their
former dioceses. On his return Silvestros turned his attention
to the internal decoration of the Church of St. John the Divine,
situated within the precincts of the Archbishop^s house, but
death carried him off before he could complete the undertaking.
Philotheos3 (1734-1759), his successor, was a native of the vil
lage of Galata in the Nahieh of Levka. Before his appointment
1 In the KardXoyos iirirxToXwv dveKSbrwv published by Sathas in vol. iii. of his
Bibliotheca Medii JEvi occur the following notices : —
'laKaBos dpxieTrio'KOiros irdtrys Kinrpov Kal veas' lovffTiviavys, Tip iiriTpbirw tov
Tlavayiov Taipov NeotpvTip • 1711, Kar avyovrrrov, ivS' . S' .
Veppavos Kinrpov • 1702, ivS. i . irpbs XpvaavBov No-rapap, lepoStaKovov, pyrpo-
iroXWyv Kaio-apelas, Kal irarpidpxyv 'lepoaoXvpwv.
2 The following notice of him occuis in the KardXoyos iiriaToXwv dveKSbrav : —
~2iXBeo~rpos Kvirpov KaX v4as 'lovartviavys * 1720, /cot' iavovdpiov. 1721, paprlov
22. 3 The following notice of him is to be found in the 10-TopiKbs KardXoyos of
Csesarios Dapontes : —
cO Kinrpov QtXbBeos, Kvirpios, iiriaypos Sid pd&yffiv.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 217
as Archbishop he was engaged for several years in tutorial work Kyprianos,
at Constantinople, numbering among his pupils the children of phiiippos
many families of position. After his accession he interested p^iofsq!'
himself greatly in the cause of education, founding schools of
various kinds throughout the archdiocese. Kyprianos describes
him as a man of a charitable and generous disposition, a friend
to the poor and an ornament to the exalted office, which he
filled. His first care on mounting the archiepiscopal throne was
to free his native land from the crushing load of taxation under
which it was labouring, and to restrain the violence and rapacity
of the Turkish governors. For this purpose he proceeded to
Constantinople, where he prevailed upon the Grand Vizier to
take compassion upon the miserable Rayahs and remit a con
siderable portion of the Kharaj. While engaged upon this
patriotic mission he was accused to the Grand Vizier by certain
evil-disposed persons from Cyprus, both Mohammedan and Chris
tian, of exacting illegal contributions from his co-religionists.
In consequence of this charge he was sent in chains to Cyprus
and there cast into prison. Although on inquiry proved inno
cent he was deposed and a drunken youth named Neophytos,
the nominee of his accusers, appointed instead, the Oecumenical
Patriarch being compelled to perforin the ceremony of his con
secration. The new-comer, however, on his arrival in the island,
was rejected by the Orthodox as an intruder and alien. On his
death, which took place shortly afterwards, accelerated by his
vices, Philotheos was released from prison and restored to his
former position. But the sufferings he had undergone so shat
tered his health that, falling a victim to epilepsy, he lost all
control over his limbs, and for the remainder of his life was un
able to move without the assistance of two attendants. An
English traveller, who visited the island shortly afterwards Drummond,
(1745), ascribes to a totally different cause the misfortune, peiMr "
which befell Philotheos. His explanation is so opposed to the
account given by the native historian that it deserves being
quoted entire : " In the year 1743 the Archbishop for the time
being, with the countenance of the Musellim, who shared in the
robbery, levied from the poor people no less than 40,000 piastres:
but they complained so effectually to the Porte, corroborating
their complaints with bribery, that he was stripped of his archi
episcopal robes, dignity and emoluments." Even in his subse
quently enfeebled condition Philotheos did not cease, so Kyprianos
assures his readers, to labour for the welfare of those, over whom
he had been called to preside. A fresh agitation having arisen

218 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
for a further reduction of taxation he crossed over to Beyrout,
whence he sent his three suffragans, with certain other well-dis
posed Cypriots, to Constantinople. The result of the mission
was highly satisfactory, the Grand Vizier promising that from
the year 1754 the island should be assessed at a fixed annual
sum, irrespective of any increase or otherwise in the population.
The agreement thus arrived at was recognised and rendered
binding by an imperial rescript, or Khatti Humayun, bearing the
Sultan's signature. The four bishops, moreover, were invested
by a firman with the title of Qoja-bashis, constituting them the
guardians and representatives of the Rayahs, and granted the
perpetual right of presenting directly to the Porte petitions and
complaints on their behalf. Shortly before his death, viz., in
1755, he succeeded in obtaining another concession from the
same official, whereby the annual Kharaj due from the monas
teries and monks of the island was fixed at 4000 piastres. The
collection and payment of this impost, it was further stipulated,
should be entrusted to the bishops, and the Muhassil was strictly
forbidden to exact anything more.
paisios. Paisios (1759-1766), the successor of Philotheos, had acted as
p.^sq0"' Archimandrite of Nikosia before his elevation to the primacy.
S™ Shortly after his accession he met with an experience very simi-
p. iol. jar j-0 j-na|- 0f njs prea"ecessor. Owing to the ravages caused by
a recent outbreak of the plague a deputation was sent to Con
stantinople, with the approval of the Governor, to represent the
inability of the surviving Rayahs to meet the demands made
upon them, and to request some remission at least in the matter
of the rishvet or gift, which the Grand Vizier was wont to
exact, in addition to the customary payment, on the investiture
of every fresh Muhassil. But certain fellow-countrymen of the
new Archbishop, enemies of his, taking advantage of the occa
sion bribed an official to persuade the Porte to banish him in
place of granting the petition. Before, however, the sentence
could be executed Paisios, having heard of the intention, fled to
•xowairioy Beyrout, where he took refuge with the chieftain of Mount Leba-
fouT/S^oT non. A successor to the fugitive was speedily found in the
person of a Cypriot deacon, named Kyprianos, who was then
engaged in tuition at the capital.1 At the instance of Paisios1

Kai ttoKit.
p. 385.

Sathas, ' Sathas says that after receiving his education at Patmos this Kyprianos
NeoAAijK. studied rhetoric, theology and Latin at Joannina under Eugenios Bulgaris.
On his master being appointed to the charge of the Seminary at Mount Athos
Kyprianos transferred himself to Constantinople, where he engaged in private
tuition among the families of some of the influential Greek inhabitants. On

$iAoAo- pp. 512-;

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 219
enemies, and with the forced consent of the Oecumenical Patri
arch, the vacant See was conferred upon him by dispensation,
but without consecration. On coming to Cyprus he behaved in
the most tyrannical fashion, compelling not only the monasteries
and churches, but also wealthy individuals to contribute towards
payment of the debts he had incurred in Turkey. The islanders,
already deeply incensed at the unjust deprivation of Paisios,
were so irritated by these arbitrary proceedings that they obliged
the intruder by their attitude to resign, after holding the See
for nine months.1 He appears to have been subsequently created
Patriarch of Alexandria in 1767 (May).
Paisios, at the entreaty of his flock, now returned from Beyrout Kyprianos,
and resumed the duties of his office. Not long after his restora- phiiippos
tion he was called upon to face a crisis of a different character, °el^:
caused by the despatch to Cyprus in 1764 of a certain Chil
Osman Agha as Muhassil. This individual, who owed his
position entirely to bribery, had scarcely reached the island
when he resolved by further taxation to recoup himself for the
heavy expenses which he had incurred in the purchase of the
appointment. He, accordingly, announced to the Archbishop
the deposition and banishment of Paisios he was persuaded by the entourage
of the CEcumenical Patriarch to accept the vacant dignity, but discovering on
his arrival in Cyprus that the party of the dispossessed Archbishop was very
strong he prudently resigned in his favour and returned to Constantinople.
Soon afterwards he was invited to Athos by his old teacher, Eugenios Bulgaris,
and appointed professor of grammatical studies in the Seminary there. This
he subsequently resigned, owing to a dispute among the students as to the
merits of two rival professors, and once again returned to Constantinople. In
1766 on the resignation of Matthew, Patriarch of Alexandria, he was elected
to fill the vacancy, and governed the See until 1783, when he in turn resigned
in favour of Parthenios. His death is said to have taken place in 1787.
Sergios Makraios, however, reports it to have occurred on 20th June, 1783. sathas, Bibl.
Ty Se eiKoary 'lovvlov pyvbs tov avrov bySoyKoffrov rplrov erovs tov paKapiardrov J^- jjj '
irdira Kal iraTpldpxov ' AXe^avSpeias Kvpiov Kvirpiavov irpbs Kvpiov iKSyp'fjo-avTOS, k.t.X. 334.
Caesarios Daponte has the following notice of him in his historical catalogue ibid., p. 89.
among the Patriarchs of Alexandria : —
KvTrptavbs Kinrpios, <f,iX6o-o<pos, dirb irairds StdSoxos, KaX direBave iroSaXybs els r^]v
TldXiv. 1 Sergios Makraios describes the incident somewhat differently in his Ecclesi- sathas, Bibl.
astical History:- _ ^ *£££?'
fivirep (i.e., KvirptavSv) ot Kvivpioi eirexeipTjo'av KaraaT^o'at o'<pio~iv apxteirio'KOTrov, p. 254.
Kal dpifffibv Bao~i\iKbv eV avTO eXafiov ¦ 6 de 'Iva /at) tV KaKrjv Ta^iv Avo~r), x^LPOTOV'iav
Kal iprifpous -Iktos tt)s vt)ctov Kvirpov, oijo~7}s avTty idias iraTpidosy ovk airede^aTo, a\A.a
irpb tov avfi<pepovTOS to Ka\bv defievos, iepodtdKOVOS airrfXBev iKe?o~e, <f>epwv fieO* eavTOv
to fiao-iKiKbv diirhtofia &irpaKTOV • ws de oi ao~TaTOvvTes Kal airapeaK6fjLevoi T)o~vxaaav,
Kal Tbv irp6T€pov apxteiriffKoirov (i.e., Tiaio'iov) ava\af3e?v eo~Tep£av, a<pr)Kev aWbv iv
7i<rvxla, teal iirtdtdovs auTtp Tb fiao'iAiKbv diir\cc/xa, eixeo'Tpe^ev evxapi&Ttos els
KwvaravTivoviroXtv,

220 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
and his suffragans that he intended to increase the contributions
paid by the Rayahs. They declared the project impossible,
owing to the serious diminution in the population which had
lately taken place. But the Governor remained deaf to their
representations and threatened to seize the property of the mon
asteries, as well as to levy fines upon themselves, in case of
opposition to his will. Perceiving the uselessness of their re
monstrances the bishops decided on sending a deputation to
Constantinople to lay a complaint before the supreme govern
ment. After some delay the delegates at length obtained
through the Silihdar Agha an audience of the Grand Vizier,
from whom they procured a firman, directing Chil Osman under
threat of punishment to desist from his design. During their
absence, however, the Governor continued to press his illegal
demands, whereupon Paisios and his colleagues resolved on flight
rather than incur the consequences of a prolonged resistance.
But their intention becoming known through the imprudence of
the Bishop of Kition, they were apprehended soon after quitting
Nikosia and, being brought back, were confined in the Arch
bishop's residence. Here they were kept under close surveil
lance, Chil Osman being apprehensive that they might again
endeavour to escape and denounce his exactions. About the
middle of October, 1764, the firman of protection arrived in
charge of a Vazir Choqadar. Osman, full of rage at the defeat
of his schemes, yet afraid to disregard the orders of the Sultan,
directed that the document should be read, not publicly in the
Council-chamber, as was customary, but privately in an apart
ment of the Serai. The ceremony, which was fixed for 25th of
the same month, was attended only by the Ulemas and Aghas,
with the bishops and a few representative Greeks and Turks.
The scene, which followed, is graphically described by Kyprianos,
who was present on the occasion. When the reading was con
cluded the Governor reproachfully asked the Archbishop what
injury he had done the Rayahs that he and his colleagues should
accuse him to the Porte. Paisios replied that they had only
sought to protect them and not to accuse him. Scarcely had
the words left his mouth when the floor of the room, the beams
supporting it having been previously sawn through, suddenly
gave way and precipitated the whole company into the basement,
except the Governor and those privy to the plot, who occupied a
place of safety. Cries of pain and terror filled the chamber.
Those who were not too much hurt or frightened rushed head
long from the building. It chanced that the day was the one

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 221
on which the annual fair of Hagios Demetrios, always attended
by a great concourse of people from every part of the island,
was accustomed to be held outside Nikosia. The mob, hearing
of what had happened, and regarding the occurrence as a deliber
ate attempt upon the lives of the bishops, snatched up whatever
weapons lay nearest to hand and full of indignation hurried off
to the Governor's palace. This they sacked and burnt, after
forcing the gates and killing the wretched Osman with eighteen
of his adherents. As soon as they had time to reflect upon
what had been done, dismay seized upon the inhabitants at the
thought of the punishment, to which they had rendered them
selves liable. A conference being held between the leaders of
the two nationalities it was resolved to represent at Constanti
nople that the murdered Osman was himself the sole cause of
the catastrophe.
On receipt of the news the Porte appointed a certain Hafuz
Efendi to succeed him, and soon afterwards despatched two com
missioners to examine into the truth of the statement. Though
certified as to its correctness the Government decided that pecu
niary compensation should be paid to the relatives of the victims,
the Serai rebuilt at the expense of the island, and the money
abstracted from the treasury replaced. To the first two of these
conditions no difficulty was raised, but the Turks, who had
helped themselves largely to the public funds, vehemently op
posed the third. They broke out into revolt against the new
Governor and, besieging Nikosia, demanded that the citizens
should recognise as Muhassil their leader, Khalil, who had pre
viously been disdar or commandant of the fortress of Kyrenia.
The bishops, regarding with dismay the course events were
taking, and not wishing to be implicated in the disturbance,
determined to quit the island. Accordingly Paisios, with the
knowledge of Hafuz Efendi and accompanied by the Metro
politans of Paphos and Kyrenia,1 after escaping through the
ranks of the insurgents made his way to Constantinople, where
he reported what had occurred. News of the revolt had already
reached the capital, but on receiving this confirmation of it the
Porte at once sent two vessels of war, under the command of
Ibrahim Bey, to quell the disorder. At the same time it de
spatched to the island in company with the bishops, as Governor,
Suleiman Efendi, instructing him to inquire also into the cause
of the present troubles. The bishops, fearing the wrath of
1 Chrysanthos was the name of both.

222 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Khalil, gave out on their arrival at Larnaka in February, 1766,
that they had commended him to the authorities for his opposi
tion to the exactions of the Governor, and that a commissioner
had been sent with them, in consequence, to depose Hafuz and
appoint him Muhassil instead. Believing their statements the
rebel allowed the party to enter Nikosia unmolested and, raising
the siege, retired to Kyrenia to watch the course of events. Per
ceiving, however, that he had been deceived he again drew his
forces round the town and resumed the blockade. Suleiman,
thereupon, fearing for his life through the resentment of Khalil,
arrested the bishops as being responsible for the new danger and
placed them under guard in the Government House. But the
close of the insurrection was now drawing rapidly near. Further
forces arriving from Karamania in September, 1766, order was
speedily restored by the slaughter and dispersion of the insur
gents. But the troubles and anxieties through which he had
lately gone proved too much for the Archbishop. Repairing
about the close of the same year to Larnaka for the benefit of
his failing health, he died in that town on 1st January following,
in the fifty-fifth year of his age, and was buried in the Church of
St. Lazarus near the door. His service, which extended over a
period of nearly forty years, had been passed entirely in the arch
diocese, viz., five years under Silvestros, twenty-seven years
under Philotheos as archdeacon and archimandrite, and seven
years as archbishop. A native of Kilanion in the district of
Limassol, he had as his fellow-villager the historian Kyprianos,
who was his intimate associate from the time he became archi
mandrite of the See until his death. According to him this
worthy prelate was a man of a frank and open presence, dignified
in mien, with a long beard, thoughtful, gifted with a quick in
telligence and retentive memory, tactful, inquisitive, careful in
pecuniary matters to the verge of parsimony, a good speaker,
talkative, and imperious in manner. He owed his education to
his predecessor, Philotheos, and is said to have been well ac
quainted with ancient Greek, as well as able to express himself
elegantly in the vulgar idiom. He is further reported to have
possessed such skill in penmanship as to have had many imitators.
chrysanthos. Chrysanthos (1767-1810), Bishop of Paphos, was by the unan-
pyiS^m' imous voice of the bishops and clergy chosen to fill the vacancy
Geo^gE caused by the death of Paisios. Like many of his predecessors
p.uosq.' ne haoi t0 contend with troubles arising from Turkish rapacity
and misgovernment. In 1775 the infamous Haji Baki Agha,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 223
one of the greatest scourges the island has known in modern
times, was appointed Governor. The successive steps by which
this monster won his way to this position form an interesting
lesson in the methods of Ottoman administration. An illiterate
woodcutter from the deserted village of Klavdia, though one-
eyed, he owed his first advancement to female favour. Com
mencing his official career as Musellim of Attalia in Karamania,
he was forced to quit that town for his misconduct, when, re
turning to Cyprus, he received the appointment of zabit, or
magistrate, at Larnaka. From this post, too, he was dismissed
for a similar reason by the Dragoman Christophaki, whom in
revenge he murdered on Easter Day, 1750. Being imprisoned
and banished in 1767 by the then Governor, Suleiman Efendi,
he was reduced to such poverty as to be obliged to beg his daily
bread in the public streets. Four years later, however, he ex
perienced a turn of fortune, being appointed Defterdar, or High
Treasurer, by the Muhassil, Ismail Agha. But falling under
the displeasure of a subsequent Muhassil, Ali Agha, who was
well acquainted with his character, he barely escaped the danger
threatening him by bribing the latter's physician to poison his
patient. The Porte having appointed Ali's Kiaya, or deputy,
to the vacant post the assassin removed him in the same way
also. Nothing now intervening between him and the governor
ship, the object of his ambition, he persuaded the Turkish
notables and the bishops to recommend his appointment for the
unexpired period of Ali's term. The Porte granted the request,
but before the end of the year Baki was superseded by one
Hussein Agha. Taking advantage of the presence of the Qapu-
dan Pasha shortly afterwards in the island he secured from him,
by bribery and cajolery, the promise that he should be reap
pointed on the next vacancy occurring. In 1775 the realisation
of his hopes took place. At first, to the surprise of all who
knew him, his administration was marked by unusual moderation
and forbearance. But in the end the natural instincts of the
tyrant prevailed and he showed himself in his true colours.
Having sought, in a season of great distress, to impose a tax
of eight piastres upon the Rayahs, regardless of their extreme
poverty, the bishops refused to assist him in such an act of
robbery. Baki, thereupon, issued orders that the money should
be levied by force. By request of the inhabitants, both Moslems 'r^xinov,
and Christians, Chrysanthos and his colleagues1 proceeded secretly ekkaV. ««;
"¦Panaretos, Bp. of Paphos; Meletios, Bp. of Kition; Sophronios, Bp. of pp' 636*638'
Kyrenia.

224 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
to Constantinople in August, 1783, to complain of the unjust
and oppressive conduct of the Muhassil. Before, however, they
could reach the capital Baki, hearing of their departure, wrote
to the Grand Vizier urging their arrest and banishment to Mount
Athos. The deputation learning at Chios of this step took
refuge at Smyrna until a favourable moment should present it
self, the Archbishop concealing himself in the house of the
SafaE8 Dutch consul, while the others found shelter elsewhere. Baki
MeahS'^,n>' now> partly by entreaties and partly by threats, compelled the
p°m56isiq.). clergy and laity of Nikosia to elect four monks to the Sees thus
vacant, for whom without delay he procured the necessary
Berats.1 At the same time by means of bribes he persuaded
the Grand Vizier to order Gabriel, the Oecumenical Patriarch, to
write to Daniel, Patriarch of Antioch, directing him to send
three of his suffragans to Cyprus for the consecration of the
newly-chosen prelates. Daniel received a second letter to the
same effect direct from the Muhassil himself, but perceiving that
both were conceived in the same spirit of violence, he wisely
delayed to comply with the order. These would-be intruders
suffered severely for their presumption, being degraded from the
priesthood by the GEcumenical See. But on expressing regret
for their conduct and asking pardon of the Cypriot bishops and
the Church of Constantinople they were finally restored. As
soon as the hostility of the Porte towards the prelates had sub
sided the Bishop of Kition proceeded secretly to Constantinople,
a. k., where he was successful in procuring the release of his associates.
eicka.To?"' These by direction ofthe Sultan came to Constantinople, where
pp°«k,''mu, they denounced to the Grand Vizier, Khalil Pasha, the governor's
tyranny and rapacity. In consequence of their representations
Baki was deposed and ordered to answer in person the charges
of his accusers. Chrysanthos and the Bishop of Paphos returned
at once to Cyprus, the former suffering shipwreck at Gallipoli
by the way, while the other two remained behind to support the
case against the ex-Muhassil. On his arrival at Constantinople
an examination was held, which resulted in his being found
1 Their names and the Sees to which they were appointed are said to have
been as follows : —
Joannikios, Hegoumenos of the monastery of Machasra, to the Arch
bishopric. Joakim, Hegoumenos of Pallourgiotissa, to the See of Paphos.
Chiysanthos, Hegoumenos of St. Lazarus, to the See of Kition.
Joannikios, Exarch of Kyrenia, to the See of Kyrenia.
According to Makraios the principal agent in these proceedings was one
Gerasimos, who subsequently became Bishop of Thessalonica.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 225
guilty and stripped of his honours and ill-gotten wealth. Thus
the bishops got rid of the tyrant at last, but at a terrible cost
to themselves and their Sees. According to reliable sources the
expenses incurred by the united dioceses amounted to no less
a sum than 484,836 piastres, of which the share of the arch
bishopric reached a total of 193,934. Baki, regarding the
bishops as the authors of his ruin, never ceased to cherish feel
ings of revenge against them. The downfall of Khalil Pasha in
1784 appearing to favour his designs he succeeded, by the pay
ment of heavy bribes, in getting himself reappointed as Mu
hassil. But the news of his nomination caused such an outcry
among the Cypriots that his patron, the new Grand Vizier, was
forced to cancel it and to issue by the Sultan's orders a decree,
forbidding him under pain of death ever to set foot again in
Cyprus. He was banished instead to Jaffa, where, to the great
relief of the islanders, he shortly afterwards fell a victim to the
plague. So detested was his memory that for years afterwards
his compatriots erected cairns in his dishonour along the public
roads, to which every passer-by, as he added a stone, breathed a
curse on his ill-omened name.
After holding the primacy for twenty-five years Chrysanthos,
feeling the infirmities of advancing age, determined to resign
the reins of office into more vigorous hands and to pass the
remainder of his days in retirement. At a meeting of the
bishops and clergy called for the purpose in 1791 he announced
to them his intention, which was strenuously opposed. To
relieve the Archbishop from the pressure of duty and the
fatigues of the annual visitation it was unanimously decided to
furnish him with a coadjutor, who should be appointed to one
of the ancient Sees comprised in the archdiocese. Accordingly
his nephew and namesake, Chrysanthos, was with his consent
consecrated to the bishopric of Tamasos. At the end of ten
years this arrangement fell through, owing to the promotion of
the Bishop of Tamasos to the See of Kition. Chrysanthos then
repeated before the Synod his former declaration. But the sug
gestion, chiefly at the instance of his nephews, the Metropolitans
of Paphos and Kition, was a second time rejected by the as
sembled prelates on the ground that such a practice was un
known to the Church of Cyprus, and that there was no one
qualified at so critical a j uncture to succeed him in the manage
ment of ecclesiastical affairs. The difficulty was again for a
while met by the consecration of another coadjutor, Spyridon,
to the See of Trimythus. The evident determination, however,
15

226 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of his relatives to keep him on the archiepiscopal throne for their
own personal ends, and to the manifest injury of the Church, at
length caused the formation of a party, which brought about
his overthrow. At the head of the malcontents was his suc
cessor, Kyprianos, at that time oekonomos, or steward, of the
archdiocese. At length in 1810 the opponents of Chrysanthos
procured the publication of an imperial edict directing the re
moval from their dioceses of the aged Archbishop and his nephew,
the Bishop of Kition. An imperial mubashir, or commissioner,
was at the same time despatched to Cyprus to conduct them to
Eubcea, where the old man died soon afterwards.
Kyprianos. Kyprianos (1810-1821), one of the ablest prelates who ever
held the primacy of Cyprus, was born at Strovilo in the Nahieh
of Dagh about the middle of the eighteenth century. While
still a boy he left his native village to become an inmate of the
monastery of Machaera, where he received his early education
and ordination as a deacon. In 1783 he accompanied the archi
mandrite of that establishment, Charalampos, to Wallachia to
collect funds for the restoration of the monastery, which through
lapse of time had fallen into ruins. There, at the request of the
Voivode, Michael Soutzo (I.), he was admitted to priest's orders
and appointed to the service of the chapel in the viceregal
palace. While in this position he applied himself to a further
course of study. On his return to Cyprus in 1802 Kyprianos
was entrusted with the management of the estate belonging to
the monastery at Strovilo. His discharge of this duty gave such
satisfaction that he was appointed, with the approval of Chry
santhos, oekonomos of the archdiocese. About this same time
he greatly advanced his reputation by his conduct during the
siege of Nikosia in 1804, when, acting as representative of the
Archbishop and citizens, he succeeded in obtaining favourable
terms from the Turkish generals.1 By degrees, owing to the in
firmity of the Primate, whose successor he aspired to be, the
entire control of affairs fell into his hands. By the deposition
of Chrysanthos and his nephew in 1810 the object of his desires
Travels of au 1 The services rendeied by Kyprianos on this occasion are thus alluded to by
i8l?)<L°n,i0n' t'le Pseudo Moslem traveller, Ali Bey, in his account of the visit he paid to the
island in 1806 : " Duiing the previous year there had been a great rising of the
Turks against the Dragoman. They gained possession of the city of Nikosia
and behaved atrociously to the Archbishop and other Greeks ; they even killed
those who refused to give them money. In this critical situation the steward
was the guardian angel of his community — such talent and tact did he show in
turning aside the fury of the rebels. "

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 227
was at last achieved. The imperial Berats were in due course
received, appointing him to Nikosia, while at the same time the
Archimandrite Meletios was designated for the See of Kition.
But an unexpected obstacle suddenly came between him and the
full accomplishment of his ambition. Though unanimously
elected to the vacant dignity, the new Archbishop, according to
the canons, could not be consecrated, as his predecessor had not
given his written resignation, nor was there any prospect that
he would do so. Constantios,1 Archbishop of Sinai, happened
at that moment to be staying at Larnaka. To him the candi
date and the two remaining prelates wrote, requesting that he
would proceed to Nikosia and consult with them on what, under
the circumstances, should be done. Instead, however, of com
plying with their request he counselled them in reply to have
recourse to the CEcumenical See, which alone in so difficult a
matter could pronounce an opinion and give the necessary per
mission for the consecration of the elect. The Church of Con
stantinople, being thus appealed to, issued its licence in the form
of a letter addressed to the Archbishop of Sinai. On its receipt
he came to Nikosia, where in conjunction with the Metropolitans
of Paphos and Kyrenia he consecrated Kyprianos to the primacy,
the latter in turn consecrating Meletios to the bishopric of
Kition. Once firmly established in office the new Archbishop seems to
have specially devoted his energies to the intellectual improve
ment of his people. He resolved to remove, so far as he could,
the reproach of ignorance so often levelled against the Cypriots.
For this purpose he founded throughout the island numerous
educational establishments, among others the still-existing High
School near the archiepiscopal residence, which he dedicated to
the Holy Trinity on New Year's Day 1812. But his compara
tively short tenure of the See gave him few opportunities of
carrying his projects into execution. Though his claims upon
the gratitude of his compatriots are considerable, it is the tragic
close of his life which has especially impressed his name upon
their memories. In 1821, when he had occupied the archiepis
copal throne for eleven years, began that long and heroic struggle
1 He, or a namesake, was the author of a work on the island entitled Kvirpids
Xapieaaa Kal iirlTopos, KaBidTopovaa rdivry bXB'iw vi\aa Tavry pvfipys KaX Siyyifireas
iirioyp&repa, which occupies pages 125-154 ofthe fourth edition ofthe Guide Book
(irepiypattn)) to the Monastery of Kykko, published at Venice in 1819. Mr. Cobham,
however (Excerpta Cypria, p. 224), conjectures that his visit to Larnaka occurred
in 1766.

228 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of the Greeks against Turkish despotism and barbarism, which
shook the Ottoman Empire to its foundations. The command
ing influence enjoyed by the Christian primates had long been
a source of annoyance to the Qapudan Pasha, who at that period
was the virtual owner of the island. To destroy it on the first
favourable opportunity was his fixed resolve. For this purpose
Kuchuk Mehmed,1 a man notorious for his savage and imperious
temper, had been selected as Musellim or Governor. Appointed
in 1820 his conduct soon showed the wisdom of his selection.
Although from the smallness and unwarlike character of the
population and the proximity of the neighbouring Mohammedan
countries there appeared little likelihood of the insurrectionary
movement extending to Cyprus, the Porte determined to send an
army thither the more effectually to ensure the submission of
the Rayahs. Accordingly a considerable body of troops — the
offscourings of the Levant — arrived at Larnaka from Syria in
June, 1821. At the same time an order was issued for the dis
armament of the Greek inhabitants, which was quietly effected.
Kuchuk Mehmed regarded the occasion as a propitious one not
only for carrying out his employer's designs, but also for enrich
ing himself at the expense of the more wealthy Christians. To
ensure the peaceful acquisition of their property he perceived
that it would first be necessary to remove the owners. The
following plan was accordingly devised for the purpose. Work
ing on the well-known fears of the Government he submitted,
when reporting the successful completion of the disarmament, a
long list of names, comprising the bishops, heads of the monas
teries, superior clergy, and chief men of the Orthodox commu
nity, whom he charged with covertly abetting the rebels. In
consequence of his misrepresentations orders were secretly sent
from Constantinople to put the accused to death and confiscate
their property. The local Aghas, who had already been made
acquainted with the Governor's proposed treachery, approved it
from the prospect, which it offered, both of personal gain and of
emancipation from the control of the Archbishop. The first
blow was struck by the arrest in June of certain of the Christian
notables. This was succeeded by a summons to the bishops to
repair to Nikosia. On their arrival the Musellim demanded of
them, as sureties for their good behaviour, the principal officials
of their respective Sees. At a meeting of the leading Moslems
1 He was subsequently minister of police at Constantinople under the name
of Pepee (Ueireii) Mehmed Pasha.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 229
held early the following month in the Serai the Government
mandate was read and its speedy execution decreed. Saturday,
9th July, was the day selected, when another crime was added
to that long list of horrors, which have brought such well-
deserved infamy upon the Ottoman name. The gates of Nikosia
were suddenly closed and the bloody work began in the square
before the Governor's palace. Before killing the ecclesiastics l. de Mas
Latrie
the murderers in fiendish sport saddled them like horses, break- ^ corVespon-
. i i • • \ i aallt• Jum 25_
mg their teeth as they thrust the bits into their mouths, and*0**10-1847'
goading them with their spurs.1 The first to die were the three
Metropolitans of Paphos, Kition and Kyrenia. The Archbishop,
whom Kuchuk Mehmed had sworn upon the Koran not to behead,
was next led out to execution, accompanied by his secretary and
archdeacon, Meletios. Both were hanged and the trees, on which
they suffered, still stand to keep alive the memory of their mur
der. The day's slaughter ended with the decapitation of three
of the Christian notables. But the butchers were not satisfied
with the blood they had already shed. On the morrow they
completed their hellish work by the execution of the abbots and
of many ofthe citizens. The news of what had occurred was the
signal for similar massacres in various other parts of the island.
In fact hardly any Christian of eminence escaped except those
who found refuge with the European consuls, or who consented
to save their lives at the expense of their religion. The num
ber of victims, which will never be accurately known, has been
variously estimated. One account has placed it as high as 470,
but probably half that amount represents the truth. On
the day following the murders their co-religionists buried the
bodies of the prelates and other martyrs within the precincts
of the Church of Phaneromene behind the altar. There they
remained undisturbed until the year 1872, when, by the en
largement of the building their resting-place becoming in
cluded within the walls, the holy relics were reverently collected
and reinterred inside the sanctuary to the right of the Holy
Table, an inscription in marble being at the same time erected
to perpetuate the memory of these victims to Turkish cruelty
and perfidy.2
1 " On m'a dit qu'avant de les massacrer les Tures, par un raffinement inoui
de vengeance, avaient selle les papas comme des chevaux, leur brisant les dents
pour introduire un mors dans la bouche, et les forcant a caracoler sous leurs
eperons." 2 The inscription runs as follows : — 'Aii-o^no-
" 'Ev rip inrb t)]v iepdv Tabryv TpdireCav Kevoratpelw, Keivrai rd bard 7W Kara Tb p j k^-1"7™
1821, 9-10 'lovXiov diryyxovio~BevTwv KaX KapaTopyBevTav lepwpevwv KaX Xa'iKwv, KaX jnaSov, p. 21.

230 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
The expectations of the assassins were amply realised. An
immense booty fell into their hands. All the property of the
slain and of those who escaped the sword was confiscated to
the Government, and acquired by Kuchuk Mehmed and his
associates at a nominal price. The sacred vessels of gold and
silver belonging to the churches and monasteries were seized at
the same time, but before they could all be sold an order was
received from Constantinople, directing that they should be
restored to the archdiocese. They are reported to have been
subsequently melted down by the next Archbishop, Joakim, and
used as bribes to appease the wrath of his Turkish masters.
The blood of the martyred prelates had scarcely ceased to
flow when the inhuman Governor by a refinement of cruelty
summoned to his presence the imprisoned hostages. After
clothing them in the customary purple robes and proclaiming
them the successors of the murdered men, he mounted them on
the very mules, on which their unfortunate predecessors had
ridden to their doom, and sent them to the archiepiscopal re
sidence, escorted by a guard of honour composed of Janissaries.
As1 soon as tranquillity was restored the surviving heads of
the clergy reported to the Oecumenical See the tragic fate which
had overtaken the bishops. They also requested that the Patri
arch of Antioch, from his proximity to the island, might be
directed to send three of his suffragans to consecrate the newly-
elected prelates. The Patriarch Eugenios endeavoured to post
pone the ceremony, representing that for political reasons and
from the danger attending any movement of the bishops at that
period the request could not be granted. At the same time
he counselled the memorialists to have confidence in the Church
of Constantinople, which would at the proper season advise them
what to do. The Cypriots again addressed the CEcumenical
See, reminding it that both tradition and the canons required
the consecration of the prelates to take place in the island, and
that with regard to the passage of the Syrian bishops from the
coasts of Phoenicia no possible obj ection could be raised, as it
would be done with the sanction of the Government. There-
ivrbs tov TTepiBbXov Tys Qavepwpevys 4vTatpiao-d4vTwv. ' AvaKaivitrBeiays Se Tys
EKKXyrrias 1872-1873, direKopiaByaav 4k tou irpor4pov avriiv Tdipov KaX rd iepd bard
twv roVe BavarwBevrwv, Kal 4re8yo'av, ws dvwrepw eXpyrat, eis pvypbtrvvov aiwviov.
Ta bv&para avrav eiffl Tavra.
" Kvirpiavov ' ApxieiriaKbirov, XpvadvBov Tldtpov, MeXeriov Kitt'iov, Aavpevrtov
Kvpyveias, 'lwff^tp 'Hyovp4vov Kvkkov, MeXeriov 'ApxtStaKbvov, r. Maaovpa, TI.
O'lKovopiSov, M. PXvkv, HiepaKy, 'lwdvvov ' AvtwvoitovXov, n. Boatrov, N. Zwypdipov,
2. ~ZoXopy, 2. "ZvpewrrovXov, Xp. KovpreXXapiSy."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 231
upon Epiphanios offered no further opposition, but authorised
the Antiochene Patriarch to proceed with the consecration.
Seraphim, who had himself received a similar request from the
Cypriot clergy, accordingly despatched to Cyprus the Bishops of
Epiphania, Seleucia and Emesa, who in December consecrated
the various candidates to their respective Sees.1
Joakim (1821-1824), tlie immediate successor of the mur-joakim.
dered Kyprianos, before his elevation to the archiepiscopal H,"
throne had been Oekonomos of the Monastery of St. Barnabas" ™
in the district of Famagusta. His sole recommendation for the
office was his familiarity with Turkish, always regarded as a
very necessary qualification for the Archbishop from his inti
mate relations with the civil authorities. His administration
of the See, however, speedily caused such general dissatisfaction
that, on the petition of the inhabitants, he was compelled by the
Government at the end of two years and five months to resign.
Damaskenos (1824-1827), before his promotion to the primacy Damaskenos.
had acted as Bishop of Kyrenia. His occupancy of the urchi- ISPou",
episcopal throne extended over scarcely three years, as he wasp
deposed and exiled by the Porte to Sparta in 1827 on account
of his opposition to the Governor, Ali Ruhi. Returning to
his native land after some years' absence he was, on the death
of the then Bishop of Kition, appointed to administer the dio
cese, with the title of President, which he continued to do until
his death.
Panaretos (1827-1840), who had previously served the diocese Panaretos.
of Paphos, first as archdeacon and then as bisliop, was on the g^SE
deposition of Damaskenos unanimously elected to the vacant p'1*'
headship. He proved himself during his tenure of office a great
benefactor both to Church and State. In 1830 at his sugges
tion an assembly of the notables of the island was held, which
despatched to Constantinople a deputation of four members to
lay before the Government a memorial, requesting sonic measure
of relief for the wretched inhabitants. The mission was most
1 Their names and the Sees, to which they were appointed, are as follows : —
Joakim, CEkonomos of the Monastery of the Apostle Barnabas, to the
Archbishopric. Panaretos, Archdeacon of Paphos, to the See of Paphos.
Leontios, Archimandrite of Kition, to the See of Kition.
Damaskenos, Exarch of Kyrenia, to the See of Kyrenia.

232 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
successful, bringing back with it an acknowledgment for 326,000
piastres, held by the former Governor, Ali Ruhi, from the
island, which the Sultan remitted. He likewise freed the See
from a crushing debt of over 400,000 piastres, as well as re
purchased a valuable estate, once its property, which had been
confiscated and sold during the troubles of 1821. In 1837, by
the unanimous desire of the laity and bishops, he sent a second
deputation to the capital, which obtained an imperial decree
fixing the total annual tribute of the island, exclusive of the pay
of the governor and military commander and the local expenses,
at 3,179,082 piastres. Though devoid of education himself he
was a zealous patron of learning, reorganising in 1830 the High
School established by Kyprianos, which had gone to ruin on
its founder's lamented death. After holding office for thirteen
years he finally fell a victim to a local intrigue, being forced by
the Porte in 1840 to resign the See in favour of Joannikios.
But he did not survive his abdication more than two years.
Retiring first to the Monastery of St. Herakleides near Nikosia
he, after one year's stay, withdrew to that of the Holy Cross at
Omodos, where he died at an advanced age.
joannikios. Joannikios (1840-1849), exarch of the archdiocese at the
G™r|£n° time of the massacres of 1821, was one of the few among the
higher clergy who managed to escape the horrors of that event
ful year. On quitting the island he proceeded to Paris, where
for many years he subsisted on a monthly allowance of 250
francs from the Public Treasury. During his sojourn in the
French capital he became acquainted with the Turkish states
men, Reshid and Fetih Ahmed Pashas, who brought him to
Constantinople. In 1839 through their instrumentality he re
turned to Cyprus, furnished with a letter from the Grand Vizier
granting him a monthly pension of 1000 piastres from the
island Treasury. On his arrival in his native land the faction
opposed to Panaretos adopted him as their candidate, and
endeavoured to persuade the Porte to depose the former in his
favour. The two patrons of Joannikios, well aware that he did
not possess the necessary qualifications for the office, at first
opposed his nomination. But the Cypriots persisting in their
demands they eventually gave way, on the understanding that
their protege should remain Archbishop and that no subsequent
petition for his removal would be entertained. On the accept
ance of these conditions a Berat was issued appointing him to
the primacy in the room of Panaretos. Joannikios during the

p. i:

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 233
course of these negotiations had returned to Constantinople,
but now again left for the island, accompanied by some of his
adherents and a new Governor, lately appointed. The party
disembarked at Paphos in the beginning of October, 1840.
From this place letters were sent to Nikosia to the then
Musellim, acquainting him with the nomination of Joannikios
and directing the detention of Panaretos at the Serai until the
traveller's arrival at the seat of government. On receipt of
these orders the Governor sent for Panaretos and, after placing
him and his deacon, Meletios, under a guard of three zaptiehs,
proceeded to seal up all the rooms of the archiepiscopal resi
dence except the Synod Hall, which he left open for the
accommodation of the Primate's suite. Immediately on his
arrival at Nikosia Joannikios went with the new Governor to
the vice-regal palace. There he was invested by the latter
with the usual robe of honour and subsequently the same day,
according to custom, enthroned in the Church of St. John,
receiving later (13th Oct., 1840), from the deposed Archbishop
his resignation in writing. The position, which he had thus
acquired, Joannikios retained until his death in 1849, in spite
of two attempts made by the partisans of Panaretos to oust
him. During his nearly ten years' occupation of the primacy
he is reported to have displayed considerable energy and bold
ness in the defence of his political rights. In 1842 he is said
to have sent a deputation to Constantinople on behalf of the
island community and later (1848) to have gone in person on
the same errand. But, notwithstanding his exertions and the
powerful friends he possessed at Court, he was able to accom
plish little for the benefit of his native land. This failure his
biographer ascribes to his lack of judgment and political virtues,
as well as to the hostility he encountered from the opposite
faction, which paralysed all his efforts.
Kyrillos (1849-1854), archimandrite of the archdiocese, wasKyruios.
chosen to succeed Joannikios. A relative of the murdered |"rK
Kyprianos and a survivor himself of the tragic scenes of 1821, he p' 128'
had passed twenty-eight years in the See previous to his promo
tion as its head. He is said to have been distinguished for his
intelligence and activity both in ecclesiastical and political
matters. In connection with local questions he had already
visited Constantinople twice, once in 1835 and again in 1848,
on the last occasion in company with his immediate predecessor.
Before he could assume office a dispute arose concerning the

234 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
validity of his election. The party opposed to him, which
received the support of the Musellim, asserting in the interests
of their candidate that he had not received a majority of the
suffrages called for a re-election. These misrepresentations suc
ceeded in delaying his official recognition and confirmation for
three months. On a new election taking place, in the hall of the
Serai, Kyrillos was again chosen by an overwhelming majority,
and immediately recognised as Archbishop by the Government.
This experience at the very commencement of his career seems
to have exercised a most depressing influence upon the new
Primate. His former boldness was succeeded by a certain
timidity and caution, which characterised him to the end of his
days. His death is said to have been hastened by the following
circumstance. During the height of the Crimean War, which
occurred at that period, a certain anonymous pamphlet was
issued by the Athenian press inflaming the national sentiments
of the Greek subjects of the Porte and inciting them to rebellion.
Its reputed author is reported to have been Epaminondas Fran-
koudi, then headmaster of the High School at Nikosia and a
resident in the Archbishop's house. Though the writer was
never discovered the incident roused the suspicions of the Gover
nor and leading Turks against the Christians, and especially
against the Archbishop. They charged the Orthodox popula
tion of Nikosia with meditating an attack upon them and
harbouring revolutionary ideas, and demanded their disarma
ment. Kyrillos, apprehensive lest the fanaticism of the Moslems
might precipitate some terrible catastrophe, appealed to the
Governor and Qazi to restrain them from making an onslaught
on his co-religionists. But the anxiety, through which he had
gone, and the fear, which he seems never to have been able
entirely to shake off, so undermined his health that he died in
July 1854 at the Monastery of St. Herakleides after an illness
of only three months. Though in occupation of the primacy
for so limited a period and known to have encountered much
opposition. Kyrillos is asserted to have governed the Church
worthily and conferred valuable services upon his country.
Makarios (1854-1865), the next occupant of the See, had spent
g5ot|£u"! twenty-seven years in its service before being called on to pre
side. Wise and prudent rather than daring he had the good
fortune to succeed to the archiepiscopal throne at a period of
general prosperity and tranquillity. His attention not being
distracted by political questions and anxieties he was able the

. 130.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 235
more closely to devote himself to the spiritual advancement of
his people. He was a zealous patron of education and did much
to increase the efficiency of the schools, both in Nikosia and
throughout the diocese, besides founding the first female school
ever established in his metropolis. He maintained also at
Athens two theological students, whose support was defrayed
out of the diocesan treasury. Both of them, after first acting as
masters in the High School, have since attained to positions of
the highest eminence in their native Church. The one was
the late revered Primate, Sophronios, while the other, de
ceased a few years ago, was the well-known Bishop of Kition,
Kyprianos. In the archiepiscopal residence itself Makarios
effected many improvements and repairs. Among others he
restored the great Synod Hall in 1862-63, and built the spacious
apartments on either side of it for the reception of the bishops
and other distinguished guests. Whilst engaged in these useful
labours he was suddenly carried off in 1865 by the cholera,
which was then raging in Nikosia. Though he might have
preserved his life, as he was urged to do, by a timely removal
to the mountains, he preferred to share the dangers of his
people rather than set his priests an example of deserting the
sick and dying without the last consolations of religion. He
died on 4th August in that year, a martyr to duty, leaving
behind him a pattern worthy of imitation and a memory cher
ished by all who knew him. He is described as a man of a
singularly sweet and engaging disposition, which won for him
not only the affection of his own people, but also the esteem and
regard of the Turkish authorities and of his Moslem compatriots.
Sophronios II. (1865-1900), the late venerable head of the sophronios n.
island Church, was a native of the village of Phini in the Nahieh S^C
of Kilanion. So great was the panic caused by the cholera that, p 132 sq
after the death of Makarios, three months elapsed before the
election of his successor. At the end of that time the three
suffragan bishops, with the representatives of the Orthodox com
munity, met according to custom and nominated to the vacant
dignity the Deacon Sophronios, who was then presiding over the
High School in Nikosia. Like that of his lamented predecessor,
the period of his rule was marked by none of those troubles
from without which have so harassed other occupants of the
archiepiscopal throne. Following the example set by Makarios
he strenuously devoted himself to the intellectual and spiritual
advancement of those entrusted to his care. During his tenure

236 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of office he conferred two signal services upon his native
land. It was owing greatly to his active co-operation that the
measures devised by that wise and enlightened Governor, Said
Pasha, to combat the ravages of the locusts, those terrible scourges
of Cypriot agriculture, were so successful. Hardly was this task
completed when a second pressing danger claimed his attention.
In 1870 a severe drought, with its attendant famine, threatened
the lives of the inhabitants. In consequence of the misery and
losses sustained by the islanders through these two crushing
misfortunes it was resolved to petition the supreme Government
for some measures of relief. A deputation composed of four
members, two Christians and two Moslems, and headed by the
Archbishop, was accordingly despatched to Constantinople. So
well did it plead the cause of the distressed islanders, ably
seconded by the advocacy of the Cypriot Qibrisli Mehmed Pasha,
that in the short space of one month and a half it succeeded in
obtaining the two concessions, for which it asked. A firman was
issued withdrawing Cyprus from the Vilayet of the Islands and
constituting it an independent Mutessariflik, while the necessary
seed for the following year was authorised to be drawn from the
Government granaries in the island. But peaceful though
Sophronios' occupation of the primacy has been, in a sense it
has proved to be one of the most eventful in the history of the
island and its Church. On 10th July, 1878, the Crescent, that
symbol of oppression and murder, set for ever, and Cyprus sud
denly awoke to find that the nightmare of Turkish misrule,
which had brooded over her for 300 years, had become at last a
thing of the past. An English sovereign in the centuries long-
gone by had been the means of introducing Western tyranny
into the island. An English sovereign was now to repair the
wrong wrought by her predecessor. The Cypriots were, for
the first time in their national existence, to taste the blessings of
freedom and constitutional government, and to learn that they
had no longer anything to fear from those same Western strangers,
who had formerly come to them in so different a guise. Who
can tell what other and greater benefits may not yet result from
the political changes, which twenty-two years ago transferred
Cyprus from the rule of an Oriental despot to that of the most
liberty-loving nation of Europe ? Perhaps under God's provi
dence it has been reserved for her to serve as the bond of union
between those two great branches of Christ's Church, which have
remained too long dissevered, the Eastern and the Anglican — a
service which will constitute not the least of her claims upon

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 237
the gratitude and affectionate regard of Christians. The Ortho
dox Communion of Cyprus need be under no misgiving as to its
future. The English Church, unlike its Romish predecessor,
does not seek to deprive it of its lawful heritage. If such an
assurance were needed it was amply given in the sermon 1 de
livered at the consecration of St. Paul's, Nikosia, on 27th April
1886, when the preacher, in alluding to the former Papal usur
pation, said : " No repetition of such interference with the historic
rights of their Church have our Christian brethren in Cyprus to
fear at the hands of English Churchmen in the present day.
Attached as we are to the worship and discipline of our own
Church, we have not the will, even had we the power, to force
our usages upon sister Churches. As we have no thought of
changing our own rites and ceremonies, we have no thought of
asking our Eastern brethren to change theirs. Lovers of liberty,
we are anxious to promote, not to prej udice, the independence of
sister Churches. The ecclesiastical rulers of this island may feel
assured that no proselytising inroads will be made upon their
flocks from this English Church, which they now see erected on
their soil. They may feel assured that no seeds of discord or
schism will be planted among their people by the English clergy
who shall have authority here to exercise their ministry. They
may feel assured that in Cyprus as elsewhere Englishmen will be
true to their traditional policy of upholding the principle of
national, independent, self-governed Churches."
1 " Our Church in Cyprus," a sermon preached by the Rt. Rev. C. W. Sand
ford, D.D., Bishop of Gibraltar, at the consecration ofthe Church of St. Paul
at Nikosia, 27th April, 1886.

238 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

T

CHAPTER V.
HE history of the Church in its commencement presents
everywhere the same features. At first, with but few
exceptions, its ranks contained only the poor and lowly.
And the Christian community of Cyprus appears to have fol
lowed the same general rule. The early bishops and pastors
were men of no social distinction. Tradition says they were
not ashamed to handle the spade and the plough for their
daily support, and to find the means of relief for the helpless
Kyprianos, and indigent among their little flocks. Like their predecessors,
the Apostles, they travelled through the country, staff in hand,
dependent upon the chance hospitality of the faithful, confirm
ing the wavering and seeking by their own godly life and con
versation to draw the heathen into the fold.1
ibid., p. 100. The Church of Cyprus not only appeals to Holy Scripture in
support of its claim to have received the Faith direct from the
Apostles, but declares on the authority of tradition that it
derives from them its episcopate also. The names of Barnabas,
Lazarus, Epaphroditos, Herakleides, Myron, Philagrios and
Tychicos stand foremost in its annals to the present day. It
1 Ala T^jy 4irio~Kei\ilv twv tyvxav rav XpirTTiavwv rbre Tys Nrjff'ou, ipaiverai dirb Tivd
o'ypeiwpara, eupeBevra els xelPuyPa<Pa BiBXia vopiKa, oVi ^aav irepurabTepov dirb
rpidKovra 'EiriiTKOTroi, tttwxoX pev KaX xa>p'y peyaXoirpeirelav, KaX irafipyrriav els rd
e\aBev, dXX' dXyBeis Tlolpeves Kal AiSdaKaXoi tov eavrwv piKpov Tloipvlov, ftrrep ijrov
rb koB' avrb t4xos tov 4irio'KOTreveiv, Kal dypvirveiv, KaX Sid vd KaBoSyyovffi rbv Xabv,
eis arypiypbv rys dpwp'fjTOv dyias ypwv HiaTews, KaX Sia vd eXKao'i Kal tovs "EXXyvas,
birov rbre Tjaav irXyBos iv ry Ntj<toj, eis T^i/ Tliariv tov XpiffTOv, Kal pe t^v Kara
XpirTTbv evreXy, KaX TaireivTjv iroXiTelav twv, KaX pe -H?i/ vovBealav, KaX SiSao~KaXlav
Taii/. 'EiropevovTO eis tt)v bSbv diroo'TOXiKws pe t}/*/ BaKryplav Tcof • Kal ev&a eKapvav
rb KaraXvppa, epyov elxov ei/Bvs vd Ktipvovv t^v irpotrevx'iiv tojj/, Kal vd vovBeT-ijooviri
tovs bXiyoirlo'TOvs, t) Kal elSwXoXaTpas en rbre, oi pev va ffTepewBovmv els T-i]v iritTTiv
KaXXirepov, ol Se dtpivres to etSwXa, vd TrpotreXBaai ry dXyBei irio-rei tov Xpiffrov.
rbre Sev Tjo-av irpoTipT\aeis, KaX irpwroKaBeSpiai, KaX tItXoi inrefyfppavoi, KaX avvrrbo'TaTOl
eis tovtovs tovs axXovfrrdrovs ' Apxiepeis , dXX' b irpeffBvTepos KaTa ryv yXlKlav, Kal
paXiara b Sid Tbv B'i°v tov d^ioplpyros, Kal 4pireipbTepos, els t)]v SiSaaKaXiav, iKeivos,
Kal tpevywv rds Tipds twv dvBpwirwv, iXdpBave Kal e?xe rd irpwreia Kal ti)v irpOTlpyo~iv.
Sev iverpeirovTO vd rrKairTwai ttjv -yf)i/, Kal vd tt;v dporpiwai 5ia to irpbs rb Cyv dvayKaiia,
Kal dirb tovs k6ttovs twv vd 4iriijK4irTwvTai, Kal vd iXeovtri tovs dSvvdrovs, Kal tttwxovs
tov piKpov iroipvlov twv.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 239
reverences them as its holiest saints, and honours them as its
founders. The successors whom they appointed acknowledged
no external ecclesiastical authority nor considered it necessary
to seek consecration beyond the limits of the island. They Kypriano*,
governed the clergy and people of their respective dioceses P'
strictly in accordance with the customs, which had been trans
mitted to them from the Apostles. The only superior they re
cognised was the local Synod, to which they referred such
matters as they did not feel individually competent to decide.
At first absolute equality reigned among them, such deference
as they paid to one another being entirely voluntary. The eldest
in age, and especially those who were distinguished for zeal and
knowledge, occupied the chief place in their esteem. But, as
the faithful increased, of necessity the number of the bishops
became augmented also. Then at length appeared a certain
definite order of precedence. Those, who filled the Sees once
occupied by the nominees of the Apostles, came to be regarded
by the rest as their metropolitans and were given the sole right
of conferring consecration. Such was the system observed in
the island Church until the assembling of the First General
Council at Nicaea, a period of 280 years from the coming of
the Apostles (i.e., 280 + a.d 45 = a.d. 325), and not 290, as
Kyprianos states.1
1 'H twv Kvirpiwv lepa 'EKKXrjaria idexBrj tt)v iriffTiv inrb twv ayiwv '' ' Attoo't6Kwv
TiavXov Kal Bapvd&a, ws 4k twv Tlpd^ewv to>// ' Attoo~t6Kwv fj.avddvofj.ev • e\af3ev
a.fieo'ws vtt avTwv Kal apx^epets irpbs Kadodrtyiav twv 7tio~twv, wv evas eivai 6 outos
'A-ttoVtoA.os BapvdfBas, o~Tpa<pels fieTa, Tb K-fipvyfia eis tt)v iraTpida tov ^aXafxiva.
'Eira(Pp6dtT0s, evas twc ef3dofj.4]KovTa, ixpyfJ-dTto~ev 'EiriaKOiros eis tt)v 'Aktt)v 'Apyeiwv,
ir6\iv ToVe irA.f)o~iov tov xa}pi°v 'AKavdovs. 6 tet paijfiepos Ad^apos KiTiwv 'Apx^epebs
XeipOTOvrjBeis. 'HpaKKeidios Kal Mvpwv eis Tafiao~6v. Kal eis 2oAecw Qikdypios Madr}TT)S
* Attoo~t6\ov TIeTpov, Kal Tvxwbs eis Tld<pov, tv 6 TlavXos KaKel avTbv ayairrjTbv aSe\-
tybv, Kal iricrTbv oiKOvdfxov Kal o~vvdov\ov avTOv ev Kvirpw (Kvpiw ;) Avtovs evpicKOfiev
BefieKiwTas Trjs Upas *EKK\i}o~ias twv Kvirpiwv airh tt)v IffTopiav, Kal airb Tbv ai/Twv
f&iov Kal fiapTvpLOv, Kal tovtwv ol diddoxot, ws irapeA.af3ov, air' ovtwv afioiBaiws
ixeipoTOVOvvTO, Kal iiroifxavov Tb ai/Twv iyx^tpto~8ev Tlolfj.vtov b Ka6* els ¦ Kal oure
XP*0S iyvwpi^pvTO va i/iroTe\ovo~iv eis two. twv 'Apx^epewv e£w6ev ttjs N-tjcou, oure
ffQaKfia eo~TOxdo~Br]<rav irOTe, iav dev eTpexov va A.afif3avovv ttjv xGlP0T01/'iaj/ Tmv
irepav Trjs 8akdo~o~ris- TrjpovvTes ti\v o~vvf)8eiav r\v irapa twv ayiwv * Attoo~t6Awv irape-
Ka&ov 4k dtadoxys* iKvf&epvow Tbv K\rjpov Kal Tbv \abv KaTa, Tb irvevfj.aTtKbv, eKaffTOS
eis t)v irpox^tpio'BT] ^EirapxS0^ T7)s Nf)TOv • dev iyvwpifav eis aWov Tiva \nroTayr\v, eifj,r}
u.ovav eis tt}v ovtwv o~vva\iv Kal "S&vodov, eis r)v ave<pepev b KaB* els twv ' Ap^iep €&>*¦/
bffa ffwefiaiov eis tt\v 'Eirapxi&v tou irepl iKK\7]0~ta(TTtKrjs oiKOvofiias, Kal to, dirota
(j.6vos dev idvveTO va. Kpivpt t) va, airo(pao~io"r). atf^ave de b apidfxbs twv ttio'twv, rjH^ave
Kara avdyKryv Kal b apiBfibs twv 4itio,k6itwv, Kal ot devTepoi ws fieTa. Kaipbv Tloifiviov
irpoffTaffiav \a&6vres, e<f>epov inroTayfyv els tovs dtad6xovs twv 'Aitoo'tSKwv, Kal ws
MrjTpoiro\iTas avTwv dia opBr\v Td£tv effeBovTO, rrapa twi/ diroiwv Kal ixeipoTOvovvTO.
UpwTOV de Tp Td£ei <pavcpbv oti 4yvwpifav aveKaBev rbv 'Ap^tepea 1,akafjLivr}s, Kal
vffTepov ttjs KwuffravTias \ey6fieyqy, ws tov >Airoa'T6\ov Bapvdfia diddoxov, Kal ws

240 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
*s^rt-"">» Kyprianos, indeed, professes to have seen in an ancient
Nomocanon a list of these early Sees into which the island
was divided. According to this authority the total number
was thirty-one, composed as follows : —
Metropolises, six. — Constantia, Paphos, Kition, Amathus, Ky
renia and Kurion.
Bishoprics, twenty-five. — Trimythus, Kythras, Photolampos,
or Levkosia, Karpasea, Neapolis, Lampusa, Sari, Dora, Solea,
Saldi, Anakomia, Gabse, Banothe, Batanea, Therakomia,
Arsenoe, Machmerae, Pyrgokrata?, Petna, Ariachi, Tamasi,
Chirokiti, Stani, Koreatlia and Bilbanos.1
ibid., p. so, But the same writer admits that there is no evidence for the
existence of all.2 The number he himself regards as excessive
from (1) the prevalence of persecution at the period, which
would invest the episcopal office with peculiar danger ; (2) the
large heathen population rendering the presence of so many
bishops unnecessary ; and (3) the absence of all mention of so
large an episcopate in contemporary records. These considera
tions lead him to reject all but fourteen, which he enumerates,
declaring that, even if the others existed at all, their occupants
were merely in the position of chorepiscopi, charged with the
supervision of some three or four churches each. And this
sozomen, view is strongly corroborated by the testimony of Sozomen re-
c.'io.' '' gard ing the presence of such functionaries in the island.3
Tys irbXews iKetvys, 4k iraXaiov ixovays rd irpwreia irapd rds dXXas irbXeis, Sid tovto
KaX MyrpbiroXis Teripyrai. Toiovtov t)p rb irvo'Typa Tys iKKXyo'las Tys Nf}o"Ou pexpl
rys Trpwrys ~2.vv6Sov, eis Sido'Typa S-rjXaS^ 2go xpvvwv, dip' ov b ' Att6o~toXos TlavXos
KaX BapvdQas iSiSafcav t^v iepdv iriffTiv tov XpiaTov eis ttjv Kinrpov.
lMyTpoirbXeis. 'O KwvffravTias, 'O Tldtpov, 'O Knialwv, 'O 'ApaBovvros, 'O Kvpyvlas, 'O Kovplwv.
'E ir i cr k o ir a i.
'O TpipvBovvros, 'O KvBpwv, 'O QwroXapiroiis, i) AevKoaias, 'O Kapiratrewv, 'O
NeairbXews Nepetrov, 'O Aapirovays, 'O ~Zdpwv, 'O Aopds, 'O 2oAeas, 'O ^dxSav,
'O 'AvaKwpias, 'O YaBwv, 'O BavbBys, 'O Baravewv, 'O QepaKopias, 'O 'Aprrevbys, 'O
Maxpepwv, 'O TlvpyoKparwv, 'O Xlervijs, 'O 'Apid\wv, 'O Tapdawv, 'O XoipOKolrwv,
'O Urdvav, 'O KopedBas, 'O BiXBavovs.
2 To? ovn diriBavov SoKei b touovtwv ' Apxiepiav dpiBpbs eis rds dpxds Tys iriffTews,
iv petrw too-ovtwv Siwypav irpoXaBbvrwv, Kal birov Sev eCyXoTwrelTO Kar 4Keivovs
robs Kaipovs y a|/a avr^i, irapd dirb robs iroXXd ebXafieis KaX ireireiBbTas rip tov lepov
evayyeXiov KypvypaTi ' paXiffra iv petrw tocovtov Xaov, tov irepio'iroTepov elSwXo-
XaTpov, KaX irpbs tovtois twv 'Eirapxiwv avTwv rd bvbpara, airep iv ovSevX twv
iaTopiKav irwirOTe ayueiwBevTa eupopev. "OBev pdXXov Kplvopev tovs irepiffffOTepovs
TW 14 'Apxiepewv, diov nvhs xQtPetrL(TK^'trovs, Ka^ irpoeiTTWTas 'EKKXyo'iwv rplwv, %
Tetro'dpwv xapiwv KaB' eva • Kpivirw Se 6 dvayivwaicwv ws BobXerai.
3 'Ev aXXois Se eBveaiv 4ariv otry Kal 4v Kflopais iiriiXKOiroi iepovvrai, as irapd 'Apa-
Blois Kal Kmrpiois eyvwv, Kal irapd rois iv Qpvylais ^Savanvois Kal MovTaviaTais.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 241
The fourteen Sees, which alone Kyprianos acknowledges, Kyprianos,
are : — p' 91*
1. Levkosia. 2. Tamasea. 3. Kition. 4. Amathus. 5.
Kurias. 6. Arsenoe. 7. Paphos. 8. Solea. 9. Lapithos.
10. Kyrenia. 11. Kythraea. 12. Trimythus. 13. Karpasia.
14. Neapolis.
The existence of these, he assures his readers, can be conclu
sively proved from the biographies of the holy men, who presided
over them.
Various other estimates have also been given respecting the
actual number of the cities and Sees which the island in early
times possessed. Omitting those of some of the more recent
writers on the subject, we find the following among the more
important of these lists.
Pliny, writing fifteen years after the introduction of Christian- Pim., m>. v.,
ity (a.d. 61), mentions the names of fifteen cities as existing in"*'11'
Cyprus when he wrote.1 From their importance and the fact that
the ecclesiastical divisions of a place generally followed the lines of
the civil we are justified in assuming that the Christian com
munities to be found in them were presided over by bishops.
They are as follows : —
1. Paphos. 2. Palaepaphos. 3. Curias. 4. Citium. 5. Cori-
neum. 6. Salamis. 7. Amathus. 8. Lapethos. 9. Solas.
10. Tamasseus. 11. Epidarum. 12. Chytri. 13. Arsinoe. 14.
Carpasium. 15. Golgi.
Hierokles the Grammarian (a.d. 500) in his Synekdemos, or icg™, pat.
Travellers' Guide, gives a list identical with the above in point cSa','p0Si.
of number, but not of names : —
1. Constantia (metropolis). 2. Tamassos. 3. Kition. 4.
Amathusia. 5. Koren. 6. Paphos. 7. Arsenoe. 8. Soli. 9.
Lapithos. 10. Kirbcea. 11. Kythri. 12. Karpasin. 13. Ky
renia. 14. Trimithus. 15. Levkosia.
The Notitia Episcopatuum, to which Leo AUatius assigns the Leo Aiiatius,
date A.D. 813, declaring erroneous the commonly received opinion occid., et
that they were compiled in the time of Leo (VI.) the Philosopher Perpet^con-
(a.d. 886-A.d. 911) and Photios, Patriarch of Constantinople, o.^'.v.m.
thus reckons them : —
1. Constantia (metropolis). 2. Kition. 3. Amathus. 4.
Kurion. 5. Paphos. 6. Arsenoe. 7. Soli. 8. Lapithos. 9.
Kyrenia. 10. Tamasos. 11. Kythri. 12. Trimithus. 13.
Karpasin. 1 In the same passage he adds also, " Fueie et ibi Cinyria, Marium, Idalium"
16

242

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

lib. i.

Them.c. 16.
Mlgne, Pat.
Grcec., tom.
cxiii., pp.
IM, 105.

Allatine, ut
supra.

Machsera,
pp. 67, 68.

Amadi, pp. 85, 86.

Fl. Boustron,
p. 33.

Le Quien,
0. 0., tom. il.

The Emperor Constantine (VII.) Porphyrogennetos (a.d. 911-
a.d. 959) in his work De Thematihus Orientis states that the
province of Cyprus, which was governed by consularies, contained
the following cities : —
1. Constantia (metropolis). 2. Kition. 3. Amathus. 4.
Kyrenia. 5. Paphos. 6. Arsinoe. 7. Soli. 8. Lapithos. 9.
Kerma (Levkosia). 10. Kythasria. 11. Tamasos. 12. Kurion.
13. Nemevos. 14. Trimythos. 15. Karpasion.
Migne, however, remarks that this list is principally derived
from that of Hierokles.
The Canonist Nilos Doxa Patri (a.d. 1143) and Georgios
Cyprios (a.d. 1289) give lists identical with that of the Notitia
Episcopatuum in the number and order of the names.
The mediaeval chronicler Leontios Machaera (a.d. 1426) also
furnishes a catalogue of the Sees. Though he wrote towards the
close of the Latin supremacy, when a very considerable reduction
had taken place in the number of the Orthodox dioceses, he
enumerates them as they existed previous to the change : —
1. Salamis. 2. Thamasia. 3. Kition. 4. Amathus. 5.
Kyrinea. 6. Paphos. 7. Arsenoe. 8. Solia. 9. Lapithos.
10. Kytherea. 11. Trimythus. 12. Karpasea. 13. Levkosia.
14. Neapolis.
Francesco Amadi, a chronicler of a somewhat later date (ob. a.d.
1566), who composed his work in Italian, states that the Ortho
dox Sees before their partial disestablishment by the Latins
amounted to fourteen. His list, however, on examination proves
to contain fifteen names : —
1. Chiti. 2. Solia. 3. Lapitho. 4. Cerines. 5. Tamassia.
6. Chitria. 7. Trimithussia. 8. Nicosia. 9. Bapho. 10.
Arsenoe. 11. Limisso. 12. Amathonda. 13. Curia. 14. Fama
gusta. 15. Carpasso.
Florio Boustron (ob. a.d. 1570), one of the latest of these
writers, also furnishes the following list : —
1. Constantia or Salamina. 2. Thamassia. 3. Chition. 4.
Amathussa. 5. Cureon. 6. Papho. 7. Arsenoe. 8. Solia.
9. Lapitho. 10. Cerines. 11. Chitria. 12. Trimithussa.
13. Carpasso. 14. Limisso (citta nuova). 15. Leucado or
Leucosia. The distinguished author of the Oriens Christianus gives a
list which, it will be observed, exceeds in extent any of the pre
ceding : —
1. Salamis. 2. Citium. 3. Curium. 4. Tamassus. 5. Paphos.
6. Neapolis. 7. Amathus. 8. Arsinoe. 9. Lapithus. 10. Car-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 243
pasia. 11. Chytri. 12. Trimithus. 13. Soli. 14. Ceraunia.
15. Theodosiana. 16. Ledri.
Various other sources of information, too, remain for ascer
taining the number of Sees existing at different times in the
island. The pseudo-canons of Nicaea (No. 37) mention fourteen. Mansi,
Saint Willibald, who made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in u°"p- 964. om
a.d. 722, estimates them at twelve.
The Abbot Daniel, a Russian ecclesiastic, who visited the Palestine
island at the beginning of the twelfth century (circ. a.d. 1106-|°p,1«»y.pp.7-
a.d. 1107), gives a much higher total. He reports the exist- £"**£*; „
ence of twenty bishops and a metropolitan. But the value of
his testimony is seriously impaired by the great discrepancies
in the MSS., some placing the number of prelates as high as
twenty-four, while others reduce it to fourteen.
The case of John, Bishop of Amathus, quoted by Baisamon Baisamon, in
m 'j. •/ Canon XII
in his commentary on the Twelfth Canon of the Sixth Coun- concu. vx
cil of Carthage (a.d. 419) proves that towards the end of the
Byzantine rule they numbered at least thirteen. The Oecumenical
Patriarch, Lukas Chrysoberges, set aside the sentence of de
position pronounced against him partly on the ground that it
had been procured in a synod composed of merely twelve bishops
instead of the full complement.
Willebrand of Oldenburgh, whose visit to the island occurred senesu de
just twenty years (a.d. 1211) after the commencement of the constantino-
Latin occupation, when no reduction had yet taken place in the venetus,'
Orthodox Sees, gives their number as thirteen.1 About ten
years later (1222) this number by decree of Cardinal Pelagius mst. de
was reduced to four, an arrangement which has never since been p- °?2-
disturbed. The Bishop of Salamis, as the successor of Barnabas, was ac
corded the first place in the local hierarchy, while his See, from the
pre-eminence it of old possessed over the other cities of Cyprus,
was regarded as the metropolis. Whether Salamis actually en
joyed this distinction from the very first is a question on which
from want of evidence no decided opinion perhaps can now be
offered. But the statement at least at the period of the Coun
cil of Nicaea (a.d. 325) is open to doubt. If the order in the Mansi, con-
signatures of those attending that Council is of any value Paphos coi. 'oe.
1 Grseci vero, quibus Latini per totam hanc terram (i.e. Cyprum) dominan
tur, tredecim habent Episcopos : quorum unus est Archiepiscopus.

244

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Mansi, Con
cilia, tom. iv. ,
col. 1126.

Kedrenos. Theophanes.

Lusignan,p. 39 (b).
Kyprianos,

would seem to have been then the premier bishropric, as the
name of Kyrillos of Paphos heads the list of the Cypriot prelates,
immediately preceding that of Gelasios of Salamis. That this
circumstance cannot, however, be regarded as conclusive is evi
dent from the fact that even so late as the Council of Ephesus
(a.d. 431), the Bishop of Paphos, Saprikios, still heads the lists,
though Salamis is known to have regained its former pre-emin
ence long before that period. But when and under what cir
cumstances the latter town lost for a while its supremacy it is
at this distance of time impossible to say. That it recovered
from the havoc wrought by the Jews in a.d. 115 is evident from
the statements of certain Byzantine historians that in a.d. 334
a dreadful earthquake destroyed the greater part of it, causing
terrible mortality among the population. It seems at any rate
to have resumed its ancient position by a.d. 368, when the cele
brated Epiphanios was consecrated to the See as primate. Its
resuscitation may possibly have been due to the division of
the Empire by Constantine the Great, when Cyprus was included
in the prefecture of the East, whose chief town was Antioch.
The advantage of having the seat of government in the island
near the central authority may have led to the selection of Sala
mis as the capital, with the consequent recovery of its former
ecclesiastical dignity.
The metropolitan See, which originally was known only as
Salamis, afterwards acquired the additional name of Constantia.
Two explanations of this double title have been given. The first,
which is wholly legendary and local, is on the face of it impos
sible. We are informed that the Emperor Hadrian, having
regard to the remoteness of some of the provinces from Rome,
sent thither certain governors, or petty Kings, as they are called,
whom he invested with independent powers for their good order
and government.1 One of these so-styled Kinglets, who exercised
authority about a.d. 290, during the reign of the Emperor Dio
cletian, was Constans, after whom the city of Salamis was called

1 Percio Traiano havendo restituito ad alcune Provincie i Re loro, cioe fatti
di novo, pose in Cipro parimente un Re, et cosi Cipro ritorno nel Regno,
ma pero era soggetto alii Romani et gli rendeva il tributo ogni anno.
'O Se 'ASpiavbs AtXios, Kplvwv dppoSiaTepov Sid rb pdKpos rys Vwpys, eabaTyae
rivds 'Hyepovas eis Tds peydXas 'Eirapx'ias, Kal 'acrirep nvds e'tTreiv BaaiXlrrKovs '
o'vyxwp'ho'as avrois Tivd Svvapiv TrepitraoTipov Sid vd SiatpvXdrrwvTai dirb rds diro-
(TTaaias oi paKplvoX roVoi KaX iirapxlai, inrOKelpevoi 'bpws avroX oi BaffiXio-Koi eis Tbv
'Aerbv ttjs 'Piiipys, KaX eis tovtov Ta vevpara, 4ir4o~Tpetye KaX eis ryv Nyo-ov yyepwva,
offTis etyepe KaX tItXov BaaiXews, KaX 4£ovo-'iaCe pexpis orov y 'Pwpy iBoiiXeTO, etre b
Wlovdpxys aiiTys.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 245
Constantia. The second account, however, rests upon an his
torical and surer foundation. Several of the island chroniclers
claim Constantine the Great as the reputed founder of Con
stantia. They say that he erected it on the ruins of Salamis,
previously destroyed by severe and frequent earthquakes. The
erroneousness of this statement is easily demonstrated on his
torical grounds. Neither Theophanes nor Kedrenos, who both ot sathaB,
notice the great earthquake of a.d. 334, represents that Constan- ^vijtom.'ii.,
tine, who was then Emperor, rebuilt it, or changed its name to p. 9° °v°5'
Constantia. In fact we learn from the former historian that the
city was only partially overthrown by this visitation. The
catastrophe, which caused its final ruin, did not really occur
until some years later, viz., in a.d. 345 during the reign of his
third son, Constantius. That Emperor, who was then residing
at Antioch, rebuilt it, changing its name to Constantia in honour
of himself, as he did in the case of several other cities, which he
restored, e.g., Antarados in Phoenicia and Antoninopolis in Meso
potamia. John Malalas describes at greater length the destruc- Maiaias,
7- i • i .i .ii ff t i ¦ • c i • -. -Chronograph,
tion which then took place. " In his reign Salamis, a city ot Ub- *"•
Cyprus, suffered from a calamity, the greater part of it being
submerged in the sea by an earthquake, while what remained
fell to the ground. Constantius having reconstructed it and
spent large sums upon it and refounded it, remitted their taxes
to the surviving citizens for four years, and having adorned it
with various buildings, what was once Salamis had its name
changed to Constantia from him, and is now the metropolis of
Cyprus.1' But the historian is mistaken in attributing to Con
stantius Chlorus a work which was really due to his grandson,
Constantius II. , as the former never exercised any authority
whatever in the eastern dominions of the Roman Empire. LeLeQuien.o.c.,
Quien, who notices this statement of the Byzantine chronicler, 103M046.
questions its accuracy for the same reason and assigns the work
of reconstruction to the younger Constantius. He further re
marks that Malalas by the expression he uses, " which is now the
metropolis of Cyprus " (r/n? tcrrl vvv firjTp67roXi<i tj)? Kinrpov),
seems to imply that the city had not always occupied that
position. Constantia after its reconstruction appears for some time to
have been known under both names. When Epiphanios the
Great was first appointed to the See (a.d. 368) it was called in
differently both Salamis and Constantia, as is evident from the
biography ofthe saint written by his disciples John and Polybios.
But before his death, which took place at the beginning of the

246 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
fifth century (a.d. 403), the latter name had become the more
usual, as we learn from the same sources of information. Saint
Jerome, who flourished at the same period as the renowned
primate of Cyprus (a.d. 340-a.d. 420), in speaking of Salamis
Le Quien, o.c, says that, when he wrote, it was called Constantia. Le Quien,
1039J046. too, remarks that, though Gelasios is styled in the lists of the
Nicene fathers Bishop of Salamis, his successors in the See
were always described in subsequent Councils as Bishops of
Constantia. The sole exception to this rule is to be found in
Mansi, the records ofthe Quini-Sext Council (a.d. 691), where the then
xi., coi. 989. ' Archbishop is designated as " unworthy Bishop of Nova Justi
nianopolis ".
Le Quien, o.c, Constantia continued to be regarded as the principal See
ion-1043. until its capture and destruction by the Moslems under Moa-
wiyah, the general of the Caliph Othman, in the seventh year
of the Emperor Constans II. (circ. a.d. 648). The inhabitants,
thereupon, removed to the neighbouring Arsinoe, which had
been erected by Ptolemy Philadelphos (b.c. 285 — b.c. 247), in
honour of his sister of that name. But even after the destruc
tion of Constantia the Orthodox primate continued to retain
the title, which he had originally derived from that town. In
Arsinoe, called subsequently Ammochostos by the Greeks and
Famagusta by the Latins, the metropolitan throne was hence
forth located until its transference by the latter to the arch
bishopric of their own rite at Nikosia.1
Dositheos, " The presiding bishops of the Church in Cyprus were wont
s"os, ° to conduct the consecrations of the bishops in Cyprus, being
paiZ'3°' ' consecrated also themselves by the bishops according to the
1 Since writing the above the Bishop of Salisbury has kindly translated
and forwarded the following extract from T. Marquardt's Romische Staats-
verwaltung, i., p. 234 (Leipsic, 1873), which tends to show that the
claims of Salamis to be considered the metropolis must be considerably post
dated. " In Roman times fifteen places are named (Plin., N. H. 5 § 130, and in
more detail Kuhn 2, 312). These towns too were united into a koiv6v (Kowbv
to);/ Kvirpiwv, Waddington, n. 2734, a apxiepevs rys v-fjcrov C. I. Gr. 2633).
Paphos was their metropolis and residence of the Governor (Act. Apost., xiii.
6, 7 ; Meursii Cyprus i. c. 18) which in B.C. 13 received the surname Augusta
(SejSacrW)) (Dio Cass. 54, 23, C. I. Gr. 262g) and calls itself later teBao-rii
KXavSia $XaBla Tldipos, y iepd pyTpbiroXLs -roV Kara Kinrpov irbXewv Waddington,
Inscr., n. 2806, cf. 2785). Salamis is not described as Metropolis till the sixth
century, when it has the name of Constantia (Hierokles, p. 706)."
N.B. — The letters of Flavius Dionysius, however, read at the Council of
Ephesus, a.d. 431 (Act 7), describe Constantia as Metropolis, while at the
Council of Ephesus, a.d. 449, Olympios signs indifferently as Bishop of Con
stantia and Bishop of the Metropolis of Cyprus.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 247
Apostolic tradition.1' This statement represents the position,
which the island Church has always resolutely maintained on
this important question. It claims to have received its inde
pendence direct from the Apostles, and not to owe it either to
the action of the Third General Council, or to the fortunate
discovery at a later period of its founder's remains, as some in
deed assert. And in its complaint to the assembled fathers at
Ephesus of the Antiochene Patriarch's intrusion as contrary to
ancient usage and ecclesiastical constitutions it appeals to those
ordinances not as conferring, but only as establishing rights
already in existence before they were framed. The emphatic Ekthesis of
declaration of one, who himself presided over the archiepis- pnuotEeos
copal See, is that "this holy Church enjoyed from the first p-sra>-
the privileges of separate government and independence, as
those most reverend men (i.e. Rheginos and his companions)
proved both by their memorials and orally in the Third
Council.11 And this freedom from external control, however
it originated, has been enjoyed by the Church of Cyprus from
time immemorial, with the exception of those four centuries
when its peace was disturbed by the presence of an alien com
munion. The island primate consequently fills an important and ex
ceptional position in the ranks of the Orthodox hierarchy, and
one that has occasioned some discussion as to its exact nature.
He forms in fact one of a small body of autocephalous Arch
bishops, of whom he is the most ancient and now sole surviving
representative. Bingham enumerates three classes of these Bingham,
. , -. . , . • Antiquities,
independent prelates, viz. : — vol l, bt u.,
1. All metropolitans before the establishment of patriarch- etc. '
ates. 2. Certain metropolitans after their establishment.
3. Bishops immediately subject to the patriarch of the dio
cese, who was to them as a metropolitan.
According to Dositheos class 2 originally comprised nine Dositheos,
of these independent Sees, which he enumerates in the following Bros6'" "
-, r ' " ft,, v c Mi
order :  para, l, etc.
1. Prima Justiniana. 2. Achris. 3. Nova Justiniana. 4.
Carthage. 5. Lower Iberia. 6. Upper Iberia. 7. Pekion.
8. Tirnova. 9. Armenia.
The proper status of these dignitaries is a somewhat moot
question. One of them at least, the Archbishop of Cyprus
or Nova Justiniana, is by many regarded as the equal of the
Patriarchs. But the learned Patriarch of Jerusalem assigns ™*;' ub- "¦¦

248 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
them an inferior position for reasons, which he proceeds to
give : — l
1. They cannot decide any ecclesiastical question, which may
arise within their respective provinces, without the consent of
the neighbouring Patriarchs.
2. When they celebrate mass in a province not their own the
local metropolitan, if assisting at the service, does not com
memorate them, but only his own patriarch ; whereas, when
another patriarch is present under similar circumstances, the
metropolitan commemorates him alone to the exclusion of his
own immediate superior.
3. When within the jurisdiction of any of the Patriarchs
they do not carry their pastoral staff.2
4. When officiating in company with any of the Patriarchs
Dositheos, * To a^lwpa -rdV toiovtwv (i.e., rav avroKetpdXwv ' ApxieiritrKbTrwv) oiiSev etrrlv erepov
Aubeicapi- aXX' t) MyTpoTroXiTiKbv aiiTOK4ipaXov. — Kal tovto 4ittI Tb atriov, irrav avpBy dpipiBoXia
lib. v., para. T^s eKKXyo-iacrTiK^, ov Sbvavrai pbvoi avroX SiaKpivai irepl avrys x<*>pts rys yvi&pys rav
8, p. 510. irXyo'ioxwpwv Harpiapxwv.
Ibid., para. 10, "En toTs aiiTvi's ' ApxieTrlcricbirois els \evyv iirapxiav XeiTovpyovaiv, el ffvXXelTOvpyei
p" b Kara rbtrov MyrpoiroXiTys , oi, pvypovevei avTWV, aAAa tov ISiov Xlarpiapxov, orrep eis
tovs Tlarpidpxas ov yiyverai, tov yap Harpidpxov, peB' ov XeiTovpyovaiv oi Myrpo-
iroXirai pvypovevovrnv.
Eis Se tovs UarpiapxiKobs Bpbvovs irepiirarovai XUP^S BaKrypias, KaX 4dv XelTOvpyij-
rrwai perd tov Xlarpidpxov, pvypovebovo-i tov narpidpxov, Kal ovxl Trdays 4iritrK6irys
bp&oSb^wv, Kal els rbv rbirov aifrwv 4dv 4iriSypy Xlarpidpxys, iKeivov iepovpyovvres
pvypovevovoiv.
Ibid., para. 11, "En ol avroX 'ApxieiritrKOTroi ypdxpovres eis tovs Tlarpldpxas, ovk iiriypdipovtri t'itXov,
ovk inroypdtpoviri kokk'ivois, t) irpaaivois ypdppaatv, aXX' ot/Te els tovs MyTpoiroXiras
Kal 'Eirio-Kbirovs tovs pT) uvras els ttiv iirapxiav avrav ypdipovo'iv ovtws, aAAa ypdtpov-
a'lv ws Kal oi Xonrol MyTpotroXirai.
2 The pastoral staff of an Orthodox bishop usually consists of a straight
stick of ebony and ivory with a handle formed of intertwining serpents. That
of the primates of Cyprus, however, is different, resembling in shape the sceptre
formerly borne by the Eastern Emperors. It is in consequence locally regarded
as a mark of high distinction, indicating the superiority of the island arch
bishops to all others of their rank, and is said to have been conferred upon
them at the time of the alleged discovery of Barnabas's remains. Dositheos,
however, denies that the bestowal of a pastoral staff by the Emperors conferred
upon the autonomous Archbishops any greater dignity than that already as
signed to them by the canons. This assertion is naturally strongly called into
question by Archbishop Philotheos, but reference to ecclesiastical authorities
rather favours his opponent as it is there distinctly shown that the bestowal
of a pastoral staff by the Emperors was not restricted to the patriarchs and
autocephalous Archbishops, but was made also to such minor dignitaries as
hegoumenoi, archimandrites and protosynkelli.
Meursii, Anothei privilege enjoyed by these autocephalous prelates in common with
Gracoba™ the patriarchs was the lampadouchon, or lighted candlestick, which was carried
barnm, p. 296. before them. When borne before the Emperor it is said to have been en
circled with two golden crowns, when before the Empress or a patriarch with
one only.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 249
they commemorate him, and not " every bishopric of the Ortho
dox,11 as the Patriarchs are accustomed to do.
5. When any of the Patriarchs happens to be present within
their province they commemorate him.
6. When writing to the Patriarchs they do not inscribe their
titles nor sign in coloured ink, but employ towards them the
same mode of address as the other metropolitans do, which usage
they observe also in their correspondence with all metropolitans
and bishops, who are not subject to them.
Dositheos himself regards the occupants of these autocepha
lous Sees merely as ordinary metropolitans vested with indepen
dent powers. In proof of the correctness of this view he cites
the title given to one of them, Capreolus of Carthage, in the
first act of the Third General Council (a.d. 431), wherein he is
described as "the most reverend and most pious Metropoli
tan and Bishop of Carthage 11. He asserts that though it was
customary, even when he wrote, to assign to these Archbishops
on visiting Constantinople the place usually occupied by the
Metropolitan of Cassarea, viz., the precedence over all the other
metropolitans, yet so far were they from being superior to the
principal metropolitans of the Patriarchate that, when in conclave
together, they actually sat below them. The seeming exception
in the case of the Bishop of Prima Justiniana, who was expressly
declared to be superior to a metropolitan, he explains by saying Justinian,
that this superiority merely consisted in his freedom from patri- titTvi: x
archal supervision. With regard to the Archbishops of Cyprus
he mentions as instances to prove the truth of his contention
that : —
(1) At the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) Epiphanios, Bishop
of Solea, who represented Olympios, Archbishop of Constantia,
occupied the twenty-ninth place.
(2) At the Sixth General Council (Third Constantinople) a.d.
680 Theodoros, Bishop of Trimythus, legate of Archbishop
Epiphanios, sat and signed after the Metropolitans of Caesarea
and Thessalonica.
(3) At the Seventh General Council (Second Nicaea) a.d. 787,
Constantine, the then Archbishop of Constantia, sat and signed
after the metropolitans of Caesarea and Ephesus.
The fact that at the Council of Trullo (Quini-Sext) a.d. 691
the signature of John, Bishop of Nova Justinianopolis conies fifth
in order, immediately after that of George, Patriarch of Antioch,
which circumstance is regarded by some as conclusive of the right
of the island Archbishops to patriarchal rank, he dismisses with

250 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the remark that no such claim can be established from a solitary
and irregular instance. He explains the occurrence by saying
that it was permitted out of compliment to Justinian (Rhinot
metos), the convener of the council as well as the restorer of
Salamis, John's See, which Dositheos in error calls Nova Justiniana.
To show that the precedence assigned to the various prelates
followed a recognised and undeviating rule he quotes the case of
Fortunatus of Carthage. This Archbishop coming to Constanti
nople, when Paul (III.) presided over the Oecumenical See, and
desiring to be present at service in Hagia Sophia, that Patriarch
was in doubt whether to assign him a place before or after the
local metropolitans. Reference, however, to the proceedings ofthe
Fifth General Council (Second Constantinople) a.d. 553 speedily
determined the question. It was there discovered that Sextilian,
his predecessor in the See, had at that assembly occupied the
tenth place, below the Metropolitan of Ephesus. Following the
precedent thus set the Patriarch decided that Fortunatus1 proper
position was the one previously allotted to Sextilian.
Archbishop Philotheos, as might naturally be expected, vigor
ously opposes the conclusions of the learned Patriarch of Jeru
salem in so far as they affect the status of the Church of Cyprus.
Kyprianos, In an exposition of the privileges of his Church, which he
composed in 1740,1 he charges Dositheos with an evident desire,
for some inexplicable reason, to depreciate the autonomous pre
lates and prove them inferior to the patriarchal metropolitans.2
ibid., p. 376. He claims precedence for his own over the other autocephalous
Churches on the plea that it was from the very first self-governed
and exempt from all external ecclesiastical authority, as Rhe
ginos and his associates proved in the Third General Council.
These same privileges he proceeds to show were only conferred
upon the other independent Churches enumerated by Dositheos
at comparatively recent dates. Achris (i.e. Prima Justiniana 3)
Ibid., * Tou MaKapiwTaTov KaX ' AoiS'ijpov Kvpiov QiXoBeov 'Sypeiwtrels irepX ttjs twv Kmrplav
pp. 370-380. 'EKKXyaias, Kal "EKo'etns avroit irepl tojz/ Xlpovopiwv Tys avrys, erei 1740.
2 E(Se Kal tovto Xlav (palverai rapdrrov, Tbv paKapias Tvxbvra X-ij^ews Kvpiov
AoalBeov, rrirevSovTa ovk olS' 'birws rds ai)TOv6povs ffpiKpvvai re Kal 4£evreXi)o'ai toV
'ApxieTrltTKOirwv, KaX tovs tovtwv 'ApxieiriCKbTrovs tJttovs airo$ei£al KqvTWV Twy
TlaTpiapxiKav WlyrpoiroXiTav.
3 The real facts with regard to some of these independent Sees seem to be as
follows : —
1. Prima Justiniana in Illyria, founded by Justinian I. to commemorate his
birth in its immediate neighbourhood, was by him constituted an autocephalous
archbishopric with patriarchal powers and vested with jurisdiction over the
provinces of Dacia Mediterranea, Dacia Ripensis, Triballea, Dardania, Ma;sia

p

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 251
and Carthage, for instance, only acquired them in the time of
Justinian I. (a.d. 527-a.d. 565), while the period when the
Patriarchs of Constantinople ceased to consecrate Archbishops
for Bulgaria is uncertain. The Church of Lower Iberia, which
was originally subject to the Oecumenical See, acquired its in
dependence about 800 a.d. but under what Emperor and by the
action of what Council is doubtful. The Church of Upper
Iberia was likewise subject to the Patriarch of Antioch and only
Superior and Pannonia. The existence of the See was brought to an abrupt
close by the Bulgarian invasion in the reign of Constantine Pogonatos, circ.
a.d. 680, which for a while swept away all vestiges of Christianity.
2. Achris. In a.d. 864 the Bulgarian King Bogaris was baptised, taking the
name of Michael in honour of the Emperor Michael III., who acted as his
sponsor. Five years later, a.d. 869, Ignatios, Patriarch of Constantinople, with
the authority of the Eighth CEcumenical Council, consecrated Gabiiel as Bishop
of the Bulgarians. In a.d. 923 Symeon, the son and successor of Bogaris,
exacted from the Emperor Romanus I. as one of the conditions of peace the
acknowledgment of the independence of the Bulgarian Church, and the recog
nition by the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople of the Archbishop of
Dorostylon as Patriarch of Bulgaria. About sixty years later, a.d. g8i, the
capital was removed by another Bulgarian King, Samuel, to Achrida, which hence
forth became the metropolitan See. The Patriarchal dignity of the Bulgarian
Church was, however, abolished by the Emperor John I. Zimiskes when he sub
dued that kingdom in a.d. 972. In a.d. 1222 Achrida formed part of the empire
of Theodore Angelos, Despot of Epirus, who was crowned at Thessalonica
as Emperor by the Archbishop of Achris in opposition to Theodore Lascaris
of Nicaea. Hierax, the great Logothete, who flourished about a.d. 1572, says
that after the capture of Constantinople in a.d. 1453 an unsuccessful attempt
was made to deprive this See of its independence on the ground that the privi
lege had been illegally conferred, and to replace its autocephalous prelates by
metropolitans consecrated by the Patriarch of Constantinople. When Dosi
theos wrote, the jurisdiction ofthe See was limited to thirteen bishoprics. On
16th Jan., 1767, it made a voluntary surrender of its autonomy and was placed
under the immediate supervision of the CEcumenical See by a decree of the
Holy Synod. The occupant of this See formerly bore the title of Archbishop
of Prima Justiniana, Achrida and All Bulgaria.
3. Pekion (Ipeik). This archbishopric was constituted a See independent of
the Archbishopric of Achris in a.d. 1221 during the patriarchate of Germanos
II. and reign of Theodore (I.) Lascaris (a.d. 1204-A.D. 1222). During the
period of its independence it incurred the displeasure ofthe Eastern patriarchs,
who excommunicated and anathematised its Archbishop and all the Servians, not
because they had renounced their allegiance to the See of Achris, as the Arch
bishops of that place allege, but because in 1367 Demetrios the then occupant
of the archiepiscopal throne of Pekion had presumed to crown the tyrant Vu-
kashin as King of Servia. The ban was, however, removed on St. Knes Lazar,
who fell on the field of Kossova (a.d. 1389), asking pardon of the Emperor and
CEcumenical See. Pekion seems to have retained its independence until after
the captuie of Constantinople by the Turks, when it was again reduced to the
position of an archbishopric subject to Constantinople. In i68g it became the
seat of the Servian Patriarchate, which was removed from Uschize, but volun
tarily relinquished its autonomy and was once more united to the Constanti-
nopolitan Church in 1766. On the liberation of Servia from the Turks in 1810
the Archbishop of Carlowitz was created primate, but in 1838, when Belgrade

252 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
became autonomous in a.d. 1045 during the reign of Constantine
(X.) Monomachos (a.d. 1042-a.d. 1054) when Peter (III.) was
Patriarch of that city. Again, the Church of Pekion (Ipeik),
which was formerly subject to the Archbishopric of Achris, be
came separated from it in a.d. 1214 and constituted an inde
pendent See while Theodore Lascaris was Emperor and
Arsenios held the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Church
of Armenia also was once included within the jurisdiction
of the Metropolitan of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and for a time
became the capital, that town was constituted the metropolitan See of Servia.
After 1878, when Servia was proclaimed independent of the Porte, the Church
of Servia was declared autonomous by the CEcumenical See.
N.B.— Theodore (II.) Lascaris (a.d. 1255-A.D. 1259) was Emperor during the
Patriarchate of Arsenios.
4. Tirnova, which had previously been dependent on the patriarchal See
of Constantinople, was declared the independent head of the Bulgarian Church
and its occupant honoured with the title of Patriarch in a.d. 1233, when He
lena, daughter of John Asan, King of Bulgaria, was betrothed to Theodore
Lascaris, son of John (III.) Ducas Vataces, Emperor of Nicaea. The reason for
this step was that Achrida, the seat of the Patriarch of Bulgaria, then formed
part ofthe dominions of Theodore Angelos Komnenos, Emperor of Thessalonica,
the rival of John III. Tirnova, according to the logothete Hierax, lost its
independence after the capture of Constantinople, because the privilege had
been illegally conferred. It is still a metropolis, but no longer the metropolitan
See of Bulgaria, and its occupant bears the title of Exarch of All Bulgaria.
5. Armenia. Christianity was introduced into Armenia by St. Gregory,
surnamed "the Illuminator," towards the end of the third century. He
was consecrated bishop by St. Leontios of Cssarea in Cappadocia, one of the
Nicene fathers, in a.d. 302, and erected the primatial church of All Armenia
at Vagarshabad under the name of Etchmiadzine, " the Descent of the Only
Begotten ". His successors continued subject to the See of Caesarea until the
time of St. Isaac, surnamed the Great, who held the primacy for fifty years
(a.d. 3go-A.D. 440). The subsequent separation of Armenia from the Orthodox
Church was occasioned by the condemnation of the Council of Chalcedon at
the Synod of Dovin in a.d. 5g6.
6. Iberia formerly possessed two independent Archbishops, each of whom
bore the same title, i.e., the Catholicos of Schetha and All Georgia and the
Catholicos of Abchasia. Of these ecclesiastics the primate of Lower Georgia
was the superior in rank and date of creation, having been established in a.d.
720, while his colleague of Upper Georgia only dated from a.d. 1045.
Lower Georgia, anciently known as Colchis and Lazica, and comprising the
provinces of Imeretia, Gori, Mingrelia, Abchasia, Suania and part of Moschica,
was governed ecclesiastically by the Metropolitan of Phasis, who was subject
to the Church of Constantinople. It acquired its independence between the
reigns of Heraclius (a.d. 610-A.D. 641) and Leo the Isaurian (a.d. 717-A.D. 741).
Upper Iberia on the other hand was originally dependent upon the See of
Antioch and became autonomous in the reign of Constantine Monomachos
(a.d. 1042-A.D. 1054). Its provinces comprised Karteli, Albania, the Caucasus,
and part of Moschica, and its metropolitan See was at Scheta. In 1801 the
country was annexed by Russia, when the Archbishops lost their independence,
though still retaining some of their former privileges. The Metropolitan of
Tiflis, who bears the title of Exarch of All Georgia and is a member of the
Holy Governing Synod of Russia, is the present head of the Georgian Church.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 253
enjoyed independence on account of the illustrious Gregory,
surnamed the Illuminator, but afterwards returned to its
former subjection until the Monophysite heresy (a.d. 537)
brought about its final separation from the Orthodox Com
munion. Tirnova received autonomy at the request of Asan,
Prince of Bulgaria, so late as the reign of the Emperor John
Vataces (a.d. 1222-a.d. 1255), when Germanos occupied the
patriarchal throne of Constantinople. After the capture of
the Imperial City by the Turks in a.d. 1453 a Council was
assembled there to consider the question of the independence of
certain of these Bulgarian Churches, which was alleged to have
been illegally obtained for them by the Emperors. As a result
of the deliberations which ensued, Achris, Tirnova and Pekion
were again declared in subjection to the Oecumenical See and
Metropolitans directed to be consecrated for them, in place of
their former autocephalous Archbishops. Achris and Pekion,
however, succeeded, through bribing the Sultan, in retaining
their ancient independence, but Tirnova failed to regain it.
With these exceptions, so Philotheos asserts, no other Church
appears to have obtained the privileges of autonomy and ex
emption from patriarchal or metropolitical supervision. But
even from these favoured few the privileges of the Cypriot
Church differ very materially both in antiquity, extent, nature
and documentary evidence.
Philotheos begins his criticism of Dositheos by questioning Kyprianos,
the statement that these autocephalous Archbishops were onlyp'
distinguished from ordinary metropolitans by their possession of
independent powers, and enjoyed no precedence over the princi
pal metropolitans of the various patriarchates. According to
the latter the superiority of the Archbishop of Prima Justiniana
to a metropolitan consisted in his exemption from patriarchal
control. This explanation the Cypriot primate declares to be
not only incomprehensible, but also absurd, for it is tantamount
to saying, since he is not subject to a patriarch, let him be placed
below the metropolitans of a patriarch. If such a one is to
occupy an inferior position to that of a dependent prelate, wherein
then consists his superiority ? Philotheos next proceeds to dis
cuss the vexed question of Archbishop John's real standing at
the Trullan Council. Anxious to convict Dositheos of inaccu
racy, and evidently misled himself by the unfounded statement Kikeph.
of Kallistos that Justinian (I.)1 confirmed the ecclesiastical ub. xvii. o. 28.
1 Tevop4vys Tairys ttjs rd£ews Tbre Kal irpoTipfoews (i.e. Archbishop John's
position at the Trullan Council) Kara t))v a^v S6(av x&Plv TOv dBpoiaavTos tt)v

254 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
independence of Cyprus in honour of his consort, Theodora,
he fastens upon his opponent's unfortunate mistake in ascrib
ing to Justinian (II.) 1 the rebuilding of Salamis and calbng
it Nova Justiniana, and from it insinuates that he has con
fused between the former Emperor, who assembled the Fifth
General Council and his namesake and successor, the convener of
the Trullan. But there is no evidence of such a slip on the part
of the Patriarch, nor is it conceivable how so able a theologian
could have committed so gross a blunder. Moreover, the critic is
himself guilty of two grave errors in (1) asserting that the Fifth
General Council was assembled in the twenty-fifth year of Jus
tinian's reign, instead of the twenty-seventh, and (2) assigning
an interval of 149 years between the Fifth (a.d. 553) and Sixth
General Councils (a.d. 680-a.d. 681), when the period actually
amounts to only 127. He affirms that John's rank at the Trullan
Council was assumed with the sanction of the assembled fathers,
who recognised and thus honoured him as one of their leaders.
Consequently Archbishop Constantine's subsequent position at
the Seventh General Council (a.d. 787) after the metropolitans
of Caesarea and Ephesus by no means disposes of it as a pre
cedent, as Dositheos maintained, since that was due to the un
constitutional action of these two metropolitans, whom it would
have better become to have yielded him the place. Had it
occurred with the permission of the Council it would have been
duly recorded, nor would the patriarch have failed to quote the
circumstance, as it would have materially assisted his argument.
Philotheos explains Constantine's submission to the slight as
due to his imitation of his great compatriot, St. Spyridon, who at
the First General Council (a.d. 325) was distinguished rather for
his humility than for desire of precedence, an explanation which
will readily commend itself to those, who remember how seldom
episcopal breasts are found to entertain the pride of place. The
Primate concludes this part of his subject by inquiring how, if
the case of John is to be regarded as exceptional on the ground
SiivoSov 'lovo-Tiviavov, tov ko.1 T^jy ^aXapiva dvajcaivliravTOs Kal veav '\ovffTiviavoviroXiv
KaX4aavros (Kalroi oiix ovtos 4trrlv b rabryv trvvaBpoitras, 4irl yap tov Ke' eros Tys
avrov BaaiXeias y irepirTy avveKpoT^By ~ZvvoSos. y Se eKry rip SeKarw rp'irw ttjs tov
KwvffTavTivov Tlwyovdrov BatriXelas e-rei, pera£v tovtwv SiaSpapbvrav ivvea Kal
Tetro-apdicovTa re irpbs Tois eKarbv XPUV01S' 'H **' av & TpoiiXXa 4irl tov 'lovo'Tiviavov
tov Vivotpt)tov Kal tov KavtrTavrivov Tlwyovdrov, Kara Tbv MarBaiov BXao-rapyv,
ovtos 4cttiv b avaKaivitras t^jv 'ZaXapiva) k.t.X.
Dositheos, 1 El Se KaX iirl ttjs iv TpobXXw inr4ypwtye perd tovs Ylarplapxas evBvs b Kinrpov
Au>6"eKa£i8., >iwt^vv^Si aXXd yeyove x&Plv T0V dBpoiiravTos ti)v %vvoSov 'lovtrriviavov, tov KaX ti)v
para, il.' ' 'S.aXap'iva avaKaiviaavros, KaX veav 'lovo-TiviavT)v KaX4aavT0s, k.t.X.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 255
of its singularity and irregularity, though unquestionably the
more ancient and fortified with the consent ofthe Council, as well
as originating out of compliment to an Emperor, as Dositheos
himself allows, that of Constantine, which is admittedly more
recent and evidently lacking synodical sanction, has been ad
mitted as regular and suffered to become a precedent.
In this dispute, when one reflects how rigidly the Orthodox
Church has ever been governed by precedent, one must side with
the Patriarch rather than with the Archbishop. The solitary
instance of John really proves nothing. Justinian (II.) Rhinot
metos, one of the bloodiest tyrants who ever disgraced the Byz
antine throne, was not likely to brook any opposition to his
will, nor would the members of the Trullan Council have ven
tured to protest against the Cypriot Primate1s undue exaltation,
at the Emperor's pleasure, to the fifth place in that conclave.
As evidence of the inability of these autonomous Archbishops
to decide spontaneously ecclesiastical questions, Dositheos has
adduced the restrictions imposed upon the various independent
Churches of Illyricum with regard to the Patriarch of Constanti
nople. But Philotheos retorts that this is an attempt to prove Kyprianos,
a universal proposition from a particular, since it is not to be sup
posed from the prohibition in the case of the Illyrian bishops,
which was limited and ambiguous, that their autocephalous
brethren elsewhere had the power denied to them. Though he
admits that some were in the habit of referring such matters
to the neighbouring patriarchs, he contends that it was in
consequence of their former subjection to them, and instances
as cases in point the subserviency shown to the Patriarchs of
Antioch and Alexandria by the Bishops of Upper Iberia and
Carthage respectively. But he denies that the Primates of Cyprus
were ever under such an obligation. The Patriarchs of Antioch,
for instance, were the neighbours of the island Church, yet, when
the canons delivered it from their thraldom, no rule was made
requiring it to submit ecclesiastical disputes to them for settle
ment. That it has had recourse to the Patriarchs on such
occasions he does not deny, but the approach has always been
made voluntarily, not by compulsion, generally to the Oecu
menical Patriarch and Synod, and but seldom elsewhere. He
argues, moreover, that no Pope, Patriarch, or Bishop has ever im*., p. sw.
by himself condemned a heresy, or relied on his own individual
judgment at such a crisis, but has always had recourse to his
Synod, which has ever been the ultimate court of appeal. Eccle
siastical history contains numerous examples of Patriarchs and

256 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
other prelates who, in attempting to act alone, have fallen into
grievous error and been condemned and deposed. The Synod
alone, so he declares, is infallible, and whoever opposes it, what
ever his dignity and position may be, is regarded as a heretic.
Philotheos cites cases where Archbishops of Cyprus have decided
questions in conjunction with their Synod and without having
recourse to any Patriarch. The most notable on record is that
of Epiphanios the Great, who at the instigation of Theophilos,
sokrates, Patriarch of Alexandria, assembled the island Synod (a.d. 402),
c.'io.'' '' and condemned the works of Origen, a proceeding in which he
was subsequently followed by Theophilos himself.
The two prelates, thereupon, wrote to Chrysostom requesting
him to do the same. Yet the Patriarch of Constantinople did
not reprove Epiphanios for thus taking the initiative, though
on Dositheos' showing this was certainly a case calling for his
previous consent. Philotheos refers also to the action of Arch-
Baisamonin bishop John in the reign of the Emperor Manuel Komnenos,
concuiyi.' when that prelate procured in the local Synod the condemnation
and deposition of his namesake, the Bishop of Amathus. It is
true, he allows, that the proceedings were quashed by the Patri
arch of Constantinople, Lukas Chrysoberges, not, however, because
the Cypriot primate had failed to refer the matter to any of the
neighbouring Patriarchs, but solely because the sentence was not
pronounced by the full Synod. He complains that the circum
stance ought to have been remembered by Dositheos, who had
specially mentioned it, since the deposition of a bishop must
surely be regarded as the decision of an ecclesiastical question.
As a proof of the peculiar esteem, in which the Primates of Cyprus
are held, he declares that, when they visit Constantinople, they
are received by the CEcumenical Patriarch with the same dis
tinction as the other Patriarchs. In support of this he cites the
honours paid by Chrysostom and the clergy of the Imperial City
to Epiphanios on the occasion of his visit in a.d. 402. But in
this he is surely guilty of the same logical offence he has charged
his opponent with committing, as Epiphanios' treatment was a
solitary instance and was not accorded to him in his capacity as
head of the Cypriot Church, but by reason of the veneration,
in which he was universally held for his reputed sanctity and
exalted virtues.
Philotheos protests that it is not his intention to advance any
claim on behalf of the independent Archbishops to the title of
Patriarch. To do so he declares would be both foolish and
arrogant, as well as betraying complete ignorance of the real

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 257
meaning of the word. For the title has been consecrated by
ancient usage and confirmed by synodical decree so recently as the
time of Kallinikos (1688-1702), II. Patriarch of Constantinople, to ot sathas,
the five great heads of the ecclesiastical system. His sole object^*™- u-.
in combating the statements of Dositheos was to preserve the
privileges, which he and his brother prelates possessed, from
gradually becoming meaningless and obsolete. For if the inde
pendent Archbishops are, in accordance with his doctrine, to
be degraded in rank and estimation below the patriarchal
metropolitans, who are in a state of subjection, then the terms
autonomous and autocephalous will have lost all significance,
since in that case dependence would be preferable and more
honourable. But if his opponent merely means that the inde
pendence of these prelates is restricted to their own respective
provinces, to that he is ready to agree. Yet even so, he argues,
they ought to enjoy beyond the limits of their own jurisdiction
a higher rank and dignity than bishops, who do not possess the
privilege at all.
To the assertion that, when an independent Archbishop happens Kyprianos,
to officiate outside his own province in company with a metro
politan not subject to him, the latter commemorates only his own
immediate superior he raises no objection, remarking that it is
a right and proper custom. But that the former is not permitted
in such cases to commemorate " every bishopric of the Orthodox,"
as a Patriarch does when on his travels, he altogether denies, declar
ing that there is no prohibition to the contrary. That the autono
mous prelates are obliged to commemorate any of the Patriarchs,
who may chance to be present within their j urisdiction, is also a
statement which he strongly contradicts. This he affirms to be
a custom not observed even by the dependent metropolitans,
since they only commemorate under such circumstances their
own immediate superior. Its voluntary performance by the two
Iberian Primates, upon which Dositheos seems to base his
assertion, in his opinion proves nothing, as it was only gratitude
for the bestowal of autonomy by the Patriarchs that induced
them to do so. The alleged prohibition against the carrying
of a pastoral staff by the independent prelates when outside
their provinces proves, according to him, either that they were
formerly accustomed to carry them, since there is no ecclesiasti
cal canon nor imperial decree forbidding the practice, or that the
claim to do so is a recent innovation. But this he declares they
would scarcely venture to attempt at a time when they were
being threatened with the loss of everything essential to their
17

258 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
dignity. With regard to the statement that when correspond
ing with the Patriarchs, as well as with metropolitans not
subject to them, they may not inscribe their titles, he says that
to thoughtful persons these titles would appear worthy of being
recorded and retained, both as marking the superior dignity of
the Patriarchs and their own distinction from the dependent
metropolitans and bishops. Respecting the use of coloured sig
natures he affirms that they are not ashamed to employ them,
as though they had acquired them in an underhand way, but
out of regard for the memory of the donors display them to
patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops, whose bounden duty it is
also to maintain and preserve for these fortunate Churches the
favours which had been bestowed upon them by the divine fathers
and the Christian Emperors. As showing the practical value
of such distinctions Philotheos declares that no petition from
the Primate of Cyprus to the Porte would be treated as genuine,
unless it bore his signature in red ink, since the Ottoman au
thorities were fully cognisant of this privilege, which had been
conferred upon him.1
To show that the independent prelates in their correspond
ence with the Patriarchs adopted the same mode of address as
other metropolitans Dositheos instances the case of Epiphanios,
Archbishop of Cyprus, who, when writing to Ignatios of Con
stantinople about a.d. 869, employed the language of extreme
Kyprianos, humility. Philotheos1 rejoinder is both remarkable and unex
pected. He asserts that this individual never was the head of
the island Church, but only a subordinate bishop. According
to him the only Archbishop of that name flourished in the time
of John Chrysostom, though he admits the existence of several
1 Kyprianos in support of this statement asserts that the Archbishop's signature
alone is to be found imprinted in the imperial Qayd or register in red ink, those
of his suffragans, and also of the Patriarchs, being impressed in black. From
this he argues that the continuance of this privilege, which was conferred by the
Byzantine sovereigns on account of the loyalty and devotion of the Primate
and his flock, was permitted by the Ottoman authorities after the conquest on
the express assurance of the Patriarch of Constantinople that it had been en
joyed from times of antiquity.
Kyprianos, Tov birolov pbvov y trtppaylSa ypdppaffiv ipvBpois evpitrKerai rvrrwpivy eis rb
P- 314- BaffiXiKbv Kaf-n, t) KwSiKa twv aQpaylSwv avvapiBpyp4vy ws Kal toV Yiarpiapxav perd
p4xavos, *ra 5e rav rpiav ' Apxiepewv MyrpoTroXiTwv perd peXavos. SBev trvvdyerai 4k
tovtov, irws y Kparaid BaaiXela toV 'OBwpavwv dvaptplBbXws eiSoiroiyBy pera t^jv
dXwtriv, Kal irapd rod Tlarpidpxov avayKalws iBeBaiwBy, irws exei irpovbpiov iKirdXai b
rys Kvirpov 'Apxieirio-Koiros, iK BatriXewv SwpyBev Sid t))V viraKoyv Kal iritmv ainov
Kal tov 'Payia, t)v itp'>Xa£e irdvTOre Kal rbre Kal vvv, rb vd viroypdtpeTai pe kokklvcl
ypdppaTa, Kal vd o'tppaylCy KbKKlva pe t^j/ BovXXdv tov, Kal Sid tovto Kal SeKTT) y
avrov trtppayls KaX eis t))v Tlbpra Kal els irdvTas Tobs 'OBwpavobs y Sid KivvaBdpews.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 259
bishops so called. But, as though not quite certain of his facts,
he qualifies the denial by saying that, even if Archbishop, he did
nothing unusual in so writing, but acted most properly.1 Now
if there is any one point on which a Cypriot primate might
reasonably be expected to possess reliable information, surely
it is on the subject of his predecessors. A most cursory
examination of the lists of signatures appended to the decrees
of the earlier general Councils would have shown him, moreover,
that there was yet a third occupant of the primatial See bearing
the same name, viz., the Archbishop whose delegate Theodoros,
Bishop of Trimythus, he himself reports as sitting and signing at
the Sixth General Council (Third Constantinople) a.d. 680, after
the metropolitans of Caesarea and Ephesus.2 As a set-off to the
instance quoted by Dositheos he refers to the action of a previous
occupant of the See of Jerusalem, John, who in a letter to Chry
sostom addressed that Patriarch as lord, and acknowledged him
as CEcumenical and the father of fathers. Yet this mode of Kyprianos,
address was never established as a precedent for subsequent
Patriarchs of Jerusalem, though it would have formed a most
valuable example of humility for the imitation of the Primates of
Cyprus and the other autonomous Archbishops.3 To those who
are acquainted with the methods of official correspondence undue
stress would appear to be laid by both disputants upon mere
1 This gem of archiepiscopal inaccuracy deserves to be presented in the
original: "Si' ov iiritpipeis ws b ' Apxieirio-Koiros Kvirpov 'ETr.tpdvios ypdtpwv rip
KwvtrravTivovirbXews 'lyvariw 4v erei wfetf eXeye, ' prj TOXpwv b dvd^ios KaX iravev-
TeXys tov iraviepov KaX itrayyeXov SetTTrbrov pov SovXos ypatpw,' ovtos pevroi ovk t)v
'ApxieiriffKOiros, aXXa Tip 'Apxieirio-Kbirw Kinrpov 'Eirio-KOiros, b ydp 'Eiritpdvios 'Apxie-
TritrKOTros fJKpaCe 4irl twv ypepwv 'Iwdvvov tov Xpocrotrrbpov, ws ian SyXov, iv iroXXols,
Kal Top XP^V<P- M^t' iKeivov Se, 'iiritTKOitoi pev iv Ty Kvirpw 'Eiritpavioi ixpypdnffav
ovk bxiyoi, ' ' ApxieirltrKOiros Se ovSels tpaiverai els ra trwCbpeva 'ItrropiKa irepl Tojy iv
Kvirpw ' ApxieiriaKoirevtravrav. eiS' av Kal ' Apxieirio'KOTros yv ovtos, arotrov oitSev
Slerrpd^aro ovrwffl ypdipas, paXitrra Se Kal irpeirwSetrTaTOv."
2 The annals ofthe Church of Cyprus record three Archbishops ofthe name
of Epiphanios, viz. .- —
i. Epiphanios I. (b 'dyios)  a.d. 368-403
2. Epiphanios II  circ. a.d. 680
3. Epiphanios III  circ. a.d. 870
but only one bishop of that name, Epiphanios of Soli, who, instead of being a
contempoiary of Ignatios of Constantinople, flourished more than four centuries Mansi,
earlier and acted as the delegate of his metropolitan, Olympios I. at the Fourth 5i!?coLlfo6's°m'
General Council, a.d. 451.
3"E5€l Toivvv, o/yio'TaTe Tldrep, Kal tovs per' eKeivov dyiardrovs Tlarpidpxas (el
i\eo-Ti Kqpol Tip bXiyopaBei, ipaary Se rys aXyBelas dSeKdara yvwpoSoreiv) tovt
avrb irpwrovs SiatpvXdrTelv, 'Ua rep abrobs inroSeiypaTl Kal robs &XXovs SiSa^wtri.
The sting of this rejoinder lies in the fact that Dositheos was himself a suc
cessor of John in the See of Jerusalem.

260 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
verbal expressions, which were never intended by the writers
to be taken in their literal sense. Philotheos so far agrees,
however, with his opponent as to declare that it is not only
proper, but also the duty of the independent prelates, when
writing to the CEcumenical Patriarch, to address him as lord
and master, and to omit their titles. The use of coloured ink
in their signatures meets with his approval, as it is an ancient
privilege bestowed upon them as a mark of distinction. In their
correspondence with the other Patriarchs he asserts there is no
fixed rule, but that they may do as they please, remarking that,
though Christ enjoined humility in all things, the canons and
the divine laws direct that ancient ecclesiastical privileges shall
be preserved.
' The supreme control of ecclesiastical affairs has from the very
first been vested in the island Synod. This body, as at present
constituted, consists of eight members, viz., the Archbishop as
president, with the metropolitans of Paphos, Kition and Kyrenia,
the Hegoumenoi of Kykko and Machaera, the Archimandrite and
Exarch ofthe archdiocese as his assessors. They take cognisance
of all matters affecting the welfare of the Church, and to them
alone belongs the power of pronouncing sentence of deposition
against any offending member of the local hierarchy.
The Turkish conquest, though it caused no alteration in the
number, brought about certain changes in the titles of the
bishops. These on their first restitution to their ancient position
seem to have merely occupied the Sees formerly held by their
phiiippos Latin rivals. But early in the seventeenth century, owing; to the
p. 72. gradual depopulation of Famagusta, that diocese was suppressed
and its territory incorporated in the archdiocese, while to pre
serve the existing number of the Sees the diocese of Kyrenia was
re-established. As at present constituted the primatial See
comprises the districts of Kythraea, Orini, Mesaoria, Ammo-
chostos and Karpassos — the diocese of Paphos, the districts of
Paphos, Chrysochou, Kelokedara and Avdimou — the diocese of
Kition, the districts of Larnaka, Limassol, Kilanion and Episkopi
— the diocese of Kyrenia, the districts of Kyrenia, Morphou and
Solea. The occupants of these various Sees enjoy the following order
of precedence and are thus styled : —
1. The Archbishop. The most blessed Archbishop of Nova
Justiniana and all Cyprus.
2. The Bishop of Paphos. The most all-holy Metropolitan

"^Reference =
Otfiodox Metropolises sliewn thus  "S
Diinsion of present Orthodox .Sees shewn thus  ..—
Names of former Orthodox Sees in. italics
Orthodox Monasteries shewn, tfuis  +¦
H — Hagios

MORPq;/

Akamns Pr

Enslisli Miles

C Y P_RUSg£}

"Gins map represents the four Orthodox Sees
info which the island is at present divided.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 261
of Paphos, right honourable and exarch of Arsinoe and the Ro
mans. 3. The Bishop of Kition. The most all-holy Metropolitan of
Kition and President of Amathus, of the new city of Lemesos,
and of Kurion.
4. The Bishop of Kyrenia. The most all-holy Metropolitan
of Kyrenia and President of Solea.1
Exception has been taken to the first of these titles, which the sathas,
island Primates bear, on the ground that Nova Justiniana was the Medii sA,
name bestowed by Justinian I. on Carthage after its recovery TiP6\oy^,
from the Vandals by Belisarius in a.d. 533. The proper title, itP'
is pointed out, should be Nova .Justinianopolis, which in fact was
the one employed by Archbishop John at the Quini-Sext Coun
cil. Phiiippos Georgiou, while admitting the correctness of the Phmppos
objection, explains that the former name was adopted not in p- 32, n. ('»).
ignorance, but to avoid the redundancy of syllables in the word
Justinianopolis. He acknowledges, however, that it would be
well, for the sake of historical accuracy and to avoid confusion, if
the correct title were resumed. The suffragan bishops are called ibid, P. 73.
metropolitans, the local explanation being that this is in conse
quence of the Archbishop being addressed as " most blessed,11
like the patriarchs, and considered their equal in rank. It will
be observed, too, that in their titles are preserved the names of
the villages, in which the Orthodox prelates were forced to re
side during the Latin supremacy, the Bishop of Paphos being
styled Exarch of Arsinoe, while the Bishops of Kition and Ky
renia are called Presidents of Amathus (Levkara) and Solea
respectively. " The bishops are elected by the general suffrages of the people Drommoiui,
ofthe particular dioceses : and as for the Archbishop, he is chosen Je$||r'*n-
by a majority of the suffrages taken by the bishop of each dio
cese ; but he must be approved and sanctioned by the patent of
the Grand Signior, who likewise reserves the power of deposition
to himself.1'' Such is said by an English traveller to have been
the procedure observed at episcopal elections when he visited the
island in 1745. Still, notwithstanding this alleged participation
in the proceedings by the people at large, the nomination to the cobham, ms.
1 1. 'O yiaKapiwraros ' ' ApxieiriffKoiros T$4as 'lovtrnviavys KaX irdtrys Kinrpov. Phiiippos
2. 'O Uaviepwraros MyTporroXirys Hdtpov, virepripos Kal efapxos 'Apo-ivbys KaX pe°3gl°u'
'Pwpalwv. n /
3. 'O TlaviepaTaros MyrpOTroXiTys Kitiou leal irpbeSpos 'ApaBovvros, v4as TrbXews
Aepyaov Kal Kovplov.
4. 'O naviepiiraros MyrpoiroXiTys Kvpyvias Kal irpbeSpos 2oXaias.

262 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
various Sees was at that period virtually in the hands of the
Turkish Governor and the Qoja-bashis, or heads of the Greek
community, who resided at Nikosia. But, since the era of the
reforms inaugurated by the Khatti-Sherif of Gulhane in 1839, the
populace has taken a more direct part in the choice of its chief
pastors. During the later period of Ottoman rule the mode of
election to the Archbishopric has been conducted as follows : On
d*iSknio0s*'(Ms ^ne occurrence of a vacancy in the primacy the Bishop of Paphos,
byMrsuco b"ed by virtue of his precedence, became guardian of the See until the
ham). appointment of a successor. He also took the initiative in the
election by summoning to Nikosia, as his assessors, the two other
bishops and the hegoumenoi of the principal monasteries. The
conclave, which was thus constituted with the addition of the
Protopapas of the archdiocese, next issued invitations to the chief
towns and villages of the four dioceses to send their representa
tives to the capital on a day appointed to take part in the sub
sequent proceedings. After considerable canvassing on behalf
of the various candidates the final meeting, which decided the
election, was held in the synod hall attached to the primate's
residence, under the presidency of the Bishop of Paphos, when
the new Archbishop was chosen by acclamation. The successful
candidate was consecrated by his suffragans, after the lapse of a
few days, in the cathedral church of the archdiocese. But he
could not enter upon the duties of his office until the Porte,
which possessed the right of annulling the election in the event
of the popular choice proving unacceptable, had confirmed his
appointment by a Berat, or letters patent. This it issued on a
request for the same reaching it from Cyprus. When a vacancy
occurred in any of the other Sees almost the same procedure was
followed. In this case, however, the Archbishop assumed charge
of the election. He summoned the representatives of the See in
question to assemble under his presidency in the same synod hall,
where the election, at which all the clerical members above
mentioned had the right to assist, was decided. The candidate
chosen was afterwards consecrated by him and the remaining
bishops in the cathedral church of the archdiocese. But in this
case also the election was not regarded as valid, until it had re
ceived by Berat the approval of the supreme government. All
the prelates, once their appointments had been thus ratified,
held their office for life. They were, however, liable to be de
posed by the island Synod, a power which that body is reported
to have frequently abused before 1839. Since that date it is
said to have been exercised only on three occasions. One of the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 263
prelates so deposed was an occupant of the See of Kyrenia. He
is said to have been visited with the wrath of this august as
sembly for the heinous offence of smoking in the vestry ! As no
election to the Archbishopric has occurred since the British
occupation, it is impossible to say for certain what alterations
might take place in these proceedings in consequence of the new
regime. Elections have, however, been held in all the suffragan
Sees since 1878. As no interference was attempted with the
freedom of popular choice and no official recognition of the suc
cessful candidate was considered necessary, it is to be presumed
that the same course will be pursued, whenever an election be
comes necessary in the case of the archdiocese.
The annual revenues of the Sees are derived from the follow- ms. notes
(Mr. Cobham).
ing sources : —
1. Certain fixed payments called Kavovi/cd, made by each
church in the respective dioceses.
2. The fees paid by the clergy called (faXoTifia.
3. The donations known as XeiTovpyi/cd, paid by every village
for the annual service held in its church by the diocesan.
4. Contributions in kind, grain, oil, etc., called ^r/reiai.
5. The revenues of the various suppressed monasteries be
longing to the respective Sees, and
6. The fees for marriage licences, dispensations, etc.
In addition to these sources of income the bishops in their
annual visitations collect by ancient custom from each Christian
inhabitant a further sum amounting to about three and a half
piastres. These contributions were all voluntary and paid
without any recourse to compulsory measures. Sometimes, but
very rarely, in the collection of the \et,Tovp<yiKa the presence
of a zaptieh, or policeman, was deemed advisable to secure
their more effectual payment. But in no case did the bishops
invoke the assistance of the law in the recovery of these dues,
thus proving their voluntary character. Of late years, and es
pecially since the era of the British occupation, they had been
gradually decreasing in value, until the late Archbishop com- Letter, 23
plained that his co-religionists did not contribute one-fifth ofjmy, ms.
what they formerly gave, either in money or in kind, so that
the continued existence of both Sees and monasteries was, he
declared, merely a question of time.
It is an exceedingly difficult matter to compute the actual
amount of the revenues possessed by each of the four Sees, as
the evidence available is so very conflicting, and varies so much
at different periods. Unfortunately but very little assistance

264 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
is to be derived from native official sources. The writer,
anxious to obtain the latest and most accurate information
possible, though previously warned of the futility of the at
tempt, applied personally to the bishops for the necessary par
ticulars. The answers he received will show how vain it is to
expect any help from that quarter, and how useless it will be for
others to repeat the experiment. His failure may be due not
so much, perhaps, to any reluctance to give the required infor
mation as to an inability to do so from the unsatisfactory man
ner, in which all ecclesiastical returns are kept. At the same
time there "may be a lurking suspicion that the knowledge thus
acquired might be used to the disadvantage of those who fur
nished it. The subjoined extracts from the replies will show
the reader the difficulties likely to attend any future inquiries
of the same kind. The late venerable head of the Cypriot
Church, in a letter dated 6th-18th December 1894, thus writes :
" The revenues of the four Sees are fluctuating. The Bishops do
not at present receive a third of what they did formerly, and for
this reason the present condition of the Church of Cyprus from
every point of view is wretched, and from an administrative one
pitiable. Let us hope, however, that in the future it will im
prove." The reply of the late Bishop of Paphos (23rd Oct. (4th
Nov.) 1894), is equally unsatisfactory : " The revenues ofthe See
(Paphos) are derived from landed property and from the volun
tary contributions of the Christians made in accordance with
the custom which has been observed from the very first ". His
colleague of Kition, possibly misunderstanding the inquiry, which
seemed sufficiently plain, discourses as follows of the incomes
of his clergy, but omits to make any mention of his own. He
begins his letter (19th-31st Oct. 1894), by repeating the
writer's question : " Its revenues (perhaps you intend to say
their revenues, i.e., the priests1) and whence derived '' — and
then proceeds as follows : " The priests of the metropolis, of
the city churches, and of the monasteries, are paid by the
metropolis, the churches, and the monasteries, which they serve.
The village priests receive certain small contributions from the
Christians for the celebration of the Sacraments and other
divine offices. But they chiefly support themselves in almost
the same way as the laity — by cultivating their farms.11
Fortunately there are other sources of information available
for the purpose, which enable us to arrive at a tolerably accurate
Drnmmond, conclusion upon the subject. The evidence of Drummond, the
pei5!r^"" firsf OI" our authorities, is as follows: "The revenue of the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 265
archbishopric, communibus annis, may amount to 10,000 piastres
(£1200), which are levied from the towns and villages in wheat,
barley, cotton, and other fruits of the earth ; though not by the
manner of tythes, but by a certain rate fixed to certain lands ;
and the other bishops draw their revenue from their own sees.
That of Baffo is worth from 1500 to 2000 piastres, amounting
to ,£250 ; Larnica, or Chitty, from 3000 to 4000, equal to £500 ;
and Cerigna is equal to Baffo. Their value fluctuates in this
manner because nothing is paid for the lands which are un
cultivated. These stipends are very considerable in a country
where living is so cheap, and so many fasts observed ; yet all
the bishops have other expedients for making sums of money :
they move from place to place as traders, without bestowing the
least attention upon their charge ; and frequently the Archbishop
raises general contributions, under the deceitful veil of employ
ing them in pious uses, or paying some extraordinary avenias,
or special assessment of the Turks. — The benefices are in the
gift of the bishops, who severally receive from each incumbent
100 piastres, when he is invested with his charge : the bishop like
wise raises from every church in the towns within his own diocese
100 piastres annually, which are collected from the people of the
parish. He exacts from ten to fifteen piastres from every priest
he ordains ; and one piastre and a quarter for every marriage.11
Lacroix (1853) estimates the Archbishop's income at 240,000
piastres = £2400.* Mr. Vice-Consul White in his report, dated
16th January 1863, states that the incomes ofthe Archbishop and commercial
Bishops, as well as of the inferior clergy, are fluctuating through p- *9-
being derived from the people on the voluntary system. He
computes that of the Primate at upwards of £2000 per annum,
while those of the metropolitans he represents as varying from
1 De Mas Latrie makes the following observations upon the same subject : — Archives des
" Les revenus annuels (du diocese de Nicosie) s'elevent a la somme de Knuflques
240,000 piastres turques ou 60,000 francs, somme d'un tiers superieure au traite- torn, i., p. 16,4,
ment du premier archeveque de France.
Les rentes archiepiscopales y proviennent de ces elements divers : de la contri
bution prelevee sur toutes les eglises du diocese, proportionnellement a leurs
revenus particuliers, des redevances dues par ses vingt-sept couvents ou bene
fices, de la dime payee par le paysans, du tribut pave en outre par chaque
village (de 25 a 250 francs, suivant la fortune du lieu) pour le prix d'une messe
pontificate que l'archeveque y va celebrer chaque annee — de la perception d'un
talari (5 francs environ) a l'occasion de chaque mariage beni dans le diocese,
enfin, du droit de dispenses si souvent necessaries dans l'eglise grecque pour
cause de parente ou de divorce. Ces rentes, peu variables, ne comprennent ni
les redevances en nature qu'apportent les Grecs quand ils viennent a Nicosie,
ou l'archeveche est leur caravanserail, ni les sommes assez fortes que payent
les papas pour recevoir l'ordination," etc.

266 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
£800 to £1500, Baffo being the richest and Kyrenia the poor-
sir s. Baker, est of the suffragan Sees. An English traveller, who visited the
Cyprus as I . . " ™ . • -i •
isra 'oh11 island shortly after the commencement of the British occupation,
xvii'., p. 413. estimates the archiepiscopal revenues at the same figure, with
expenses amounting to £1500. The income of Baffo he places
at about £1000, with expenses at £300, the bishoprics of Kition
and Kyrenia each enjoy about the same sum, £900, while the
annual outgoings of the former do not exceed £200. Accord -
diz?a'nMn" *nS ^° a naT-ive estimate prepared about nineteen years ago the
ms. notes, incomes of three of the four Sees were then as follows: Arch
bishopric, £3000, with an annual expenditure of barely £1500.
Paphos, about £2500, with an expenditure of £300. Kition,
£900, with an expenditure reaching scarcely £200. Another
estimate of about the same date represents the united incomes
of all the Sees as not exceeding £3000, divided according to the
following scale, viz., Archbishopric £1200, Paphos £600, Kition,
New kihok, £700, Kyrenia £500. A native journal published at Larnaka,
Nov., im the Neon Kition, in 1882 computed the revenues of the Archi
episcopal See at 260,000 copper piastres, viz., rents of the twenty-
nine monasteries dependent upon the See, 160,000 — canonical
dues of the churches and imposts exacted from the villagers,
ibid, no. i7s, 100,000. The same organ of public opinion at the beginning
30 Dec (11 ,» •
Jan.), i882. of 1883 wrote also as follows concerning the finances of the See
of Kition : " Many persons insist that the See of Kition has a
regular income of £1000 and upwards, viz., £600 from the
monasteries, and the rest from other sources. In comparison
with those of other Sees the outgoings are quite insignificant.
It contributes to the schools of Limassol £50, and probably to
other villages and to newspapers a like amount. So that, when
the Prelates get regular salaries, it is no exaggeration to insist
that from the See of Kition we shall have a surplus to be devoted
to education of at least £600." In the same number of its issue
the Neon Kition reports that, when the late Kyprianos was
elected bishop of the diocese in 1869, the See then owed 220,000
copper piastres. This debt it engaged through its representatives,
by an agreement signed before the Archbishop, to extinguish by
the payment in advance of five years1 dues. This would give the
annual amount of its dues as 44,000 copper piastres = £240.
Further evidence on the subject was elicited during the lawsuit
which took place after Kyprianos1 decease between his heirs and
the guardians of the See. In the course of the proceedings it was
ascertained that the total receipts from all sources between the
years 1868 and 1886 amounted to 2,323,145 copper piastres

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 267
(£12,764), giving an average for nineteen years of 122,270 copper
piastres (£671).
The inferior clergy are divided into two classes, secular and k. d. von-
regular. The former of these divisions comprises the parish ims. Notes).
clergy, who before their ordination must be either married or
widowers. But they cannot re-marry in the event of their wives
predeceasing them. They are never promoted to the higher
offices of the Church. Indeed from the low state of their edu
cation they would be wholly unfitted for such positions. The other
division includes in its ranks the inmates of the monasteries and
the cathedral clergy. They are celibates and mostly derive their
origin from the peasant class. It is from among them that the
prelates are invariably chosen. As a rule their education is much
superior to that of their secular brethren. From childhood they
are received into the religious houses, where they commence their
apprenticeship as servants, and are instructed in reading the
sacred books and in writing. Some few of them, whose abilities
give the promise of futm-e distinction, are sent to continue their
studies in Greece and elsewhere. The majority, however, once
their novitiate is completed, are ordained forthwith, their subse
quent promotion depending in a great measure upon seniority
and longevity.
Unlike the members of the hierarchy, candidates for the priest
hood have never at any period been subject to election. No
impediment is placed in the way of any one desiring to enter the
ranks of the clergy. The only qualification required hitherto has
been a very elementary knowledge of the art of reading. Though
the would-be aspirant for Holy Orders comes as a rule from the
lower ranks of society, and in many instances has only adopted
his sacred calling when all other means of earning a livelihood
have failed, his social status proves no bar to his acceptance.
The ceremony of ordination is performed by the bishop of the
diocese to which the candidate belongs. It generally takes
place in the church of the village in which the latter resides,
on the occasion of the diocesan's annual visitation. Should the
candidate be an object of popular favour his fellow- villagers,
who are present at the service, signify their approval by shouts
of " He is worthy ". In the event of any dissentient cries being
raised the ordination is postponed, until the cause of dissatis
faction has been ascertained.
The secular clergy, both of the towns and of the villages, cobham (ms.
depend mainly for their support upon the paltry pittance paid
them by their respective churches, as well as upon the offerings

268 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
collected from their congregations during divine service, to
gether with the customary fees for baptisms, marriages and
funerals. Some few years ago it was estimated that the stipend
of a parish priest in the district of Larnaka varied between 1500
and 2000 copper piastres yearly, about £8 to £15 in English
money. So wholly inadequate are these sources of income that
the ministers of the Church are frequently compelled to follow
the most humble occupations for the support of themselves and
their families. That this is an evil of long standing is evident
Dmmmond, from the testimony which Drummond bears on the subject so
Letteer vii, far back as 1745: "The poor priests subsist almost entirely
upon the charity of the parishes to which they belong : this,
even in Larnica, never amounts to more than forty or fifty
piastres, so that they are obliged to follow the meanest occupa
tions for bread ; yet great numbers are brought up at the altar
that they may be exempted from the weight of Turkish taxes,
which as laymen they would not be able to bear ". From the
same cause De Mas Latrie mentions having observed a priest
herding swine. The writer, too, has frequently seen them en
gaged in agricultural pursuits, or in carrying the produce of
their fields to market in company with their fellow-villagers,
the only distinctive mark of their sacred calling being the
KaXr/fJ-avKv, or brimless tall hat, which is worn exclusively by
ecclesiastics. The contrast presented between the comparatively
easy circumstances of the regular clergy and the abject poverty
of their secular brethren is, indeed, very remarkable. Native
reformers, zealous for the welfare of their Church, have not hesi
tated, in consequence, to advocate the sequestration of the mon
astic revenues and the equal payment therefrom of both classes
of the clergy.
Kyprianos, With regard to the number of ecclesiastics in the island the
Lacroix ries earliest extant computation is that of Kyprianos (1788), who
dehiGrece., reckons them at about 1000 of all ranks. Lacroix comes next
(1853) with a total amounting to upwards of 1700. Of these
400 belong to the regular clergy, who are under the rule of 83
hegoumenoi, while the secular number 1200. All these, united
with the chapters of the four dioceses, bring the grand total up
oensnsBenortto the number he has enumerated. The census returns of 1891
vii.,ppa * show a falling-off of more than two-thirds from the above estimate,
the total being there represented as 505, distributed as follows :
Nikosia, 170 ; Larnaka, 61 ; Paphos, 76 ; Kyrenia, 51 ; Limassol,
81 ; and Famagusta, 66. The returns furnished to the writer by
the bishops themselves show a considerable increase on the official

50-56

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 269
figures, though even they do not equal the total of Lacroix's
estimate. The following are the various numbers existing in
the different dioceses according to the episcopal returns, viz., Archbishop's
Nikosia, secular and regular, 280 to 300. juImb joiy),
Paphos, married priests, 205, in charge of 96 villages, 20 un-Bp6otP „„„,
married and 15 deacons. Total 240. - ^v.'um
Kition, married priests and deacons, in Larnaka 10 priests and bp. of ration's
3 deacons, in Limassol 6 priests and 3 deacons, in 100 villages oct. im
153 priests and 7 deacons. Of unmarried priests and deacons
the metropolis has 2 priests and 3 deacons, the Monastery of
St. George 2 priests and 1 deacon, the Monastery of Stavro
Vouni 1 priest and 1 deacon. Total of married and unmarried
priests 174, deacons 18.
Kyrenia, married and unmarried clergy of all ranks, from 150 Archbishop's
J ' OJ ' Letter,
tO lOU. nt supra.
Grand total for the island, 862 to 912.
Education, it must be confessed, is at a sadly low ebb among k. d. von-
them. Many of the parish priests can with difficulty justMsaNotes.
stumble through their offices with the instruction- they have
received from their seniors in the ministry. So illiterate are
they as to be quite incapable of imparting any religious instruc
tion to their flocks. With the exception of a few of the superior
clergy, who have been educated at Athens and elsewhere at
the expense of the Archdiocese, there is not one of them able to
deliver a sermon — a duty which even these capable few only per
form about once a year. Such is the testimony on the subject
by a member of the Orthodox Communion some nineteen years
ago. And the description unfortunately, in great part, holds
good even to-day.1 He ascribes the lack of proper establishments
for the training of candidates for the ministry to the culpable
negligence of the superior clergy, whose apathy, the despair of
all would-be reformers, he declares will continue, until Govern
ment intervenes to stop the scandal. As a remedy against
this universal ignorance it has been suggested that, in the case
of the parish clergy, the bishops be requested to admit no one
to priest's or deacon^ orders unless he has received in
struction in some school and is able to read and write well ;
1The 2oA7N-y!, No. 475, 7th May 1894, in an article on the election of a
bishop to the See of Kyrenia expresses itself thus about the education of the
clergy : —
" 'O KXypbs pas evpiffKerai Xbyw iraiSeias els t*> Karwrarov ffypeiov Kal ol ireirai-
Sevpevoi KXypucoi pas apiBpovvrai pbvov iirl rav SaxriXav rys pias x*lpds."

270 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
while as regards the regular clergy, until the establishment of a
proper theological college, a certificate of education from a
grammar-school, of which there are several in the island, should
be required. That public opinion is gradually being aroused to
the importance of this question there cannot be a doubt. And
it is equally as certain that the present condition of things, de
grading as it is both to pastors and people, will not be allowed
to continue much longer. Since the British occupation the
leaven of education has been slowly, but surely, making itself felt
among the masses of the population. The clergy must learn,
however unwilling they may be to receive the lesson, to accom
modate themselves to the altered state of affairs, if they would
retain that influence which is so fast slipping from their grasp.
As an evidence of the feeling rife among the Christian community
and an indication of what will inevitably occur, unless those re
sponsible for the present condition of things awake in time to
a sense of their duty, the following article from a Limassol paper
called the Salpinx, which concludes with the language of open
2o>myf, menace, will prove instructive. It is entitled "No Provision of
Clergy" (ovSev irepl KXr/pov) and bears date 25th September
1893 :—
"The question ofthe training and suitable education of ecclesi
astics becomes from day to day more important on account of
the resolute silence which those, who ought of their own accord
and initiative to examine and ponder earnestly upon this matter,
observe, and the inexhaustible apathy which they oppose to
this reasonable demand both of the country and the Press. The
urgent necessity for the training of the clergy, and the great and
salutary influence, which an educated priest of irreproachable life
exercises upon the formation of the morals of the people, are
fortunately recognised by all the inhabitants, and every one
hears this necessity acknowledged by every reflecting person,
whether countryman or townsman, only it is not recognised by
those who, since they govern the affairs of the Church, ought to
have some slight consideration and show some concern for their
successors. Spiritual fathers seem to consider forethought and
concern for successors as a work and duty exclusively belonging
to fathers after the flesh, and not to spiritual ones, a perni
cious and inexcusable mistake, deserving of all reprobation and
righteous condemnation. And in such an error the leaders of
the Churches appear always to be. Otherwise the indifference
and the supineness, which they very markedly affect, to the de
mands and the clamours that the Press, circumstances, and the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 271
condition of the clergy put forth, is inexplicable. They cannot
turn their eyes, or direct their ears in any direction, without
noting the very evident dearth of fit clergy, and without perceiv
ing the ruin of the moral edifice. There are neither oases in this
desert for refreshment, nor pillars for the support of this edifice,
since the oases and the pillars are a clergy well trained and well
acquainted with the duties of their sacred profession, and who
carefully discharge them.
" It is terrible to reflect that a Cyprus, which is administered
ecclesiastically by four bishops, cannot to-day point to suitable
successors to them, either ready for the present, or being trained
for the future, and if, which God forbid, the four episcopal
thrones of Cyprus, which formerly possessed sixteen, were sud
denly and at once to become vacant, it would be necessary either
that they should remain vacant for many years, until suitable
persons were trained, or that these should be summoned from
abroad, in order that the, for Cyprus, really great number of four
might be completed.
"When similar disorder and paralysis prevail generally
in social questions one can say : ' Search for the culprit ' —
because of the many implicated, one from motives of private
interest and another from motives of petty ambition, hinder the
progress of a question, or work against it, and unfortunately
we have many such examples testifying to our disordered social
condition. But in the question, which we are discussing, there
is unhappily no need to make inquiry, or to indicate the culprit,
because he is well known to all. And the most highly educated,
as well as the most ignorant, knows not, and justly, any other,
whom we may indicate as the culprit save the helmsmen of the
Church collectively, the steersmen of the bark of national salva
tion, who remaining permanently alone, and very much alone,
upon it, take no forethought about furnishing it with the
necessary crew and with competent seamen.
"The Press, the echo itself of public opinion, unceasingly con
demns such negligence, inactivity and indifference, regarding it
as altogether inexcusable, since, in order that even two students
might be sent yearly to the theological schools, an annual ex
pense of scarcely £40, viz., £10 for each See, would be entailed.
Are you listening ? £10 annually. Put it even at £30. Each
See refuses to add £30 to its annual expenses, an expense the
most sacred of all, and prefers to endure the condemnation of
the people and to despise the just outcries ofthe Press. Each
See prefers that the dissatisfaction should extend and the

272 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
voluntary contributions to the See be lessened rather than
expend yearly so insignificant a sum to discharge its duty and
perform the greatest of services to its flock. No other reason for
the yearly expenditure of £10, £20, or £30 exists, and we chal
lenge every one interested to declare to the people if another
reason does exist. Is it possible that such a reason for this
trifling expense can be urged without even calling forth a blush ?
" We offer a sincere piece of advice to those whom it concerns.
Before the independent Press rouses the people, and before the
sovereign people awakens to the exercise of its sovereign rights
over the national property, from which it derives very little or
no advantage, they ought to turn an attentive ear to its modest
but most righteous demands, or rather to its representations that
they are not doing their duty. Otherwise contempt will beget
displeasure, displeasure provoke coldness, coldness terminate in
hostility, and then the sovereign people will not be satisfied
with small concessions, but will impose its will in great matters
also. "The people makes no great demands. It asks that there
should be sent regularly every year one or two students to one of
the theological schools that they may return as priests capable
of teaching and instructing it, since it knows not what to believe,
and to guide it in the right way by means of the great doctrines
of the holy regenerating Book, because the total ignorance of
these doctrines has brutalised, debased, and destroyed the faith
ful. Here we have what the people demands for the present,
and what the state, into which it has arrived in matters of reli
gion, demands. Here we have what the duty of our bishops
demands and what a country almost entirely denuded of priests
of the Most High demands.
"These things constitute the duty of a public journal, the sole
programme of which is to support a proper public opinion and
to defend the rights of the people."
In the management of their respective Sees each bishop is
assisted by four principal officials : —
Archbishop's 1. The Archimandrite, who has charge of all matters affect-
jan.°i895. ing the interior economy of the diocese, as well as the adminis
tration of the finances.
2. The Exarch, to whom is entrusted all matters dealing with
its external relations.
3. The Archdeacon, who adjudicates in all disputes between
the deacons and also assists the Archimandrite and the Exarch

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 273
in the discharge of their duties, and superintends all strictly
ecclesiastical matters.
4. The CEkonomos, or Steward, who controls all questions
relating to the daily expenditure and is subordinate to the
Archimandrite. In addition to these there are the members of the various
chapters, consisting of the canons, deacons and other dignitaries.
Those of the three suffragan dioceses are calculated to amount
together to fifty persons, while that of Nikosia is equally as
numerous by itself.
The parish churches, both in the towns and in the villages, are
the property of the people.1 All matters connected with their
administration, such as the collection of their revenues and ex
penditure, the payment and supervision of the clergy and other
officials, their cleansing, the care of the vestments, furniture, ser
vice books, etc., which are provided at the public expense, are
entrusted to a special committee, chosen annually from their
respective congregations. The monastic churches with their
endowments and fittings, though likewise regarded by the people
as public property, are administered by the heads of the reli
gious houses. They permit no outside interference and render
no account of their stewardship. This freedom from supervision
has undoubtedly led to grave abuses and instances are not want
ing, in which the sacred property so administered has been mis-
1 Kyprianos reports that in his time there were nine churches in Nikosia be- Kyprianos,
longing to the Orthodox, which he enumerates as follows : — p- *M-
I. Hagios Ioannes Bibi.
2. Phaneromene.
3. Tripioti.
4. Hagios Sabbas — rebuilt in 1781.
5. Hagios Antonios — rebuilt in time of Archbishop Philotheos.
6. Aliniotissa.
7. Hagios Kassianos.
8. Apostolos Lukas — built in time of Archbishop Philotheos, 1758.
9. Hagios Georgios (irapaKXT)triov) i.e., Chapel of Ease.
According to a recent account (1893), they are now : — Hierides,
1. Phaneromene (Panayia). p' M'
a. Tripioti (Archangel Michael).
3. Hagios Sabbas.
4. Hagios Antonios.
5. Hagios Ioannes (Archbishop's Church).
6. Chrysaliniotissa (Panayia).
7. Hagios Kassianos.
8. Hagios Lukas.
Tr.apeKKXi)ffia. 1. Machsera.
2. Chrysorrhoiatissa.
3. Hagios Iakobos.
18

274 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
applied. The state of the churches, the manner, in which
the services are conducted, and the general behaviour of the
worshippers have been pithily described in an article entitled
" Blemishes in the Churches " (al iv toi<; vaois dnSiat), which ap
peared in the Salpinx early in 1894. The writer, who can vouch
for its accuracy from personal observation, prefers to lay before
his readers this criticism from a native pen rather than his own
impressions, as being less liable to misconstruction : —
2(£A7riVs, "If any stranger, whether a member of our own race or a
sjkn.,'i894. foreigner, should happen to attend service in any ofthe churches
of Cyprus, he would carry away impressions certainly not very
complimentary with regard to our love of the beautiful, our
good taste, and our zeal for the embellishment of our churches,
for the very simple reason that he would meet with scarcely any
indications of the existence of such feelings. The sequel of our
article will show if there does exist any exception, and in what it
consists. " Whether the picture of the condition of our churches, which
we are about to draw in all minuteness and exactitude and lay
before the eyes of our readers, is the same in other countries and
islands, which lead the same life of subjection and experience
the same lot as ours does, we do not inquire. What we propose
to inquire and examine is whether it would not be possible for
the many and various blemishes and irregularities, which meet the
eye and offend the ear — blemishes, which provoke laughter, destroy
the sanctity of the church, and mar its dignity — to cease, and
whether it would be possible for us to ascertain to what extent
our apathy and indifference in matters concerning our churches
have arrived, since we show our taste and refinement, and that
in no small degree, in our personal attire, and in our personal
attire only.
" Our observations we will make as follows : —
" 1. Cleanliness.
"2. Vestments.
"3. Books.
" 4. Style and manner of priests and deacons.
" 5. Disorderly conduct of men.
" 6. Disorderly conduct of women.
" 1. Cleanliness. The first thing which strikes the eye of every
church visitor is cleanliness. He certainly expects and ought to
see there a cleanliness corresponding to the sanctity of the place,
viz., a cleanliness incomparably superior to what he observes at

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 275
home, which often, for various domestic reasons, he is unable to
observe there as he wishes and should do, whereas the cleanli
ness of churches is free from everything likely to impair it, while
they possess also the verger — the official especially told off' for this
duty. And yet in many churches, wherever we turn our gaze,
shall we not behold abundant and clear evidence of the extreme
uncleanliness which exists ? In the candlesticks, which are
smeared with wax and covered with rust ; in the lamps, which
the oil they are covered with changes from white to green, when
it is not falling in drops ; in the very eikons, the lower portion
of which in many cases becomes black and unrecognisable ;
upon the Holy Table itself, over which the dust spreads a thick
covering. We omit to mention the stalls, to which, if the
clothes of those standing there do not adhere, it is because
between their sticky uncleanliness and the clothes themselves
a thick dust intervenes as a separating element. We now ask
the question, Is affluence then necesssary for the observance of
proper cleanliness in all these matters ? No, the only thing
required is a will and a sense of what is fitting in the proper
officials. " 2. Vestments. The second thing which will attract the curious
eye of the visitor is the vestments of the priests and the sacred
vessels. Concerning the sacred vessels we make no comment,
because nearly every church in Cyprus, even in the villages, re
gards them as indispensable and possesses vessels of more or less
value, according to its financial position. Still there does not
exist in reality a church, the funds of which would be so poor
that it could not at least have two sets of vestments fit for the
ministers of the Most High to wear when celebrating the Holy
Mysteries. And yet in many churches even of the towns the
vestments of the priests are some of them in rags and others of
the poorest texture, sufficient and more than sufficient to banish
all reverence. But the officials connected with them sup
pose, though they are grievously mistaken, that these things
have little or no significance in the eyes of congregations, where
as the dignity of the churches is destroyed, the chiefest and sole
object upon which their revenues should be expended. As the
sanctity and majesty of the church is superior to that of the mere
human habitation, in the same way the necessary vestments in
it ought to be the more magnificent, since they are by no means
expensive, as they last for many years.
" 3. Books. The miserable state of things is shown directly
also from the condition of the Church books, which the visitor

276 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
will behold in many churches torn, unbound, with worm-
eaten leaves and covers hanging half-off. Not only the Kalen-
dars, the Horologia, and the Psalters, etc., but also the Gospels
themselves any one will see neglected and dirty. Whether there
be anywhere an exception to this, or to our previous observa
tions, we do not inquire, we only inquire and we say truly that
in the exception are included few churches, while in no church,
and especially in those of the towns, ought such slovenliness to
be met with, which requires for its disappearance a will only and
an imitation, if nothing else, of the Europeans, equal to that
which we show when imitating them in extravagance and other
strange particulars, that are the signs of a pseudo-civilisation.
" Are then these instances of slovenliness consequences of the
present indifference to religious matters, which possesses us ?
No, we reply, there is evidence that those, who are most in
different, condemn these indecencies. And perhaps it is on ac
count of these and other instances of slovenliness, to which we shall
allude farther down, that the scanty attendance of church-goers
at the present day is due and the infrequent appearance in the
churches of members of the upper classes. Besides, for this pur
pose a committee is appointed over the churches, whose duty
comprises not only the good management of the finances, but
also the good ordering of the church and the observance of the
requisite decency and decorum, on which before all other matters
the requisite amount should be expended. The poorest church
cannot plead insufficiency of means, because the instances of
slovenliness, which we have mentioned, require but an insigni-
cant sum and the will only to effect their disappearance, for
which reason we condemn them also.
" 4. Style and manner of enunciation of priests and deacons.
On this subject we have much to say, but we are restricted to
such matters as the priests and deacons of the towns especially
can attend to and put into practice, to their own greater credit
and dignity and the increased satisfaction of their congre
gations. " The time has long gone by when the majority of the congre
gations through ignorance of the words, which the priest or
deacon used, were content with hearing only loud and uncouth
sounds and irreverent flourishes. If ever there existed such a
period it was when education was at its darkest and most barbar
ous stage. To-day the ear even of the rustic himself has grown
refined, and he has come to understand that what is simple is
also elegant, and this many priests and deacons who, to pro-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 277
nounce one word, make so many vulgar flourishes and most un
pleasant inflections of the voice, which only provoke pity and
condemnation, ought to well understand. We have known
priests and deacons gifted with exceptionally fine voices entirely
ignorant of what a reverent and becoming style consists, and
destroying the beauty of their voices by adopting a style and
manner of delivery most discordant and disagreeable. But
are they justified in acting thus because some one has taught,
them to do so ? The only qualification demanded for the priest
hood is good reading of some kind or other — and let him say
the words as he pleases [SVcac OeXei, a? ra, Xeyri ir\eov\. Accord
ingly you hear a ' Wisdom, stand up,1 or some other phrase,
and you imagine that you are listening to the beginning of
some public-house ditty, such as you are wont to hear in the
taverns from mouths reeking with wine. No attention is paid
to the words to render them intelligible. The effort to
display the voice and acquaintance with flourishes and those,
too, such as abound in love songs, absorbs all the attention.
The words are regarded as a vehicle for the display of the
vulgar voice and not the voice as the medium for proper, intelli
gible and reverent enunciation of the words. What sanctity ac
cordingly will any one perceive in those holy sayings proceeding
out of such mouths, which murder and that, too, intentionally
both the sacred texts, and the sacred, venerable and imposing
style of the Church ?
" We condemn this great fault the more strenuously in so much
as it is voluntary, and so much the more strongly as those, who
possess it, foolishly regard it as an improvement or advantage,
and with senseless and stupid obstinacy continue in their per
nicious system.
" The ecclesiastical texts ought to be pronounced clearly, with
out affectation, with a firm voice and in a grave and stately
style, displaying the reverence of the utterer for the sacred oracles
themselves. Every absurd flourish or utterance, in a voice
forced with cries and howls, is irreverence towards the holy texts
themselves, and a contempt for and banishment of the reverence
which the worshipper feels. In brief, both the Gospel and every
prayer should be read in befitting style. Some especially when
reading the prayers adopt an exciting style, such as orators em
ploy when inciting an army to the combat. Even in ordinary
reading dignity is required and that appropriate style, not the
nasal, which displays the perception of the reader respecting
the sanctity of the matter read and his humility towards it.

278 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
¦ZAXinyt, " As we said at the commencement of the present article, these
15 Jan.; 1894. remarks of ours aim at the correction and disappearance from
the churches of every blemish, consequently we write about those
blemishes which can at once and easily disappear, and not
about those which exist of necessity and require affluence
for their disappearance. For example, what is required for a
priest or deacon to pronounce the sacred texts clearly and
reverently, without affectation, shouts, unpleasant inflections?
What is required to make him attend to the meaning of the
text and to pronounce well and adequately the separate phrases ?
What is required to make him pay strict attention to the
Church's rubrics and not to alter them at his pleasure, or change
or substitute for those that are sanctioned expressions of his
own ? What is required to make him pronounce secretly what
the Church's rubric so enjoins and audibly only what is equally
so directed ?
" We know that it is impossible for all of them to be learned,
because we know, too, the position of our clergy with regard to
this particular, nor do we expect all of them to be gifted with
good voices. Besides, what signifies it when both the learned
priest introduces novelties and the possessor of the good voice
perpetrates discords ? Since even the unlearned, when he at
tends carefully, will not appear such, and the possessor of an
unmusical voice, when he pronounces the texts clearly and without
disagreeable modulations of his voice, atones almost entirely for
the defect of his unmusical voice. Here we have what we are in
search of and here is the principal object of this article of ours.
"Perhaps in this connection we ought to have made men
tion of another important member of the ecclesiastical officials,
more important than the rest in the good ordering of the
Church, we mean the chanter, but we avoid doing so for
well-considered reasons, lest we should run the risk of being
misunderstood. Besides, those who follow the calling of
chanter are dismissed, if they do not give satisfaction, and,
when the finances of the church allow of it, are replaced by com
petent persons, while the priest is always a priest and the deacon
always remains such, and neither can they relinquish their calling
nor is it easy to dismiss them. No material sacrifice nor heavy
labour is demanded of them for their improvement (how many
of them are past improvement), but care, attention, reverence
for the sacred services, and dignity of style and enunciation.
" 5. Disorderly conduct of the men. The deep silence and
great quiet observed in the churches of the Westerns have often

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 279
astonished us, while on the contrary, as though our Church were
possessed by the democratic spirit, we enjoy every freedom in it,
and we talk and wrangle and get angry and laugh. Only we
rarely weep there and most rarely display contrition of heart.
All other sensations we experience in abundance. It appears,
indeed, from this fact also that freedom is inherent in the Greeks
and that their neck does not endure a yoke, even when imposed
by religion.
" The slightest perception of the sanctity of the place where
we are would suffice to impose not only silence and quietness but
also awe. Yet where is this perception to be found ? In the
church ? We come very near to regarding it as a medium for
assembling together equal to the cafes, as a medium for inter
views and for the exchange of glances and smiles. To the noise
caused by the parents add that of the children to have the pic
ture complete. And no one, whether parent or churchwarden,
dares to impose silence and order. Both within and without
are the same noise and confusion. Perhaps this is a result of our
indifference to divine things, still we wonder whether these things
do not rather contribute to produce our indifference to them ?
" 6. Disorderly conduct of the women. If the place in some
measure restrains the men, neither the place nor the sanctity of
it imposes silence upon the women ! As the women have no
other centre where to meet for gossip, the church alone remains
for them both as a reading-room and a cafe. After the saluta
tions begins the talking, and that in a tone of voice sufficiently
loud and careless, though they are within the church. Besides
this that miserable system, which is in vogue among us, of bring
ing infants also to the churches proves that we do not by any
means comprehend their sanctity. During the whole duration
of the Gospel an infant may be crying piteously and the
worshipper will not hear, in consequence, a word, yet no one
will venture to remonstrate, while she, who is responsible for
it, does not recognise her offence.
" In addition to the noise ofthe infants, which especially during
the great festivals converts the church into a sheepfold, where the
lambs are secluded from their dams (and indeed it is very strange
and senseless that we should bring infants also to the place where
we assemble to offer up united prayer), in addition, we say, to the
most distracting noise of the infants and the chatter and conver
sation of the women, whose gossip often drowns the utterances
of the priest, we have in nearly all the churches certain women
also, who, it seems, in order that they may show they know the

280 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
texts and the Gospels, shout them out very loudly either by
heart or from the book, as though they were saying to the other
women : ' Pay attention to us and not to the priest '. Perhaps
they do this to draw away the other women from their conversa
tions, but they only make confusion worse confounded, whereas
they might confine themselves to admonition only.
" We here conclude the picture, which with general touches we
have sketched only with a view to improvement, and let every
one attend carefully and say whether we have spoken correctly
according to facts, or have omitted many other details for obvious
reasons."
census The population ofthe island in 1891 comprised 209,286 per-
pp. 6, io. ' sons of both sexes. Of this number 158,585, or rather more than
75 per cent, belonged to the Orthodox Church. The largest
percentage of Greek Christians occurred in the Limassol district,
where it amounted to 81'9, the ratio in the other districts being,
Nikosia, 76'4; Kyrenia, 76'3; Famagusta, 757; Larnaka, 73*3 and
Paphos, 69'2. These returns, when compared with those of 1881,
exhibit a total increase of 1'9 per cent, in the numbers of those
professing to be members of the Orthodox Church, while the
individual increase in the six towns of the same names varies
from 4*7 in Limassol to l'l in Larnaka. The Mohammedans, who
come next in point of numbers, reached a total of 47,926, equi
valent to a percentage of 22*9, showing a decrease of 1*5 since
the previous census of 1881. The largest proportion of Moham
medans is to be found in the Paphos district, where it amounts
to 30*6 per cent. The only district in which this sect has
maintained the same ratio as in 1881 is Nikosia, while the
greatest falling-off' has taken place in that of Limassol. The
other denominations possess a bare total of 2775, or a percentage
of 1'3, the largest average being found in the Kyrenia district.
Of these the Maronites are first on the list with 1131, followed
respectively by the Roman Catholics with 915, Gregorians, 269
and Church of England (including Episcopalians) 201, the re
mainder being too small to be worthy of separate enumeration.
Where the religious leaders of a people are themselves devoid
of education it is impossible to expect much enlightenment from
those, over whom they preside. And the Cypriots form no ex
ception to this universal rule. The rustic especially, like his
fellows elsewhere, is the victim of strange fancies and delusions.
He is a firm believer in the baneful influence of the evil eye and

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 281
in the power of magic. The most trivial occurrences are in his
opinion charged with portents, while such natural phenomena
as eclipses and comets throw him into paroxysms of terror.
With the increase of knowledge much of this gross superstition
will inevitably disappear, but many years must elapse before any
marked improvement can take place. As a people the Cypriots
are very attentive to the outward observances of their religion,
a fact to which all who have seen them at their devotions can
testify. In the churches the men are as conspicuous by their
presence as in countries farther west they are by their absence.
Lusignan, who can find little to say in praise of his Orthodox Lnsignan,
fellow-countrymen, bears testimony at least to their regular at
tendance at divine service even so far back as three centuries and
more ago. He remarks that the populace in general was most
devout and held the Blessed Virgin in special reverence, while
never omitting to hear mass on holidays. As an instance of the
strictness of the Orthodox in matters of religion he instances
their custom of rising at midnight to be present at matins — a
service which lasted in the smaller churches a good three hours
at least. He adds that even at this early service there was a
fair attendance of men, though the majority of the congregation
was, as might be expected, composed of women.1 From lack of
instruction the language of the Church services had, prior to the
British occupation, become almost an unknown tongue to the
majority of the population. Consequently, being as a rule un
intelligible to the congregation, they were interpreted according
to the fancy of the individual worshipper. To combat such a
state of universal ignorance the dissemination among the people
of cheap paraphrases of the various Church books in the verna
cular seemed the only possible remedy. But such an expedient,
though sadly needed at the time, becomes every day less neces
sary, and it is to be hoped that, as education continues to make
itself more felt, this reproach of ignorance will be entirely re
moved. Travellers, especially of the Roman Church, have in
variably described the Cypriot Orthodox as being ignorant and
fanatical to a degree.2 Their ignorance unfortunately is patent
1 II popolo universalmente e molto divoto, et massime alia gloriosa Vergine,
ehe con grandissima divotione liveriscono la imagine sua, et non lasciano mai
il giorno festivo la messa ; et li greci in tutte le loro Parochie usano di levare a
mezza notte al mattutino : et ritrovate molti huomini, ma piu donne, ehe vanno
in chiesa al mattutino, il qual mattutino dura da tre hore buone almeno, nelle
chiese piccoline.
2M. de Mas Latrie in his L'ile de Chypre, sa situation presente et ses sou
venirs du moyen Age (p. 392) cites an instance of this fanaticism coming under his

282 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
to all, but they certainly cannot fairly be taxed with fanaticism.
But this charge is equally as true as many others proceeding
from the same quarter. That they still regard the Latin Church
with a certain amount of aversion is not surprising, when one
remembers the tyranny they so long experienced at its hands.
The present writer, whose attention has been specially drawn
to this point, has, on the contrary, found them remarkably toler
ant and sympathetic. And in this respect it must be acknow
ledged they present a striking and agreeable contrast to theii
accusers, as all students of ecclesiastical history can testify.
The question of administrative reform is one which calls for
speedy settlement in the interests of the Church itself. The
members of the Orthodox community are known to have been
long dissatisfied with the present conduct of ecclesiastical affairs.
The following translation of a letter entitled, " How fares it
sixn-iyf, with our Church ? " (rl Kcifivet, i) eic/cXr/aba p,d<; ; ) which ap-
Ma'rch,'i894. peared comparatively recently in a Limassol journal from a
correspondent, whom the editor described as an esteemed friend
and genuine patriot, sufficiently indicates the trend . of popular
opinion on the subject : —
" The superior clergy of our native land, as though they had
no business of their own to occupy their attention, deliberate
and expend their energies only upon matters with which they
have no concern, or, to speak more correctly, upon matters the
own obseivation. It arose out of a conversation he had with the Orthodox
priest of Katholiki, a well-known church at Limassol, formerly attached to the
Franciscan monastery in that town. " Comment n'a-t-on pas rappele' l'existence
de l'ancienne eglise des Latins, dont vous avez conserve tant de debris ? "
dis-je au papas du Katholiki. "Ils etaient idolatres" me repondit-il fort peu
poliment, car il savait que j'etais Latin. Voila le degre general de bonne foi
des papas ou des caloyers en Orient, et le degre d'instruction d'une grande partie
de leurs laiques, auxquels ils s'efforcent d'inculquer la haine de tout ce qui est
ou a ete Franc. Quelle difference chez les Armeniens dissidents ! "
The learned historian might easily have discovered the reason of this apparent
bigotry had he but reflected on the conduct of his own Communion towards
the Orthodox in the days of its supremacy.
As a set-off to this may be recorded a much-needed lesson in Christian
charity and forbearance the Orthodox of Cyprus gave the tolerant Church
of Rome, when on ioth June 1882 in the Church of St. Lazarus at Larnaka
the Bishop of Kyrenia celebrated a requiem mass to the memory of Garibaldi,
after the clergy of his own communion there had previously refused to do so I
The writer has in his possession a copy of the notice announcing the service,
which is as follows : EiSoiroiyo~is. Aijpiov t^v loyv, wpav ir. p. iv Tip vaip tov 'Ayiov
AaCdpov BeXei ipaXei pvypbtrvvov x°P00'Ta'r0vl'ros T0V Haviepwrdrov MyrpoiroXiTov
Kvpyveias els pvfjpyv tov dotSipov rrrpaTTiyov I. rapiBdxSy.
AapvaKi, ry gy 'lovviov 1882.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 283
care and attention of which belong to others. And even so they
would not be open to censure if, after first setting in order and ar
ranging their own concerns, they turned their attention to other
matters, which concern their native land, or at least bestowed
equal care and attention upon them. But unfortunately such is
not the case. For a very long time we hear talk of sending clerics
to the theological schools of Jerusalem or Chalkis for study, who
on their return to their native land might teach both laymen
and clergy, with a view to the instruction of both and the im
provement of the degraded condition, into which both classes
have fallen morally. Yet, on the contrary, those responsible for
this duty have bought an estate and continue to do nothing,
under the impression that this condition of things will not entail
any consequences, or rather they pretend that they do not see
any consequences, while they daily see them and seek to ascribe
them to other causes.
" Some few persons are in possession of and manage the national
belongings and the national property, while religion is attacked
on all sides, wolves harry the flock, and the Church is
desolate. Yet doubtless they say : ' What does it signify to us ?
So long as we are alive there will be also practically some rem
nants of the ancient system, upon which we can rest. When we
are all gone let religion and flocks, Church and clergy burn to
gether.' And so surely this will happen if the people continues
to slumber. I have tried to ascertain what is the occupation
of our superior clergy in Cyprus, i.e., what is their occupation
as a class. Pray, are they in the habit of devoting their
thoughts to the settlement of ecclesiastical questions ? Or to
the improvement of the clergy or their flocks? I much fear
their ecclesiastical occupation is confined merely to the exact
collection of revenues, whether they preside over Sees or mon
asteries, and to nothing else. Who will busy themselves about
training and keeping in the principles of the Gospel the flock
that has gone astray ? No one. Who will be their future suc
cessors ? Who will bear rule after them ? It is a matter of in
difference. " In former times I consider we were much better off with re
gard to this question, and as a clear proof of my statement I
have the present well-educated clergy in the island, who, as I
know, studied and were educated at the expense of their pre
decessors, or their then superiors. The present heads of the Sees
and monasteries ought to regard this as an example worthy of
imitation, and if they do not attempt more, as the present age

in

284 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
demands, at least they ought and should equal them in their
efforts on behalf of our unhappy country, unhappy in both
respects, both as regards State and Church. The unfortunate
island suffers and fares ill both politically and ecclesiastically,
but the political disease, against which we exclaim and murmur
more than we need, is involuntary and imposed upon us from
without, while the disease of ecclesiastical inactivity is volun
tary, and the local Press, whose duty it is to enlighten all as to
their duties, instead of directing its shafts against it, on the con
trary remains silent (? sic) a proceeding which proves it to be
not an independent Press, and consequently unable to effect the
necessary reforms both of ideas and thoughts. If it has at any
time handled this question it has done so superficially, as though
it were one about a matter of no importance and of the most
trivial significance, whereas it is the greatest and most important
of the questions in which the Press ought to be engaged, and
engaged permanently.
" This is one of the most vital questions for the island, and we,
who live abroad, would be at a loss to understand why it is not
followed up with all the energy it deserves by the inhabitants of
the island — at least by those of the younger generation, who
demand a better education than their predecessors — did we not
know the systematic indifference and carelessness about every
general and important question affecting the place. All the
dialectic and diplomatic ability of the island is wasted in that
Legislative Council, out of which nothing comes and, as is natural,
nothing ought to be expected. All the other questions, questions
requiring like this one, with which my present letter deals, sus
tained and energetic action on the part of the inhabitants ex
clusively, without the co-operation of the Government, are left
in their muddy state and receive no attention.
" Under these circumstances permit me to inform you that the
influence and ability of the Press in the island will only be ap
preciated when, instead of dividing the inhabitants, it allies
itself with them and exhorts them to co-operate for such objects
of public utility, and that the progress of the patriots in the
island will only be perceived when, instead of slumbering and
remaining inactive with regard to every matter of public utility,
they act and co-operate willingly for the settlement of such ques
tions, the state of which provokes reproof and shame."
Outspoken criticism like this would have been impossible while
the bishops constituted the only effectual barrier between the
Christian rayahs and their Ottoman oppressors. But now that such

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 285
protection is happily no longer required, the necessity for a radi
cal change in the administration of the Church is being continu
ously urged. The justice of the popular demand was practically
admitted by those responsible for its management even so far
back as 1884, when a circular was issued summoning a convoca
tion to assemble at Nikosia to discuss the situation and suggest
the remedial measures to be adopted. This document, which
bore the signatures of the four island prelates, recognises among
other things that their position rendered it incumbent upon them
to inaugurate the necessary reforms. Its great importance, as
marking the dawn of a new era in the history of the Cypriot
Church, fully justifies its insertion here in full : —

" Sophronios, by the grace of God Archbishop of Nova Jus
tiniana and all Cyprus.
"Most reverend priests and most honourable Christians of the
cities and villages of the divinely protected island of Cyprus,
beloved and very dear children in Christ, grace and mercy be
with you all from God, and from us prayer and blessing.
" You are all well aware that the system in vogue up till now
in the administration of our ecclesiastical and national affairs
was based upon the holy canons, ancient usage, and the epis
copal letters patent (Berats). The political change, however,
which occurred six years ago, being inspired by other principles
and customs, has rendered it necessary and, indeed, indispensable
to formulate in writing, first the conditions, under which it shall
be possible for the ecclesiastical authority to continue the dis
charge of the duties entrusted to it towards both the State
and the rational flock confided to it ; and, secondly, a method
of administering and maintaining our ecclesiastical and national
institutions more in accordance with the age.
" In order that this twofold object may be attained it is neces
sary that the Orthodox Christian population of the island should
assemble by means of its representatives and, after deliberating
with its spiritual leaders, draw up a scheme of regulation suitable
to the object in view, and in due order submit this regulation for
the approval and sanction of our new political authority.
" Our position has imposed upon us the duty of taking the first
step in this question, the most important from a religious and
public point of view. Accordingly we have met at Levkosia
(Nikosia) and are engaged in framing a regulation upon the
basis always of the sacred customs and canons of our holy

286 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Church, and the usages and privileges, which have been conse
crated by centuries, with the sole object of facilitating, so far as
we can, this matter of the representation. Accordingly we invite
you, the entire Orthodox population of the island, and we exhort
you paternally to elect with alacrity and send to Levkosia by
15th July next your representatives.
"Bearing in mind the importance of the question we have
considered it necessary that each subdistrict (Kaza), should be
represented in the congress, which is about to be assembled, by
two competent persons (except the small subdistrict of Fama
gusta by one, who with the person to be elected by Varosia will
complete the number of two, as in the case of the rest of the sub-
districts) Levkosia by six, Larnaka, Scala and Limassol by two
each, Ktima by one, as well as Kyrenia and Varosia.
" But that the representation may possess legal authority the
smaller of the villages must elect one, and the greater two re
presentatives each, and, after furnishing them with the necessary
powers in writing, signed by the inhabitants and sealed with the
village seal, must send them to the following places by Sunday
the 24th June next, viz., the villages of the Karpass to Liona-
rissos ; of the Mesaoria to Levkoniko or Vatili ; of Ammochostos
to Varosia ; of the subdistrict of Kythrsa to Kythrasa and Dali ;
of Orini to Pera ; of Larnaka to Larnaka ; of the subdistricts of
Limassol and Episkopi to Limassol ; of the subdistrict of
Kilanion to Kilanion ; of Avdimou to Omodos ; of Kelokedara
to Kelokedara ; of Paphos to Ktima ; of Chrysochou to the city
of Chrysochou ; of the subdistrict of Morphou to Morphou ; of
Solea and Tylloria and of Marathasa in the subdistrict of Levka
to Evrychou and Pedoula respectively ; and of the subdistrict
of Kyrenia to Kyrenia.
" For the convenience of the villages a printed power is being
sent to each, which the inhabitants, after they have inscribed
upon it the name and surname of their representative or repre
sentatives and signed and sealed with the village seal, will de
liver to their representatives when they leave for the above-named
localities to elect the final representatives, who will leave for
Levkosia, as we have above said, by 15th July next. It is
understood that these also, when they leave for Levkosia, shall
be furnished with full powers by their electors in writing.
" Spiritual children, most dearly loved by us, we exhort you all
not to delay. The question is one of the most important, be
cause its object is that you and we may learn under what con
ditions our national ecclesiastical authority is to exist, so that

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 287
it may be able to discharge without hindrance its manifold
duties towards the Hellenic population of Cyprus. For very
many of you, through ignorance of the changes which have
occurred, possibly blame us for not discharging better all those
duties which you entrusted to us when you elected us as your
spiritual leaders.
" Another equally important reason why you must not turn a
deaf ear to our present invitation is that you ought to receive
accurate information as to the nature and extent of the resources,
by which the metropolises are maintained, and how the monastic
and ecclesiastical property in general is managed, and that you
may arrange in conjunction with us in what way it ought in
future to be managed, if possible, more profitably to our national
interests. This knowledge, gained from a personal investigation,
will have, we are confident, in addition to other results, this most
excellent one also, that the mutual confidence of pastors and
flocks will be strengthened, the want of which, if such there be,
rest assured, injures the highest religious and national interests
of the Orthodox population.
" Furthermore we offer our best prayers on behalf of you all.
" Levkosia, 1884. " ?[< Sophronios, Archbishop of Cyprus.
" >|< Neophytos, Bishop of Paphos.
" >J< Kyprianos, Bishop of Kition.
" ?£• Chrysanthos, Bishop of Kyrenia."
Unfortunately, despite the exhortation against delay and its
admitted urgency, the matter has never been allowed to advance
beyond this initial stage, nor is it likely that any further attempt
will be made to remedy existing abuses during the continuance
of the present lamentable indifference Yet no one can be
oblivious to the fact that this strange inaction is fraught with
the gravest consequences to those principally concerned. Popu
lar impatience has already made itself felt in a variety of ways.
One of the most marked is the increasing diminution in the
voluntary contributions for religious purposes. But what is
chiefly to be feared is that public opinion, no longer content
with moderate reforms, will some day demand more drastic
measures. That the bishops, in consequence, do not occupy the
same place as formerly in the estimation of their flocks is only
too apparent. The enemies of the Church, who in Cyprus, as
elsewhere, are always quick to turn the general discontent to
their own advantage, represent in the most unfavourable light

288 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the indifference of the bishops to popular clamour. The simple
villagers, unaccustomed to think for themselves, only too readily
accept as true what they are told. Suspicions are thus en
gendered which cannot fail ultimately to prove most disastrous
to all religious sentiment. It is to be hoped, therefore, in the
best interests of the island, that the apathy now observable will
in time be replaced by a greater solicitude for the welfare of their
Church on the part of those who are mainly accountable for the
present unsatisfactory condition of affairs.
One of the most pressing questions calling for solution is that
which deals with the disposal of the ecclesiastical revenues.
Hitherto their collection and disbursement have been entirely
in the hands of the bishops and superior clergy, who are under
no obligation to render an account of their stewardship. The
laity on the other hand demand that for the future they shall
have the controlling voice in all questions of Church finance.
It is proposed that the bishops shall receive fixed stipends, and
that the surplus of revenue remaining after the payment of all
ecclesiastical charges shall be devoted to purposes of public
new Kinov, utility. To accomplish this the establishment of a Pan-Cyprian
26th Nov., " committee was proposed so far back as 1882, whose duty it should
be to examine the accounts of the four Sees, take charge of
their revenues and secure to the Archbishop and his suffragans
the payment of regular fixed salaries. A great reluctance has
been shown by the prelates to the acceptance of such a scheme.
They are naturally not very eager to exchange the immunity
from control, which they have so far enjoyed, for a position that
will to a great extent render them dependent upon the pleasure
of others. Possibly, too, the motives underlying these sugges
tions are thought to be not altogether disinterested. Wealthy
ecclesiastical corporations have before now been despoiled by
professing friends under the specious pretext that the measure
was for their benefit. Examples of this kind of sacrilege have
occurred nearer home than Cyprus, where Church endowments
have been diverted to purposes other than those for which they
were originally intended. Schools, hospitals and almshouses are
institutions, the necessity for which no one denies, but that their
erection and maintenance should be provided out of the public
purse, and not out of the plunder of the Church, is a reflection
which will commend itself to all right-thinking persons. Should
such suggestions be ultimately approved, as most unhappily
seems likely, their execution must be entrusted to those who
possess not only the confidence of the mob but also of those

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 289
more directly interested in the act of spoliation. Perhaps the
best way of illustrating the character of the proposals put for
ward in the name of the Christian inhabitants will be by quoting-
some passages from one of the local papers, the Neon Kition,1
which during its brief existence devoted no small attention to
this phase of the question. The dates of the several extracts
will show that the subject is one, which has long engaged the
public attention.
" It is not fitting that we should have on the four Cypriot New Kinov,
thrones four distinguished and patriotic men, from whom we^thAng.,
expect a great deal, and that we should still ask that these men {ijjjjj^.
should condescend to the humble duties of a tax-collector, being
obliged yearly to visit every village and hamlet in Cyprus to
collect some few hundreds of thousands of piastres for their
maintenance, or that like farmers they should devote themselves
to farming, or like merchants to the letting of some farm or
monastery, wasting their precious time on things with which
they should have no concern, instead of devoting it to matters
of real and high importance. We want our bishops to stand
high, to be well off', and free of cares. Then and then only we
shall be justified in assigning to them this presidency, or that post
of honour, or that mission. Many persons wonder why the Sees.,
which enjoy considerable revenues, have for years past been in
debt, and why the bishops are perpetually in pecuniary diffi
culties. The matter is easily explained. A priest, and particu
larly a bishop, cannot show the same severity in exacting money
as a merchant. He remits to one man because he is poor, to
another because he has a large family, and so the income of the
See is sensibly impaired." The editor continues a little farther
on as follows : " A gentleman said to us a few days ago, ' What
do you think the Archbishop should have, to live in a becoming-
manner ?' 'We never thought about it,' was our reply. Others
have though, and feel certain that the Archbishop would be very
well content with a yearly salary of £500. Let us give then
£500 to the Archbishop and £300 to each Metropolitan : for
£1400 a year we shall be able to provide in a thoroughly be
coming manner for our spiritual chiefs ; and many persons who
know the question well insist that a conscientious administration
should provide this sum from the economies of a single See."
The next extract contains grave charges of maladministration
1 This journal, which was published at Larnaka, made its appearance on 4th
June 1879. Its last issue, No. 220, is dated 19th June 1884.
19

290 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
and peculation which, if substantiated, would go far to explain
the popular mistrust.
JJe'°.l;?iI'.01'' " Besides the Opovo/ca, the Christian population of the island
No. 164, 4th- l-iii n i l TI
i|th sept., must think about the so-called sacred property. In bygone
days, when methinks men were more religious, no year went by
without an offering made to the saints. So every church ob
tained a larger or smaller endowment, and all the gifts taken
together made a considerable and substantial capital. But we
learn from people, who know the question, that if the sacred
property thirty years ago was worth, say, £100,000, to-day when
landed property has a higher value, and it ought to be worth
double that sum, it is worth only £50,000, because it has been
seriously curtailed ; most of the estates have been alienated,
others have been laid waste, and some have been stolen by the
very persons who undertook, or were invited, to take care of them,
so that, if this ravage continues unchecked for another fifty years,
the sacred property is gone, and with it all hope of the encour
agement among us of Hellenic culture." In addition to the
establishment of the Pan-Cypriot committee already noticed, the
article advises a careful registration of all Church property ; or, if
the committee thinks that the depreciation and loss thereof can
not be stayed, recommends that it be sold and the capital sum
invested in the National Bank, and the interest accruing from it
employed for the spiritual enlightenment of the people.
ibid., no. no, The last article from the same paper takes the form of an
Nov", 1882. address from the editor to his fellow-citizens, too wordy to be
quoted entire, giving the summary of an interview on the subject
with the Archbishop. The latter pleaded for delay until the
opening of the new Legislative Council, when he would try to
get an ordinance passed to assure the revenues of the Church
and to regulate the relations between it and the State. In reply
it was stated that these were matters for legislation and not what
the people wanted. It wanted the appointment of a Pan-Cypriot
committee to examine the accounts of the Sees, monasteries and
churches, and to decide what surplus was available for education.
Various objections against the proposed committee are noticed
and answered. In reply to the argument that without some legal
sanction the peasant would cease to pay his dues it is asserted
that, though since the English occupation these dues have no
longer the force of law and their collection is no longer enforced
by zaptiehs, or policemen, yet payment of them still continues.
Moreover the collections, instead of falling off, will be doubled
when the villager knows that the surplus will be devoted to his

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 291
education, while in case of refusal it will always be possible to
have recourse to the old law to compel payment. To the objec
tion that fit persons could not be found to serve on such a com
mittee this assertion is declared to be a libel on men who have
already administered honourably the income of the large town
churches. Finally, to refute the charge of exaggerating the
amounts it is proposed to so administer, and to meet the insinua
tion that the advocates of the scheme are actuated solely by
interested motives, calculations as to the income of the Archi
episcopal See, derived from reliable sources, are given, showing
that the revenues in question are of considerable dimension.
That these too long-deferred reforms will be at length accom
plished cannot be doubted. Thanks to the influence of more
liberal ideas, due to the spread of education and the sense of
freedom conferred by a constitutional government, the present
generation refuses to be content with arrangements which satis
fied its predecessors. But reforms, whenever they take place,
must come entirely from within. Their past history proves con
clusively that the Cypriots would justly resent any foreign inter
ference in matters connected with their Church. They will claim
full liberty to deal with a question which concerns themselves
alone. The adoption of hasty and ill-considered measures is
perhaps the greatest danger to be feared. A venerable institu
tion like the Church of Cyprus, whose roots extend so deeply
into a remote and legendary past, must be dealt with gently,
otherwise the whole edifice may fall to pieces under the hands
of reformers possessing more zeal than judgment. The patient
labours of many years will be necessary before its organisation
can be brought into complete harmony with present require
ments. But the outlook is far from reassuring. After bidding
for so many years a successful defiance alike to Romish intruder
and Moslem fanatic, it seems in a fair way to succumb at last to
internal weakness. All who are anxious for the preservation
and continued utility of this most venerable relic of bygone ages,
cannot but view with grave apprehension the course events are
taking. Still it is impossible not to sympathise in some measure
with the bishops in their opposition to a movement which in
the end is bound to triumph. Despite the language of their
circular they really seem not yet to recognise the altered condi
tion of affairs brought about by the recent political changes.
After slumbering for more than three centuries the Orthodox
population of Cyprus is at length awaking to demand the chief
control in what it still regards as its most cherished possession.

292 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Though the bishops can hardly be expected to resign without
a struggle the commanding position they have held so long un
challenged, the sacrifice must be made in view of the interests
involved. It behoves them, therefore, while they can, to set
their house in order and bow to the popular will, before the
crash comes, which may otherwise sweep them away altogether.
The danger has long been obvious to discerning minds. One of
the most remarkable efforts, within recent years, to arouse public
attention to a sense of the impending catastrophe was made in
an article published in the local Press 1 of Limassol shortly before
the present writer's departure from the island. The author of
it, while acknowledging that the influence of the Church was
visibly on the wane, suggests various expedients to arrest the
spread of the mischief. Though somewhat lengthy the import
ance of the article is sufficient to warrant its being placed in full
before the reader as the opinion of an intelligent native observer.
SoUinvf , " Necessity for a resuscitation of ecclesiastical influence (avdyKri
No. 507 17th .,/ J „ , , „ . / x \ I I
Dec, 1894. avvYOoaew; ttj? eic/c\vtTiacrTiK7]<; oery_i/o?).
"We are about to direct yet again the attention of the inhabit
ants, politicians, and those who are competent to judge, to
one of the most important questions affecting the island. To
some, who are not well acquainted with the position of affairs,
and who think that the ecclesiastical authority of the island re
mains unshaken upon the same basis as formerly, and continues
to possess the same influence and to enjoy the same privileges,
the title of this article of ours will appear somewhat strange.
But unfortunately it is not so, and this question demands close
attention and speedy settlement.
" Every one is aware that the Church is the ark of salvation,
which has floated upon every national and religious deluge, and
has preserved intact and uncontaminated sentiments, which from
a national and religious standpoint are most sacred and precious ;
and, let us make no mistake, among us Greeks, and especially
among those of us who are in a state of subjection, and who live
under a foreign go vernment,alien both in nationality and in religion,
and indifferent to the preservation of our religious or national
sentiments, if not actually hostile to them, the Church will again
be the only powerful protector, and we have only the influence
1 The journal in question, the 2aAirfy{, commenced its publication on 25th
January, 1884, and is still in circulation.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 293
and the greatness of the ecclesiastical power to set as an effective
obstacle to every risk, proceeding from the political authority
or otherwise, of injury or extinction to these sacred sentiments,
without which every people is rendered brutish. As long as the
Church in the persons, and influence of the bishops stands on the
eminence befitting it, and meets with respect and consideration
from the authorities, a portion of this respect and attention is
reflected back upon the people also, over whom the Church is set
as a natural ruler and head. But the prestige and influence of the
Church have declined, and the importance of the subject people
naturally has declined also. And every patriotic and religious
sentiment, which, united in brotherly bonds, the cassock warmed
and the pastoral staff rendered reputable, has become cold.
Education and the formation of sentiments through its instru
mentality are a gift belonging to few, and the teacher, as he
becomes less important, encounters in his process of training
many thorns and more enemies.
" In the sphere of national and moral duties the head of the
Church, the Ethnarch, possesses a comprehensive and carefully
guarded authority, greater than that of any one else, and the
counsel or censure, which proceeds from his mouth, acts with
greater certainty than the threats of the law and the restraint
of the prison. He, who is invested by the popular vote with
the dignity of Ethnarch enjoys more than any one else the right
of using the courageous language of advocacy before the civil
power, and every representation or suggestion proceeding from
him possesses an importance superior to all other.
" Every one, who recalls to mind the past, recognises the truth
of these remarks, and as no reason exists why we should regard
the present as different from the past, so no reason exists why we
should confidently expect that the future will be different from the
past. Wherefore it is necessary that we should cordially work
together for the re-elevation of our Church to the pre-eminence
befitting it, and not throw it down, which is the same as kicking
against the pricks, walking on our heads, giving vinegar instead
of water, and gall in place of manna.
" The resuscitation of the prestige and the revival of the
influence, of the privileges and rights of the Church will bring
with them also the cure of many irregularities in its internal
administration, restoring in general the regular course, which
has been disturbed by the relaxation of authority, and in this
chiefly lies the importance of the question, because these irregu
larities occasion much injury, both morally and religiously.

Dec.

294 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
" This question, though called an ecclesiastical question, not a
little engaged the Press formerly, which has at times expressed
various opinions ; but if the reasons which we have stated above,
and for which we regard as necessary the resuscitation of the
prestige of the Church and of the ecclesiastical leaders, are well
weighed, these various opinions will become assimilated and com
bined. But that we may be the better understood, and to fur
nish a motive for a review and adjustment of the question in the
coming session of the Legislature to those who are competent to
do so, as its solution much presses, we examine the question more
at length.
" The fundamental grounds, upon which the adjustment ofthe
whole question ought to be based, are two.
" 1. Relations of the Church to the State and definition of its
rights. " 2. Relations of the Church to the people and regulation of
its rights and duties.
2<ttmVf, " 1. Relations of the Church to the State and definition of its
No. 508, 24th rights. " By definition we mean that certain decisions and acts of
the bishops shall be specified, which the Government must ren
der operative, respected, and effective in a case where disobedience
or contumacy is encountered. For instance, when a priest breaks
the civil law he is punished by the civil authority, but there are
cases of contumacy and breaches of ecclesiastical laws and ecclesi
astical offences committed by priests, for which the civil legisla
tion makes no provision, nor is it able to impose any punishment
for the correction of the offenders and the protection of the
ecclesiastical laws. For these the ecclesiastical authority alone
has the right to make provision and to impose the necessary
penalties. But when the offender resists the penalty inflicted
upon him and continues to be contumacious and to commit
offences, to the great scandal and injury of the ecclesiastical
canons and of religion itself, what further importance then
attaches to the ecclesiastical authority ? Who, accordingly, but
the Government ought in such cases to impose such penalties ?
" We have unfortunately examples of these glaring anomalies,
and we fear that gradually through impunity we shall reach a
state of insubordination, the results of which will be most dis
tressing. Why then is the bishop called an ecclesiastical autho
rity, since he exercises no authority over the priests, his decisions
carry no weight, he has no power to restrain them within the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 295
circle of their sacred duties, no authority to protect and insist
upon the observance of the sacred canons and ecclesiastical ordin
ances ? Why then, indeed, are there bishops at all when their
admonitions dissolve into the air, their censures are despised, and
their penalties are derided ? Do they exist that they may ordain
priests only, i.e., that they may increase the ranks of anarchy,
insubordination and scandals ? Here we have the great void
which must be filled up. Here we have the great anomaly
which must disappear, and that as quickly as possible.
"We do not believe any ecclesiastical authority in any other
country is to be found in a position similar to ours. In Turkey,
as is known, the Orthodox ecclesiastical authority enjoys privi
leges, and all its acts and decisions always obtain governmental
protection, as also is the case in countries, where the Government
belongs to the same denomination as the ecclesiastical authority.
The Western clergy, wherever it exists, is held in check by the
powerful restraint of its Head, who is equal to a King. The auto
cephalous and independent Church of our island is, therefore,
alone found to-day — would that it were not — in the humiliating
and unseemly position of an obscure existence and doubtful
influence and dignity through the negligence and inexcusable
carelessness of us all — both people and clergy — and great is the
responsibility which we bear, because this position seriously
damages religious sentiment among the people.
" 2. Relations of the Church to the people and regulation of
its rights and duties.
" However necessary it may be that those rights of the Church,
which require to obtain governmental protection, should be de
fined by a regulation possessing the force of law, another question
just as necessary is that the rights which it possesses over the
people, and the duties which it ought to perform towards it,
should be equally defined by law.
" In the matter of this question there are some who want to
degrade the bishop to the level of a mere salaried official, before
even the funds from which he is to be paid are defined and
regulated. Such a proceeding is very presumptuous, not to say
absurd. We want the bishop to be a collector of undetermined
and unsettled revenues, and perhaps almost non-existent, and
afterwards we want to fix a stipend for him out of these revenues
and to lay claim to the balance. This is equivalent to saying to
the bishop : ' Go into your province and try, by means of your
episcopal blessings and divine prayers, to collect as much as possible

296 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
that you may come and hand it over to us, but do not ask us to
see what you collect, what you expend, and what remains. This
does not concern us. The only thing, which does concern us, is that
you bestow some of it upon our wants also.' Such an easy solu
tion of the question would be very pleasant, but unfortunately an
impediment intervenes on the side of the bishops as follows :
' We receive nothing ourselves. What we do receive is only
sufficient for the wants of the Sees. Come and see.' This
invitation to come and see at once upsets the question. Who
will go and see ? And when we do go and see that the collec
tions are really insufficient, shall we have then any right to make
any demand ? Far from it. Let us not see then, so that we may
make our demand. Yet in this point alone lies the power of
reform, which the recent political change implanted among us.
" But the question is not to be solved by comedies. It demands
intense energy and cordial co-operation to effect a radical reform,
agreeable to the age, and honourable to the people as well as
exalting the Church to the eminence befitting it.
" But how must this problem be solved ? We will proceed to
examine.
2"* 'isrl- " That without a regular annual contribution from the inhabi-
No. 509, 31st ... P , ,. -ii
Dec, 1894. tants lt is impossible for the bishops and metropolises, with the
necessary officials, to be maintained is certain. And, moreover,
that the contributions, as now paid, are gradually diminishing
and will ere long terminate, if not entirely, at least in so in
significant a sum as to barely suffice for the expenses of the
bishops only, and for the repairs and taxes of the metropolises,
is also very evident. What then must be done ? Shall we leave
matters to their fate and allow to be lost contributions by means
of which our ecclesiastical authorities will be maintained in the
position of dignity befitting them, while we should have looked
forward to the employment of the surplus for the good of the
country, or shall we make haste to regulate them ? We believe that
prudence, and the advantage accruing to the country from being
at least under moral supervision, demand and impose the latter
alternative. It will, therefore, be necessary that the contributions
to the Sees should be regulated by a law rendering them com
pulsory, the Government assisting in their collection. We do not
consider it expedient that the collection should be entrusted to the
Government. Such a course implies something like an insult to
our Church. Let the collection be conducted as hitherto, the
intervention of the Government only being invoked against the
refractory, and we think that, when it is definitely known that the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 297
Government will assist in it, there will be very rarely, and
perhaps never, any neccessity for its intervention.
" After this matter has been regulated and the rights of the Sees
defined there remain also the duties of the bishops towards the
people to be defined. It is to be understood that there is no ques
tion here of spiritual duties. The careful discharge of these de
pends on the qualifications which the person chosen for this
exalted office possesses. By duties towards the people we here
mean the claim, which the people may possess, over the surplus
of the revenues, after the deduction of stipends and expenses,
because there both ought to be a surplus, and the people, which
pays this sum, ought to enjoy the advantages, not material, but
moral, accruing from it.
"The payment of fixed salaries to the bishops, besides the
fact that this is already an indispensable condition, will be a
natural consequence of the regulation of the revenues, because
the previous calculation of the expenses will also follow on their
regulation, the first item of which would be the stipends of the
bishops and of the absolutely necessary officials and functionaries.
Afterwards would be determined the amount necessary for the
support and maintenance of those connected with the metro
polises, then the item of taxes and repairs, etc., and after that
the employment of the surplus would be regulated.
" Such a regulation certainly entails also an auditing of the
accounts, to ascertain whether they have been expended in ac
cordance with previous calculations. It is to be understood that
the people has every confidence in the existing prelates of the
island, but unfortunately they are not immortal, and it is not
known whether their successors would resemble them. For this
reason, and for their more complete freedom from all just or un
just causes of complaint, and from every suspicion excited against
them, representatives of the Province should be invited annually
to examine the accounts of revenue and expenditure.
" Many reasons lead us to believe that our bishops also desire
such a regulation, arrangement and precision, nor are we to be
included among those who think that the present indefinite and
irregular condition of affairs is agreeable to them, for they are
not unconscious that, as a result ofthe present system, many causes
of complaint real or imaginary are occasioned, very injurious
both to their sacred character, which ought always to stand
high, and to their position, which ought always to preserve its
prestige. " We hope that the importance and the urgency of such a

298 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
regulation will be understood, and that those who are competent
to do so will work for a solution, as we said at the commence
ment, such as will exalt the ecclesiastical authority of the island
and establish it in the eminence befitting it, while honourable to
the inhabitants of the island and strengthening the good relations
subsisting between flock and pastors, to the advantage both of
the people and ofthe Church."
Since transcribing the above the following additional articles
of a later date on the same subject and from the same organ of
public opinion have come to hand. The first, which is divided
into two parts, is entitled " Ecclesiastical Discords " (eKtcXvo-iacr-
riiea irapdxopSa), while the second is headed : " Yet again about
the ecclesiastical question " (Kai irdXiv irepl tov eKKXrjcTiaiTTiKov
^71T^/XaTO?).
salpinx, " One of the most important questions for the island, the
n°v„ 1897. neglect to solve which is productive of great injury, is the ec
clesiastical. When we say ecclesiastical question we mean : —
" 1. The secular administration and regulation of all ecclesi
astical property and of the revenues, by which the bishops are
maintained, and —
" 2. The regulation of those ecclesiastical matters, which the
civil power ought to support for the strengthening and consoli
dating of the prestige and influence of the Church.
" A system most ancient and necessary in former ages is being
silently doomed to destruction by the force of present circum
stances. And this fact proves both that systems become antiquated
and that they should be changed proportionately to human de
velopment. Formerly the bishop went on visitation in his diocese
and, by means of his prayers and blessings, collected the sum neces
sary for the adequate support of himself and of the whole metro
polis, which contained a complete staff of ecclesiastical dignitaries
and officials. The flock willingly gave its contribution to its
Ethnarch — the head of the Church and of the nation. Even the
Turkish Government, in its respect for these rights of the bishops,
assisted them in the collection of all their revenues. This period,
however, has almost passed away. The system peculiar to it
continues and is gradually producing a most lamentable result.
Moreover the interest felt for the bishops and the Church has
ceased and the flock, observing the feebleness of the pastoral staff,
is little by little falling away. Thus the revenues are less and
the bishops, when engaged in visitations for the purpose of blessing
and instructing their flocks, are compelled to use language not epis-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 299
copal, and to impose irregular penalties that they may collect what
is necessary for their maintenance. And this unfortunately is re
sponsible for the decadence of religious sentiment ! In our opinion
it is high time that the bishops should direct their attention to
this matter and, if not for the sake of securing their revenues,
at least for the sake of their credit and the safeguarding of the
respect due to them and the Church, make better arrangements,
if they do not want us ultimately to demand that they should
be paid by Government and to entrust the management of our
ecclesiastical affairs to Government, for there we fear things will
eventually lead us, as the result of our unaccountable apathy
and unpardonable indifference.
" The second question, which urgent necessity insists shall be
settled at the same time, is the recognition by the civil power
of those spiritual penalties passed upon refractory clerics for
the protection of the ecclesiastical laws and statutes, which are
very frequently infringed by such persons, to the injury and de
struction alike of religious sentiment. What is taking place is
better known to our bishops than to any one else, and every one
solicitous for the prestige of the Church and her leaders is in
dignant at this state of things, which, unless altered, will entail
disastrous consequences.
" These two questions constitute the principal and perhaps sole
ecclesiastical discords, the settlement of which is dictated by
circumstances. " They form the sure foundation upon which the Church of
the island will be able to base its efforts on behalf of its flock.
They are the rights it has abandoned, but which it must resume,
if it is to successfully perform those neglected duties it ought to
recognise, and about which we shall have something to say in
our next issue."
" We assert that the rights ofthe Church should be safeguarded salpinx,
so that it may be able to discharge its duties also. These rights n°V.,i&97.
the Church formerly possessed unimpaired, yet, notwithstanding,
it bestowed but little attention upon its duties. Persons desirous
of a greater subversion of existing institutions may contradict this
statement, yet it is true, and it is equally true that the Church
was frequently compelled to overcome countless opposing con
ditions of various kinds, both ecclesiastical and national, by means
of bribery, which was then its only effectual weapon. To-day,
however, these conditions having to a great extent disappeared
the duties of the Church are restricted to a purely ecclesiastical

300 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
sphere and, consequently, it is necessary that its rights should be
defined in order that we may be justified in demanding at the
same time also the fulfilment of duties, the further neglect of
which is criminal.
" We demand, nay the country demands, attention to religious
interests on the part of the leaders of the Church. It demands
from them care for the preservation of the flock within their
spiritual fold ; it demands the dissemination of religious truths ; it
demands solicitude for the improvement of the clergy; it demands
last of all some slight evidence of ecclesiastical authority amid
the great political authority, of which it is conscious ; it demands
to see an ecclesiastical government directing, superintending,
punishing, because such a government only exists at present for
levying unauthorised dues.
" What a subversion ofthe prestige of the Church we have when
its leaders, going about like tax-gatherers to collect voluntary
contributions, are obliged, in order to accomplish their purpose,
to forbid the priests to perform their religious duties and to close
the churches against the Christians that they may be forced to pay
their contribution ! At a time when care is being taken every
where to deepen religious sentiment they are bent upon habitu
ating the people to withdraw from the Church and to become
indifferent to the performance of their religious duties ! This
pitiable state of things ought to be rectified, because it is a
scandal. And so long as it remains unrectified, the entire blame
reflects upon the leaders of the Church who, by their continued
indifference to it, prove themselves to be indifferent also to its
disastrous consequences. We have no desire to degrade the
bishops to the level of supervised officials. We do not, like
others, demand the secularisation of ecclesiastical property,
because in that case all that has been preserved up till now
would then be dissipated. On the contrary we demand that
the bishop shall occupy his proper position of spiritual leader
and shall administer the Church acting within its recognised
sphere. " Great efforts and much exertion are not demanded, only
definition of those revenues, the collection of which shall be obli
gatory, and regulation of the stipends of the bishops and other
ecclesiastical officers, as well as of the necessary expenses. Then
by means of the surplus, or even by the contributions of the
wealthier monasteries, money would be available for the educa
tion of the clergy and the appointment of preachers. This is
the solution of the first part of the question. The second is the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 301
regulation of the position of the Church with regard to the civil
authority, so that ecclesiastical sentences and penalties may be
respected when they are imposed in accordance with ecclesiastical
laws and statutes.
" This settlement presses to-day, your Beatitude, revered and
popular leader ofthe autocephalous Church of Cyprus, the sceptre
of which you have worthily borne for thirty-two years. Crown
your long and blameless Archiepiscopal career by an act which
will cause your imperishable name to be engraven on the hearts
of your flock and will render it blessed to succeeding generations."
" We take yet again the opportunity of returning to this im- salpinx,
. . *¦ -^ *^i ™ No 733 6th
portant question, as a friend has suggested to us the reasons why Dec, 1697.
the solution of this question was frustrated when the bishops met
for the purpose, and because, so long as these reasons exist, the
question will remain unsolved, since the villagers do not intend
that others shall derive more benefit from its solution than
themselves. As reasons hindering the solution of the question
our friend mentioned to us the great and exorbitant demands of
the educational establishments of the towns upon the surplus.
" In the solution of any question, however great or small,
hindrances in the form of demands or proposals are certain to
interpose, which but slight zeal or rather little inclination for a
settlement of the question cannot overcome. This is the cause
why no public question among us is solved. We are so con
stituted that for trifling reasons we frequently regard with
indifference the solution of vital questions of public utility.
Yet the ecclesiastical revenues are an important element of
public utility, which through our apathy will, notwithstanding,
become valueless before we consent to make use of them and
derive any advantage from them ; for we can say positively, and
without fear of contradiction, that, unless the people is more
heavily burdened now than formerly, the surplus from each
diocese should amount at least to £500 annually.
" This sum is not collected at present. Some of the villagers
refuse to pay, while others withhold their contributions for the
needs of their own schools or churches. Complete disorder pre
vails, whereas, if matters had been set right, both the needs of
the villages would have been attended to, and other measures of
great and general utility would have been effected also.
" Each diocese is certainly justified in reason in making the
first claims upon the surplus. The first annual charge, after the
deduction of the stipends and other necessary disbursements for

302 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
repairs and taxes, is that for the education of two preachers from
each diocese ; the second is the adequate contribution towards
the schools of the villages and towns of each diocese ; and the
third is on behalf of the High School (Gymnasium) for the
encouragement of sacred studies, so long as the sum remaining
over is not sufficient for the establishment of a theological college.
"It is not right that demands upon the surplus should be
introduced into the solution of the question. If the bishops
rightly comprehend what may happen in the future, and sincerely
strive for a solution of the question by means of a general
assembly of the local representatives, no hindrances will be en
countered when reasonable proposals are submitted. If, how
ever, the bishops, satisfied with the present miserable state of
affairs, are indifferent to the more miserable state which will
arise in the future, the question will not be solved. The real
cause, therefore, of the perpetuation of the present wretched
system is the Church."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 303

CHAPTER VI.
I. »f~^ ALAMIS, once the premier See of Cyprus, derived its strabo, m>.
^^ origin from a very remote antiquity. Its reputed fee's0"1'' e'
*^ founder was Teucer, son of Telamon, King of the
more famous Salamis near Athens. Being exiled by his father
on his return from the capture of Troy, b.c. 1184, he led a
colony to the eastern shores of Cyprus, and there built the
city, now known as Old Famagusta, which he named after his
native place. Long prior to the introduction of Christianity
it had attained to a position of great local importance, being
chosen as the seat of government by the successive rulers
of the island. After suffering severely both from civil com
motions and from earthquakes, which entirely reduced it to
ruins, it was restored by the Emperor Flavius Constantius II. (a.d.
337-a.d. 361) and by him called Constantia, by which name it
became afterwards more generally known. Oh its destruction by
the Arabs under Moawiyah in a.d. 648, during the reign of the Theophanes
Emperor Constans II., the inhabitants migrated to the neigh- "f^JT"1-'
bouring Arsinoe. This latter town, called subsequently Am- Kedrenos
mochostos, was founded by Ptolemy Philadelphos, b.c. 274, inkracc'xxi.,'
honour of his sister of that name. Thither the metropolitan
throne was transferred, and there it remained until the establish
ment of the Latin hierarchy, when on the suppression of the
Orthodox archbishopric the primacy was transferred to Nikosia
and bestowed upon the Latin occupant of that See. Salamis is Lactantius,
said to have been the scene in pagan times of human sacrifices, pop.^ib. t,
This terrible rite, instituted by Teucer in honour of Zeus, to
whom he had erected a temple in his new city, is reported to
have been abolished in the reign of the Emperor Hadrian (a.d. porphyrias,
117-a.d. 138). According to another account it was to Agrau- nentia, ib. u.
los, the daughter of Cecrops and Agraulos, that the inhabitants fSPb" De
were first wont to make this offering, and afterwards to Diomed. iv™?tp.'i6. '
The victim was conducted by young men to the altar, round jSSnSn,
which he ran three times, when he was despatched by the offi- ""¦ lv-
ciating priest with a spear thrust in the neck and his body con-

304

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan,p. 27 |b).
Eusebios,H.E.,lib. iii.
c. 39.
Acta et
PassioBarnabEe,c.42.ActaSanctorum,Junii 11.

Acta et
PassioBarnabse,c. 43.

Mansi, Concii., tom.
il., eol. 696.
Vita Sancti
Epiphanii,c. 34(Migne,
Patr. Grac,
tom. xii.).

sumed to ashes on a pyre. A legendary King of Cyprus, called
Diphilos, is credited with having substituted an ox for the human
offering. 1. Barnabas, though not actually stated to have been the first
occupant ofthe See, heads the list of Archbishops from his having
founded the island Church, as well as consecrated its first bishops,
and from his martyrdom there obtained for it the privilege of
independence. His death is reported to have occurred during
the reign of Nero (a.d. 54-a.d. 68).
2. Aristion,1 the immediate successor of Barnabas, is said by
Eusebios on the authority of Papias to have been one of
the Seventy. According to the Acts of Barnabas, after being
originally an hierodoulos, he was converted by the apostle to
Christianity on his second visit to Cyprus, together with Timon,
another member of the same order.
3. Herakleides 2 in the same Acts is stated to have been con
secrated Bishop of Tamasos by Barnabas, and appointed to the
charge of the cave near that city, which the Christians of the
locality used as a place of worship. This he is said to have left
after a while and to have established himself at Salamis. Ac
cording to the same authority his original name was Herakleon.
By some he is regarded even as the immediate successor of Bar
nabas in the See.
4. Gelasios, whose name appears among the signatories of the
first Council of Nice (a.d. 325), is represented as having suffered
for his religion in company with Pappos of Chytri.
5. Epiphanios the Great was consecrated to the See about
a.d. 368 or 369.
6. Sabinos I., the immediate successor of Epiphanios, was
hegoumenos of a monastery before his election to the vacant
dignity.

' Santo Aristio uno della 70 discepoli fu martirizato nella citta di Salamina,
e ivi sepolto, e si celebra la sua festa octavo calendas Martii, come narra il
catalogo di Santi di Pietro Veneto, e Dorotheo nel suo martirologio.
Le Quien, o. c. 2 Le Quien says " S. Lusinianus ordinis Praedicatorum Heraclium sive Hera-
clidem primum fuisse censet Salaminis metropolis antistitem, et Sancti Barnabse
proximum successorem ". In the edition of his history published at Bologna in
1573 that wiiter merely remarks of Heraclides : " Heraclio santo fu Vescovo della
citta di Thamasso, et fu martirizato anchora nella piedetta citta " — but makes
no mention of his having presided over the See of Salamis.

Lusignan,p. 26 (a).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 305
7. Troilos. In the Seventh Session of the Council of Ephesus Mansi,
complaint was made by the Cypriot delegation of the persecution tomiv'.
which he endured at the hands of the clergy of Antioch, because
he would not acknowledge the supremacy of their Patriarch .
8. Theodoros. In the same session a similar complaint was ibid.
made of the same kind of treatment experienced by him, and for
the same reason.
9. Rheginos was present at the Council of Ephesus (a.d. 431)n>id.
and signed its decrees against Nestorios. In its first session he
preached before the assembled fathers on the subject of the faith.
In the seventh he succeeded in persuading them to pronounce
against the attempts of John, Patriarch of Antioch, upon the
independence of his Church.
10. Olympios I., after being present at the Robber Council of ^"fetf **"• vi-
Ephesus (a.d. 449), when he gave his decision in favour of the
heretic Eutyches, subsequently signed the decrees of that of
Chalcedon (a.d. 451), which reversed its proceedings. ibid., coi. 567.
11. Sabinos II.1 In 457 a letter was addressed to him in Baiuze, Nova
common with the other metropolitans of the Eastern Empire by P°^i^03m
the Emperor Leo I. inviting his opinion and that of his synod
on the authority of the Council of Chalcedon and the murder of
Proterios, Patriarch of Alexandria (a.d. 457).
12. Anthemios flourished during the reign of the Emperor
Zeno (a.d. 474-a.d. 491). While he was primate the indepen
dence of the island Church was finally established by the dis
covery of Barnabas' remains near Salamis.
13. Olympios II. is represented by Lusignan, so Le Quien says,2
1 In Baiuze he is designated as " Savino reverentissimo Episcopo Constantiae
Cypri," while Olympios is called — " Olympio reverentissimo Episcopo Scytho-
poleos" — whereas in Labbe (tom. iv., col. 8gi) and Mansi (tom. vi., col. 523),
Sabinos is omitted altogether and Olympios is addressed as " Olympio Episcopo
Constantiae Cypri "
2 " Olympius II. S. Lusinianus in his quae tum Italico idiomate, tum Gallico LeQuien.o.c.
quoque de rebus insulae Cypri, ex qua oriundus erat, scripsit, Olympium, sive "'¦ oo1' 1048'
etiam Olympianum, post Anthemium sedisse memorat : eumque a Justiniano
Imperatore, necnon a Theodora Augusta, ut erat vir sapiens admodum sum-
maeque sagacitatis et doctrinae, obtinuisse, ut Chalcedonense concilium, cujus
auctoritas in Oriente valuerat, ab omnibus admitti curaret, sed et insulae suae
20

306

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

as having been entrusted by Justinian I. (a.d. 527-a.d. 565),
and his consort Theodora, with tbe enforcement of the decrees
of the Council of Chalcedon, and as having obtained from them
complete security for his Church against the attempts of the
Antiochene clergy. He remarks that Lusignan, though he
doubtless derived this information from Cypriot sources, was
wrong (1) in asserting that this Olympios was present at the
Council (a.d. 451), and (2) in not distinguishing between him and
his namesake and predecessor. But a reference to the Italian
version of Lusignan's history, unfortunately for Le Quien's ac
curacy, does not bear out this charge. The prelate, who was
present at Chalcedon, is there called Nikolaos, whereas according
to the records his name in reality should be Olympios. The re
spective dates will, moreover, show that he could not have been
a contemporary of Justinian and Theodora. Lusignan makes
this Nikolaos to have secured at the Council the independence of
his Church from all external ecclesiastical authority except that
of the Supreme Pontiffs. But such a slip on the part of one
who so frequently makes historical truth subservient to the
supposed interests of the See of Rome should not excite any
surprise. 14. Damianos was succeeded by
p*26,(a)g*'al*' 15. Sophronios,1 who is commemorated in the Greek Menology
on 8th December.

Mansi, Concii ,
tom. vi.

Lusignan,
p. 25 (a).

Cypri ecclesia ab Antiochenorum tentamentis perpetuo libera sarta tectaque
maneret. Quod quidem ex Cypriorum monumentis a Stephano acceptum nullus
dubitat : verum auctor iste temporum ignorantia gravissime in utroque loco pec-
cavit, ubi Olympium vel Olympianum in Chalcedonensi concilio sedisse scripsit,
secundumque Olympium hunc a priore altero non, ut par erat, distinxit.
" Nicolao Arcivescovo di Salamina, huomo vigilantissimo et dotto, essendo
nel Concilio 4, di Calcedonia, nel quale fece molti atti illustri, etin particulare
vedendo il Patriarca di Antiochia, il quale alia sua giurisditione sotto metter voleva
essa isola, tanto insto al Concilio, ehe determino ehe l'arcivescovado di Cipro
fusse libero, et ehe primate non desse obedientia ad alcuno Patriarca, salvo ehe
al sommo Pontefice di Roma, et perd tutti li Vescovi di Cipro fussero confirmati
dall' Arcivescovo. Onde tutti li Arcivescovi di Cipro si scrivono primati, et questo
titolo con il quarto sinodo confiimo Giustino (!) Imperator con piu facilita per le
preghere di sua consorte, quale era Theodora Cipriotta."
1 In the Oriental Calendar these two prelates are mentioned in the order given
above, which Le Quien also follows, but Lusignan reverses them, making
Sophronios the predecessor of Damianos.
" Sofronio santo Vescovo di Cipro, si come dice il Minellaio de' Greci, ma di
ehe citta non narra, et la sua festa si celebra al mese di Decembre.
" Damiano santo Vescovo atto immediato dopo Sofronio sopradetto, come dice
il predetto libro, et la sua festa si celebra il medesimo giorno di san Sofronio."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 307
16. Hilarios ] is reckoned by Lusignan among the Archbishops ^fey1'
of Salamis. His memory was held in special reverence for his
piety and learning. He is said by his writings and good works
to have induced many heretics to renounce their errors. Lusig
nan appears to be ignorant of the epoch at which he flourished.
Le Quien remarks that the Menology commemorates on 6th LeQuien.o.c.
March another Archbishop, by name Gregorios, without stating ^L,^ p
what he did or when he lived.2 Le Quien ventures the opinion "'^^j
that he may have been the Georgios, since the two names are often 4th March.'
interchangeable, who flourished in the reign of the Emperor Leo
the Isaurian (a.d. 718-a.d. 741). He further notices that it ra. Lusignan.
also commemorates on 21st September3 two other holy bishops
of the island Church, Meletios and Isaac, who lived at different
periods. It is uncertain whether they held the primacy or some
other See, while the period at which they lived is also un
known. 17. Arkadios I. is reported to have written about the close of
the sixth century a life of St. Simeon Stylites the Younger, an
extract from which is to be found in the works of St. John
Damaskenos. In the Monothelite controversy he showed himself
an uncompromising opponent of the Ekthesis, or Exposition of
the Faith, issued in a.d. 639 by the Emperor Heraclius with the
object of settling the question then distracting the Church.
18. Sergios in 643 wrote a letter to Theodore of Rome against
the Monothelite heresy, which was read in the second conclave
of the first Lateran Council under Martin I. in a.d. 649. He is
said to have become afterwards infected with the very error
which he had formerly so vigorously combated.
1 Hilario santo Arcivescovo di Salamina, huomo dottissimo et di santissima
vita, scrisse molte degne opere contra tutti li heretici, et le loro heresie, et molti
erano convertiti per la sua inestimabile dottrina.
2 A Gregorios, Bishop of Cyprus (b 'ETrltrKoiros Kvirpov) is mentioned by the
Synaxaristes on the 4th March. " Gregorio santo Vescovo di Cipro, huomo
dotto et giusto ; la sua festa si celebra nel mese di Marzo (Lusignan, p. 26 (b)).
3 The Synaxaristes, however, commemorates the former on the 20th Septem- ibid., 20th
ber. But the following note occurs at the foot of the page : " ^ypeiwtrai, oti Sept"
pa(v pe rbv "Ayiov MeXenov tovtov ypdtpeTal irapd Toils Myvalois Kal b "Ayws
'lepopdprvs 'ladKios b 'EiritrKoiros Kvirpov, Saris eoprdCerai KaTd t^v e'lKorrrijv
irptttryv tov irapbvTOS 2eirTepBpiov.
Meletion santo Vescovo di Cipro, ma di qual citta non habbiamo, et si cele
bra la sua festa al mese di Settembre.
Isachio santo Vescovo di Cipro, ma di qual citta non sappiamo, et la sua festa
si celebra al mese di Settembre.

308 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
19. Arkadios II. was the recipient of a letter from the Em
peror Constantine Pogonatos (a.d. 668-a.d. 685) against Paul,
the leader of the Acenhali.

con*cu:,tom. ^- Epiphanios II. flourished at the time of the Sixth General
xi., coi! 639. Council (a.d. 680-a.d. 681), at which he was represented by
Theodoros, Bishop of Trimythus, who signed the decrees in his
stead.
ibid, coi. 989. 21. John I. signed the canons ofthe Quini-Sext Council (a.d.
691) immediately after the Patriarchs as Bishop of Nova Jus
tinianopolis. He it was who conducted the migration of the
Cypriots to the Hellespont during the reign of the Emperor
Justinian Rhinotmetos.
22. Georgios, an ardent champion of the cause of the holy
images, was specially anathematised by the iconoclastic Council
of Constantinople (a.d. 754), held under Constantine Koprony
mos, a distinction which he shared with Germanos, the Patriarch
of the Imperial City. This sentence was, however, reversed on
the champions of images gaining the ascendant, and in the
Seventh General Council (Second Nicaea, a.d. 787), his name was
coupled with that of St. John Damaskenos in special honour.
23. Constantine played a conspicuous part at the Seventh
General Council (Second Nicaea) in defence of the images. When
the Iconoclasts cited a letter of Epiphanios against their adora
tion, he is reported to have replied that the custom had always
prevailed in the island from that saint's time.
24. Epiphanios III.
25. An Archbishop of Salamis, with several of his suffragans,
is reported to have attended the conclave held at Constantinople
under the presidency ofthe Emperor, Alexios (I.) Komnenos (a.d.
1081-a.d. 1118), and the Patriarch, Nikolaos Grammatikos, on
the same subject, but his name has not been preserved.
26. Nikolaos Mouzalon (Mov^dXmv) after holding the primacy
of Cyprus about a.d. 1110 resigned and retired to Constantinople,
where he founded the monastery of Cosmidium and after living
there in seclusion for thirty-seven years, was appointed to the
Patriarchate in a.d. 1147, during the reign of the Emperor

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 309
Manuel Komnenos (a.d. 1143-a.d. 1180), on the expulsion of
Kosmas II.1
27. John II. presided over the See during the twelfth century.
He is chiefly remarkable for his sentence of deposition against
his namesake John, Bishop of Amathus, which on appeal to Con
stantinople was reversed by the Patriarch, Lukas Chrysoberges.
He also took part in the Synod at Constantinople which in 1156,
under the presidency of the Patriarchs of Constantinople and
Jerusalem, deposed Soterichos Panteugenos, who had been lately
nominated to the throne of Antioch, for his erroneous opinion
on the nature of Christ's sacrifice.
28. Simeon is reported as having been the Orthodox metro
politan in a.d. 1218, at which period Eustorge d'Auvergne acted
in the same capacity for the Latins.
29. Esaias.2 Our information concerning this occupant of the Dositheos,
See is derived from Dositheos, Patriarch of Jerusalem. He re-utvut.cis,
ports that Esaias, after being forced by the Latins to promise
obedience to the Pope, afterwards repented and going to Nicaea,
where the Orthodox Patriarch, Manuel I., resided after the cap
ture of Constantinople, demanded and obtained pardon for his
temporary apostasy, whereupon he was forbidden by the Latins
to set foot again in Cyprus.
30. Neophytos (1222), his successor, also fell a victim to Latin sathas, bin.
persecution, being deposed and banished, with many of his clergy, tom.'ii., p. i.
for refusing to take the oath of obedience to the Roman Pontiff.
31. Germanos (I.) Pesimandros, whom Le Quien misrepresents
as being the immediate successor of Simeon, was the last Arch
bishop of the Orthodox rite during the Latin supremacy. From
the fact that the Bull of Alexander IV. (3rd July, 1260), regulat
ing the future relations of the two communions, expressly laid
'He held possession of the CEcumenical See foi only three years and four Le Quien, o. c.
months, retiring either at the end of March or beginning of April, 1151. He1'™' 8'
was the g8th Patriarch in the order of succession.
2 'EirX MavobyX rerdprov Harpidpxov KwvffTavTlvovirbXews iv Ty NiKalq, TJXBev eis
N'tKaiav b Kvirpov 'ApxieiritrKoiros 'Ho-aias, Kal iCirrytrev inrb ttjs iKeitre SvvbSov
trvyXt&pyaiv, Sid Tb bpoXoyytrai irpbs Kaipbv t\\v irpbs rbv TLdirav inrOTayf^v, el KaX
Biaiws, Kal Sid robs SpKovs ois iiroiyrrav oi Kbirpioi 'iva pivwaiv eis rbv irairitrpbv, KaX
ervxev ttjs a'lTT^trews.

310

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

iiecoiei5503'c' down that Germanos should have no successor, Le Quien infers
that the Archbishop of Nikosia, reported as having been present
with other Greeks at the Council of Lyons in 1274, must be this
Germanos Pesimandros.1

Machzera,pp. 67-68.

The above names, with two exceptions, (Esaias and Neophytos)
are taken from the Oriens Christianus. The complete catalogue,
as given by Phiiippos Georgiou, will be found in the Appendix,
No 1. There are, however, three other lists preserved in the
native chroniclers, which deserve to be quoted, so materially do
they differ from the above. The first two are from Machaera
and Strambaldi respectively, and are absolutely identical, the
third, that of Florio Boustron, appears in part to be derived
from other sources. Unfortunately no means exist of ascertain
ing whether the names, as set forth in them, occur in their chrono
logical order.2
1. Barnabas. 2. Epiphanios. 3. Sergios. 4. Dometios.
5. Porphyrios. 6. Plutarch. 7. Barnabas II. 8. Theodoros.
9. Basil. 10. Arkadios. 11. Theodoros. 12. John. 13. Barna
bas III. 14. Sophronios. 15. Esaias. 16. Hilarion. 17.
Neophytos. 18. Gregorios. 19. Euthymios. 20. Alexios.
21. Nilos. 22. Germanos.

Strambaldi,p. 12.

1. Barnaba. 2. Epifanio. 3. Sergio. 4. Demesio. 5.
Porfirio. 6. Plutarco. 7. Barnaba II. 8. Theodore 9. Basilio.
10. Archadio. 11. Theodoro. 12. Joanne. 13. Barnaba III. 14.
Soffronio. 15. Isseo. 16. Ilarione. 17. Neophito. 18. Grigorio.
19. Euthimio. 20. Alexio. 21. Nilo. 22. Iermano.

pi. Boustron, 1. Barnaba. 2. Epiphanio. 3. Sergio. 4. Domitio. 5. Por-
phirio. 6. Plutarco. 7. Barnaba 2°. 8. Theodoco. 9. Basilio 1°.
10. Arcadio. 11. Anthimio. 12. Damiano. 13. Sabino. 14.
Acachio. 15. Gelasio. 16. Theophanio. 17. Joanne. 18.
Barnaba 3°. 19. Epiphanio 2°. 20. Sophronio. 21. Georgio.

Labbe, Concu., tom.
xi.. pars 2,
col. 959.

1 The following is the statement on the subject as found in Labbe : " Quo
completo (i.e., the recitation ofthe Creed by the Pope on 6th July, 1274) patri
archa Graecorum incepit similiter ' Credo in unum Deum,' in Graeco, quod per
eum et archiepiscopum Nicosiensem, et alios Graecos qui secum venerant, et
alios archiepiscopos, et abbates Graecos de regno Siciliae, prosecutum est et com-
pletum, dicendo publice et solenniter, ' Qui a Patre Filioque procedit,' cantando
eum bis ".
N.B. — There is a Nikosia in Sicily. As it is expressly stated that Greek
prelates and abbots from that island were present at the Council, the Archbishop
in question may have belonged to that town.
2 All three lists it will be noticed agree as iar as No. 10.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 311
22. Euthimio. 23. Joanne. 24. Alessio. 25. Nilo. 26. Basilio.
27. Nicolao. 28. Theodoreto. 29. Joanne.1
II. Kition, one of the most ancient cities in the island, is now
represented by the modern town of Larnaka. Of undoubted
Phoenician origin it owed its name, according to Josephus, to Joseph.,
Kittim, the great-grandson of Noah, by whom Cyprus is said tou*,-,-'°-6-"
have been colonised after the Deluge. Its principal claim to
fame consists in its having been the birthplace of Zeno, the strabo, ub.
founder of the Stoic philosophy, as well as the burial-place of sees.'
Kimon, the son of Miltiades, who died while besieging it. The piutarch,
name is still preserved in the village of Kiti, which lies six miles sec. 19.''
to the west of Larnaka upon the promontory of Dades. During
the Latin supremacy this village was vested in a branch of the
reigning family of Lusignan and was known as the fief of Le Lusignan,
Quid. Its last owner Chiarion (Charles) de Lusignan was deprived
of it by the usurper, Jacques II., for his unswerving devotion
to the lawful sovereign, Queen Charlotte. It was subsequently
sold by the Venetian Government to the Greek family of Podo-
catoro, which played a conspicuous part in the later period of
Cypriot mediaeval history. The last of this family to possess it
was Ettore Podocatoro, who perished gloriously in the defence
of Nikosia against the Turks in 1570. The selection of Kition
as the seat of a bishop was, doubtless, almost co-eval with the
introduction of Christianity itself into the island. After a dura
tion of many centuries the See was abolished, with many others,
by Cardinal Pelagius in 1222, and only re-established on the
final expulsion of the Latins after the Ottoman conquest.
1. Lazarus of Bethany was, according to the popular legend,
the first occupant of the See, where he is said to have died after
an episcopate of thirty years. But the tradition has probably
arisen from his being confounded with another individual of the
1 Lusignan mentions the two following bishops, without specifying the Sees Lusignan,
over which they presided : — p- z6 <a|-
" Meletion santo Vescovo di Cipro, ma di qual citta non habbiamo, et si
celebra la sua festa al mese di Settembre.
" Isachio santo Vescovo di Cipro, ma di qual citta non sappiamo, et si celebra
la sua festa al mese di Settembre."
Kyprianos, who mentions another Isaac, a bishop and martyr of Cyprus, Kyprianos,
says that these two prelates were commemorated on the same day, 21st Sept., p- ™-
but the Synaxaristes represents the former, Meletios, as being commemorated on
the 20th and the latter, Isaac, on the 21st of that month. From the use ofthe
definite article, <S 'ETr'nrKotros Kinrpov, they may possibly have presided over the
island Church.

312

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

same name, who flourished at a much later date and was buried
in the town without, however, having exercised any episcopal
functions there.

Mansi,
Concii., tom.
iii., col. 670.

2. Mnemios, the second on the list, cannot be regarded as the
immediate successor of Lazarus, since he is said to have been
present at the Second General Council held at Constantinople in
a.d. 381.

Ibid., tom.
xi., col. 639.

3. Tychon figures among the signatories of the Sixth General
Council in a.d. 680.

Ibid., tom.
xii., eol. 994

Lusignan,
p. 123 (a).
PhiiipposGeorgiou,
&80(a). id., p. 95,
note.Kyprianos,p. 314.
Ibid., pp.
315,317.Phil. Georg.,
p. 105; Kypri
anos, pp. 328,
404.Phil. Geor
giou, p. 114.
Ibid., p. 125.
Cobham
(MS. Note).
deal, List of
Sees, etc,
p. 18.

4. Theodoros was present at the Seventh General Council
held at Nicaea in a.d. 787, where he was cited in support of a
marvellous story told to the assembled fathers by his Archbishop,
Constantine, about a certain eikon at Kition.
After its re-establishment in 1572 the See appears to have
borne the alternative title of Kition and Nemesos (Limassol).
Among those, who have presided over it since that date, are the
following : —
5. Name unknown, 1572 (previously abbot of Kutzuventi).
6. Jeremias, 1600.
7. Gerasimos, 1668.
8. Joannikios, 1730.
9. Makarios, 1754, 1760.
10. Meletios, 1760, 1783, 1788.
11. Chrysanthos, 1801-1810.
12. Meletios, 1810-1821.
13. Leontios, 1821.
14. Damaskenos.
15. Meletios, 1848.
16. Bartholomaios.
vv v ¦ i q£q i cac f el. 22nd May 1868 (O.S.)
17. Kyprianos, 1868-1886.{ ob_ 2fith ^ im\0_s>

Stephan.
Byzant., De
Urb. et Pop.,
Strabo, Ub.
xiv., c. S,
sec. 3.

18. Chrysanthos, ob. 25th Aug. 1890.
19. Kyrillos, elect. 15th April 1893.

(O.S.).

III. Kurion (Curium), a town on the southern coast of the
island near Cape Kurias and not far from the modern village of
Episkopi, is said to have been founded by Kureus, the son of
Kinyras, who settled a colony of Argives there in b.c. 1595, 100
years before the building of Old Paphos. At what period it was
first erected into a See it is impossible to determine, but that it

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 313
was one at an early date is evident from the legend of its first
bishop having suffered under Licinius (a.d. 307-a.d. 324). Like
many others of the Orthodox dioceses it was suppressed in 1222.
During the middle ages, after belonging for a while to the noble
family of Ibelin, Counts of Jaffa, it passed into the possession of
the Venetian family of Cornaro, with whom it remained until the
Turkish conquest. It is at present merged in the diocese of Kition.
1. Theodotos, martyred during the reign of Licinius, while
Sabinus was governor of Cyprus.1
2. Zeno, present at the Council of Ephesus, a.d. 431, where his Mansi,
testimony was of great service in securing the independence of the tom. iv'.
Cypriot Church.
3. Michael, 1051. LeQuienoc.
7 ii., col. 1057.
4. Kosmas, circa 1678. ibid.
IV. Tamasos (also Tamassos) was situated in the great central
plain of the island (the Mesaoria), about fifteen miles south
west of Nikosia. Its site, which appears to denote a very ex
tensive city, is now occupied by the three hamlets of Pera,
Episkopion and Politiko. In ancient times the district was strabo, ub.
famed for its inexhaustible supply of copper. According to the see's.' '
legend, it enjoyed the distinction of being the earliest centre of Acta et
Christianity in Cyprus, its bishop being the first to be consecrated nanas c 43r"
in the island. After its suppression by the Latins the See was nth Junii). "
not re-established.
1. Herakleides,2 according to the Acts of Barnabas and Auxi- Lusignan,
bios, was consecrated to the See by the former. He subsequently
transferred himself to Salamis.
2. Myron.3 Ib"1-
1 Le Quien says that in the Greek Menology this prelate is commemorated Le Quien, o.c.
on 2nd March, " Sub Licinio Imperatore, Sabinio Cypri praefecto, Theodotus "" co1, 1057,
Curii episcopus martyrio functus est. Quod quidem Menologium Graecorum
vulgo recitat die 2 Martii ". Reference, however, to the Synaxaristes shows that synaxarist
a certain confusion exists as to the identity oi this Theodotos, as the individual ' a ''
of that name commemorated on 2nd March is represented as Bishop of Kyrenia.
" Tij avTy ypepq (ttj B' rov Maprlov), Vlvtjpy tov 'Ayiov 'lepopdprvpos ©eoSbrov
'Eirio-Kbirov Kvpyvias ttjs Kinrpov " — while he is also stated to have been the martyr
who suffered under Licinius and Sabinus.
2 Heraclio santo fu Vescovo della citta di Thamasso, et fu martirizato anchora
nella predetto citta, la cui festa si celebra al mese di Settembre.
3 Miron santo fu Vescovo di Thamasso, huomo giusto, et timorato. Fu mar
tirizato anchor' esso nella predetto citta, et si celebra la sua festa al mese di
Settembre. According to the Synaxaristes these two saints (Herakleides and Myron)
were commemorated on the same day (17th Sept.), but no mention is made of
Herakleides' translation to Salamis.

314

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Mansi, Concii. , tom.
iii., col. 570.
Ibid., tom.
vi., col. 578.

Machiera,pp. 67-68.
Strambaldi,p. 12.
FT. Boustron,
p. 33.

3. Tychon is found among the signatories at the First Council
of Constantinople in a.d. 381.
4. Epaphroditos was present at the Council of Chalcedon, a.d.
451, where he represented also Didymos, Bishop of Lapithos.
He signed, moreover, the decrees of the Sixth Session on behalf
of Olympios, the Archbishop, and his suffragans. 5. Niketas
Hagiostephanites, 1210.
The native chroniclers give a list identical in number with the
above, but wholly different as to names : — 1
1. Herakleidion. 2. Mnason. 3. Rhodon. 4. Makedonios.

Strabo, lib.,
xiv., c 6,
sec. 3.

Acta Sanct.,
19th Feb.

Lusignan,p. 6 ft).

Acta Sanct.
(19th Feb.).

Lusignan,p. 24 (a).
Kyprianos,p. 346.

Lusignan,
P- 26 (b).

V. Paphos, called New Paphos (Baffo) to distinguish it from
the more ancient town of the same name (Kouklia), the site of
the celebrated temple of Aphrodite, was built by Agapenor, who
was wrecked on the coast of Cyprus when returning from the
Trojan War, b.c. 1184. According to the legends the See must
have been one of the most ancient in the island, as its first bishop
is said to have been consecrated by the express direction of Saint
Paul. At the suppression of the Orthodox Sees in 1222 it was
one of the four preserved, but its bishop was obliged to transfer
his residence to Arsinoe (Chrysochou). During the later period
of the Latin occupation he seems to have returned to the neigh
bourhood, as Lusignan informs his readers that both the Latin
and Greek bishops, with the civil governor and other notables,
were obliged to reside in Ktima, a village lying about three miles
to the north-west, owing to the malaria generated by the neigh
bouring marshes.2 On the expulsion of the Roman hierarchy
the See recovered its former importance, and is now the second
in order of priority, its occupant being de jure custodian of the
archdiocese during a vacancy in the primacy.
1. Epaphras is said in the Acts of Barnabas and Auxibios to
have been consecrated to the See by Herakleides at the command
of St. Paul.
2. Titus is perhaps the same individual who, according to the
local legends, was converted along with Sergius Paulus and
ordained deacon by Saint Paul, and was afterwards martyred in
the same town.
1 'ApxieirioKOTroi Aapaaias, 'HpaKXeiSiov, Mvdtrwv, KaX PbSov, MaKeSbvios.
Lusignan mentions a prelate of the name of Makedonios, but in connection
with the See of Nikosia. " Santo Macedonio Vescovo di Nicosia si ritrova nel
predetto libro de' Greci (i.e., il libro de' mesi de' Greci).
2 " La citta (Paffos Nova) ha cattivo aere per quelle acqua, ehe gia dicemmo
di Paffo Vecchia, onde il Capitano et il Vescovo Latino et il Greco fanno resi-
dentia in un casale detto Ctima appresso una lega," etc.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 315
3. Kyrillos is to be found among the signatories of the First Mansi,
General Council. S^&St
4. Julius, was present at the Second General Council atroid„tom.
Constantinople (a.d. 381). tit, coi. urn
5. Theodoros is said to have written a life of the celebrated
Spyridon, Bishop of Trimythus.
6. Saprikios, took part in the General Council at Ephesus (a.d. JJ^ifga.
431). TvTl^
7. Basil Kinnamos, a.d. 1166-1205. $"T^*!
8. Bacchos, a.d. 1209. 9. Nibon, 1260. fl Z'
' . ' ibid., p. 20.
10. Matthaios was presenj; at a Synod held in 1340 at Nikosia Labbe,
by the Latin Archbishop, Elie des Nabinaux. xt^pars.T
11. Name unknown. Was killed by the Turks at the siege ofLusignan,
Nikosia in 1570. pll2,a)'
12. Name also unknown. Was originally hegoumenos of aroid.,Pp.
monastery in the island. Became a candidate for the primacy m w' m ""'
on the reconstitution of the Orthodox Church in 1572. After
obtaining it was forced to resign and received the See of Paphos
in compensation.
13. Philotheos, 1600. phiiippos
_ 3 Georgiou,
14. Leontios, 1609. &&**«•
15. Makarios, 1631. J^'8"'
16. Germanos, 1631. 'akoxovbu
17. Makarios, 1668. ft*
18. Leontios, 1678. f£«*f"'
19. Joakim, 1730, 1754. fcWi0'
20. Chrysanthos, 1765 (Archbishop, 1768). pp^Ts,
21. Panaretos, 1770, 1783, 1788. S "**¦"'¦
22. Chrysanthos, 1801-1821. SK^
23. Panaretos, 1821-27. gft&j
24. Chariton, 1848. ernotmisM,
25. Neophytos, 1865, 1884.
26. Epiphanios, ob. 5th February, 1899.
The chroniclers supply the three following additional names of
the earlier occupants of the See, without giving any hint as to Machssra,
their chronological order : — 1 strambaldi,
Kilisios, Philagrios, and Nikolaos. fi. Boustron,
1 The chroniclers, however, are not entirely in agreement as to the Sees these
prelates occupied.
KiXio-iov, $vXapiov tov ayiwrdrov 4iriaKbirov Tldtpov. Ni/coAaou KaX 'ApKaSlov tov
ayiwraTOv 4rrio'Kbirov 'Apaevbys.
Santo Chilisio Hilarion Vescovo de Cerines, Santo Nicolo Vescovo di Baffo.
Al Vescovato de Papho, Philagrio e Chiligio.

316

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Be Auxibio
Eplsc Solio-
rum (Acta
Sanct., 19th
Feb.),c. 2,
sec. 8.

Johan.Damasc, De
Imag. Orat. i.
(Migne, Pat.
Greec. xclv.,
col. 1272).

De Auxibio
Epis. Solior.
(Acta Sanct.,
19th Feb.).

VI. Neapolis appears to have been constituted an episcopal
city soon after the introduction of Christianity into the island,
as its first bishop is reported to have been specially consecrated
by desire of the Apostle Paul. The mediaeval writers assert that
its founder was Guy de Lusignan, the first Latin ruler of Cyprus.
But the mention of the town in the Seventh General Council (a.d.
787), amply disproves this claim. The name of Neapolis was
doubtless derived from its erection being subsequent to that of
the more famous Amathus, which lies in the immediate neigh
bourhood. That it was, however, partially restored and beauti
fied by the earlier Latin sovereigns is very likely. During the
middle ages it was generally known as Limecon from an ancient
fief of that name in France, belonging to the Lusignan family.
It was also called Nemosie from a dense wood said to have for
merly occupied the site. On the reduction ofthe Orthodox Sees
in 1222 it was preserved, but its occupant was obliged to transfer
his residence to the village of Levkara. After the fall of Acre in
1291 Henri II. granted it as a settlement to the two great Mili
tary Orders, who adorned it with numerous fine buildings. More
than once it felt the misfortunes of war, being pillaged by the
Genoese in 1373, and again by the Egyptians in 1425. On the
re-establishment of the Orthodox Communion in 1572 it was in
corporated in the diocese of Kition.
1. Tychicos I., according to the life of St. Auxibios, was con
secrated to the See by Herakleides at the request of St. Paul.
2. Tychicos II.
3. Leontios, the well-known author of the Life of St. John the
Almsgiver and other works, flourished during the reign ofthe Em
peror Maurice (a.d. 582-a.d. 602). 4. Matthias, 1260.
5. Clemens attended the Synod held at Nikosia in 1340 by the
Latin Archbishop, Elie des Nabinaux.
6. Name unknown. Was taken prisoner by the Turks at the
capture of Nikosia in 1570.1

1 Lusignan instances in pioof of the healthiness of Cyprus the case of several
of his acquaintances, who reached the age of ioo years and upwards. Among
them he mentions the Orthodox Bishop of Limassol, whom he calls II Flanchi
(il Fianco = b Qvgkwv, the pot-bellied). He says that this prelate, when twenty
years old, acted as falconer to Jacques II., who died in 1473. This would make
him to have been born in 1453. As he is said to have died about three years
before the publication of Lusignan's work, his decease must have taken place
about 1570, when he had leached the age of 117. As Nikosia was besieged in
Lusignan, 112 this year he may possibly be the prelate who was captured on the occasion,
'*¦'• though it is hardly credible that so old a man could have continued so long in
the active discharge of the duties of his office.
Ibid., p. 5 (b). "II Vescovo Greco di Limisso, il Flanchi, havea 20 anni quando era falconiere

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 317
7. James (Bishop of Lemesos) signed the letter of 5th October sathas,
1608 to the Duke of Savoy. ^T^""' p. 192.
VII. Amathus on the south-eastern coast, perhaps the most strabo, ih>.
ancient city in Cyprus, and capital of one of the former nine Scf's.0' '
kingdoms, is situated aboub six miles to the eastward of Limassol.
Its ruins, which are still extensive, are known by the name of
Old Limassol. It continued to be a flourishing town until the
close of the Byzantine supremacy, when it was captured and de
stroyed by Cceur-de-Lion in 1191. Its origin has been variously
ascribed to Phoenician colonists, from whom it is said to have
derived its name, from Amathus the son of Herakles, or from stephan.
Amathusa, the mother of Kinyras. In ancient times it was a DeurW'et
great centre of the copper-mining industry, as well as celebrated
for the possession of two famous temples, that of the Tyrian
Herakles, who was worshipped under the name of Melkarth
(King of the city), and that of Aphrodite.
1. Mnemonios. Plis memory was commemorated on 16th Lusignan,
June,1 the same day as that of his successor. p' 26 ( ''
2. Tychon2 is said to have been ordained deacon by Mnemo- ibid., P. 25(a).
nios, on whose death he was consecrated to the See by the great
Epiphanios. His name is still preserved in the village of Hagios
Tychon which lies in the immediate neighbourhood of the
ancient city. Le Quien misquotes Lusignan as saying that his LeQuien.o.c.
^ . -1 ~ ./ o U. coi 10B3
festival occurred in January.
3. Heliodoros flourished at the time of the Council of Chalce- Mansi,
don a.d. 451, his name being found among those who signed itsvt,coi:67s.'
decrees. 4. Alexander was one of the signatories of the Seventh im., tom.
General Council (Second Nicasa) a.d. 787.
del Re Giacomo bastardo. II Re e morto nel 1473, et questo Vescovo e morto
gia 3 anni, et tutto cio il so, perche esso me l'ha narrato."
In the French edition of his work Lusignan mentions this prelate as follows : ibid., Descrip-
" Autant en a vescu I'Evesque grec de Nemosie, ou Lefcare, de la familie de 'J'J,8*0' p'
Flangy ".
1 Santo Mnimonio Vescovo di Amathunta di Cipro, la cui festa si celebra il
giorno et mese di Santo Tigona.
Reference, however, to the Synaxaristes shows that it is St. Tychon alone
who is commemorated on that day.
2 Strambaldi calls him Sigono — " Santo Sigono vescovo de Lefcara". strambaldi,
Tigona santo fu Vescovo di Amathunda : onde la Chiesa Cattedrale a lui p' lz-
e intitolata, laquale anchora sta in piedi. Io vi sono stato, et la sua festa si
celebra nel mese di Giugno.

318

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

AUatius, De
SynodoPnotiana,
p. 506.

Le Quien, 0. C.
ii., col. 1066.

jus canon. 5. John occupied the See during the reign of the Emperor
G*E?eto*nfan Manuel Komnenos, (a.d. 1143-a.d. 1180). Being deposed, as
%£¦'•' ml- he thought unj ustly, by John Archbishop of Constantia, he
Baisamon in appealed to the Emperor for redress. The matter was referred
coScar- for investigation to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Lukas
Chrysoberges, and the Oecumenical Synod, when the sentence
was set aside on the ground that it had not been pronounced by
the full synod of the Cypriot Church.1
6. Germanos. A bishop of this name is conjectured by Leo
AUatius to have been the prelate who, on his elevation to the
primacy, assembled a synod of his suffragans and pronounced the
number of the Sacraments to be seven, and at the same time pre
scribed the method of their administration from the books of
the Councils and of the Fathers.2 Le Quien, while regretting that
AUatius had omitted to give any particulars as to this subject,
pronounces against the identification on the ground that the in
dividual in question can be none other than Germanos Pesi
mandros, in whose time both Amathus was in ruins and its
bishops were non-existent.3
7. Esaias signed the letter addressed to the Duke of Savoy
by the Cypriot prelates on 5th October 1608.
VIII. Arsinoe, now called Ammochostos or Famagusta, has
been already noticed as the city, to which the archbishopric was
removed on the destruction of Salamis or Constantia in a.d. 648.
After the establishment of the Latin Church, though the
primacy was transferred to Nikosia and bestowed upon the head
of that communion, the Orthodox See was not suppressed, but its
occupant was obliged to take up his abode instead in the village
of Rizokarpaso. On the expulsion of the Venetians Fama-

Sathas,
Toup/coKpciT.
"Er\Xas, p. 192.
Strabo, lib.
xiv., c 6,
sec. 3.

Lusignan,p. 25 (a).

1 Ai4yvw b ayiwraros 4Keivos irarpidpxys Kvpios AovKas perd ttjs irapovo-iao~do~ys
trvvbSov, aXXa pyv KaX y irapetrTWtra trbyKXyros &Kvpov eivai rty KaBaipeaiv • Sid re rb
p$l peraKXyByvai tt)v irdcrav trvvoSov Tys TaV Kvirpiwv 'EKKXytrias , fy Kdv t)jv irXeiova,
evxepelas KaX Tau-ra ovtrys irpbs tovto " KaX Sid rb p)j rbv dpxieirltrKoirov 4ir4Kelva eivai
Tys SaSeKdSos 7W eirio-Kbirav, a\Xa ravry tovtov trvvairdyetrBai. 'ExpT}ffavTO Se
irpbs tovto KaX Tip k' Kavbvi Tys * . . . trvvbSov, Kal Tip iS'. Kdv Tives Se eiirov -roVe,
els pbvovs irpetrBvTepovs KaX SiaKbvovs tovto 4KtpwvyByvai, dXX' ovk elo'yKoito'Bytrav.
2 Ea est Synodus Cypria sub Germano Amathuntis episcopo ac summo Grae-
corum in insula Cypri Antistite anno Domini 1260 inter vivos agente.
3 Lusignan mentions a prelate, whose name is not to be found in the lists of
the other chroniclers, e.g. : —
" Santo Stadio Vescovo della citta di Amathunda, huomo giusto et dottore
integerrimo ".
* I.e., Sixth Council of Carthage (a.d. 419). Canons XX. and XIV.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 319
gusta again became for a time the residence of the Orthodox
bishop, but owing to the decrease in the Christian population
of that city the See was abolished about the commencement of
the seventeenth century, and the ancient bishopric of Kyrenia
revived in its stead. But few names of those, who presided over
it, have been preserved from oblivion.
1. Prosechios, the first on the list, flourished at the time of the Mansi,
Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451, where he was represented by a «., coi! ens.
fellow-prelate, Soter of Theodosiana, though he appears to have
subscribed in person the proceedings of its sixth session. 2.
Joakim, 1260.
3. Michael is reported to have attended the Synod held atLabbe,
Nikosia in 1340 by the Latin Archbishop, £lie des Nabinaux. g^T
4. A Cretan monk, whose name has not transpired, was ap- Lusignan,
pointed in 1572 by the Turks. sathas^
5. Moses signed the letter to the Duke of Savoy, dated 5th eYC"'"17'
October, 1608. **-U2- '
The chroniclers supply the three following names in addition Mad,^
to those already mentioned above : — Itrainbaidi,
1. Nikolaos. 2. Arkadios. 3. Nicon. Pi.^'oustron,p. 33.
IX. Lapithos, which was situated on the northern coast be- straD0 Ub
tween Cape Krommyon and Kyrenia, is said to have been founded ^c."3c' 6|
by a colony of Lacedaemonians under Praxander. Another ac- |tez^?;
count, however, ascribes its origin to the Phoenicians and repre
sents its founder to have been Belus, King of Tyre. Its ruins
lie about two miles north-east of the present village, near the
sea and in the vicinity of the monastery of Achiropietos. During
the Western occupation it formed a possession of the Lusignan
family, under the title of " La fief de la Pison ". In the Bull of t d6 Mas
Celestine III. (13 Dec, 1196), confirming the rights and property liKechyp.,
of the Latin See of Nikosia, it is specially mentioned as one oflU'p"i01'
the places paying tithe to the Archbishop. Its bishopric, which
existed during the Byzantine occupation of the island, was sup
pressed, with many others, in 1222.
1. Didymos is the only one of its bishops, whose name hasMamli
been preserved. He is said to have lived at the time of the v°™oi: sT'
Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451), where he was represented by
Epaphroditos, Bishop of Tamasos.
The chroniclers only mention one occupant of the See, whom Macnaorai
they call Eulalios.1 Itrainbaidi,p. 12.
1 Strambaldi calls the prelate Eulavio — " Santo Eulavio Vescovo di Lapitho ". "Boustron,

320

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Strabo, lib.
xiv., c. 6,
sec. 3.

Stephan.
Byzantin.Lusignan,p. 12 (b).

X. Karpasia situated upon Cape Hagios Andreas, at a short
distance to the north of the modern village of Rizokarpaso, was
the seat of a bishop from a very remote period, being men
tioned as such in the biography of Saint Epiphanios by Polybios,
Bishop of Rhinocorura. Its legendary founder was Pygmalion,
King of Cyprus. It is said to have contained a celebrated
temple dedicated to Sarpedon, son of Zeus. During the Latin
occupation it became a fief of the powerful De Nores family, but
passed out of their possession, when Jacques II. deprived Gautier
de Nores of it for his fidelity to Charlotte. The locality is now
called Hagios Philon from a church dedicated to that saint, which
still occupies the site.

Lusignan,P- 25 (a).

1. Philo x was ordained to the See by Epiphanios the
Great, it is said, in obedience to a divine intimation. When
the latter went to Rome he entrusted his diocese to the care of
Philo. A commentary by him on the Song of Songs is still
extant.

LeQuien,o.c, 2. Hermolaos 2 flourished at the time of the Council of Chalce-
La'bbe, don (a.d. 451) as Olympios, Archbishop of Constantia, when
iv.?coi! eoT' signing its decrees for himself and his suffragans, mentions
among the number Hermolaos, Bishop of the city of Car-
teriopolis. This latter name Le Quien agrees with Labbe in
regarding as a false reading for Kapiraa-iov ir6Xe<o<;, city of
Karpasion.

Strambaldi,
p. 12.
PL Boustron,
p. 33.
Cf. Kypri
anos, p. 249.

Synaxarist(24th Jan.).

Mansi, Concii., tom.
vii., coi. 166.

The chroniclers mention, moreover, the three following names,
which are not to be found elsewhere : —

1 Lusignan mentions a bishop of the name of Theoprobus, whom he couples
with Philo as follows : —
" Santi Filone et Theoprobo furono Vescovi di Cipro, ma di qual citta non
sappiamo : et questi furono al tempo di santo Epiffanio ".
As Philo is stated by the Synaxaristes to have been Bishop of Kalpasion or
Karpasion, it is probable that Theoprobos occupied the same See also. Philo's
commemoration occurs on 24th January, but no mention is made of Theoprobos
in connection with him.
2 In the records of the Council the signature stands as follows : —
" Hermolao civitatis Carteriopolis, Aristoclide Tiberiopolis, Nicopolione
civitatis" Mansi's comment is to the following effect : —
" Non intellexerunt hunc locum editores Romani, qui ex epitheto Charterio-
polis, effecerunt nomen hominis, et ex nomine Tiberii hominis fecerunt civitatem
Tiberiopolis. Sic erga reponendum : ' Hermolao Civitatis Chartariae Aristocleas,
Tiberio Nicopolis, sive Nicopolitanae civitatis '."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 321
1. Synesios. 2. Sosikrates. 3. Sinon.1
XI. Chytri. Some uncertainty prevails as to the exact posi
tion of this town. Lusignan identifies it with the village of
Kythraea (Deyirmenlik) or, as he calls it, Chitria, situated two Lusignan,
or three leagues to the eastward of Nikosia at the foot of the P'
northern range. But a modern topographer regards as the sakeiiarios,
correct site some ruins near the village of Melousha, which are SXTW
called Hagios Photios from a dilapidated church of that name
still standing there. John, the disciple and biographer of Epi- vita Epi
phanios, describes it as being a miserable little town distant about jjjijjpi]*'-
twenty-five miles from Salamis. Its See was among the number *"•>•'
of those suppressed in 1222.
1. Pappos, who heads the list of the occupants of the See, was,
according to the above-mentioned John, closely identified with
the consecration of Saint Epiphanios to the Archbishopric of
Salamis. 2. Photinos held the See at the period of the Council of Chalce- Mansi,
don (a.d. 451). It is uncertain whether he was actually present »i-. =°i' =78.
at it, as in the Latin acts of the Council he is said to have been
represented by his deacon, Dionysios, while in the Greek version
merely his name appears in the list of signatures.

3. Spyridon was present at the Seventh General Council (Second rwd.,
Nicaea) a.d. 787 and signed with other bishops of the island.

torn.

4. Germanos 2 sat in the Eighth General Council (a.d. 869) L*t*°,
and subscribed its decrees. There is some doubt, however, as to ™t. «•"• u6°-
the name of the See mentioned in connection with his signature.
It has been conjectured that instead of Cythrus should be read LeQuien.o.c.
Citrus, the name of an episcopal city in Illyricum, in which case
this prelate could not have been a Cypriot ecclesiastic.3
1 Sinon (Santo Sinono) is mentioned by Strambaldi only.
N.B. A seal has been found, date unknown, bearing the name of Epiphanios,
Bishop of Karpasion.
2 In the list of subscriptions his reads as follows : —
" Germanus misericordia Dei episcopus Ectri (marg. Hectorei, aliter Cytri)
omnia quae in sancta et universali Synodo judicata sunt et definita libenter sus-
cipiens subscripsi manu propria ".
3 " In Octava Synodo sedit et subscripsit Germanus episcopus Cythri, nisi
forte pro Cythri legatur Citri, quando Citrus civitas quoque episcopatus est in
Illyrico." 21

322

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Machsra, The chroniclers record several other names also, only one of
strambaldi, which is noticed above, viz. : —
R. Boustron, j. Demetrianos. 2. Pappos. 3. Athanasios. 4. Eustathios.1
5. Niketas.
XII. Trimythus, called also Trimethus, Trimythos, (Tpi-
fivdovs, Tpipnrjdovs, Tplp,v8o<;) and La Tremetossie, was situated
in the Mesaorian Plain about twelve miles from Larnaka. It
was the scene of the decisive battle between Cceur-de-Lion and
Isaac Komnenos (a.d. 1191), in which the latter was defeated
and taken prisoner. The town itself was destroyed on the
occasion by the victor, but its name is perpetuated in the modern
Trimethousia (Tpup,rj9ovaid).

Nikephor.,H. E., lib.
viii., c. 5.
Ruflnus,lib. i., c. 5.
Sozomen,H. E., Ub. i.
c. 11.
Athanas,Apoiog. ii.

Mansi,Concii., tom.
iii., col. 570.

Lusignan,p. 26 (b).

Mansi.,Concii., tom.
xi., col. 688.

1. Spyridon, the famous miracle- worker and present patron
of Corfu, is the most celebrated, as well as the first recorded
occupant of the See. He was present at the Council of Nicaea
(a.d. 325), though his name does not appear in the lists of those
who attended. His signature, with those of other Cypriot pre
lates, is to be found attached to the decrees of the Council of
Sardica (a.d. 344).
2. Theopompos took part in the Second General Council held
at Constantinople in a.d. 381.
3. Arkadios,2 and 4 Nestor. The period at which these two
prelates flourished is uncertain. In the Greek Menology, as
Lusignan observes, they are commemorated together on the same
day, viz., 7th March.
5. Theodoros was one of the principal persons, who figured at
the Sixth General Council (Second Constantinople, a.d. 680-
a.d. 681), where he represented his Archbishop, Epiphanios II. ,
though he did not appear until the fourteenth session. He is
reported to have been the author of a life of the sainted John
Chrysostom.

1 Strambaldi and Boustron call him " Eustachio "
2Archadio santo Vescovo di Cipro, della citta di Tremitus 6 Trimitughia;
et la sua festa si celebra nel mese di Marzo.
Nestore santo Vescovo di Tremitus, over Trimitughia in Cipro ; et la sua festa
si celebra nel mese et giorno' di Sant' Archadio.
Le Quien, o.c, Le Quien states that their memory is celebrated by the Menology on 14th
it, col. 1070. Febiuary. In the Synaxaristes their festival is said to be on the 7th March.
Synaxarist tj* aiiry yp4pq (ry f tov Maprlov) ol "A-yioi 'Eir'<rȣ07roi TpipvBovvTOs rys Kinrpov,
(7th Mar-*-'

ti March). 'Ap/caSioj KaX Ne'oTojp, iv eipi)vy reXeiovvrai,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 323
6. Georgios was present at and subscribed the decrees of the Mansi.,
Seventh General Council (Second Nicaea) a.d. 787. xit'ool aS.
7. Spyridon, circa 1801. The See, after its final suppression Phiiippos
in 1222, was temporarily revived at the beginning of the present p,eiii>n'
century, and the above-named consecrated to it as coadjutor
bishop of the aged primate, Chrysanthos.
XIII. Soli, Solea, or Solia. This town, which was situated
on the north-western coast of the island not far from the sea on
the Uttle river Klarios, was originally called CEpea. Its first pmtarch,
founder is said to have been Demophon, son of Theseus.1 About soioniJ,
b.c 600 it is traditionally reported to have been transferred to a ""''
more suitable site by Philocyprus, King of GCpea, at the instiga
tion of the famous Solon, in whose honour it was henceforth
called Soli. It then became the capital of one of the nine king
doms, which Cyprus formerly contained. It formerly possessed
celebrated temples of Aphrodite and Isis. During the ascend
ency of the Roman Church it was one of the four places assigned
as a residence for an Orthodox prelate, the Bishop of Levkosia
(Nikosia) being removed thither on that city becoming the
Latin metropolis. Its site is now to be found near the village
of Karavostasi, about two miles north-west of Levka, where
there are some ruins still called Palaea Chora (viz., the old
town). 1. Auxibios I.,2 a native of Rome, was baptised and consecrated Acta sanc-
bishop by John Mark and subsequently appointed to Soli by FebT (1
Herakleides. He is said to have presided over the See for fifty
years. 2. Auxibios II.
3. Themistagoras, brother of Auxibios I., is reported to have Acta sanct.,
been the successor of Auxibios II.
4. Peter is commemorated in the Calendar of the Abyssinian LeQuien.o.c.
Church on 2nd January and is said to have baptised Constantine
the Great, a story derived, Le Quien remarks, from Alexandrian

1 Strabo, however, ascribes its foundation to two Athenians, Phaleros and strabo, lib.
Akamas, " Kriapa 5"e<rrl $aXT)pov KaX 'Ajcdpavros, 'AByvalwv"- see's?' '
2 Machaera mentions a bishop of this name in connection with the See, call- Machsera,
ing him, however, Axibios. p'
'A^iB'iov tov poKapiardTOv iiritrKoirov HoXeias.

324

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Mansi, 5. Evaffrios was present at the Third General Council held at
Concii., tom. -n , .° . «-x
iv., coi. 1126. Ephesus in a.d. 431.
Le Quien. 6. Epiphanios subscribed the decrees of the sixth session of
1072'' ,co1' the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451). That he was not present
throughout the whole of the proceedings is evident from Soter,
Bishop of Theodosiana, acting as his representative.1

7. Stratonikos attended the twelfth session ofthe Sixth General
xt?*coT: S' Council (a.d. 680), in company with his Archbishop.

Mansi,
Concii., tom.

ibid tom 8. Eustathios was present at and subscribed the decrees of the
xn., ioi. 994. Seventh General Council (Second Nicaea) a.d. 787.
sathas.Bibi. 9. Leontios was one of the two envoys sent by the Orthodox
tom. a, p.' 7. of Cyprus to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Germanos IL, at
Nicaea, to complain of the tyranny of the Latins, a.d. 1222.
10. Nibon, 1260.

Lusignan,p. 26 (b).

11. Theophanes, according to Lusignan, occupied the See
towards the close of the Venetian occupation. He afterwards
resigned and retired to the monastery of Mesapotamo, where
he spent the remainder of his days in the strictest seclusion.

Lusignan,
p. 26 (a).

Markellos. An individual of this name is included by Lusig
nan among the bishops of Solia, without any mention of the
period at which he lived.2 The Menology strangely confuses
Apamea with iEpea,3 as it calls his See by the former name,
which really belonged to that presided over by his compatriot
and namesake, the celebrated martyr bishop of Syria (14th Aug.).
The learned Dominican has been misled by it into repeating the
mistake, for he asserts that this Markellos was Bishop of Apamea
or Solia. His festival occurred on the 25th February.

Strambaldi,
p. 12.

Mansi, Concii. , tom.
vi., col. 567.

Bynaxarist,
(26th Feb.).

Another of the native writers mentions Eutychios as being
an occupant of the See, but no information is given respecting
the time at which he flourished.4
1 In the subscriptions to the Council (Act i) he appears as " Epiphanius
Episcopus et agens vices Olympii Episcopi Constantiae Cypri ".
2 Marcello santo Vescovo della citta di Cipro Apamea, over Solia ; il quale fii
martire, et la sua festa si celebra al mese di Febbraio.
3 The Synaxaristes also perpetuates the blunder as follows: 'O "A-yioj
MdpKeXXos, 'EiritTKOlros 'Airapelas ttjs Kvirpov, iv elpr^vy TeXeiovrai.
* Sant' Eutichio Vescovo di Solia.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 325
Benjamin. The See appears to have been revived temporarily gjJJJJ'g,™
at the commencement of the seventeenth century, as in a letter p- s°. «• (•)•
addressed in June 1600 to the Bishops of Cyprus by Matthew,
Patriarch of Constantinople, on the subject of Archbishop
Athanasios1 deposition, it is enumerated among the dioceses sub
ject to the Archbishop of Nova Justiniana, being then occupied
by the above-mentioned prelate. He is most probably the indi
vidual of the same name, who succeeded to the vacant primacy.
XIV. Kyrenia, the former capital of another of the nine
kingdoms, is situated also on the northern coast a few miles to
the eastward of Lapithos. According to the local legends it Lusignan,
was either built or restored by Cyrus, King of Persia, when he Kyprianos,
reduced the island under his sway. In the middle ages it pos- p' '
sessed one of the strongest fortresses in the kingdom, which
still survives the wreck of Time, and was the scene of many stir
ring incidents in local history. It was here that the last rightful
sovereign of the house of Lusignan made her final stand against
the usurper Jacques II. Simon, who carried the Saviour's cross Lugsnan'
to Calvary, has been claimed by some as a native of this town.1 Kyprianos,
The Orthodox bishopric was suppressed on the foundation of the Philippos
Latin Church, and only re-established some years after the Otto- ^eyu-
man conquest, when the diocese of Famagusta was abolished.
1. Theodotos, a native of the city over which he presided asLugegan-
bishop, was a martyr during the Licinian persecution (a.d. 314-
324), when Sabinus was Governor of Cyprus. Le Quien is evi
dently mistaken in saying that Lusignan calls him Theodoretus,
as the latter, in the Italian version of his work at least, does no
such thing. He mentions two occupants of the See by name,
one of whom he calls Theodoto, and the other Theodoro.
2. Timotheos, according to Leo AUatius, was one of several f^f^ °m
Greek prelates, who visited Rome at the beginning of the seven- p'r*pretnt'
teenth century to resume communion with the Apostolic See.2 uniTc n
No. 7.
1 Dicono alcuni, ehe Simone Cireneo, ehe prese la croce del nostro Signore,
fu di questa citta (Ceraunia) ; et altri dicono dalla Provincia Cirenaica.
®eXovtri irws b ~S,vpwv b Kvpyvaios, os 4Bdo~Ta£e rbv ^ravpbv tov 'lytrov Xpitrrov,
vd ?itov dirb aiirfyv t)}V xt*>Pai/, dXXd BeBalwrepov dirb t^v iirapxiav Kvpyva'iK'fiv Tys
'AtpptKys. 2 Ita Ecclesia Orientalis primo ordinat suos Sacerdotes per collationem cor
poris Christi, sub speciebus panis, et deinde ad secundariam potestatem super
membra Ecclesiae suis peccatis Uganda aut absolvenda. Cujus quidem potestatis
tradendae formam se, D.D. Cardinalibus Congregationis de propaganda fide
praefectis, ex testimonio Timothei Cirenes Cypri Metropolitae, Romae exhibuisse
affirmat idem Catumsyritus, etc.

326

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Goar.
Euchologion,

The date assigned to this occurrence makes it impossible that
these visitors could have been members of the Orthodox Com
munion, while such an act on the part of any prelate of that
Church is in itself well-nigh inconceivable. It is almost certain
that the individual in question was the local head of one of
those heterodox Oriental sects, which were once numerously
represented in the Kyrenian diocese.

sathas, 3. Jeremias. His signature is to be found appended to the
rovpivTi letter addressed to the Duke of Savoy by the Cypriot prelates on
pEm5' 5th October 1608.

Phiiippos
Georgiou,p. 95.

4. Nikephoros (1668), is reported in this year to have been
present at a council convened at Nikosia by Archbishop Nike
phoros to pronounce against the Calvinistic heresies.

Le Quien. 0. C
il., col. 1074.
Kyprianos,pp. 314, 315.
Ibid., p. 323.
Ibid., pp. 329,
404.Phiiippos
Georgiou, p. 120.
Ibid., p. 123.
Ibid., p. 124, n.

NeaJ

Heal, List of
Sees in
Eastern Ch. in
1848, p. 18.

5. Leontios, 1678.
6. Nikephoros, 1730, 1754.
7. Chrysanthos, 1765.
8. Sophronios, 1783, 1788.
9. Laurentios, ob. 1821.
10. Damaskenos, 1821 (Archbishop, 1824).
11. Charalampos, 1837.
12. Chariton, 1848.
13. Meletios, 1865, 1874.
14. Chrysanthos, 1888.
15. Kyrillos (Papadopoulos, of Prodromos).

Machan-a,p. 67.
Strambaldi,p. 12.
Fl. Boustron,
p. 33.

The chroniclers furnish the names of other early occupants of
the See, who are not to be found elsewhere, viz. : —
Zeno, Hilarion and Theodoros.

Le Quien.
0. C, it. (
1075.

XV. Theodosiana. According to the evidence furnished by
the records of the Council of Chalcedon (a.d. 451) a city of this
name then existed in the island. Le Quien, however, professes
himself unable to discover in what locality it was situated or
which of the ancient cities of Cyprus was ever so called, nor will
any of the lisbs of cities furnished from time to time afford a clue
to the mystery. There are only two possible explanations (1),
that the name of the See has been misstated and (2), that it was
one which had no connection with the island.
1. Soter, its only recorded occupant, acted at the Council

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 327
(Act I.) as the representative of two other Cypriot bishops, viz.,
Heliodoros of Amathus and Didymos of Lapithos.1 (?)
XVI. Levkosia, originally Ledra, one of the most ancient
cities of the island and the capital of one of its former nine king
doms lies in the middle of the Mesaorian Plain. Its first founder
is unknown, but Leukos, son of Ptolemy Soter is said to have
restored it (B.C. 280), and changed its name from Ledron to
Levkosia or Leuteon. That its bishopric dates from an early Jerome,
period is evident from the mention of it by Jerome and other (Migne, pat.
ecclesiastical writers of the time. But its importance really oolm? ''
dates from the advent of the Latins, when Guy de Lusignan con- SSst', h.e.,
stituted it the capital of his new kingdom. This was further in- g^^0'42'
creased by its being made also the premier See of the Latin "'J/ ub- '¦¦
Church. Its magnificence during the Western supremacy may
be estimated from the tradition that it then contained about 250
churches, including not only those of the Latin rite, but also those
belonging to the Orthodox, Armenians, Copts, Maronites, Nesto-
rians, Jacobites and Georgians, as well as numerous monasteries
belonging to these various denominations. In the records of this
period it is more generally known as Nikosia, a name by which
Europeans still designate it, and which seems to be derived from
KaXXLvUnats, a still older one.
1. Triphyllios, the former disciple and deacon of the famous Lusignan,
Spyridon, Bishop of Trimythus, is said to have occupied the
See about the middle of the fourth century. His signature is to
be found attached to the proceedings of the Council of Sardica
(a.d. 344), together with those of other Cypriot bishops.
2. Makedonios is represented by Lusignan as having been an ibid., P. 26(b).
occupant of the See, but no mention is made of the period at
which he presided over it.

3. Leontios attended the Synod held at Nikosia in 1340 by the Labbe,
Latin Archbishop, Elie des Nabinaux.

ConcU. , tom.
xi., para 2,
col. 2432.

4. Nikolaos, on 6th July, 1473, together with other leading o. Boustron,
men of the kingdom, took the oath of allegiance to Catarina Lusignan,
widow of Jacques II. and proclaimed her as queen at Nikosia.

PP. 64 (b),
73(a).

'In the subscriptions to the Council (Act I.) he is described as "Soter Mansi,
Theodosianae civitatis, agens vices Heliodori Episcopi Amathuntis et Proechii 5™coi! 578°'
Episcopi Arsinoe.

328 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Lusignan, p. 5. Name unknown. Lost his life at the siege of Nikosia in
U2(a)' 1570. During the reign of Jacques II. three prelates of the name of
Nicolas, whom it is necessary to distinguish, come into promi
nent notice : —
g. Boustron, (1) The Latin Bishop of Limassol, who endeavoured at the
I: Boustron, siege of Kyrenia in 1460 to brine: about an accommodation be-
E397 O J o
U6867T' tween Charlotte and Jacques.
mst.de chyp., (2) An Orthodox bishop, Nicolo de Couria or Courion, who
216; aS, 264', was the recipient of numerous marks of favour at the hands of
LeQuien.o.c. Jacques and died nearly five years (1468) before his patron. The
iii., coi. 639. name 0f h's See, which is variously given in documents of the
m.^'v. 202, "period as Embron, Euvron, Ceuvron, or Envroun, is identified
with Hebron near Jerusalem by De Mas Latrie, who supposes
Geo.Boustron, him to be the person alluded to by George Boustron as Bishop
Nikolaos the Greek (o VioveoTro? 6 NucoXaos 6 'Pa>p,aio<;) to
distinguish him from his Latin contemporary of Limassol. But
this conjecture must be incorrect, as reference shows that the
title is really used in connection with an occurrence that hap
pened subsequent to his decease i.e. the proclamation of Catarina
ibid., p. 437. as Queen at Nikosia on 6th July, 1473. Boustron employs it
pU6°4lbU3(a). t° designate an entirely different individual, whom he calls else
where 6 'iricncoiros rwv 'Pwfiaiwv 6 NoicoXaos, and who from the
words twv 'PwfiaLwv seems to have been some one holding official
rank in the island hierarchy. Lusignan evidently regards the
title as indicating No. 3, for in his version of the passage he
translates it as referring to Nikolaos, the Greek bishop of Nikosia
(Nicolao Vescovo greco di Nicosia). This Nikolaos (No. 2)
Hist.de chyp., must have been a very tolerant person in his religious opinions,
as mention is made of a legacy left by him to the Dominican
monastery at Nikosia, an establishment we should least of all
expect an Orthodox prelate to have remembered in his will.
(3) The Greek bishop of Nikosia. He showed himself a
warm partisan of Jacques, and was among the number of those
assembled at the latter's house on the night of the attempted
assassination of the usurper's enemies in the royal palace at the
capital (15th Dec, 1458). It is he who is described as Bishop
Nikolaos the Greek (o Viovcotto? 6 NiKoXao<; 6 ' P(op,aio?) at the
proclamation of Catarina as Queen in 1473.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 329

CHAPTER VII.
The Orthodox Monasteries.
THOUGH the presence of individual monks may be said to
date almost from the very commencement of asceticism,
their settlement into organised communities must be as
signed to a considerably later period. Of these establishments
there would appear to have been many more formerly than at LuBignan,
present. In his description of Troodos, which he represents as P'
being eighteen leagues, or fifty-four miles, in circumference, Lusig
nan says that at every league there was a community living under
the rule of Saint Basil.1 And at a yet later period, when Kypri- Kyprianos,
anos published his history, they were still very numerous, as isP'
evident from his reckoning them at seventy-five, exclusive of
Metochia. He classifies them under the head of the different
dioceses, in which they were to be found, as follows : Nikosia, 26 ;
Paphos, 16 ; Kition, 13 ; and Kyrenia, 11. Besides these he also
enumerates certain others called Stauropegia (4), and certain
dependencies of (i) the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem (2), and (ii)
Saint Catharine at Mount Sinai (3), the presidents of which were
sent from the parent establishments. With regard to popula
tion he further divides them into —
1. One monastery of 100 inmates.2
1 II piede del monte (Trohodos) circonda 18 leghe, ehe fanno miglia 54, et
ad ogni lega e posto un monastero de' Calloiri, over Monaci di San Basilio ;
quali Monasterii sono pieni d'ogni frutto, et di fontane in abbondanza : onde
questi, et altri, ehe si ritrovano nell' isola, sono li sollazzi delli Cipriotti al
tempo della estade.
2 Movao'T'ijpia birov trwCovrai ri]v tr-ripepov KaXoy4puv 'Op8oS6£av els tt)v Nrjaov,
ews eiKOtri dirb SeKa ews SeKair4vTe 'lepopovdxovs Kal Movaxovs, Svw dirb TefftrapaKOvra,
rb tov K6kkov dirb eKarbv, Ta Se Xotird dirb rpeis KaX irevre ews tco> S4xa pbXis, KaX
nva 4k tovtwv trravpoiriiyia inrOTeXovvra, Kairoi els rds dXXas 'Eirapxias, virb rbv
' ApxieiritTKOirov. In his report to the Venetian Senate in 1560 Bernardo Sagredo states their
number at fifty-two.
"Vi sono anco 52 abbatie di monaci greci, in diversi luoghi dell' isola, delle Hist.de Chyp.,
quali la maggiore parte sono ricche." " p-
In his notes on the island sent to the Duke of Savoy through Francesco ibid., m.,

330 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
2. Two of forty.
3. Twenty of from ten to fifteen, and
4. The remainder of from three or five to ten.
This estimate is nothing like so high at present, the two larger
ones, Kykko and Machaera, only ranging from thirty to fifteen,
the smaller from four to seven. Though their number is gener
ally supposed to have been much reduced of late years, chiefly
at the period ofthe Greek Revolution, when many were destroyed
by the Turks, the Report of the Ecclesiastical Properties Com
mission (1897) shows a slight increase on Kyprianos' list, giving
a total of eighty-two. Many of these, however, exist only in
name — their endowments having been sequestered by their
diocesans.
pococke, A traveller, who visited the island in 1740, has left us a de-
voi. ii., p. 234. scription of these establishments and their occupants, which in
the main holds good even to the present day. " They are," so
he writes, " to be looked upon as religious societies, who go out
to labour on the lands that belong to them, with their superior
to oversee them. This is their employment all day, and half the
night is spent in performing their services. They may also be
looked upon as places of education, where the youths who labour
by day learn to read and chaunt their offices by night. The lay-
servants, who are distinguished only by a cap, answer to the lay-
brothers in the Roman Church, but they never take the vow and
may leave the convent and marry. They take only the vow of
chastity and obedience, and every monk generally buys his own
clothes and pays his tribute to the Grand Signor out of his own
purse, which chiefly depends on the charity of those who come to
the convents either for devotion, retirement, or diversion. What
a monk is worth when he dies goes to the bishop of the diocese.1'
Kyprianos, The monasteries derive their income for the most part from
the cultivation of silk-worms, vines, olives and fruit-trees, as well
as from the rearing and tending of cattle, sheep, goats, horses,
etc. From these sources of revenue they pay their taxes to the
Government and the customary dues to their respective dio
cesans, and also provide for their own requirements. They to
some extent, however, depend for their support upon the charity
and voluntary contributions of their co-religionists.
Accidas in 1600 (2 Dec), the then Orthodox Archbishop of Nikosia (Athanasios ?)
represents them as being sixty-two in number : " Nella ditta isola, in diversi
parti et lochi, vi sonno 62 tra abbatie et grache, dove abitano calogeri seu
monachi greci, de l'ordine et rito de Santo Basilio magno, dove viveno can
helemosine con gran stento et poverta.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 331
They are now divided into two classes (1), preserved and (2), ^J^*^'1
suppressed.1 The estates belonging to the latter are leased to 2]*| January
clerics or laymen and the proceeds given to the bishops, who
devote whatever surplus remains, after the payment of expenses,
to the support of the Sees and the assistance of the schools of
the various dioceses. But this system of disposing of their
revenues has given rise to much hostile criticism, as it is
claimed that were these estates let by public tender, instead
of by private contract, they would realise twice as much as they
do at present.
Of monasteries properly so-called, i.e., inhabited by monks,
there are only Kykko and its metochia, Machaera and its meto-
chion, Enklistra, Hagios Panteleemon of Myrtou, Chrysorrhogia-
tissa, Palouriotissa, Hagios Mamas at Morphou, Saint John
Chrysostom, the Sinai monastery at Basilia, Eleousa and Troodi-
tissa.2 At the following places monks or priests reside, who lease and
cultivate the properties, viz. :—
Hagios Spyridon, Kanakaria, Hagia Thekla, Hagios Hera
kleides, Hagios Panteleemon of Achera, Omodos, Stavrovouni
and Achiropietos.
Kykko 3 the wealthiest and best known of all the island monas
teries, was founded some time between the close of the eleventh
century and the beginning of the twelfth. It is situated in the
district of the Marathasa upon a mountain of the same name,
at an elevation of about 4359 feet above the sea-level. The
original manuscript containing the history of this celebrated
establishment was unfortunately lost in the fire, which occurred
in June 1365.4 Another account, based on the traditions current nepiypa^,
among the brethren, was composed in 1422, fifty-seven years ^ ' 37
1 At Stdtpopai Moval inrdyovTai els S6o Karyyoplas. Archbishop's
Eis Movds Siarypovpevas Kal Tette5th3rd
Els Movds SlaXeXvpevas iftroi els Movds SiaXvBeltras) eveKa KaiplKwv irepitTTatrewv. July, 1895.
2 This information is derived from notes kindly supplied to the writer by Mr.
W. Taylor, lately Receiver-General in the island government.
3 The locality is said to derive its original name of KbKKos, which was subse
quently changed to Kvkkos, from a certain species of oak, the KbKKos (quercus
coccifera) that grows there.
4 Kal rb KdXXos Se ttjs Movys KaX b Nabs, KaX irdvra rd iv atrip oKeuy, BiBXia.
'lepd'Aptftia, AiaByKai, XpvtrbBovXXa, KaX 'baa dXXa, Sietp&dpytrav inrb tov yevopevov
dtpvw ipirpyopov, Kard t*> e|attio"Xl^100"T^"' oKTaKoaioo~Tbv eBSopyKOtrrbv rpirov eTOs
dirb Kbtrpov yev4ffews, xlXiotrTtp Se rpiaKotrTw e£yKoaTip irepirrw dirb XpitrTOv —
'Ev pyvl Se 'Iouj/'<f> yevop4vov tov ipirpytrpov. p.*38!W

332 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
after the destruction of the former.1 This document revised by
Ephraim, Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had previously resided
for many years in the island, was first published at Venice in
^fggf&i' 1751.2 According to the story there told the monastery dates
ci. Machsera, from the reign of the Emperor Alexios (I.) Komnenos, whose
strambaldi, representative in Cyprus at the time of its foundation was
p- 16 Manuel Vutumites, the conqueror of the rebel Rhapsommates.3
It was the custom then, as now, for the governor and his staff to
retire during the summer months to the mountains, so as to
'EireiSr} perd rbv ipirpytrpbv irevTiJKOvra KaX eirrd ery irapyXBov, 'bre o"vveypatyev
(i.e. b trvyypatpebs) avrbs iravra Tavra, KaX iSiupBatre KaXws ws ypdtpei, irXT)v Sev
tpavepwvei KaX rb ovopa tov b evXoyypivos.
2 Four editions of this work, which is entitled TlepiypatpT) ttjs treBatrpias Ka)
BairiXiKys povys rys inrepayias ©eorbicov tov Kvkkov, have been published at Venice,
the two first in 1751 and 1782, and the fourth in 1819. This last contains also
the Kvirpids x<"pie(nra KaX iir'iTopos of Constantios, Archbishop of Sinai.
3 Machaera and Strambaldi among the island chroniclers also relate briefly the
story of the monastery's foundation,
'Opolws evpiffKerai eis t^v MapaBdtrav eis rbv KbKOv y eixbva ttjs inrepayias
©eorbKov ¦ epKovra tov Kvpov MavovTjX tov BovTovp-fjTy Soi/Kas els rrjv Kinrpov, yvpev
¦rrrwxbv yipov eis rd bpy MapaBdaas bvbpan 'Utratas, KaX p4tra eis TroXXobs eSaKev
tov XaKriav, Kal eis bXiyov Kaipbv eiretrev eis dtTT4veiav ttjv Xeyop4vyv iparilcav, Kal
eiSev els rb 'bpopdv tov, 4trTpdtpyv eis rbv ayiov vd XaBy eiiXTJv, Kal aiTOKaXvtpByv tov
povaxov y ©eorb/cos, vd CoTyay rb e'lKdvltrpav dirov Bp^Kerai eis rb TraXariv tov
BatriXews els ryv IlbXiv vd Tb tpepovv wSe, ws yiov Kal iyivyv ' eire\\i4v to b Ba&iXebs
KaX eKTitrev tov povaxov povrjv KaX eSaKev tov peya xapitrpara.
Venendo in Cipro, messer Manoel Vutumiti duca, andando al casal Mara-
thassa, verso il casal Chieco, si levo una matina per andar alia caccia et si incon-
tro in un monacho nominato Issea, et perche li passo d'avanti, li dete con il
suo piede un calzo ; et fra pochi giorni casco in malatia sciatica, et si arsero
quella sua gamba con il qual haveva dato al monacho ; et vide in sognio ehe
dovesse andar dai monacho a domandar peidon accio lo assolvesse. peroche
nissun medico non ha possuto medicarlo ; et cosi come si trovova, ando dai
monacho accio lo assolvesse ; et al monacho apparse la Nostra Donna detta
Tricucchiotissa, ehe dovesse domandar la immagine ehe si ritrova in la salla del
re in Constantinopoli, ehe fosse portata qui. Et andando il duca dai monacho,
li pianse et lo assolvete, et immediate vide la salute ; et il monacho, secondo la
vision ehe haveva veduto, li dimando ehe havesse la immagine, et li lespose
quella la tien il re nel suo palazzo ; et andando il preditto Manoel in Constanti
nopoli, trovo la figliola del re con grandissima malatia, con pericolo de morte,
et nissun medico non la poteva agiutare et jaceva anno uno ; et vedendo ehe il
preditto monacho haveva sanato il predetto duca, raconto al re le cose ehe li
successero, et come con facilita fu sanato, et come si trova nelle parte del casal
Marathassia. Et subito il re mando un navilio in Cipro, con gran pregeri al
monacho ehe volesse andar in Constantinopoli ; et immediate visto il commanda-
mento ando, et subito gionto comincio la figliola del re a megliorare, et si levo
dalla malatia; et il re volse dar gran doni al monacho, et esso si ingenogio et
dimando la immagine ; et il re li rincressete a darla ; et vedendo la fattica del
monacho et la salute della sua figliola, con gran suo ramarico, glie la dette et la
porto seco, et vene in Cipro, et fece edificar chiesa. Et donorono assai doni et
messero monaci ; et fa circa la pioza grandissimi miracoli la ditta immagine, la
qual e depenta da San Luca.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 333
escape the great heat of the plains at that season of the year.
On one of these occasions Vutumites took up his quarters in
the district of Myrianthusa. At that period the mountains of
Cyprus, and especially the region called the Akamas, were
inhabited by great numbers of anchorites. In a cave on the
mountain of Kykko one of the most celebrated of them, named
Esaias, had made his abode. One day the governor, who had
strayed away from his companions in pursuit of moufflon,1 by
chance met the recluse near the latter's place of retreat. Over
come with the exertions of the chase, and vexed at finding he
had lost his way, he asked the venerable man his name and
where he lived. Not wishing to make himself known the hermit
ran away, instead of answering his questioner. The governor,
regarding this conduct as insulting to himself, not only soundly
rated him for his impertinence, but in a transport of rage beat
and kicked him unmercifully. Esaias, after upbraiding his
assailant for the way in which he had maltreated him, predicted
that God would certainly avenge the insult offered to His
servant. Vutumites meanwhile remounted his horse and re
joined his companions, without bestowing any further thought
upon the incident. But shortly after his return to Nikosia a
dangerous and almost incurable malady attacked him.2 Per
ceiving that there was no prospect of escape from death he
besought God mercifully to have compassion upon him. All at
once there flashed across his mind the recollection of how he
had ill-treated the poor inoffensive hermit. He recognised that
his sickness had been sent as a punishment for his inhumanity,
and vowed that, if restored to health, he would ask pardon of
the holy man and perform whatever penance might be imposed.
Meanwhile the hermit himself had received a divine intimation
that the governor's illness had been purposely appointed as the
means of bringing to Cyprus an eikon of the Theotokos, then in
the imperial palace at Constantinople, which was regarded as
the work of the Evangelist Luke. The holy man, thereupon,
proceeding to the bedside of the sick man informed him that
pardon could only be obtained by his bringing this sacred
treasure to the island. On hearing the condition Vutumites
protested that it was impossible. But the hermit declaring that
he would succeed, as the Virgin had promised her assistance, he
1 SiaKav dyptpia, Caa o'vrw KaXovpeva. nepiypa^T)
2 Kal ipxbpevos els T-ijv AevKoaiav b Ao5*| perd twv Xoiitwv, dtrBevytrev dtrBevetav p" 25'
Bapvrdryv, Kal trxeSbv dviarov, t^v Xeyop4vyv AiBapyiav. Ibld" p' 25'

334 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
at last consented to make the attempt, stipulating only that
Esaias should accompany him.
Arrived at Constantinople the recluse, not caring to appear
at court, withdrew to a quiet place known to his companion,
while Vutumites proceeded to the palace, where for some time
he hesitated to declare the object of his coming. Growing
weary at last of the continued delay and pining for his island
solitude Esaias sought permission to return to Cyprus, at the
same time straitly charging the other to prefer his demand at the
first favourable opportunity. To this request Vutumites after
some demur consented, sending him away with two eikons he
caused to be specially painted for him in the Imperial City, and
sufficient funds for the erection of a church. Some time afterwards
the Emperor's only daughter fell a victim to the same mysterious
disease. Numerous physicians were summoned, but to no purpose.
All declared that her recovery was impossible. The grief of the
Emperor was terrible to behold. Vutumites, who still remained
at court, recognised that his opportunity had come at last. He
informed Alexios that his daughter's illness was similar to one,
from which he himself had suffered, and to which he must inevit
ably have succumbed, but for the prayers of a certain monk
named Esaias. He further assured him that the holy man could
cure her also, if the Emperor would only undertake to carry out
his orders. Alexios eagerly promised compliance and requested
Vutumites to speak. The latter thus encouraged informed him
that it was God's will and the Virgin's, as revealed to the old
hermit, that he should send to Cyprus the holy eikon of the
Theotokos, which was kept in the palace. On no other condition
could his daughter's cure be effected. It was for that purpose
he had come to Constantinople, though he had not dared hitherto
to make it known. The Emperor on hearing these words was
very much grieved at the prospect of losing his precious treasure,
but replied that he would consent to relinquish it, after his
daughter's recovery had taken place. No sooner had he said
this than the disease left the patient, who was at once restored
to her former health. But the Emperor forgot his promise, and
was only reminded of it when the same fell disease attacked him
in turn as a punishment for his breach of faith. Recalled to a
sense of his duty by this stern reminder he caused the best artist
he could find to paint an eikon, identical in every respect with
the one in the palace, intending to send it instead to Cyprus.
In the night, however, a vision of the Virgin appeared and with
threats ordered him to keep the copy and to send the original

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 335
to Esaias. Alexios, terrified at the apparition, no longer delayed
to fulfil his promise, but at once gave orders to prepare the
State galley, that the holy eikon might be conveyed to its new
home with every mark of honour. At the same time he sent
a monk noted for his piety, whom he designated to act as abbot
of the monastery it was proposed to build, together with the
necessary funds for the erection of a church. The arrival of the
holy eikon, needless to say, was at once marked by the most
astounding miracles. Among other strange marvels it is gravely mPiyPa^,
asserted that the very trees inclined their crests in obeisance, as
it was borne past them from the coast to its future resting-place.1
On receipt of the picture and other imperial gifts Esaias at once
set about levelling a site on the mountain, where he erected a
large church in honour of the Theotokos, in which he deposited
the sacred relic. He next built cells for monks and appointed
an abbot, after which he drew up ordinances for the observance
of the brethren, and devised means for their support. Vutumites ibid., P. 30.
in consequence of his solicitations bestowed three villages upon
the monastery as an endowment.2 This gift being subsequently
confirmed by an imperial charter led to the establishment being
regarded as an imperial foundation. The property thus bestowed
was seized by the Latins on their conquest of the island.
This monastery has several times been destroyed by fire. The n>id., pp. 37-
first of these conflagrations, which occurred in June 1365, was
caused by a rustic from one of the neighbouring villages, who
had come to the mountain in search of wild honey. The fire,
which he lighted to scare away the bees, suddenly extending
enveloped the whole northern side of it, and eventually reached
the spot, on which the monastery stood.3 The building being
constructed entirely of wood was totally consumed, with all its
precious contents, including the tomb of the founder and the
autograph copy of his ordinances. The holy eikon, however, was
1 pexpi yap tov vvv tpaivovrai S4vSpa inroKXivy, evBa rb trpwrov 4\eBy tov irXoiov y
QeopyTOpiKi) a#T7j E'tKWV.
2S Se Aov£ iSwp4\traT0 x<*Pu T7^s 'Tirepayias ©eorbKov ttj Movy Svo Kwpas, irXytriov
aiiTy oZtras, Zvopa ry pia MyXov, ry Se eripq MyXiKobpiov, KaX iraXiv erepav eis rb
pepos Tys AevKotrlas, Ylepitrrepavav KaXovp4vyv. airep irdvra KaX Sid XpvtroBovXXov
iireBeBalwtrev vrrrepov b BaoiXebs. Sid tovto yovv SiKaiws KaXeirrai KaX BatriXiKr) Movrj
rb 'lepbv MovatTTT^piov , iirelSr) 5ia BatriXiKWV xPV^rav iyiveTO, KaX inrb BatriXiKwv
Sapypdrav oi 4v auTi£ 4rpeipovTO, k&v Kal irdvra Aarivoi, Kvpievaavres rrjv Kvirpov
Kara robs xiXiovs eKarbv 4vevf}K0VTa xpbvovs dirb Xpurrov, 4k ttjs Movys dtpelXovro.
3 iyxwpios tIs 4k Tftji/ irXytriov Kwpwv iiropevdy els rb ''Opos evpeiv dypiopiXi, Sirep ibid., p. 37.
/cal /card trvyKaipiav evpwv, iireByKe irvp tov Sitli^ai rds peXitrtras. aitpvys Se e'/c tov
irvpbs iKeivov c/>A*>| pey^Xy 4y4vero, KaX rb Bbpeiov p4pos irvprroX-yaatra, etpBatre Kal
pexpi ttjs Movys,

336 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
preserved in the following extraordinary fashion. There was at
that time lying within the Church, at the foot of the sacred
picture, a poor cripple, who had been deprived by paralysis of
the use of his limbs. To him the Theotokos suddenly appearing
said : " Arise quickly and take my eikon and save thyself". Im
mediately on these words he recovered his strength and, taking
the eikon as he had been bidden, placed it in a hollow pine-tree,
which grew on the southern side of the mountain overlooking
the monastery.1 Wonderful to relate the flames, when they
reached the place, where it lay concealed, instantly became ex
tinguished. The first thought of the monks on discovering the
fire was to rescue the precious picture, but on reaching the
church they found to their dismay that it had disappeared.
Afterwards perceiving the mysterious way in which the flames
went out on reaching the pine tree, they proceeded to the spot
to ascertain the cause, when they saw before them the object of
their search safe and sound, and the cripple completely cured.
Pierre I. de Lusignan (1359-1369),2 who was then King of Cyprus,
on hearing of the miracle wished to rebuild the monastery at
his own expense, but his consort claimed the honour of doing
so, on the plea that it was situated in the district of Myrian-
thusa, which formed part of her domain.3 The work of rebuild
ing the church and some of the cells was commenced at the
beginning of July in the same year, and completed towards the
end of the following December. This erection, which was also
of wood, having in its turn fallen a prey to the same devouring
riepiypaip-), 1 XapBavei r^v ayiav e'tKbva, a tov Bavparos, KaX epxerat ews tov Tlei/KOv, os yv
P- S7- &va&ev rys Movys irpbs rb vbreiov pepos, KaX 4ire8yKev ai>T?)i' iv Tip XlevKW ov KaX rds
piCas oi EvaeBeis av4o-Tratrav Si evXdBeiav. etrn Se vvv dXXos tXs peyas, ws bpdral,
iyybs tov rbirov evBa T)v iKelvos. Fiom the use of the aiticle this appears to have
been a well-known tree.
ibid., pp. 30- 2 Sathas (Bibl. Med. Mvi. Praef., tom. ii., p. 120) gives in error 1355 as the
m- date of the first conflagration. The Xlepiypatp^i, however, distinctly states that
it took place in 1365, while it further says that Pierre (I.) de Lusignan was
anxious to rebuild it. His reign did not commence until 1359, the year 1355
being included in that of his predecessor, Hugues IV. The rebuilding is also
said to have been taken in hand at the beginning of July and finished at the end
of December the same year i.e. Kara rb e^aKiffxiXioarbv eBSopyKotrrbv Tp'nov eros.
Reference to p. 30 will show that the word oKTaKotTioarbv has been omitted and
that the date should read, a.m. 6873= a.d. 1365.
Hist.deChyp., 3 Une partie des vallees de Marathasse et de Solia, au nord de l'Olympe,
iii., p. 505, n. 3. (jjte ,, Marethasse-du- Comte," avait appartenu longtemps aux comtes de Roha
ou d'Edesse, l'autre partie appelee " Marethasse royal " etait au domaine de la
couronne.
Du cange, Pierre I. was twice married (1) in 1342 to Echive de Montfort, daughter of
Mer °nt8i Rupin de Montfort, and (2) in 1359 to Eleonore (or Constance) daughter of Pierre
d'Aragon, Comte de Ribagorce, brother of Jacques II. King of Aragon.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 337
element, was replaced by another in 1542, during the rule of the Tispiyp^i),
Hegoumenos Simeon. A third conflagration took place in thepp'
November of 1751,when the monastery and church were once more
entirely consumed. On this occasion everything likewise perished
except the holy eikon, which was saved, with the rest ofthe sacred
pictures and a few other valuables. The church was rebuilt in
the year 1755 under the direction of the GHkonomos Parthenios.
Its completion just escaped being marked by a most terrible
catastrophe, the roof suddenly collapsing through faultiness of
construction and almost burying the workmen in the ruins. The
same destructive foe assailed the monastery a fourth time in
1813, and with equally disastrous results. But fire is not the only
enemy with which it has had to contend. In 1821, during the dis
turbances consequent on the Greek Revolution, it was attacked
by the Turks, who completely sacked it, carrying off property
of great value.1
Though situated on the confines of the dioceses of Paphos and
Kyrenia Kykko enjoys all the rights of a stauropegion. When
this privilege was first conferred it is impossible now to determine.
It was reaffirmed in 1672 (December), the charter of independence im*., pp- 34,
containing the names of three of the Oriental Patriarchs, as well
as of the then Archbishop, Nikephoros.2 This document, which
was unfortunately destroyed in the conflagration of 1751, was ibid., pp. 73-
replaced by a second charter in 1760 (August)."3
The abbot 4 is elected for life and chosen from among the
1 The Register of the monastery represents some of the property carried off Kepiades,
as being worth 314,000 piastres, while it mentions numerous other articles also, 'x^opvripi,-
the value of which it does not state. p^zs*"**'
Aiovvaios 4x4w ®eov ' ApxieiritTKOiros Kwvo-TavTlvovirbXews Neas 'Piitpys, Kal nepiyptupij,
O'lKovpeviKbs Ylarpiapxys. p" 71'
NebtpvTos 4x4w &eov Harpidpxys, rys peydXys QeovirbXews 'Avnoxeias Kal irdtrys
'AvaroXys. AotriBeos 4Xew &eov narpidpxys, rys ayias irbXeas 'lepovcraXyp KaX irdtrys YlaXaia-
rivys. 3 It bore the name of Seraphim, Patriarch of Constantinople, and of eleven instructions
Of his metropolitans. donnSespar
1 le doge et le
4 During the period of Latin supremacy the elections ofthe hegoumenoi of senataux
• si < consumers fit
all these Orthodox monasteries required the sanction first ofthe reigning sove- auprovedl-
reign ofthe house of Lusignan, and afterwards of the local representatives of]^"4.*
the Venetian government, before their validity was recognised, as is evident from 28 aout,' 1477.
.1. r 11 • ^ .. H. deChyp..
the following extracts : — iu.^ p. 414"
(1) Servari etiam volumus et jubemus oidinem et consuetudinem constituen- K^>P°Jt
dorum episcoporum et abbatum Grecorum, qui constitui non possint nisi cum sinat oe
scientia et voluntate prefate regie majestatis. Bernard5'*1'
(2) Quali (i.e. monaci greci) sono juspatronati della serenita vostra, ne si puo Sagredo, 1562.
far elettion di detti abbati senza la presenza del clarissimo reggimento. p^Hl""''
22

338 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
members of the community.1 They alone possess the power of
deposing him, if unworthy of his position,2 but it must be done
unanimously. On the conclusion of the election the name of
the successful candidate is submitted for approval to the Arch
bishop, who consecrates him to his high office. The hegou
menos, who is ex officio a member of the local synod, is nearly
equal in rank to the bishops, and, like them, carries a pastoral
staff, and also at the great festivals wears the mandyas or cloak.
At the annual festival held on the 8th September (O.S.), the
Nativity of the Most Holy Mother of God, when the monastery
is thronged with pilgrims from all parts of the island and even
from beyond the seas, the service according to custom is con
ducted by the Archbishop. All matters in dispute between the
inmates, which the hegoumenos himself is unable to settle, are
then submitted to the primate, with the former's knowledge and
consent. But the only acknowledgment of ecclesiastical subjec
tion, which the brethren render, is the mention in the diptychs
of the Archbishop and his predecessors.
The monastery possesses considerable landed property not only
in Cyprus, but also at Constantinople, Smyrna and Satalia, as
well as in Thessaly and Russia. Among its princely benefactors,
nepiypooii), besides several of the Byzantine Emperors and their representa-
pp' ' ' fives in the island, must be included Gregorios Ghika, Voivode
of Wallachia, who in 1749 made the community an annual dona
tion of fifty piastres, which he directed should be levied on
certain revenues, and forwarded by the abbot of the monastery
of St. Spyridon in Bucharest to the brethren at Kykko.
Its annual revenue has been variously computed and possibly
never will be accurately known, as there is a singular difficulty
in arriving at the truth with regard to the incomes of all ecclesi
astical establishments in Cyprus.3 From a document cited by
Ibid., p. 77. 1 Kal 'brav 4v XPe^? 7ei/-n-rai KaraOTytrai 'Hyoiipevov 4v Ty Movij avrwv rabry,
Koivij KaX bpotpwvw ai/Twv B°vXy Kai yvtiipy, Kal paXiffra tuv irpoiffrapevav Kal yepbvrwv
ttjs 2tW|eojy, exwtriv iKXeyetr&ai eva iK ttjs trwoSias avrwv, rbv koivws dvatpavevra
d^iov, Kal irpbtrtpopov, Kal SbKipov, Kal tovtov diroKaBifrTqv 'Hyobpev'ov.
Ibid. 2 ElSiiroTe rvxbv tpwpatrBy direvavrias ipepbpevos rfj evKaratrTdrw Siaywyy, koivtj
wtpeXelq re Kal trvo-Tdtrei, Kal iiriChpios rys 'lepds Movys, ws pT) tpvXarrwv robs opovs
Kal rpbirovs tov povatTTypiaKOv Biov, ryvLKavra y KOlvbrys twv irarepwv %Xel iKBd^XXetv
avrbv SiKaias Trjs 'Hyovpevetas, Kal KaBitTTqv erepov, rbv irpbtrtpopov Kal XvavreXy
dvatpavevra.
ibid., p. 78. s The property of deceased members ofthe fraternity reverts to the monastery.
'Edv tis toV trvvatrKovpevav irar4pwv tpBdtry TeXevrytrai, perd Bdvarov 4Keivov
airatrav ttjv irepiovtriav avrov irpotrx€lP°vaBai rip povaffryplw, Kara t))v twv lepwv
vbpwv Kal 4KKXyo~iaOTiKwv Kavbvwv dirbtpatriv, Kal pySeva 4k toV ffvyyevwv avrov 4ttX
irpotpatrei KXypovopias Cyreiv iroXv ij bxtyov tX dirb ttjs irepiovtrias iKeivov oiaSJiTivi
Tpbirtp, KaX ivbxXytriv rwa 7) Cvplav 4irdyeiv avrip.

wHO

c

D
oo

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 339
De Mas Latrie we learn that at the end of the fifteenth century mst.de chyp.,
it amounted to 300 ducats, while now it is supposed to be repre
sented by i?5000, or an even larger sum.
With regard to the question of population, estimates vary con
siderably at different periods. The earliest, that of Van Bruyn Excerpta
(1683), places it at 400. Pococke, who visited the locality in PoCocke, vol.
1738 (28th Nov.), calculates the number of the inmates at seventy, u" p' 22i
while Drummond writing somewhat later (1745), gives a total Drummond,
of sixty — an estimate with which Turner (1815) agrees. Other pe264r
travellers again place the figures much higher. Mariti (1767)"jo*u*r"naiof a
and Sakellarios (1855), give the same number, 150. Kyprianos, LevintAV
however, whose work appeared only some twenty years aftei the JS^S01*"
former's visit (1788), reckons it merely at 100. Since Sakellarios1 g^^08''
time the population seems to have much diminished. Phiiippos Kyprianos,
Georgiou (1875) estimates it only at forty-two, while by the last ^m '
census returns sixty-seven males, not specified, however, as to p16^101*'
profession, are shown to have been within the walls of the estab
lishment on the morning of 6th April, 1891. The latest account
gives the number as consisting of forty monks and fifty novices.
The special glory of Kykko is the eikon of the Theotokos, said
to have been painted by the Evangelist St. Luke.1 There are
three of these sacred pictures in existence, which the Orthodox
acknowledge as the work of the same inspired artist. Needless
to say they are regarded with the greatest veneration and
guarded with the most scrupulous care. These eikons, which are
reported to have received the special approval and benediction
of the Virgin during her lifetime, are as follows in the order of
their execution.
I. The Eleousa (' EXeovcra), or Compassionate — so called be- nepiypnoH,,
cause the Theotokos prays her Son to have compassion upon us —
represents her without Him.
'Among the many portraits ofthe Blessed Virgin ascribed by the Greeks to Hlst.de chyp.,
Saint Luke three enjoy special distinction, viz. : — ''• p' 9Z' "' *'
(i) That of Kykko.
(2) A second Eleousa preserved in Russia.
(3) The Hodegetria or Conductress belonging to the monastery of Mega
Spelaion in the Peloponnesos.
Ludolph, cure of Suchen in Westphalia, who travelled to the Holy Land in n>u^L.,
1350, also makes mention of three poitiaits of the Virgin alleged to be the work p'
of the same artist.
" In parte (i.e. of Satalia) qua degunt Greci est ymago beate Marie in tabula
depicta, quarum tres sunt in mundo, una Rome, alia Constantinopolis, tercia
Scatalie (i.e. Sataliae) omnes unius longitudinis, speciei et figure. Has ymagines
beatus Lucas juxta formam beate Virginis creditur pinxisse."

340 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
II. The second is known as the Hodegetria (' OSrjyrjTpia),1 or
Conductress, since she conducts us, or bears Him who conducts
us, to the kingdom of Heaven. In this one she is represented
carrying her Son on the left arm.
III. The third, which depicts her with her Son on the right
arm, is also called Eleousa, and in addition the Eleousa of
Kykko, to distinguish it from the other eikon of the same name.
nepiypo/'.r,, The angel Gabriel is said to have presented St. Luke with the
panels upon which the pictures were painted. On their com
pletion the artist sent them to the Christians in Egypt, where
according to tradition they met with many adventures. The
Hodegetria (II.) was subsequently brought to Constantinople by
the Emperors and there placed in a monastery. During the
Iconoclastic persecution under Leo the Isaurian it was put into
a box smeared with pitch and thrown into the sea, being carried
by the winds and waves to Antioch, where the patriarch and
people received it. It was by the orthodox Emperors restored
to the Imperial City, whence it found its way to the monastery
of Mega Spelaion in the Morea.
The Eleousa (I.) was first brought from Egypt to Attalia in
Pamphylia, and when that city w^ ntured by the Persians it
was carried across to Cyprus.2 Bui v. 'he conquest of the
island by the Saracens it was first conveyed ic ' thens and finally
to Russia.
During the persecutions in Egypt the Eleousa of Kykko (III.)
was by the Christians placed in a ship for conveyance to some
island for safety, but the Saracens captured the vessel, in which
it was being carried. The captors were themselves, however,
made prisoners by some Byzantine vessels and taken to Con
stantinople, where the picture was placed in the chapel of
ibid., p. 57. the imperial palace, as has been already related. This eikon is
conjectured to have been the one sent by the Empress Eudokia
from Jerusalem to her sister-in-law Pulcheria at Constantinople.
choniates, De 1 Cf- Choniates' explanation of the name, tV e'mbva rys ©eopiiropos, 7Jtis 4k
Isaac Angelo, T7js Tfcv 'OS^aV povys, icaB' %v irpocrKeKX'ffpwTai, 'OSyyiJTpta 4iriK4KXyTai.
^\<ii'Sr'*i7L" 2This may possibly be the eikon alluded to in the following passages as
having been brought by the Cypriots to Kyrenia from Satalia (Attalia) on the
surrender of that town to the Turks on 14th May 1373.
Machxra 'O Xabs 4KOvBaXT)8yv els ra £vXa pe bXais tov rats BirouaXlais Kal -W/v eiKbvav ttjs
p. 237. Kinrpov &eorbKov, -r^y 4Cwypdtpio'ev b dirbtrToXos AovKas, KaX ovXov rb dtrypoxpovtratpov
tov vaov KaX twv eWbvwv tov TepirXov, KaX iroXXa &XXa Xei^/ava, KaX ^prav els T^v
Kepi(vi)av.
strambaldi, II popolo si retird nelli vasselli, con tutte le vittuarie et con la immagine
p. 149. della santissima Nostra Donna, qual haveva depensa il santissimo santo Luca, et
tutto l'oro et l'argento delle chiese, et molte reliquie de santi, et vennero a Cerines.

EIKONOSTASIS, CHAPEL 01-' KYKKO -MONASTERY

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 341
The monks have at all times taken the utmost care of this nepiypa.^,
precious relic. To prevent its ever falling into hostile hands"'33'
they caused an exact copy of it to be made. This in times of
danger they have substituted for the original, which was hidden
away in one of the numerous caves existing in the mountain.
While at Constantinople the holy eikon appears to have been
exposed to view. It is now, however, invisible, the upper half
being concealed by a covering embroidered with gold, and the
lower by a silver-gilt plate, on which is stamped a representation
ofthe part lying underneath. This arrangement, which is said ibid., pp.23,
only to date from the year 1576, was not adopted earlier from the
desire that there should be no distinction between the original
and the copy. The explanation is that it was then divinely ibid., p. 49.
appointed, not only by reason of the prevalent irreligion, but
also to distinguish it from the works of other artists, and to
enhance the reverence felt for it.
Many stories are told of the strange experiences which have
befallen those who have endeavoured surreptitiously to get a
glimpse of the painting itself. Of these the following is the
most remarkable : —
A certain learned monk, a native of Rhodes, John by name, ibid., p. m.
came from Jerusalem in the year 1776 on a pilgrimage to the
monastery. He requested to be allowed to remain one night
shut up alone in the church for the purposes of devotion. The
brethren at first refused on the plea that it was not usual, but at
length consented at his repeated request. Entering the church
with some tapers in his hand he placed them in the chandelier
opposite to the holy picture, and commenced his prayers to the
Virgin. After being thus engaged for some time he at length
approached the eikon and stretched out his hand to draw aside
the covering, which concealed it from view. Suddenly from the
aperture in the metal case there issued a hot blast, that striking
him on the face caused him and the place, on which he was
standing, to tremble. Turning his head in the direction of the
chandelier, in which he had placed the tapers, he saw them take
light of their own accord. Full of astonishment at the sight,
and not knowing what to do, he cried out with a loud voice :
" All-holy Theotokos," and then falling on his face lay speechless
on the ground. Two men, who had been secretly posted by the
Abbot to watch his proceedings and protect the church, on hear
ing the noise rushed to the spot, and seeing him lying there half-
dead with fright carried him out of the building. After leaving
him sufficient time to recover they inquired what had happened.

342 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
John, who by this time had come to his senses, looked fixedly at
them, but was unable to reply, and again entering the church
lay at full length before the eikon. The brethren so far knew
nothing of this strange occurrence, as it had happened during
the fourth hour of the night. But on the conclusion of matins
they closely questioned him, when he related what had befallen
him.
Hepiypno»>, Gerasimos, Patriarch of Alexandria, seems to have met with
D 33 Cf
P: 64; etc' a somewhat similar experience in 1699. Being, however, but
lightly punished for his curiosity on this occasion he cried out
with tears : " I believe this holy eikon to be the work of the
Apostle Luke,''' when he was at once pardoned for his pre
sumption. Strange indeed are the wonders said to have been wrought
by this remarkable work of art. The two following will suffice
to show the marvellous character of the rest : —
ibid., p. 39. A certain shipwrecked sailor, who was being tossed to and fro
on a mat on the sea, after invoking the assistance of the eikon,
came safely to land, when in accordance with his vow he enrolled
himself among the members of the community.1
ibid., pp. 39, A monk named James, a painter by profession, being pos
sessed by a devil for many years, came to Cyprus in the hope
that, with the aid of the holy picture, he might become re
leased from his ghostly tormentor. While on the road from
Nikosia to the monastery his companions heard a voice saying :
" James, whither art thou going ? Turn back and do not pro
ceed farther.'11 This happened two or three times. Full of fear
at hearing the voice and seeing no one they determined to turn
back, but on perceiving that their fellow-traveller was quite
calm and undisturbed they took courage and, after invoking the
protection ofthe Theotokos, resumed their journey. When they
had completed half the distance they again heard the demon
addressing and beseeching James thus : " James, what evil have
I done thee ? I have been thy companion now for so many
years, and wilt thou go to the All-holy One of Kykko to get rid
of me ? Or thinkest thou that this picture is like those that
thou paintest ? Up to now I have never cast thee down any
precipice, or into water, or fire, and why dost thou wish to injure
me ? Know that I will never let thee worship the holy eikon.'1
At last they reached the monastery and dismounted at the gate,
where they told the strange occurrence, which had befallen them
1 " 4iri tyiaBlov ivSbv rys BaXdo-ffys KaBeaBels, Kal ry Se KaKeitre irepitpepbpevos,"

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 343
by the way. When the monks bade James follow the rest of
the company into the church, he tried to rise from the seat on
which he was resting, but could not, becoming as heavy and un
wieldy as a rock. Despite the efforts of those present he re
mained for three days immovable at the gate. At length by
dint of great exertion he managed to get to the church door,
but even then the demon would not let him enter. Though his
friends used force to try and push him in, he remained for some
hours unable to cross the threshold. Having by a great effort
finally got within he at once went up to the holy eikon and
saluted it. The demon, terrified at the power of the Ever- Virgin,
threw him on the ground where, after rending him terribly,
it left him, loudly bewailing the separation and saying : " I leave
because the power of the holy eikon through the Theotokos drives
me away11. Released at last from his ghostly familiar James
rose from the ground, sound and well, and expressed his thanks
to the Mother of God.
The picture enjoys a great reputation among the credulous
for its supposed efficacy in cases of continued drought. When
this scourge ofthe island has endured for any considerable period,
it is customary to carry it about the neighbouring districts
in solemn procession— a proceeding which is invariably succeeded
by a copious supply of the much-needed rain. But whether the
eikon really has the power of attracting the precious moisture
from the clouds, or whether its reverend custodians are careful
not to send it forth on its peregrinations until favourable signs
have appeared, is a question on which the writer will not venture
to pronounce an opinion.
The decided partiality it has always shown for its usual abode n<rpiypouj>)|,
in the mountains is another remarkable peculiarity. In fact,
according to popular tradition, no one can make it stir against
its will. For instance, after the fire in 1751 the brethren wished
to deposit it in a place more accessible to the faithful, but on
approaching to carry it off for that purpose they were unable,
despite all their efforts, to do so. And as if to mark the sense
of its displeasure at the attempt, a great storm of rain immedi
ately ensued, which only ceased after much prayer and entreaty
on the part of the brethren.
Though Moslem fanaticism has several times threatened its
destruction, it has happily passed unscathed through the various
perils, by which it has been beset. On one of these occasions, ibid., p. a.
which occurred during a time of great drought, the then governor,
hearing of the eikon's reported influence over the clouds, sent for

344 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the hegoumenos and said : " I hear, O monk, that thou deceivest
the people with a certain picture that thou hast. Know thou that,
if within the next few days it does not rain, I will burn thy picture
upon thy head and afterwards put thee to death ". The hegou
menos on hearing this threat departed in fear and trembling to
the monastery, where he organised a religious procession, which
visited the neighbouring districts, carrying the eikon ofthe Theo
tokos. When the time allotted for the fulfilment of the threat
expired he was in the Myrianthusa. Suddenly falling down in
prayer before the picture he poured out such a flood of tears
that the very ground was moistened by it. Immediately in the
midst of the sky appeared a little cloud, which was succeeded by
thick darkness and such a downpour of rain that those, who
witnessed it, barely escaped with their lives. So astonished was
the governor at the prodigy that he issued a decree permit
ting the hegoumenos to carry the eikon in procession for the
future, without let or hindrance.
rie/Hypo.**!, When the notorious Bekir Pasha was governor he despatched
the most savage of his subordinates, Djelim Pasha, to the monas
tery with orders to destroy it. Philotheos, who was then Arch
bishop, hearing of his intention, sent to acquaint the ffikonomos
with the danger. The latter hurried off a messenger to the fathers
at Kykko, warning them to be prepared, and to place the eikon
for safety in one of its customary hiding-places. No sooner was
it concealed in the cave when a terrible thunder-storm ensued,
which lasted for three whole days, and so terrified the would-be
destroyers that they were fain to retire with their purpose un
accomplished.
ibid., pp. 34, There is a holy well near to hand, the marvels of which are
only second in importance to those wrought by the eikon itself.
According to the tradition connected with its discovery a certain
monk, while proceeding on the business of the community, became
so overcome by thirst and the heat of the sun that he fell to the
earth in a faint. Praying earnestly to the Theotokos for assis
tance he exclaimed : " All-holy Theotokos, save me, for I am
perishing from thirst ''. Immediately he heard a voice directing
him to strike with his hand the rock, on which he was sitting,
when he would find water. He did as he was bidden and at
once a copious stream gushed forth. After quenching his thirst
he retraced his steps and reported to the brethren what had
occurred. Many are the cures said to have been effected by this
holy water, all of which are well authenticated, as the compiler
of these legends takes care to assure his readers.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

345

Pococke and Drummond, among English travellers, have left
particulars of their visits. But, as their descriptions refer to the
building which perished in the fire of 1751, it will be unnecessary
to quote them. The present one, which is principally constructed
of grey-coloured stone, encloses a large court and has two entrances
on its eastern and western sides respectively. It contains the
usual offices and apartments common to such establishments,
nor is there anything about them calling for special notice. The
church, which in the main resembles scores of others scattered
throughout the island, is a fairly large edifice, covered internally
with whitewash, but lacking any architectural pretensions what
ever. Indeed, but for the undoubted antiquity of the monastery
and the romantic position it occupies among its mountain soli
tudes, few travellers would care to undergo the fatigues of a
journey to the site. It possesses a library, the contents of which
are now of but little value — the precious manuscripts and charters
formerly to be found there having long since been consumed by
the flames.
The accompanying list of hegoumenoi has been supplied to
the writer by the present courteous head of the monastery.
Though very incomplete it contains the names of all who are
known to have presided over the establishment, with their ap
proximate dates : —
1. Esaias  1081-1118.

2. Simeon
3. Meletios
4. Sophronios
5. Parthenios
6. Meletios
7. Joseph .
8. Charalampos
9. Sophronios
10. Neophytos
11. Sophronios
12. Gerasimos (the present head)

1542.1700.
1700-1736. 1745-1776.
1776-1818. 1818-1821.
1821-1822. 1822-1827.1827-1860.1860-1890.

The monastery of Machaera, second only to that of Kykko
in sanctity and importance, is situated on Mount Aoos at a
height of 2250 feet above the sea, and about six miles to the
south-west of the village of Lythrodonda. Though within the
limits of the archdiocese it is practically independent, and is
presided over by an hegoumenos chosen for life by the majority
of the community, of which by the statutes he must be a mem-

346 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
ivrritf ber.1 The few details of its early history still extant are con-
£'oMe"c'i49. tained in the Ritual Ordinance of its virtual founder, the monk
Nilos, composed by him in August 1210.2 This document,
ibid., title- subsequently revised by Ephraim, the learned editor of the
History qf Kykko, was published at Venice in 1756 at the
expense of the then Oekonomos, Parthenios.
ibid.. Its singular title of Machaera, or the Sword, has been variously
-po*oyoS, derived from ;_3
1. The name of the first owner of the mountain on which it
is built ;
2. The sharp and piercing cold of its climate ; or,
3. The legend that the holy eikon of the Theotokos, which it
possesses, was found in a cave, where perhaps it had been hidden
during the Iconoclastic Controversy, with a sword buried in front
of it.
The learned editor, who mentions all three explanations in
his preface, is inclined to regard the first as the most probable,
though he acknowledges that it is a question which permits of
great latitude of choice.
Tujr.Aid.Taf., According to Nilos, the first to occupy the site was an old
p. , sec. . Permit named Neophytos, who had previously acquired a great
reputation for sanctity and austerity in the desert region of the
Jordan. Compelled by the Saracens to quit his former haunts
and seek a new retreat he came to Cyprus, where he fixed upon
Mount Aoos as a place suitable for his purpose. There he built
a cell and took up his abode with a disciple named Ignatios for
his companion, the two of them being supported by the daily
contributions of some pious Christian neighbours. After a while
Neophytos died, leaving to his companion the cell, in which they
dwelt, and his sheepskin cloak. Ignatios was now joined by
ibid., p. ii, another aged ascetic named Prokopios. Being unable through
want of funds to realise their project of building a monastery, they
determined to proceed to Constantinople and appeal in person for
ibw., p. u. assistance to Manuel Komnenos (1143-1180). The Emperor in
1 'Atp' eTepov pivroi povaarypiov rys vijaov, koB' yvnvaovv airlav, 'Hyovpevos ov
TrpoxeipyBytrerai, aXXd rbv, KaX Bpeppa, Kal iraiSevpa Kal Kovpdv raiirys rvyxdvovra,
Kal tovs rinrovs aiirys eiSbra, KaX Ta TJBy twv 'ASeXtpwv aKpiBeffTara.
2 This work is entitled : Tim-i/cr/ Aidra^is, ws eijpyrai, rys Kard ryv Nrjtrov Kvirpov,
'SeBao'ptas KaX Bao-iXlKys Movys rys "twepaylas QeorbKOv, MaxaipdSos 4iriXeyop4vys.
3 Aev tpaiverai rb ainov rys bvopatrlas tov bpovs, eire dirb rbv 4£ovtrtdcravTa irpwrws
rb bpos 4Keivo Maxaipdv KaXovpevov KaX avrbv, 4Kax4trBy oiItws, eire Sid rb b£b tov
Kpvovs Kal SiairepatTTtKbv, eire Kal Sid rb ei/peByval ws X4yerai t^ ©eopyropucfyv
e'tKbva 4v trtryXaiw Tivl, Sid ryv e'lKOvopaxeiav 'itrws, Kal pdxaipav icexwtrpevyv
epirpotrBev aiirys.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 347
answer to their petition bestowed upon them an annual donation
of fifty pieces of money (vofj,t,a/j,ara TpiKerfidXa) from the imperial
treasury, besides making them a grant of the mountain and sur
rounding district, and pronouncing the absolute independence
of the community from all external interference. In a second
decree he especially exempted it from the jurisdiction of the
bishop of the diocese, who was directed to be content with the
usual canonical commemoration. Ignatios, however, afterwards Tuir.Aia-rof„
so far relaxed this order as to allow the diocesan to consecrate
the abbot, when previously elected by the brethren, but without
the power of pronouncing upon the suitability of their choice.1
On their return from this successful mission they at once com- ibid., p. 12,
menced to erect an oratory in honour of the Theotokos, as well
as a few cells for the reception of the inmates of their proposed
community. In the midst of these labours Prokopios died, but
Ignatios was not left, alone on the death of his associate, his
fame for sanctity having so spread that he now found himself at
the head of a small band of some five or six followers. Among ibid., pp. 12,
those thus attracted to him was Nilos, the real founder of the
establishment, who appears upon the scene in 1172. He seems
to have been a foreigner and was led, as he himself tells us, to
Cyprus by the advantages which it offered for a solitary life.
From the very first he was distinguished by the special favour of
Ignatios, whose intimate friend and assistant he became. During
the prevalence of a severe drought and famine in the island he
was sent on a mission to the neighbouring coasts of Cilicia, to
seek there the means of subsistence for the brethren. Feeling md., pp. 13,
" 14 sees 12 13.
at last the approach of death Ignatios designated Nilos as his
successor, a position which the latter only consented to accept
after much reluctance. The new hegoumenos had not been long ibid., p. 14,
~ • sec 14
in office when the community was again reduced to great straits
by another drought, which continued for three years. It was ibid, pp. 14,
during this period that the church was erected and other addi
tions made to the monastic buildings. At the consecration of
Nilos the privilege of independence, which had already been
secured by imperial decree, was formally recognised by the then
diocesan, Niketas Hagiostephanites, Bishop of Tamasos. Aroid^p.ie,
1 'AAA& Kal b paKap'iTys iKelvos XlarTjp ypwv, povaxbs Kvpis 'lyvdnos, ovWws
Sierd^aro, irpb rys avrov irpbs Kvpiov iKSypias, Sti rbv Kard rfyv ivoplav ' Apxiepea,
exeiv t^jv avatpopdv Kal pbvyv, Kard rbv Beiov Kal irpotrKwyrbv bpitrpbv, KaX tt/p
irpoxeipyo'iv tov Kard ttjv ypepav 'Hyovpevevovros, ovirep irpbrepov oi 'ASeXfpoX
iKXegovrai KaX ^ytpiffovTai, ws SbKipov eivai rys irpotrrao-'ias , tovtov aiiTois irpo-
Xetpitrerai, /at/ Kara nva dvaKpivas rbv ipytpitrBevra,

348 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
deputation of the monks being subsequently sent to Constanti
nople succeeded in obtaining from Isaac (II.) Angelos (1185-1195)
a confirmation of the previous charters, together with the grant
of one of the imperial gardens at Nikosia and a donation of
pp. "itu™™' twelve pieces of money.1 Alexios (III.) Angelos (1195-1203),
**• was another of its imperial patrons.2 In addition to ratifying
the benefactions of his predecessors he bestowed upon it a gift
of twenty-four serfs, with perpetual exemption from taxation.
This monastery appears in after times to have lost most of its
property and to have been reduced to the utmost destitution.
But under the fostering care of its QEkonomos Parthenios, who
held the office of steward for nearly fifty years, it recovered some
Kyprianos, measure of its former prosperity.3 Unfortunately it has recently
experienced a great misfortune, having been totally consumed
by fire on 5th September, 1892, when all its contents perished,
with the exception of the eikon of the Theotokos. This, as is
usual in such cases, alone was preserved. The present annual
revenue is estimated at <£J2000, while the number of its members
phiiippos is stated to be about twenty. The census, however, of 1891 gives
p. 39- the total male population at forty-six on 6th April of that year.
Kyprianos, The monastery of Enklistra, situated in the diocese of Paphos,
was founded by Neophytos, a native of Levkara in the district of
Amathus. From his autobiography, which has come down to
us in a somewhat fragmentary condition, we can glean a few
particulars concerning his history and character. All his inclina
tions and tastes seem from the very first to have tended towards
Tv7r.Ai.aTaf., asceticism. While quite a youth he was given to meditating
upon such subjects as the unsatisfying nature of worldly pursuits
and the uncertainty of life, topics which have usually but little
charm for healthily minded persons of his age. The result of
these musings determined him to become a monk. But his
parents had formed other plans for him, which threatened to
1 'E^airetrrdXytTav dtp' ypwv 'ASeXtpoX, irpbs rbv ebtreBy AvTOKpdropa Kvplv 'Itradiciov
Tbv ''AyyeXXov, Kal ttj avrov BatriXeiq SeyBivres, 4ireKvpwBytrav to xPvffofiovXXa tov
aoiSijpov BarriXews, 5ia ttjs Betas avrov xeLpbs, ovpT)v Se aAAa Kal Kyirov direxapiffaTO
ry yperepq Movy dirb rwv Kara AeuKotriav BatriXiKwv, Kal 4kkotttjv vopiapdrav inrep-
iriipwv SwSeKa.
2 'AXXa Stj KaX b tpiXbxpio'Tos rtpovri Kal xpwropipyros AvTOKpdrwp, icvpis 'Ax4%ios
b "AyyeXos 4irbpiCe ttj ypwv 'Ayiq Movy Sid Belov KaX irpotrKvvTjTOv xpvtroBovXXiov,
irdvTav rail/ 'bBev SrjiroTe irpoeXBbvrwv rfj Movy dKivfjTwv irpayp&Twv, ¦rraj'TeA.f) dreXeiav
KaX 4XevBepiav 4Sap4jtraTO els rbv aiava rbv diravra, trvv Trapoittois eiKotrt ical Teatrapai.
3 'ETeXevryGe irapd tovs 1770, trxeSbv KvBepvijtras t)jv Mov^jv irevT-tjKovTa o~xeSbv
Xpbvovs.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 349
put a most effectual stop to the realisation of his wishes. When
he was eighteen years old a marriage was arranged by them and
all the preliminaries actually settled. To prevent the accom
plishment of a project so repugnant to his feelings he resolved
to run away from his paternal home. As the place of his retreat
he selected the monastery of St. John Chrysostom on Mount
Kutzuventi in the northern range. He says that he was led
to choose this establishment in preference to any other from its
position, which seemed to offer greater difficulties to his pursuers.
His sudden disappearance naturally caused the greatest conster
nation to his relatives and friends. After searching diligently
for two months in every district of the island, they at last
discovered his hiding-place and compelled him to return home,
when, as the result of much entreaty and persuasion, he succeeded
in breaking off the intended marriage. His parents, seeing that
he was resolved to embrace a monastic life rather than a bride,
offered no further opposition to his wishes. Accordingly with TuTr.A.oVaf.,
their consent he once again entered the monastery on Kutzu
venti, where for the first five years of his stay he laboured in the
vineyards belonging to the community. Having managed while
thus engaged to acquire the rudiments of learning and to commit
the Psalter to memory, he was next appointed sacristan — a post
which he retained for another two years. During the whole of
this period an intense desire for a more solitary life had been
gradually taking possession of him, but his superiors dissuaded
him from yielding to it on account of his youth. The next step
in his career was a. visit to Jerusalem undertaken, so he informs
his readers, partly as a pilgrimage to the holy places, and partly
in the hope of discovering in the adjacent deserts some anchorite,
to whom he could attach himself. After a sojourn of six months
in the Holy Land, not finding the object of his search he once
again, in obedience to a vision, returned to his native land and
took up his old quarters in the monastery of St. John Chrysos
tom. He soon, however, left it a second time for Paphos, whence
he intended to set sail for Mount Latros, where he hoped to
meet with the recluse, of whom he was in search. On reaching
that town he was arrested as a fugitive slave by the harbour
police, while loitering about the docks, and thrown into prison.
From this predicament he was released through the good offices
of some friends and set at liberty, after first being robbed by his
captors of his passage money. Left now without the means of
continuing his journey and at a loss where to go, he chanced to
discover not far from Paphos a likely place of retreat. This,

350 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
which proved to be a cave situated in a cliff at some distance
from the ground, had formerly been the resort of numerous birds.
The loneliness of the locality induced him, by its prospect of
Tvir.AcaTaf., complete freedom from intrusion, to settle there for a while. It
was on St. John Baptist's Day (24th June), 1159, when twenty-
five years of age, that he first took up his abode in the cave, and
by the following September he had decided to remain. Immedi
ately on coming to this determination he commenced to enlarge
his strange habitation, a work which he finished on 14th Septem
ber of the following year. On its completion he dedicated the
cave to the Holy Cross and erected an altar within, as well as
constructed a tomb for himself in its innermost recesses. There
he continued to live in the strictest seclusion until the accession
of Basil Kinnamos in 1166 to the See of Paphos. This prelate,
who proved a warm friend and patron, after much entreaty
persuaded him very reluctantly to enter the priesthood and to
share his solitude with a companion. From that time the place,
which had hitherto remained tenantless, save for the dweller in
the cave, began to be occupied by human habitations, until in
1183 all the buildings necessary for the reception of the new
community were completed. As time went on the fame of the
recluse near Paphos so extended that pilgrims flocked in crowds
ibid., p. 35. to the spot. Annoyed by the ever-increasing numbers of his
admirers, whose attentions he found it difficult to escape, he
determined to leave the cell, which he had occupied for forty
years, and with his own hands to construct higher up the cliff
another retreat more inaccessible to the multitude. Though
now well advanced in years he laboured at the work with the
ibid., pp. 37, same enthusiasm as he had shown when a young man. His
life was in constant danger from falling rocks, which became
detached during the course of the excavations, yet .in spite of
the entreaties of the brethren he refused to desist. At length
his efforts were crowned with success, and the new habitation,
ibid., p. 49. commenced on 24th June 1199, was dedicated to St. John the
Forerunner. His only means of communication now with the
outer world was by a ladder, which was drawn up when not
required. Here in this new retreat he continued to practise
the most rigid austerities, only descending on Sundays for the
instruction and exhortation of the disciples.
The foregoing details are contained in the "Ritual Ordi
nance,11 x framed by the Saint himself for the community, which
1 The title of this work is : —
NeotpvTOv, XlpeaBoT4pov, Movaxov, Kal 'EyKXeio~TOv, TviriK^j o~bv @etp AiaB-tjKy.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 351
he had founded. Of this constitution or rule there appears to
have been two versions. The first x was composed by him in the
ninth year of his sojourn in the cave (1167), and the second in Turr.A.aToi.,
1214, when he had reached the patriarchal age of eighty years.
The latter, carefully preserved in the library of the establish
ment, was subsequently edited by the Archimandrite Kyprianos
and published at Venice in 1779 at the expense of the GCkonomos
Joannikios. That it was drawn up with the near approach of
death before the writer's eyes is evident from the mention of
his successors's name,2 and also from the directions which he ibid., c. w, P.
gives concerning the disposal of his remains.8 He charges the n,id., P. 32.
brethren to wrap them in the grave-clothes, which he had pre
viously prepared and laid up for the purpose, and after the
customary funeral service to deposit them in the tomb his own
hands had constructed in the cliff long years before. They were
further instructed to paint an eikon over the opening which had
been made to admit the coffin, so as the better to conceal the
place of sepulture from hostile and prying eyes. Though the
exact date of the saint's death is unknown, his body appears to
have been duly laid to rest in accordance with his wishes.
There it remained undisturbed and forgotten until the following
circumstance led to its discovery in 1757 : A member of the Kyprianos,
monastery in his quest for hidden treasure was one day led to •AKoXoueia..
explore the recesses of the cave, which had once served as the ™" °™v
recluse's habitation. Coming accidentally upon the tomb and pp- 35, 36. '
thinking that it might possibly contain what he was in search
of he, in complete ignorance that it was the saint's last resting-
place, resolved on the first favourable opportunity to break it
open. Accordingly selecting a night when the rest of the
brethren were otherwise engaged, he entered the cave and at once
commenced the work of demolition. Being unable, however,
from its great size to raise the covering stone he broke it with
several heavy blows of his spade. But before he had time to
1 Merd ery OKra rys 4v ry 'EyKXeitrrpq KaB-tjptews pov, SieBepyv, KaBws pe b Kaipbs
4Ke7vos irpoffairijTei SiaB4a~Bai. 4-rrel Se b ttjs Cays x0PVy°s, rbv rys Cwys pov irapereive
Xpbvov, Kal irapitrirevtrav t/ot/ ir4vre Kal irevT-fjKovTa ery, KaX xPe^a yeyove SiaBijKys
erepas. 2 Chapter xvi. is entitled "irepl tov iSiov SiaSbxov Kal dSeXtpiSoiis, 'Htra'iov,
lepopovdxov Kal OiKovbpov".
3 Evl-dpevoi to e'tKbra inrep 4pov, Kal So^dffavTes Tbv iravoiKTippova &ebv, Kal Tas
il- eBovs wSds dvair4pipavres avrtp, KaraKpfyaTe pov rb raireivbv Aelipavov 4<p' $, 4v
rep KpypvQ rys 'EyKXeio~Tpas 4xd£evo-a rdtpa, dptpidtravres aiirb a 4ya evytra
veKpordtpia pdKy irpb xpdvav iKavav, KaX direBepyv avrd iv yXwortroKbpw irevKivw Kal
Kviraoivw Kal KeSplvw.

352 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
ascertain what lay beneath he was in a most mysterious manner
struck senseless to the ground. After lying there motionless for
quite an hour he came to himself and, it being now the dead of
night, stole out of the cave as quickly as he could in fear and
trembling. Relating early next morning to the hegoumenos
his strange experience of the previous night, the latter proceeded
to the spot with the rest of the brethren, and discovered in the
tomb a wooden box, corresponding in length to the stature of a
man and bearing upon it no traces of age or decay. On opening
it the grave-clothes alone were found to have suffered from lapse
of time, the corpse itself being still intact and girt with the
chains, which the saint had worn during life. The hegoumenos
at once reported the discovery to the Archbishop, Philotheos,
who immediately sent a commission to investigate the alleged
find. With much care and reverence the sacred remains were
removed from the chest, in which they had reposed for more
than 500 years, and, with the exception of the head, which
was reserved for the veneration of the faithful, deposited in a
specially prepared receptacle. This, after being carefully sealed
up, was conveyed to the church belonging to the monastery
and placed behind the altar, where the relic soon proved its
genuineness by the many remarkable cures it effected.
The memory of the saint is still honoured by two annual
commemorations, at which special forms of service, first published
at Venice by Kyprianos in 1778, are used.1 The former of these
occasions (24th Jan.) marks the anniversary of his providential
escape from a falling rock while engaged in the construction of
the second cell, the latter (28th Sept.) being the day on which
his remains were discovered.
Neophytos appears to have been possessed of some literary
skill. In addition to the Ritual Ordinance he was the author
of a brief history of the sufferings inflicted upon his native land
by the tyrant Isaac Komnenos, and its subsequent capture by
Cceur-de-Lion.2 The former also contains a catalogue of fifteen
other works, composed by him for the instruction of his disciples
1 A second edition was published at Nikosia in i8g3 with the following title :
" 'AKoXovBiai tov btriov irarpbs ypwv Neotpi/TOv tov 'EyKXeitrrov, iKSoBeTtraL rb trpwrov
Kara rb 1778, dpxieparebovTOs tov doiSlpov XpvtrdvBov, i^avrXyBeitrys Se ttjs dirb 115
f)Sy irwv irpwrys iKSbtrews, ry trvyKaraBetrei tov yepapov MaKaptwrdrov ' Apxieirio~Kbirov
irda-ys Kinrpov, Kvpiov "2,wtppoviov, Kal ry irporpoiry ™c iraTipwv rys iepds Movys tov
'Ayiov, iroXXav lepiwv Kal evtreBav Xpitrriavav dvarvrrovTai rb Sebrepov ijSy Sairdvais
TleptKXeovs MixayXiSov eKSotr.s Seiirepa."
2 NeotpiiTov irpeaBvTepov povaxov Kal 'EyKXeitrrov, irepl toV Kard tt^jv x&P°-v Kvirpov
tricaiwv.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 353
and kept in the library of the monastery. One, a commentary
on St. Basil's Hexameros in sixteen chapters, was published
along with the Ritual Ordinance by Kyprianos in 1779. Of the
remainder some have been printed, while others unfortunately
have disappeared in the course of centuries, or been mislaid by
the carelessness of those in charge of them.
In his Ritual Ordinance Neophytos distinctly lays down tw. Aiiraf ,
that the number of the fraternity is not to exceed eighteen,0' 'pp' '"
though, as he informs us, he had been asked to increase it to
twenty or twenty-five. But this request he was led to reject,
experience having taught him that it was difficult to maintain
discipline and ensure quietness among so many. The wishes of
the founder in this matter seem to have been scrupulously
observed, as the number of inmates at present only averages ten.
The presence of women in the monastery, as might be sup- ibid., c. u,
posed, was rigorously prohibited.1 Any found within the precincts
of the outer gate for an immoral purpose were liable to the
punishment of dry bread for forty days, and were further during
that period to make forty genuflexions daily. This exclusion
of the sex extended even to female animals, which the brethren
were expressly forbidden to employ in the service of the com
munity. The Ritual Ordinance also prescribed the manner in which ibid., c. 14,
the election to the headship of the establishment was to be con
ducted.2 On a vacancy occurring it was directed that the election
of a successor was to take place without delay. The proceedings
were to be conducted in peace and harmony, and the brethren
were exhorted to allow considerations of utility alone to govern
their choice. The successful candidate was not to be installed
in office, however, until after the customary forty days' mourning
1 KaXbv iravTaxov y atrtpaXeia KaX rb dirpbtrKOirov. iravra poi e£eo~n, tpycrXv, aXX' oil
TrdvT aavptpepei. Kal 'brl iravra eirtrxTJ/toVojs Kal Kara rd\lv yiveff&ai xph- 'brov X&Plv
Kqyw TT/y ttjs ayias 'EyKXeltrrpas irepitpopiiv iravroias yvvalKbs dirpbtriTov eivai
irapeyyvw. ei Se tis yvvij poxBypevBeitra 4vrbs eltreXBy ttjs 4£wr4pas iriiXys, inroimrreTW
£ypotpayias 4iriTipiw TetraapaKOVTa ypepas, Kal yovvKXytrias rotrabras, 4v rais rotrav-
rais ypepais iroieiv, 'iva Kal avT-h. iraiSevBy KaX 4r4pas SiSd^y. k.t.X.
'EvreXXbpeBa Se perd ravra KaX tovto, Sti bvov ByXeiav, r) yplovov, ov -irpotr-ijKei
irpbs inrypeaiav exeiv rb ttjs 'EyKXeltrrpas ~%epveiov.
2 ndcrav 4pt0elav Kal tpBbvov irapwtrdpevoi 4KXe^atr8e rbv epyw Kal Xbyw &£iov rys
4yKXeitiTiKTJs iroXtTeias. Kal 'bre ra TetraapaKotrTa pvypbtrvya toO irapeXBbvros
'EyKXeiffrov, 4v dypinrvw So^oXoyiq &eov avveTeX4tryTe, — ToVe perd rb reXos rys
Beias AeiTOvpyias, avaydyere ainbv trbv ®eip 4v ry 'EyKXeiffTpq ry v4q 'S.iav. Kal
perd Tb 41- edovs Tpiffdyiov, 4£eiiraTe avrip Kal ijv eypatya eiixhv irpbs "EyKXeiarov
Kal 'EyKXeitrrpav, KaX vpeis pev KardByre evBeas, aiirbs Se avvepyovvTOs 0eov, Trpo-
oipiaCetrga ra ttjs KaB4jp^ews Kaprepws.
23

354 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
for his predecessor. On its conclusion the newly elect was then
to be conducted by the brethren to the original habitation of
the founder in the cliff and there left, after the singing of the
Trisagion and the recital of the prayer specially composed by
Neophytos on behalf of the community and its head.
¦AKoAoyoia^ Though within the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Paphos the
n., p. 42, etc. monastery is invested with all the privileges of a stauropegion.
This distinction appears to have been conferred at the beginning
of the seventeenth century (circ. 1611) by the island Synod, with
the consent of the local diocesan, in consideration of its alleged
royal origin and the sanctity of its founder's life. Reduced by
adverse circumstances to extreme poverty and deserted by the
brethren, it owed the recovery of its former position to the exer
tions of the monk Leontios, who was appointed abbot at the
instance of Archbishop Christodoulos. The original charter of
independence having been lost, he succeeded in obtaining from
the Oecumenical Patriarch Kyrillos in 1631 a synodical letter
reaffirming its provisions. This document again proclaimed the
absolute freedom of the establishment from the local diocesan :
all interference on whose part was prohibited under threat of
deposition and excommunication. It further directed that the
election of the head should rest solely with the community,
whose members, however, were required to receive ordination
at the hands of the Archbishop, as well as acknowledge his
supremacy by the customary commemoration. To Leontios and
his successors, moreover, was confirmed the right, which had been
granted by the original charter, of precedence over all other
abbots, and of supervision over all other monastic establishments
in the island.
With regard to the present revenue enjoyed by the community,
as no information is forthcoming, not even an approximation can
Hist.dechyp., be formed. From a document still extant it is known to have
'' P' amounted to 200 ducats annually at the end of the fifteenth
century. Phiiippos Georgiou (1875) gives the number of in
mates at ten.
Among the other monasteries already mentioned as being still
inhabited by religious communities the following alone possess
Kyprianos, any interest or importance.
ph Georgiou 1- Chrysorrhogiatissa, situated in the diocese of Paphos and
p'.io' Nahieh of Kelokedara, lies a short distance to the south of the
•iot-op'tt-s village of Panagia upon Mount Rho'ia, at a height of 3768 feet
p.m0"' above the sea. It is said to have been erected about the middle of

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 355
the twelfth century, its founder being a monk named Ignatios, and
was formerly one of the most celebrated in the island. Through
various causes it became so dilapidated as to require to be almost
totally rebuilt. The work of restoration took place about 1770
under the supervision of Panaretos, then Bishop of Paphos. It
now forms one of the residences of the diocesan, and is the lucky
possessor of a miracle-working eikon of the Theotokos, one of
seventy reputed to be the work of the Evangelist Luke. The
community at present comprises about eight members.
Trooditissa, also in the same diocese, derives its name from its Kyprianos,
position upon the slopes of Mount Troodos, and is situated near ph georgiou
the village of Phini, at an elevation of 4675 feet above the sea.*"*1-
• Hierides
According to the legends it was founded about a.d. 1200 input.
obedience to a divine intimation. This monastery, which appears
never to have been very wealthy, now shelters a community of
about ten monks. It, too, contains an eikon of the Theotokos,
which is credited with miraculous powers.
The monastery of Hagios Panteleemon, a saint who suffered Kyprianos,
martyrdom at Nicomedia under Maximian, a.d. 303, lies near the ph Georgl(ra
village of Myrtou in the district of Kyrenia. As it has no p- a;
hegoumenos of its own the Bishop of Kyrenia, who resides within p- ra
its walls, acts in that capacity. It contains an eikon of the patron
saint, which is reported to possess miraculous powers, and attracts
in consequence large crowds of worshippers annually on 27th
July, the day of his festival. The establishment according to
the latest estimate numbers about ten.
The monastery of Hagios Mamas in the village of Morphou is Kyprianos,
also under the j urisdiction of the Bishop of Kyrenia. Its church, wJLu
which is Byzantine in design, is said to have been erected upon p- 82'
the site of a celebrated temple of Astarte about a.d. 1190,
during the time of the Komnenian Emperors. It possesses the
marble sarcophagus of the saint, from whom its name is derived,
which is fabled to have floated across the sea from the opposite
coast of Karamania. Both Pococke and Drummond visited this ?,ococ^ To1
monastery during their travels in the island. The former, who
calls it the magnificent convent of Saint " Mamma,11 says that
it appears to have been built on a very grand design. He con
jectures that it was erected by some noble family of Cyprus a
little before the commencement of the Venetian occupation. Drummond,
Drummond agrees with him in regarding the church, which hepe26?!':*lli''

356

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Van Brnyn
(ExcerptaCypria, p. 9).

HierideB,p. 86.

considers Italian in style, as the handsomest building of its
kind in the whole island. In plan the structure consists of a
square enclosure separated into two courts by the church.
Saint John Chrysostom on Mount Kutzuventi in the Ky-
renian range is a dependency of the monastery of the Holy
Sepulchre at Jerusalem, and receives its president from the parent
establishment. Its origin and the date of its foundation are
both alike unknown. That it is of very considerable antiquity
is evident from the fact that Neophytos, the founder of En
klistra, commenced his monastic career there in a.d. 1152.
According to popular tradition it was erected by a princess,
who is said to have also constructed as a residence the Castle of
Buffavento upon the summit of the range immediately above it.
This lady, who is represented as suffering from some skin disease,
had a little dog, which was her constant companion in her
mountain retreat. This animal was at length attacked by the
same complaint which had already seized upon its mistress. As
soon as this happened it was observed to descend the mountain
daily and, after a few hours1 absence, return much benefited by
its trip. It was in consequence watched and seen to bathe in a
spring close by the place where the monastery was subsequently
built. The princess noticing the good effect wrought upon her
pet by the water resolved to try the remedy herself. So efficacious
did it prove that in a few days she was restored to her former
health. As a mark of gratitude to God for her marvellous
recovery she erected the monastery near the healing waters and
dedicated it to Saint John Chrysostom. This fountain still
exists within the precincts of the monastery and is said to have
lost none of its medicinal properties. A somewhat similar legend
exists regarding another mineral spring in the village of Skil-
loura in the Nahieh of Morphou.1 In this case it is said that a
certain nobleman in ancient times had a dog suffering from the
mange, which was healed after its owner had one day by chance
washed it with water from a sulphur spring in the village. This
fountain still exists within the church, and is much resorted to
by persons suffering from cutaneous disorders. The village itself
derives its name from the incident, while the church is dedicated
to the Virgin under the title of the Panagia Skillouriotissa.
Whether the story has really been invented to account for the
1 The ancient name of this village, which appears to have been Kvvapla,
may possibly have given rise to the legend. Indeed its modern appellation,
XKvXXovpa, the Dog's Tail, (Cf. Bobs oiipd) seems to recall it also.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 357
singular name ofthe village, and the inhabitants have plagiarised
from the good monks of Kutzuventi, or vice versa, is a question
which must be left unsolved.
Pococke relates this legend of the monastery's foundation some- Pococke, vol
what differently : —
" They have a tradition that a Queen of Cyprus, who had the
leprosy, chose to live here (i.e. at Buffavento) for the benefit of
the air, and that Saint John Chrysostom advising her to build
the convent below, she followed his counsel, and was cured of
her leprosy ; others add that she bathed in a water there, which
is still resorted to by persons in that distemper, who find benefit
by it.11 The same traveller gives a description of the place,
which, though now 150 years old, still holds good in the main :
" This monastery has been a very large building, though part of
it is ruined; there are two churches, one of which, called Saint
Helena, is ruinous, the other is covered with a dome, and painted
all over within ; it is dedicated to Saint John Chrysostom. Be
fore it is a handsome portico, from which there are three doors
with fine marble cases, that do not seem to be very ancient ; two
sceptres were formerly deposited behind the folding-doors, the
figures of which are painted on the wall, and at the bottom
there is a place where the crown was kept. All the account
they can give is that they belonged to some Queen, and that
they were taken away by a Pasha of Cyprus. It is probable
that the regalia of Cyprus were kept there.11
The foundress, whose tomb is still pointed out in the church,
is said to have been a certain Bavarian lady called Mary of
Molino, but this is a very improbable story. There is behind
the altar a painting, which represents Saint John presenting a
man and woman to the Theotokos. From an inscription at the sakeiiarios,
foot of the picture we learn that the two persons depicted above voi.T,'p"i35.
were Antonio and Maria di Molino.1 This lady, who was in all
likelihood the wife of some Venetian nobleman resident in Cyprus
during its occupation by the Republic, may possibly have been
a benefactress of the monastery, the hegoumenos of which adopted
this method of commemorating her memory. From the fact of
her name appearing in the inscription has arisen the legend that
she was the foundress of the establishment. The community
seems never to have been a large one. When Van Bruyn visited Excerpta
it in 1683 it only comprised three priests and eleven monks,
1"H Seytris rys SovXys tov &eov Mapias tov (QiXiinrov) MoXivo KaX ' Avtwv'ivov tov
QlXiirirov MoXivo.

358 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
under the rule of a superior, whom he calls a father guardian.
M^riM, Mariti in 1767 makes the number of inmates to be from ten to
twelve, while the last census shows the total male inhabitants
on 6th April, 1891, as thirteen.

Voyagitom. i.
p. 122.

dessaiiitees ^^ rumed monastery of Hagios Nikolaos near the promontory

Aiiemandsde 0f Akrotiri is noteworthy as being perhaps the premier monastic
chypre, p. 4. settlement in Cyprus.1 Unfortunately all record of its early
history and foundation has perished. That a very remote period
may be assigned to it is evident from the mention in connection
with it of Kalokairos, who was governor of the island during
the reign of Constantine the Great (a.d. 306-a.d. 335). It only
ceased to be inhabited within comparatively recent times. The
ge viiiamont, Sire de Viiiamont describes it, on the occasion of his visit in
p. 2%'.' ' 1589, as being then almost intact, the Turks having in no way
injured it when they captured the island, though they killed or
expelled the monks.2 The only one of the buildings, however,
in any state of repair at the present day is the chapel, which is
still used for divine worship by the inhabitants of the district.
The same traveller records a curious superstition, by which all
the fish in the adjacent salt lake caught on the patron-saint's
1 II est tres probable que le couvent elev£ autrefois sur le promontoire Curion,
le cap aux Chats des modernes, est le premier etablissement de moines qui
s'eleva dans l'Orient grec.
2 Parians ainsi l'un a l'autre arrivasmes a l'Abbaye Saint Nicolas cy dessus
nommee, laquelle est edifiee joignant la mer, et est restee quasi en son entier,
sans que les Tures y ayent fait dommage, lorsqu'ils usurperent Chypre sur les
Venitiens en l'annee mil cinq cens septante. Bien vray est qu'ils tuerent et
chasserent les Religieux de l'ordre de Saint Basile qui estoient dedans, sans
avoir du depuis permis qu'aucun y fit sa demeure, tant ils sont ennemis de la
Religion Chrestienne. D'avantage il me recita que lesdits Religieux y nourris-
soient grand nombre de chats expressement pour prendre les serpens qui sont
aux environs de la plaine, la quelle en produit plus en cest endroit qu'en nul
autre endroit de l'isle, et les serpens sont du couleur blanche et noir, et ont pour
le moins sept pieds de longueur, et gros comme la jambe d'un homme, de
maniere que difficilement je pouvois croire qu'un chat fut victorieux d'une si
grande beste, et qu'ils eussent industrie d'aller a la chasse apres eux, et de n'en
retourner jusques a ce que la cloche eut sonne a midy, et que si tost qu'ils
avoient disne ils continuassent leur chasse jusques au soir, sinon que le Religieux
me jura l'avoir veu, ce que m'a depuis este' confirme de plusieurs autres gens
d'honneur, qui l'ont vue de mesme. Depuis que l'Abbaye est demeuree deserte,
les chats sont morts par faute de nourriture.
Tout aupres de l'Abbaye et de ce cap est une grande pescherie. Le grand
Seigneur en tire six mille ducats de ferme chacun an, et ceux qui la tiennent a
ferme, sont obligez, selon l'ancienne coustume de donner a la dite Abbaye tout
le poisson qu'ils prendront le jour et la nuict de St. Nicolas, autrement ils n'en
prendroient pas un seul tout le long de l'annee, ce que tiennent les habitans du
pays. Et a cause que ceste Bglise est deshabitee, les fermiers payent ce devoir
a l'eglise des Grecs.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 359
day (6th Dec.) were formerly presented to the monastery, the
captors being firmly persuaded that they would otherwise have no
further luck throughout the ensuing year. In the course of time
the brethren acquired a wide-spread reputation not so much for
their skill as theologians, nor yet for the strictness of their rule,
as for the number of cats they maintained within the precincts
of their establishment. During the long drought prior to the Lusignan,
visit of Saint Helena the venomous snakes, for which the island5'8
has always been noted, increased to an alarming extent. The
place most infested by these pests was the region anciently called
Cape Kurias, but since known as the Cape of the Cats (Capo
delle Gatte) from the following circumstance.1 Kalokairos, to
whom the government of the island had been entrusted at the
time, determined to do all he could to remove the plague. Aware
of the natural antipathy of cats for snakes he sent 1000 of these
animals to the monastery, charging the public revenue with a
certain annual sum for their maintenance. So successful was the
expedient that the reptiles were almost exterminated. The cats
were trained to return morning and evening to the monastery at
the sound of a bell for their food, which was placed on long
planks containing a series of circular depressions to receive
it. At the time when Lusignan lived the brethren still main
tained a score of these useful pets, though no urgent need for
them seems to have any longer existed. Pococke questions Pococke, vol.
• ii d 228
the story, but the evidence is too circumstantial to admit of ''
1 Fu chiamato questo (teneno) capo delle Gatte, perche nelli tempi ehe
erano venuti da Costantinopoli li Duchi, come governatori, mandati dalli Im-
peratori, et massime il primo al tempo del Magno Costantino, essendo stata
1' Isola 30 anni, ehe non v'era piovuto, quasi era dishabitata : onde multiplicorno
li serpenti, quali in greco si adimandano Cum, et penso ehe siano aspidi sordi :
liquali ad una lunatione sono sordi, ad un'altra sono ciechi, et quando sono
sordi, non sono ciechi, et quando sono ciechi, non sono sordi, et sono venenosi,
et hanno una testa grande, et il corpo non ha ossi, et quando piglia un' agnello,
6 un capretto, lo manda cosi intiero nella pancia a poco a poco : et dipoi va ad
un' albero, et si storze di qua et di la, insin tanto ehe siano fracassati gli ossi
dell' animale gia mangiato ; et quando more, odora come muschio. — Ma li
serpenti Cuffi si ritrovano per l'isola et spesso, et in quelli tempi erano gia
generati assai, onde volendo il Duca Callocero esterminarli, perche abondavano
assai in questo capo per essere un boschetto, messe piu di mille gatti in San
Nicolo detto in greco de' Acrotiri. II Duca havendovi posti li gatti, li fece
anchora la sua provisione, accioche non mangiassero sempre cose venenose, et
ehe fussero estirpati : onde mattina et sera erano avezzati al suono della campana,
et tutti correano, et haveano apparecchiato in certe asse di legno larghe, et in
mezo erano concavi a modo delle scudelle, et di dentro li mettevano le minestre :
accio ehe fussero tutte accommodate, dipoi il resto del tempo andavano alia
caccia de' serpenti, et cosi gli hanno estirpati quasi tutti, pero quel Monasterio
anchora tiene una vintina de' gatti, et per questo quel capo fu adimandato il
capo delle gatte,

360 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
doubt. For instance, De Viiiamont owns that he would have
found great difficulty in believing it had not his informant
sworn to the truth of it from personal knowledge, and his
statement been corroborated by others who had also wit
nessed it.
Marvellous, too, are the reports as to the size of these noxious
reptiles. The last-named writer, who describes them as being
black and white in colour, asserts that they were at least seven
feet in length and as thick as a man's thigh. Lusignan, however,
surpasses him in his flights of imagination. He says that these
snakes were called Cuffi by the Greeks, being blind and deaf
alternate months, while they were accustomed on swallowing a
lamb or a kid, to coil themselves round a tree in order to crush
Menxsins. the bones of their victim. But after what Martinus Crusius on
IS.lib. i.,

Cyprus,

p-'tc- 'the authority of one Stamatius Donatus, a Cypriot, writes con
cerning a mysterious kind of beast, which had its habitat on
Mount Olympus (Stavro Vouni), we can no longer question the
ability of the island mouser to attack and subdue even such
formidable opponents as these.1 According to this veracious
chronicler there was to be found on that mountain a species
of quadruped resembling a snake in the shape of its body and
tail, as long as a horse and fairly tall, with a skin so thick as
to be impervious to anything but a bullet, which devoured all
human beings unfortunate enough to come in its way. The
cats used to hunt it either singly or in couples, and to kill it
by springing on its back and tearing out the eyes. As one
reads this outrageous yarn one cannot help suspecting that
his informant was slyly endeavouring to gauge the extent of
the worthy Crusius1 credulity.2 The writer at any rate is
thankful to think that during a residence of some days on
Mount Olympus he never encountered any of these truly
alarming monsters.
Lujtaan, During the later period of the Latin occupation the Orthodox
are said to have possessed in Nikosia four houses for men and
'Ait, in Olympo, qui solus in Cipro sit mons, animal, corpore et Cauda
btpioeiSes, quadrupes, magnum, longitudine equi, et satis altum, robusta pelle,
ferrum non curans, sed bombardas, homines obviam venientes devorans : vinci
tamen a catto uno, aut duobus, insidiantibus, insilientibus, oculos magnos
eruentibus, et necantibus (Martinus Crusius, Turcogrcecice , lib. ii.).
Menratua 2 Meursius at least seems to have had considerable doubts as to Donatus'
Cyprus, lib. t, bona fides since, when chronicling another of his flights of imagination, he
remarks: " Imposuit Martino Crusio, viro bono et erudito, Graeculus ille
Stamatius Donatus," an opinion which will find very general acceptance.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 361
the same number for women also.1 Some have since been dis-rui
solved, while others have been converted into parish churches, p-41-
The names of those for men are : —
1. St. John Bibi. As this establishment will be more fully
noticed elsewhere the mere mention of its name here will alone
be sufficient.
2. St. George of Mankana,2 situated on the outskirts of strambaldi,
Nikosia was constructed by Helena Palaeologos, the Greek con-Iurtgmuli
sort of Jean II., about 1453 for the reception of certain fugitive ^ "J*^
monks, who had escaped to the island on the capture of Con-?-3"-
stantinople by Mohammed II. After existing for little more
than a century it was demolished by the Venetians in 1567 when
reconstructing the fortifications of the capital. Its endowment,
which originally amounted to 1500 ducats annually, had by the
end of the fifteenth century sunk to 600. The foundress hadmst.deohyp.,
given orders that her interment should take place within the ""'
walls, but the Dominicans of Nikosia prevented their execution
by refusing to deliver up the body.
3. Andrio and 4, Sergi Flatro are the names of the remaining
two. According to Kyprianos one of these, though he is un- Kyprfano.,
certain which, has since been converted into the Church of the
Archangel Michael situated in the Tripioti quarter of the town,
while all traces of the other seem to have totally disappeared.
It was the hegoumenos of Andrio who officiated at all episcopal Lusigan,
ordinations in the absence of any of the three remaining Ortho
dox prelates.3
But the list is by no means yet exhausted, for in the Consti- Raynaidi,
tutio Cypria (a.d. 1260) 4 mention is also made ofthe church orNo. 49.'
1 Li Religiosi de' Monaci et Monache di San Basilio sono assai. De' Monaci
in Nicosia sono 4 : Bibi, Andrio, Manchana, et Sergi Flatro. De Monache 4 ;
Palluriotissa, hora Santo Magedoni, Ienechio, Santi omnes, et Faneromeni.
2 Et essendo ehe del 1453 ha tuolto l'infidel Turco Costantinopoli, ha fatto
gran lamento la signora regina (Helena Paleologo) in Cipro ; et venero in Cipro
molte cose buone, et nobili monachi. Ha voluto et ha tuolto et fatto fabricar
monasterio, fuori delta citta, nominato san Zorzi de Mangana ; et ha fatto molte
intrade nel ditto monasterio, per esser fatte le sue commemorationi ; et cosi fanno
fino al presente.
Fabrico un Monasterio greco detto Manchana, et donogli dui casali, et
ornollo di privilegii.
Fece edificare il monastero di Mangana, et li diede casali ed entrate per piu
di 1500 ducati all' anno.
3 Dipoi si fa consecrare da 3 altri vescovi greci, et se non saranno se non due,
l'abbate del monasterio di Antrio debba supplire per l'altro absente.
4 Praefato vero Germano archiepiscopo dictas sedem et ecclesiam de Solia,
tam in spiritualibus, quam temporalibus, de eisdem consilio et potestate, com-
mittimus, sibi retentis semper dignitatis archiepiscopalis honoie ac nomine,

362 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
monastery of St. Barnabas, which was assigned by Alexander IV.
as an alternative residence for the then Orthodox primate, Ger
manos, in place of Solea. Moreover the letter written in 1223
by the Oecumenical Patriarch, Germanos, to the Cypriots men
tions yet another called Apsinthi (rwv ,A-^riv0Uov). But, as no
particulars are given as to its position, it cannot with certainty
be included among the monasteries of the capital. Its hegou
menos, Leontios, was one of the two delegates sent to Germanos at
Nica?a after the expulsion of Archbishop Neophytos by the Latins.
The names ofthe houses for women as given by Lusignan are : —
1. Palluriotissa. 2. Ienechio. 3. All Saints, and 4, Phanero
mene. The two following lists show the monasteries, classed under
their respective dioceses, as existing when Kyprianos wrote, and
also at the present, time. The second, which may be regarded
as containing the latest information on the subject, being com
piled from returns supplied to the Ecclesiastical Properties
Commission lately sitting at Nikosia, is given exactly as received
by the writer : — The Archbishopric.1
1. Hagia Napa. 2. Mavrovouni. 3. Tochni. 4. Hagios
Spyridon. 5. Hagios Anastasios. 6. Avgasis. 7. Kouratha.
8. Chordakii. 9. Apostolos Barnabas. 10. Kantara. 11. Kana-
karia. 12. Hagia Photeine. 13. Makedonitissa. 14. Libadiotissa.
15. Neta. 16. Hagios Nikolaos of Davlos. 17. Hagios Kendeas.
18. Maloura. 19. Hagia Thekla. 20. Archangelos of Analionta.
21. Machaera. 22. Prophetes Elias. 23. Hagios Herakleidios.
24. Hagios Mnason. 25. Hagios Panteleemon of Achera. 26.
Palourgiotissa.episcopaliter gubernandas ; ita tamen quod ei sit liberum, vel in dicta sede de
Solia, vel apud ecclesiam Graecorum beati Barnaba? Nicosiensis, quam ad epis
copum sedis ejusdem, ex hujusmodi nostrse ordinationis beneficio, pertinere
perpetuo volumus, pro libito commorari.
1 Archbishopric : —
2. Mavrovouni (St. George). Buildings ruined except the church. Let as
a farm. 8. Chordakiotissa (tojc XopSaKiwv), near Sotira, south of Famagusta. A
church only exists which is reckoned as an appendix to Hagia Napa.
17. Hagios Kendeas, no monks there.
18. Maloura (Archangelos), near Goshi, a ruin.
ig. Hagia Thekla, let as a farm.
23. Hagios Herakleides. In this monastery are preserved the relics of that

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 363
Stauropegia.
1. Kykko. 2. Hagia Enklistra at Paphos. 3. Hagia Mone,
Metochion of Kykko at Paphos. 4. Piani, Metochion of
Kykko at Paphos. 5. Sinte, Metochion of Kykko at Paphos.
6. Hagios Nikolaos Stege at Solea. 7. Kathari at Kyrenia.
Paphos.
1. Trooditissa. 2. Stavros of Omodos. 3. Hagii Anargyri of
Phini. 4. Pente Litharia. 5. Stavros of Anogyra. 6. Hagios
Sabbas. 7. Salamiou. 8. Haginikoloudin. 9. Hagios Georgios
Koumanou. 10. Hagios Onesiphoros. 11. Chrysorrhogiatissa.
12. Stavros of Mitha. 13. Zalakia. 14. Chrysolakourna. 15.
Hagii Anargyri of Giolo. 16. Hagios Nikolaos Nikoxylites.
Kition.
1. Mesapotamos. 2. Hagios Nikolaos of Ergasterion. 3. Hagia
Mavra. 4. Archangelos of Monagri. 5. Amasgou. 6. Sphalan-
giotissa. 7. Hagios Nikolaos of Akrotiri. 8. Amerou. 9.
Stavrovouni. 10. Hagios Menas. 11. Stavros of Kouka. 12.
Megas Agros. 13. Iamatike.

Kyrenia.
1. Achiropietos. 2. Hagios Panteleemon of Myrtou. 3.
Asinou. 4. Hagios Mamas of Morphou. 5. Podithou. 6. Ara-
saint. Kyprianos reports that it was restored by Archbishop Chrysanthos in
1775 at his own expense in memory of himself and his parents.
Paphos : —
3. Hagii Anargyri at Phini, only a church now exists there.
4. Pente Litharia is a ruin tolerably well preserved in the valley above Vasa,
and midway between Omodos and Hagios Nikolaos.
6. Hagios Sabbas, now a ruin.
10. Hagios Onesiphoros. Only a church now exists there.
13. Zalakia, at Peyia, no monks there.
14. Chrysolakourna, at Steni, in ruins.
Kition : —
5. Amasgou, no monks there.
g. Stavrovouni (Santa Croce), has only one monk and one acolyte. Property
let as a farm.
10. Hagios Menas, no monks, let as a farm.
n. Stavros of Kouka, only a church now exists.
Kyrenia : —
7. Hagios Joannes Lampadistes, a large monastery in the Marathasa Real
between Moutoulla and Kalopanagiotis. The church, which is united to that of
Hagios Herakleides, contains a beautiful silver reliquary, within which is the
head of the former saint.
9. Hagia Argia, at Chakistra, in ruins,

364 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
kas. 7. Hagios Joannes Lampadistes. 8. Trikoukkia. 9. Hagia
Argia. 10. Malandrina. 11. Antiphonetes.
Monasteries of the Holy Sepulchre and Sinai.
1. Chrysostomos (Holy Sepulchre).
2. Basilia (Sinai).
3. Rhigiate (Sinai).
4. Pyrgiote (Holy Sepulchre).
5. Eleousa (Sinai). Archiepiscopal See.1
1. Ayia Thekla. 2. Archangelos Mallouras. 3. Panayia
Theotokos. 4. Palourghiotissa (Panayia). 5. Ayios Pandelei-
1 The following table shows as far as possible the position of the monasteries
given in the above list with respect to the civil divisions of the island. Names
in italics have not been identified. Archbishopric.
District of Larnaka, i, 2, 17.
Nahieh of Deyirmenlik, 3, 4.
Nahieh of Dagh, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.
Nahieh of Famagusta, ig, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27.
Nahieh of Mesaoria, 18.
Nahieh of Karpas, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.
Nahieh of Paphos, 30.
Nahieh of Levka, 2g.
District of Kyrenia, 28. Independent Monasteries.
Nahieh of Levka, 1.
Nahieh of Dagh, 2.
District of Kyrenia, 3, 4, 8.
Nahieh of Karpas, 6.
Nahieh of Larnaka, 5.
Nahieh of Paphos, 7. See of Paphos.
Nahieh of Kelokedara, 1, g.
Nahieh of Kilani, 2, 3, 10, 11.
Nahieh of Paphos, 4, 5, 6, 8.
Nahieh of Chrysochou, 7. See of Kition.
Distiict of Larnaka, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
Nahieh of Limassol, 6, 7, 8, g.
Nahieh of Kilani, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14.
See of Kyrenia.
District of Kyrenia, 1, 3, 4.
Nahieh of Morphou, 2, 5, 7, 8, 10.
Nahieh of Levka, 6, 11, 12.
Nahieh of Mesaoiia, 13.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 365
mon Acheras. 6. Ayios Heraclidios. 7. Ayios Mnason. 8.
Archangelos Analiondas. 9. Makedonitissa. 10. Nettas. 11.
Kanakarias. 12. Ayia Photou. 13. Kyras. 14. Kantara.
15. Ayios Nikolaos Davlos. 16. Apostolos Andreas. 17. Ayios
Yeorghios Mavrovouniou. 18. Ayios Spiridon. 19. Avgasida.
20. Ayios Anastasios. 21. Tochniou. 22. Ayios Napas. 23.
Apostolos Loukas (Varoshia). 24. Ayios Ioannis Kourada.
25. Apostolos Varnavas. 26. Ayios Kondea. 27. Chordakioi.
28. Kathares. 29. Ayios Nikolaos Steghis. 30. Ayios Neo
phytos Enklistras. Independent Monasteries.
1. Kikko. 2. Machera. 3. Ayios Taphos. (Sinaitic Mon
asteries, 4. Vassilia. 5. Psevda. 6. Eleoussa. 7. Ktima.)
8. Ayios Pandeleimon.
See of Paphos and Dependent Monasteries.
1. Chrysoriatissa. 2. Trooditissa. 3. Stavros Omodhou. 4.
Zalakia at Peyia. 5. Ayios Nikolaos at Chloraka. 6. Stavros
Mythas at Tsada. 7. Ayi Anarghiri at Yolou. 8. Ayios
Onesiforos at Anarida. 9. Ayios Savas at Prastio. 10. Ayi
Anarghiri at Phini. 11. Tis Panayias at Arsos. 12. Jyios
Yeorgios at Kteriou. See of Kitium.
1. Ayios Yeorghios tou Kontou. 2. Ayios Yeorghios tou
Makri. 3. Stavrou. 4. Ayia Varvara. 5. Ayios Minas. 6.
Ayios Nikolaos (Limassol). 7. Ayios Nikolaos (Akrotiri). 8.
Panayia Sphalanghiotissa (village of Ayios Athanasios). 9.
Panayia Amerou (at Apshou). 10. Archangelos (near Monagri).
11. Ayia Mavra (near Kilani). 12. Stavrou (Koukka). 13.
Panayia Agrou (near village of Agros). 14. Prodromos, called
Mesa Potamos (near Moniati). See of Kyrenia.
1. Metropolis Myrtou. 2. Ayios Nikolaos (Orounda). 3.
Acheropiyito. 4. Melandrina. 5. Ayia Mamma of Morphou.
6. Skourokotissis tis Theotokou. 7. Podithou. 8. Aratiou.
9. Apostolos Andreas. 10. Stavros Diasmati. 11. Trikoukies
Theotokou. 12. Ayios Yannis tou Lambadistou. 13. Trimi-
thiou.

366 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Notes.
(1) A MS. copy of the Ritual Ordinance of Neophytos by
one Basil, who is described therein as a priest, instructor and
notary (tepevs, 8iBd<T/caXo<;, Kal Ta/3ovXXdpio<;) of the diocese of
Paphos was published with an introduction in the Archceologia,
vol. xlvii., by Rev. F. E. Warren in 1881. The learned editor
assigns the original work of Neophytos to some period between
a.d. 1209 and a.d. 1214. But internal evidence proves conclu
sively that it must be definitely ascribed to the last-mentioned
year. In BasiFs copy, to which alone Mr. Warren had access,
several chapters are wanting, that are to be found in the edition
published by the Archimandrite Kyprianos in 1779 (i.e. chh. 5,
6, 7, 8). Among those preserved in the latter is one (ch. 5),
which shows that he first settled at Enklistra in a.d. 1159,
'Ev eret e^aKia^i,XiO(TTcp e^aKoaioarw e^rjKoaTW e/3Bo/AW (6667-
5508 = 1159), 'IvSiKTiwvot; e/38ofir}<;,p,r}vl 'lovviw elicoaTfi Terdprrj,
iv rfj yevvijaeo tov rofiiov IIpoBpofiov, et? to pqdev airrjXaiov
irpocrobot,Trjo-a<;, Tjv erwv irevTe Kal e'iKocri,. Neophytos states,
moreover, further on (ch. 10), that fifty-five years had then
elapsed since the foundation of the monastery, 'IBoii yap
irevre Kal irevrr/KovTa irapiirirevaav err), d<f> otov r) 'EyKXeiaTpa
avTn KaTeaKevdaOr). This would consequently fix the date as
a.d. 1214 (i.e. 1159 + 55). The correctness of this view
is strengthened, too, by another consideration. Neophytos
represents his age in 1159 as twenty-five, his birth must
therefore have taken place in a.d. 1134 (i.e. 1159 — 25). He
states (ch. 1) that he undertook the second edition of his
Ordinance after his sojourn at Enklistra had lasted for fifty-
five years (ch. 1), eirel Be 6 rrjs £a>?7? X°PVr/°'> T01> rV'> ?u)^'>
p,ov iraperetve j^povov, Kal irapnnrevaav r/Bn irevre Kal irevTi]-
Kovra err), Kal XP6^a yeyove Bcadr/Kni erepas. He must thus
have been eighty at the time. Since he was born in 1134 the
date of its composition is clearly shown to be a.d. 1214 (i.e.
1134 + 80).
Mr. Warren seems, moreover, mistaken in supposing Neophytos
to have been fifty-five when he wrote the original Typike Dia
thetic The saint himself says (ch. 1) that he undertook it after
he had sojourned eight years in the cave, p,era erv oktw tt)<; ev
Ty 'EyfcXeLo~Tpa Kadijpi;ew<; fjbov, which would give the date a.d.
1167 when he was thirty-three.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 367
(2) Constantinople would appear to have been the fortunate
possessor of more than one portrait of the Blessed Virgin
reputed to be the work of the Evangelist St. Luke. From a Raynaidi, ad
letter of Innocent III. we learn that there was in that city aN1S.'wJ)2b.
special treasure of the kind, which was an object of the deepest
veneration to the Orthodox from the idea that it was animated
by the soul of the Theotokos herself. This, which was preserved
in a chapel attached to one of the imperial palaces, Henri, the
Latin Emperor (a.d. 1206-a.d. 1216) shortly after the capture
of Constantinople agreed with the Latin Patriarch to have
transferred with certain other relics to the Cathedral of Santa
Sophia. On hearing of this arrangement the Venetian podestd ap
peared with a body of his compatriots before the Patriarch,
Tommaso Morosini, and demanded the eikon on the ground that
the Emperor had promised it to him. The Patriarch refused
to surrender the relic, ironically adding that the podestd might
have it if he could find it in the cathedral, which he knew was
not likely, as the building was closed and the picture secured
under a treble lock in the sacristy. The podestd failing to get.
the church opened lowered one of his companions inside by
means of a rope. This individual, not being able after repeated
search to find the object of his quest, by his leader's orders burst
open one of the great doors of the church, on which the rest
rushed violently in and being guided by a certain Greek to the
place, where the eikon was concealed, battered in the doors of
the sacristy. News of these lawless proceedings reaching the
ears of Morosini he hastened at once to the cathedral, and ordered
the robbers to desist from their act of sacrilege under pain of
excommunication. They, however, paid no heed to his threats,
but laying forcible hands on the picture carried it off' to the
church known to the Greeks as Pantokrator. Morosini, there
upon, proceeded in the most solemn and public manner to pass
sentence of excommunication, which was confirmed the same day
by the Papal Legate. On Morosini reporting to Innocent what
had occurred the Pope upheld the action of his representatives
at Constantinople and confirmed the sentence they had already
pronounced. (3) In the Ritual Ordinance of the monk Nilos mention is
made of a donation of twelve hyperpyra to the monastery of
Machaera by the Emperor Isaac (II.) Angelos, " direyapiaaTo
rfj fjp,eTepa Movfj — Kal eKKOirrjv vofiia/Marav virepirvpwv BwBeKa

368 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
(p. 16, § 22). The virepirvpov, a gold coin of the Byzantine
Empire, derived its name from its colour. To the Crusaders it
was known as a besant from the city in which it was minted.
Guillaume de Tyr mentions it in his description of the dowry
which the Emperor Manuel Komnenos presented to his niece,
Theodora, the daughter of his brother Isaac, the Sebastokrator,
ubUkJtifen' on ^er marriage with Baudouin III., King of Jerusalem, in
c ^ September 1158 : " Dotis autem quantitas erat in centum
millibus Hyperperorum, justi ponderis, exceptis decern aliis
ejusdem monetae millibus, quos dominus imperator ad opus
nuptialium expensarum liberaliter concessit ".
«. Beveridge, (4) ^ravpoirriyiov, i.e., the fixing of the cross, the name
Anriotat applied to the ceremony observed in the Orthodox Church at
p-168- the foundation of an ecclesiastical building, is conducted as
follows. Before the erection of a church or monastery the
bishop of the diocese, in which it is situated, proceeds to the
site selected and, after certain forms and prayers, places the first
stone in position, having previously marked it with a cross.
Sometimes, however, he employs a wooden cross instead, in the
centre of which he first traces another cross and then hands it
to one of the attendant clergy to carve out. On receiving it
back he next places it in the middle of the proposed building
to serve as a foundation stone. As soon as this is done the
work of construction is proceeded with. The effect of the
ceremony is to bring the building, within which it takes place,
under the jurisdiction of the local diocesan. There is, more
over, another kind called iraTpuapyiKov aravpoirriytov, in which
the Patriarch, and not the bishop of the diocese, plays the prin
cipal role in the proceedings. The monastery or church then
becomes exempt from all local control and vested in the Patri
arch only. In this case the latter issues to his exarch, or some
bishop whom he selects, his licence for the foundation and
consecration, and causes a wooden cross to be constructed, on
one side of which the patriarchal notaries inscribe the names of
the saint, to whom the building is to be dedicated, of the city
and province in which it is situated, and of the Patriarch author
ising its erection, on the other the date and name ofthe reigning
sovereign. This cross he forwards to the local diocesan, who
places it in a certain raised receptacle behind the altar, after
laying the foundation in the manner already described. This
aasamon,in prerogative was in course of time so abused that metropolitans
SSn. "*"" and bishops loudly protested against its exercise, but Baisamon,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 369
himself a Patriarch, defends it on the score of ancient usage,
while also arguing that, as the whole Christian world has been
divided among the Patriarchs, they have the power of withdraw
ing whatever places they please within their respective Sees from
the jurisdiction of their suffragans and placing them under their
own immediate supervision.
Neaie ventures the opinion that this custom was confined to Neaie, Hoiy
the Patriarchs of Constantinople, and was adopted by the product.,''
Jacobite Patriarchs of Alexandria. Monasteries so constituted 1Mi- n°™ <*•
were known as aravpoirrjyia. Since the Archbishop of Cyprus
holds within the confines of that island the same position as the
Oecumenical Patriarch in his See, he stands in the same relation
to these stauropegic communities within his jurisdiction as that
ecclesiastic does towards those in the Patriarchate of Constanti
nople.

24

370

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

CHAPTER VIII.

The Saints of Cyprus.

(1). The Native Saints.
FOR so small a community the Church of Cyprus is singu
larly rich in the number of those who have acquired a
reputation for sanctity. Almost every village would
seem at one time or another to have had its local celebrity,
whose name is still regarded with veneration. Indeed, so great
was their number that there were more than 100 villages fortu
nate enough to possess three, and even four, of these saintly
personages.1 Foremost among them all stands Barnabas (11th June) — the
patron and pride of the island Church — a native of Salamis on
the eastern coast.2 Holy Scripture is silent regarding the
events of his early history. For them recourse must be had to
a work of the sixth century, the production of one Alexander,
a monk and fellow-countryman of the Apostle. Its statements,
though perhaps often open to doubt, are at least of some value
as showing the traditions current in the Cypriot Church when
it was written. From it we learn that Barnabas1 ancestors,
men of substance and position at Jerusalem, and zealous up
holders of the Law, were compelled to leave their native land
on account of the frequent wars, which devastated it, and to settle
in Cyprus. While the saint was still a youth his parents took
him to the Holy City for his religious education and placed him
1 In piu di cento casali si ritrovano 6 uno, 63,64, santi di Cipro.
Se io volessi scrivere li Santi et Reliquie et le Immagini ehe si ritrovano in
Cipro, veramente empirei gran fascio di carta.
Cf. Lusignan, Pour le faire brief, tous les Saincts que j'ay cy dessus nommez en l'lsle de
etc.'?pP64>(D|. Cypre sont en nombre cent sept : en ce non compris ceux, desquels les noms
me sont incognus. Quant aux corps de ceux de pais estrange, qui neantmois
reposent en Cypre, je trouve qu'il y en a trois cens quinze.
2 Kyprianos styles him : " irpwrbBpovos rys Nijtrov Kal Kopvtpy -roV Xoiirwv dyiwv
Kmrpiwv "

Lusignan,p. 27 (a). Cf.
p. 28 (b|.

Cf. Lusignan,
Description,etc., p. 23 (a).
Kyprianos, AiexandriMonachiLaudatio in
ApostolumBarnabam(Migne, Pat.
Grac, tom.
lxx;c vii., pars.
3, pp. 4087-
4106).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 371
under the care of the celebrated Gamaliel, where he is said to
have had Paul as a fellow-student. It was at the pool of st. John, v. 2.
Bethesda that Barnabas first met the Saviour. Filled with
astonishment at the cure there wrought on the paralytic and
the many other marvels which he witnessed in the Temple, he
threw himself at Christ's feet and besought His blessing. Upon
the departure of the latter to Galilee Barnabas accompanied
Him and on the selection of the Seventy was placed at their
head.1 Hearing the Lord preach from the words : " Sell st. Luke,
that ye have and give alms,11 he was so moved that he immedi
ately disposed of the property left him by his parents and
distributed the proceeds among the poor, reserving only one
field for his own support. Later on he parted even with that Acts, tv. 36.
and brought to the Apostles the entire sum realised by its sale.
It is reported that he was wont to hold disputations with Paul,
whom he earnestly sought to convert to the new faith. But
the latter resolutely opposed all such attempts, ridiculing
Barnabas as being himself the victim of a delusion, and blas
pheming the name of Christ, Whom he taunted with His humble
origin and ignominious death. Of the events which occurred
during his first visit to Cyprus in company with Paul and Mark
the few notices recorded in the Acts are all that we possess.
Holy Scripture supplies no information whatever concerning
Barnabas1 subsequent career. There are, however, various tra- Clementine,
ditionary accounts which, though now universally rejected, »-i-
appear to have been received without question by the Cypriot Ke'co^nitions
writers. Lusignan tells us that after becoming Bishop of Sala- Lm,ignan,
mis he went by direction of St. Peter into Italy.2 At Rome he''23Ja)-
J •* . Kyprianos,
converted St. Clement, whom he sent to St. Peter at Antioch p- »&,
for baptism and further instruction. Next he visited Milan,
of which town he became the first bishop. After remaining there
a short time and appointing a successor he came to Bergamo,
where he consecrated as bishop his disciple Narnus. From
'Eusebios (H. E., lib. i., cap. 12) and Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom, ii.)
reckon Barnabas among the Seventy, but they make no mention of his leader
ship. 2 Dipoi da Pietro Apostolo fu mandato in Italia, et questo fu il primo ehe
convert! Roma nella fede et San Clemente quale mandolo in Antiochia da Pietro
a confirmarlo et battizzarlo. Dipoi fu fatto Vescovo primo di Milano, dove
dimorato alcuni giorni, institui un'altro in suo luogo, et esso ando et converti
Bergamo, et v'institui Vescovo Narno suo discepolo, et ando a Brescia, et fece
il medesimo. AU'ultimo ritorno in Salamina, dove dalli Giudei et da Barieu
mago fu martirizato, et da suo consobrino fu sepelito in una caverna con
l'Evangelio scritto da San Matteo di propria mano : et al tempo di Zenone Im-
peratore fu trovato, come dicemmo, in Salamina.

372

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Acta et
Passio
Barnabse in
Cypro (Acta
Sanctorum,
11th Junii.)

Bergamo he went to Brescia, returning subsequently to Salamis,
where he met a martyr's death.
In an apocryphal work of the fifth century, the reputed
author of which was his kinsman, John Mark, we find a some
what more detailed description of the incidents connected with
his second visit to Cyprus and the closing scenes of his life.
Barnabas and his companion soon after landing encountered,
we are told, at a place called Kromiakiates two temple slaves
(iepoBovXoi),1 Timon and Aristion, who received them hospit
ably. The former was suffering from a severe fever, which the
new-comers miraculously cured. At Lapithos, where the idol
sacrifices were taking place in the theatre, they were refused
admission by the inhabitants. Accordingly crossing the moun
tains in company with Timon to his native village, Lampadista,
they there fell in with Herakleon, who had come from Tamasos
to visit his relatives.2 Him Barnabas recognised as having met
at Kition during his former visit and now consecrated Bishop of
Cyprus, assigning to him as his church a cave near the city of
Tamasos. After partaking of his hospitality the two mission
aries continued their journey to Old Paphos, where they found
another temple slave named Rhodon, whom they converted to
the faith. Here they also encountered their former adversary,
the sorcerer Bar-Jesus, who denied them entrance to that town.
Retracing their steps they next made their way to Kurion. On
the hill near this city they witnessed a race by naked men and
women, a sight which Barnabas indignantly reproved. Immedi
ately on the words leaving his lips part ofthe hill to the west ofthe
place fell in, killing and maiming many of the competitors, upon
which the survivors fled for refuge to the neighbouring temple
of Apollo.3 Unable to gain admission into Kurion through
the opposition of an excited Jewish crowd headed by Bar-Jesus
they spent the night under the shelter of a tree outside the
walls. The next day they made their way to a village, where
resided a certain Aristoklianos, whom Paul and Barnabas after

Sakellarios,Kun-ptoKa,
tom. i., p. 76.

1 Hierodouloi were persons of both sexes who were devoted like slaves to the
worship of the gods. They were of Eastern origin and are most frequently met
with in connection with the deities of Syria, Phoenicia and Asia Minor.
2 That this work was written by some one well acquainted with Cyprus is
evident from the topographical knowledge displayed, e.g. the mountain Barna
bas and his companions are said to have crossed is called Chionodes, i.e.
Troodos, still known to the natives as Chionistra (Xibvitrrpa) , the snow peak.
3 The remains of this building are still to be seen and the site is locally
known as Apello.
JHSy Se KaXeirat 'AireXXo 4k tov ivravBa vaov tov ' AirbXXavos.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 373
curing of leprosy at Antioch had raised to the episcopate and
sent to labour among his heathen compatriots in Cyprus.
After partaking of his hospitality the Apostles rested for one
day in a mountain cave and then directed their steps to
Amathus, where they found a great concourse of worshippers
engaged in celebrating the impure rites of their deities. Here
again Bar-Jesus made his appearance and so excited the Jews
against the travellers that they would have found it impossible
to enter this city also had not a poor widow, eighty years of
age, received them into her house. After a stay of one hour
under her roof they departed, Barnabas, when opposite the
principal temple of the city, shaking the dust off his feet
as a protest against the impure rites carried on within. From
Amathus their route lay towards Kition. But hearing that a
great crowd was assembled on the race-course to dispute their
passage they decided to halt instead outside the city gate near
the aqueduct. At Kition they took ship for Salamis and
landed in the district called the " Islands,11 the inhabitants of
which were noted idolaters. In another part of the same town,
known as Biblia, they found a synagogue, into which they entered.
Here Barnabas at first met with great success in his evangelistic
labours, converting numbers of the Jews. But two days after
their arrival Bar-Jesus, who had dogged their steps from
Amathus, appeared once more upon the scene. Excited to fury
at the progress already made their relentless enemy got together
the entire Jewish population of the town and proceeded to lay
hands on Barnabas. Loading him with chains they were about
to bring him before Hypatius, the Praetor, when the unexpected
arrival in the island of a kinsman of the Emperor Nero caused
his persecutors to change their plans. Evidently fearing lest
the new-comer might interfere on behalf of their prisoner they
hurried Barnabas by night with a rope round his neck to the
hippodrome without the city gate, where they burnt him alive.
To prevent his followers from getting possession of the remains
they wrapped them the same night in a linen cloth, with a
mass of lead attached, intending to sink them in the sea. But
Mark, with the assistance of Timon and Rhodon, watching his
opportunity carried them off under cover of darkness and buried
them in the recesses of a cave, where he and his companions also
took refuge (11th June, a.d. 102). The Jews searched diligently icir. a.d. 56
for the thieves, and at last discovering their hiding place followed more protJ
them to Ledra, until the latter baffled their pursuers by again
taking refuge in a cave near that city. Three days afterwards

374 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
they left their place of concealment and came to Limneti.
Here they found a ship bound for Alexandria, in which they
embarked and so got away.
Aiexandri The story of the martyrdom is, however, somewhat differently
cc"»22°' related by Alexander. According to him it was Barnabas1
custom every Sabbath Day, while at Salamis, to go to the Syna
gogue and enter into friendly discussion with the worshippers,
who received him well until some Jews from Syria by their
misrepresentations caused a revulsion of feeling. The Apostle,
though he noted the change in their attitude towards him, and
knew that it boded him no good, would not discontinue his
visits, but resolved to meet his fate, whatever it might be, with
Christian fortitude. On the day of his death, after celebrating
the Eucharist with his friends and bidding them farewell, he
entered the Synagogue as usual, having previously given direc
tions to Mark concerning his burial, and charging him to go,
when all was over, to Paul at Ephesus. The Jews from Syria,
excited to fury at his presence, suddenly rose up in their places
and laying hands upon him thrust him into a dark cell adjoin
ing the Synagogue. Late the same night they led him forth to
his doom and after many tortures stoned him to death. His
body they next placed upon a huge pyre with the intention of
consuming it to ashes, but it most marvellously resisted the
action of the flames. Mark, thereupon, carried off the remains
and secretly buried them in a cave, which lay about five furlongs
to the west of Salamis. Soon after the death of Barnabas
a fierce persecution arose against the Christians and thus all
knowledge of the place of interment was completely lost, until
it was miraculously revealed by the saint himself in the reign
of the Emperor Zeno. For many years prior to the discovery
of his tomb mysterious cures of persons afflicted with unclean
spirits and various diseases are reported to have taken place in
its vicinity, which procured for the spot the name of the " Place
of Healing 11.
In the same writer there is preserved to us a sketch of Barna
bas1 appearance and character, which is not without interest.
His expression, according to his biographer, was dignified, his
eyebrows somewhat close together, while his eyes, which had a
kind expression, were mild and serious in aspect. His counte
nance was indicative of sincerity and, though a pleasant and
persuasive speaker, he was very sparing of his words. His
demeanour was quiet and free from display, and in all his actions
he showed himself to be a man replete with every virtue.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 375
Aristion is identified by one of the island historians with the Kyprianos,
individual of the same name stated by Eusebios to have been Eusebios,
a disciple of the Lord and one of the " elders," from whom c'39.''
Papias derived his traditional information. Another of them v"°5fistr.,
reckons him among the number of the seventy-two disciples and"1*'
says that he suffered martyrdom at Salamis, where he was also p- 27 <b"-
buried. The Acts of Barnabas, however, distinctly state that
he was a temple slave prior to his conversion by that Apostle
on the occasion of his second visit. The Menology (3rd
Sept.), makes mention of an Aristion, but reports that he was
Bishop of Alexandria, where he was put to death by being
thrown into a furnace. Le Quien places him immediately LeQuien.o.c,
after Barnabas in his list of the Archbishops of Cyprus. His «¦'
festival day in the island appears to have corresponded
with the date given in the Roman Martyrology, viz., 22nd
February.

Aristobulos is said to have been a brother of the Apostle Bar- Kyprianos,
nabas and like him one of the Seventy. According to the Greek
Menology (15th March), he was the constant companion and
attendant of the Apostle Paul in his travels and was by him
consecrated Bishop of Britain, where he died. His memory is
further commemorated on 31st October in conjunction with
Stachys, Amplias, Urban and Narkissos.
Aristokles (23rd June), a native of Tamasos, where he was a SgJ^JJS"
priest, flourished in the year a.d. 302. In the reign of the
Emperor Maximian he fled to the mountains to escape the perse
cution then directed against the Christians, and hid in a cave.
One day while praying he saw an exceedingly bright light and
heard a heavenly voice bidding him go to Salamis and there
suffer martyrdom. He wended his way accordingly to Salamis
and at the Church of St. Barnabas met with the deacon Deme-
trianos and the reader Athanasios, to whom he related the
reason of his journey. On hearing the story they, fired with
enthusiasm and holy zeal, resolved to share his sufferings and
death. Coming into Salamis the three companions soon at
tracted the notice of the governor who, on learning from their
own lips that they were Christians, caused Aristokles to be
flayed alive and then beheaded. Seeing that the other two
were not to be shaken in their belief by what had befallen their
friend he next subjected them to torture, and gave orders that
they should be cast into a fire. But by the help of Christ they

376

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Cf. Excerpta
Cypria, pp.
242, 243.

Lusignan, p. 23 (b).
Kyprianos,
p. 346.
Cf. Coloss.,IV,

Acta Sanctorum
(19th Feb.).

were miraculously enabled to bid defiance to the flames, where
upon he caused them to be beheaded also.
Demetrianos (6th Nov.), a native of the village of Syka in
the district of Ketheria, was connected with the service of the
Church from his earliest years. After much opposition he con
sented at his parents' entreaties to take a wife, but being left
a widower three months after marriage he became a monk. At
the request of Bishop Eustathios1 he allowed himself to be
ordained a monk, and was subsequently appointed to the
Bishopric of Ketheria (Chytri). During his occupation of the
See occurred one of the numerous Moslem invasions, to which
for some centuries the island was so frequently exposed.
Many of his flock among others were carried away by the
raiders to Egypt. The good bishop, commiserating the fate
of his co-religionists, followed them into captivity and by his
intervention secured their release and restoration to their native
land. He is reported to have died a natural death at an ad
vanced age.
Epaphras, or Epaphroditos. The native writers refer these
two names to the same person, whom they claim as a com
patriot, though he is generally supposed to have been a citizen
of Colossae. He is reckoned by them as one of the Seventy and
is said to have been Bishop of Acte Argeion, called also Adriake,
where he suffered martyrdom.2 His skull and tomb were still
to be seen at Nisou near Nikosia when Kyprianos wrote.3 In
the life of Auxibios, Bishop of Soli, it is stated that St. Paul
on hearing from Mark of the death of Barnabas, as there was
then no apostle in Cyprus, sent Epaphras among others to
Herakleides, Archbishop of the island, that he might be con
secrated for the See of Paphos. He is also stated to have been

Lusignan,
p. 23 (b).

1 The mention of Eustathios enables us to approximately determine the saint's
date, as that prelate was probably the Bishop of Soli, who was present at and
signed the decrees ofthe Second Council of Nicaaa (a.d. 787). The invasion of
Cyprus was most likely the one carried out by Harun-al-Rashid during the
reign of Nikephoros I. (a.d. 802-A.D. 811). The invaders are described as the
barbarians of Babylonia, and the place, to which the captives were carried, as
Babylon. This, however, was not the famous city in Mesopotamia, but another
on the right bank of the Nile, called now Baboul or Old Cairo, from the settle
ment there of some Babylonians by the Persians. This, too, is proved by the
statement of the legend itself, which represents the bishop like another Jere
miah following the captives to Babylon (Egypt).
2 Questo fu Vescovo di Acta Argivorum citta di Cipro li Latini chiamano
Andriace, et li Greci la chiamano Edriargi. Fu martirizato in quella citta.
3 Eis x&PiQV Nytrov eiipyrai rb pvypd tov, KaX y ayia avrov Kdpa.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 377
the successor of Sosthenes in the See of Colophon in Lydia.1
The Menology commemorates him on 9th December.
Herakleides, whose name originally was Herakleon until Acta et
changed by St. Paul, was converted to the faith at Kition on Barnabas,
the first visit of the two Apostles to Cyprus. Barnabas is said
to have met him again on his second visit,2 when he consecrated
him bishop of the island and placed him over the church ofActasanct.
Tamasos. In the life of Auxibios, Bishop of Soli, it is stated
that Barnabas found him presiding over the diocese of Salamis
on his return. Le Quien places him third on the list of Arch- LeQuien.o.c,
bishops of Cyprus, as well as first among the Bishops of 44'.'
Tamasos. Lusignan calls him Heraclio and does not mention p.l^"'
his occupation of the See of Salamis, but says that he was
Bishop of Tamasos, where he was martyred.3 Kyprianos Kyprianos,
further adds that his memory was celebrated on the same day
(17th Sept.), with that of another occupant of the See, Myron.
According to the Synaxarion contained in the local office of ct. Excerpta
the saint, in which he is called Herakleidios, he was the son of yp a'*>'
a heathen priest named Hierokleos. It was at the village of
Lampatiston that the two Apostles are said to have first met
him. His father seeing that they were strangers offered them
hospitality, as was his wont. Though they refused his invita
tion, being unwilling to eat with one who ministered at an idol
shrine, they requested him to furnish them with a guide to
direct them on their journey. Herakleides was accordingly sent
by his father to show them the way. Seeing that he was intelli
gent and eager to learn, Paul and Barnabas explained to him
the mysteries of Christianity. In consequence of their teaching
Herakleides believed and, after receiving baptism, was appointed
first pastor of the church at Tamasos. During his career as a
bishop he is reported to have built churches, cured diseases,
raised the dead, cast out devils, and worked innumerable other
wonders. He was burnt at last by the idolaters together with
Myron, his successor in the See of Tamasos. Even so late as
1 'O Se 'EiratppbSiros — eyivev 'ElritTKOiros KoXotpwvos perd rbv ^wtrBivy. Synaxaristes,
'Ev Se rtp x*lP°ypdtpw ^S.vva^apio'Ty ypdtperai 6Vl b 'ETratppbSiros ovtos eyivev 'Eiritr- om" I-1 p"
KOiros iv Kbirpa ry ovtw KaXovp4vy 'ASpiaKy KaX iroXXobs e'reeTSia rys SiSao'KaXlas tov ''
irpoffoiKeiwtre rip Xpitrrip.
2 Local tradition, however, represents his consecration as taking place
during the first visit of the Apostles.
3 Heraclio santo fu Vescovo della citta di Thamasso, et fu martirizato anchora
nella predetta citta.

378 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
1769 his miraculous powers do not seem to have entirely deserted
him, as the following well-attested story proves : A certain Haji
Savas, an inhabitant of the Phaneromene quarter of Nikosia, had
a son named John, the victim of demoniacal possession. During
a festival held in honour of Herakleides the parents brought the
child to the saint's shrine in hopes that the latter might do some
thing to alleviate his sufferings. While the Holy Mysteries were
being celebrated a most strange occurrence took place. The boy
suddenly falling to the ground in convulsions began to vomit,
when to the astonishment of the beholders his ghostly tormentor
issued forth in the shape of a snake, a span long, and two crabs.
These reptiles were afterwards hung up publicly in the church to
confirm the faith of the credulous and to silence the cavils of the
unbelievers.
Lusignan, Leontios, Bishop of Neapolis, who flourished during the reign
Kyprianos, of the Emperor Maurice (a.d. 582-a.d. 602), appears to have
p' been a voluminous writer. Among other things we owe to his
pen the biographies of St. John the Almsgiver and St. Simeon
or. st. John Salus. His apologies against the Jews and in defence of images
i., De imagini were quoted at the fourth session of the Second Council of Nicaea
(a.d. 787).
Lusignan, Markellos is stated to have flourished during the reign of the
Kyprianos, Emperor Theodosius I. (a.d. 379-a.d. 395). He at first exercised
civil authority in Cyprus, where by his good government he
acquired considerable renown. Subsequently at the request of
the inhabitants of Apamea in Syria he was consecrated their
bishop. Here he distinguished himself by his zeal in the de
struction of the heathen temples in his diocese, whose continued
existence he regarded as perpetuating idolatrous tendencies
among the people. The story of his martyrdom is told as
follows in the Menology (14th Aug.) : On one occasion with the
help of some soldiers and gladiators he attempted to destroy
the great temple of Zeus. But the god successfully resisted all
attempts either to level or set fire to his sanctuary, until the
prelate sprinkled the pile of logs with holy water, when its
destruction was immediately effected. The pagans, excited to
fury by the loss of the object of their veneration, seized and
hurled the destroyer into the midst of the flames, where he met
a martyr's death. His sons would have avenged him, but were
dissuaded from their purpose by the provincial synod held in a.d.
391.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 379
Mark (30th Oct.), the cousin of Barnabas 1 and like him a or. ooioss., iv
native of Salamis, is said to have been one of the Seventy.2 He Lusignan,
is commonly supposed to have been the founder and first bishop K™rianos.
of the Church of Alexandria and to have suffered martyrdom p- *"¦
there. The Cypriots, however, say that efter the death of
Barnabas he crossed over into Asia and became bishop of
Apollonia, where he was martyred.
Mnason (19th Oct.), at whose house St. Paul lodged during Lusignan,
his last visit to Jerusalem, was a Cypriot by birth. Local KTOria-nos,
tradition represents him to have been one of the Seventy. He^J^
is reported to have suffered a martyr's death.4 Cypriot sources
supply further information concerning him which is not to be
found elsewhere. According to the legends he was a native of ct Excerpta
Tamasos and the child of idolaters. While on a visit with a
friend named Theonas to Jerusalem the two met with John the
Divine who, after instructing them in the doctrines of Christian
ity, counselled them to return, as Paul and Barnabas were in
Cyprus. On reaching Tamasos they found the two Apostles
engaged in missionary work there, as he had said. Mnason they
ordained a monk for his knowledge of Scripture, while his com
panion, Theonas, they appointed a reader. The story goes that
one day Mnason leaving the cave near the city, in which the
little congregation of Christians used to meet for worship,
walked through the streets of Tamasos until he came to a
temple dedicated to Asklepios (^Esculapius). Moved with
indignation at the sight of the heathen shrine he ordered it in
the name of Jesus Christ to come down. The idols at his word
immediately fell shattered to the ground. The heathen priests
seeing what had been done ran off' to tell the people, who
rushed upon the saint to kill him. But Mnason breathing upon
1 Kyprianos describes Mark as b dv4\jiios aiirov (i.e. BapvdBa) KaX Mapias rys
dveiplds BapvdBa.
The Synaxaristes appears to have fallen into a curious mistake regarding synaxaristes,
Mark's relationship to Barnabas :— tom- '¦¦ p- m-
MdpKos Se b tov BapvdBa av4ipios e| dSeXtpoii.
2 The testimony of Papias as given by Eusebios directly contradicts this EuaeDios.,
tradition. c'39.''
'Lusignan makes the following extraordinary statement with regard to
Mnason, whom he calls Naasone : " Nel 21 primo de gli Atti Apostolici lo
chiamano Jasone : Hospitaremur Jasonem quemdam Cyprium antiquum dis-
cipulum "- Jason of Thessalonica entertained Paul and Silas, and was in
consequence attacked by the Jewish mob (Acts xvii. 5, 6, 7, g). The worthy
ecclesiastic would seem to have confused the two hosts of St. Paul with one
another 'The Synaxaristes gives 18th Oct., as his feast day.

380

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan,
p. 24 (a).
Kyprianos,

Kyprianos,p. 350.
TheophanesChronograph,
A.M. 6272
(A.C. 772),
(Pat. Grsee.,
cviii., col.
913). Kedrenos,Hist. Com-
pend. (Pat.
Graec, cxxi.,
col. 900).
Ibid., col. 904.
Theophan.,
Chronograph,
A.M. 6276
(P. G., cviii.,
col. 912).

his assailants blinded them, nor would he consent to restore
their sight until they had promised to become believers. As a
result of this adventure 300 of them received the rite of
baptism. Many stories, as usual, are related of the wonderful
things he is said to have done. A woman named Trophime
having lost her son from the bite of a snake besought the saint
to restore the child to life, whereupon Herakleides, who seems
to have been present also on the occasion, by his prayers raised
him from the dead. Overcome with joy the mother herself next
expired, but at the intercession of Mnason the same miracle was
wrought in her case too. In consequence of these marvels 400
more were added to the Church. At another time he inter
vened to protect a poor Christian from the ill-usage of a
heathen money-lender, in whose debt he was. The usurer,
resenting the interference of the saint, abused him and threatened
to strike him, when his uplifted arm suddenly became withered
and immovable. But upon his promising to forgive his debtor
Mnason restored the use of it to him, upon which he was
at once baptised with all his household. Shortly before
Herakleides1 death Mnason is reported to have been appointed
by him as his successor at Tamasos by the unanimous wish of
the people. After presiding over the See to an advanced age
and feeling that the time of his own departure was drawing
nigh he consecrated one Rhodom to fill the post he was so soon
to vacate. The day of his death (19th Sept.), was marked by
the occurrence of many miracles. After lying exposed for the
adoration of the faithful his remains were buried near those of
his immediate predecessor.
Nikanor (28th July), one of the seven deacons, is claimed as
a compatriot by the island historians, who state that on his
return from Jerusalem to his native land he was martyred while
preaching the Gospel. Another tradition represents him as
having been put to death on the same day with St. Stephen.
Lusignan says that his memory was celebrated in Cyprus in
the month of January.1
Paul (30th Aug.), a native of Salamis, was Patriarch of
Constantinople in the time of Constantine VI. and Irene
(a.d. 780-a.d. 784). Though secretly favourable to image
worship he concealed his real inclinations through fear of the
Emperor Leo IV. It was at his instigation that the Empress
Irene assembled the Second Council of Nicaea against the
Iconoclasts. 1 La festa si celebia in Cipro nel mese di Gennaio.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 381
Philagrios is represented by Kyprianos as having been a^gnan,
disciple of St. Peter, by whom he was consecrated Bishop of Kyprianos,
Soli, where he died. The Menology also notices him (9th p'
Feb.), but makes no mention of his having been a disciple of
St. Peter, merely saying that he was appointed a bishop in
Cyprus. Philo (24th Jan.), Bishop of Karpasion, was originally a Lusignan,
rhetorician.1 His nationality, however, is unknown. Kyprianos Kyprianos,
says that he was regarded by many as a native of the island of p' 9'
Karpathos and that his church was still to be seen in ruins near
the village of Rizokarpaso. In the life of St. Epiphanios he is ijiybii
o r i l Rhino corurie
represented as having been sent to Cyprus by the sister of the JjjJ^^n
Emperors Arcadius and Honorius to bring Epiphanios from0-49-
Salamis to Rome that, by the saint's prayers and the imposition
of his hands, she might recover from a dangerous illness. Epi
phanios is reported to have formed so favourable an opinion of
him as to have consecrated him Bishop of Karpasion (a.d. 382),
in obedience to a divine revelation, though only a deacon,
and to have confided to him the care of his own diocese
during his absence, with authority to administer ordination if
necessary. He was the author of a commentary on the Song
of Songs.
Philoneides (17th June), Bishop of Kurion, was a fellow- synaxaristes
sufferer with the martyrs, Aristokles, Demetrianos, and Atha- une '
nasios in the Diocletian persecution. Hearing that the heathen
had received orders to debauch the Christians Philoneides,
wishing to escape such a fate, threw himself over one of the
cliffs near Kurion and so ended his life. Shortly after his
suicide the saint appeared to two men as they were walking at
some distance from the city, running naked before them with a
crown upon his head, his body anointed with sweet-smelling
myrrh and bearing a palm branch in his hand. On the spec
tators drawing near to Kurion the apparition vanished, when
they found the spot where the body was lying. The heathen
Greeks are said to have placed the remains in a sack and dropped
them into the sea, which threw them on shore again, when they
were discovered and buried by the Christians.
1 Lusignan. however, remarks : " Di qual citta non sappiamo "-
The Synaxaristes describes him as : "O "Oaios ncw-ip ypav QbXwv, 'EiritTKOiros Synaxaristes
„ , „/ (24th Jan.).
KaXiratriov, K '

p

Sozomen,
H. E., lib. i
c. 11.

382 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
„iriim03' Spyridon (12th Dec), Bishop of Trimythus, is one of the most
sokrates, famous among the earlier worthies of the Cypriot Church. In his
c'12." ' " youth he is said to have been a shepherd, a calling which he did not
gtaMtes, relinquish even on becoming a bishop. He was a diligent student
spiriton, c. 2. of Holy Scripture and is reported to have possessed some know
ledge of medicine, as well as the gift of prophecy. It was his
blameless and upright life which procured his consecration to the
sokrates, . episcopate. Though his name is not to be found among the
c.V' '"" signatories of the First General Council it is known from other
ptoastes, sources that he figured among the fathers assembled at Nicasa
s|irilon,cc. in a.d. 325. There he is said to have converted by the
cogency of his arguments a heathen philosopher to the faith.
Nikeph. Many strange stories are told of his wonderful doings by the
Kallist.,H. E., ./ .*=..... . . i ci i i
ub. viii., c. is. earlier ecclesiastical historians and, among others, by sokrates,
H°E.?i!b'. i., who professes to have derived them partly from the saint's
fellow-countrymen, and partly from Rufinus. Among those
related of him by the island chroniclers are the following, which
ub"*irac f ' E " wl'l sufficiently indicate the marvellous character of the rest.
Lusignan, When he was about to leave Cyprus for the great conference
at Nicaea eleven Arian bishops, also bound for the same place,
fearing the effect of Spyridon's powerful advocacy on behalf of
orthodoxy, persuaded the governor, who was of their party, to
forbid any ship to receive him as a passenger. The order was
duly issued, but it could not hinder the saint from appearing at
the Council. Some days after the departure of the eleven
heretics Spyridon went down to the sea-shore and taking off his
hermit's cloak placed one half of it upon the water, and tying
the other as a sail to his staff, which served as a mast, committed
himself in this strange craft to the mercy of the winds and waves.
The weather being favourable he reached his destination before his
Arian rivals, who were greatly astonished at what he had done.1
Lusignan, A certain man, when on the point of leaving Cyprus for a while,
Eunnns, entrusted something of value to Irene, the saint's daughter, for
lib. i., c! 5. 1 Questo fu al tempo del primo Concilio di Nicea, nel quale ha confuso gli
Arriani con la sua dottrina, quali prevedendo essi Vescovi Arriani, undici avanti
ehe andassero nel Concilio pregorno il Duca di Cipro di non lassare nessun
navilio di levarlo, et cosi comando esso Duca, quale era fautore. Et essendo
essi Vescovi partiti alquanti giorni Spiridione cavo il manto monacale, et messe
la mitta in mare, et l'altra l'attacco in alto al suo bastone a modo di vela, et
esso si messe a sedere nel manto disteso nel mare, et con un vento prospero
arrivo al Concilio, avanti ehe li undici Arriani fussero venuti : onde sbigottiti et
confusi furono.
Stanley's Eastern Church, pp. 108-iog, gives a diffeient veision ofthe saint's
journey to the Council.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 383
safe keeping.1 On his return, finding that she had meanwhile sokrates,
died, he became greatly distressed, fearing that he would lose «• i*.-'
his property. At length the bishop, taking compassion upon 1°™™°'. l,
him, went to his daughter's grave and, addressing her by name, °* u'
requested that she would say where she had deposited her
charge. On hearing her father's voice she is said to have indi
cated the spot and thus enabled Spyridon to restore the treasure
to its sorrowing owner. The remains of the saint, after resting
for some centuries in his native land, were carried for safety to
Constantinople during the period of the Moslem invasion. There
they found a home until they were once again removed to save
them from the clutches of the Turks. On this occasion their 'A/toWio
rescuer was a priest of the Imperial City, named Georgios Kalo- p.'m!" ™"05'
chairetos, who shortly before the siege carried them off together
with the body of Theodora, wife of the Emperor Theophilos.
Making his way with the precious relics through Servia to Arta
in Albania he crossed over to Corfu in 1460. As patron saint
of this island Spyridon is reported to have played the leading
part in its successful defence against the Turks in 1710. So ibid., P. 93.
sensible was the Signory of Venice of the great services rendered
by the saint on the occasion that, as an expression of its grati
tude, it dedicated a large silver candlestick to the church which
contained his remains, and issued a decree authorising them to
be earned in public procession annually on the day of deliver
ance, 11th August.
That the saint at times resented the attempts of the un
orthodox to do him honour the following story will show :
Andrea Pisani, admiral of the Venetian fleet and governor of ibid., PP. 93,
Corfu, with the object of returning thanks for his timely aid
resolved to erect in the church an altar, at which daily mass
might be said by a Latin priest. The idea of having Roman
ecclesiastics with their hateful azymes under the same roof was
one, which no self-respecting Orthodox saint like Spyridon could
for an instant tamely endure ! Twice he appeared to Pisani in
his sleep and bade him desist from the design. But the governor,
1 Accounts somewhat vary as to what this deposit was : —
Sokrates calls it a iroxbripov Kbtrpiov. Sozomen merely says, irap48eTb ns
tbc yvapipav ti. Rufinus describes it " as quoddam depositum," Metaphrastes
(c. 16) as a Kbtrpibv ti xpoaovv. The Menology (12th Dec), as a irapaKaraBijKy.
The last two authorities, moreover, represent the depositor as a woman.
2 The full title of this work is — "y Bela Kal lepd aKoXovBta tov iv aylois irarpbs
ypwv ~3,irvpiSwvos 'EiritrKbirov TpipvBovvros tov Bavparovpyov, Trarpbs Kal irpotrrdrov
KepKvpas". The first edition was published at Venice in 1674, and the sixth,
from which the following extracts are made, was also published there in 1880,

384 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
listening to the representations of his chaplain, who explained
that the dream was merely the result of some devilish agency, not
only disregarded the injunction, but also threatened the priests
in charge of the sacred remains on account of their disapproval
of the project. Since Pisani plainly showed that he was not to
be diverted from his purpose by mere visions stronger measures
were resorted to. On the night of 12th November, 1718, the
magazine in the old fort suddenly exploded, levelling the houses
in the citadel, besides killing all the Venetians in the vicinity,
with many others. Pisani himself was suffocated by two beams
falling across his neck, while his chaplain, the cause of the
mishap, was found lying dead in a ditch. The strangest
experience of all was that of the sentry posted in front of the
magazine. He beheld the saint approaching him, with a torch
in his hand, and was by him carried off and deposited safely
near the Church of the Crucified. The catalogue of prodigies,
however, is by no means yet exhausted. One of the Venetian
inhabitants of the city, being the same hour in his attic, saw
three flames issuing from the belfry of St. Spyridon's Church
and going towards the citadel, when the magazine immediately
caught fire. The same night, too, at Venice the portrait of
Pisani was struck by lightning, without ought else in the house
receiving any damage. " Who then " exclaims the narrator of
these marvels " does not from this judgment of Heaven see that
the innovations of the Papal Church are blasphemous and
abominable to God ? " " Would that God might enlighten
them to return to the truth, from which they have been per
verted " is the prayer that closes this tale of wonders.
Even in these prosaic times Spyridon seems to have lost none
of the power for which he was once so remarkable. The two
following well-attested instances within the last half century
show that, despite the lapse of years, his natural force is not yet
abated. The first is vouched for by the priest-monk Gregory
Valmis, who published a pamphlet on the subject in 1856 : —
\KoXoveu A certain woman named Vasilo, a native of Epirus, on
WWo., 15th June 185g left her home on Mount Chimera, where she
dwelt with her husband, Yanni Andreou, and in company with
other women of the place went on a two days1 journey to
Mount Logara, to gather there, according to custom, a peculiar
kind of wood much used by the Epirotes for torches. Return
ing on the 16th of the same month, as soon as she reached
home, she plunged her hands and feet into cold water to remove
from them all traces of the journey. Immediately her right

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 385
hand and foot became withered and contracted. For two years
and more she tried without avail all the remedies medical skill
could suggest. In her despair she even had recourse at last to
a Turkish quack. But his nostrums proved as ineffective as
the drugs of the more orthodox practitioners. She now betook
herself to prayer, earnestly beseeching God and the saints to
release her from this terrible affliction, which rendered her
existence a burden to herself and her friends. One night in
December, 1855, she had a dream, in which she saw a man in
clerical garb, who treading upon her withered foot addressed
her thus : " Do not write to your brother in Corfu, as you
intended, but go to him in person ''. Full of astonishment and
curiosity she asked him who he might be, when he replied : " I
am the saint whom you have so often invoked ". Terrified at
the vision she awoke and informed her neighbours what she had
seen. iThey advised her to do as she had been bidden by her
mysterious visitor. Making her way to the coast without
delay in a basket strapped to the back of a horse she crossed
over to Corfu, where on the pier she told the bystanders, among
whom was the public officer of health, the story of her suffer
ings. Being taken in a carriage to the church, where the body
of the saint reposed, she was borne in a chair from the door to
the place in which his coffin rested. Immediately on her
arrival before it she fell down on her knees and entreated its
occupant to plead with the Almighty on her behalf. The
fervour of her faith, coupled with his intercession, at length
prevailed. For three whole nights she lay stretched upon the
ground near the sacred relics. During the evening of her
second vigil she called about midnight to the priest in charge
of the church, and informed him with tears of joy and gratitude
that Spyridon had healed her. Next morning all doubt was set
at rest, when she walked erect and unsupported to the sanctu
ary doors to receive the sacrament.
The second instance is of somewhat later date (1861) and even -A.Ko\oveLa.
more remarkable. The recipient of the saint's favour on this p.T ""'0!'
occasion was a boy, the only child of Orthodox parents resident
for some years at Barletta in Southern Italy. On reaching his
eighth year he contracted a severe attack of typhoid fever, which
defied all the efforts of the doctors to cure. On the morning
of the seventeenth day after his seizure the lad lay to all appear
ances at death's door. His mother, who had not ceased during
the whole period of her son^ illness to weep and pray to St.
25

386 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Spyridon, now redoubled her lamentations and supplications.
Suddenly, as though struck with an inspiration from on high,
she exclaimed: "I will telegraph at once to my relatives in
Corfu to uncover the saint and entreat him for my little Yanni.
The saint by his intercession with God will, I feel sure, preserve
and grant him to me, because I have besought and do now
beseech him with all my heart and soul." The telegram was
accordingly sent when, wonderful to relate, about the hour
(11 a.m.) Spyridon was uncovered and his good offices solicited,
the lad was seized with strong convulsions. These the doctors,
who were present, mistakenly regarded as showing that all was
nearly over, whereas in reality they marked the expulsion of the
disease through the saint's intercession. The lad soon after
opened his eyes and to the astonishment of those, who expected
every moment to be his last, gave signs of returning life.
Complete recovery, however, was slow, as it was not until the
11th of December following, the eve of his preserver's festival,
that he recovered all his powers of speech.
The compiler of these astounding prodigies concludes his
pious labours as follows : —
" Corfu is the spectator of his countless miracles. All the
Orthodox everywhere, and the Westerns also, testify to and
proclaim the wonder-working grace of Spyridon. Sailors more
especially and the afflicted have recourse to Spyridon. The many
and costly offerings to be found in his church are clear proofs of his
wondrous works. No one seeking Spyridon with faith and con
trition fails to attain his desires. Let us Corfiotes then with
one accord send up praise and thanks to the all-good God, Who
has bestowed upon our most-beloved country so sacred a treasure,
and let us exclaim, ' Wonderful is God in His Saints, to Whom
be glory and power, honour and worship for ever. Amen. ' "
Theodotos,1 Bishop of Kyrenia, is said to have suffered perse
cution during the reign of Licinius, while Sabinus was Governor
LuBignan, 1 Both Lusignan and Kyprianos mention two individuals of this name, e.g.,
jfc)26 ,a)' (i) Theodoto santo Vescovo di Cerine di Cipro, et la sua festa si celebra at mese
Kyprianos, di Maizo : nacque anchora nella predetta citta di Cerines, et fu martirizato nel
P- «*• tempo di Decio Imperatore, et di Sabino, Consulo de' Romani in Cipro, over
Capitaneo [KaTairav ?], come dicono li Greci.
(2) Santo Theodoto Vescovo di Cipro, un'altro oltra quello ehe dicemmo di
sopra, fu martirizato, et la sua festa si celebra nel mese di Luglio.
(1) GebSwros. 'EiritTKOiros Kal Mdprvs dirb t)jv Kvpyviav. 'Epaprvpytrev eis aiiT^jv
iirl Aikiv'iov, Kal ~ZaB'ivov yyepbvos rys Nijtrov. 'Eopr. Maprlov B'.
(2) GebSwros. 'EiriffKOiros rys Kvpyvlas Kinrpios, koBHis ypdtpei TevvdSios b Tlpef-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 387
of Cyprus. On the death of that emperor he was set at liberty
and restored to his See, over which he continued to preside until
his own death two years later. The Menology celebrates his
memory on 19th January, the day of his release from prison,
the Synaxarion on 2nd March, when he died.
Theophanes, a monk and native of Nikosia, may be regarded as Lusignan,
one of the very latest in the catalogue of the island saints, having Kyprianos,
died so recently as a.d. 1550. By reason of his exemplary life he p'
was promoted to the See of Soli, an office which he only accepted
with great reluctance.1 The following incident which befell him
would seem to show that a Clergy Discipline Act was much needed
during the period when he flourished : Having on one occasion
to reprove his GSkonomos, the latter, a very saucy fellow, by way
of reply gave his superior a sounding box on the ears. The
meek Theophanes perceiving from this act the scanty respect in
which he was held, deemed himself unworthy of his high office
and requested the representatives of the Venetian Government
Bvrepos. Avrbs eypaijiev eva BifiXiov ivavriov rys aipeffews tov AiotTKbpov, KaX tov
Evtvxovs Twy alperiKwv, birov iKaraSiKatrBytrav dirb rijv Terapryv ~2,vvoSov.
Reference to the Synaxaristes (4th July), would seem to suggest that Lusignan
is confusing Theodoto (No. 2), with Theodoros, Bishop of Cyrene in Libya,
who suffered martyrdom during the reign of Diocletian. The two towns of
Cyrene (KvpTjvy) and Kyrenia (Kvpyvia) are frequently mistaken for one another,
hence perhaps the origin of the Cypriot legend that Simon of Cyrene was a
native of Kyrenia.
Lusignan also mentions a Theodoro, who corresponds to the Theodotos
(No. 2) of Kyprianos.
" Theodoro di Cipro nato, et fii Vescovo della citta di Cipria cioe di Cerines, Lnsignan,
come narra Genandio presbitero di Marsiglia de viris illustribus: il quale Santo p' M ""¦
Theodoro scrisse alcune opere contra Dioscoro, et Euthice heretici condannati
nelli Concilii.
1 Theoffanio monaco di Nicosia morto a' giorni nostri : alquale della sua vita
invero non si potria opponere, onde essendo fatto Vescovo, con gran difficulty
accetto : et havendo un giorno ripreso il suo Iconomo, esso Iconomo superbo
gli diede uno schiaffo : onde vedendo il Vescovo la poca riverentia, giudico non
esser degno di tal'ufficio, et ando con mille preghiere, et prego li Signori con le
lacrime ehe dovessero accettare la sua rinuntia. Essi stavano duri, et non
volevano, ma all'ultimo sforzati l'accettarono, et esso Theoffanio ando in un
monasterio a Messapotamo, alii monti solitario, dove fece la sua vita. Quivi
una notte havendo veduto in sogno, ehe un suo amico gli porto una zara di
mele, la mattina risvegliato, ecco il suo amico col mele, et il vaso pieno, et esso
Vescovo lo riceve gratiosamente, ma poi lo trasse al muro, et sparse il mele, et
disse aU'amico ehe cio facea perche non voleva ehe il Diavolo havesse fattogli
credere a gli insogni. Mori poi piesso tutti in opinion di vita molto santa, ma
indi (i.e. 1573) a 4 over 6 anni discoprendo la sepoltura ritrovorno li ossi i quali
non pareavano ehe fussero ossi di morti, et il capo anchora haveva della came,
et la posero dai claustro in chiesa, et dicono clie fa molti miracoli. Io vidi la
sepoltura co gli ossi mescolati con la polvere, quali invero havevano odor non
di morti, pero io sto cosi ambiguo, et lascio giudicare a chi tocca.

388

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

to relieve him of his functions. His petition at first was refused,
but after further solicitation eventually granted. Thereupon
he retired to the secluded monastery of Mesapotamo at the foot
of Troodos, where he passed the remainder of his days. The
chronicler of the above tells another story of the saint, which is
perhaps more edifying : One night he dreamt in his sleep that
a friend had brought him a jar of honey. Sure enough in the
morning on rising from his bed there stood the friend before
him, with the honey according to his dream. Receiving him
courteously Theophanes took the jar from his hands and emptied
its contents over the monastery wall, giving as a reason for his
strange act that he did not wish to become through Satanic
agency a believer in dreams. His contemporary, Lusignan, from
whose pages the above are taken, says that his grave, which he
professes to have seen, was opened some five or six years after
his decease. He describes the remains as then presenting an
appearance quite unlike that of a corpse, and he adds that the
head, to which the flesh was still adhering, was placed in the
monastery church, where it was reported to have wrought many
miracles.

Lusignan,p. 24 (a).

Kyprianos,p. 346.

Lusignan,p. 24 (a).
Kyprianos, p. 347.
Jerome, De
Vir. LUuBt.,
c. 92.
Synax. (12th
June).

Titus, to be distinguished from the first Bishop of Crete,
was a native of Paphos and a disciple of St. Paul.1 He is
reported to have been a fellow convert of Sergius Paulus and to
have been ordained deacon by that Apostle at Paphos, where he
was afterwards martyred. Le Quien in his list of the bishops
of that See gives the second place to Titus in succession to
Epaphras. Triphyllios (12th June), was Bishop of Ledri or Leucotheon,
now called Nikosia. Jerome describes him as being the most
eloquent man of his age and says that he was the author of
many works, one of which only, a Commentary on the Canticles,
he had read. Originally educated for the law in the celebrated
schools of Beyrout, where he acquired reputation for oratorical
ability and legal knowledge, he abandoned all his prospects of
professional success on embracing Christianity. After his conver
sion he attached himself to Spyridon, whose life he is reported

1 Tito, discipolo di Paolo Apostolo, fu fatto quando convert! Paolo Sergio,
nel qual tempo anchora esso fu convertito, et da Paolo Apostolo ordinato in
Diacono nella predetta citta di Paffo, nella quale era nato, et in quella anchora
fu martirizato. Et questo e un'altro da Tito Vescovo di Candia, alquale scrisse
le Epistole.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 389
by Suidas to have written in Greek iambics. According to
Sozomen 1 it was to him Spyridon addressed his well-known |0ZEmUb' i
rebuke for substituting in a quotation from St. Mark the more c- "¦
refined expression "couch" for the homely word " bed ". *^jS?t., «. e.,
"What, are you better than He Who said "bed" that you are st. Mark, u„
ashamed to use His words ? 11 Athanasios represents him as Athana,Bii
having been present at Sardica in company with his master. fD'0i°er''
One of the native chroniclers relates that his tomb at Hodege- Maohan-a,
tria was rifled by the Saracens during one of their many
incursions and his remains disturbed. St. Diomedes, however,
another of the island saints, rescued the holy skull from their
profane hands and buried it at Levkomiati, erecting a church
over the spot.
Tychicos (8th Dec), is identified by one of the island Kyprianos,
historians with the person of the same name mentioned in the Acts xx., 4.
Acts and Pauline epistles. Though the commonly accepted Eph.,vi.,2i.
tradition reports him to have been Bishop of Chalcedon in2nm"jvl2
Bithynia the anonymous life of St. Auxibios represents him as ™-, m., 12-
having been sent by Paul to Herakleides for consecration to the (17a 1™.°-'
See of Neapolis. Kyprianos and the Roman Martyrology,
however, connect him with Paphos.2 The latter also commemo
rates him on 29th April.
Tychon (16th June), Bishop of Amathus,3 is said to have been Lusignan,
ordained deacon by St. Mnemonios, whom he succeeded, his Kyprian0Sp
consecrator being the celebrated Epiphanios. There is a story p'
to the effect that his father, who was a baker by trade, once
sent his son, while still a youth, to sell loaves. The latter dis- sSj*u5e)8B
tributed them instead among the poor. His father, on hearing
what he had done, was very angry until his son, taking him to
the granary, showed it to him full of corn, which had got there
in some miraculous manner. On another occasion the saint is
said to have planted a vine slip, which he chanced to find, when
it immediately put forth leaves and bore fruit. A remarkable
feature about this particular plant was that, though the saint's
1 I.e. tTKipiroSa for KpdBBarov.
oil ffb ye, etpy, dpeivwv el tov KpdBBarov elpyicbTos, Sti ye Si aiSovs iroiy rdis
iKelvov Xe^etrt Siairpiireiv ;
2 "Apud Paphum in Cipro Tychici, discipuli beati Pauli Apostoli." Martyr-
3 Tigona Santo fu Vescovo di Amathunda : onde la Chiesa Cathedrale a lui e April™.
intitulata, laquale anchora sta in piedi. Io vi sono stato, et la festa si celebra
nel mese di Giugno.

390 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
festival fell rather early for the grape harvest, yet on that day
it always bore fruit, which ripened during the holding of the
commemoration service and was fit to be plucked at its close.
Lusignan, John the Almoner (12th Nov.), the celebrated Patriarch of
Kyprianos, Alexandria (a.d. 609-a.d. 615), and original patron saint of
Guii'iyr, the Hospitallers,1 though his fame was acquired elsewhere, must
ifb.cxviii.', be reckoned among the island worthies. He was born at
°' 5- Amathus while his father, Epiphanios, was Governor of Cyprus.
His curious title of the Almoner was bestowed upon him by reason
of his excessive benefactions to the poor, 7500 of whom he is
said to have maintained at his own expense. On his deathbed
he even prided himself, as the result of his unparalleled charity,
with having nothing more to leave than one small coin,2 though
on his consecration he found in the patriarchal chest 8000 pounds
of gold. This hoard he had spent in his accustomed manner,
together with various other immense sums bestowed upon him
by the faithful. The death of his wife and children first led
him to turn his attention to religion. So great was the repu
tation for sanctity, which he acquired, that on the death of
Theodosios at Alexandria he was appointed by Heraclius to
succeed him at the request of the citizens. John, however, was
only persuaded after great reluctance to accept the honour.
Leontios, His life written by one of his contemporaries, Leontios, Bishop
John of Neapolis in Cyprus, from materials supplied by one of the
Eleemosynary . m ¦ •'¦¦'¦ "
E'lcui0': highest officials of the Patriarchate, was translated into Latin
by Anastasios the Librarian at the command of Pope Nicolas.3
From it we learn in the saint's own words that the character
istic which won for him his name of Almoner was the result of
a vision he had in his native isle, when not more than fifteen
years of age. One night, as he lay asleep in his bed, he was
awakened by feeling some one touch him in the side. Starting
up quickly he was astonished to see the dazzling apparition of a
female form standing by him, with a crown of olive branches
upon her head. Thinking it was some woman who had thus
1 Erexerunt etiam in eodem loco altare in honore beati Joannis Eleymon.
Hie vir Deo placens et per omnia commendabilis, natione fuit Cyprius ; tandem
suffragantibus meritis, factus est Alexandrinus patriarcha, vir in operibus
pietatis singulariter excellens, cujus pia studia et liberates eleemosynas in
perpetuum enarrabit omnis ecclesia sanctorum. Unde et a Sanctis Patribus
vocatus est Eleymon, quod interpretatur misericors.
2 Tremis = one third part of an aureus.
3 There is also another biography of the saint by Simeon Metaphrastes,
(Cf. Migne, Pat, Grasc, tom. cxiv., pp. 896-965).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 391
broken in upon his slumbers, he demanded of her, after first
making the sign of the cross, who she was and why she had
thus dared to disturb his rest. She replied with a smile, " I
am the eldest daughter of the great King, and if thou wilt take
me as thy friend I will bring thee to Him, for no one has the
influence with Him that I possess. It is I who caused Him to
come down as a Man upon earth and to save men." With
these words she disappeared. Turning over in his mind what
he had seen and heard John came to the conclusion, from the
olive crown she wore, that his visitant represented Mercy and
Charity. Immediately donning his clothes he stole out of the
house, without waking any of the inmates, and made his way to
the church. The day was just breaking and on the road he
met a man shivering with the cold, upon whom he bestowed
his goat-skin cloak. He did this, so he informs us, that he
might ascertain whether his recent vision was of celestial or
diabolic origin. He had not yet reached the church, when
suddenly a man clothed in white accosted him, and placing in
his hand a purse containing 100 pieces of money bade him
spend it as he pleased. He at first received the gift with joy,
but on second thoughts wishing to restore it, as he was in need
of nothing, he could not find the donor. From that hour he
made a practice of alms-giving.
On the capture of Alexandria by the Persians under Chosroes
II. (a.d. 616) John, instead of remaining to share the dangers
of his flock, resolved to seek safety in his native Cyprus, j ustify-
ing his desertion of it by tbe words of Christ : "But when they Matt.,
persecute you in this city, flee ye into another ". His companion
in flight was the governor of the city, the patrician Niketas,
who persuaded the prelate to promise that he would journey as
far as Constantinople to bestow his blessing upon the Emperor.
During the voyage the vessel was in great danger of being
engulfed by a terrible storm, and was only saved through the
Patriarch's timely intercession. On arriving at Rhodes, John,
as he was leaving the ship, was accosted by an angel with a
golden sceptre in his right hand, who said to him : " Come, I
pray thee, the King of kings seeketh thee '\ The saint at once
acquainted Niketas with the angelic vision and requested per
mission to return to Cyprus. Coming to his native city of
Amathus he immediately called for writing materials and bade
his attendants draw out his will, on the completion of which he
died. It was not to be expected that the death of one so highly

392 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
favoured by Heaven would take place without some strange
portents occurring. His veracious biographer has recorded
several for the edification and amazement of succeeding genera
tions. It is gravely asserted that at the funeral of the saint in
the Church of St. Tychon, a former occupant of the See of
Amathus, as the body was being lowered into the grave, the
corpses of two holy bishops already interred there side by side
rolled apart and left the space between them for the newcomer.
Leontios, evidently aware of the incredible nature of this tale,
assures his readers that the witnesses of this astounding incident
were not a mere handful of spectators, but the whole concourse
present at the obsequies. What follows, however, is even more
remarkable. A certain woman, also a native of Amathus, hearing
of his arrival from Rhodes and that his approaching end had
been divinely predicted, came to him with the weight of a very
grievous sin upon her conscience. Clasping his feet with her
hands she thus besought him : " O thrice blessed one, miserable
woman that I am, I have something which I cannot tell to men,
but I know that if thou wilt thou canst forgive me, for the
Lord hath said to men like thee, 'Whosesoever sins ye remit,
they are remitted to them11' John on hearing these words,
afraid, if he should refuse her request, that he might render him
self liable to her punishment, while she through her faith in him
would be forgiven, said : " If thou dost indeed believe that God
will pardon this sin for my unworthiness, confess it to me".
The woman assured him in reply that to do so was impossible,
since it was something which no man's ears might hear. The
saint pressed her again, saying : " If thou art ashamed to tell it,
go and write it down, if thou knowest how, and bring it to me ".
On her repeating her former objection the Patriarch further urged
her, saying : " Canst thou not write it and seal it and then bring
it to me ? " After some hesitation the woman at last consented
on condition that the paper was not to be unsealed nor allowed
to come into possession of any one else. Five days aftei' the
interview the saint died without mentioning the occurrence to
any one. The day following his decease the woman, who had
been absent when he died, returned to Amathus. Hearing of
his death she was almost beside herself with anxiety for her
confession. Accordingly, coming with all haste to the place of
his interment, she addressed the dead, as though he were still
alive, in these words: "Man of God, I could not tell thee my
sin on account of its enormity, and now for aught I know it is
the common property of all. Alas ! alas ! Whereas I thought

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 393
to find peace for my trouble, behold I am in a worse plight than
before. I will not cease to cry at thy tomb until my prayers
are answered. Thou art not dead, 0 Saint of God, but alive :
for it is written, ' The Just shall live for ever1." After continuing
her clamour at the grave of the saint for three whole days and
refusing all sustenance, on the night of the third, in the midst
of her lamentations, she saw the servant of God issue forth from
the tomb with the two bishops, his companions, on either side,
and heard him say : " How long, O woman, wilt thou disturb
the occupants of this tomb and forbid their repose ? Our robes
are wet with thy tears.11 With these words he handed her
the paper sealed, saying : " Take it. Dost thou recognise it ?
Open and examine it.11 On recovering from her surprise at the
vision she saw the three saints returning to their last resting-
place. Breaking open the seal she found the confession, which
she had written, rubbed out and underneath it the following
sentence : "Thy sin has been blotted out for My servant John's
sake". Strange occurrences, too, are recorded as having taken place
in Alexandria on the day of his death. A monk of that city
named Sabinos, a man of unimpeachable veracity, had a vision
of the blessed John. He saw the Patriarch, surrounded by his
clergy and with a taper in his hand, leaving the episcopal
residence and going to the heavenly King, at the call of a
chamberlain resembling an eunuch and under the guidance of a
girl, bright as the sun, and wearing a crown of olive branches
upon her head. Corroboration of this story was soon forthcoming,
when it was discovered from some travellers from Cyprus that, it
occurred at the very same hour in which the Patriarch died.
The mention of the girl was regarded as additional confirmation,
for it was remembered how she had promised the saint long
years before that, if he would take her as his friend, she would
lead him to the great King.
Another inhabitant of the same city also met with a very re
markable experience the same night. Pie had a vision of all
the poor, the orphans and widows of Alexandria, the recipients of
John's bounty, hurrying to the church with branches of olive in
their hands to take part in the funeral obsequies. But this cata
logue of marvels is not yet exhausted, for we learn that in proof
of the esteem, in which Heaven held him, there issued a sweet-
smelling unguent from his saintly corpse. His remains were
subsequently removed from Amathus to Venice, where Kyprianos
saw them, having often worshipped at his shrine on the day of

394 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
his commemoration.1 From their appearance he conjectures that
the saint must have been a man of lofty stature and imposing
presence. Another name, which ought not to be omitted, is that of St.
John Lampadistes. Though entirely unknown outside the con
fines of his island home his local reputation for sanctity stands
very high. A native of the village of Lampas near Galata he
owes his distinguishing name to the place of his birth. Accord
ing to the legend he renounced matrimony for monasticism and
suffered the loss of his sight in consequence through the enchant
ments used by the parents of the girl whom he had slighted. He
died at the early age of twenty-two and his memory is celebrated
on the 4th October (O.S.). His office or aKoXovdua, from which
these particulars are derived, was published at Venice in 1667.
An extensive monastery bearing his name still exists in the
Marathasa Valley between the villages of Moutoulla and Kalo-
EHst.de panagiotis. De Mas Latrie seems to regard his title of Lampa-
Chypre, torn i o ( m o m ±
i., p. 96. distes as meaning the Brilliant or the Illuminated, though
admitting that nothing in his history appears to justify so high
pi. Boustron, sounding a designation.2 Florio Boustron, who notices the great
veneration paid to the saint, derives his cognomen from Lamba-
disto, an ancient name of Troodos, which was possibly given to
it from the glittering snow that during the winter crowns its
summit.3 Catharine (25th Nov.). The legends connected with her
exemplify in a most remarkable manner the exuberant growth
Kyprianos, x Tb ayiov Xelipavov aiirov tov ayiov evpio~Kerai t^v tr-ijpepov eis t^jv irepitpypov
p' KaX 4vSo\oraTyv Beverlav. 'O Nabs, els rbv biroiov dvairaberai evripws, KpdCerai
iirtxwpiws 2dv Yiwavve MirpdyoXa (San Giovanni Bragola). TloXXaKis avrb eya
4irpotrKvvytra Kara ttjv ypepav ttjs eoprys tov ttj iB' NoepBpiov. t)tov b dyios, ws
tpaiverat arrb rb Xeityavbv tov paKpvs eis t^j/ yXiKlav, Kal BewpyriKwraros.
2 Saint Jean Lampadiste, le Brillant, l'lllumine, est, a juste titre, un des saints
populaires de l'ile, surtout dans les cantons du nord-ouest, ou il est ne et d'ou
est venu vraisemblablement son surnom. Sa vie, peu connue d'ailleurs, parait
n'avoir eu rien d'eclatant, et ne semblerait pas justifier la glorieuse denomination
qui le distingue dans l'Bglise grecque.
3 Un' altro monte vi e ehe da gli antiqui si chiamava Lambadisto, da altri
Chionodes, et al presente Triodos. — Un'huomo di santa vita, chiamato Gioanni,
per esser del medemo loco chiamasi san Gioanni Lambadisti, ehe appresso li
Greci e di gran veneratione. Chionodes giudico sia chiamato, pero ehe sempre
ha neve in cima di quello, et Chionodes in lingua greca vuol inferire pien di neve.
The Acta et Passio Barnabae mentions a village near Troodos called Lampa-
diston, but it does not give the name to the mountain, which, however, it says
was called Chionodes for the reason already given, c. 43,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 395
of fiction during the Middle Ages under the guise of ecclesi
astical history, as well as show on how small a basis of fact an
elaborate superstructure can be erected. Indeed a distinguished Tiiiemont,
Church writer has pronounced all the materials of her biography ecciesias-
worthless. The only real fact in the whole history of the saint
consists of a few lines in Eusebios, who relates, without giving Eusebios,
her name, that a lady of Alexandria was one of the victims ofvtu.,"c. ii
Maximinus' cruelty at the beginning of the fourth century. The
Cypriot Church, however, in spite of the uncertainty hanging
over her existence, regards her as one of its most illustrious con
fessors and martyrs. The following account of her by Lusignan,
though bristling with palpable inaccuracies, represents the local LuBignan, PP.
tradition.1 About the year 290, while Diocletian was Emperor »W'
at Rome, there reigned in Cyprus a certain King named Costa,
in whose honour the city of Salamis was called Constantia. On
the suppression by Diocletian of the rebellion of Achilleios in
1 Cateiina. La leggenda et tutti li historiografi pongono ehe ella fusse di
Alessandria, ma li Famagostani hanno una leggenda greca, laquale dice esser
di Cipro, da Famagosta vecchia, et era figliuola del Re Costa, dai quale la citta
fu chiamata da Salamina Costantia, et in essa citta, come habbiamo detto di
sopra, e la sua prigione, et poi condutta a Paffo, et posta in prigione, et de li in
Alessandria, fu martirizata.
Circa li anni del nostro Signore 2go in Cipro era Re Costa, il quale fece
chiamare la citta di Salamina Constantia, dove esso faceva residentia, et li suoi
Re predecessori. Era in questo tempo Diocletiano Imperatore, et in Egitto
regnava Achilleo, il quale si ribello dall' imperio Romano, onde Diocletiano
ando da Roma in Egitto, et vinse Achilleo et gli diede la morte, et la citta la
mise a sacco. Allhora chiamo il Re Costa da Cipro, et gli diede il governo del
regno di Egitto, il qual lascio nel regno di Cipro un suo fratello, et essendo in
Alessandria, mori, et lascio una figliuola Catherina, laquale cosi giovinetta,
divento delli arti liberali sapientissima. II regno di Alessandria fu preso da
Maxentio figliuolo* di Diocletiano Imperatore. Catherina, essendo morto il padre,
fu condotta in Cipro al zio Re, il quale stantiava in Salamina, over Constantia.
Costui vedendo la nepote essere Christiana, temendo Maxentio, + et Diocletiano
della loro crudelta verso li Christiani, mise in prigione Catherina in Salamina,
la qual prigione, come dicemmo, sta in piedi, et dipoi la volse mandare a
Maxentio in Egitto, 6 per revocarla 6 per castigarla, perche era bellissima gio-
vane et sapientissima. La cavo dalla prigione, et la mando a Paffo per imbar-
carla, et quivi di novo fu posta in prigione fin ehe la nave fusse preparata, et
poi la condussero in Alessandria. Ella ando nel palazzo del padre, et vedendo
un giorno Maxentio, ehe perseguitava J li Christiani, ando da lui, et lo riprese, et
la martirizo, come per I'historie e noto, et perche e martirizata in Alessandria
tutte le historie latine eccetto Pietro Calo da Chioza dicono essere Alessandrina.
* Maxentius was the son of Maximian, the colleague of Diocletian.
f Diocletian abdicated a.d. 305. Maxentius assumed the purple a.d. 306.
Maximian must be here intended.
I Maxentius was distinguished by his leniency towards the Christians ; his
father Maximian fiercely persecuted them,

396 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Alexandria, Costa was transferred from Cyprus and entrusted
with the government, his brother being appointed his successor
in Cyprus. He eventually died in Egypt, leaving a little
daughter, who was conducted to her uncle in Cyprus. The
administration of Egypt at this time was entrusted to Maxen
tius, the son of Diocletian. Catharine's uncle, discovering that
his niece was a Christian and knowing the hostility of Diocletian
and Maxentius to that sect, put her in prison, first at Salamis
and afterwards at Paphos, whither he had sent her, intending to
convey her back to Egypt. On returning to Alexandria she one
day revisited her father's palace. Encountering Maxentius there
by chance she reproached him for his cruelty to her co-religionists,
whereupon he caused her to be put to death. It was because the
martyrdom took place at Alexandria, so Lusignan explains, that
she has been considered a native of that city.
Kyprianos, Kyprianos' version of the legend differs materially from the
above. He says that her father, whom he calls Constans, was re
moved from his kingdom of Cyprus and banished to Alexandria
because he was suspected by the Emperors of plotting with the
Persians. On his death in exile Catharine, who had accompanied
him, returned to Cyprus. Moved by the persecutions, to which
she saw the Christians there subjected, she resolved to court a
martyr's death. Boldly proclaiming her faith in Christ she was
apprehended by the governor and cast into prison at Famagusta.
Subsequently, by order of the tyrant Maximinus, who was her
father's personal enemy, she was conveyed to Alexandria, and
there put to death.
Menology The Menology and Simeon Metaphrastes give an entirely
Simeon Meta- different story of the martyrdom and make no mention at all of
MartSyrrom Cyprus in connection with the saint.1
frnGr^c*1130 According to the former, Catharine, on the occasion of some
2?™3o*2Ti''pp' pagan festival at Alexandria, was so moved to indignation
at the spectacle of the many victims offered to the idols that she
1 Kyprianos explains Metaphrastes' omission to mention Cyprus in connec
tion with St. Catharine as follows : —
fO MeratppatTT^s, biroii Siyyeirai rb aiirys paprvpiov, Sev 4tppbvTttre Sid rbv rblrov,
biroii iyevvijBy, oAAa rbv rbirov, biroii ipaprvpytre, KaBws KaX els &XXa tov iroXXd iirapd-
BXe\f/e. All the accounts represent her as being of royal descent, e.g. : —
Menology, Bvyar^jp fiatnXio'Kov tivos.
Metaphrastes, iK BatriXiKov yevovs irpoyypevy.
The last independent sovereign of Cyprus was Ptolemy, brother of Ptolemy
Auletes, upon whose suicide the island was incorporated in the Roman dominions,
b.c. 58.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 397
approached Maximinus and boldly reproved him for being a
worshipper of false gods. After subjecting her to excruciating
tortures he ordered fifty orators to be assembled and threatened
them with death by fire unless they succeeded in convincing
her of her errors. In the dialectic contest which ensued the
advocates of heathendom were worsted by the Christian
champion, whereupon they received baptism in token of their
defeat and were burnt alive, while the triumphant saint was
beheaded. Near the ruins of Old Famagusta (Salamis) is to be seen apococke,
small structure of Cyclopean masonry bearing the name of St. u™p."Wro '
Catharine's prison in confirmation of the legend.1 Mediaeval
tradition, however, would seem rather to represent it as the
place of her nativity. Most likely a Phoenician tomb, it resembles
another structure of the same kind at Larnaka, called Phanero
mene, and consists of two chambers of unequal size. The dome-
shaped roof is composed of five stones, the middle one of which
runs the entire length of the building.
Mary (29th June), the mother of Mark, as the sister of Bar
nabas is to be included in the Cypriot Calendar. One of the Kyprianos,
local writers, however, represents her as being the daughter of p'
his brother Aristobulos.2 This relationship,, if true, would make
her the niece, and not the sister, of the Apostle. According ciem.
to Clemens Alexandrinus she suffered martyrdom during the life- Strom" vii.
time of the Apostle Peter.
Maura (3rd May), and Timothy, her husband, are generally Lusignan,
mentioned together. Lusignan claims the village of Perapedi Kyprianos,
at the foot of Troodos as their birthplace and says they werep
1 This building is frequently mentioned in the accounts of mediaeval travellers,
e.g. :—
(i) Ludolph of Suchen (a.d. 1350): "Ex hac civitate (Famagusta) etiamHist.de
sancta Katharina fuit orta, et adhuc ibidem stat capella ". p^IS'.' ™"
(2) Felix Faber (a.d. 1485) : " Salamina ergo Cypri, civitas Teucri vetusta, Feiic. Fabr.
praater hoc, quod fudit nobis odiosos detestabilesque Turcos, edidit nobis S. tom8!!™'
Barnabam Apostolum, qui ibi martyrium sustinuit, et amabilem sanctamque P- 239.
virginem Catharinam, quae ibi nata esse dicitur, et in loco nativitatis capella
hodie peregrinis monstratur ".
(3) Mr. John Locke (30th Sept. 1553): "In the morning we ridde to aHackiuyt's
chappell, where they say Saint Katherine was borne (!). This Chappell is in ^If^. 108
Olde Famagusta."
2 'H dyia Mapla MijTyp Iwdvvov tov perovopatrBevTos MdpKov, ?jtov Bvydryp
' ApitTToBoiiXov dSeXtpov tov 'AiroffTbXov BapvdBa.

398 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
martyred on the banks of the Kurias near the town of Kilanion.1
According to his account, on the spot where their blood fell a
spring of water gushed out. The stains, so he affirms, still
remained to his day, and were visible on the earth and rocks
beneath the water. The accuracy of this statement he vouches
for by personal experiment. The legend doubtless owes its
origin to the presence of some reddish rocks on the supposed
site of the execution, the colouring of which is due to certain
minerals. But it serves, notwithstanding, to confirm in the
minds of the superstitious peasants of the district their faith in
the story. Kyprianos in one important particular-differs materi
ally from his brother historian.2 He says that the martyrs were
Menoiogy natives of the Thebaid, but met martyrdom in Cyprus. The
BynuuiiteB account given in the Menology is quite at variance with the
[3rd May). Cypriot version, making not the slightest reference to the island
in connection with the two saints. Timothy, whose grade in
the church was that of reader, was twenty days after his marriage
with Maura apprehended by the pagans and handed over in
chains with his wife to Arrian, Prefect of the Thebaid, who
ordered him to produce and burn the sacred books. On his
refusal he was subjected to various excruciating tortures, but
still his resolution remained unshaken. His wife was next
directed, under threat of death, to use her influence with her
husband and induce him to abjure Christ, but she refused.
Whereupon, after being herself cruelly tortured, the two were
nailed to a wall, where they remained for nine days, till death
mercifully released them from their sufferings.
(2) The Foreign Saints.
Acta Auxibios (17th Feb.) was a native of Rome and the son of
fireS'Feb!)! wealthy heathens. On arriving at the age of manhood his
fi9thFeb.?e° parents wished him to marry, but he refused, and in spite of
their threats and persuasions resolved to become a Christian.
Seeing there was no prospect of being able to gratify his wishes,
while he remained under the parental roof, he determined to
1 Santa Mauia, Santo Timotheo, suo marito, nacquero nel casale di Perapedi,
et furono martirizati nella citta di Chillani, presso al fiume : et dove fu gittato
il sangue, passa di sopra una fonte, nella qual si vede il sangue dentro nell'
acqua attatcato in terra, et nella pietra, et mai non va via, et io vidi, et toccai
con il coltello la verita.
2 'H ayia Mavpa, Kal TipbBeos, exovtri XlarpiSa ttjv ®yBa'tSa, itXt)v BeXovai vd
ipaprbpytrav eis Kinrpov.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 399
leave Rome. Accordingly he made his way secretly to Ostia
and finding there a ship bound to the East he embarked, land
ing in due course at Limne in Cyprus, about four miles from the
town of Soli. Here he encountered Mark who, in company with
Timon and Rhodon, was hiding from the Jews after the murder
of Barnabas. In answer to the Evangelist's inquiry as to who
he was, Auxibios replied that he was a native of Rome and had
come to Cyprus because he was a Christian. His appearance
and replies so pleased Mark that the latter at once baptised and
consecrated him bishop, sending him to labour at Soli. By St.
Paul's direction Herakleides, then Archbishop of the island,
subsequently appointed him to that See, where he continued
for fifty years. His brother and successor, Themistagoras, is
credited with giving a rare instance of fraternal appreciation.
Observing the many miracles wrought at his predecessor's grave
he ordered his clergy not to open it, when the time came for his
own interment, as he did not consider himself worthy to occupy
such a resting-place !
Epiphanios (12th May), the celebrated Archbishop of Sala- %g$gf*.
mis, or Constantia, is rightly regarded as one of the brightest Bynaxaristei
ornaments of the Cypriot Church. Even to the present day his1
memory has been perpetuated in the name of one of the many
capes, for which the island is so remarkable. Though occupying
such a prominent position in its ecclesiastical history he was not
a Cypriot by birth, his native place being Besanduke, a village I02!"™. ^
near Eleutheropolis in Palestine.1 There he is said to have---32-'
first seen the light in the decade between a.d. 310-a.d. 320.
His parents are reported to have been Jews and to have brought
him up in the national faith until his sixteenth year, when he em- Jfg"1^ u
braced Christianity. It was probably owing to this early training coil'imm*. '
that he acquired that intimate acquaintance with Hebrew which
he displayed in his writings. His life having been written by three
biographers there exist copious sources for his history. His early
1 Lusignan, however, claims him as a native of the village of Marathasa or Lnsignan,
Kalopanagiotis in the Valley of Marathasa at the foot of Mount Troodos : — P- 24(b).
" Epiffanio, Arcivescovo di Salamina, over di Costanza : il quale era nato dai
casale Marathases," a statement which De Mas Latrie declares to be in Hi«t.de chyp.,
accordance with the general tradition of the island : " La croyance generale de *¦• p- B4-
Pile place le lieu de sa naissance au village de Kalapanai'oti, dans la vallee
du Marethasse, au nord de l'Olympe." Notwithstanding this assertion the
Orthodox historian, Kyprianos, follows the more universally received opinion Kyprianos,
regarding the place of his birth : — p- ™1-
Aiirbs b 'lepbs Tlarfyp irarpiSa «xe TuV ^oiviKa 4% 'EBpaimv yevvyp4vos.

400

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

years we are informed were passed in Egypt among the monks,
where he doubtless acquired that taste for monasticism which so
characterised him in after life. At the age of twenty he returned
to his native place, where he founded a monastery. He was
well versed both in sacred and profane learning, but credulous
and bigoted to a degree, and a rigid stickler for orthodoxy.
During his lifetime he was the object of extraordinary venera
tion to the Christians of his day. St. Jerome in his effusive
admiration for the man has gone so far as to describe him as
"the last relic of ancient piety". After being ordained presbyter
by Eutychios, Bishop of Eleutheropolis, he was (a.d. 368) 1
elected Bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, to which island he had
followed his master, the hermit Hilarion. Over this See he
presided for the long period of thirty-six years. The greatest
stain on his reputation is the unworthy part he played in the
attack on the saintly Chrysostom, to which he was instigated
by Theophilos, the crafty Patriarch of Alexandria (a.d. 403).2
This, however, proved the last exploit of his long life, for, as
he was returning to his diocese before the meeting of the Synod
of the Oak, he expired on shipboard within sight of Constantia
at the advanced age of ninety-six.3 His death under these

Sozomen,
H. E., lib.
viii., c. 15.
Sokrates,
H. E., lib. vi.
c. 14.

Acta Sanct.
tom. Iii., p. 36

1 Anno circiter 368 vel 369 insulae Cypri metropolita et Constantia; sive
Salamis episcopus factus est.
2 Sozomen and Sokrates report that Epiphanios' last words to Chrysostom
were : iXirlCw oe pi) diroBaveiv iiritTKOirov — to which Chrysostom rejoined : oiiSe iyw
tre rys ays iiriB-ijiretrBai irbXews.
The Menology represents the incident differently. According to it Chrysos
tom, on hearing that Epiphanios had assented to his exile, wrote informing him
that he would never again in consequence sit on his episcopal throne, to
which Epiphanios replied : 'A0\t)t^ 'I&J0W77 7ra/ou Kal vUa.
Theophanes alludes somewhat differently to the interchange of compliments
which took place between the two prelates, tpatrX Se Sti KaX 'Iwdvvy rijv iv ttj inopia
TeXevTyv eSTjXatrev (i.e. Epiphanios) Kal'ladvvys 'Eiritpaviw t^ iv Tip rrXoiw.
3 Polybios (c. 63) represents Epiphanios just before leaving Constantinople
as informing the Emperor Arcadius that he was then one hundred and fifteen
years and three months old, having been consecrated a bishop when sixty, and
having discharged the duties of that office for fifty-five years. Papebroch
questions the accuracy of this statement for the following reasons : —
(1) Jerome writing in a.d. 392 of Epiphanios, ten years before the latter's
death, says that at the end of his life he was still engaged in literary labours — a
statement hardly to be understood of a man 105 years old.
(2) No one would credit a man of that extreme age with being equal to the
fatigues of a journey to Constantinople.
(3) From a statement made in a dialogue respecting Chrysostom between
Palladios, Bishop of Helenopolis and Theodore, a Roman deacon, to the
effect that Epiphanios was a bishop for thirty-six years, Papebroch conjectures
that the saint was about ninety-six at the time of his decease, being born in
a.d. 308 and consecrated in a.d. 368.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 401
circumstances is commonly reported to have happened in fulfil
ment of a prediction uttered by that persecuted saint.
There is still extant a life of the Archbishop, the joint pro- vita s.
duction of two of his most intimate associates and disciples, excerpta ex
-ri i-nii- i ¦ 1 t rv» ¦ r, voce Joannis
John and Poly bios, which differs very materially from the ¦g***^*!,'***1
account already given. The former of them, who had been anjjj,'^*"
inmate of Epiphanios1 monastery at Besanduke, and the special p' 2i stl)'
companion of his travels, seems to have played the part of a
Boswell, unknown to his master and contrary to his express
commands. On his death-bed he confided his memoirs to Poly- FoiybUEhino-
...... . . .. . •* corurarum
bios, charging him to continue the work and assuring him that SSSuaitt*
his life would be miraculously prolonged for the purpose. The s- EpiphanU'
latter accepted the task and remained with Epiphanios, whom
he survived. Though he brought the prelate's remains back to
Salamis he was not present at the funeral. His absence he
explains by saying that before the burial of the body he had
gone by the saint's instructions to the Thebaid, where he was
detained and forcibly consecrated to the See of Rhinocorura.
This part of the narrative was subsequently furnished at his
request by Sabinos, Epiphanios' successor.
This biography has been viewed with very grave suspicion, as
it has been found in several important particulars to be utterly
at variance with other reliable sources of information.1 In fact
the Bollandist editor has declined to have recourse to it at all,
while Baronius has censured its inaccuracies in the very strongest
terms. According to it the father of Epiphanios was an agricultural
labourer, while his mother helped to support the family by
weaving linen. They had two children — Epiphanios, and a
daughter named Kallitropos. When the former was ten years
old his father died, leaving his mother in great poverty. There
happened to be residing at Eleutheropolis a certain Jewish
lawyer, named Tryphon, a very estimable and religious man,
who possessed property in the saint's native village. He had
known the family, and now offered to adopt Epiphanios — an
offer which his mother gratefully accepted. He taught the boy
The Menology cuiiously asseits that Epiphanios only agreed to the banish
ment of Chrysostom hy the threat of the Empress Eudoxia that she would
otherwise reopen the heathen temples.
1 Plurimis acta ea esse conferta mendaciis judicare cogetur cum Baronio, ad Acta sanct.
ann. 372, num. 18, quisquis eam (vitam) contulerit cum infra proponendis cen- '12th K»y).
suris seu observationibus : —
Itaque iis quae dixi actis omissis, ea colligere aggredior quas ipse de se pauca
satis, plura quae alii indubitati scriptores suggerent.
26

402 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the requirements of the Law and the elements of Hebrew
learning. Tryphon had an only daughter, whom he designed
as a wife for Epiphanios, but the project fell through owing to
her death. At his death he left all his property to his adopted
son, who, on the death of his own mother, took his sister
Kallitropos to live with him, The circumstances which led
to Epiphanios becoming a Christian are thus told by his
biographers. One day, as he was riding through Besanduke, he
encountered a Christian monk, named Lucian, who was traversing
the streets of the village on foot. At the moment of their
meeting a beggar seized Lucian by the feet and asked an alms,
declaring he had not broken his fast for three days. Lucian
having nothing else presented his cloak to the suppliant. While
Epiphanios was a spectator of this charitable act, he saw a
white garment descend from heaven and cover Lucian, in place
of the cloak he had just given away. Filled with amazement
at the sight he got off the animal he was riding and, falling
prostrate before the good man, demanded who he was. Instead
of answering, Lucian in turn asked his questioner to what faith
he belonged. On Epiphanios replying that he was a Jew he
inquired how he could put such a question to a Christian, seeing
that the animosity between the two creeds was so great. Epi
phanios next desired to know whether any obstacle existed
to his becoming a Christian and was informed there was none
save his own reluctance. Seven days after their first meeting
he received his new friend into his house with his own mother's
sister, Veronica, who presided over a community of nuns. The
result of this chance acquaintance was that Epiphanios and his
sister became members of the Christian Church at Besanduke.
To Veronica he afterwards entrusted the charge of Kallitropos,
bestowing upon her at the same time 1000 pieces of money.
Then having sold all his property except forty pieces, which he
reserved for the purchase of religious books, at sixteen years
of age he accompanied Lucian to the latter's monastery, the
inmates of which earned their livelihood by copying books.
Here he met one, who was destined to exercise the greatest
influence upon his after life. This individual, Hilarion, the
celebrated hermit of later times and the successor of Lucian in
the headship of the monastery, was already renowned for the
many miracles which he had wrought. To his care the young
neophyte was now entrusted for instruction in the Christian
Scriptures. The circumstances, under which Epiphanios became connected

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 403
with Cyprus, are as follows : Being informed by the captain of
a ship, which had just arrived at Caesarea from Paphos, that
Hilarion had taken up his abode in a cave near that town, he
determined to seek him out. Taking with him his two friends,
John and Polybios, he proceeded at once in a Cypriot ship in
quest of his old master. Great was the joy at the meeting
between them. After two days' intercourse Epiphanios resolved
to return and, on Hilarion asking where he was going, replied to
Ascalon, Gaza, and the desert beyond. Hilarion advised him to
proceed to Salamis instead, assuring him that he would find there
a place to dwell in and warning him that the voyage he contem
plated would be attended with great peril to him. On arrival
at the coast with his two companions Epiphanios found two
ships bound for Ascalon and Salamis respectively. Contrary to
Hilarion's advice they embarked in the former, but scarcely had
they put to sea when a violent storm arose, which threatened
them with destruction. After contending for four days with
the tempest they put into Salamis, exhausted with the dangers
and privations through which they had gone. When the ship
had refitted they were about to continue their journey when the
event occurred which changed the whole course of Epiphanios1
life. All the bishops of the island were then assembled in con
clave at Salamis to elect a successor to the Archbishop, who had
lately died. Some days had been already spent in solemn
prayer to God that He would reveal to them their future head.
Amongst the number of the assembled prelates was a venerable
old man named Pappos, bishop of the insignificant little town
of Chytri, distant about twenty-five miles from Salamis. He
had been a bishop for fifty-eight years and was held in the
utmost respect by his colleagues for his sufferings in the times
of persecution. He was gifted, moreover, with a kind of
divine prescience, through which it had been revealed to him
that Epiphanios should be the new bishop of Salamis. It
happened to be the season when the grape harvest was ap
proaching maturity. Before sailing Epiphanios proposed to
his companions that they should go into the market and buy
some grapes. He had just chosen two very fine bunches and
was in the act of paying for them, when the saintly Pappos drew
near, his tottering form supported by two deacons and attended
by three bishops. Addressing Epiphanios he invited him to
leave the fruit with the merchant and accompany them to the
church. The latter, accepting the invitation, Pappos on their
entrance requested him to offer prayer, when he excused himself

404 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
on the plea that he was not in orders. The words had scarcely
left his lips before one of the deacons by main force dragged
him to the altar, where, after being rapidly passed through the
grades of deacon and priest, he was consecrated bishop.1 On
leaving the church at the conclusion of the ceremony they re
paired at once to the episcopal residence, when Pappos urged
Epiphanios to address the assembled fathers as their spiritual
head. The newly-consecrated prelate begged, however, to be
excused, until Pappos explained to him that what had just
occurred was the result of a divine revelation and that Heaven
itself had selected him as their head.
It was not likely that the appointment of a complete stranger
to so important a post would be allowed to pass without a
protest. Signs of discontent were soon forthcoming, the oppor
tunity for their display being given by Epiphanios himself.
Within three days of his consecration to the See a certain
Eugnomon, a native of Rome, was imprisoned by one of the
leading citizens of Salamis for a debt of one hundred pieces of
money. Being a foreigner and possessing no friends in the city
no one would trouble to procure his release. Epiphanios hear
ing of his sad plight pleaded on his behalf with his creditor.
Finding there was no chance of setting him at liberty, until the
claim had been paid, he took the amount necessary for the pur
pose from the Church funds. A certain deacon named Charinos,
a rich man, whose ambition had been disappointed by Epipha
nios1 preferment, saw in this circumstance the occasion for which
he was looking. Calling together the clergy of the diocese he
endeavoured to excite them against the newly-appointed Arch
bishop. Addressing the latter he inquired whether he, who
had come among them a perfect stranger without a rag to his
back, was not content with having obtained the See that he
must squander its revenues also. He called upon him either to
refund the money he had purloined or depart to his own country.
It so happened that Eugnomon on his release had proceeded
1 Epiphanios was subsequently guilty of this irregular practice himself when
Jerome, in the diocese of Eleutheropolis he forcibly ordained Paulinian, St. Jerome's
Epp.,61, 82. brother, to the offices of deacon and presbyter.
Robertson, Robertson says that the practice of forcible ordinations was a remarkable
v?i*riCj*pHiM2' feature of this age. Both forced ordinations and the hasty promotion of neo
phytes were after a time forbidden by canons and by imperial edicts, in some of
which a curious distinction was made between the case of bishops who had
been ordained without their own consent, and that of presbyters or lower clergy
in like circumstances. The latter were allowed to renounce their orders ; but
this liberty was denied to the bishops, on the ground that none were really
worthy of the episcopate but such as were chosen against their will.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 405
straight to Rome, where he had sold his property, and had
placed the proceeds in the hands of the Archbishop. This sum
Epiphanios had distributed among the needy with the exception
of one hundred pieces, which, in consequence of this speech,
he handed over privately to Charinos with the words : " Take
the money I expended on behalf of the stranger's liberty".
Charinos at a second meeting of the dissentients showed them
the money, which he pretended he had wrung from the Arch
bishop. His brother clergy, disgusted at the vindictive spirit
he had displayed, bade him return it — an injunction which he
took care not to obey. Though Epiphanios showed no resent
ment at his conduct, retribution was not slow in overtaking the
offender. It was the former's custom to entertain at his resi
dence the clergy of the diocese, he himself during the meal
reading to them from the Gospels, which were his inseparable
companions. During one of these repasts a raven flew in at the
window and uttered three loud croaks. Charinos, who was one
of the party, asked the assembled guests what it was that the
bird had said. On the question being put by him three times
Epiphanios, who had been in no wise disturbed by the interrup
tion, replied that he knew. Charinos thereupon vowed to put
him in possession of all his property if he could tell him. In
answer to the challenge Epiphanios replied the bird had an
nounced that Charinos should no longer be a deacon. No
sooner had the individual named heard these words than he was
seized with a sudden trembling and, being carried home by his
servants and put to bed, died next morning. His wife strictly
observed the terms of the wager, for she handed over all the pro
perty of the deceased to Epiphanios, who in return made her a
deaconess, at the same time restoring the use of her hand, which
for ten years she had lost through paralysis. After such a warn
ing no one thought, for a while at least, of further opposing Epi
phanios. But if his biographers may be credited, though open
resistance was now at an end, still for a long time feelings of
resentment continued to be cherished against the alien bishop.
On one occasion a plot was even formed against his life, the ring
leader being a deacon named Rufinus, who hoped, if successful, to
become primate himself. It was his duty to arrange the episcopal
throne, and one day, while so engaged, he placed in that part of
it, where Epiphanios would sit, a sword, covering it from view
with rugs. The Archbishop somehow or other must have re
ceived notice of the plot, as on ascending the steps of the throne
he called to Rufinus to remove the covering, and on his refusal

406 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
removed it himself, when the sword falling down pierced the right
foot of the conspirator. The latter, after some words of rebuke
from his intended victim, withdrew at his orders from the church
and three days later met the fate usual to all the adversaries of
Epiphanios. The opposition, which had thus been silenced
during his lifetime, manifested itself again after his death in
the following manner : When the body was conveyed into the
metropolitan church of Salamis for interment, two deacons,
Longinus and Petronius, converts from Valentinianism, objected
to its burial within the walls. This act excited great commo
tion in the city, as a rumour had somehow got abroad that an
attempt would be made to carry off' the sacred remains. Accord
ingly on the tenth day after their sojourn in the church, Sabinos,
another of the deacons, in spite of the opposition which he
encountered, proceeded with his own hands to dig a grave for
their reception. Longinus and Petronius, joined by others of
the disaffected, who doubtless thought they might now safely
vent their spite, tried to forcibly prevent the execution of
his purpose and presumed even to lay hands upon the corpse.
When the uproar was at its height, Sabinos bethought himself
of invoking the aid of the deceased prelate in defence of his own
outraged memory. Scarcely was his petition for help concluded
when speedy punishment befell the offenders. Longinus fell to
the earth dead, while Petronius, deprived on the moment of the
use of his hands and voice, was carried home to die also four days
later. After this salutary warning the obsequies were allowed
to proceed without further interruption.
The death scene of the famous ecclesiastic has been touchingly
described by Polybios. He expired almost within sight of the
walls of that city over whose spiritual destinies he had so long
presided. On the outskirts of Salamis, at a place called Dianeu-
terion, sailors were put ashore to inform its inhabitants of the
grievous loss they had sustained. "Men and brethren, citizens
of the populous metropolis of Constantia, come down to the
sea at the place called Dianeuterion and receive the precious
remains of our holy and most blessed father Epiphanios, for
he has finished his human life." At the news the shadow
of a great sorrow seemed to fall upon the town where the
aged prelate had for so long been an object of pride and
affection to all alike. Crowds ran down to the spot indicated,
filling the air with their lamentations, while the roads were
thronged with sorrowing country folk flocking into Salamis
to do honour to the memory of their venerated pastor.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 407
All felt that in him they had lost in truth a father and a
friend. His body remained in Cyprus undisturbed until the reign of Kyprianos,
Leo the Philosopher (a.d. 886-a.d. 911), when it was earned off*
to Constantinople by that imperial resurrectionist with other
sacred treasures of the same kind, which the island formerly
possessed. Lusignan professes to have seen in Famagusta a Lusignan,
subterranean cave to which the saint was wont to retire at
seasons of penance.1 This retreat contained a rock about two
arms1 length in circumference, from which water annually flowed
drop by drop on the eve of his festival and continued doing so
throughout the whole of the following day.
Epiphanios was the author of numerous works, of which the
following are still extant :—
i. Panarium (iravdpiov, the " medicine chest w), composed
during the reign of the Emperor Valens (a.d. 374-6, or 377), at
the request of Akakios and Paul, two heads of monasteries
in Coele-Syria, to combat the numerous heresies of the period.
ii. Anchoratus (dyKopwros), the anchor or defence of the
faith, especially of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity.
iii. Anacephaloeosis (dvaKe(f>aXai,wcri,<;), a summary or abridg
ment of the Panarium.
iv. A treatise on the twelve gems which were in Aaron's
breastplate. v. 7rept fieTpwv ical aTaQixwv.
Hilarion (21st Oct.), a contemporary of Constantine theMenoiogy
Great, and one of the best known of the early Christian SynaXarist
anchorites, spent the evening of his days in Cyprus. The his- ,21*t 0ct'''
tory of his life has been written by St. Jerome from information [Hieron, vita
mainly supplied by his attached friend and disciple, Epiphanios, (pit. La™11
the great Bishop of Constantia. He was born of heathen
parents at Thabatha near Gaza and educated at Alexandria,
where he became a disciple of the famous Egyptian hermit
1 Essendo arcivescovo fece una penitentia sotto ad una spelunca, la quale e
dentro di Famagosta, sopra la quale e una strada, et di sotto e sasso vivo
grande et grosso da due braccia in circa, et ogni anno al mese di Maggio quella
grotta comincia dalla vigilia di questo Santo, et dura tutto il giorno della festa,
a gocciare una acqua chiara et limpida, et va gocciando pian piano, et io ho
veduto il predetto miraculo con gli proprii occhi.
Cf., the following : —
"At Famagusta, on the vigil ofthe feast kept in honour of St. Epiphanius, porcacchi,
Archbishop of Salamis, who did penance in a cave near the city, pure and jjjjJjJJ^S
sparkling water was seen to trickle gently from the rock of the grotto and again mondo, 1576
to stop. This too answered to the wishes of many pious persons, who kept it oypriaPp. 83).
to use as a medicine or a charm."

408 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Anthony. After a sojourn of two or three months with the
celebrated recluse he returned at the age of fifteen to his native
land, accompanied by several monks. His parents being now
dead, he distributed the property which they had left him partly
among his brethren and partly in charity, and then retired into
sozomen, the desert seven miles from Majoma, where he spent the next
c- is." " fifty years of his life in the practice of the most rigid asceticism.
The saint in his pursuit after godliness would seem to have
utterly neglected the kindred virtue of cleanliness. He is said
to have cut his hair only once a year and that on Easter Day.
His clothing consisted of a hair shirt, which remained unwashed
from the day he put it on — it being a favourite saying of his
that cleanliness in such a garment was a superfluity : — -until it
fell in shreds off' his back ; a coat of skin, the parting gift of his
master Anthony ; and a cloak of some coarse material. His bed,
which was laid upon the bare ground, consisted of reeds only.
From his sixteenth to his twentieth year his only shelter from
the sun and rain was a little hut thatched with rushes. After
wards, however, he constructed a narrow cell, five feet high and
not much longer, more resembling a tomb than a dwelling,
which served him as an abode. Practising from the very first
the greatest abstemiousness in the matter of diet he had gradu
ally so trained himself that, during the later years of his life, his
daily allowance of food and water amounted only to five ounces.
This meagre fare he would not allow to pass his lips before sun
set even on festivals or in periods of extreme weakness.
To escape the importunities of the many visitors, whom the
fame of his sanctity drew to his desert solitude, and the increas
ing hostility of the citizens of Gaza, he at last quitted the
neighbourhood of Majoma and, taking ship to Alexandria, made
his way across the desert to the oasis remotest from civilisation.
Finding it impossible to hide his identity even in so secluded a
spot he resolved, after a yeai-1s sojourn there, to conceal himself
in one of the Mediterranean islands. Accordingly journeying
to Parsetonium, a city on the confines of Libya, he found a
ship bound for Sicily, in which he embarked with a companion.
Being without the means of paying for their passage, he offered
in lieu of money a copy of the Gospels, which he had transcribed
with his own hand. But the captain commiserating his poverty
refused to deprive him of it. On landing at Cape Pachynum
he selected a retreat some tvventy miles inland, through fear lest
Hieron, Vita
8. Hilarion, » Superfluum esse dicens munditias in cilicio quaerere.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 409
merchants coming from the East might meet him and reveal
his name. There the two recluses for a while supported them
selves by cutting wood and selling it in the nearest town. His
identity, however, was discovered, notwithstanding all his pre
cautions, in the following marvellous manner : An officer of
the Imperial Guard, seized with a fit in the basilica of St. Peter
at Rome, under the influence of the demon who possessed him,
cried out in his paroxysms : " A few days ago Hilarion the
servant of Christ landed in Sicily and, as no one recognised him,
thinks he has escaped observation. But I will go and make
him known.11 Embarking at once with his servants on a vessel
bound for that island he landed at Pachynum, and under the
guidance of the demon made his way to the hut in which the
recluse was living, when immediately his ghostly tormentor left
him. As might be supposed from this surprising event the
usual crowd of suppliants once more gathered round Hilarion.
During his sojourn in Sicily he was joined by his favourite
disciple Hesychios, who, after searching for him in vain for three
years, learnt the secret of his retreat from a Jew pedlar at
Methone. Driven finally to Cyprus by the unwelcome atten
tions of his admirers he settled at Paphos,1 taking up his abode
at a spot two miles from that city. But he had not been there
twenty days when the local demons, through their victims,
announced his presence in the island. After a residence of two
years he had determined in consequence to return to Egypt,
when Hesychios persuaded him to retire instead into a more
secluded part of the country. The faithful disciple visited every
region of the island and at last hit upon what seemed a likely
spot, to which he at once led his master. The new retreat was
situated in a most inaccessible place among the lofty and pre
cipitous mountains of the northern range, overlooking Kyrenia.
The property of a heathen, it was surrounded by trees and
supplied with an abundance of water, containing besides a house
and garden with fruit trees and the ruins of an ancient temple.
Previous to the saint's arrival it had been the habitation of evil
1 According to Sozomen it was at the village of Charbyris in the neighbour- SozomeIlt
hood of Paphos that he settled at the request of the then Archbishop : rb Se a E., Ub. v.
TeXevraiov irapairXewv T7fli/ Kvirpov, Karypev eis Tlatpov irpOTpaireis re irapd tov rbre
Kvirpiwv 4Trio~Kbirov, TJydirytre t^jv 4vBdSe SiarpiB'ljv, Kal irepl XdpBvpiv, xapiov ovtws
4irovopaCbpevov, itptXotrbtpei.
Kyprianos, however, states that he took up his abode there at the request of KyprianM,
the Bishop of Paphos : Sid irapaKXTjcreas tov rbre rys Udtpov dpxiepeas. P- 3&1-
Cf. Ludolph of Suchen (a.d. 1350), "Prope Paphum est locus ubi sanctus Hist.de Ohyp.,
Hylarius degebat et multa miracula faciebat ". u..p. »n.

410 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
spirits, who, perceiving that they could no longer remain with
him for their companion, raised on his approach a terrible uproar
to scare him away.1 The holy man, nothing daunted by the din,
merely acknowledged their efforts by remarking that he had at
last come to a place where he was welcomed with music. Such
a specimen of ascetic humour proved too much for his ghostly
serenaders, who retired in despair, leaving the facetious anchorite
in sole possession. Here he passed the last five years of his life,
rarely, if ever, disturbed in his meditations save by the faithful
Hesychios, who frequently visited him in his mountain retreat.
At length, in his eightieth year, feeling the approach of death he
wrote with his own hand a short letter, bequeathing to Hesychios
all his worldly possessions — consisting of a copy of the Gospels, a
hair shirt, cowl and cloak. His closing hours were soothed by
the presence of some pious Christians, who came from Paphos
to be with him at the last, and by a lady named Constantia,
whose daughter and son-in-law he had once miraculously snatched
from death. These he charged, as soon as all was over, to bury
his body in the garden without delay in the clothes he was wear
ing.2 Hesychios was absent when his master died. Hearing of
Lusignan, i II quale (Santo Hillarione Abbate) quando venne nell' Isola, fuggendo la
p' 1 'a'' moltitudine dell' infermi, et altri inspiritati, ando in questo castello, il quale non
era cosi forte, ne a modo di castello, ma piu presto di un casamento con il suo
giardino, et quello lo adimandavano il Dio d' Amore, et era di un gentile ; ma
li diavoli anchora habitavano in quello. Et quando ando in quel luogo questo
Santo di Dio, li diavoli non poterono piu habitare in quello, anzi facero grandis-
simi lamenti et strepiti, accioche il santissimo huomo si fuggisse, et esso si
allegrava, dicendo esser venuto in uno luogo, nel quale gli sonavano le citare.
Dipoi andando nell' horto ritrovo il patrone quasi morto in terra disteso dalla
lepra, et maravigliandosi Hillarione, in ehe modo potesse cosi leproso haver
salito in quel luogo, lo risano subito. Dipoi havendovi dimorato Hillarione,
all' ultimo mori, et fu dalli suoi discepoli sepelito in quel giardino, onde facea
concorrere da tutta l'isola gli oppressi di varie infirmita, et si sanavano, et cosi
gli fu fabricata la chiesa. Dipoi in capo dell' anno havendo inteso un suo
discipolo caro, ehe in quel luogo l'haveva accompagnato, si parti di Egitto, et
fece mostra di habitare appresso al suo maestro, et venendogli destro lo rubbo et
lo condusse in Egitto.
The Chateau Dieu d' Amour, for so Hilarion's last retreat in the island is
locally called, seems at first sight rather an incongruous abode for a man
devoted to celibacy and asceticism. The title, however, is derived from the
ancient name of the place, Didymos, so called from the two points of rock on
lib. 11., c. 39. which the castle is built. Vinisauf alludes to it as " castellum Didimus nuncu-
Bohn's Anti- patum ". This fortification, erected subsequently to Hilarion's sojourn, played an
quartan Lib., important role in the mediaeval history of the island. It is now a ruin, having
inFaieBtine, been dismantled by the Venetians.

p. 141.

Cf. (i) Sii John de Mandeville, a.d. 1322 : —

adaSn-am001* " In the castle of Amours lies the body of St. Hilary "
sanctam (2) Guillaume de Baldensel, a.d. 1336 : —
Lectiones " In Cypro est corpus B. Hilarionis sub custodia regia in castro quod Geda-
t^'STp^i). mors dicitur ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 411
his death he returned to Cyprus and, under pretence of wishing
to be near the body, took up his residence in the garden where
it was interred. After ten months had elapsed he at last suc
ceeded, at the risk of his own life, in carrying it off secretly to
Majoma for burial there in the monastery, which the saint him
self had founded. The theft of so holy a relic naturally caused
great commotion in the island and was attended also with fatal
results, as the devoted Constantia, on hearing what had taken
place, fell down and expired. Jerome reports that a great feud
afterwards sprang up between the Syrians and the Cypriots
respecting the saint. The former prided themselves on the
possession of his remains, while the latter asserted that his spirit
still lingered among them. Though miracles were of frequent
occurrence in both places, yet the garden in Cyprus was more
favoured in this respect, perhaps, as Jerome suggests, from the
saint's greater affection for the spot. A chapel now in ruins
was subsequently built on the site of his first interment, which
in Lusignan's time enjoyed an annual income of 100 ducats.
Lazarus, after his resurrection at Bethany, was placed by the Kyprianos
Jews, so the tradition runs, in a leaky boat at Joppa, with his pococke?
two sisters and other companions, and committed to the mercy S^feT1
of the winds and waves.1 From this point, however, there is
great divergence in the various legends. The Cypriots affirm
that he was wafted to their shores near Kition and consecrated
first bishop of that town by all the Apostles on the occasion of
their alleged visit. There he eventually died and was buried after
presiding over the See for thirty years. On the discovery of his
tomb in a.d. 890 his remains were by order of the Emperor Leo
transferred to Constantinople and there deposited in a church
specially constructed for their reception. They were subse-
1 'O iiyios AdCapos, ov dveo-rytrev b Kvpios rerpa-ijpepov , tpeiiywv t'ijv bpyrjv rav
'JovSaiwv ttjs 'lepovtraXT^p T)XBe, KaX itpvXaxBy els rijv Nyaov, birov Sev Tjtrav 'EBpdioi
Kard rbv irpopbyBevTa vbpov rav 'Vwpdvwv, 'bans jjirelXy Bdvarov dv iKaroiKel 'EBpaios
eis Kinrpov. pera ravra ijXBov oi 'AirbaroXoi els Kvirpov teal rbv ixeiporbvijaav
'Apxiepia Klriwv, 'birov Kal airiBave.
The law, to which Kyprianos here alludes, was not passed until after Lazarus'
decease, viz., about a.d. 115 during the reign of Trajan, when the Jewish revolt
took place.
" There is a large ancient church at the Port (Larnaka) dedicated to S.
Lazarus, where they show his sepulchre; it is a small grot cut out ofthe rock ;
they say that this saint, being put into a boat at Joppa, and committed to the
mercy of the sea, he was drove to this place, and became bishop of it, and that
his body was stolen away by the French, and carried to Marseilles ; but the
French say that he was drove on their coasts."

412

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Voyages du
Seigneur de
Viiiamont,Uv. ii., c. 7,
p. 305.

Boger de
Hoveden,Annal. Pars
Posterior,
Rlchardus Primus(Savile, Ed.
1601, p. 671).
Le Quien, O.C.
tom. Ul.,
col. 1231.

quently stolen from the Imperial City by the French and carried
to Marseilles. The French are just as positive that on leaving
Joppa the saint was borne by the sea to Marseilles and became
bishop of that city. A medi-ieval traveller, the Seigneur de
Viiiamont, who visited Larnaka in 1589 and has given us a
description of the tomb, stoutly maintains the claim of his
countrymen — all Greek traditions to the contrary notwithstand
ing.1 He suggests in explanation of the discrepancy the existence
of two individuals of the name, one of whom may possibly have
been the Bishop of Kition in question, though certainly not the
Lazarus of Bethany and erstwhile Bishop of Marseilles. These
conflicting statements might be reconciled by supposing that the
relics were carried off to that town by the French on the sack of
Constantinople in 1204, when so many similar objects of venera
tion were known to have been stolen, but for the remark of an
English historian of the twelfth century, Roger de Hoveden,
who states on the authority of an older tradition that Lazarus
was formerly Bishop of Marseilles and died there.2
Though the native writers are unanimous on the subject, Le
Quien is not disposed to recognise the Lazarus buried at Larnaka
as the Lazarus of Bethany, and adduces the following reasons for
rejecting the claim : —
1. The Menology (Edit. 1628) makes no mention of Lazarus
as Bishop of Kition, but merely states that his remains were

1 Nous monstrans lorsque nous estions en terre une fort antique eglise,
qu'ils affirment avoir este edifiee par Saint Lazare, portant son nom encore
jusques aujourd'huy. Pour dire la verite elle est bastie a I'antique, et y entre
fort peu de lumiere, sinon par les portes quand elles sont ouvertes. Du cost£
droit en y entrant vous y voyez un vieil sepulchre, pour entrer dans lequel on
descend quatre marches apres avoir passe par un certain petit endroit assez
incommode, puis allumant un flambeau vous voyez ledit sepulchre gentillement
fait, et orne de marbre en quelques endroits, ayant deux pieds de largeur et
trois de hauteur, et me fut asseure pour certain que c'estoit le sepulchre de
S. Lazare, et que l'Empereur Leon surnomme le Philosophe fit porter son
corps a Constantinople. Zonare historien, Tome 3, en dit autant. De ma part
je croirois qu'il y auroit eu deux Lazares, l'un desquels, pourroit avoir este
Evesque de Chity, et apres sa mort ensepulture en ceste Eglise, dediee en son
nom, mais de dire que ce soit celuy que nostre Seigneur ressuscita, c'est a. mon
advis une erreur evidente, car nous avons son corps comme celuy de la
Magdalene en nostre France, n'en desplaise a Zonare et autres Grecs.
2 Massilia est civitas Episcopalis sub potestate regis Arragoniae. Ibi fuerunt
reliquiae Sancti Lazari, fratris Sancta? Mariae Magdalenae et Marthae ; qui
ibidem septem annis episcopatum tenuit, postquam Jesus suscitavit eum a
mortuis. From the same authority we learn that a jawbone of this saint was preserved
in the Dominican Abbey of Saint Victor on the opposite side of the harbour,
together with relics of numerous other saints.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 413
transferred from that town to Constantinople by order of Leo
the Philosopher.1
2. Two eminent ecclesiastical historians assert that there is no nuemont,
mention in any Greek author of Lazarus either as a bishop or atom.'u., p!ss.
j. BalUet. Vlt.
martyr. ssTTtom. ui„
3. From the silence of Epiphanios in the fourth century re- p' m' soc
specting the sojourn and death of Lazarus in the island, Baillet
argues that the Cypriot tradition about the discovery of the
saint's tomb near Kition in the ninth century rests on no solid
foundation. 4. From this significant omission on the part of Epiphanios
Le Quien himself affirms not only the probability, but also the
absolute certainty, of Lazarus' presence, episcopacy and death
in the island being utterly unknown to the Cypriots of the
fourth century, since otherwise Epiphanios would most expressly
have noticed these facts among the other particulars he has
given of the saint, as they would have greatly assisted him in
his arguments against the Manicha^ans.
He, like the French traveller above named, regards the relics
as those of another Lazarus, and suggests as the probable indi
vidual a monk and painter of that name, who was cruelly tortured
by the Emperor Theophilos (a.d. 829-a.d. 842) for his devotion
to images and who, being afterwards sent by Michael III.2 (a.d.
842-a.d. 867), Theophilos' son and successor, on a mission to
Benedict III. died while so engaged. It was possibly his body
which was taken to Cyprus, as he thinks, and there buried, being
subsequently removed to Constantinople and interred in the
Church of St. Evander.
Larnaka contains to the present day a very ancient church
bearing his name, the erection of which has been variously
assigned to the saint himself and to the Emperor Leo VI. At
the period of the Ottoman invasion, like most of the other
religious edifices, it fell into the hands of the conquerors, from
1 The memory of Lazarus of Bethany is twice commemorated in the Oriental
calendar, once by itself, viz., on 17th October :
'H avaKopiSy tov Xeiipdvov tov 'Ayiov KaX SiKaiov Ao.Cd.pov,
and again on 4th May in conjunction with that of Mary Magdalene :
'H dvdpvytris ttjs ' ' AvaKopiSys t&jz' Aeiipdvwv tov 'Ayiov AaCdpov tov tpiXov tov
Xpiarov, Kal rys pvpotpbpov Mapias rys MaySaXyvys, k.t.X.
The commemoration of Lazarus the painter occurs on 17th November :
" Mvypij tov Salov irarpbs ypwv AaCdpov tov Cwypdrpov ".
2 " Hujus (i.e., Benedicti Papae III.) temporibus Michael, Alius Theophili Anastasius
Imperatoris, Constantinopolitanae urbis Imperator, ob amorem Apostolorum ^Sis'iActa
misit ad beatum Petrum Apostolum donum per manum Lazari monachi et Sanctorum,
, . . ,r r 23rd Feb )
pictonas artis mmie eruditi.

414 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
seigneur de whom it was repurchased some years later (1589) for 3000 aspers
and used in common by the two rival communions. The memory
of this joint ownership appears to have continued to the time of
Mariti,c.2, Mariti (1760-67), as he mentions that the Franciscans of the
Eamst?ans- town used to conduct two services in it annually, in virtue of its
Excerpta former possession by their co-religionists. Pietro della Valle, a
cypria, p. 106. Roman noble, who visited the island in 1625, gives the following
detailed description of the church : " It belonged originally to
the Armenians, and in a buttress of its outer walls all the stones
ra. Marm, are inscribed with Armenian letters. Why it is now held by
' p' ' the Greeks is possibly because there are no Armenians here, as
there must have been formerly. It is very ancient, entirely of
stone, its arrangement fantastic, though common among the
Greeks, for there are three aisles with a roof supported on four
piers only, and three domes in a row over the middle aisle, and
three apses without. Within, the space between the piers is
used by men, the aisles on either side by women only. Behind
the altar they show underground a tomb like a small grotto,
which can be entered through a square opening like the mouth
of a vault. This they say is the grave of Lazarus, who was
restored to life by Christ, adding that he built the church of
which he was bishop," etc. The marble sarcophagus, which
once held the remains of the saint, is still preserved in the church
and is said to bear on one of its sides this inscription in Hebrew,
" Lazarus the four days dead and friend of Christ ".1
Barthoiomiei A curious natural phenomenon connected with Larnaka, the
itinerar. salt-lakes from which the town derives its other name of Salines,
Hierosol.,tom. , . , , -
iv.,c. 3. iS traditionally said to be due to him.'' lhe story goes that, as
he was once walking in the vicinity of the town, he asked a
woman for a bunch of grapes to quench his thirst. She mock-
Synaxaristes x Tb biroiov (Xelipavov) evpeBy eis rh\v y-ijv TeBeipevov 4vrbs pappapivov KlBwrlov
L av°KQ. Kara ttjv irbXiv twv Kinaiwv, perd irap4Xevtriv xLXiwv 4twv dirb tov 4Kei 4vTatpiao"pov
juiSti tov tov. ' Htrav Se yeyXvppeva els rb pappapov pe &XXyv yXwtrtrav Ta ypdppara ravra.
keujiavoy il AdCapos b Terpa-fjpepos KaX tpiXos Xpttrrov "
«ai Sixaiov 2 Hie prope portum ruinosum, Salinarium nuncupatum, per duo fere mil-
Aa^ipov). ijaria jn valle diffusa, ac littori maris propinqua, singulis annis mira gignitur
salis abundantia ex aqua dulci congelata, et virtute solis decocta, quae judicio
meo usui totius orbis sufficeret. Porro de hujus salis generatione et proventu
varia est prudentorum virorum opinio. Nam alii id attribuunt virtuti solis et
aquae, alii credunt terra; vim quandam inesse mirabilem, reliqui in miraculum
rem referunt, quod scilicet Divus Lazarus olim hac iter faciens, siti aestuans, a
muliercula botrum sibi dari petiit, qua per irrisionem respondente, terram esse
salis quam vini feracioreni, " Sit ita," sanctus ait, " salem gignat deinceps
terra non dulcem vini liquorem." Verum id lector adjudica, ego nee probaverim
nee reprobaverim.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 415
ingly answered that more salt than wine was to be got out of
the soil. Upon this he replied : " Be it so, let the soil hence
forth produce salt and not the pleasant juice of the grape ,1.
The chronicler, who has recorded this legend, prudently refrains
from expressing any opinion upon it, but leaves the reader to
form his own conclusion.
Mamas (2nd September) 1 is traditionally reported to have Bimeon Meta-
suffered martyrdom at Caesarea in Cappadocia during; the reia;n Mamas^at.
* # r ± c3 id Graec torn.
of Aurelian, a.d. 274. A considerable amount of uncertainty, ^-^-
however, seems to prevail concerning him. In the Acta Sane- Acta
, n ¦ , - ¦ | j?*ij ¦ n Sanctorum
torum, tor instance, a possible confusion between two persons oi (nth Aug.).
the same name is suggested. According to the Greek authorities
he was born about a.d. 260 in the prison at Gangra in Paphla-
gonia, where his parents were at the time incarcerated for their
profession of Christianity. After their death, which occurred
while still in prison, he was adopted by a rich Christian lady
named Ammia. From his birth to his fifth year he remained
without the power of speech. His name of Mamas he received
from that being the first word he uttered, which he addressed to
his foster mother. When fifteen years old he was arrested as a
Christian and, after being scourged, thrown into the sea with a
mass of lead round his neck. But his life being miraculously
preserved he took shelter in a cave, where hinds fed him with
their milk. Being a second time seized by the pagans he was
first placed in a red-hot furnace, next thrown to the wild beasts,
and, escaping their fangs, finally transfixed with a spear. On
receiving his death wound he managed to crawl from the theatre,
the scene of his sufferings, to a spot about a furlong from Caesarea,
where he expired. There Ammia erected a magnificent church
in his honour, where annually in the spring the Christians of the
locality used to commemorate him. This building in course of
time falling into ruin the Caesars, Julian and Gallus, while
residing near Caesarea (circ. 346) are said to have undertaken its sozomen,
repair. The former's share in the work of restoration appears c'2. "
from some mysterious cause never to have prospered, thus pre
saging his own future apostacy. The saint, whom the Church
of Cyprus delights to honour, seems to have been an entirely
different person from the above. According to the island
chroniclers he was a native of Alaya on the borders of Pam-
1 The Eastern and Roman Churches, as will be observed, celebrate the
memory of this saint on different days, the former on 2nd September, the
latter pn 17th August,

416

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Machsera
pp. 69, 70.
Strambaldi,
p. 14.
Luaignan,P- 27 (a).
Kyprianos,

phylia, where he was martyred by the Seljoukian Turks on their
invasion of Asia Minor.1 His friends are reported to have
rescued his body from profanation by placing it in an antique
marble tomb and carrying it with them in their flight to Cyprus.
But the local legends account for the presence in the island of
the holy relics in a much less prosaic way. The Cypriots firmly
believe that the sarcophagus with its precious contents, like the
stone coffin of St. Cuthbert on the Tweed, floated like a boat on
the sea until it arrived within a mile of the shore near Morphou,
where it came to a standstill. The saint, appearing the same
night in a dream to a pious Christian of that place, ordered him
to proceed with his yoke of oxen and his four sons to the coast
and drag the coffin to land. The man, incredulous at first, finally
obeyed. Walking dry shod over the sea with his sons and oxen,
as though it had been on dry ground, he attached a rope to the
sarcophagus and drew it to land. No difficulty was experienced
in moving the heavy mass until the village of Morphou was
reached, when it suddenly stuck fast and refused to budge, despite
their united efforts. Recognising this as a sign that the saint
wished to find a resting place there, they erected on the spot a
church and monastery in his honour, on the site of an ancient
temple of Derceto, Astarte and other Syrian deities. These

1 Spoiws b ayios Mdpas dire ttjv 'AXXayiav, KaX els t-Ijv C^7)1* T0V iirlavev robs
Xeovras Kal iydXeviv tovs, KaX iiroXbpav rvpXv KaX irdyiCev robs Trrwxobs ' KaX
irpetav tov ol ToiipKoi, KaX itrKovriXytrev, KaX irCaKitrByv rb yaXevrypiv, KaX ixevwByv
rb ydXav, KaX tpaiverai b rbiros tov yaXarov eis rb xapiov rys 'AXXayias ews T^p
a-ijpepov ¦ KaX ipaprbpytrev , KaX ol yoveh tov 4BdXav tov els Ki$ovpiv KaX Sid xfy'ros
Kvpiov 4ireo-atrev els rijv Kvirpov, eis rbv yiaXbv rys Sepbptpov, KaX 4iriKaXiitpByv evov
KaXov avBpa-Trov vd rrdpy rb Cevydpiv tov KaX tovs S' tov vlovs ' KaX iiryyev, KaX iSytrdv
to pe rb trxoivXv KaX iirypdv tov ws yiov evav piKpbv irpdpav, rb iroiov 9jtov TroXXd
Baperbv, oti ttoXXoX avBpwTrol 4B4Xav SiaBdo~eiv p4yav Kbirov vd rb trbpovv ' Kal 'bvrav
r)XBev eis rbv rbirov 'birov evpitTKerai tr-ijpepov, itrrdByKev Kal Sev yprrbpyaev Tivds vd
rb traXiipy - KaX eKntrav vabv Kal Bpvei pvpos, Kal rroXopq peydXa Bavpara eis ovXov
rbv Kbtrpov, irXyydis dyiarpebrais, KaX dirov rbv C^patpiCovv Bpbei Idpara eis ttjv
AeKvotsiav, eis t^p Aepeabv, eis t^v 'Appbxovtrrov, eis ttjv KXavSiav.
Santo Mama, over Mamolo, fu martirizato in Asia, et poi lo gitorno in una
sepoltura di marmo in mare ; la quale ando in Cipro, et stava sopra 1' acqua
verso il mare di Pentaia. La notte apparse in sogno a un' huomo dai casal
Morfu, ehe levasse dai sonno, et pigliasse li suoi buoi, et andasse con li figliuoli
sopra del mare, et non temessero punto, et ligassero la predetta sepoltura, et la
tirassero in terra. L' huomo non credendo alia prima, ne alia seconda, all'
ultimo ando, et fece come gli fu imposto, et quando hebbe caminato per terra da
due leghe, si fermd ove hora si trova nel casale di Morfu, et non pote piu 1'
huomo con ogni sforzo mover quella sepoltura, dalla quale hora essendovi
fatta una bella chiesa, esce fuori un liquore continuo, come dicono, acqueo, et
io 1' ho veduto, et fa grandissimi miracoli et spesso, et massime e virtuoso contra
le fortune del mare, di ehe hoggi i marinari fanno grande esperientia, i quali vi
tengono con tutti li Cipriotti grandissima divotione.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 417
buildings, which seem from their construction to date from the
Lusignan period, are still in existence, but fast falling into ruins.
From the coffin, which is still preserved in the church, there is
said to exude a certain watery fluid, which Lusignan professes to
have seen. He describes it as being very efficacious in the working
of miracles, as well as a special preservative against shipwreck, so
that in his day the island sailors made great use of it and in
common with the rest of their compatriots held it in the greatest
reverence.1 A much later writer, who has also noticed the phe- sateiiarios,
nomenon, charges the inmates of the monastery with having tomT.Tm
contrived it for their own advantage.2 The saint still continues
one of the most popular objects of veneration in the island,
where scarcely a church exists which does not contain his eikon.
He is usually represented riding upon a lion, the origin of which
is thus explained by an English traveller : " When alive he Drummond,
(St. Mamas) either could not or would not pay his kharaj, or p^St xUi"
poll-money, and the collectors were always restrained, by the
operation of some praeternatural power upon their bodies and
spirits, from using him in the savage manner in which they
treated others, who were deficient in their payments. The
prince, being informed of this extraordinary circumstance, ordered
him to be hunted out from the hollow rocks, caves and gloomy
woods in which he always lived, and brought into his presence ;
and St. George and St. Demetrius, hearing of his being taken,
followed, overtook, and accompanied him in his captivity. During
his journey to court, seeing a lion rush out of a thicket and seize
a lamb, to the terror and astonishment of his guards, he ordered
1 Ludolph of Suchen (a.d. 1350) mentions the healing powers attributed to Hist.dechyp.,
St. Mamas:— ' ii.,p. 212.
" Sanctus Mamas, qui ortus erat de Lucania (Lycaonia ?), quern Greci pro
liberacione apostematum devote et maxime cum mente solent invocare ".
Airbarypa, a large deep-seated abscess, especially after fever (Hipp. Aph., uddeUand
I2'5q). Scott, p. 167.
Another mediaeval traveller, Nicole le Huen (1487), also notices the cures
wrought by the saint. From him, too, we learn that a church was erected to Nicole le
his honour at Nikosia, as well as at Morphou. Huen-
" Aupres de la (i.e., Nicossie) bien a vii. milles est le corps de Sainct Memer,
dont huille sort moult vertueuse."
" Vendredy au matin nous trouvasmes Nychossie a soleil levant, de la nous
rendismes en la grand esglise nommee Sainct Meme ou Mamar, dont le corps
est hors de la cite, lequel gette huile."
2 'H 4v Tip Toixa tov vaov 4k XiBov tTKXypov Xapva£, ijSy Se rdtpos tov ayiov
Mdpavros, eivai ffapKotpdyos rav PapaiKav XPU'VQ3V- Oi KaXbyypoi Sid vd KepSiCwai
irXeiova bir-fjv nva %Kapov 4irX tov irwparos tov trapKotpdyov ¦ 'bdev KaX p4xpi vvv eitr4Ti
pvpov, w tov Babparos 4£epxerai ' ctAAa tovto Koivbv eivai eis diravras robs rdipovs
tuv dyiwv.
27

p. 70.

418 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the beast to quit his prey, and his command was instantly
obeyed by the lion, who fawned and wagged his tail, in token of
submission. The good man, being tired with walking, took the
lamb in his arms, and mounting the wild beast, rode forwards
to court, to the amazement of all who saw him. He presented
himself in this equipage to the king, who, being apprized of
these circumstances, accepted the lamb, generously remitted the
kharaj he owed, and gave orders that the saint should live with
out paying any tax for the future : thus favoured he came hither
and built a little church, in which at his death his body was
deposited. This is one way of telling his story, which is varied
by every papa whom you consult on the subject."
Madras™, But there is a story to be found in one of the chroniclers which
may explain in an even stranger fashion the presence of the lion
in pictures of the saint. Mamas is there described as possessing
at Alaya a sort of dairy farm stocked, not with cows as one
might expect, but with lionesses, which he caught in the chase.
From the milk of these animals he was wont to make cheeses
wherewith to feed the hungry. It was while engaged in this
charitable labour that he was martyred by the Turks, who at
the same time overturned his pails and spilt the contents. The
stains of the milk, so the chronicler avers, were still visible on
the stones of Alaya when he wrote. Pococke, evidently misled
by the saint's name, which he spells Mamma, ascribes to him a
wrong sex.
No account of the Cypriot saints can be considered complete
which omits to make some mention of those whom a modern
writer calls the German saints of Cyprus.1 The subject is one
involved in considerable obscurity, the principal sources, whence
we derive our knowledge concerning them, being the native
chroniclers and the service books ofthe native Church.2
1 Vies des saints allemands de l'Eglise de Chypre publiees par Constantin
Sathas, Genes, Imprimerie de l'lnstitut royal des sourds-muets, 1884.
2 The offices of these German saints are contained in two separate volumes
entitled as follows : —
l. 'AKoXovBLa tov ayiov iepopdprvpos ©epdirovros tov Bavparovpyov, 4KSo8eioa
trirovSy re KaX tpiXoripw Sairdvy tov eiiyeveffTdrov Kvpiov Kvpiov MtxaT)X (?) tov
paicapiwrdrov Kinrpov, atwd '. 'Everiytri, 1801. riapa NiKoXaw TXvKe? rip 4%
'lwavvlvav. Con sovrana approvazione, 8vo, p. 23.
2. 'AKoXovBlai rav btriav ' ' Avatnatriov, Xaplravos, Av^evriov Kal KevS4a, tov
dTTOlTTbXov KaX eiiayyeXitrrov AovKa, tov ayiov Aypyrpiavov KvBijpys, Kal KwvffTav-
rtvov pdprvpos. Nui/ rb irpwrov eKSoBe?ffai trirovSy pev Kal Sairdvy tov paKapiwrdrov
Kal treBatrpiaraTOv dpxieir 10- k birov irdo'ys Kinrpov Kvpiov Kvpiov XpvtrdvBov, Si 4iritr-
ratrias Se tov Kvirpiavov dpxipavSpirov, SlopBaBe'ttrai ws bibv -re inrb tov lepoS.axbvov

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 419
Machaera attributes the presence of these saints in the island Macim*,
to the conquest of Palestine by the Moslems, when the Christians
there were compelled to seek a home elsewhere.1 Three hundred
of them, according to him, comprising both clerics and laymen,
came to Cyprus and, to escape the notice of the heathen, who
were then dominant in the island, divided themselves into small
groups of twos and threes. Lusignan's version, however, directly Lnsignan,
contradicts this account.2 He states that at the time when the p' 27 w'
Latin Christians took up arms in defence of the Holy City, 300
of these warriors of the Cross, French and German, all barons,
seigneurs, and men of renown, came to Cyprus and settled in
various parts of the island to lead a devout life. So exemplary
was their conduct that the Orthodox inhabitants still hold them
in the highest respect, though, as Lusignan remarks, they are
not wont to reverence modern saints, especially Latin. One of
these holy barons was Jean de Montfort, whom he styles Lusignan,
Marshal of Cyprus, and brother of Philippe de Montfort, Seigneur *' 27 <b)*
de Tyr and Admiral of Cyprus. The number of these saintly
immigrants is the only point in which these chroniclers agree.
Machaera, it will be observed, places their appearance in Cyprus
after the capture of Jerusalem by the Arabs in a.d. 638, while
Lusignan assigns to it a date at the close of the thirteenth
century, when Acre had been lost to the Christians. The dis
crepancy may be explained by the fact that these two writers
assign to two definite periods movements which were in reality
AvBlpov, twv Kvirpiwv, afipoB'. 'Everiytri, 1779. Ilapd NiKoXaw TXvKei rip e£
'Iwavvivwv. Con licenza de' superiori e privilegio, 8vo, p. 132.
Mr. Cobham has published in the Excerpta Cypria an English translation of
some of these offices. The original volumes containing them are extremely
scarce and difficult to procure even in Cyprus.
1"OTav oi 2,apaKyvol errypav t^jv 7^v rys 4irayyeXias, rbre evyyKav ol tttwxoX ol
Xpianavol dirov 4yXvrwtrav KaX 4iryyav 'birov ybpav Karatpbyiv ' T)trav dpxieirio~Koiroi,
erriGKbrroi, iepeis KaX XatKoX, Kal 4iryyav 'birov tprdtrav ' Kal fjprav KaX els ttjv irepitpypov
Kinrpov pia trvvrpotpia, 'birov 'fjaav t' ' , bvopdroi, Kal ypoiKwvra i)Ti*EXXyves 4tpevrevyav
rbv rbrrov, Sid rbv tpbBov iirrjyav els rb evav pipos, KaX eis rb &XXov Kal io~Kdipav ttjv
y7*v Kal 4pTrrjKav pitra, Kal 4irpoo'evxovvTav Ttp Bey, Kal 'tjtrav Sbo rpeis dvrdpa, KaX
eixav Ttyiv SovXevTT)v dirov tovs 4Soi/Xevyev rb 4xpeidCovvrav Sia t^v £w^// tovs - Kal
4iroBdvav eis rbv avrbv vytrXv, Kal iroXXol a| auTojy tovs itpavepwBytrav Si dyyeXov,
dXXoi Sta to Bavpatrrd Babpara.
2 Nel tempo ehe li Christiani Latini presero la Croce in favore della citta
santa di Hierusalem, per liberarla dalle mani delli perfidi, veduto ehe non
poteano far' altro, perche cosi piacea alia maesta divina, trecento di quelli
fra Alemanni et Francesi, ma tutti Baroni, Signori, et huomini illustri vennero
in Cipro, et quivi si sparsero per li casali a fare vita santa, et cosi fecero tutti.
Onde li Greci li tengono tutti in grandissima devotione contra li loro costumi,
percioche eglino non vogliono riverire li santi moderni, massime Latini. Uno
di quelli santi Baroni fu il beato Giovanni di Monforte.

420 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
spread over a considerable interval of time. In the Byzantine
annalists frequent mention is made of the flight of the anchorites
from the Holy Land to escape the persecutions of the Arabs.
Theophanes, For instance it is recorded that in a.d. 744, under Constantine
raoMS4' Kopronymos, and again in a.d. 813, under Michael I., great
c'eTsoi^roi) numbers of them for that reason sought a refuge in Cyprus.
sathas vies Sathas is of opinion that it was during the occupation of the
auemands, island by the Arabs after its abandonment by Justinian II.,
between a.d. 690 and a.d. 697, that the arrival of the 300 took
place, and he gives the following reasons for arriving at this
conclusion : 1 Machaera states that this immigration occurred
while the island was in possession of the heathen. The life of
Constantine, too, mentions Sabinus as being then governor.
This individual Sathas conjectures to have been a Greek rene
gade, who was a fierce persecutor of his former co-religionists
Theophanis and possibly the same who later on revolted against the Arabs
graphia, an. m Khorassan in a.d. 692. With regard to their German na
tionality it is expressly so stated in their biographies, and this
testimony is further corroborated by the hymns in which the
Cypriot Church still celebrates their memory. In the offices we
Machasra, have only the names of the following four preserved to us, but
%'m.' ' ' there is a list of others to be found elsewhere, whose reputation
pf'sfP*1011*"' for sanctity has descended to the present time : — 2
1 Chypre ainsi abandonnee resta aux mains des Arabes pendant sept ans
(690-697). C'est pendant cette periode qu'eut lieu Immigration dans, l'ile des
300 eimites allemands, dont la memoire est encore v6n£ree par l'Eglise de
Chypre. Nous sommes pousses a fixer cette date par le recit de Macheras
disant " qu'alors les paiens y dominaient," et surtout par la mention dans
l'ofnce de saint Constantin du due paien de Chypie, Sabinus, sous lequel
l'ermite subit le martyre. Ce gouverneur de Chypre etait sans doute un grec
renegat au service des Arabes, qui persecuta avec acharnement ses anciens
coreligionnaires. Je crois meme que ce renegat est le meme irapdBovXos Sabinus
qui en 692 se revolta contie les Arabes dans le Khorassan.
2 EvpiffKerai els ri)v Hepitrrepbvav rys Metrapias b dyios 'Avatrrdtrios b Bavparovpybs,
eis ttjv 'Opperiav b ayios KavtrTavrivos trrpariwrys, eis ttjv ~S,vvTav b dyios &epdirwv,
eis ttjv Xloraplav b dyios 'S.aCbpevos, irpbs tov Kd(a Xlitpdvy b ayios TliKTyros, els rb
Kdtrrpov tov ayiov 'IXapiov b blyios 'IXapiav veos, irpbs t^jv KvBpiav b dyios 'Eiritpdvios,
rb KoipyrTjpiv tov eivai els pova^iav, KaX oi rbiroi ipypaBytrav, iirypav ti)v ayiav tov
Kapav Kal ra e'lKOvitrpara, Kal eBaXdv ra els tpbXa\lv eis rbv KovrCovBevryv. Eis t^v
Koptpivovv b dyios 'UpaKXeios iiritTKOiros, b dyios Aavpivnos, b dyios 'EXirCSios, b dyios
Xpio-rbipopos, b dyios 'Opetrrys, Kal b dyios Aypyrpiavbs, birov iroXopovv direipa Babpara.
Els rb AevKbviKov b dyios Evtpypiavbs, els ttjv YlepLo-repbvav tov Kovvry TerCdtp b dyios
BapvdBas Kal b dyios 'IXapiwv, eis ryv *Ax€av b dyios 'HXibtparos, dyios ' Av^ovBevios,
b dyios TlaptpoSirys, b dyios Ylappeyttrros, Kal b dyios natpvovnos, b dyios Kovpvovras '
rrpbs t^v Zariav b dyios EipyviKbs, Kal eis rb KiXdviv aXXos, b dyios ©epdirav, Kal els
tov Mbptpov b dyios ®eoSbtrios, KaX b dyios UoXepios • els t)jv Bdtrav b dyios BapvdBas
povaxbs irpbs tijv 'AXeKrbpav • eis evav rbirov Xeybpevov eis T-ijv TXvtpiav rb Koipyrijpiv
tov ayiov Katriavov KaX rb trapdv tov KaX ioprdCovv tov ttj is' trerrTepBpiov. "Erepos

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 421
Therapon 1 (14th May), the scion of a noble family in Germany, I'S!^,'8"'
renounced all the advantages of rank and spent his time instead ^e™a°6d"'
in frequent attendance at the churches and in diligent study of
the Holy Scriptures. Having passed through all the inferior
grades he was, in consequence of his exemplary life, chosen by
popular consent to fill the See rendered vacant by the death of
his bishop. After his consecration he gave conspicuous proofs of
his devotion to the true faith by causing the lapsed and heretics to
dyios Kao~iavbs eis ttjv AiiStpovv Kal eoprdCovv rbv t-ijv iitrrepyv tpeBpovdpy, Kal eoprdCovv
tov Kal t^v S' SiKeBpiov, Kal rb Koipyrijpiv tov els tV 'AtfiXov. 'O dyios ' AX4\avSpos,
b dyios Xaperys, Kal erepos 'Eiritpdvios els rbv KovpSaKav. 'O ayios U'ijywv Kal b
dyios Xpttrrbtpopos els ttjv 'ApbSav • b ayios KaXavnos, b dyios 'Aydirios, Kal b dyios
BapXdp els rijv Tapatrlav • eis rb Uepa b dyios BatriXe.os 4iritTKOiros Kal b dyios
Aypyrpiavbs 4iritrKoiros. "Exei rroXXobs dXXovs birov oiiSev 4tpavepw8yo~av, robs iroiovs
Kal tovs dvaBev vd irapaKaXovpev vd irapaKaXetrovv Kbpiov rbv Bebv vd airoBydXy tt)v
avrr)v vytrov dirb Tobs d&eovs 'Ayapyvobs.
'AKbpy b dyios $wtios irXytriov 'ABievov, KaX KpdCovv rb irpatrreiov "Ayiov $wryv,
KaX eoprdCerai 17)' lovXlov KaX iroXopq iroXXa Bavpara KaX eivai dirb t'.
'Opoiws eis ttjv t^c tov Ka(o. Tlitpdvy irpbs rbv Bopeav evpitTKerat pia Trepvi4pa
yepdry Xeiipava, Syiov Xeyovrai "Ayioi $av4vres ¦ KaX rd Xeiipava itrreyvatrav KaX
ijXBav KaX iKoXXytrav atrirep irirpai, Kal dv evyy Kavevav Bapb as ylov ireVpa, Kal eivai
dirov tovs t birov tpvyav aire t)jv "Zvpiav. 'Opolas eis rb Xaplov rbv AdpvaKav ev -
y pov)] tov ayiov 'OXtpidvov dirb tovs t .
Regarding these "Ayioi bav4vres Lusignan writes as follows : " Nella citta di Lusignan,
Cerines, over li appresso e un monte et una grotta, nella quale voi vedete p' m '•'•
dentro del sasso vivo impastati capi d'huomini, mani, piedi, dita con le
unghia et altri ossi, et li Greci li chiamano Santi, et moloitades, cioe in Latino
Santi confessori, et fanno miracoli "-
Drummond appears to have visited the spot mentioned by Lusignan, as he Drummond,
says: "From this delightful retirement (i.e., Dela-Pays) I went to Ayios pz73'
Phanentis, the rocks of which are washed by the sea, and theie I found
several human bones and teeth petrified. The country people who, you know,
abound in legends, say that a vast number of foreigners, called AUani, who
came from a savage country to subdue and seize their fruitful lands, were here
shipwrecked and perished ; their bones, as a punishment, and monument of
their crimes, were turned into stone as we now see them, though some of them,
being converted to the Christian faith, lived happily in the island and became
saints. Of this number was Saint Mamas, of whom such honourable mention
hath been made ; yet some say he was a native of the island, while others
affirm he was born upon the main. Ridiculous as this fable may appear, there
is certainly some foundation for it. We know the Goths invaded Greece, and
visited some of the islands ; and though I do not remember the circumstance
in history, some of them may have made an attempt upon Cyprus ; else how
should the inhabitants become acquainted with the word AUani, and transmit it
from father to son ? "
" Dans un village de la partie orientale de l'ile, Rizocarpasso, les habitants Q^ry
ont les yeux bleus, le teint clair, les cheveux blonds tombant sur les epaules. Geoiogie de
D'ou vient ce type blond perdu au milieu des types bruns des autres Chypriotes ? " chypre, p. 217.
1 The Turabi Teke in Old Larnaka, sometimes called St. Arab, and frequented Exce?pt'a
by both Moslem and Christian worshippers, preserves the memory of St. The- Cypria, p. 239
rapon. Michael (?), Archbishop of Cyprus, published in 8vo at Venice, 1801, the
aKoXovBia tov ayiov lepopdprvpos ®epd.irovros tov Bavparovpyov,

w. 7, 8.

422 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
return to it. When he had presided over the diocese for several
years a fierce strife occurred through the action of the iconoclasts.
Therapon took a courageous stand against these enemies of the
faith, who accordingly laid hands upon him and tortured him by
tearing the flesh from his bones with pincers. In the midst of
his agony the saint found strength to thank his tormentors for
what they were doing, assuring them that he was quite willing
they should cut off his flesh strip by strip for the honour of
Christ and the holy eikons. The inhuman wretches next tied his
hands and feet and threw him into a dark dungeon, but the
ct. Act. 12, doors were scarcely closed when the angel of God appeared and
freed him from his bonds. On the following morning the saint
was taken out of his prison and questioned again, but remaining
unshaken in his convictions was scourged and condemned to
exile. Before quitting the scene of his labours he warned his
persecutors that for their obstinacy and ill-treatment of him
God would soon visit them with palsy as a punishment for their
sins and a warning to others. The prediction was hardly uttered
before its accomplishment took place, a lightning flash from
heaven suddenly striking and paralysing them all. On leaving
his native land Therapon went to Jerusalem to worship at the
holy places. He had not been there long before he became
noted for the many miracles which he wrought. On one occasion,
as he was walking in the Ploly City, a distracted Jewish mother
fell at his feet and besought his aid on behalf of her dead son.
Moved with compassion he stretched out ;his hand over the
corpse, at the same time saying : " In the name of Jesus Christ,
whom the impious Jews under Pontius Pilate crucified, arise ".
These words immediately caused the dead to return to life.
The woman then falling a second time at his feet requested him,
since he had raised her son from the dead, to cause the youth to
be born again in baptism. Having obtained this petition also
she published abroad the miraculous resurrection of her son.
After residing for some time longer at Jerusalem, where he
became universally known through the wonders that he did,
Therapon set sail for Cyprus. A native of that island named
Sosios, who hospitably received him on his arrival, was cured of
his illness by his saintly guest. His wife, who was lying ill with
fever, was also restored to health. Other Cypriots, too, who
were afflicted with various maladies, recovered through the mere
laying on of Therapon's hands. He boldly rebuked the heretical
Deipassians for their errors, when one of them, a very presump
tuous fellow, gave the saint a blow in the face for his censure.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 423
Some days afterwards, repenting of what he had done, he came
to Therapon and asked his forgiveness. The latter instead of
granting his prayer drove him out of his presence with curses as
one cut off from the glory of Christ both now and for ever. He
explained why he had acted thus by saying that he had seen a
vision of the Saviour in the form of a child wearing a coat torn
from top to bottom, and that it was his assailant and his com
panions who had thus rent it. The pious Cypriots were filled
with wonderment at the virtues of the saint. The then arch
bishop, being informed in a vision of the purpose of Therapon's
mission, begged him to remain in the island and labour there for
the conversion of souls. On consenting, he was appointed bishop
of a district bordering on the sea. Some time afterwards the
Arabs (under Aboubekr, a.d. 632) invaded the country, destroy
ing many monasteries and churches and massacring the Christians
without mercy. The good bishop was among the victims of
their fury, being butchered in the church while celebrating the
Eucharist. After the murder holy melodies, so it is reported,
resounded around the saintly corpse, a circumstance which caused
the faithful to give thanks to God, and the assassins to feel
sorry for their deed of blood. Tradition states that on the
eve of another Arab invasion (Abdalmelek, a.d. 690) the saint
appeared and ordered the removal of his remains to Constan
tinople. Nikodemos Hagiorites,1 whom Sathas calls the Greek Bollan-
dus, though mentioning his name under the date of 14th May, pro
fesses utter ignorance concerning his history, as the materials
for his biography had disappeared through lapse of time. His
eikons, however, depict him as a monk, while tradition represents
him as a bishop of Cyprus who suffered martyrdom.
Auxentios (28th September). Of his parentage and the period sathas, vies
at which he lived nothing at all is known. From his youth he ailemands,
was brought up to the profession of arms, in which he attained cr. Excerpta
great distinction. It is reported that as the result of a vision pp^So"; 241.
he renounced all worldly pleasures, came to regard military
1 Nikodemos Hagiorites (i.e., a monk of Mount Athos) was a native of
Naxos in the Cyclades and was educated at Smyrna under Hierotheos
Didaskalos. Wishing to embrace a monastic life he came to Athos in 1775
and entered the monastery of Dionysios, changing his original name of
Nikolaos to Nikodemos on his profession. He died on 14th July, 1809, aged
sixty years.

424 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
glory as a mere idle dream, and resolved to sever every tie which
bound him to earth. Having made known his intention to his
companions in arms, who are said to have numbered 300, he
found them all of the same mind and determination as himself.
Immediately they set to work to carry their project into execu
tion. Coming to the sea-shore they found there a vessel, in
which they embarked and were divinely directed to Cyprus. On
reaching land they dispersed, each one choosing as the place of
his retreat the spot, which seemed to him most suitable for the
purpose. Auxentios himself went to the Karpasos and, having
found a cave in a place called Ioution, took up his abode there,
practising the greatest austerities. Several years after his death
the inhabitants of the two villages of Komi and Nautokomi
simultaneously discovered the cave which contained his remains.
A dispute arose in consequence as to their possession. The men
of Nautokomi asserted that the relics belonged to them as they
were found near their village, while the men of Komi on the
other hand claimed them on the plea that they formed the ma
jority of the discoverers. To settle the question they agreed to
bring a carriage drawn by two oxen, one from each village, and
after placing the remains thereon to allow the animals to go of
their own accord whither Providence and the wish of the saint
might direct them. The vehicle was accordingly brought and
the body laid thereon, when the oxen were left to their own
devices. All the peasants of the district crowded after them,
curious to see what would happen. On arriving at the spot,
where the church dedicated to the saint now stands, the carriage
suddenly and mysteriously came to a standstill, the oxen refusing
to move any further. The crowd seeing the miracle shouted
out " Kyrie Eleison," while the relics were placed on the ground
and a beautiful church erected over them to the Holy Trinity.
synaxaristes By the Synaxaristes (14th February) he is represented as
having lived about a.d. 440 during the reign of Theodosius the
Younger (a.d. 408-a.d. 450), and as being of Oriental descent.
Originally a soldier of the Imperial Guard he retired, on becom
ing a monk, to the mountain opposite Oxia, an islet adjacent to
Chalke and the other islands in the neighbourhood of Constanti
nople. He is said to have vigorously opposed the Nestorian and
Eutychian heresies and to have been a most ardent champion of
the Council of Chalcedon. During his life he was held in great
esteem by the Emperors and at his death was buried in the
Su-Mtes, chapel, which he had built. Metaphrastes also alludes to his
AuJentii. Eastern origin and relates that he came from Syria in search of

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 425
his uncle, who held high military rank at the capital, when, not
finding him there, he enlisted in the Palace Guard (axoXdpio^).
Kendeas (6th October) left his native land at the age ofsathas.vies
eighteen and came to Jerusalem, where he embraced the monas- auemanos,
. . . . PP- 19-22.
tic life. After doing so he retired to the desert of the Jordan Excerpta
and discovered in a steep and inaccessible spot a cave, in which pp1^,' 242.
he took up his abode, feeding on the tips of the trees growing
there. At that time there was living in the same desert a
celebrated recluse named Ananias. On one occasion a nobleman
having a son, who was vexed with an unclean spirit, sent him
to the hermit, but Ananias in his humility being unwilling to
see him sent the patient yet farther into the desert to Kendeas.
The attendants of the sick youth after scouring the desert for
some time in vain at length discovered the object of their search.
At first Kendeas refused to listen to their appeal, but eventually,
moved by their supplications and tears, he prayed to God and
then turning to the demon addressed him thus : " Ananias, the
servant of God, commands thee, O unclean spirit, in the name
of Jesus Christ to come out of this sick child ". The demon at
once obeyed and came out without hurting any one. The fame
of this wonderful miracle getting abroad Kendeas, much against
his will, became a priest and entered a monastery. Finding the
life, however, not sufficiently quiet and solitary he left Palestine
and a second time retreated into the desert. Another miracle
is recorded to have been performed by him while living there.
A man, who had a child possessed by a demon, carried it to a
certain door and, covering it with grass, left it near the entrance
to the saint's cell and then fled. Kendeas aroused by the little
one's cries came out to see it and, recognising the presence of an
evil spirit, drove it out and so the child was healed. Some time
afterwards the recluses who inhabited the desert, the saint being
among the number, were forced by the persecutions of the
Blemmyes to quit their solitudes. They embarked accordingly
in a vessel and directed their course for the harbour of Paphos.
But God for some secret sins, of which He alone knew, caused
the vessel to be wrecked on the voyage. The saints in spite of
the mishap got safely to land and scattered themselves through
out the island. Kendeas settled near Paphos, where he built
himself an hut on a steep rock overlooking the sea. From the
following stories he would seem at this period to have been the
object of special attention on the part of the Evil One. One
day before dawn, as he was leaving his hut, he encountered his

426 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
ghostly tormentor in the form of a man, who falling at his feet
craved his blessing. Startled for the moment at so unexpected
a meeting Kendeas missed his footing and, falling to the ground,
rolled to the bottom of the cliff. But through the mercy of
God he sustained no injury whatever. On another occasion the
devil caused the saint to fall into the hands of a ferocious
brigand, who beat the good man and deprived him of the few
rags, which covered him, at the same time setting fire to his hut.
Shortly afterwards God came again to the rescue of His servant
by delivering the brigand over to the governor of the district,
who put him to death. On a third occasion, when the saint was
going to visit his brethren, the devil presented himself in the
guise of a woman, who falling at his feet besought the good man
to bless her house. Kendeas moved by her tears consented, when
his petitioner suddenly throwing off her clothes made an attempt
upon his chastity. This he foiled by going down upon his knees
and having recourse to prayer, upon which the devil took his
departure. Kendeas having heard that there was a hermit
named Jonas living near Nova Justiniana desired to see him.
Accordingly setting out with this object in view he healed on
the way the sick whom he encountered at every village. Arrived
now called at last at a place called Mandraes near Trachias he entered a
theKarpas. cave which he found there, vowing he would never leave it.
Meanwhile the wish to see Jonas was strong within him and he
grieved that he could not gratify it by reason of the oath, which
he had just sworn. But Providence specially intervened to ac
complish the saint's desire. An angel lifted Jonas out of his
cell, without making the least noise, and transported him to the
cave where Kendeas had his habitation. The two hermits,
overjoyed at this unexpected meeting, rushed into each other's
arms, Kendeas exclaiming as they did so : " Glory be to God
Who has seen fit to show me my very dear Jonas ". No sooner
had the words left his lips when the angel snatched up Jonas
again and he disappeared from his friend's gaze. This strange
circumstance caused Kendeas to think that possibly he had been
the victim of an illusion. Forgetting, therefore, his vow, he
quitted the cave and took the road leading to the cell of Jonas,
so as to assure himself by visible proof that what he had seen
was not a dream. Having found his brother saint all doubts
were set at rest by the latter informing him of the miraculous
way in which his journey had been made.
The catalogue of Kendeas1 good deeds, as might have been sup
posed, is a long one. After banishing many demons, who were

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 427
in the habit of tormenting men, curing innumerable sicknesses,
causing springs to flow in dry places, and by his supplications
bringing down the rain, when needed, from heaven, the saint at
a good old age and in perfect peace yielded up his soul to God.
Constantine (1st July) was one of the 300 who, natives ofsathas, vies
various countries, came to Jerusalem to worship at the holy a^^ds,
places and afterwards retired to the desert of the Jordan. One Excerpta
day this saintly band coming- to the sea-shore found there a ppTmI: 244.
vessel, on which they embarked and set sail for Cyprus, directing
their course to the harbour of Paphos. On the voyage the
vessel was caught in a violent gale and wrecked, but the saints
were by the mercy of God saved and dispersed themselves over
the island. Constantine and three companions retired to the
district called Trachias, where they lived after the manner of
the Apostles, going about and preaching Jesus Christ as the
true God. Sabinus, the governor, being informed of their pro
ceedings summoned them before him. On their refusing to
sacrifice to the heathen deities he ordered that they should be
hung head downwards and the flesh stripped from off them.
Though afterwards stretched on red-hot iron plates these
martyrs, thanks to Christ, received no injury at all. Sabinus
thereupon ordered nails to be driven into their feet and then
compelled them to run in this condition. On the conclusion of
these tortures they were by his orders shut up in prison. Some
days afterwards this same prince commanded them to appear
again before him, when he questioned them closely, and finding
that they still adhered unswervingly to the Christian faith
ordered them to be beheaded. Some pious believers carried off
their bodies under cover of night and gave them honourable
burial in the village of Ormidia. After a time their holy remains
became like a fountain, diffusing innumerable cures, countless
miracles daily took place at their tomb, and various maladies
were healed by their means, deaf persons among others at once
recovering their sense of hearing. A well authenticated instance
of one of these cures has been preserved. The then governor of
Cyprus being afflicted with dysentery and deafness went full of
faith to seek assistance from the relics of these holy martyrs.
He was at once restored to health when, to show his gratitude
for his recovery, he caused a magnificent church to be erected in
honour of Constantine. All sufferers, we are assured, who come
to him even now with faith are healed by the intercession of this
holy and glorious martyr.

428 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
des&tsieB Anastasios (17th September) lived under the Emperors Alexios
re eSa26<te' and John Komnenos, and was one of the 300 Orthodox fathers,
Excerpta all natives of Germany, who embraced the monastic life in
ypna, p. 239. Qyprug w]^ie ft still formed part of the Byzantine Empire.1 At
the time when the Crusade was proclaimed in the West, under
the pretext of delivering the holy places, all these saints enrolled
themselves among the other Western soldiers. But soon per
ceiving that their companions in arms persecuted the Orthodox,
in place of delivering them, they abandoned the military pro
fession and became instead soldiers of the heavenly army. Having
thus exchanged their carnal weapons for spiritual they retired
into the solitudes and mountains of Cyprus. There harassed,
tempted and ill-treated by the devil, they succeeded with the
help of Jesus in defeating him and wrought as many miracles
during their lives as they did after their deaths. Anastasios is
said to still prove himself the physician for every malady, helping
without fail all who in faith demand his assistance.
One of the most recent names in the Cypriot Calendar is that
of Jean de Montfort, a French noble. Though a Latin and a
member of that foreign aristocracy, which weighed so heavily
upon the Orthodox natives, yet by his saintly character he gained
the esteem and affection of all alike. After his death, which
occurred in 1248, his body was interred in the Abbey Church
of Beaulieu at Nikosia in a sumptuously gilded tomb befitting
his rank and station.2 So great was his reputation for piety and
so powerful the influence he was supposed to possess with Heaven
that not only the inhabitants of the island, but also strangers
from a distance, were wont to resort to his shrine and implore
Fratris Feiicis his intercession.3 A mediaeval traveller, himself a visitor to the
Fahri Evaga-
torium, tom.
ill., p. 235. i Alexios I. (a.d. 1081-A.D. iii8). John, or Kalo-Johannes (a.d. iii8-a.d.
H43)-
Machzera, 2 b HavrCovdvys Tepovtpbpre (evpiaKerai) eis ttjv AevKotrlav els rb TlidXefie
p' (Beaulieu) dtpevrys <t>pavTCerCys, b iroios iroXopq &£ia Babpara els robs do-revels
KaX rys Trbpetes.
3 Sed et iratres Eremitarum Sancti Augustini in hortis canamellorum con-
ventum habent, et in ecclesia eorum ad latus sinistrum est solenne et deauratum
sepulchrum, in quo corpus nobilis cujusdam Teutonici requiescit, nomine
Johannes de Montfort, quem Cyprii colunt pro sancto, et peregrini ipsum
visitant et implorant. Integrum autem jacet ibi corpus, non tabefactis carni-
bus, nervis et cute, in uno tamen brachio videtur os nudatum pelle et came,
quasi morsellus dentibus esset a corpore avulsus, quod sic accidisse dicitur.
Erat quaadam nobilis £=emina in Alemannia, dicti Johannis de Montfort con-
sanguinea ; haac cum loca sancta Hierosolymis visitasset, in Cyprum navigavit
et ad Nicosiam venit gratia visitandi sepulchrum amici sui, beati Johannis, cui
cum patefecissent sepulchrum et cancellos amovissent, reclinavit se super

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 429
hallowed spot, has left a description of the relics as he saw them
in 1483. The body was still entire after a lapse of over two
centuries, except that the bone of one of the arms was partly
visible, as though a piece of the flesh had been bitten out. In
explanation of this circumstance the following tale of marvel is
recorded. A certain noble lady from Germany, said to be a
relative of the saint, while making a pilgrimage to the holy
places at Jerusalem came to Cyprus to pay her respects at the
tomb of her kinsman. When the custodians had thrown open
the shrine and removed the grating she flung herself upon the
corpus ejus, applicans os ad scapulas, tanquam eas deoscularet et longioribus
osculis demulciretur, occulte autem dentibus suis in carnes corporis defuncti
morsum impressit, evellens petiam, quam clam in sinum abscondit secum
portare volens pro reliquiis in patriam. Mira res ! dum navem ingressa fuisset,
et jam longe in mari essent, omni secundo vento caruerunt, et aliis navibus
prospere procedentibus navis ilia penitus non processit. Videntes autem
marinarii hoc miraculose fieri, caeperunt mansiunculas, singulorum saccos,
peras et cistas perscrutari, et de singulis inventis rationem petere, sicut moris
est fieri instante singulari impedimento. Cum autem morsellum panniculo
involutum reperissent, audita veritate, quam mulier confitebatur, redierunt in
portum unde exierant, et ipsum morsellum cum in locum suum reposuissent,
expedito itinere mare sulcabant.
Faber is evidently mistaken in stating that Jean de Montfort's tomb was in
the church of the Augustinians. Machasra, who wrote nearly sixty years before Machaera,
his visit to Nikosia (circ. a.d. 1426), says that it was in the Cistercian Monastery P- 69-
of Beaulieu. Nicole le Huen (1487) describes the body as being deposited near
the church of the Carmelites, which was in its turn near the royal palace :
" Aupres de nostre couvent repose le corps de Sainct Jehan de Montfort tres
tous entier, et est le plus beau mort qu'onques fut veu dessus la terre. Par
devotion et par grant erre le peuple y ha pour sante acquerir " The full title of
the former establishment was Sainte Marie de Beaulieu, corrupted subsequently
into Bialeuq (TlidXeBe). It was also known as Notre Dame des Champs and
Saint Jean de Montfort. When Lusignan wrote it had passed into the posses
sion of the Observants. The saint's body was still contained in the church at the
period of the Turkish conquest, as we learn from the same author, though
what has since become of it is unknown.
Giovanni di Monforte Marizale di Cipro e conte di Ruchas, fratello del quale Lusignan,
fu Philippo di Monforte, governatore d' Ancon, overo Tolomaida, Barone di Q^ta,
Francia, mori in Nicosia pieno di opere buone, e sante, e fece molti miracoli. P- 52 (o).
Fu sepolto nel monastero di Santa Maria, delli monaci di San Bernardo, e poi
per la devotione ehe havea il popolo a questo santo, fu chiamato quel monastero
di San Giovanni di Monforte, et in successo di tempo dato questo monastero alii
frati di San Francesco osservanti.
Jehan de Mont-fort, Francois, Comte de Ruchas, et Mareschal de Cypre, Lusignan,
duquel le frere nomme Philippe estoit gouverneur de la Ptolemaide en Pan mil ^tJ'f^"^*6
deux cens cinquante six, fut pareillement homme de saincte vie, et fit plusieurs chypre,
miracles en sa mort, le corps duquel est demeure entier sans pourriture. II futp-6S(a)-
enterre en l'Eglise de Nostre-dame-des-Champs, ou il y avoit des Moynes de
l'ordre de S. Bernard, ausquelssont succede depuis les Cordeliers de l'Observance.
Cette Eglise pour les grands miracles que ce sainct corps faisoit, changea son
nom, et fut appellee Sainct Jehan-de-Montfort, la feste duquel est celebree au
mois de May. Je ne scay maintenant si la cruaute des Tures se sera retenue
de mettre les mains a ce coips sainct, et s'ils l'auiont laiss^ entiei.

430 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
body and pressing her lips to the shoulders, as though to kiss
them, remained in that attitude for some time. But this she
did merely the better to conceal her real intention, which was
to bite out a piece of the flesh with her teeth and carry it home
as a relic. At last, having accomplished her purpose, she rose
from the body and, leaving the church with the precious morsel
secreted in her bosom, hurried down to the ship. But the
sacrilege was destined to be revealed in a very strange and un
expected fashion. After the vessel had got some distance out
to sea the wind suddenly dropped and, though other vessels
passed under swelling sails, this particular one failed to make
any way at all. The superstitious sailors, regarding the occur
rence as an omen, commenced to overhaul the passengers' cabins
and baggage to discover the cause of the phenomenon. The
piece of flesh from the corpse of the sainted John was at length
brought to light when the thief, seeing further concealment was
impossible, confessed what she had done. Without delay the
ship was brought back to land and the morsel returned to its
former place, when the voyage was resumed without any other
obstacle being encountered.
Eudes de Chateauroux, Bishop of Tusculum, when Cardinal
Legate in the East, ordered (a.d. 1248) that special honour
should be paid by the Latin clergy to certain of the native saints,
whom he mentions by name, viz., Barnabas, Epiphanios, Hilarion,
Nikanor, Tychicos, Jason, Spyridon, Aymon (Ammon), Alex
ander, Potamios and Nemesios.1
Tresorde The Tresor de Chronologie gives the following synopsis of
coii°9ii-*9i2e' the principal saints of Cyprus with their approximate dates : —
Circ. 53. St. Barnabas.
First Century : —
St. Aristion, one of the seventy-two disciples.
St. Epaphras, first Bishop of Paphos.
Labbe, 1 " Licet autem sancti Dei sint a tota ecclesia honorandi, super quos post
XTpars'iij11' Cnristura sua je"1 fundamenta, specialiter tamen ibidem eorum est habenda
coi. 2404. ' memoria veneranda, ubi vitam finiere temporalem, adipiscentes aaternam. Cum
Mansi, igitur nonnullos apud Cyprum sanctos legamus ad Dominum migrasse, videlicet
Concii., torn. .? , T^ - if • tj-i ¦ v- rr, . • T
xxvi., col. 337. Barnabam, Epiphanium, Hilarionem, Nicanorem, Tychicum, Jasonem, et
Spiridionem, Aymonem et Alexandium, Potamium et Nemesium : et pro tribus
illorum tantum in Nicosiensi ecclesia intellexerimus novem fieri lectiones,
nolentes ut aliis honor debitus subtrahatur, praecipimus ut per omnes ecclesias
Latinorum in Cypro, in die festo cujuslibet praedictorum fiant novem lectiones
de martyribus sive confessoribus, prout decet."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 431
St. Epaphroditos, Bishop of the Karpas.
St. Herakleides, disciple of St. Barnabas, Bishop of Tamasos
and martyr.
St. Lazarus, Bishop of Kition.
St. Philagrios, martyred in the valley of Solia.
St. Tychicos, first Bishop of Neapolis near Amathus.
St. Auxibios, first Bishop of Soli.
Uncertain Period: —
St. John Lampadistes, or the Illuminated.
SS. Potamios, Nemesios and Didymos, martyrs.
St. Tharape. (Can this be St. Arab, the name by which St.
Therapon is still known in Larnaka ?)
Third or Fourth Century : —
St. Nichitas (Niketas ?), Bishop of Kythraea or Chytros.
284-305. St. Lucian, the senator, martyred in Cyprus under
Diocletian. St. Philoneides, Bishop of Kurion.
Third Century : —
SS. Alexander and Ammon, disciples of Origen, martyred in
the valley of Solia.
304. St. Afra, patron saint of Augsburg.
305-315. St. Aristion, priest, St. Domitian, deacon, St. Athan
asios, reader, martyred at Salamis under Maximian.
307-324. St. Theodotos, Bishop of Kurion, martyred under
Licinius. 347. St. Triphyllios, first Bishop of Ledra, and disciple of St. circ. 370.
Spyridon. 371-372. St. Hilarion, originator of monasticism in Palestine.
Circ. 374. St. Spyridon, Bishop of Trimythus.
Fourth Century : —
St. Catharine, of Alexandria or Mount Sinai, said to have
been born in Cyprus, martyred during the fourth century.
St. Dimidios, Bishop of Ledra or Nikosia, disciple of St.
Triphyllios. SS. Kendeas, Makedonios, Bishop of Ledra, and Nichitas,
believed to have been Bishop of Kythrasa, or Palaeo-Chytro.
St. Theodoros, Bishop of Kurion.
St. Theodoros, Bishop of Kyrenia, martyred under Constantine.
St. Tychon, Bishop of Amathus and successor of St. Mne-

432 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Fourth or Fifth Century : —
St. Arkadios, Bishop of Trimythus.
403. St. Epiphanios, Bishop of Constantia or Salamis.
582-602. St. Leontios, Bishop of Neapolis and Amathus
during the reign of the Emperor Maurice.
Sixth Century : —
St. Tychon, Bishop of Amathus.
St. Gregorios, Bishop of Constantia or Salamis at the close of
the sixth century.
61 6. St. John the Almoner, founder or patron of the monas
tery bearing his name in the Machaera mountains, where he
died. 634. St. Therapon.
Seventh Century : —
St. Sozontas, shepherd, martyred in Cyprus under Abubekr.
Circ. 760. St. Paul martyred in Cyprus by the iconoclasts.
790. St. Theophilos junior died in Cyprus.
Circ. 1248. St. Jean de Montfort. His festival occurs on the
8th May.
1269. The blessed Hugo di Fagiano.
1270, 1271. The blessed Bartolommeo di Braganza, Bishop of
Limassol. Ante 1294. St. Limbagne, a nun and native of Cyprus, who
died at Genoa.
1366. The blessed Pierre de Thomas, Archbishop of Crete,
Patriarch of Constantinople, and Legate of the Holy See, who
died at Famagusta 6th January, 1366.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 433

CHAPTER IX.
Relics.
CYPRUS would appear from all accounts to have formerly
been as rich in relics as in saints. Unfortunately, how
ever, the combined effects of time and of the many hostile
incursions to which the island has been exposed, have spared
but few of these interesting treasures to the present day.
Among those which history mentions the first place must from
their importance be assigned to the donations of the Empress
Helena.1 According to local tradition this pious woman on Machaera,
her fortunate discovery of the True Cross, before setting it up S^ij
in Jerusalem, detached the suppedaneum, or footrest, which had pp- 2| 3-
supported the Saviour's feet at His crucifixion. She directed pp- '8- •***¦
this to be sawn into four parts and a small cross of one solid pp. "SUT™'
piece to be made from each.2 Not having any means of identi- Jfs?"1*'
1 Kal Svrav y ayia 'Ea«^ yvpev Tbv ripiov trravpbv KaX epajBev dire rb Bavpav tov
trravpov, iirypev t*> inroirbSiov Srrov iKaptpwtrav robs ayiovs irbSas, KaX etrKitr4v to els y'
KaX 4iro?Kev Svo ffaviSla dirov to Troia etiyaXev is' ywviais, arrob rrdo'av traviSav Svo
Koppdria, KaX epeivav Svo trravpoi. — Tair'nra 4^i)Xwtrev robs trravpovs Ttov Xytrrwv KaX
eBaXev rb paKpbtXiv tov KaXov pe rb Kovrbtriv tov trovypov, Kal iiroiKev evav, rb
bpoiov Kal rb paKpbtrtv tov irovypov pe rb Kovrytriv tov KaXov, Kal iirolKev robs B'
trravpobs. De le doe croce di latroni, non cognoscendo qual fosse del justo et quale del
dannato, le disgiunse et messe el legno longo de 1' una col traverso del altra et
fece una croce, et similmente con li altri dui legni de 1' una et del altra crcce
fece un altra ; in modo ehe tutte doe havevano del legno de la croce del justo
latrone. Quel scagnello (i.e., suppedaneum), qual fece seguar tre segature, fece
quattro tavole, et levati poi li quatri cantoni de esse, cavo sedise pezi di tavolette
quadre, et rimaseno et quatro croce intregue senza alcuna zonta.
2 Machaera records a circumstance connected with the discovery of the True
Cross, which appears to have been omitted by the early writers on the subject.
He says that the Empress, in order to acquaint her son without delay of the
success of her mission, caused towers to be constructed previous to the search
from Jerusalem to Constantinople within sight of one another, from which she
flashed the welcome news by means of fire signals immediately the object of her
quest was found. Can it be that this legend was suggested by the similar story
of the means employed to convey the news of the fall of Troy to expectant .ffischyi.,
fl,.PrP> Agamemnon,
uiccCc r 281 aqq.
28

434 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
fying those of the thieves', which were found at the same time,
she resolved the uncertainty by so blending one with the other
as to ensure that each should possess a portion of that which
had formed the penitent thief s. On her departure she carried
with her from the Holy City in a chest the four small crosses
above mentioned with the other fragments of the footrest,
the nails, the crown of thorns, and thirty-six drops of the
Saviour's blood on a napkin, as well as the two crosses on which
the thieves had been crucified. The ship with its precious
freight touched on its return journey at the coast of Cyprus near
the town of Marion. The Empress landed with her treasures
and encamped on the banks of the Tetios, which from this cir
cumstance afterwards acquired the name of the Vasilipotamos,
or Royal River. Overcome by the fatigues of the voyage she
fell asleep and dreamt that she saw a young man, who thus
addressed her : " Lady Helena, as you have already erected
many churches in Jerusalem, so do here likewise, for it is decreed
that men shall inhabit this land until the end of the world, and
that it shall not lie desolate for ever. Build a church to the
name of the holy and life-giving Cross and deposit therein part
ofthe precious wood which you are bearing with you." Awaking
from her slumbers her first thought was to look for the chest
and the two larger crosses. But to her dismay she found that
one of these, together with one of the smaller crosses, had
mysteriously disappeared. Search being made the former was
discovered on the mountain afterwards called Olympos from the
cross of the penitent thief, whose name was Olympas. There
she subsequently erected a church, in which she deposited this
holy relic, inserting in the centre of it a piece of the True
Cross. Next observing a column of fire extending from the
earth to the sky she approached the spot to ascertain the cause
of the phenomenon, when on the bank of the river she suddenly
saw in front of her the small cross, which was also missing. At
the same moment she heard a voice urging her to build a church
The legend itself is so interesting that no justification is necessary for giving
it in the chronicler's own words : —
vH|et»pe Kal tovtov, Sti otrov iirijyaivev els t^jv 'lepovtraXTjp apitrev tovs Hpxovres
Sti dirb r-ijv 'IepoviraXT)p els tt)v KwvoTavTivoviroXiv vd ktIgovv irbpyovs v airoo~KeirdCrj
evas rbv dXXov Kal v&xy avBpwirovs dirov rrdvw vd Bwpovv pipav Kal vbKrav, Kal vdvai
'broipoi otro vd 'Sovv Xapirpbv -i) Kairvbv eis ttjv 'lepovtraXrjp, 'broipa vd iroitry irdtra
eis, Sti rb vd BptBy b rlpios trravpbs vd v'fiwBy vd yivy tpavbs dirob irvpyov eis irvpyov,
vd pdBy b BatriXebs T'h.v yp4pav birov vaijpy y pyrepa tov rbv ripiov trravpbv • Kal tfrCov
4yiverov pe robryv t^jv trrpdrav. T^jv wpav birov y paicapia 'EX4vy yvpev rbv ripiov
trravpbv, 4Keivyv ttjv tiipav epaB4v to b vibs rys b BaaiXevs,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 435
in the place where she had found it, which her heavenly visitor
told her was called Tochni. This she did, as well as constructed
a bridge over the stream, which exists to the present day. In
this church she placed the Cross, which had been so miraculously
restored to her, after first adorning it with gold and silver and
pearls. These remarkable relics have in their time met with
many strange andjjstartling vicissitudes. With regard to that at
Tochni the following legend is told by the island chroniclers.
The Latin ecclesiastics, so the tale runs, were greatly exercised
at the prestige, which this wonder-working fragment conferred Maehasra,
upon their Orthodox rivals. Unable to deny the reality of the strambaiou,
miracles wrought by it they sought to minimise their importance ^^f2'
by ascribing them to the agency of magic, which they charged pp- **'• m-
the Greeks with employing. Others, however, more honest pp- SS
acknowledged that they were directly due to the Cross itself.
At length one of the Latin priests, by name Jean Sardamari,
in the year 1318 determined once and for all to deprive the
opposite communion of this source of pride. Selecting a night
favourable for his design he came secretly to Tochni and, entering
the church unobserved, snatched up the Cross, which he hid
under his cloak, and then made his way to the coast, where a
vessel was waiting to receive him. But, wonderful to relate,
sail was scarcely set when a violent storm arose, which threatened
to engulf it. The crew, regarding this as a sign of Heaven's
wrath at the sacrilege which had just been committed, put the
thief on shore again. He, though overcome with fear at the
unexpected turn events had taken, found courage to pick out
all the jewels, which adorned it, before depositing the precious
relic in a hollow carob-tree situated near the village of Kalamouli.
Having thus disposed of his plunder Sardamari returned to the
ship, which resumed its voyage without encountering any further
obstacles. After remaining in this strange hiding-place for
twenty-two years the long missing treasure at length came to
light in 1340 in the following strange manner : An inhabitant
of this village had as shepherd a slave boy, named George,
bought by him from the corsairs, who at that period infested
the coasts of the island. One day, as the lad lay asleep, he saw
in his dreams a vision of the Cross, which urged him to follow
it, promising if he would do so, to point out the spot where a
great treasure lay hidden. George mentioned to many the
circumstances of this apparition, but all treated the story as
mere imagination on his part. The lad, however, remained
firmly convinced that what he had seen was true. One day,

436 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
while tending his master's flock, he happened to become tired
and lay down to rest under the very tree in which the Cross
was concealed. Unable to go to sleep he chanced to cast his
eyes aloft, when on the topmost bough he espied a carob growing.
Wishing to get the fruit he threw his stick for the purpose of
bringing it down, but the latter itself stuck fast among the
branches. Picking up next a stone to hurl at the stick, as he
stood poising it in his hand he saw a fire in the hollow of the
tree. Becoming frightened lest he should be accused of having
caused it he rushed off at full speed to the village, shouting :
" Come quickly, for there is a fire in the tree, and I know not
who has placed it there ". The villagers at his cry hurried to
the spot with water and axes to arrest the conflagration. As
they were cutting into the tree it opened a little and a perfume
like musk issued forth. The boy, who had stood an interested
spectator of the proceedings, suddenly spied the Cross. Thrust
ing his hand into the fire he drew out the precious relic without
receiving any hurt, exclaiming : " Now my dreams are accom
plished. Behold the Lord's Cross." Immediately the priests,
who were among the bystanders, seized hold of it. The discovery
had not been long made when the true nature of the find was
revealed by the miraculous recovery of twelve sick persons. The
report of what had occurred soon attracted to the spot the
Orthodox Bishop of Levkara with his clergy and much people.
These newcomers set the matter at rest by declaring that it
was, indeed, the Cross which had been stolen from Tochni.
George, however, refused to part with his prize, but going with
it to the King related to him all that had taken place. The
latter placed the relic in his palace and would willingly have
kept it there permanently. But after twelve days, being greatly
frightened by a terrible vision, which appeared to him one night
while asleep, he called George and restored to him his property.
On receiving it back the lad carried it off to Kyrenia, where he
became a monk under the name of Gabriel.
The Latin Bishop of Famagusta, Marcus, happened at that
time to be at Nikosia. Hearing of the strange miracles, which
had been wrought by the Cross, he roundly charged the Greek
priests with inventing the whole story to deceive the people,
and called upon the King to put a stop to the imposture.
Hugues (IV.), loth to mix himself up with these theological
squabbles, declared that the decision in such a question did not
come within his province. Whereupon the bishop proposed a
test whereby the matter might be finally set at rest. He in-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 437
formed the King that there were two ways of testing fragments
of the True Cross. If genuine they might be thrown into a fire
without detriment, or placed upon a wound, when they would at
once stop the flow of blood. The King on hearing this agreed
to the experiment being made. A stove * full of charcoal was
accordingly brought in. After being kindled in the presence of
the King and his court the Cross, which had been previously
stripped of its outer casing of silver, was thrown into the flames.
There it was allowed to remain for one whole hour, until many
began to think it must have been totally consumed. At the
end of that time it was drawn out of the fire with the tongs
when, to the astonishment of all, it was found on examination
not to have received the slightest injury. Among those who
witnessed the ordeal was the Queen Consort, Alix d'Ibelin.2
Some three years previously she had been suddenly deprived of
the use of her tongue for presuming to force her way into the
monastery of Machaera,8 which females were forbidden to enter.
No sooner did she see what had occurred than she exclaimed :
" I believe this wood to be the Cross of Christ ". The words
were scarcely uttered when her power of speech was fully re
stored. The King, strongly impressed by this strange portent,
also became thoroughly convinced of the genuineness of the
relic. Calling Gabriel he gave him permission to depart with
his treasure into any part of the island he pleased, at the same
time warning him that any attempt to remove it from Cyprus
would be visited with death.
The Queen's aunt,4 Marie d'Ibelin, wife of Rupin de Montfort,
Sire de Beyrouth, to show her gratitude for the cure wrought
1 It appears to have been a well-known stove belonging to the royal palace, Machaera,
as the chroniclers call it : — p- 88-
\ / / \ / \ / Strambaldi.
rb peyav Kavovviv rb pyyanKov rb TeTpaKavrovvov. p 30
" Un fogon del re grande."
' Alix d'Ibelin, second wife of Hugues IV., was the daughter of Guy (II.)
d'Ibelin, seigneur of the Castle of Nikosia. On the death of Hugues she was
married to Philippe de Brunswick Grubenhagen, created Constable of Jerusalem
by Pierre I. in 1360.
3 The 115th Canon of the Monastery begins thus : Tvvat^l Se, &Baros earai
Trjivrdiratriv y Movfj.
4 The chroniclers have variously given this lady the name of (1) y rdpe Mapia
TeTrXyaie (Machaera), (2) madonna Maria de Blis (Strambaldi), (3) Dama Marga
rita da Blessa (Amadi), and (4) Margherita de Blesia (Fl. Boustron). She was
in reality Marie d'Ibelin, daughter of Balian d'Ibelin, Seneschal of Cyprus.
Her husband was Rupin de Montfort, Sire de Beyrouth. Blessia or Plessia, a
village near Lapithos in the district of Morphou, was held by a French family
of that name which played a conspicuous part in the history of Cyprus.

438 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
upon her niece and to ensure the safe return of her husband,
who had been sent on a diplomatic mission to Genoa by Hugues,
resolved to erect a church in honour of this miracle-working
wood. Accordingly approaching the King she requested the
grant of a piece of land for the purpose, which he willingly
bestowed upon her. She next proceeded to acquaint Gabriel
with her intention and requested him to select a suitable site.
In reply to his prayer for Divine assistance in his search he re
ceived one night an intimation through a vision to erect the
proposed building in a spot lying between the hamlet of Hagios
Dometios and Nikosia, which was then an unwalled town. The
work was immediately commenced, the Greek Bishop of Soli
presiding at the religious ceremony which accompanied the laying
of the foundation stone. On its completion the Queen proceeded
to construct at her own expense in connection with it the neces
sary buildings for the accommodation of a religious community,
besides furnishing the church with the customary service-books,
sacred vessels and eikons. In it, too, she deposited this miracu
lous Cross, after first adorning it with gold and silver and precious
stones. This sacred treasure, with the church in which it was pre
served, was known from the circumstances attending its discovery
as Phaneromenos,1 or the Revealed. The subsequent history of
the relic is involved in great obscurity, nor can its present
location, if indeed it still exists, be accurately determined.
Kyprianos, Kyprianos asserts against the earlier chroniclers that the church
erected in its honour after its recovery was situated at Levkara,
where he declares it was still preserved at the period when he
Lusignan, wrote. Lusignan,2 his predecessor by more than two centuries,
certainly mentions the presence of two pieces of a Cross in the
church at that village, each four fingers broad and eight high.
But he says there was considerable uncertainty as to what they
really were, some alleging them to be fragments of the Cross of

p

p. 9

Machaara, l j£a} 4KpdKryv b ^ravpbs b Qavepwpevos.
strambaldi, Et si chiamo la Crose Ritrovata.
p. 3i. Et li fece edificai la chiesia de la croce, ditta Ofaneromenos, et aliter Tu
Amadi, p. 407. Pipiriu.
H. Boustron, Et li fece edificar la chiesa, la qual fu chiamata o Faneromenos in greco,
p- 257' altramente ditta Pippiriu.
2 Nel casal Lefcara, nella chiesa cathedrale de' Gieci se ne ritrova dui pezzi,
ogni un di quelli largo quattro dita et alto otto : dicono essere del legno della
Croce del buon ladrone ; ma i preti dicono esser di quello scabello, ehe il nostro
Signore haveva sotto alii piedi quando era nella Croce ; nel quale posava li piedi.
Sia hora di qual si voglia ; tutta 1' Isola 1' ha in grande divotione, et e miracoloso.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 439
the penitent thief, while the priests in charge declared them to
be portions of the footrest of the Saviour's.
The chroniclers, from whom the above interesting particulars
are derived, report that at the time of its discovery the Orthodox
Patriarch of Antioch, Ignatios II. , happened to be in the island.
Moved by the prodigies wrought by the Cross itself and by the
lavish expenditure incurred by the Queen and her aunt in their
anxiety to do it honour, he is said to have caused another Cross
of walnut wood to be made, five palms in length and four fingers
broad. This, after consecrating and anointing with the chrism
and placing within it the recovered fragment of the True Cross
and other relics, he covered with a silken veil and set up under
the dome of the church. He directed that on the occasion of
any public calamity, such as a visitation of the plague, locusts
or drought, it was to be carried in solemn procession round the
church and, after being dipped in holy water, shaken towards
Heaven when the wrath of God would be instantly appeased.
Next to the treasure at Tochni in sanctity and importance
comes the relic deposited by the same imperial donor on the
mountain since known as Holy Cross (Santa Croce). This peak,
called by the natives Stavro Vouni (opos 'Sravpov), is 2260 feet
in height and distant some fifteen miles from Larnaka. Though
to all appearances a detached mountain mass, it in reality forms
the most easterly summit of the great range occupying the
south-western district of the island. It is said by some of the
local chroniclers to have received its appellation of Olympos
from the Cross of the penitent thief, whose name they assert to
have been Olympas.1 Unfortunately for the correctness of the
explanation this title was bestowed upon it long prior to the
arrival of Helena. Strabo, for instance (b.c. 54-a.d. 24), mentions
under that name a mountain, which is by many regarded as the
modern Stavro Vouni.2 Considerable uncertainty, however, exists
as to the precise locality indicated by him. The question,
already sufficiently intricate, is further complicated by the fact
that, in addition to Stavro Vouni, two other places seem also to
have borne the name of Olympos, viz. (1), the highest summit
of the south-western range, now known as Troodos — and (2) the
mountainous ridge at the north-eastern extremity of the island,
now called Trachonas, terminating in the two promontories of
1 rb B°ovlv rb Xeybpevov 'OXvpiria, Sid rbv trravpbv rb 'OXvpirdro, Svopa tov KaXov Macheera,
Xytrrov. P- 56-
2 Kal peral-v rroXixvy, TlaXaid KaXovpevy, Kal bpos pao-roeiSes, "oXvpiros, strabo.

440 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Boos Oura (Boos Ovpd, the Ox's Tail) and Hagios Andreas, the
ancient Dinaretum. Many are inclined to refer the words of
Strabo to Troodos rather, because the little town of Palaea,
mentioned by him as lying between Amathus and Olympos, is
in their opinion still to be found in the vicinity of Troodos
under the name of Pelendria. But in proof of the correctness
of the other view, its advocates allege that in the neighbourhood
of Stavro Vouni are yet to be seen the ruins of a village called
Olympia, or Lymbia, while they regard Parasolia, the Palio-
Olisso of Danville, as the modern representative of Palaea.
Strabo's epithet of breast-shaped (//.ao-ToeiS?)?, Cf. French, mame
lon), certainly strongly supports the claim of Stavro Vouni to be
the place intended, as all who have visited it can testify. Some
mediaeval travellers, too, have likened it to Tabor in Palestine,
which it closely resembles in being an isolated conical hill rising
out of a level plain.
Tradition says that the spot, on which Helena built the church
for the reception of this precious relic, had formerly been oc
cupied by a heathen temple. According to some the shrine
previously crowning the summit of the mountain was that of
Aphrodite Akrasa, which women were forbidden to enter or
behold. Others, however, locate this celebrated edifice on the
promontory of Dinaretum, on a site now occupied by a church
dedicated to the Apostle St. Andrew. That this is the more
correct interpretation a careful perusal of the passage in Strabo
will confirm. Kyprianos, however, among the moderns says that
the temple in question was dedicated to Aphrodite Aerodes.
But that no dependance can be placed upon this statement is
shown from the fact that he says this building was also situated
on Troodos and at the end of the Karpas ! Another account
extant during the Middle Ages represents the summit of Stavro
Vouni as having been occupied by a temple of Zeus.
The earliest known traditions describe this relic as having
once formed the cross of the penitent thief. But, if reliance may
be placed upon the local chroniclers, the statement1 does not
represent the exact truth. The commonly received story, as we
know, is that the Empress on the discovery of the three crosses
kept those belonging to the Saviour and the penitent thief, while
rejecting the third. According to these writers, however, being
at a loss to distinguish the two lesser from each other she solved
the difficulty by taking them to pieces and forming two new
ones, containing a part of each. This cross cannot, therefore,
correctly be regarded as that of the penitent thief, but rather as

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 441
made up of both. In course of time the legend as to what it
really was seems to have been considerably modified, for later
reports represent the treasure upon Stavro Vouni as being a
fragment of the True Cross. These seemingly conflicting state
ments can, however, be easily reconciled, as the earliest extant
account distinctly states that in the middle of the large cross
was inserted a fragment of the Saviour's.1 De Mas Latrie re-Machiera,
marks that the local tradition of its having once belonged to
the penitent thief seems never to have varied, and that it was
shown to him as such, when visiting the spot in 1847. The present
writer, who had the privilege of beholding the relic so lately as
1894, was assured by the custodian, however, that it had formed
part of the Saviour's. It measured no more than a finger in
length and was placed in the centre of another cross about four
feet high. This latter appeared to be formed of two thin slabs
of pine, covered with cloth in alternate blue and white stripes,
certainly neither long enough nor sufficiently strong to bear a
man. This relic appears to have enjoyed a reputation for efficacy
and sanctity far beyond the confines of the island. Numerous
pilgrims and travellers, attracted by its fame, wended their way
to the holy mount, during the course of centuries, to pay their
respects to this wonder-working cross. Among those, whom
devotion or curiosity led thither, are the following, whose de
scriptions of what they saw seem worthy of commemoration.
First on the list comes the Abbot Daniel, a Russian Christian, Palestine
whose visit occurred about a.d. 1106-1107. Since he assures soaet?"
us that he thoroughly explored all the island we may accept
his statements the more implicitly as being those of a careful
observer : —
" There is a very high mountain here, on the summit of which
is a cross of cypress-wood (erected) by the Empress St. Helena
to drive away evil spirits and heal all sorts of diseases ; she put
into this cross one of the sacred nails of Christ. Manifestations
and great miracles are worked at this spot, and near this cross,
even at the present day. This cross is suspended in the air
without being attached by anything to the ground : it is the
Holy Spirit which sustains it in space. I, the unworthy, wor-
1 Kal eBaXev eis rkjv KapSlav tov Sravpoii pepriKbv dire rb ripiov £iXov.
Et fece (Helena) crose et dai piede del santo legno messe per mezo della or. stram-
crose. bttW1' p- *"¦
Et vi (la chiesia) pose un pezzo di legno di quelle tavolette ehe havete inteso K*BoU,Pr0n
de sopra. p. 46.

442 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
shipped this holy and miraculous thing, and saw with my sinful
eyes the Divine favour which rests upon this place.11
The next testimony we possess upon the subject is that of
Willebrand of Oldenburg, who reached Cyprus in 1211. An
account of his travels has been published by Leo AUatius in his
Symmicta, printed at Cologne in 1653. He speaks as follows
concerning Stavro Vouni and the treasure it contains : —
" Starting from it (i.e., Nikosia x) on a pilgrimage to visit the
cross of the thief, who was crucified on the Lord's right hand,
we proceeded to Lamezim (Limassol), in which town is the chief
suffragan See of the Lord (Archbishop) of Nikosia. From there
we ascended the mountain called Holy Cross, which overtops
all the mountains of Cyprus. On its summit is a small monas
tery : the life of the monks, I crave their pardon for saying so, is
very unlike what we should expect. Inside the monastery is a
small chapel, in which that venerable cross is preserved in great
respect. It is said to hang in the air without any support and
to swing to and fro — a marvel, however, which is not easily
witnessed. It was in this wise and for the following reason
deposited there. The devil, the enemy of all good men, used to
harass the inhabitants of this district with such malignity that
he would tear from their graves by night the bodies of the dead,
which had been buried by day, and bear them back to the
dwellings of their friends, so that the inhabitants were in conse
quence unable to bury their dead. Helena, the mother of Con
stantine, being then in authority there, commiserating their
misfortune, deposited in that mountain that same cross which
Joseph! 1 Ab ilia (Nicosia) procedentes in peregrinatione ad visitandam crucem
de rebus Latronis, ad dextram Domini crucifixi, processimus Lamezim,  in qua est
Constantino- prima sedes suffraganea Episcopalis Domini Nicosiensis.
Venetus 1733. Inde conscendimus montem, sanctae Crucis appellatum, qui omnia montana
Cypri supereminet. In cujus cacumine est quoddam parvum ccenobium : mona
chorum vita, ut pace ipsorum dicam, est dissimillima. In ipso coenobio est
capella parva, in qua honorabilis ilia Crux multo reservatur honore, quae etiam,
ut dicunt, nullo innitens adminiculo, in aere pendet, et fluctuat (quod tamen non
videtur de facili) quae hoc modo, et tali de causa, illic fuit collocata. Invisor
omnium bonorum Diabolus colonos et inhabitatores hujus terra? tanta infestavit
malitia, ut corpora suorum mortuorum, quae de die humo imposuerant, nocte de
sepulchris evelleret, et ad penetralia suorum charorum reportaret ; unde ipsi
indigenae mortuos suos non poterant sepelire. Quorum cladem Helena, Con-
stantini mater, illic tum imperans, est miserata, et eandem crucem, quam
integram, sicut hodie est, a Hieiosolyma secum appoitans, in praedicto monte
collocavit, et sic non solum illos hostes malignos a terra, verum etiam ab
inferiore aere, qui career daemonum putatur, potenter expulit. Ac sic diceret
illud verbum Dominicum — " Sinite mortuos sepelire mortuos suos" — et sic ille
hostis antiquus, qui in ligno vincebat, isto quoque vincebatur.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 443
she had brought with her from Jerusalem, entire as it is to-day,
and so drove out by force those malignant enemies, not only
from the district, but also from the lower atmosphere, which is
regarded as the prison of the demons. And so could be pro
nounced that saying of the Lord : ' Let the dead bury their
dead,' and in this manner was that old foe, who conquered on
the cross, conquered by it also."
Sir John Maundeville's (a.d. 1322) account is much shorter. Eariy Travels
He alludes to the report of the cross being our Lord's only to Bohn's8
contradict it : " In Cyprus is the hill of the Holy Cross, where utajry,
there is an abbey of black monks, and there is the cross of
Dismas, the good thief, as I have said before. And some men
believe that there is half of the cross of our Lord : but it is not
so, and they do wrong who make people believe so."
Guillaume de Baldensel in his description of a journey to the<joftae
Holy Land in 1336 briefly alludes to the cross as follows : Lae'^M
"There is in Cyprus on a certain lofty mountain among the ^j*"*^40***-
monks of St. Benedict the cross of the good thief, with part of
one of the Passion nails and other venerable relics ",1
A German ecclesiastic, Ludolph or Rudolph, vicar of the
church of Suchen in Westphalia, who visited the island some
what later in the same century, viz., in 1350, has also left us a
description of Stavro Vouni : —
"In this diocese (Limassol) also there is an exceedingly lofty Hist.de chyP
isolated mountain, in many respects like the lesser Tabor, on *',p'
the summit of which is a fine monastery inhabited by Benedictine
friars. In it there is the entire cross on which the thief on the
right hand of Christ was suspended. It was brought there by
St. Helena. This monastery was endowed and built by her.
The cross is devoutly saluted by all mariners when at the point
of death. God works many wonders on the same mountain out
of regard for the said cross." 2
1 Est in Cypro in quodam alto monte apud Monachos S. Benedicti, Crux boni
Latronis, et pars Clavi Domini, et aliae Reliquiae venerandae.
2 In hac etiam dyocisi (Nymocinensi) est mons multum excelsus seorsum,
minori Thabor multis similis, in cujus vertice pulchrum est monasterium, in
quo sunt fratres Sancti Benedicti. In hoc monasterio est crux integra, in qua
latro a dextris Cristi pependit, que ibidem per sanctam Helenam est delata. Et
hoc monasterium per ipsam est dotatum et constructum. Etiam crux ab
omnibus in mari navigantibus, dum prope mortem sunt, devote salutatur.
Etiam in eodem monte ob reverentiam dicte crucis multa miracula Deus
operatur.

444 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
a^ia" ^e nex^ visltor, of whom we have any record, is a French
gentleman, Oger, Seigneur d'Anglure, who performed a pilgrim
age to Holy Cross on 1st January 1396 : — 1
" We shaped our course to go on pilgrimage direct to Holy
Cross, which is in Cyprus. It is the cross on which the good
thief was suspended at the right of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
" That holy cross is of very great efficacy and a wonderful thing
to behold. Know that St. Helena, the mother of Constantine,
brought that holy cross, on which the good thief was suspended,
and placed it on the highest mountain in all the kingdom of
Cyprus, which indeed is very high and difficult to climb. On
the extreme top is a beautiful church with fine dwellings around
it. In that church there are two altars, viz., the high altar and
another in a chapel behind it. In the choir of the church we
were shown one of the nails with which our Saviour, Jesus
Christ, was fastened to the True Cross. Behind the said chapel
is another small one, in which is the said holy cross of the good
thief. Know that that holy cross presents a very strange sight,
for though it is large and heavy it hangs in the air without any
visible support, and when touched shakes violently."
But the most detailed account which we possess of this cele
brated monastery and its marvellous treasure is that furnished
Palestine by Felix Faber, member of a Dominican community belonging
Pilgrims' Text J " J o o
society, voi. to Ulm in Bavaria. He seems to have touched on two occasions
U., p. 195.

'(Celui jour du nouvel an (1396) fut chargez nostre cariage, et montasmes a
cheval pour aler en la dite cite de Nicossie, ou le roy (i.e., Jacques I., 1382-1398)
estoit.) Et adressasmes nostre chemy pour aler en pelerinage droit a Saincte-
Croix, qui est en Chippre, et est la croix ou le bon larron fut pendus a la desire
de Nostre Seigneur Jhesu-Crist. Icelle saincte croix est de moult grant vertus
et est merveilleuse chose a veoir.
Sachiez que icelle saincte croix, en laquelle le bon larron fut pendus, madame
saincte Helene, mere de Constantin, apporta et mist en la plus haulte montagne
de tout le royaume de Chippre, laquelle montagne, pour verite, est moulte haulte
et penable a monter. Au plus hault d'icelle dicte montagne a une belle Eglise
et belles demorances entour ; en celle eglise a deux aultelz, c'est assavoir le
grant autel de l'eglise et ung autre autel en une chappelle qui est darrier le
grant autel. Illec, ou cuer d'icelle eglise, nous fut monstrez ung des clos dont
Nostre Seigneur jhesu-Crist fut cloffichez en la vraye croix. Darrier la dicte
chappelle, a une aultre petite chappelle en laquelle est la dicte saincte croix du
bon larron. Et sachies que c'est grant merveille que de veoir icelle saincte
croix, car elle est grande et grosse, et si se soustient en l'air sans ce que Ten
puisse apparcevoir que aucune chose la soustienne ; et quant Ten y touche, elle
bransle fort.
The travels of the Seigneur d'Anglure were published at Troyes in 1621.
The above, however, was taken by De Mas Latrie from a MS. in the National
Library at Paris.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 445
at Cyprus while proceeding to the Holy Land in charge of
pilgrims, viz., in 1480 and 1483, but he made the ascent of the
mountain only during his second visit. After describing the
landing of the party at Larnaka, which he calls Ornyca, and
the purchase of mules for the journey, he proceeds as follows :
"We continued our journey until the rising of Lucifer, the
morning star, when we came to a village which is named St.
Cross, where we tied up our beasts and lighted a fire, and my
comrades drank, but I abstained, because I meant to celebrate a
Mass on the Holy Mount. We lay down and rested for a little
space, and slept until it was bright, day, lying on the ground by
the side of our beasts. On the 26th (June) which is the feast
of the Holy Martyrs John and Paul, when we arose we asked
the Greek before whose house we had rested to make ready a
good dinner for us, since we meant to return to him from the
mount without breaking our fast. So we mounted our beasts
and set out, with the Holy Mount before our eyes, shuddering at
its height. . . . Soon we came to the steepest part of the mountain,
up which we could not ride our mules, so we tied them to trees,
and climbed on foot with great labour and much sweating ; for
the mount is lofty and steep, and is said to be in all ways like
unto Mount Tabor in the Holy Land, whereon our Lord was
transfigured. This I have heard from one who had climbed
them both. When we arrived at the top we knelt in prayer
before the church, etc. . . . After we had done this I made myself
ready first, as was fitting, entered the church and tolled the bell,
that the sacristan might hear it and come. Straightway there
came a priest, ignorant of the Latin tongue, who brought out
most ancient Latin service books and other things needful for
Mass. . . . After Mass I turned me round to my brethren and
comrades, and delivered an address to them, telling them how
they should pay meet and worthy reverence to the cross, and
pointing out in what respects the cross about to be shown
differed from that of our Saviour, and in what respects it was
like unto it. I, moreover, warned them not to be over-inquisitive
when they viewed it, and not to wish to see a miracle therein,
because when we were come to the most holy sepulchre of our
Lord at Jerusalem we should see no miracle, and how much less
could we look for one here ? This I said because we had heard
strange and curious tales about the cross, which was to be seen
there. After this I took a lighted candle in my hands and
went to the place where the cross was, and my fellow pilgrims
followed me thither, and the sacristan came with me. When

446 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
we came to the place the sacristan opened it, so that we had the
holy cross plainly to be seen before our eyes. Then I went first
up to the cross and kissed it, and viewed it carefully both before
and behind. After me came my companions, who paid honour
to it, and carefully viewed it, one after another. It is a tolerably
large cross covered in front with plates of silver, gilded, but on
the side looking towards the wall it is uncovered, and is made of
fine sound wood, like cypress-wood. They say that this is the
cross of Dysma, the thief on the right hand, to whom our Lord
Jesus promised Paradise when on the cross. For the blessed
Helena found three crosses beneath Mount Calvary, whereof
she threw away that one which belonged to Gesma, the thief on
the left hand. The second cross, that of Dysma, she kept. The
third, which was the cross of Christ, she openly showed to all
the world, that it might be duly honoured. She brought her
own cross, that which had been Dysma's, entire from Jerusalem
to this mount, and here she built a great convent for monks,
and a church wherein she placed this cross as an exceedingly
holy relic. She ordered a chamber or closet to be built in the
wall over against the altar, and placed the cross within it : and
there it stands unmoved even to this day, albeit the monastery
itself has long ago been overthrown even to the ground by the
Turks and Saracens, and the monks of the Order of St. Benedict,
who once dwelt therein, have been scattered. The position and
arrangement of this cross in its place is wonderful. The cross
stands in a blind window, and both its arms are let into holes
made in the wall, and its foot is let into a hole made in the
floor. But the holes which contain the arms of the cross and
the foot of the cross are large out of all proportion, and the
cross nowhere touches the wall, but is free and clear from
contact with the wall on every side. The miracle, which is
noised abroad about the cross, is that it hangs in the air without
any fastening, and withal stands as firm as though it were fixed
with the strongest nails, or built into the wall, which neverthe
less it is not, because all the three holes are very great, so that
a man can put his hand into them and perceive by touch that
there is no fastening there, nor yet at the back, or at the head
of the cross. I might indeed have searched this thing more
narrowly than I did, but I feared God and had no right to do
what I had forbidden others to do. I climbed this mount to
show honour to the cross, not to try whether there was a miracle
or not, or to tempt God. That this cross may be the more
worthy of reverence, they have joined to it a piece of the true

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 447
cross of Christ. In this chapel hangs a bell which we rang both
before and after Mass . . . which we believe to have been placed
here by St. Helena, who also placed the cross here."
Bartholomew Salignac, whose testimony is the next we have f^S1^®'
on the subject, visited the mount in June, 1522. He informs $£°™£
his readers that "there is also near the same city of Salines t0ln ¦iv" '"¦ 4-
(Larnaka), at a distance of twelve miles, a lofty mountain called
the Cross Mountain, which the inhabitants declare to be the
highest in the country. On the top of it a chapel has been
built, in which is to be seen a cross of remarkable power, which
the inhabitants say was made at the time of Christ's Passion, but
was rejected because it proved too short for Him when laid upon
it. The Cypriots assert that this is the cross of the good thief.
Others indeed think that part of the True Cross of Christ is en
closed in it, through whose efficacy many miracles are wrought,
as happened in the case of a certain noble lady, who in our
presence was released from an unclean spirit. It has been en
cased in silver at the expense of a French nobleman, to prevent
its being carried off piecemeal." 1
In Hackluyt's Voyages (vol. ii., p. 109) is to be found an The voyage ot
account of a voyage paid to Jerusalem in 1553 by an English Lock.e°to
- -n «- t l V 1 ml 11 il/-* l Jerusalem
traveller, a Mr. John Cocke. 1 hough he touched at Cyprus he^ackiuyt
does not seem to have visited Stavro Vouni, but to have been
content with the description of it given to him by his fellow
voyagers ; —
"The 8 day (Oct.), we returned to Arnacho (Larnaka),
and rested there. The 9, after midnight, my company rid to
the hill called Monte de la Croce (but I not disposed would
not go), which hill is from Arnacho 15 Italian miles. Upon
the sayd hill is a certaine cross, which is, they say, a holy
Crosse. " This Crosse in times past did, by their report of the Island,
1 Est et prope eandem civitatem Salinarum duodecim millibus distans mons
excelsus, mons Crucis nuncupatus, ut incolae asserunt, omnibus terras montibus
altior. In hujus montis cacumine sacellum exstat fabrefactum, in quo crux
visitur prodigiosae virtutis, quam ferunt incolae tempore passionis Christi fabri-
catam fuisse, et quoniam extenso per eam Jesu nimis arta fuerit, rejecta est.
Cyprii asserunt esse hanc crucem boni latronis : reliqui vero putant verae crucis
Christi partem huic esse inclusam, cujus virtute crebra fiant miracula, ita ut
nobis praesentibns illustris quaedam Domina per hanc crucem ab immundo
daemone liberata fuerit. Est autem undique incrustata argento, sumptibus
cujusdam nobilis viri ex Gallia, ne frustatim in partes secta tolleretur.

448

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Itinerar.Hierosol. et
Syriac.JoannisCotovici,
Ant. 1619,
p. 103.

Excerpta Cypria,
pp. 12, 13.

hang in the ayre, but by a certaine earthquake, the crosse and
the chappell it hung in, were overthrowen, so that never since it
would hang againe in the aire. But it is now covered with silver,
and hath 3 drops of our Lorde's blood on it (as they say) and
there is in the midst of the great crosse, a little crosse made of
the crosse of Christ, but it is closed in the silver, you must (if
you will) beleeve it is so, for see it you cannot. This crosse
hangeth nowe by both endes in the wall, that you may swing it
up and downe, in token that it did once hang in the aire. This
was told mee by my fellow pilgrimes, for I sawe it not."
Johann van Kootwyck, a Doctor of Civil and Canon Law in
the University of Utrecht, landed in Cyprus in 1598 and the
following year on his journey to and from the Holy Land. He
has some observations on Stavro Vouni, but does not say whether
he personally visited the locality : —
" Adjoining this (i.e., Trohodos) and conspicuous in height is
the Mountain of the Cross commonly so called, on whose summit
formerly stood a temple of Jupiter. Now it is dedicated to the
Cross, which name is said to have been given on the arrival of
Helena in the island, who, after leaving here a portion of the
cross and adorning the place with a beautiful church, bestowed
upon it the name of the Cross. It is distant about twenty miles
from Salines, the road being difficult and very fatiguing on
account of the many hills, and is in great repute for a chapel
placed on the summit, in which some think a fragment of the
Cross is still preserved." 1
Nearly a century later, viz., in 1683, a compatriot of the
above named Cornells Van Bruyn, a native of the Hague, visited
the island during the course of his travels in the East. His
remarks on Stavro Vouni are not, however, based on personal
observation but on popular tradition : "About five miles from
Larnica, on a lofty mountain which serves as a landmark to
sailors entering the bay of Salines, there is a convent called St.
Croce, or the convent of the Cross, inhabited by some twenty
Caloyers, a kind of Greek monk. These good folk pretend to
1 Huic proximus est et altitudine conspicuus Mons Crucis vulgo dictus, in
cujus vertice templum Jovis olim extitit : hodie Crucis sacratus est : cujus
nominis occasionem dedisse fertur D. Helenas in insulam adventus: quae cum
portionem Crucis hie reliquisset, templo etiam insigni locum illustrasset, a cruce
nomen indidit. Distat autem a Salinis circiter 20 millia passuum, itinere propter
crebros et frequentes adscensus difficili et peimolesto : estque sacello summo
jugo montis imposito, in quo etiamnum particulam Crucis asservari nonnulli
putant, percelebris.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 449
have there a piece of the wood of the Cross of our Saviour, about
the thickness of a ducat and nearly a foot in length, which was
brought there by St. Helena. They say it is suspended between
heaven and earth, without support, or connection with anything.
A perpetual miracle holds it in the air. All the world flocks
there every year on September 14, which the Greeks keep as the
feast of the Holy Cross. It is a great holiday, and people go to
kiss this miraculous fragment, a privilege accorded to all, and
of which all, the short as well as the tall, avail themselves
with equal ease, though they do not see it moving downwards
or upwards. But I have been told by those who have seen it —
I had not an opportunity of doing so myself — that the wood is
enclosed in a little shrine of silver gilt, where it can be seen at
all times, but that on Holy Cross day a small cover is slipped
to the right of an opening as large as a ducat just where the
wood is, and then every one can kiss it."
Among others of later date, who have mentioned the place in
their works, are our own fellow-countrymen, Pococke and Drum
mond. The former says of it : —
"About seven leagues to the east north east of this place Pococke,
(Amathus) is a mountain, called by the Greeks Oros Staveros, °Jctnev^as1ti'"
and by the Europeans Monte Croce, it was called by the ancients p- 212-
Mount Olympus, and was compared by them to the human
breast ; it has the Greek name from a convent on the top of it,
dedicated to the holy cross ".
Drummond from his remarks does not seem to have been
favourably impressed by what he saw on Stavro Vouni : —
" In the beginning of September (1745) I accompanied Mr. Drummond's
Consul Wakeman, and Mr. Boddington to Mount Croce, which letter vii,
is a pretty high hill, at the distance of about four hours and a
quarter, or seventeen miles, from Larnica, and so remarkable as
to be an excellent landmark for seafaring people : for this very
reason it must have had some name from the ancients, though
now it is not known. Upon the summit stands a church dedi
cated to the Holy Cross, and sanctified by what they imagine
part of the wood upon which our Saviour suffered, fixed in a
large cross upon the left of the Altar. This piece of wood was
given to a papa of the Greek Church by St. Helena, mother of
Constantine the Great, with liberty to build a church where it
now appears. She likewise endowed it with certain lands, which
at present maintain thirty persons, who serve at or about the
Altar ; five of them being in priest's orders. The church is
very small, and built in the mean manner of the modern Greeks ;
29

Machsera 2
pp. 85, 405.

Fl. Boustron
p. 369.

450 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
and the painting is so monstrous that it would even disgrace a
paltry alehouse in our country."
Mediaeval travellers, as we see, assert that this relic, like the
coffin of the Impostor of Mecca, was able to sustain itself in the
air unsupported. But unfortunately for their credulity or vera
city a Moslem writer, Khalil Dhaheri, the vizier of the Mameluke
ip>t.dechyp., Sultan, Melec-el-Aschraf-Barseba'i, has in his narrative of the
invasion of Cyprus in 1426 pitilessly exposed the fraud.1 He
reports that after the fatal battle of Chierochitia2 (7th July
strambaldi, 1426), the Egyptian general, Tangrivirdi, despatched a body of
Amadi, p. 513. troops to destroy the church on Stavro Vouni and carry off the
treasures which it contained. Among the booty captured was
a cross of massive gold, examination of which conclusively proved
that the miracle was not due to any inherent sanctity it pos
sessed, but to the presence of cunningly devised springs concealed
within it. The subsequent fate of this interesting relic is not
recorded by the Moslem writer. As, however, the Christian trav
eller, Felix Faber, professes to have seen just such a cross with
the same marvellous powers more than half a century later
(1483), it must have been ransomed from its captors or replaced.
But the miracle, such as it was, seems to have ceased when Mr.
John Locke visited the island, though Van Bruyn, from mere
hearsay, however, reports it as being still in operation more than
a century later (1683).
1 The original work was composed in Aiabic in a.h. 831 by Khalil, son of
Schahin-el-Zhahiri (or Dhaheri), vizier of the Sultan Melec-el-Aschraf Ebi-el
Nasr Barsebai. The following passage is taken from a French translation by
M. Venture de Paradis : —
" Le general Tangrivirdi, apres cette victoire, expedia un corps de troupes au
Mont de la Croix, distant de (quatre lieues) pour y detruire une eglise qui etait
en grande veneration chez les Chretiens et pour y piller les tresors qu'elle
possedait. Elles revinrent avec un butin immense, parmi lequel etait une croix
d'or massif qui etait un vrai chef-d'ceuvre. Elle etait faite avec tant d'art, que
par le moyen de certains ressorts interieurs (!), elle etait toujours en jeu, sans que
personne la touchat.
2 'O 5e b o"Tavpbs riV Avpiriwv, tovto4tiv b peyas, povaxbs tov r)XBev Karw tov
bpov, Kal t)tov els ttjv 4xpovlav amies' (1326) ws Sttov oi 'S.apaKyvol 9/XBav Kal 4K&tyav
tV iKKXyffiav. (The date should be a,vKs' 1426.)
Kal t^jv irapatTKevy^jv iKaTaKovptrevaav to airiTla, KaX tovs vaobs tov Beov Kal
povaarypia, KaX 4irypav iroXvv Biov Kal tovs Xpitrnavobs , Kal iKovptrevtrav rbv 'S.ravpbv
rbv M4yav.
El venere, svalizorono le case et chiese et monasterii, et tuolsero gran richeza
et corsigiorono li Christiani et la Gran Croce.
Et andando a Saline brusorono etiam la abbatia della Verace Croce, la grande.
1 Costoro (i.e., li Saraceni) andando alle Saline, andorno nel monte della
Verace Croce, e brusorono quella abbatia del monte Olimpo.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 451
This cross appears more than once in its history to have had
burglarious hands laid upon it. In fact the story of one of
these attempts, as related by the Seigneur d'Anglure, so closely
resembles that recorded of the cross of Tochni that, but for the cr. mst. de
difference in dates, they might well be two versions of the same, p- ^','n.'i.
A French knight named Durant, attached to the Cypriot Court,
so the tale runs, on the eve of his departure for his native land
in 1390 endeavoured to surreptitiously carry off a portion of it
with him. But being foiled in his nefarious design by a storm,
which suddenly arose as soon as he set sail, he was compelled to
restore his plunder before he could continue his journey. In
consequence of this attempt Jacques I., who was then King,
caused the treasure for better protection to be surrounded with
an iron lattice work.
The monastery and church when ifirst erected would naturally
be entrusted to the care of Orthodox monks belonging to the
Order of St. Basil. At what period they passed into the pos
session of the Latin Church it is impossible to say. Maunde-
ville in 1332 speaks of them as being then in occupation of the
Benedictines, and subsequent accounts confirm the accm-acy of
his statements. But when these friars first appeared in the
locality we cannot determine. Their settlement there may
possibly date from the very foundation of the Latin kingdom,
as representatives of the Order are said to have accompanied
Guy from Jerusalem. On the other hand, from the fact of
there being a monastery belonging to the community in the
island, which is cited in documents under the twofold title of St.
Paul of Antioch or the True Cross (monasterium Sancti Pauli
de Antiochia alias Crucis Veracis), it has been conjectured that
their appearance on Stavro Vouni may not have occurred until
after the destruction of the original establishment on the
capture of Antioch by the Saracens in 1268. Even then it is
doubtful whether the fraternity was not transferred first to Acre,
and only subsequently to Cyprus, with many other religious
houses, when the Christians finally iost that town in 1291. The
difficulty as to its identification arises solely from the vague
manner, in which official documents describe its position, some
times locating it in the diocese of Famagusta and at other times
in those of Nikosia or Limassol. This indefiniteness was not
unlikely caused by the situation of Stavro Vouni itself, which
lay close to the point of junction of all three dioceses. In a
Liber Censualis of the time of Sixtus IV. (1471-1484), wherein

452 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
its apostolic tax is assessed at 333 gold florins, it is stated to
be situated in the diocese of Limassol.
Faber, it will be observed, states that he found the monastery
still in ruins and uninhabited when he ascended the mountain
in 1483, though the chapel, which had suffered equally from
Moslem fanaticism, had been evidently restored. Whether the
other buildings were ever again erected during the Latin occu
pation is uncertain. At any rate the Roman Pontiffs continued
to appoint to the monastery to within twenty years of the
Turkish conquest, as is apparent from an order of the Venetian
Senate of the 12th July, 1552, directing its representatives in
the island to induct Pierre Podocatoro, a cleric of Nikosia, in
accordance with a Papal Bull of 26th November, 1551, to the
vacant preferment in place of Cardinal Pisani, who had sur
rendered it to the Pope.
voyages du The Seigneur de Viiiamont, who visited the spot some years
viifSnont,6 after the island had been wrested from Venice (1589), describes
"v.u.'c. 7,' the church as being then abandoned.1 Before, however, the
p. 305. ~ ' "
advent of the next traveller on our list, Cornelis van Bruyn, the
mountain appears to have been reoccupied and the monastery
rebuilt, as he speaks of a convent on the summit inhabited by
some twenty Orthodox monks. The community, which it once
sheltered, has since been suppressed and the revenues appropriated
to the uses of the archiepiscopal See. At the time when the
1 Le lundy ensuivant le vent se tourna contraire, de maniere que nous de
meurasmes jusques a deux heures apres midy pres le mont d'Olimpe, ou estoit
anciennement le Temple de Venus Accree, ou il n'estoit loisible aux femmes
d'entrer et moins le voir, et au bas duquel est la ville ruinee d'Olympia. Ce
mont s'appelle aujourd'huy S. Croix, parceque S. Helene retournant de Hieru-
salem fut constrainte par le mauvais temps de prendre terre a une petite riviere
qui est aupres de ce mont, laquelle se nomme la riviere de Sainte Helene, pource
qu'elle s'endormit sur le bord d'icelle, ayant mis sous sa teste la sainte Croix de
nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ qu'elle avoit apportee de Hierusalem. Mais comme
elle dormoit advint que la Croix luy fut ostee miraculeusement de dessous la
teste, et portee sur le haut du mont Olympe, et a son resueil se voyant frustree
de la chose qu'elle avoit eu tant de peine a chercher, fut grandement contristee
ne scachant qui en accuser du larcin. Ce que voyant tous ceux de sa compagnie
se mirent a chercher par tout, de sorte qu'a la fin elle fut trouvee sur le haut de
la montagne, alors la bonne sainte Helene cognoissant que Dieu y vouloit estre
adore y fit bastir une Eglise, que Ton y voit encore pour le jourd'huy, en la
quelle laissa une portion de la dite Croix, et pour ceste raison le mont fut ainsi
nomme, et auparavant que les Tures eus,sent pris Chipre il y avoit des Religieux
Grecs et Italiens, mais a present ladite Eglise est deserte.
Less than thirty years before his visit it was still inhabited, as we learn from
the testimony of Christopher Fiirer, who was in the island in 1566 : —
" Nos primum in pago quodam Larnica dicto, qui duobus milliaribus a portu
abest, divertimus, a quo non procul mons crucis visitur, in quo crucem illam ad-
servari dicunt, in qua alter ille latro resipiscens pependit."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 453
present writer visited the establishment it contained only one
monk, with two neophytes as his companions and assistants in
the daily services of the church. Drummond describes this
building as being very small and meanly constructed. If the
object of his strictures be the edifice now existing the personal
observation of the writer cannot admit the justice of the criticism.
Small it certainly is from the limited nature of the site, on which
it is built, but the walls are very massive and by no means
suggest the idea of meanness in construction. With regard to the
painting, which seems to have so excited this critical Caledonian's
ire, though perhaps not likely to commend itself to persons
educated in the canons of Western art, it doubtless represented
the usual type of " eikon " common to Orthodox churches and
as such not calling for any special remark. The verdict of an Mariti,
Italian ecclesiastic, the Abbe Mariti, who resided at Larnaka rriedechyp.,
from 1760 to 1767, does not coincide with Drummond's. In =• *k-. p- "«¦
speaking of the monastery he says that, though partly in ruins,
it still affords a good notion of its former extent and solidity.
He reports, too, with an evident relish, perhaps excusable in a
member of his Church, the following amusing story against the
monks : The priests of Levkara, envying the recluses of Stavro
Vouni the reputation conferred upon them by their relic, gave
out that they also possessed an equally precious fragment, which
had lately come into their possession. This they professed a
wish to compare with the admittedly genuine one belonging to
the monastery. The simple brethren, unsuspicious of the trick
about to be practised upon them, readily agreed to the request,
whereupon the Levkariots proceeded to Stavro Vouni with their
alleged relic, which had been so made as to exactly resemble the
real article. After the two pieces had been handed round they
were found to be so closely alike that it was impossible to dis
tinguish them. This was the very result on which the crafty
Levkariots had calculated. As no care had been taken to keep
the two pieces apart during the examination they could now
claim with equal confidence to possess the genuine fragment.
In consequence of their ruse much of the offerings, which had
hitherto gone to swell the monastic coffers on the mountain, now
went instead to their establishment.1 But this tale is amply
1 A 18 milles de Larnic est la montagne de Sainte-Croix, quoique detachee du
mont Olympe, elle n'en fait pas moins partie. Sur son sommet est l'eglise batie
par Ste. Helene a son retour de Jerusalem. Le monastere, en partie ruine,
donne neanmoins encore une idee de son etendue et de sa solidarity. Cette
eglise avait un morceau de la varie croix. Les pretres de Lascara auraient bien

p. 23 (a).

. 358.

p. 16 (b).

454 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
refuted by the statement of Lusignan, made more than two
centuries earlier, that in the Orthod6x church of Levkara were
two fragments of some holy cross, about which there were doubts
as to whether they had once formed part of the penitent thief's
or the Saviour's.
Lusignan, According to the same author St. Helena placed portions of
the True Cross in various other parts of the island also, to scare
away the demons who infested it.1 Special mention is made by
him of a cross belonging to the Armenian community, composed
of the same precious wood, which was reputed to have the power
Kyprianos, of causing rain during- periods of drought.2 In the village
church of Kouka near Kilani was deposited, too, the dust from
the suppedaneum of the Cross, when it was sawn in pieces by
Helena's orders.3 Among other objects closely connected with
our Lord were : —
i. In the monastery of the Cross at Omodos part of the rope
with which He was bound by the Jews when led away to cruci
fixion.4
Lusignan, ii. In Nikosia one of the thirty pieces of silver the price of
His betrayal.5
iii. In the monastery on Stavro Vouni part of one of the nails
with which He was fastened to the Cross, together with three
drops of His blood — and,
voulu en omer la leur, ils s'agissaient de se le procurer : en consequence, ils
repandirent le bruit qu'ils venaient d'en recevoir egalement un morceau, de-
manderent aux moines la permission de le confronter avec le leur ; on y
consentit ; les morceaux de bois etaient parfaitement ressemblants ; ils les
confondirent : on essaye en vain de les distinguer. Les pretres Lascariens
pretendirent avoir le veritable ; les moines de Ste. Croix en dirent autant ;
chaque partie eut ses defenseurs. Bref, les presents, les donations des fideles
furent partages, et c'est tout ce que nos ruses Lascariens voulaient.
Mariti's work was originally published in Italian at Lucca in 1768. Trans
lations of it into French and English appeared in 1791 at Neuwied and London
respectively. The English version, however, was so inaccurate that Mr. Cobham,
the present Commissioner of Larnaka, was induced to undertake a new translation,
which was published at Nikosia in 1895.
1 In diveise parti dell' isola si ritrova del legno della santissima Croce,
perche santa Helena ritornando di Hierusalem, come habbiamo detto, per
discacciare li Diavoli habitanti nell' isola, ne pose in diversi luoghi.
2 A questo effetto e anchora la santissima Croce de gli Armeni : la quale
dicono esser del legno vero della Croce.
3 Eis xwP^ov KovKa KarwBev tov KoiXavlov eivai Nabs tov Caoiroiov "Zravpov, eis 'bv
evaireT4Bytrav ra rpippara tov Caoiroiov ~Xravpov, Srav y ayia 'EAeVi) eo'xio'ev eis
rpTJpara rbv riaiov trraKpbv els rbv BaaiXoTrbTapov. ^epovtxi peyaXyv evaSiav.
i Els xvp'101' "OpoSos evpyrai pipos tov nplov KavvdBov, pe rbv biroiov eSetrav rbv
Kvpiov ypav oi irapdvopoi 'EBpaioi, tpepovres avrbv 4irl rb irdBos.
5 Un danaro di que' 30, ehe Giesu Christo fu venduto.

OMODOS MONASTERY

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 455
iv. At Famagusta one of the water-pots which figured in the Lusignan.p.
miracle at Cana in Galilee.1
Of this last relic we possess two descriptions, the first of which
we owe to the English traveller, Mr. John Locke. He says
with regard to it : " We went to one of the Greek churches to Hackiuyts
see a pot or Jarre of stone, which is sayd to bee one of the u°ypagio"'iT° '
seven Jarres of water, the which the Lord God at the mariage
converted into wine. It is a pot of earth very faire, white
enamelled, and fairely wrought upon with drawen work, and
hath on either side of it, instead of handles, eares made in fourme
as the Painters make angels wings, it was about an elle high,
and small at the bottome, with a long necke and correspondent
in circuit to the bottome, the belly very great and round, it
holdeth full twelve gallons, and hath a tap-hole to draw wine
out thereat, the Jarre is very auncient, but whether it be one
of them or no, I know not." In the interval between his visit
and that of Christopher Fiirer (1566), it would seem from the itinerarium
latter's description to have received considerable damage, r&reri.
" There is another church not very large called St. Mary of the
Water-pot, on the right side of which is kept one of the pots,
wherein was the water Christ changed into wine at the marriage
in Cana of Galilee. It is a large earthen water-pot, one
handle of which is completely torn off, while the other is partly
broken."2 The following objects of veneration, too, must not be omitted,
all of which with one exception were to be found in the diocese
of Paphos : —
In Paphos itself the skull of St. Konon.3 In the monastery kjj-jj*'™™.
of Hagia Moni situated in the same town was part of the cope,
which the Blessed Virgin gave to Nikolaos, Bishop of Myra,
when he was imprisoned for assaulting the arch-heretic Arius at
the Council of Nicasa.4 In a cave near Paphos some relics said to

1 Et ewi anchoia una delle hidrie, ehe il nostro Signor convert! l'acqua in
vino alle nozze, et altre reliquie.
2 Est et aliud templum non magnum admodum S. Mariae Hydrias dictum, in
quo ad dextram una ex hydriis istis adservatur, in quibus acqua fuit, quam
Christus in nuptiis Canas Galilaeas in vinum transmutavit. Urna est fictilis et
magna, cujus manubium alteram totum avulsum est, alterum vero ex parte
fractum. 3 Els tt)v Tidtpov evpitrKerai rb Kpaviov tov ayiov Kwvovos.
4 Eis rb Movatrriipiov ayia Mov'ij Xeybpevov eis Xldtpov, evpyrai aKpiBws tpvXarrb-
pevov Tprjpa tov 'lepov apotpopiov, 'birep y inrepayia SeorbKos 4xdpitre rip dyiw NiKoXdw,
bvn eis tpvXaKT)v fiairio-avri rbv" Apeiov eis ri)v ~S,vvbSov.

456

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan,
p. 28 (a).
Kyprianos,
p. 359, 360.
De Viiiamont,
liv. ii., c. v.,
p. 291.

Kyprianos,p. 359.

Ibid., p. 360.

MachEera,p. 72.
Cf. Stram
baldi, p. 17.

belong to the Seven Sleepers.1 In the village church of Episkopi
the tomb of St. Hermogenes with his remains. Part of them
had been stolen, but what was left included the skull.2 In the
village of Vasa two small relics of St. Barnabas. These are
mentioned by Kyprianos on the authority of Neophytos Rho-
dinos, who had seen and worshipped them.3 At Potamiou near
Vasa the arm of St. Mnason.4 In the monastery of the Cross
at Omodos the skull of the Apostle Philip, which, after origin
ally reposing in the church of Arsos, had been brought thither
for better security. This relic was well authenticated by the
imperial seals, which were still attached to the gilt shrine
enclosing it. The latter was stolen in 1774, but soon after
wards recovered, when the skull was deposited in it once again.5
Finally in the monastery bearing his name, situated in the
archdiocese of Nikosia, part of the remains of St. Herakleides,
Bishop of Tamasos.6
But we learn from a much earlier authority of the existence
of other relics unnoticed elsewhere. According to Machaera a
small church in the village of Meniko contained the heads of SS.
Cyprian and Justina, who are said to have been martyred at
Nicodemia in Bithynia under the Emperor Claudius II. in a.d.

1 Els ttjv lldtpov petra els eva trir'ijXaiov eivai Xelipava ra birola Xeyovrai toV eirra
MapTvpav. Nella citta di Paffo e una spelonca: laquale dicono esser delli sette
dormienti. Peio noi ritroviamo nelli leggendarii, ehe li sette dormienti erano
in Epheso, niente di meno essi cittadini di Paffo dicono ab antiquo esser
chiamata quella spelonca di santi sette dormienti : et possono esser' altri di
quelli di Effeso.
Lusignan in the above notices, it will be observed, this local variation from
the commonly accepted legend.
A un mil de Baffo nous fut monstre le lieu ou sont les grottes ou les sept
dormans dormirent trois cens tant d'annees sans se resueiller.
2 Eis T7^ 'EiritrKoirijv irXytriov evpiaKerai rb Xeiipavov tov ayiov 'Eppoy4vovs, KaX
b rdtpos avrov els ttjv iir' bvbpan avrov 'EKKXyalav. 'EKXdrry pipos, Kal evperai
pepos perd tov Kpavlov.
3 Eis ttjv Bdtrav xwP^ov TWS 'Eirapx'ias Tldtpov evpitrKovrai Sva Koppdrta Xetyava
tov ayiov BapvdBa, ra biroia iSe, Xeyel, b Nebtpvros 'FoSivbs Kvirpios, KaX ay-ra eVpoff-
Kvvytre. 4 Els xwP^ov Tlorapibv irXytriov rys Bdaas eivai b Boaxlav tov ayiov Mvdtravos
Kvrrpiov. 5 Eis rb "OpoSos evpitTKerai to 'lepbv Kpdviov tov 'AirotTTbXov fyiXiirirov, pera-
KopiffBev dirb ryv KaB' avrb 'EKKXytriav rov^Aptrovs, Sid dtrtpaXeiav. Tovto BeBaiovrai
Sid rav AiiBevriKav, % KaX BatriXiKav trtppaylSav, 'birov tpepei els rb irepixpvtrapevov
aiiTov KiBariov, Sirep irpb oXiyov 4KXarry, Kal TraXiv evpeBy, KaX iwiopBaBev iriBy evSov
rb 'lepbv Kpaviov, irepl to 1774 eros.
6 Els rb tov ayiov 'HpaicXeiSiov Movatrr^jpiov, evpitrKovrai pepy Xeitydvwv tov avrov
ayiov.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 457
268. The tradition is that they were removed from Syria to
Cyprus, during one of the Moslem invasions ofthe former country,
and deposited in this church near the altar. This building also
possessed a tank, the water of which was reported to be of great
efficacy in the cure of hysteria and fevers. Pierre I. (1359-1369)
being once attacked by a quartan ague, that defied medical
treatment, was recommended to make a pilgrimage to Meniko,
which was attended with the happiest results. In token of his
gratitude he caused the church to be rebuilt on a larger scale,
and placed the sacred relics in silver shrines, the tops of which
were secured with small doors capable of being opened to permit
the salutations of the faithful.1
The same Graeco-Syrian Patriarch of Antioch, Ignatios, Machaera,
whose name figures in the story of the Cross of Tochni, con- strambaldi,
ferred a further service upon the island by the measures which p' "*
he took to stay the ravages of the locusts. At his suggestion
Hugues IV. caused an eikon to be painted containing the figures
of the two martyrs, Christopher and Tryphon, and Tarasios,
Patriarch of Constantinople. This picture after its consecration
by Ignatios was deposited in the village of Palaeo-Chytro, with
directions from him that at the season for the appearance of
these pests it was to be earned in procession and masses said,
when Heaven would in response to their prayers protect the
crops. This account is given by the chronicler on the authority
of a Greek papa named Phiiippos, who was probably in spiritual
charge of the village in question.2 The disappearance of this
1 'Ajcbpy evpitTKOWTai eis t^v Kvirpov y Svo KetpaXaSes tov ayiov KvTrpiavov KaX
lovtrTivys, oi iroioi 4papTvpytrav eis rijv 'Avribxeiav, KaX eis rijv KdKatriv rys ^vplas
itpepav rats els r^jv Kbirpov Kal iBdXXav rats els evav eKKXytrovSiv els rb MeviKov, Kal
eis rb irXevpbv tov Bypdrov • irpbs rbv vbrov exei XdicKov, Sirov iroXopd peyaXais latres
eis yapto-ovpav KaX els rds irvpe^es ' Kal els rbv Kaipbv tov pe Tliep tov peydXov eixev
ttjv Kaprdvav Kal Sev ypirbpytxev vaiipy iiyelav, nves eiirdv tov Sid rbv ayiov Kvirpiavbv
KaX 'lovtrrivav birov eivai els rb MeviKbv Kovrd tov 'AKaKlov, b iroios 9jpre KaX irpoiro-
Titrryv KaX irdpavBa iyiavev ' eivai aXyBeiq rb vepbv eivai iroXXd yXvtpbv Kal KaKbtrorov,
dppe Bavpatrrbv eis larpeiav • Kal wpitrev Kal iiroiKav iKKXytrlav airob yys Kal dpyvpw-
trev tois B' KetpaXdis, Kal els ttjv KopvtpTjv dtpyKev rbrrov pe irbprais vd irpotTKvvovtri to.
Xeiipava. Similmente si trovano nel casal Menico le due teste de San Cipriano et de
Santa Giustina, et nel tumulto della Suria, furono portate in Cipro et erano in una
chiesola ; et in un canton del choro e un pocetto, et e pieno d' acqua santa, et
fa grandissime sanita in fevre et rapioxpa. Et al tempo del gran re Pier lo
teniva la quartana, et non poteva trovar sanita, et ando li et immediate si sano ;
et subito comando et fu ruinata la chiesa, et li fece far una bellissima chiesa et
fece inargentar le due teste, et su la cima della testa lasso luoco averto accio
potessero esser basate.
2 bpoiws b 'lyvdnos b irarptdpxys ' Avrtoxeias ypoiKavra ttjv peyaXyv Cypiav t)jv
eiroiKev r) aKp'tSa, eiirev tov pe OdyKe (8*) KaX apitrev Kal iCwypatpytrav evav elKbvttrpav

458 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
useful work of art must assuredly cause the keenest regret to
the present local authorities, who are obliged annually to expend
considerable sums in combating these relentless foes to the
agricultural prosperity of Cyprus.
The monkish traveller, Felix Faber, whose interesting account
of Stavro Vouni and its treasures has been already noticed, also
records that in a Latin church belonging to a village situated
near the foot of that mountain he was shown one of the arms of
St. Anne, the mother of the Blessed Virgin, as well as one of the
Passion nails, both of which were encased in silver.
Lusignan, In addition to these saintly relics Cyprus was the fortunate
Description, „ , -l i • 1 11
Taand'bi4 possessor of several eikons, whose miraculous powers are equally
as well authenticated.1 The majority of these works of art were
preserved in the monasteries, formerly much more numerous in
the island than at present. Besides those of Kykko, Machaera,
Chrysorroghiatissa and Trooditissa, which have all been duly
noticed in their proper place, there were various others also in
Lusignan, p. different parts of the country. The monastery of Trikoukkia,
situated at the foot of Troodos near the village of Pedoula, was
among others said to have contained an eikon of the Mother of

28(a)

rbv iiyiov Xpitrrbtpopov pdprvpav, Kal rbv ayiov Tapdaiov irarpiapxyv KwvtrravTivov-
irbXews, Kal dyiov Tpvtpov pdprvpav, Kal 4yKaiviatrev b avrbs irarpidpxys Kal 4ffre"iXdv
to eis rb UaXbKvBpov, Sti 4Kei 4yeverov - Kal eiir4v tovs els rb yivvypdv rys vd
Xiravevovv rb e'lKbviapav Kal vd Xeirovpyq, Kal b Kbpios vd tpvXdgy tovs Kapirobs,
KaBws pov rb eiirev b Kvp ira-ira $iXnnros.
Anchora Santo Ignatio, patriarcha de Antiochia, udendo il danno ehe
faceva la cavalletta in Cipro al tempo del re Ugo, mando il patriarcha a dir
al re Ugo ehe fesse despenzer una immagine de San Christophoro martire, et
ritrovandosi qui il ditto Patriarcha la consacro et la mando nel casal Palochithro ;
et commando il patriarcha ehe dovessero far delle processioni al tempo del
nascimento della cavalletta et dir delle messe et pregar Iddio ehe conservi le
semenze, et si liberorono dalla cavalletta.'
Neai, Patri- Ignatios II., the one hundred and twenty-fifth Patriarch of Antioch, was in
Antiocnpfi77 Possess'on °f tne See in 1342. On the intrusion of Pachomios I. he retired to
Cyprus, but returned after an absence of two years on the expulsion of the
intruder. After a patriarchate of eleven years he died in Cyprus in 1353 and
was succeeded by Michael II.
1 II y a davantages plusieurs images de la tres sacree vierge Marie et mere de
Dieu, ausquelles le peuple avoit grande devotion, et qui font journellement
force miracles. Entre autres, Nostre-dame de Napa loin de Famagoste quatre
lieues, et au mont de Troode Nostre-dame de Tricuchiotisse, que Ton asseure
avoir este peinte par Sainct Luc.  et l'lmage de Nostre-dame de Paphe,
laquelle on diet aussi avoir este faicte par Sainct Luc. On en nombre encore
d'autres, comme Nostre-dame Phaneromene, des Carmes, des Freres prescheurs,
dicte Chastilonnette, de Tripimene, et d'autres tres anciennes, qui faisoient
miracles. En outre, a Nicossie l'lmage de Sainct Luc, qui guarissoit les
demoniacles.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 459
God, reported to be the handiwork of the Evangelist Luke.1
On the occasion of a drought this holy picture was accustomed
to be brought in great state to Nikosia, sixty miles distant,
where it was met outside the city by the whole body of Latin
and Greek ecclesiastics, and conducted by them with every
mark of respect within the walls.2 This journey never failed to
speedily produce the desired rain, whereupon it was conducted
back with equal pomp to its home among the mountains. But
this " cloud-compeller " seems to have since been supplanted in
popular favour by the rival work of art at Kykko, as we never
hear of such peregrinations on its part now. Mariti appears to
have been misled by Lusignan's description into a grievous error
with regard to this eikon. As the picture of Kykko had com
pletely usurped its former function of rain-maker during his
residence in the island he transfers its ownership from Trikouk
kia to Kykko, and to support this change of habitation says Mariti,
11 ™ •' Travels etc.
that the name of the latter establishment was really Trigugio- si'iP-'"18 '
J o O (Cobham a
tissa, though commonly called Cicco (Kykko). But a reference Translation).
to Kyprianos shows how unfounded this assertion is, for the
archimandrite in his list of the island monasteries existing in Kyprianos,
his time mentions both Kykko and Trikoukkia separately, the
former as a stauropegion, the latter as belonging to the diocese
of Kyrenia. He further reports, which serves to confirm Lusig-
1 Ritiovate nell' isola molte imagini della gloriosa Vergine, et altri santi ;
quali di continuo fanno miracoli, et in particolare si ritrova nel monasterio de
Monaci nelle montagne del monte Olimpo una imagine della intemerata Vergine,
laquale si chiama et il Monasterio Tricugiotissa, et dicono haverla dipinta san
Luca, et in questa tutta l'isola ha grandissima divotione, et quando sta assai a
piover, la conducono nella citta di Nicosia, et quando e fuori delle porte esce
fuori tutto il clero latino et greco con tutta la citta in grandissima divotione et
la conducono dentro, et non passano molti giorni, anzi alcuna fiata non e
apena alia citta ehe il ciel si oscura et piove, et questo fanno ogni anno, perche
nell' isola, come dicemmo, sta assai a piovere, et poi conducono nel proprio
luogo essa veneranda Imagine, laquale sta discosto da Nicosia 20 leghe, ehe
fanno 60 miglia.
2 The chroniclers specially mention an eikon of St. Nikolaos, Bishop of
Myra, which the Cypriots carried off from that town in 1362 and placed in the
Latin Cathedral of St. Nicolas at Famagusta.
Kal b dpipaXXys 4irrjpev rd £vXa Kal 4iryyev eis ra Mvpa birov t)tov b ayios NiKbXaos Machaera,
fcal 4BdXev Kal irapaKdrtrav tovs ' Kal Boy&wvros tov Beov 4irypev rb Katrrpov Kal p"
eKovptreipev otrov Tjpirbpio~ev, Kal iirypev Kal r^y e'lKbvav tov peyaXov NiKoXdov Kal
etpepiv T7)V eis rijv 'Appbxovtrrov Kal eBaX4v ryv eis rbv ayiov NiKbXaov tovs Aarivovs.
Et 1' armiraglio (ser Zuane de Sur) tuolse li vasselli et ando a Mira, ove era strambridi,
santo Nicolo et assediorono li Turchi, et con 1' ajuto d' Iddio presero il castello P- *>¦
et hanno corsigiato quanto hanno possuto ; et tuolse et la immagine de San p1'^"1''
Nicolo et la porto a Famagosta, et la messe nella chiesa de San Nicolo delli n. Boustron
Latini, **¦¦ 260'

460 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
p^bs"""*"' nan's accuracy, that Trikoukkia possessed a very ancient and
miraculous eikon of the Theotokos, while he declares that the
monastery itself was formerly in great repute and the home of a
numerous community.1 But the fact that Kykko in its official
handbook is never called Trikoukkia would in itself be a suffi-
Lusignan, y. cient refutation. Another eikon, reputed to be very efficacious
in cases of epilepsy and demoniacal possession, was one of St.
Luke at Nikosia.2
Evagatorium Faber relates the following extraordinary story of what, if
Fabri.', tom.' authentic, must certainly be regarded as the most remarkable
of the many sacred curiosities, which Cyprus ever possessed. He
informs his readers that his attention was drawn in the chapel
of St. Thomas Aquinas in the Latin cathedral at Nikosia to
a magnificent sarcophagus formed of a solid block of jasper.
This on measuring he found to be twelve palms in length, seven
in depth, five in breadth and more than one in thickness. The
lid, which was of the same costly material, corresponded in
length, breadth and thickness, and was fashioned with a ridge
and sloping sides like the roof of a house.3 After speculating
for a while how so large a stone could have been carried off from
the fabled griffins, who are said to guard such treasures in the
extreme north, he concluded that it had reached the island during
the age of the giants, the conquerors of these mysterious beings,
and that it had been designed as a tomb for the goddess of
beauty, the patron deity of Cyprus. As he stood before it
wrapped in thought he observed some of the cathedral clergy
pacing up and down the aisle, waiting for the vesper bell to
cease before commencing the service. Approaching, he inquired
of them the purpose for which the sarcophagus had been in
tended. These, perhaps recognising in him a fit subject for
the exercise of their powers of romance, drew their reverend
questioner aside into the chapel of St. Thomas and unfolded to
1 'AXXaife'iKbves), t) ttjs TpiKovKKibritro-as, eis robs irbSas tov TpobSov, Kal y
TpooSintrtra, TraXaiwrarai eUbvai, KaX ©avparovpyaX, ra biroia ijffav rb rraXat Movaa-
T-ijpia irXovTio~peva dirb Movaxobs, Kal d£ibXoya.
2 In Nicosia anchora e 1' Imagine di san Luca ; laquale fa moltissimi miracoli
sopra di quelli, liquali patiscono il mal mazucco, over ehe siano inspiritati.
3 In hac capella hoc memoriale insigne vidi, quod sequitur, stabat enim in
ejus latere et hodie stat una spectabilis tumba, ingentis valoris, magna, de
jaspide pretioso lapide, hanc tumbam mensuravi propriis manibus et reperi eam
habentem in longitudine xii. palmas, vulgariter " spannen " — in profundum vii.
in latitudine v. et plus quam unam in spissitudine, et est tota de integra petra.
Sed et operculum asqualis longitudinis, latitudinis et spissitudinis habet, quod
habet dorsum acutum, sicut opercula sepulchrorum solent esse communiter,
ejusdem lapidis et preciositatis.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 461
him a most marvellous tale. Faber, who describes it as being
long and exceedingly interesting, declares his belief in its veracity,
though admitting that he had never read or heard anything
like it. He appears to be in some doubt, however, as to how
his readers will receive it, for he assures them that, though it
may not be true, yet he has written it down as it was told
to him. Mars, one of the many lovers of the wanton goddess,
becoming jealous of her conduct, determined to find means to
put a stop to her amours. Accordingly taking his sister Bellona
as his charioteer, he proceeded to the fabled regions of the
Hyperboreans, whence after vanquishing the griffins he hewed
an immense rock from the mountain of jasper. Placing it on
his chariot, which he compelled the Arismaspi or Cyclops, whom
he had captured, to draw, he brought it to Cyprus and there
set it up as a couch for Venus, the supposed restraining influences
of the stone being intended to cool the ardour of her passions.
On the death of the goddess her votaries, despairing of being
able to fashion any statue, which would do justice to her charms,
set up this unpolished block in her temple as a memorial of her,
where it remained undisturbed until the Christian era. Among
the Gentiles, who are reported by St. John (xii. 20) to have
been desirous of seeing Jesus, were said to have been certain
Cypriot merchants, whom commerce had led to the shores of
Palestine. Hearing Him preach and observing the miracles
which He did and the hostility of the Jews, they besought Him
to accompany them back to Cyprus and favour their compatriots
with His presence. But to their entreaties He made the same
answer as He is said to have given to Abgarus, King of Edessa.
On their return to their native land they recounted to their
countrymen the wonders they had seen and heard, the hatred of
the Jews towards Him and the death by crucifixion, which
momentarily threatened Him. These, fearful lest some indignity
should be offered to His corpse, sent some of their number to
Jerusalem to bear it away to Cyprus, while at the same time
they removed from the temple of Venus the block of jasper, out
of which they constructed a tomb for the reception of His sacred
remains. But on hearing that the Saviour's body had received
honourable burial they resolved that this tomb should never be
used for any other person, nor would they consent to sell it,
since it had been consecrated to Him. Ten years before Faber's
visit the cathedral nearly lost this most interesting relic. On aeo. Boustron
30th July, 1473, little more than three weeks after the death £', BoMt
of Jacques II. (6th July), orders were sent by the widow for the p' 13S'

5 (a;

462 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
despatch of the sarcophagus to Famagusta, for the burial of the
King in the cathedral of St. Nicolas in that town. The clergy
of Santa Sophia not only declined to part with their cherished
treasure, but also threatened to excommunicate any one who
should venture to lay hands upon it. The dean was at the same
time sent to the Queen to appease her wrath and to explain the
reason for its non-surrender. Catarina on receiving this refusal
at first resolved to appeal to Rome for permission to remove it,
but in the end abandoned her intention, and thus it remained
in its original resting place when Faber saw it in 1483.1 All
vestiges of it have unfortunately long since disappeared.2 Pos
sibly, after being thought for centuries too sacred for Christian
use, it was in the end profaned by the ashes of a member of that
creed, whose continued presence in the island is an affront to
its most hallowed traditions.
Lusignan p. On the summit of Olympos (Troodos) stood formerly a church
dedicated to St. Michael, near which was a rock similar to those
to be found in any torrent-bed. It was so large that four men
could scarcely raise it from the ground, and just such another
was not to be met with on the whole mountain side. The

1 Kal ry X' lovXlov eireipev y prjyaLva eis ttjv AevKovcriav Sta vd irdpy rd KtBovptv
rb iroptpvp4vov dirb t^z> ayiav ^otpiav Sid vd BaXXy rbv pjjyav petra. Kal ypoiKwvrd.
to oi 'KXytriatTTiKoX avapiKrytrav KaX iKartrav els B°vXrjv, KaX 4iroiKav irws va pev 4Byy
dirb ttjv dyiav ^otpiav, KaX el tis BeXijtrei vd rb 4ByaXy vd to irdpy, vd Tjvai atpwpitr-
p4vos ¦ KaX ipyvbaav rb rys pyyaivas, KaX y pijyatva wpSiviatre vd iretyy els rbv irdtrav
Sta va tpepy bpitrpbv.
Pochi giorni da poi ehe il re fu balsamato, et seppolto a San Nicolo in
Famagosta, mando la regina a tuor la sepoltura de diespo ch' e a Santa Sophia
in Nicosia, per metter il corpo morto del re ; ma li preti della chiesa devedorno
con scomuniche, e non lassiorono toccarla ; e mandato il decano a Famagosta,
fece la scusa loro, com' e devadata dai pontefice ; et la regina delibero di mandar
a Roma a tuor licentia, ma non seguite altro da poi.
2 Le Huen professes to have seen in the church of St. Mamas at Nikosia a
cenotaph, his description of which is singularly like that of this sarcophagus.
He calls it the tomb of Godefroy de Bouillon and says that it was composed all
of one piece of jasper with the exception of the lid. As his visit did not take
place till 1487 can it be that the sarcophagus described by Faber was removed
in the meantime from Santa Sophia to St. Mamas ?
Nicole le " En icelle esglise (i.e., Sainct Meme ou Mamar) est la sepulture de Godeffroy
i488n' ly°n' ^e Billon toute de Jaspe et toute d'une piece fors la couverture ; combien que
en ce lieu ne fut pas ensepuely, mais en Jherusalem, comme vous ay dit."
This author describes himself as " Frere Nicole le Huen, humble professeur
en saincte theologie, religieux a. la Mere de Dieu, Nostre Dame des Carmes du
Couvent du Ponteaux de mer (i.e., Pont-Audemer) en Normandie du diocese de
Rouan". Some have considered his work not as an original book of travels, but merely
as a translation of Breydenbach. It is the first printed French book with copper
plates.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 463
Greek peasantry held it in great veneration by reason of a
legend, which represented it as disputing with Ararat the credit
of being the resting-place of the Ark on the subsidence of the
Flood. During a period of drought the inhabitants of the
adjacent villages were wont to ascend the mountain in solemn
procession to the spot where this remarkable stone lay, and with
the aid of poles raise it from the ground, chanting all the while
they were thus engaged. This ceremony, so it is said, never
failed to induce a speedy and copious supply of the much-needed
rain. Though Lusignan, who is our authority for this tale,
characterises the proceeding as a meaningless superstition, he
says that every one is free to form his own opinion on the
subject. Kyprianos is unable to state positively whether the Kyprianos,
custom was still observed when he wrote, more than 200 years
later. He, too, shares his predecessor's scepticism as to its
supposed efficacy and declines to pronounce any opinion as to
the correctness of the view held by the peasantry on the subject,
merely remarking that, if after investigation any connection
should be discovered between the alleged cause and its effect,
the reader would doubtless readily admit that all things are
possible to him that believeth.1
Lusignan further records that on the demolition of the Do- Lu!'e^n-
minican monastery at Nikosia (a.d. 1567) there were found
inside a mural altar six heads and many bones, together with a
woman's garment of embroidered silk with some severed hands
wrapped in it. The same receptacle also contained an arrow
and a knife stained with blood, branches of palm, crowns, rosaries,
rope, and a parchment scroll inscribed with verses in praise of
St. Mary Magdalene, St. Ursula and St. Eulalia, and ending
with a commendatory prayer to these three worthies. From
the fact that on the antependium of the altar were depicted the
1 In cima del monte Olimpo e una Chiesa di San Michele, et li di mora e un
sasso grande simile a quelli, ehe si ritrovano nelli torrenti, et intorno intorno a
quel monte alto una lega per insino al piede non si ritrova un' altro simile, et li
Greci villani dicono una iavola, ehe quella pietra e quando ehe 1' area di Noe
riposo di sopra, et questa e grande, per ehe quattro huomini apena la possono
elevare da terra, et quando ehe nell' isola sta assai a piover, vanno tutti quelli
casali vicini del monte in processione in cima di quell' alto monte, et con certi
legni levano in alto quel sasso, et sempre cantando, et cosi finito dicono ehe
non passa molto ehe piove et assai ; laqual cosa io giudico essere superstitione,
perd lasso il giudicio a chi ne ha cura.
'E^i Sev l^ebpw av OKoXovBy avrb y trvvijBeta tt^jv trrjpepov. 'AXX' el pev oiirws,
atpyvw rbv dvayivwCKovTa Kpiri)v avrys tt)s inroX-fjipews rwy xaPlKUV Ka^ Twv v^v-> Ka^
tov rbre Kaipov. 'EcV Spas rb diroreXetrpa ffvptpave? pe rbv tTKOirdv, Sev aptpiBdXXw
Sti BeXei elirelv irdvra Sward t$ iriarebovTi.

28(a).

464 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
effigies of these saints, together with that of Eleonore d' Aragon,
wife of Pierre I., kneeling in adoration before them, Lusignan
concludes that the relics were connected with the company of
St. Ursula, and had been thus concealed by the Queen at the
period of the Genoese war (a.d. 1373). 1
Lusignan, p. The same writer, moreover, mentions the existence at Paphos
of a cave, which by local tradition was regarded as the resting
place of the Seven Sleepers. Though he remarks that the
legendaries usually represent them as natives of Ephesus, yet
he declares that the inhabitants of Paphos from ancient times
have called the cave by their name. He tries to explain the
discrepancy by suggesting that they may have been different
itinerar. Bar. from those commemorated at Ephesus.2 Bartholomew Salignac,
fb**ivDfcc'5. Lusignan's senior by half a century (a.d. 1522), notices the
locality, but varies the legend very considerably. According
to him it was the scene of the martyrdom of a mother and her
seven sons, whom he strangely enough calls by the name of the
heroic Maccabees. In their honour an underground church had
been erected, divided into seven chapels, which he professes to
have visited.3 The present writer himself has seen in the vicinity
1 Nella destruttione del convento di San Dominico di Nicosia, dentro in un'
altare murato, furono ritrovate 6 teste, et molti ossi con una veste di una
donzella, di seta riccamata, nella quale erano li pugni di sangue attaccati. Vi
trovorno una saetta et un coltello insangiunati, et delli rami di palme, et delle
corone, di pater nostri, di corda, et li capi erano pieni di ferite, quali tutte
rendeano un' odore suave. Vi trovorno ancora una tavoletta con la carta
pergamena, scritta in versi di laude di Maria Magdalena, di Santa Orsola, et di
Santa Eullalia : et nel fine si taccomandava a queste 3 Sante, quali erano di
fuori dipinte alia palla dell' altare. Onde noi habbiamo judicato essere reliquie
della compagnia di Santa Orsola, et ehe la Regina Lionora di Aragona, moglie
del Re Pietro Lusignano di Cipro, habbia posti, et nascosti in quel luogo per le
guerre, ehe erano al tempo suo de' Genovesi, et perche essa Regina e dipinta
all' altare ingenocchione avanti a quelle 3 Sante.
2 Nella citta di Paffo e una spelonca, laquale dicono esser delli sette
dormienti. Pero noi ritroviamo nelli leggendarii, ehe li sette dormienti erano
in Epheso, niente di meno essi cittadini di Paffo dicono ab antiquo esser
chiamata quella spelonca di santi sette dormienti, et possono esser altri di
quelli di Effeso.
3 Alia civitas in hoc regno antiquissima, atque metropolis, Paphos dicitur,
vetustissimis auctoribus celebrata; in qua septem fratres Macchabsei, una cum
matre, inclyto martyrio coronati sunt. Nos autem hoc fanum subterraneum,
in honore martyrum septem sacellis distinctum, multa devotione ingressi
sumus. Le Huen, the predecessor of both these writers, also notices the
legend : " Et septz fosses aupres (l'esglise qui fust aux Cordeliers) en une aultre
esglises ou furent les septz dormans ".
synaxaristes The Byzantine Church commemorates these Seven Sleepers on 4th August,
(4th Aug.). under the title of " The Seven Holy Children at Ephesus " (pvtipy t£i/ dyiwv eirra
IlaiSiav -roc 4v 'Etpitrw), giving them the following names : Maximilianos, Ex-
acustodianos, Iamblichos, Martinianos, Dionysios, Antoninos (or John) and

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 465
of New Paphos a ruined building answering to the above de
scription. Another eikon, which, after many wanderings, found a resting
place in Cyprus, was the celebrated portrait of the Virgin known
as our Lady of Tortosa from the town of that name in the north
of the principality of Tripoli. The reputed work of the Evange
list Luke, it is said to have been painted at Constantinople and
transferred by one of the Patriarchs to Jerusalem. From the
Holy City it was removed to a place in the mountains near
Damascus, called Sardania, the home of a religious community,
where it was deposited in a church built upon a rock in honour
of the Virgin.1 It is said to have been carried off to Cyprus by
Constantine. They are said to have flourished in the reign of the Emperor
Decius — a.d. 252 — and to have voluntarily died rather than fall into the hands
of the persecutor. Decius on his arrival at Ephesus is reported to have sought
for them with the intention of compelling them to offer sacrifice to the idols,
and on learning that they were dead ordered that the cave, in which they had
concealed themselves, should be walled up. There they remained undisturbed
until a.d. 446, during the reign of the Emperor Theodosius the Younger, when
the owner of the locality, in which the cave was situated, wishing to construct
a sheep-fold pulled down the stones at the entrance, whereupon they were
miraculously restored to life, having undergone no change, either in person or
in raiment, during their long incarceration of ig4 years.
The same Church also commemorates on the ist August those mentioned by Synaxaristes
Salignac under the title of " The Seven Maccabees with their teacher Eleazar (1st Aug.).
and their mother Salomone ''. (Mvfjpy tojj/ ayiwv eirrd Maprvpwv MaKKaBalav,
'ABelp, ' Avraviov, Tovplov, 'EXeaCdpov, EvtreBavos, 'AxeXp, KaX MapKeXXov, ttjs
pyrpbs aiirwv ~2,aXopovys, KaX tov AiSatTKdXov avrwv 'EXeaCdpov.) The legend is
evidently derived from 2 Maccabees, chapter vii., where a mother and her seven
sons, whose names are not given, are reported to have been put to death with
excruciating tortures for refusing to eat swine's flesh at the command of
Antiochos Epiphanes, but no mention is made of any connection on their part
with the Maccabsean family. Moreover Eleazar, who in the legend is further
associated with them as their teacher, is described in the apocryphal work
above quoted merely as an ancient scribe, who suffered the same fate for a
similar act of disobedience.
1 A Damasco usque ad tria milliaria est quidam locus in montibus situs, et jacobi de
est ibi ecclesia beatae Mariae in rupe aadificata, in qua sunt duodecim moniales J^H"0'
virgines et octo monachi. Hie locus Sardania vocatur. In hac ecclesia est HB'i0riePt-'
tabula lignea ad mensuram unius ulnae longa, et etiam lata ad dimidium. In ^ eoi. 470.
hac tabula est depicta imago beatae Virginis et super lignum incurvata et
deflexa, de qui fluit oleum odoriferum super oleum balsami, quo liniti a variis
languoribus sunt sanati, et illud oleum nunquam minuitur, quantumque inde
accipiatur. Oleum hoc a religioso servatur, et pro quacumque re accipitur cum
devotione et mente sincera. pro honore beatae Virginis cum missarum solemnitate
ibi audita, indubitantur illud impetratur. Ad hunc locum in assumptione
beatae Mariae Virginis et nativitate omnes Saraceni illius provincial causa
orandi confluunt, et sua cerimonialia ibi offerunt. Haec tabula in Constanti
nopoli civitate facta fuit et depicta, et a quodam patriarcha in Jerusalem
30

466 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Amadi, p. 292. the Abbess Echive de Bouillon, probably on the capture of Tor-
tosa by Melec-el-Aschraf in 1291 -1 The portrait is described as
being painted in relief upon a tablet of wood an ell in length
and half an ell in breadth. It is said to have distilled a fragrant
oil most efficacious in the cure of various disorders, the supply
of which, marvellous to relate, never failed, however great the
demand for it. The spot was much frequented by pilgrims
before its removal from Syria, and even Moslems are asserted
to have held it in the utmost respect, and to have made offerings
to it on the festivals of the Assumption and the Nativity.
delata. Hanc tabulam quaedam abbatissa loci pra;dicti petivit, et impetravit,
et secum tulit.
1 In primo di de Zugno (i.e., 1308), di de Pentecoste, hanno mutato habito le
monache Caipitane de Antiochia, pel mandato della corte de Roma; il ehe
hanno procurato et obtenuto per mezo de fra Bartholomio de Punia del ordine
di Predicatori, et de narassarea biancha ehe portavano con un traverso negro
con li zapperoni in la testa, hanno posto un sorbelizo negro et vesta negra, et
furon chiamate, dalhora inanzi, le monache della Nostra Donna de Tortosa, et
non piu Carpitane. Et questo, per la immagine della Nostra Donna ehe fo
portata da Tortosa, per le procuration de Soura Esciva de Bolion, ehe fo
abbadessa in ditto monastero ; per la qual figura vegnivano molte helemosine
in ditta chiesia, et il Papa haveva concesso assai indulgentie a tutti quelli ehe
porgevano helempsina a ditte monache et ehe il facesse bene.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 467

CHAPTER X.
The Latin Church.
NO account of the ecclesiastical history of Cyprus can be
regarded as complete which does not make some mention
of that alien communion whose name still recalls to the
Orthodox memories of past spiritual tyrannies.
The present chapter will deal, therefore, with all that is
known concerning the Latin Church, while in the next lists will
be given, so far as is possible, of the various occupants of the
Sees into which the island was divided by its new masters.
Latin Christians were no strangers to Cyprus even before its
subjugation by the Westerns. From its proximity to Palestine
it lay in the track of the pilgrims, many of whom on their
journeys to and from the holy places must have become ac
quainted with its shores. Among others, Willibald, who tra- Eariy TraT6lB
veiled to the East in a.d. 722, has recorded his arrival at Paphos ™PuI,e34ine'
and Salamis. Saswulf, too, an Anglo-Saxon merchant, whose quMianLtb-''
wanderings led him thither nearly four centuries later, a.d. 1102, rary'
mentions that he also visited the former of these towns. Nor
were Latin ecclesiastics unknown to its inhabitants even before
their introduction as the dominant clergy. For instance, Vini
sauf informs us that at the marriage of his hero, Richard, with vinisauf, m.
Berengaria of Navarre, in the captured city of Limozin (Ama- ,cap'
thus), the nuptial ceremony was performed by the Archbishop
of York, assisted by the Bishops of Evreux and Baneria. More
over a deed 1 of Amaury de Lusignan (29th September, 1195), Hist.dechyp.,
second Latin Seigneur of Cyprus,2 conferring an estate in Nikosia ct'Rohricht,
Regesta Regni
1 Ego Aymericus de Lizinaco, Dei gratia, dominus Cipri, consensu et 193, No. 723.'
voluntate uxoris mee Eschive, dono et imperpetuum concedo habendam tibi,
Petro, abbati Dominici Templi, et canonicis ejusdem, tuisque similiter succes-
soribus, quandam curtem in Nicosia, infra quam est constructa capella beate
Marie, et unam prestiam quam dominus Guido rex, bone memorie, frater meus,
edificavit, etc.
'" Amaury at this period had not assumed the title of King of Cyprus, which
was bestowed upon him in ng6 by the Emperor Henry VI. Guy was never
King of Cyprus, only lord (dominus). The title king is applied to him in virtue
of his having occupied the throne of Jerusalem.

468 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
upon the abbot and canons of the Temple, proves that there
was already within that town a chapel dedicated to the Blessed
Hist.dechyp., Virgin, while the Bull of Celestine III.1 (3rd January, 1197)
iu., P. soe. furtner makes it evident that a chapter of canons existed there
prior to the creation of the Latin Sees. In that part of his
Lusignan, p. history wherein he discusses the introduction of the Latin clergy
" Lusignan informs us that, though ecclesiastics of that com
munion passed into Cyprus with Guy, neither he nor his im
mediate successor, Amaury, through being engaged in the
defence of their co-religionists in Syria, had time for the proper
Loredano, ub. settlement of the new hierarchy. This he represents, and heie
he is followed by Loredano, as being effected by Alix, wife of
Hugues I., who succeeded to the throne of Cyprus in a.d. 1205.
He, like his predecessors, being very busy with warlike operations
in the Holy Land, entrusted the government of the island to
his consort. Alix, observing that all the dioceses were held by
Greek prelates, who in consequence exercised spiritual j urisdic-
tion over the Latin Court and nobility, petitioned Innocent III.
in the Lateran Council to abolish this state of things. Among
other changes she requested the transference of the archbishopric
from Famagusta to Nikosia and its bestowal upon a Latin,
together with the reduction of the Sees from fourteen to four.2
Le Quien, who notices this account, argues from the frequent
LeQuien,o.c, mention of the Archbishop of Nikosia before the year 1215 that
this change took place even earlier than represented by Lusig
nan, probably at the very commencement of the Latin kingdom,
and either under Guy or his brother Amaury, though he admits
1 The chaptei of Nikosia is stated in the Bull of Celestine to have elected
the first Archbishop ofthe See : " Ceterum Nicosiense capitulum, ad celebrandam
ellectionem aichiepiscopi canonice procedentes, eundem cancellarium (i.e.,
Alanum) in ipsorum archiepiscopum, voto unanimi, postularunt," etc.
2 II clero Latino ando in Cipro insieme con il Re Guido, et altri Nobili 
Ma essendo Guido Re et il Re Almerico intesPdi sollecitare, et aiutare li poveri
Christiani in Hierusalem, ehe quasi continuamente combatteano, percio non
poteano rassettare il Clero Latino come si dovea : ma circa li anni del nostro
Signore 1212 il Re Ugo pigliato il Regno di Cipro, et essendo esso occupato in
Hierusalem, mando sua moglie in Cipro a governar' quel Regno  Ando in
Cipro la Regina, et vedendo ehe la citta di Nicosia era fatta citta, residentia
Regale per esser grande piu delle altre citta, et di piu buon' aere Famagosta, pel
esser' destrutta Salamina, tenea 1' Arcivescovato, il quale era greco : dipoi
vedendo le altre citta tutte haver' li Ioro Vescovi grechi, et essa, et tutta la Corte,
et Nobili essere Latini : giudicorno non essere ben fatto, ehe li Greci govern-
assero quelli ehe erano Latini. Onde essa Regina scrisse al sommo Pontefice
Innocentio III. nel Concilio Lateranense di traslatare 1' Arcivescovato da
Famagosta in Nicosia, et investirlo alii Latini : et cosi Famagosta, et nelle
altre citta, quale dovesse restringere ; Perd lo supplicava ehe li detti Vescovati,
ch' erano quatordeci, ne facessero 4.

iii., 1201-1202.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 469
that it may only have been confirmed in the Lateran Council.
The first part of his opinion has since been singularly verified by
the discovery in the Cartulary of Sta. Sophia of a copy of the Bull
issued by Celestine III. on 20th February, 1196. This document cart, de s.
explains at length the motives and steps which led to the estab- h. de chyp.,
t l i> 1 txt- /-ii V i i i iii., 599-600.
lishment ot the Western Church. It would seem that the h. de chyp.,i
person actually responsible for its introduction was Amaury, "
who soon after his accession sent the Archdeacon of Laodicea to cart.des.
Rome for that purpose. The Pope, quick to avail himself of^dechyp.,*
this fresh opportunity for still further increasing the power and
influence of the Holy See at the expense of its hated rival, lent
a ready ear to the proposal. After commending the zeal of his
petitioner, who professed to be actuated solely by the desire to
lead his schismatic subjects back to the Roman fold, Celestine
announces that he had delegated full powers in all matters con
nected with the establishment and endowment of the Catholic
Church to two commissioners, whose decisions he is prepared to
accept as final. One of these was the envoy already named,

1 The Bull of 13th December, 119,6, the Charter of the Latin Church in
Cyprus, bore the following signatures : —
Celestinus, Catholice ecclesie episcopus.
Octavianus, Hostiensis et Veletrensis episcopus.
Petrus, Portuensis et S. Rufine episcopus.
Melior, Sanctorum Johannis et Pauli presbiter cardinalis, tituli Pamachi.
Jordanus, sancte Pudentiane, tituli Pastoris, presbiter cardinalis.
Johannes, tituli Clementis, sancti 2 Intluensis et Tuscanensis episcopus.
Guido, sancte Marie Transtiberin, tituli Calisti, presbiter cardinalis.
Hugo, presbiter cardinalis sancti Martini, tituli Equicii.
Johannes, tituli sancti Stephani in Celio monte presbiter cardinalis.
Soffredus, tituli sancte Praxedis presbiter cardinalis.
Johannes, tituli sancte Prisce presbiter cardinalis.
Gracianus, sanctorum Cosme et Damiani diaconus cardinalis.
Berrardus, sancti Adriani diaconus cardinalis.
Gregorius, sancte Marie in Portu diaconus cardinalis.
Gregorius, sancte Marie in Aquiro diaconus cardinalis.
Gregorius, sancti Georgii ad velum aureum diaconus cardinalis.
Nicola, sancte Marie in Cosmidin diaconus cardinalis.
Bobo, sancti Theodori diaconus cardinalis — and ended thus —
" Datum Laterani, per manum Censii, sancte Lucie in Orthea diaconi cardi
nalis, domini pape camerarii, idus Decembris, indictione xv. Incarnationis
Dominice anno MCXCVI° pontificatus vero domini Celestini pape in anno
sexto. 2 The MS. is defective here. The same cardinal has signed other Bulls as
follows: "Ego Johannes episcopus Tuscanensis et Viterbiensis, S. Clementis
presbyter cardinalis, subscripsi" — and "Ego Johannes, tituli sancti Clementis
cardinalis, Tuscanensis episcopus, subscripsi ".

470 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
while the other was the Chancellor of Cyprus, Alain, Archdeacon
of Lydda.1
As the result of their labours four Sees were erected. The
Amadi, p. as. first in order and importance was the archdiocese of Nikosia,
F^Boustron, ^j^ extended over the whole centre of the island, comprising
within its limits the Greek bishoprics of Levkosia, Trimythus,
Kition, Lapithos, Kyrenia, Chytri, Soli and Tamasos. The
remaining three, all of which were dependent on Nikosia, come
as follows in the order of their precedence : —
1. Paphos, which included within its boundaries the Orthodox
bishoprics of Paphos and Arsinoe, comprised the whole western
part of the island.
2. Limassol, which contained the native Sees of Kurion and
Amathus, was bounded on the west by the diocese of Paphos,
while on the north and east it was conterminous with the arch
diocese. 3. Famagusta,2 which was almost identical with the ancient
1 Dominus ac redemptor noster qui, quando vult et quomodo vult, inspirat
de omnibus et disponit, dignatus est insulam Cypri, que a longis retro tempori
bus a magistra Sedis Apostolice facta fuerat aliena (!), ad ecclesie Romane
gremium, que, dispositione divina, matei cunctaium esse dinoscitur generalis,
nostris temporibus revocare, inspirans charissimo in Christo filio nostro
A(ymerico) illustri rege Cypri, ut a nobis, penes quem, licet immeritis, pleni-
tudo residet potestatis, nuncio et litteris postularet quod in eadem insula una
ecclesia que esset metropolis et tres sedes episcopales, de Sedis Apostolice
auctoritate statueientur ; quibus ipse se dotes assignaturum proposuit compe-
tentes et in eisdem tales instituerentur prelati, qui populum Domini verbo
salutis pascerent et predicatione assidua edocerent. Cujus utique pium in
Domino propositum commendantes, de comuni fratrum nostrorum consilio,
ejus petitioni annuimus, et A(lano), tunc cancellario prefati regis, nunc Nicosi
ensi archiepiscopo, et tibi, frater Paphensis episcope, tunc archidiacone
Laudicensis, in ipsa insula legationis offitium exercentibus, plenam vobis se
cundum Deum ordinandi ecclesias et accipiendi dotes a predicto rege eisdem
ecclesiis assignandas tribuimus potestatem.
Hist.dechyp., 2 The inhabitants of Famagusta, shortly after the establishment of Venetian
ii., p. 488. rule, requested the home government to sanction the union of the See ot
Limassol with that of Famagusta on account of the poverty of the two towns.
They asserted that the first was a mere village, where the presence of a Latin
bishop was of no possible advantage, while the Bishop of Famagusta was unable
to reside in his cathedral town since the stoppage of the annuity, which he used
to receive from Genoa, while that Republic was in occupation (a.d. 1373-A.D.
1464). In consequence of his enforced absence both monasteries and churches
were represented as falling into ruins. The remedy suggested for this state of
things was one only too readily adopted by Latin Christians in Cyprus, viz.,
the confiscation of the property of such of the Orthodox monasteries as had
been sold to laymen, since, being ignorant persons and without any zeal for
religion, they did not trouble themselves to keep up these establishments. In
reply the Doge Barbarigo (2nd August, 1491) reminded the petitioners of the
difficulty the Sovereign Pontiff would experience in uniting ancient Sees,
which had formerly been separate, on account of the loss the Papal treasury

' $Ze,fire uce 
€attn Gpuc-ypal City ^hcwiy tlms  f
Orthodox Episcopal Cifii itdcr tlie jfaciuo shewn thus ®
-Division of former ifcattn Sees alien1)' tlum  ——.—._.-*
€ah.n Oltoiias terns sl?cwn tl;tu-*  ¦

English Miles

CYPRU^£)

"Shis -.nap -re-presents tftg. extent of the -four Satin.
dioceses, into -which th£ -island was divided
during tlie SLatla .jrupremacij 
I  .

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 471
Sees of Salamis and Karpasos, was situated in the north-eastern
district of the island.
Not only did the Church owe its inception to the royal
initiative, but it also looked to the occupant of the throne for
the time being to protect and maintain those rights and privi
leges, which had been bestowed upon it. This was the first
duty which the new sovereign at his accession was pledged to
perform, as we learn from a description of the ceremonies
observed upon such an occasion. On the day appointed for his n. Bonstron,
coronation the candidate, vested in the surplice of a deacon, pro- P'
ceeded to the western entrance of the cathedral, where he knelt
upon the threshold, surrounded by the great officers of state.
There he was met by the Archbishop, or bishop, whose duty it
was to perform the ceremony, attended by his clergy. After
the officiating prelate had recited certain prayers over the head
of the candidate, the latter stood up and, with his hands upon
the Gospels, made oath as follows : " I . . . who by Divine provi
dence am about to be crowned King of Cyprus, promise you, my
lord . . . Archbishop of Cyprus and your successors, in the presence
of Almighty God and of all the clergy, prelates and barons, who
are here assembled, that from this time forward I will be your
faithful protector and the defender of your person against all
comers in the realm of Cyprus. The possessions and privileges
of our holy Church and of all the Churches appertaining to it,
the possessions and privileges, I mean, of which they were in the
enjoyment in the time of the kings of blessed memory, my pre
decessors, and those which they may hereafter lawfully acquire
in my time, I will maintain and defend. The canons and ancient
privileges and the divine laws, with their decrees, and the ancient
customs of the franchises I will observe, and I will maintain the
persons of ecclesiastics in their exemptions. To widows and
orphans I will render justice. The privileges granted by the
royal benefactors, my predecessors, and the assizes and customs
of the realm I will observe and protect. I will uphold the
Christian population of the realm in their rights and justice, as
would suffer from the diminution of the annates, and declined to prefer a request
which would in consequence be most certainly refused.
Nicole le Huen, who visited the island in 1487, speaks of the desolation and
ruin which seem to have everywhere befallen the Latin dioceses : " Tres
nobles esglises y eut (Baffa) le temps passes — comme il appert en la desolation
— Limesson est une aultre cite ou avoit belles esglises. Encores la est
l'evesque avecques deux chanoines. Outreplus est Salins, qui se disoit Piscopie,
ou mieulx Cypre, dont l'isle print le nom, et de present ny a maison fors esglise
Sainct Ladre mal acoutree & une begude seulle."

472 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
a Christian king should do in his realm. And all the aforesaid
things I will faithfully observe, so help me God and His Holy
Gospels." Not long after the establishment of the Latin hierarchy in
the island a dispute arose on a subject which, together with the
kindred question of investiture, had already greatly disturbed
Western Christendom. At this period the election of the
bishops was almost entirely in the hands of the cathedral chap
ters. In the primitive Church the laity, as is well known, had
always possessed a voice in the choice of the chief pastors. But,
when the bishops acquired increased influence, the emperors,
within whose dominions the dioceses mostly lay, had assumed to
themselves the sole right of their appointment. While in the
East they seem to have seldom exercised this prerogative, except
in the case of certain important cities with which they were
brought into more immediate contact, in the West their German
successors were more tenacious of this privilege. This doubtless
was caused by the different constitution of society in the two
empires — the feudal system in the Western rendering the bishops,
through the territorial possessions of their Sees, great temporal
as well as spiritual chiefs. The interference of the secular power
led in course of time to such grave abuses that Gregory VII.
strenuously exerted himself for its abolition. But the practice
did not cease until the pontificate of Calixtus II. , when by the
Concordat of Worms (a.d. 1122) the Emperor Henry V. agreed
to allow complete freedom of election throughout the empire.
In many of the countries not subject to him, however, the
sovereigns continued, as before, to exercise this prerogative. The
cart. des. Bull of 1196 (13th December), by which Celestine III. confirmed
(H.Pdeechyp., the archdiocese of Nikosia in its rights, prerogatives and pos-
p. go3.) sessions, directed that the election to the metropolitan See should
be conducted by the canons of the diocese in conj unction with
the suffragan bishops.1 But no reference was made to any
innocent m., participation in the matter by the civil power. Notwithstanding
u?. xv.,om' ' this omission it had been the custom 2 from the very first for the
pwlRt. TOR J

ill.

epist. 206.

1 Obeunte vero te (i.e., Alano), nunc ejusdem loci archiepiscopo, vel tuorum
quolibet successorum, nullus ibi qualibet subreptionis astutia seu violentia
preponatur, nisi quem canonici ipsius loci cum suffraganeorum consilio canonice
providerint eligendum."
2 This custom is referred to in Innocent's letter to the chapter : " Sane, sicut
accepimus ex litteris venerabilis fratris nostri Patriarcha? Ierosolymitani apos-
tolicas sedis Legati, cum tractaretis de prasficiendo vobis aliquo in pastorem, in
duos unanimiter convenistis, carissimo in Christo filio nostro illustri Regi Cypri

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 473
chapters of the respective dioceses to submit to the King the
names of two candidates, and to elect the one most agreeable to
him. Such an arrangement was calculated, sooner or later, to
precipitate a conflict between the royal and ecclesiastical j uris-
dictions. But the immediate cause of the inevitable contest was
furnished by the election of Durand to the See in 1211. Im- innocent m.,
mediately after his accession, request was made as usual to uKivt,om
Innocent III. that the appointment might be confirmed. The eplat m
Pope had about the same time received intelligence of certain
grave charges, which had been brought against the newly-elected
Archbishop by the ex-Regent of Cyprus, Gautier de Montbeliard,
brother-in-law of Hugues I. Durand denied the truth of the
accusation, asserting that it had been fabricated by his accuser
merely to gratify his spite against the King. The Pope hesitated
in consequence to ratify the election, though he assigned as his
reason for not doing so the presence of only one of the electors
at the Pontifical Court, whereby the Holy See was unable to
obtain satisfactory particulars concerning it. To obviate the
dangers and fatigues of a second journey to Rome, Innocent
directed Albert (30th December, 1211), Patriarch of Jerusalem,
to inquire carefully into all the circumstances of the case. If
within a month after the announcement of the intended ex
amination any canonical impediment should be alleged against
the elect, he was to investigate it and decide as to its validity.
If, however, none was forthcoming, or the accused established
his innocence, the Legate was to proceed with the consecration
and bestow upon him the pall, which had been forwarded for the
purpose. Though the innocence of Durand was fully proved, innocent m.,
Albert all the same pronounced the election void on account ofIe1"iB"*,yj'-
the royal interference. This action on the part of the Patriarch
naturally drew from the King a vigorous letter of remonstrance,
which the Archdeacon of Famagusta was charged to present on
his behalf to the Pope. Hugues complained that the election,
though conducted strictly in accordance with precedent, had
been set aside by the Patriarch solely at the dictates of his own
caprice. The challenge thus thrown down was promptly accepted
by the haughty Pontiff. In that lofty strain, in which he was
wont to uphold the most extravagant claims of the Papacy,
primitus nominandos ; ut quem ipse prius de illis duobus eligeret, prasficeretis
vobis in praesulem electione solemni ".
This custom may have been borrowed from France, where the kings seem Haliam,
either to have nominated the bishops, or recommended their own candidate to J0*!-}1" Ages'
the electors.

474 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Innocent informs the King that a little cool reflection would
have taught him the propriety of the decision, against which he
was so unjustly inveighing. He declares that Hugues, not
content with the domain of Caesar, was laying sacrilegious hands
upon what belonged to God, and by interfering with its freedom
of election most ungratefully endeavouring to enslave that very
Church which through baptism had brought him from the
bondage of mortal sin into the full liberty of salvation.1 He
asserts that if freedom of choice on the part of the contracting
parties was necessary for the validity of earthly marriages, it
was absurd that the union of a Church with its chief pastor
should depend upon the will of another, or require the sanction
of an authority other than its own. The King^ plea in justifica
tion of the usurpation that it had been practised by several of
his predecessors and had been hitherto invariably observed, formed
no valid excuse, as the antiquity of an abuse did not render it
less reprehensible, but rather more so. After threatening him
with dire spiritual terrors in case of a persistence in this demand,
the Pope concludes by requesting and admonishing him to allow
the chapter to elect without any hindrance from him a suitable
person to act as their spiritual father and bishop, since it was in
no way derogatory to his royal dignity to respect the rights of the
King of kings, Who, while placing him at the head of secular
matters in the realm of Cyprus, had expressly reserved its ecclesi-
mnocentm., astical concerns to Himself. At the same time he addressed
ff, ub! 1?°' another letter (15th January, 1213) to the offending chapter,
severely censuring the members for their subserviency to the
royal will, and informing them that, though they deserved
punishment for their complaisance, he pitied them instead. He
ordered them to reassemble and elect another diocesan and to re
port the result, when they had done so, to the Patriarch, the Arch
bishop of Cassarea and the Bishop of Acre, who would decide as
to its validity. As the documents recording the issues of this
dispute are no longer extant, it is impossible to say whether
Hugues deferred to the Pontiff's demands, or whether Durand
was re-elected, or ever again offered himself as a candidate. The
successors of Hugues at any rate did not hesitate, as is known,
1 Quia dum non contentus iis qua; Caesaris esse debent, ad ea quae Dei sunt
manus extendis, actionem contia libertatem Ecclesia; intentando, de calumnia
te reum exhibes apud Deum, super ingratitudine nihilominus reconventum, eo
quod Ecclesiam, quae te per sacramentum baptismi, solutis vinculis servitutis,
quibus morti peccati tenebaris astrictus, in libertatem salutis eripuit, et regener-
avit ad vitam, in duram et asperam redigere niteris servitutem, etc.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 475
to exercise their power of nomination. The question, indeed,
was only finally set at rest by a species of compromise towards
the close of the Venetian occupation. At the repeated requests iMignan, p.
of the Republic Pius IV., in 1560, granted it the privilege of"Jj*™jl'^80
nominating four candidates, whenever a vacancy occurred in110-91-
the archdiocese, one of whom he undertook to appoint.1
The Bull of 13th December, 1196, contained special provisions cart. <usi8
against any encroachments upon the authority and j urisdiction [g. de iayp.,
of the Archbishop.2 The acquisition of hereditary rights in
cemeteries and benefices was strictly prohibited under pain of
ecclesiastical censure. Members of the monastic Orders were
forbidden, without the express permission of the Pope, to act as
priests or chaplains, or to hold prebends in the province, which
were to be strictly reserved for the secular clergy. As incum
bents had only a Ufe interest in their preferments, which really
belonged to the See, they were forbidden to alienate, or let on
lease, the estates attaching to them, without the knowledge and
consent of the Archbishop for the time being. Failure to observe
this rule rendered all such proceedings null and void. Persons
placed under any ecclesiastical disability by the Archbishop were
not to be restored to Church privileges without his knowledge
and sanction, except in urgent cases where it might be found
impossible to secure his attendance. The penalty in such cases
might be remitted without his permission, after the prescribed
penance had been observed. Except in the case of the Popes,
whose rights were fully secured by the Bull, no one was to be
allowed to erect within the confines of the diocese any church
or oratory without his consent. It was strictly forbidden, too,
to lay violent hands upon the property of the See, or to retain
it when so seized, or in any way to disturb the peace of the
diocese. Any one knowingly contravening these regulations,
whether cleric or layman, was after two or three admonitions,
unless he purged his offence with a suitable penance, to be
deprived of his office and dignity, as well as refused all participa
tion in the Holy Sacrament and to be reserved for the divine
vengeance at the final Judgment.
The Archbishop, as the head of the Latin Communion in the
1 Nota, ehe 1' anno del 1560 1' Arcivescovato di Nicosia 6 di Cipro da Papa
Pio 4, fu fatto juspatronato della Signoria di Venetia, con questa conditione,
ehe li Venetiani debbano eleggere 4, et il Papa confermare qual li piace di quelli
quattro. 2 Piece No. g of the Cartulary contains the confirmation of this Bull by
Innocent III. which bears date ist February, 1201.

476 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
island, was from the very first the recipient of numerous tokens
of Papal regard. As a mark of special favour, and at the urgent
cairt.des. request of the chapter of Nikosia, the pall was conferred upon
(Hpdeefchyp., Alain and his successors, with instructions to wear it upon certain
specified occasions.1 This coveted distinction, as we learn from
a Bull dated 3rd January, 1197, was conveyed to him by the
hands of his fellow-commissioner, the Bishop of Paphos, with
whom were associated two canons of the metropolitan chapter.2
ibid., ui., p. Permission was also given for the cross to be displayed before
msiman, p. him when on visitation in his own diocese, or in those of his
'''"" suffragans.3 He was further created a Legatus natus and em
powered, when within his own province, to wear the same garb as
the cardinals, with the exception of the red hat and certain
cart. des. other insignia.4 By a Bull dated at Lyons 30th July, 1245,
Ju'4e64s*P" Innocenf IV. bestowed upon the then Archbishop, Eustorge
Lnsignan, p. d'Auvergne, for five years, in recognition of the zeal and devo-
cart. des. 1 In the Bull of 13th December, 1196, the occasions upon which it was to be
?HPdechyp8 worn were designated as follows : " In Nativitate Domini, in festivitate protho-
iii.', p. 602). ' martiris Stephani, Circumcisione Domini, Epiphania, Ypopanti, dominica in
Ramispalmarum, Cena Domini, Sabbato Sancto, Pascha, secunda feria post
Pascha, Ascensione, Pentecoste, in natalicio beati Johannis Baptiste, tribus
festivitatibus beate Marie, commemoratione Omnium Sanctorum, solemnitatibus
omnium apostolorum, dedicationibus ecclesiarum, consecrationibus episcoporum,
et ordinationibus clericorum, ecclesie tue principalibus festivitatibus et anniver-
sario tue consecrationis die "
2 Et quia idem Nicosiense capitulum palleum ab Apostolica sede jamdicto
archiepiscopo Nicosiensi concedi pariter et transmitti humiliter postularunt,
ipsorum petitionibus inclinati, palleum per te, frater Paphensis episcope,
principaliter, secundario vero per dilectos filios nostros Leonardum et Radul-
phum, canonicos Nicosienses, eidem archiepiscopo duximus transmittendum.
The pall is the peculiar mark of primates, metropolitans, archbishops, and a
few privileged bishops, and is worn by them at councils, ordinations, and on
certain occasions in church. It is made of wool shorn from lambs which are
blessed on St. Agnes' Day, and receives the papal benediction on the Feast of
SS. Peter and Paul. It is a circular scarf worn like a collar round the neck,
and having two ends fastened over the chasuble by three gold pins fixed on the
left shoulder, the breast, and back.
3 " Porro crucem, vexillum scilicet Dominicum, per tuam diocesem et episco-
patus superius nominatos (videlicet Paphensem, Limichoniensem et Famaugusta-
num) ante te deferendi licentiam impertimur."
Waicott, After the ninth century legates apostolic were permitted to enjoy this
oImv'b'iso''" distinction, and in the twelfth century it was extended to metropolitans who
had received the pall, but in the thirteenth century it became common to all
archbishops. 4 " Et di piu vuole, ehe sia legato nato; et pero 1' arcivescovo di Cipro,
quando e alia residentia, va vestito tutto di rosso come li Cardinali in ogni cosa,
fuori solo, ehe nel capello rosso et altri privilegii."
Lusignan, Corona Terza, p. 157 (b). L'arcivescovo di Nicosia, legato nato,
andava tutto vestito da Cardinale fuori ch' el capello.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 477
tion which he had displayed towards his person and Church, the
singular privilege of exemption from excommunication, interdict,
or suspension by any legate or his deputy, without the express
sanction of the Pope. That this privilege was not likely to be
very scrupulously regarded by the Papal Legates, the history of
their doings elsewhere in the East might well lead us to suppose.
But the fact that it was found necessary to repeat it so soon as
1249 (26th February), in consequence of the complaints made by cart, de s.
il * 1 1_ ¦ 1 e j.) 1 j. c l ¦ i c ,iJ Sophie, No 19
the same Archbishop ot the conduct of certain agents of the (D°es- Nonv.,
Holy See, strengthens our suspicions. It was subsequently
renewed by Innocent in 1250 and 1251, the Bulls of confirmation cart, de s.
being addressed to the Abbot of Lapais, who was directed to ^W6 °
visit all offenders with ecclesiastical censure. No'3?'645'
Another instance of the vexatious interference to which the «. cart, de s.
island primates were liable occurs before the close of this same <dopcs.nouv.,
century. In a Bull dated 26th April, 1291, Nicolas IV. informs cart, de s.
the Patriarch of Jerusalem,1 Raoul de Grandville, that Giovanni (*D?chs!8N?nv9?
d'Ancona, the then occupant of the metropolitan See, had com- p' 349)'
plained of certain irregularities committed with his connivance
by his representative in Cyprus. Among other things he was
accused of adj udicating in matters coming exclusively within the
Archbishop's cognisance, though no appeal had been made to
him, holding visitations in churches and localities within the
city and diocese of Nikosia, and in various other ways usurping
and weakening that prelate's jurisdiction. As a result of these
irregularities his people had ceased to pay any respect to his
admonitions or authority, so that whenever he instituted proceed
ings against them, without any, or on the most frivolous, pretext,
they carried the case either to the Patriarch himself or to his
representative. The Archbishop in consequence possessed no
authority over his flock, besides suffering serious pecuniary
1 The following passage from Guillaume de Tyr would seem to show that contin. G. de
the Latin Patriarchs of Jerusalem exercised some sort of supervision over thej^lib'xxv1-'
Roman communion in the island: " Et fu corone a roi Hugues de Lesignan le
jor de Noel (a.d. 1267) par la main Guillaume patriarche de Jerusalem, qui
estoit la ale por visiter les yglises et le roiaume de Chipre." But this super
vision, whatever it might be, was denied by a subsequent occupant of the See
of Nikosia, Vittore Marcello, who writes thus to Pope Sixtus IV. (23rd May,
1481) on the position occupied by his Church : " Adhuc noveiit Beatitudo Vestra Documents
archiepiscopatum nostrum nunquam habuisse superiorem quempiam preter joS"*"1"'' p
illam ; nee invenietur unquam quod patriarchatus Hierosolimitani jurisditio
Cypri archiepiscopum subditum habuit. Que quidem immunitas concessa fuit
et a divo Silvestro et ab augusto Justiniano, nee non quibusdam conciliis." It
will be observed that Marcello coolly transfers to his own communion privileges
conferred upon the Orthodox rival, which it had dispossessed, privileges, too,
with which it is hard to see what Pope Sylvester (I. ?) had to do.

478 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
losses through this disregard of his rights. When appealed to
for redress the Patriarch had calmly permitted these abuses to
continue unchecked. Moreover, with the object of still further
annoying the unfortunate Archbishop, he had pressed the latter
for repayment of a loan made to his predecessor, Archbishop
Ranulphe, by Pierre, Bishop of Paphos, who had acted at that
time as collector of the tithes in those parts. This demand was
all the more unjust, as it was reported that the sum had not
been expended on the diocese, but had found its way into the
pocket of the Archdeacon of Nikosia, who is credited with
having deceived Ranulphe and stolen this money from him with
other things. Not content with this the Patriarch had even
tried to extort an exorbitant sum as a procuration, while for a
long time he had withheld the tithes of a certain village in the
diocese of Nikosia, the property of the See of Jerusalem, to
which the Archbishop was entitled, and which his predecessors in
times past had been in the habit of receiving, as well as caused
him and his people annoyance and distress by various other
infringements of his rights. Nicolas accordingly charges Raoul,
by the respect due to him and the Holy See, to restrain his agent
from these illegal acts, as well as not to commit them himself,
but to leave the Archbishop in undisturbed enjoyment of his
prerogatives and privileges. He is further ordered to compen
sate the latter for the detention of the tithes and for the losses
and injuries already caused, and to pay in future the tithes due
from the said village. With regard to the money, of which
Ranulphe is said to have been fraudulently deprived by the Arch
deacon, if it be found not to have been expended on the diocese,
he was not to unjustly compel the Archbishop to refund it.
The Pope concludes by a stern reminder that he is prepared to
adopt more stringent measures in the event of a continuance of
the acts complained of.
From the first establishment of the Western Church in the
island special care was taken to provide it with an adequate
endowment, taken, as has been already seen, from the spoils of
the Orthodox Communion. This consisted of two kinds of
|«Ma«Latrie, property, villages and tithes.1 A recent historian of Cyprus,
torn, i., p. 125.
Lnsignan, p.
19 '">• t Lusignan estimates the number of villages in the island when he wrote at
p''6i.yPr'aI10B' 85°> distributed between the royal domain, the nobles and the clergy. More
than half fell to the portion of the first named, while the other two divided the
remainder. His language, which is somewhat obscure from his imperfect
knowledge of Italian, seems to imply that of the ecclesiastical villages the

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 479
whose views deservedly carry great weight, seems to question
the reality of such wholesale robbery. He expresses the opinion
that this endowment was chiefly derived from the public domain
or from estates, whose owners had quitted the country, and
partly from tithes. But his endeavours to minimise the harsh Machaa-a, p.
dealings of his Church towards its Greek rival are signally strambaldi, p.
refuted by the testimony of the native chroniclers.1 That this11
confiscation was not carried out in its entirety until some time
after the creation of the Latin Sees is evident from the circum
stance that the archdiocese at first only possessed two villages, cart, de s.
with the tithes of certain districts,2 as well as from positive (HPde"chyV,
I ill, p. 601).
Archbishop received half, while the Bishops of Paphos and Limassol each
possessed three, and the Bishop of Famagusta two. Previous to his estimate,
i.e., towards the end of the fifteenth century, the number in possession of the
Archbishop is known to have been nine, the names of which are given in the
return, while the Bishop of Paphos is said to have held Marona with its adjacent
hamlets (prastii), the Bishop of Limassol three villages, and the Bishop of
Famagusta one, all unspecified : —
"Tutti questi 850 casali sono divisi, una parte et piu della mitta sono della
camera reale, et percio si chiamano casali della reale ; 1* altra parte e divisa, una
parte ha il clero, et li dimandano casali ecclesiastici ; 1' altra parte sono della
nobilita et si chiamano in greco cavallerissimi (KaBaXXeplo-ipa), cioe di cavallieri.
" Delli casali ecclesiastici 1' arcivescovo primo capo n' ha una parte, il
Vescovo di Paffo n' ha tre, il vescovo di Limisso tre, il Vescovo di Famagosta
n' ha dui."
In his French version of the above Lusignan's language is clearer. He Lusignan,
there informs us that, in addition to the tithes of all the villages belonging to etc"? pP37°(a).
the Crown and to the nobility, the Latin prelates possessed certain of these villages
in the following proportion : the Archbishop, 14 ; the Bishop of Famagusta, 2 ;
and the Bishops of Paphos and Limassol, 3 each. " L'autre partie de ces
villages s'appellent ecclesiastiques, pourcequ'ils estoient subjects aux eglises et
Prelats — desquels PArchevesque en avoit quatorze, I'Evesque de Famagoste deux,
I'Evesque de Paphe trois, I'Evesque de Nemosie trois, outre les decimes de tous
les autres villages, tant royaux que nobles."
1 to x&jpia rd eixav V iirirTKbirais rwv Pwpaiwv, HSwKdv ra toji' Aarivwv. ToVe 6
BatriXebs Bwpavra tt)v trrevTjv Carjv tovs dpxtepeis ttjs Kbirpov, Sti Sev elxav SiKarov
ttjs 4KKXytrlas etrvyKareBytrav Kal eSaxdv tovs xwpy^a Ka' &XXa elo-oS4para tov
iratravov Kara tov 4tpdvyv. Kal toiovtovs 4tryK0iadv ra 01 pyydSes aire tovs 4iritrKb-
irovs Sid dtpoppais, Kal us rijv trijpepov exovv ra Kal xap'lCovv Ta tovs KaBaXXapiSes.
Ta ipeivav els rb x*Ptv robs iiritrKbitovs tovs Vapaiovs itryKwtrdv ra KaX eSwKav ra
tovs Aarivovs.
"Et mandarvi quattro vescovi, li quali fossero pagati dalla decima ehe
dovesse haver la chiesa; et cosi si osservo fin il presente. Et cominciorono
a edificar chiese et corte di vescovi in Nicossia ; et cominciorono Santa Sophia ;
et li fecero haver il loro viver et fecero et li statuti et le decime. Le havevano
li episcopati greci et li casali ; et furono levati et dati alii Latini. All' hora,
vedendo il re il stretto viver delli Greci vescovi, detero a ciascun quelle jurisdit-
tioni et casali secondo li parse ; et le hanno fino il presente ; et esse li donano
alii clerici et alii cavallieri."
2 The property then bestowed upon the archdiocese is specified as follows
in the Bull of 13th December, ng6: "Locum ipsum in quo prefata Nicosiensis

480

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

statements to the same effect.1 Prudential reasons suggested
its postponement until after the decease of the Orthodox pre
lates then in possession, so as to avoid the disturbances which
Machasra, p. its immediate adoption would otherwise have occasioned. If
strambaldi, p. we may credit the testimony of Machasra, this act of spoliation
was directly due to Celestine III. When Amaury applied to
the Holy See for permission to establish the Roman Church in
his island dominions he refused to sanction the project, though

H. de Chyp.,
iii., p. 502.

Fl. Boustron,
p. 53.

Lusignan, p.
31 (a).

Amadi, p. :

Fl. Boustron,
p. 53.

Raynaid., ad
ann. 1260, sec.
39.

ecclesia sita est, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, dotem etiam ejusdem ecclesie,
videlicet duo casalia a karissimo in Christo filio Aymerico, illustre rege Cypri,
ipsi ecclesie data et assignata, scilicet Ornithia (Ornithi) et Ascendia (Affendia) ;
decimas insuper istarum regionum Cypri que, ex constitutione Sedis Apostolice,
ad ipsam Nicosiensem ecclesiam pertinent, Nicosie videlicet, cum pertinentiis
suis, la Solie (Solia), la Thomasie (Tamasos ?), la Tremetossie (Trimethousia),
le Quit (Kiti), la Quercherie (Kythraea), Cherin (Xeri), Lapiton (Lapithos),
Melyas (Milia ?), Maratha, Syvorie (Sygouri), Cambi, Xindas (Sinta) et feodum,
Briem (?) et Asquia (Aschia), et Pigui (Pighi) et Prastrove (Peristerona or
Prastion tou Sygouri) auctoritate apostolica tibi et tuis successoribus confir-
mamus. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, however, the landed property
of the See comprised the following nine villages: i. Afandia; 2. Mandia ;
3. Ornithi; 4. Cavallari ; 5. Livadi ; 6. Schillaro; 7. Petrosicha; 8. Corcussa;
g. Tropiti.1 " L' arcivescovo et vescovi latini predetti hanno le decime di casali delle
contrade predette divise di sopra, le qual decime non hebbero in tempo di questo
Signor Guido, ma si della regina Alisia, madre et tutrice di re Henrico, perche
sino all' hora le havevano li Greci."
" Onde il sommo Pontefice essaudi essa Regina (Alisia), et institui ehe fussero
citta Nicosia Arcivescovato, Famagosta, Paffo, et Limissd Vescovati ; et ehe
fussero Latini et Greci ; ma li Latini havessero li Casali et le decime ; et li
Greci dalli loro Preti, et Diaconi un tanto si come era costume a gli altri Greci
nelli altri luoghi ; et le altre citta li hanno spartite sotto a queste 4. Talche
prima erano assai, et dipoi li hanno ristretti in 14, al tempo delli Duchi ; et hora
gli hanno molto ristretti in 4. Perd mentre, ehe 1' arcivescovo greco Simeone,
et i vescovi altri greci viveano, ehe essi li godessero, ma dopo la loro morte ehe
andassero come fu instituito," etc.
The straits, to which the Orthodox prelates were reduced by this unwarrant
able act of plunder, may be learnt from what the local chroniclers have to say
on the subject : —
" La dretta intrada de li vescovi greci e ogni anno da cadaun prete et
clerico parico bisanti uno, et da li francomati bisanti doi, et da ogni maridazo
tol bisanti uno et doe galline."
" Hora, li Greci (i.e., vescovi) non hanno altra intrada ehe un' bisante all'
anno da ogni prete, et da ogni zaffo parico, et doi bisanti dalli preti, et zaffi
francomati, et da ogni maridazo un' bisante, et due galline, caduno vescovo da
quelli della sua diocese."
Any lingering doubt there might be as to the reality of this wholesale
confiscation must surely be dispelled on reading the language of Alexander's
Bull regarding it : —
" Fuerunt ibi (i.e., Cyprus), ejectis exinde Grascorum sedibus, quatuor
pontificales Latinorum sedes erectae, quarum pontifices in decimis et aliis
ecclesiae juribus, quae Graeci episcopi in eadem habuerant insula, successerunt"-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 481
approving of it, until a satisfactory provision had been first
made for the support of the intruding clergy. It had been the
original intention of the prince to maintain them by the pay
ment of fixed stipends, but to this arrangement the Pope
objected on the ground that it would render them too subser
vient to the royal pleasure, as well as offering no security against
arbitrary conduct on the part of his successors. The robbery
of the native Church was accordingly resolved on as affording
the readiest and most satisfactory solution of the difficulty.
The Latin ecclesiastics, not content with the rich endowment
they had acquired, chiefly at the expense of the Orthodox clergy,
soon began to claim all the property which had ever been held
by their Greek predecessors. Much of this had been incorpo
rated in the royal domain, while other portions had been
bestowed upon the Frankish adventurers, who had accompanied
the first Lusignan princes to the island. These latter naturally
offered a determined resistance to the attempts made by the
rapacious clergy to deprive them of their possessions. Like
their brethren of the newly-formed empire of Constantinople,
they refused to pay the stipulated tithes to the Church as an
evidence of their resentment. At length, through the good
offices of Pelagius, Bishop of Albano, then Papal Legate in the
East, an accommodation was arranged between the disputants.
In a deed drawn up at Limassol in October, 1220, the Queen cart, te s.
Regent Alix, in her own name and that of her son, Henri, then ih. de fchyp.,
a minor, and with the consent of the lieges agreed to the fol
lowing terms : — l
1. The payment to the bishops, their successors, and Sees of
the tithes of all property belonging to the Crown and its subjects,
'"Concessi et assignavi eidem domino archiepiscopo (Eustorgio) et epis
copis et, per ipsos, successoribus suis et omnibus ecclesiis eorundem decimas
integre de omnibus redditibus regni Cipri et predictorum baronum, militum et
hominum ejusdem filii mei atque meorum, secundum usum et consuetudinem
regni Jerosolimitani.
" Donavi nichilominus eisdem chevagia et dimos que debebantur michi et
eidem filio meo a rusticis archiepiscopi et episcoporum Cipri et ecclesiarum
suarum. " Super possessionibus autem et terris seu locis que tempore Grecorum
habuerunt ecclesie et abbatie et monasteria Grecorum in Cipro, idem archi-
episcopus et episcopi memorati, vel successores eorum, vel eorundem ecclesie,
vel aliquis pro ipsis, nullam mihi et eidem filio meo vel heredibus suis et meis et
predictis baronibus, militibus et hominibus suis et meis questionem seu querelam
aut controversiam in posterum movere debent ; sed in pace et in omni quiete,
ego et dictus filius meus et heredes sui et mei, barones, milites, et homines sui
et mei in perpetuum, super predictis possessionibus, quieti et immunes erimus."
31

482 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
according to the usage and custom of the kingdom of Jerusalem,
and 2. The renunciation by the Crown of the poll-tax and other
feudal charges hitherto paid to it by the ecclesiastical serfs.
In return for these concessions the bishops promised for them
selves, their successors and Sees, to raise no further questions as
to the rights of the new proprietors in the former Church pro
perty, which they then held, but to leave them in undisturbed
possession. To render the accord the more binding it was at
tested by some of the chief personages in the realm, among
whom were Philippe d'Ibelin, Bailiff of the kingdom, his brother
cart.de s. Jean, Sire de Beyrouth, and Gautier de Cesaree, the Constable,
Souhie No 82
jg.de fahyp., and ratified the following year (21st May, 1221) at Damietta
no"ip: by Pelagius himself. The evidence of contemporary records
shows that this agreement received but scant attention from the
Court and the nobility. Even so early as 1222 it had become
necessary to devise fresh measures to allay the disputes which
ouv.schoiast., had again arisen. In consequence of the complaints received
iic,ccoi.'i45o.' from the clergy Pelagius took advantage of his presence in Cyprus,
sorhiel8No83 wnue returning to Rome, to summon a second conference on the
[*[¦ de gffp-- subject.1 It met at Famagusta on 14th September of that year
under his presidency, being attended also by the Masters of the
two great Military Orders, when the compact previously con
cluded at Limassol was renewed and solemnly reaffirmed by the
Hist.de Legate. This convention subsequently received the recognition
45. " ' '" of Honorius III. on 21st January, 1223. The new Pope, Gregory
so,phie,<No'.iooIX., had not been long installed when he, too, was compelled
in.', P.625V'' to attempt a settlement of this ever-recurring difficulty about
the tithes.2 On 4th August 1228 he addressed a letter to the
Legate, Gerald, Patriarch of Jerusalem, informing him that the
island hierarchy had once more complained of the disregard
shown to this agreement, though the contracting parties had
promised to respect it so soon as it had been approved by the
Holy See. Notwithstanding that it had duly received the
1 XLV. Anno gratias MCCXXII. Reversus est eodem tempore cum pras-
fatis principibus Dominus Pelagius, Albanus episcopus, Apostolicae sedis legatus.
2 The encyclical addressed by the Legate, Pierre, Cardinal of St. Marcellus,
to the bishops, chapters and clergy of Cyprus on ioth March 1223 concludes
with the following significant passage : Si quis autem decimas que tributa sunt
egentium animarum, et in utroque testamento ministris altaris reddi jubentur,
indebite duxerit retinendas, aut eas quibus debet ecclesiis non exolverit sine
fraude, statuatur quod canonicum fuerit contra eum, dicente Domino per
prophetam : " Inferte omnem decimationem in horreum meum, ut sit cibus in
domo mea" (Mai. iii., 10).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 483
necessary confirmation, the young King, Henri I., and the
lieges had, so the Pope affirms, declined to be bound by it,
alleging the most frivolous reasons for their refusal. At one
time their objection was founded on the fact that, in accordance
with the custom of the Roman Church, the ratification preceded
the terms of the compact in the Papal brief, while at another
they found fault with its insertion at all. Regarding these
exceptions as mere attempts at evasion, Gregory directs his re
presentative to take steps for the immediate observance of the
convention, and to threaten the recalcitrant with the censures
of the Church. In consequence of the receipt of these instruc- cart, de s.
tions Gerold, as we learn from a document dated 19th July, pPf'ilyp1™
1231, summoned before him at Acre the agents of the two "p6 '*
contending parties. In answer to repeated inquiries whether
they would obey the Pope and observe the compact, the delin
quents replied through their representatives that, as they did
not consider themselves committed to it, since the Papal ratifica
tion did not bind them and was of no value, observance ought
not to be required. On receiving this reply the Patriarch
appointed a day for hearing the arguments, but before he could
pronounce a decision the proctors of the court party lodged an
appeal to the Holy See. This Gerold, on the advice of his
assessors, refused to receive. After a thorough investigation of
the case he rejected the pretexts put forward for non-observance
as frivolous, and ordered the immediate execution of the agree
ment. That this action of the Legate did not finally settle the cart, de s.
vexed question of the tithes is evident from the fact that a jh. de fchyp.,
further attempt to do so was made the following year. In the
autumn of 1232 (4th October), a court of arbitration, consisting
of the Archbishops of Caesarea and Nazareth, the Bishop of
Lydda, and the Masters of the Temple and the Hospital, sat at
Acre with the object of arriving at some permanent solution.
Jean d'Ibelin, Sire de Beyrouth, made himself responsible for the
due observance of their award under a penalty of 2000 marks.
Their decision was given as follows : —
(a) The King and his lieges, with the exception of those whose
estates had since been confiscated, Queen Alix, and those who
had faithfully observed the convention of Famagusta, were ordered
to pay the Archbishop and his suffragans within five years from
1st October, 1232, for the time that had elapsed since its sign
ing (i.e., 14th September, 1222) to the middle of June 1231, the
sum of 2000 marks by annual instalments of 400 marks in equal
quarterly payments. The King was further to pay forthwith for

484 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the period from the middle of June, 1231, to 1st October, 1232,
the additional sum of 1000 silver besants, which was to be ap
portioned among all the four Sees. For the period elapsing
from the date of the convention to the middle of June, 1231,
after a careful computation had been made of all the property
he had since acquired, he was to pay on it also within certain
fixed limits, in addition to the 2000 marks. The nobles and
others, who had sworn to observe the orders of the Church on
the subject of the tithes, as well as those who had not so sworn,
were to make this payment to the bishops on all their property
from the middle of June, 1231, to the date of the convention
according to the terms of their oath. This order applied to
the King also, only in his case the liability was extended to 1st
October, 1232.1
(b) The strict observance of the convention for the future was
most carefully enjoined. Upon the Archbishop and his See the
King was furthermore directed to bestow absolutely the village
of Mandia, with all appertaining to it, by a deed of gift according
to the usages of the realm.
(c) The arbitrators, however, exempted the King and his
fellow defaulters from all the other demands made upon them
by the hierarchy in respect to the detention of the tithes. The
de chyp., a As the woiding of this part of the award is somewhat obscure the original
i., p. 633. language, in which it is expressed, is here given : —
" Pronunciamus igitur, per arbitrium amicabiliter componentes, quod dictus
rex, barones et alii homines regni Cipri, exceptis expulsis et exhereditatis de
ipso regno, domina regina A(elide) matre ejusdem regis, et aliis qui prefatam
compositionem ab initio servaverunt, solvant et solvere teneantur domino
archiepiscopo Nicosiensi et suffraganeis suis pro tempore elapso a die com-
positionis prefate usque ad medietatem mensis Junii anni proxime preteriti duo
milia marcharum argenti per terminos infra scriptos, scilicet per annos quinque
a kalendis mensis Octobris presentis computandos, videlicet quolibet anno
marchas cccc. id est de tribus mensibus in tres menses centum marchas : pro
tempore vero elapso, a predicta medietate mensis Junii anni proximi preteriti
usque ad kalendas Octobris anni presentis, idem rex pro se solvat et solvere
teneatur incontinenti mille byzantios albos, inter omnes ecclesias dividendos :
residuum vero ejusdem temporis, facta diligenter ratione de omnibus rebus et
redditibus quos idem rex ab illo tempore citra recepit, solvat et solvere teneatur
per terminos assignatos super prefatis duobus milibus maicharum argenti. Alii
vero barones, milites et alii homines regni Cipri, qui juraverunt stare mandatis
ecclesie pro decimis memoratis, domino archiepiscopo et suffraganeis suis solvant
et solvere teneantur integre de omnibus secundum quod ipsi juraverunt a tempore
medietatis mensis Junii proximi preteriti in antea: et hoc idem alii qui non
juraverunt facere teneantur. Rex autem, a presentis kalendis Octobris in antea,
solvat et solvere teneatur integre de omnibus secundum tenorem compositionis
sepius memorate et piivilegiorum dictorum archiepiscopi et regine.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 485
better to ensure the observance of the terms of the present award
there was to be an interchange of documents between the two
contracting parties, bearing respectively the royal and archi
episcopal seals. The Archbishop was further directed to trans
mit Honorius1 ratification of the convention to the King, who
was to give him in exchange a copy attested with his seal and
with the signatures of himself and his lieges. The ratification
itself was to remain in the custody of the Masters of the two
Military Orders, who were authorised to return it to the Arch
bishop in the event of the stipulated copy not reaching him by
the 30th November following.
Notwithstanding these endeavours we find Gregory IX. in- Hist.de chyp.,
forming the King and Queen on 17th November, 1237, that he S^' jp'iiM1p 61
had received fresh complaints from the bishops on the subject.1 Raynaid., ad
When ecclesiastical censures were pronounced against the offenders, 83- '
instead of co-operating with the spiritual authorities, they, to
the prejudice of their own dignity, had actually encouraged
them by admitting them to their counsels, and by listening to
their advice had postponed the settlement of the question.
Accordingly, secure from punishment, the delinquents ceased
not to defy the Church and to threaten other ecclesiastical rights
also. The Pope complains of the practice followed by many
landowners of replacing their Latin stewards by schismatic
Greeks and Syrians for the express purpose of annoying and
injuring the established religion and its adherents. He further
condemns a device resorted to by the King and his lieges for
increasing the revenues derived from their estates by mortgaging
them to the Military Orders and other religious corporations
exempt from the payment of tithes, whereby the Church suffered
serious loss and the interests of the hierarchy were gravely preju
diced. The letter concludes with an earnest appeal to the
sovereigns to correct these abuses by setting an example of
punctuality in the payment of their ecclesiastical dues and by
1 Raynaidi makes the following allusion to this letter : " Cumque res
ecclesiastica non mediocre damnum non persolutis decimis in eo regno (Cypri)
pateretur, eosdem monuit (regem et reginam) ut jura sua restituerent ecclesiis,
atque in adigendis ad decimas persolvendas nobilibus curam studiumque collo-
carent". The Pope addressed a Bull on the same subject and couched in similar h. de chyp.,
language to the abbot and prior of the monastery of Lapais near Kyrenia. Jj£-J 642-
Unfortunately the title alone of it has been preserved. " In eundem modum
abbati et priori Episcopie, Nicosiensis diocesis, usque : commendare. Quocirca
monemus quatenus dictos regem et reginam ad idmoneatis attentius ac inducere
procuretis."

486 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
compelling others to do the same, as well as by entrusting their
cartde s^ estates to such persons only as are willing to fulfil these obliga-
 tions.1 Though Henri appears to have remained deaf to these
ih. de chyp., remonstrances, yet he must undoubtedly have felt towards the
" p' 52)' end of his life some qualms for the part he had played in this
spoliation of the Church, as in his will he charges his executors
to make compensation out of his effects for the wrongs he had
committed. They, however, declined to carry out the testator's
wishes on the plea that he himself had already done so during
his lifetime. Alexander IV., on being apprised by the Arch
bishop of their refusal, instructs the Bishop and Archdeacon of
Acre in a letter dated 14th May, 1255, to compel them under
threat of ecclesiastical censure to make the desired reparation.
cart, de s. The question again comes to the front in 1267, as we learn from
io*6ph °" N°" a rescript of Guillaume, Patriarch of Jerusalem, dated at Limassol
hi.', pe ssffi" 30th January of that year. Having been consulted by the
Bishop of Famagusta and certain officials of the diocese of
Nikosia respecting the recovery of tithes from deceased persons,
he declares that they are to be regarded as the first charge upon
their estates.2 In the event of the property left being insufficient
to meet the obligation, he directs payment to be demanded of
the next heirs, who are to be proceeded against in the ecclesi
astical courts should they deny their liability.
cart. des. No further information is forthcoming for a considerable
i2?(He'de°' period, yet that the question by no means slumbered is evident
m*'' ''' from a letter addressed by Clement VI. to Hugues IV. from
Avignon on 16th July, 1345. In it he requests the King to use
his authority to compel certain of his subjects, who had disre
garded the sentence of excommunication passed upon them by
the Archbishop and his suffragans for their refusal to pay tithes
labbe, 1 The Constitutions of Archbishop Hugo promulgated on the gth January,
iin|2f''eoim' 1253, contain the following enactment designed to ensure the payment of the
2381. ' ' tithes : —
§ 24. De sacerdotibus qui cantant militibus aut dominabus.
Sacerdotibus etiam, qui militibus cantant aut dominabus, praecipimus ut dies
quibus jejunia Chiistianis ab ecclesia indicantur, eis annuncient et ipsi jejunent,
et non jejunantes acrius reprehendant, et quod in prima Septimana Quadrigesima
de solvenda decima integre inducere debeant et monere sub pasna excommuni-
cationis. 2 " Executores testamentorum, inter cetera defunctorum debita, primo ad
solvendum Deo debitum, scilicet decimas quas defuncti ecclesiis debebant tem
pore mortis sue, sunt previa ratione cogendi ; et si bona que penes executores
remanserint predictos ad integram solutionem faciendam non sufficiant, ad
defunctorum heredes habeant recursus, et ad satisficiendum canonice compel-
lantui."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 487
and for other offences, to return to their obedience to the
Church. The last notice we possess on this interesting subject dates m«td«ayp.,
from the close of the fifteenth century and conclusively proves
that the dispute continued to drag on during well-nigh the
whole period covered by the Western occupation. In conse
quence of the complaints of the bishops, who asserted that they
were unable to obtain payment of the tithes due to their respec
tive Sees, as well as suffered heavily through the frauds practised
upon them, the local representatives of the Venetian Government
issued a decree (6th October, 1496) directing those responsible
for this impost to furnish an accurate statement of the amounts
for which they were liable to the several dioceses. Officials who
received payment for compiling these returns were ordered to
render to the bishops, or their agents, sworn statements of the
property in their charge liable for this tax. Those found guilty
of making false returns were, in addition to the usual penalty
for perjury, to be fined twenty-five ducats for each offence. One
half of the fine was to be expended on the new fortifications at
Famagusta, while the other was to be given to the informer,
whose name it was stipulated should not be revealed. In the
event of his not claiming the reward, it was to go to the public
treasury. With regard to the possessions of the Latin Church data
still extant enable us to form a fairly correct notion as to their
value. Contemporary records, however, differ very considerably do Mas Latrie,
in their estimates of the revenues of the metropolitan See. Our uK,™4™.
earliest information is contained in the Bull of 1196, wherein, as
we have seen, the endowment of the archdiocese is represented cart, de s.
as consisting of two villages, with the tithes of seventeen others, (h. de fchyp.,
As no mention is made in that document of the three suffragan
Sees, we may reasonably infer that they were separately provided
for in a similar manner. The next notice on the subject occurs
about the latter half of the following century, when in a memo
randum by Amaury de la Roche (circ. a.d. 1266), Commander Hist, de
of the Temple in France, we find it proposed among other ra, an'i tiA
suggestions for the defence of the Holy Land that the tithes
payable by the Cypriot Church to the Apostolic See should be
devoted to providing the necessary succours for the city of Acre.1
'This memorandum compiises twelve heads, the tenth of which runs as
follows : " Le Xe article est que les dixmes des esglises dou reaume de Chipre
nostre sire PApostole (i.e., le Pape) donnast a l'aide et a l'efforcement de la cite

488 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
These he reckons at 2000 livres tournois. As each livre tournois
of that period was equal in value to eighteen francs, and the
purchasing power of money from the thirteenth to the fourteenth
century was sixfold what it is to-day, this sum would be repre
sented now by 216,000 francs, thus making the total revenue of
the Latin Church equivalent to 2,160,000 francs or £86,400.
mst. d^ A little more than fifty years later (1332), Archbishop Giovanni
72, W. 3.'' ' del Conte is reported to have been in the enjoyment of an
annual income of 25,000 gold florins (£45,000).1 Between this
estimate and the next a great depreciation of property took
place in consequence of the Genoese and Egyptian wars. This,
which equally affected ecclesiastical revenues, is calculated to
DeMasLatrie, have caused a diminution of three-fourths of the Church's in-
iatins'!Tp?il2. come. Still, when Jacques II. was appointed to the primacy
|eo.Bou.tron, (A D_ 14,^ ft js stated to have amounted to 12,000 ducats.2
p!3?8°'lstron' Taking the ducat at seven and a half francs this sum would
amount to 90,000 francs, and bearing in mind that it would
require at least three times as much to express the value in the
present currency, it would give a total of 270,000 francs or
docs.nouv., £10,800. A Liber Censualis of the time of Sixtus IV. ranging
p from 1471 to 1484, fixes the amount of the annates due from
each of the four dioceses at the following sums in gold florins,
viz., Nikosia 5000, Paphos 2000, Limassol 1000, and Famagusta
1500. Reckoning the annates at one year's income this at the
same valuation would give the respective annual revenues in
our money as : Nikosia £4500, Paphos ,£1800, Limassol £900,
Famagusta £1350, showing a very serious decrease to judge
from the contrast presented by the two preceding estimates of
Hist.de the archiepiscopal income. Another computation made nearer
chyp., m., p. _j.ne cjoge o;p j-jjg, same century quotes the figures, including the
tithes, as follows for the same dioceses : —
Nikosia, 6000 ducats (£5400).
Paphos, 2000 (£1800).
d'Acre et dou reaume de Jerusalem, jusquez que il venist le general passage.
Et porra monter la somme jusques a II. miles livres de turonois."
1 " De xxv. mil. floreni auri, quos habebat in redditibus, nihil sibi reservabat "
(Doc. orig. de 1332 aux aichives des Dominicains de Florence).
2 'O dtpevrys tov (T^oSk) b pe TCovdvys eVottteV tov KXyffiatrTiKbv KaX HSwxev tov
ttjv dpxieirio-Koirrjv, y iroia '£dCei irdtra xp^vov iB' xi-XidSes SovKara.
" El quondam re suo padre, essendo vivo, fece ecclesiastico questo suo figliuolo,
e li diedi 1' arcivescovado, c' ha d' entrada ogni anno ducati dodeci mila vene-
tiani."
Lnsignan, p. Lusignan, however, puts the income of the archbishopric at 15,000 ducats :
es (al „ jj qua)e na d> ;ntrata I5 miia ducati ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 489
Limassol, 1500 (£1350), and
Famagusta, 1000 (£900).
Two estimates made during the Venetian occupation have
also come down to us. The first, which dates from 1559, gives Hist. d«
the amounts as follows : — su^ko. i' p'
Nikosia, 13,000 ducats (£11,700).
Paphos, 3000 (£2700).
Limassol, 800 (£720), and
Famagusta, 2000 (£1800).
The Cypriot metropolis was thus unquestionably the richest
ecclesiastical preferment in the dominions of the Republic at that
period, since Padua, which came next to it in wealth, only
enjoyed an annual income of 8000 ducats (£7200). The second itinerar.
computation, which is by Christopher Fiirer of Haimendorf, who Fureri fiowi!
visited the island during the closing years of Western ownership
(1566), agrees with it in the main.1 He represents the primacy
as being in the possession of 12,000 ducats annually (£10,800),
while each of the others had 3000 (£2700), making 21,000
ducats in all (£18,900). The last of our authorities is Etienne Lnsignan, ».
de Lusignan, whose work was issued after the establishment of
Turkish supremacy (1573).2 Instead of giving the various Sees
separately he lumps together all the revenues of the clergy,
both Latin and Greek, making the total 80,000 ducats
(£72,000), though he admits that they may possibly amount
to 92,000 instead (£82,800). As a reason for this latter con
jecture he says that, when once discussing the question with a
Cypriot friend, they made the whole to reach 90,000 (£81,000).
His explanation for preferring the smallest of the three estimates
is that he would rather understate the amount than exaggerate
it. Even so it shows a great advance on the returns made at mst. de
the close of the fifteenth century, which put the united income so*
of both churches at only 26,400 ducats (£23,760).

1 Episcopi hujus urbis (Famagustae) reditus annuos tria millia ducatorum
auieorum esse dicunt.
In qua (Nicosia) Archiepiscopus, cujus reditus annui ad duodecim millia
ducatorum aureorum (uti fama est) se extendunt.
Episcopatu (Limiso) redituum ter mille ducatorum aureorum clarus.
Haec quoque urbs (Paphos) Episcopum habet, cujus redditus annui itidem ad
tria millia ducatorum aureorum sestimabantui.
2 II Clero cava ogni anno, computando il latino et greco, 8o mila ducati, et
foise di piu, una dozena : Et cid dico, perche un giorno con un mio amico
gentilhuomo di Cipro habbiamo fatto il conto cosi alia grossa, et arrivano a
go mila ducati ; ma io voglio piu tosto peccare in meno ehe in troppo.

490

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Labbe,Concii., tom.
xi. (2), col.
2376.Manni, Concii.
tom. xxvi.,
coll. 311-382.
Cf. First
Council of
Nicaea, can. 5.

Labbe, ConcU. , tom.
xi. (2), col.
2409.Mansi. Concii.
xxvi., col. 347.

The Synod was directed to assemble twice a year, viz. : —
(a) On the Friday after the Octave of the Epiphany, and
(b) On the Wednesday after the Octave of Pentecost.
Its sessions were to be held in the cathedral at an early hour
in the morning, and all the members were to be in their places
when the bell had ceased ringing, under threat of punishment
in case of absence. They were ordered to attend in befitting
ecclesiastical attire, which in summer was to consist of a surplice
and in winter of a surplice, or a close or choral cope.1 They
were to sit according to precedence, and were to give an attentive
hearing to the proceedings. Above all they were enjoined to
keep silence while the benediction was being pronounced.
Members were also strictly forbidden to leave the building
before the close of the sitting, unless under pressure of bodily
necessity. These assemblies, however, were not always held at
Nikosia, as is evident from the fact that one is recorded to have
met at Limassol in the greater church, under the presidency of
Archbishop Gerard, on 23rd September 1298.

The Cathedral of Santa Sophia, though now degraded to the
purposes of a mosque, still remains one of the two most con
spicuous monuments of the Latin Church in the island.2 Com-
Amadi.p. 97. menced in 1209 by Albert, third occupant of the metropolitan

Waicott,Sacred Ar
chaeology, p.
184.

Docs. Nonv.,
p. 526.

1 § 3. " De ordine servando in synodo. Die vero synodi mane ad majorem
ecclesiam conveniant ita quod nullus desit pulsatione finita. Si quis vero tunc
defuerit, punietur. Intrent autem omnes in honesto habitu, videlicet in hyeme in
superpellicio vel capa clausa aut chorali, in aestate vero, in superpellicio tantum.
Sedeant etiam in locis, suis ordinibus et personis decentibus, in quiete et silentio
auscultantes ea quae ibidem dicentur aut statuentur, nullum strepitum in loco
benedictionis facientes. . . . Nee audeat aliquis exire synodum ante finem, nisi
hoc fecerit corporis necessitate pulsatus."
The close or sleeveless cope, an ample hood lined with fur, did not open in
front, whence its name. The hood was of ermine, like that of the proctors at
Oxford. In the thirteenth century all clerks were required to wear close copes
in synods, and in the presence of prelates and parochial clergy in their parish ;
they were to be laid aside on journeys. The Cappa Magna, worn in processions
and during certain functions in Italy at this day, corresponds to the English
close cope. It is a large violet coloured habit, with a train and an ermine cape
when worn by bishops, but only furred when canons use it.
The canonical or choral cope was a large, full, flowing cloak of black woollen
stuff, worn by canons and vicars in cathedrals. It opened downwards from the
breast, and was sewed up as far as the throat, round which was a hood.
2 The Cathedral enjoyed the singular privilege of being able to confer freedom
upon every child of the parick class deposited at its portals. This right was
abolished by the Venetian authorities in I4g4, diiections being given that in
every such case a public inquiry was to be held within the precincts, when the
infant, if found to be the offspring of servile parents, was to be remitted to
servitude.

¦j

WEST FRONT, SANTA SOPHIA, NIKOSIA

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 491
See, and finished in 1228 by his immediate successor, Eustorge Fi.^oustron,
d'Auvergne, it was not consecrated until nearly a century later,
during the primacy of Giovanni del Conte (4th November, 1326). 1
A detailed description of its architectural features would here Amadi, p. 405.
be out of place. Suffice it to say that it is a fine specimen of p1JJu°tr°11'
decorated Gothic, resembling in its general structure the Sainte
Chapelle at Paris and other buildings of the same period. Its
dimensions are given by De Mas Latrie as follows : Breadth Archives d«
of facade forty metres (131 feet) and extreme outside length scientmajies,
seventy metres (230 feet). The interior consists of an oblong
nave divided into three sections by two rows of short thick
columns forming six bays, and terminating at the east end in a
five-sided ehe vet. On the northern side there is a chapel, which
probably served as the sacristy, with two others on the southern.
The roof is flat in imitation of the native fashion, which is to be
seen even to the present day. The beautiful vaulted Galilee,
or porch, so marked a characteristic of its western front, seems
to have been the work of a later period and due to the munifi
cence of Archbishop Giovanni del Conte.2 From the two Amadi, p. 40s.
towers, which once surmounted the same front, now spring two n. Bonstron,
lofty minarets, whence the shrill cry of the muezzin is to bep'
heard disturbing the solemn stillness of the place. One of the
two chapels on the south side of the cathedral owes its existence
also to the same prelate who constructed the western porch. A
1 Alberto, terzo arcivescovo, comincio a far le fondamenta de la madre chiesia
de Nicosia (i2og).
L' arcivescovo di Nicosia, Eustorgio, il quale ha finito di fabricar la chiesa
cathedal di Santa Sofia, la quale haveva principiata Alberto, terzo arcivescovo,
del mille ducento nove. Et per la morte d' esso successe Eustorgio, et seguito
la fabrica, et la finite del mille duecento venti otto, et fabrico anchora 1'
arcivescovado, et la chiesa di S. Nicolo a Famagosta.
Ha sacrata (i.e., Joanne del Conte) la chiesia a di 4 Novembrio, 1326.
2 The list of his benefactions to the metropolitan cathedral is a lengthy one, as
the following extract from local sources will show : —
" Fece el ben lutrin ; messe la gran gorna de marmoro de la fonte ; fece far
la capella de S. Thomaso de Aquin, et depenzerla et sacrarghe 1' altare ; ha
cresciuto tre assegnamenti, uno de prete, uno de diacono et 1' altro de
subdiacono ; fece depenzer tre volti de la nave de la giesia ; fece depenzer le
sie colone ehe sonno alorno al grande altar ; commincid la galilea fino a li
volti ; messe due gian campane : fece far dui angioli de argento ; fece far tre
paramenti grandi brocati de oro, li dui bianchi et uno vermiglio ; et ha cresciuto
a li assignati del grande altar et a li diaconi, sei moza de formento a 1' anno, et
cressete altri cinque poveri a manzar ogni zorno ; fece cappe, carsuble, toniche
et altri paramenti ; et fornite la sacristia di cio ehe bisognava ; et fece far atorno a
la giesia spaliere ; fece un gran razzo de seda dove era recamata la Transfigura
tion, la qual meteva in mezzo de la giesia quando era festa ; fece ehe si mette
in 1' altar, quando e feste de semiduplex, sette sergii, perche alhora non si
metteva piu de quattro," etc.

492 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Dominican himself he dedicated it to Saint Thomas Aquinas,
the pride of his Order. A member of the same confraternity,
itin. Feiici. who visited it more than 250 years after its erection, describes
«?.. p. m ' the walls as being covered with beautiful frescoes depicting scenes
from the saint's life, while on the altar lay a golden tablet con
taining his acts.1
cart, de s. Archbishop Philippe having reported to Clement VI. that the
(H.pdee(itoi>?^ edifice required to be completed and repaired, that Pope, in a
""' '' Bull dated 19th September 1347, offered an indulgence of 100
days to all who would contribute towards the necessary work.
Docs.rTonv.,p. Soon after the island had passed under Venetian rule the cathe-
' "l* dral appears to have been severely shaken by earthquakes. The
Cypriots accordingly sent a Cretan monk named Mark, a
Franciscan, to Venice to solicit the co-operation of the Senate
in the work of restoration. The Republic, in answer to the
appeal, gave orders that timber and iron work for the repairs
should be sent from Venice to the amount of 1000 ducats. The
expense of these materials was to be defrayed out of the island
treasury. Should their cost not amount to 1000 ducats the
balance of that sum was to be paid in cash, and the island
treasury was for the next four years to expend on the work of
restoration the further annual sum of 250 ducats. It was also
directed that the Archbishop of Nikosia during the same period
should contribute a like sum of 1000 ducats in annual instal
ments of 250. To enable him the more readily to do so the
local representatives of the Government were to assist his agents,
by all the means in their power, to collect the revenues of his
See. All canons and other clergy also, whatever their standing
and degree, who held preferments in the cathedral, whether from
the Archbishop or from any one else, from which they derived
an annual income of forty ducats and upwards, were to pay a
tenth of it annually during the same period. Those who were
in receipt of less than forty ducats annually were to pay instead
a twentieth part of it for four years. All lay inhabitants of
Nikosia possessing estates and revenues in any part of the island
yielding an income of fifty ducats and upwards were to pay
annually for the same period a twentieth part of their income,
as were also those who, though not inhabitants of Nikosia, yet
owned property and rents yielding the same amount of income
in the city district. The Venetian ambassador at Rome was
1 Ad latus ecclesias dextrum est una capella in honore Sancti Thomas de
Aquino consecrata, in qua legenda doctoris sancti pulcherrimo schemate est
depicta, et tabula aurea altaris ejus continet gesta.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 493
instructed, moreover, to obtain from the Pope for the next six
years a plenary indulgence for all who would give their personal
labour in the work of restoration. The task of collecting these
various sums was entrusted to the local representatives of the
Venetian Government. The money itself was to be deposited
in a chest furnished with three keys, one of which was to be
kept by the chief authorities of the realm, the second by three
citizens chosen to superintend the repairs, and the third by the
agent of the Archbishop. The superintendence of the work was
to be entrusted to these three citizens and the Archbishop's agent,
under the immediate control of the representatives of the central
government. On the return of the Archbishop to the island he
was to be placed at the head of affairs, with the same three
citizens as his colleagues — the authorities always having, notwith
standing, the right of interposing. Should the work, however,
not be completed within the specified four years, inquiry was to
be made as to the further sum necessary before the building
could be restored to its original condition. All the contributors
to the fund were to continue their payments in the same pro
portion until the work was accomplished, excepting that the
share of the Republic was to be included in the 1000 ducats
already advanced.
But the forces of Nature were not the only foe with which
this venerable fabric during the course of its long existence has
had to contend. Christians and Moslems alike have wantonly
contributed towards the work of destruction. Among the most
notorious offenders were the Genoese, who at the sack of Nikosia
in 1373 wrought great damage to Santa Sophia and other places
of worship. Their excesses are thus described in the words of a
contemporary writer, Philippe de Maizieres, who, as former
chancellor of the kingdom, possibly witnessed the scenes which
he depicts : " Our deadly enemies the Genoese came to Nikosia
and, without any regard for the Divine Majesty, openly pillaged
the Cathedral (la maistre eglise) of Santa Sophia and all the
other churches, Catholic, Greek and schismatic. From the
Holy Mother Church they carried off the reliquaries, the church
jewels and the sacred chalices. And what is worse, the pave
ment of the churches was by their armed hand shamelessly
sprinkled with the blood of the priests to the scandal of the holy
Catholic faith and their own great damnation."1 P.deMal-
1 Nos mortelx ennemis Genevois vinrent en Nychocie ; sans avoir regart k la Jjf rte'uBonge
mageste divine, ils roberent pubhquement la maistre eglise Sainte-Sophie etpeiorin
toutes les autres eglises catholiques, grecques et scismatiques. Et de la sainte i?,'p.*,3B7?p''

494 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Maciuera, P. The metropolitan chapter of Nikosia, as well as the chapters
strambaldi, of the other three Sees, comprised a dean and ten canons, whose
support was entirely derived from, the tithes of the diocese.1 The
importance of providing the Church with a learned clergy capable
docs. Non- of instructing its members was fully recognised. Each of the
' bishops maintained in their respective cathedrals a select preacher,
as well as a grammar master to teach the deacons and others
officiating in them.2 The employment of these functionaries
must in course of time have been discontinued, as on the as
sumption of authority by Venice the Cypriots prayed that they
might be reinstated — a request to which the Republic readily
assented. Even so soon after the introduction of the Western
Hist, de rite as 1223 the Papal Legate, Pierre, Cardinal of St. Marcellus,
623. '' '' ' directed the bishops to permit their canons to study abroad for
five years at some theological school, on condition that they
left competent persons to discharge their duties.3 It was, more
over, laid down that the income of their preferments should
continue to be paid to such absentees while so engaged. This
same practice was also to be observed in the case of canons, who
had the misfortune to be captured by the infidel while engaged
mere Eglise ravissoient les vaisseaux des reliques, les joyaux de l'eglise et les
sains calices. Et qui pis est, le pavement des eglises par leur main armee
estoit arouse du sang des prestres villainement, en confusion de la sainte foy
catholique et de leur grant dampnement."
De Mas Latrie, however, suspects the author of the above of exaggeration
through his partiality for the Venetians.
1 Kal wpSiviatrev Se/ca rCavobvtSes eis irdtra piav iirio-Koirrjv pe toiovtov, vd irXepd,-
vovvrai dirb rb SiKarov rys 4KKXytrias * KaX eivai as rijv tr4jpepov.
Et ordind dieci canonici savii per cazzar via ogni biastema delli heretici dalla
santa chiesa, et mandarvi quattro vescovi, li quali fossero pagati dalla decima
ehe dovesse haver la chiesa ; et cosi si osservo fin il presente.
2 L' era de consuetudine ehe 1' archiepiscopato nostro de Nicosia, el vescovato
de Baffo, el vescovato de Limisso et il vescovato de Famagosta, latini, solevano
tegnire uno predicatore ehe a le soe katedre predicava. Item tegnivano etiam
uno gramaticho, el qual era obligato insegniare ali diaconi et altri ehe ofneiavano
in dicte katedre.
3 Statuimus ut prelati, qui sunt in Cipro vel pro tempore fuerint constituti,
canonicis suis, relicto pro se in ecclesiis ipsis vicario competenti, adeundi
scolas licentiam conferant, prebendarum suarum fructus eis in scolis in theo-
logica facultate studentibus per quinquennium concedentes.
Statuimus ut si de canonicis aliquem casu sinistro et presertim in obsequio
ecclesie sue ab hostibus capi contigerit, prebende sue fructibus interim non
privetur, sed eos, sine aliqua diminutione, percipiat sicut presens, quod apud
quosdam sic audivimus per contrarium hactenus fuerat observatum. — Deceinimus
ut fructus prebende canonici decedentis, qui vivens tenebatur debitis obligatus,
eo anno in solutionem eorum cedant, que necessitatis causa contraxerat debit-
orum. Creditoribus igitur satisfactis, de eo quod residuum fuerit ejus anniver-
sarium celebretur.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 495
on the business of the Church. Previous to this decision it had
been the custom to deprive such of their stipends. On the
death of a canon the income of his preferment was, during the
year of his decease, to be devoted to the payment of his lawful
debts. Any balance remaining after his creditors had been
satisfied was to be expended in a memorial service on the anni
versary of his death.
Soon after the completion of Santa Sophia the then Arch- docs^nob-
bishop, Eustorge d'Auvergne, as we learn from a letter of Gregory
IX. (25th March, 1240), approving the arrangement, established
for the regular performance of divine service a permanent staff
consisting of ten priests, five deacons, five subdeacons, and ten
acolytes, for whose maintenance certain revenues were assigned.1
To ensure the continuance of this arrangement after his decease
he bound the dean and chapter to withhold canonical obedience
from his successor until he had sworn to observe it. From a
letter of Innocent IV. to Eudes de Chateauroux, Bishop of Tuscu
lum, then Papal Legate in the East, dated 13th April, 1251, it
appears that Eustorge's successor, Hugo, declined to recognise gjt*j*«|i 31
it and endeavoured, notwithstanding, to enforce obedience on ("?•«• *"¦•«»•
the part of the cathedral authorities.2 The dean and chapter in
their perplexity appealed to the Pope either to compel the new
Archbishop to take the oath, or to release them from the obliga
tion of their own. The result of their application is unknown,
as the decision of the Legate, to whom Innocent left the matter,
has not been recorded. That munificent benefactor of the Amadi, p. 353.
cathedral, Archbishop Giovanni del Conte, is reported to have
1 "Exhibita siquidem nobis ex paite tua petitio continebat quod tu olim,
provida deliberatione considerans- esse pium in Nicosiensi ecclesia cultum
divini nominis ampliare, decern presbiteros, quinque diaconos, totidem sub-
diaconos et decern acolitos, certis eis redditibus assignatis, ut in ea continue
serviant, de assensu capituli tui perpetuo deputasti, personis idoneis pre-
dictorum ordinum inibi canonice institutis."
2 Ex parte dilectorum filiorum decani et capituli ecclesie Nicosiensis fuit
propositum coram nobis quod, bone memorie Exstorgius, archiepiscopus Nicosi
ensis, pro augmentando cultu divini nominis, triceharium assisiorum numerum
de novo in ecclesia ipsa creavit, volens ut idem numerus ibidem perpetuis
temporibus haberetur, ac jurare faciens dictos decanum et capitulum ut nisi
futurus archiepiscopus successor ipsius, prestito juramento, promitteret se
hujusmodi numerum servaturum, iidem decanus et capitulum ei nullatenus
obedirent ; unde cum venerabilis frater noster archiepiscopus Nicosiensis ipsos
ad obediendum sibi pro sua voluntate compellat, quanquam prestare juramentum
de servandis eisdem assisiis aspernetur, predicti decanus et capitulum nobis
humiliter supplicarunt ut vel nominatum archiepiscopum mandaremus compelli
ad exhibitionem hujusmodi juramenti, vel ipsos absolvere ab observatione
juramenti super hoc ab eis prestiti misericorditer curaremus.

496 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
subsequently increased its officiating staff by providing endow
ments for an additional priest, deacon and subdeacon.
In addition to its regular sources of income the cathedral
received from time to time various donations, chiefly in the shape
of endowments for masses to be said for the souls of the donors,
or for those of members of their families. Among these bene
factions, which are found recorded, the following may prove
instructive as showing the nature of these grants : —
can. des. 1. In October, 1217, Philippe d'Ibelin1 provided an annual
'H.de6hyp„ endowment of 100 silver besants, fifty bushels of corn, and
twenty-five measures of wine for a priest to say masses in the
cathedral for the souls of his mother and himself. This sum
was to be levied off the revenues of his fief at Peristerona. It
was stipulated that in the event of the village passing into other
hands by gift, sale, pledge, or in any way soever, the new owner
should be held liable for this payment. In case of refusal
Hugues I., when confirming this donation, bound himself and
his successors to compel the observance of the compact, the
Church being at the same time empowered to second these efforts
with the threat of excommunication.
can. de s. 2. In March, 1220, the Queen Regent, Alix,2 for the ransom
iapde°6b.yp., of the souls of her husband, Hugues I., and her ancestors, granted
in perpetuity to Archbishop Eustorge and the cathedral the
right of grinding corn for the use of the Archbishop's palace in
the royal mills at Kythraa free of charge.
cart. des. 3. In 1234 Baudouin de Morpho,3 with the consent of Henri
(H.pdeechyp., I., gave in perpetuity an annual endowment of 120 silver besants
out of a yearly grant of 1000 besants, which the King had as
signed him on the revenues of the village of St. Saba in the
1 Philippe d'Ibelin was the brother of Jean d'Ibelin, known in the records of
the period as " le vieux Sire de Beyrouth ". Their mother was Maria Komnena,
grand-niece of the Emperor Manuel Komnenos, who after the death of her first
husband, Amaury I., King of Jerusalem, married Balian II., Sire de Beyrouth.
This Philippe, who was closely concerned with the government of Cyprus
during the minority of Henri I., de Lusignan, was the father of Jean d'Ibelin,
Count of Jaffa, the author ofthe Book ofthe Assizes.
2 Alix de Champagne, wife of Hugues (I.) de Lusignan, King of Cyprus, was
daughter of Henri, Count of Champagne and Isabelle, sister of Baudouin IV.,
King of Jerusalem. After the death of her first husband in 1218 she married in
1223 Boemond V., Prince of Antioch, and on the dissolution of this second
marriage in 1238 she married in 1240 Raoul, Seigneur de Cceuvres, brother of
Jean II., Comte de Soissons. She died in 124*2.
3 Baudouin de Morpho was the second son of Laurent du Plessis, who took
the surname of Morpho from his fief of that name situated in the north-west ot
the island. The title of Count de Ruchas or Edessa was subsequently conferred
upon the family.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 497
Paphos district, to be paid in equal quarterly instalments of
thirty besants. For this sum the cathedral authorities agreed
to maintain for ever a chaplain to celebrate masses for the souls
of Baudouin and his ancestors. Should the grant, out of which
the endowment arose, ever revert to the King or his successors,
they bound themselves to continue its payment. In the event
of its passing into other hands than those of Baudouin or his
family, the holder was to do the same. In the case of his failing
to observe this agreement the King and his successors were to
compel him, while the Church was authorised to exact its dues
under threat of excommunication.
4. Henri I.1 in December 1239 confirmed the annual endow- cart, de a.
ment of 100 silver besants for masses for the repose of the soul (HPde86hyp„
of his granduncle, King Guy, which, when established at the
time of the latter's death, was ordered to be levied off the pro
ceeds of the poll tax of Nikosia.2 Henri directs that in the
event of this proving insufficient the amount should be raised
from the other revenues belonging to the kingdom of Cyprus.
The sum itself was to be paid quarterly at the rate of twenty-
five besants ; forty bushels of corn were also to be brought
annually in August to the residence of the priest who should
be appointed by the Archbishop to this duty, as well as fifty
measures of wine in November.
5. By a deed dated at Nikosia in October, 1270, Hugues III. cart. des.
bestowed upon the Archbishop and chapter an annual sum of (*H*L*ch£>.M
500 silver besants for the support of two priests, who were to
say mass daily for the repose of the souls of members of the
royal family at the altars of Our Lady and St. George respec
tively.3 Each was to receive half of this sum annually, in
1 Henri I. was the son of Hugues I., who was the son of Amaury I., the
brother of Guy.
2 Concedo et confirmo Deo et ecclesie Nicosiensi elemosinam, que fuit
instituta in eadem ecclesia pro anima patrui patris mei, domini Guidonis,
indite recordationis, regis Jherusalem illustris et domini Cipri, a tempore
mortis sue, videlicet C. bisantios albos annuatim, qui fuerunt assignati eidem
ecclesie super omnibus redditibus testarie civitatis Nicosiensis.
3 Nos Hug(ue) par la grace de Dieu, xiie roy de Jherusalem latin et roy de
Cipre, faisons assavoir a tous ceulx qui cest privilege liront ou orront que nos,
por nous et por noz successeurs, donnons, octroions, et confermons en perpetuel
aulsmone, pour l'ame de nous et de madame Yzabel, nostre mere, et de Johan
d'Ibelin le jeusne, jadis Seigneur de Baruth, que Dieu pardoint, et por les ames
de nos predicesseurs et de noz successeurs, a vos maistre Bertrand, par la grace
de Dieu ehlit et doien de l'eglise de Nicosie et a vous le capitre de la devant
dicte esglize, etc.
The "madame Yzabel " alluded to above was the daughter of Hugues I. de
Lusignan, and wife of Henri, brother of Boemond V., Prince of Antioch.
32

498 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
quarterly payments of sixty-two and a half besants. On Sun
days, solemn festivals, doubles and Saturdays they might substi
tute the services proper to those occasions, provided they duly
commemorated in them the souls of the donor and his family.
The King reserved to himself and his heirs the right of presenta
tion, the Archbishop and chapter having no power to refuse the
royal nominee, unless there was no occasion for a fresh nomination,
or they had some just cause for refusal. In case of those
appointed failing through the fault of the cathedral authorities
to perform their duties in accordance with the terms of the
endowment, the King reserved to himself and his heirs the power
of resuming the grant, and either of bestowing it elsewhere or
retaining it according to pleasure. This sum of 500 besants
was to be levied in the first instance off the revenues of the
royal gardens at Nikosia and, if these should be found insufficient,
off other royal sources of income. But on the decease of Philippe
de Scandelion, to whom the King had granted for life the royal
fief of Enia Melias, it was to be levied off that property instead.
cart. des. 6. In January, 1286, Henri II. founded with an annual sum
iHPde8chyp., of 200 silver besants, derivable from the revenues of the royal
baths at Nikosia, a daily requiem mass for the soul of his uncle,
the Constable of Cyprus, Baudouin d'Ibelin.1 If these should
prove insufficient for the purpose the sum was to be levied off
the revenues of the royal fief of Arasi or Chiendinari or, if still
inadequate, off other revenues belonging to the kingdom of
Cyprus. This endowment was to be paid in quarterly instal
ments of fifty besants, of which the officiating priest was to
receive 165 besants annually. These masses were directed to be
said at the altar of St. Francis, which had been lately erected
by the King. The right of presentation to this office the King
retained for himself and his heirs.2
s"hio nBo us ^- ^uy d'Ibeun> Seneschal of Cyprus, by a deed dated 13th
!ii ' p" 723-fp" May, 1329, devoted the annual sum of 1000 besants, which had
been granted to him by Hugues IV. out of the revenues of
Hugues III. assumed the name of Lusignan and acquired the crown of Cyprus
in virtue of his mother and founded the dynasty of Antioch-Lusignan. Isabelle
de Lusignan died in 1264.
Jean (II.) d'Ibelin, surnamed le Jeune, Seigneur de Beyrouth, was not the
author of the woik entitled Livre des assises des royaumes de Jerusalem et de
Chypre. His death occurred also in 1264.
1 Baudouin d'Ibelin was biother of Isabelle d'Ibelin, mother of Henri (II.)
de Lusignan, and of Philippe d'Ibelin, Seneschal of Cyprus, one of the
staunchest supporters of Henri against his brother Amaury, Prince of Tyre.
? The first presentee was fitienne Durant l'Auvergnas, the King's chaplain.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 499
Sivouri, to the maintenance of five priests to say masses for the
souls of the donor and of members of his family in the place
appointed by him. For this service each of the five priests was
to receive 200 besants yearly. The donor, however, retained
the right of presentation to himself and his heirs. After his
decease these masses were by his directions to be said in the
chapel, which he had built in the garden attached to his house
at Nikosia. The Archbishop was obliged, on the occasion of a
vacancy occurring, to accept the nominee of the Seneschal or his
heirs, if found to be suitable for the office. In the event of no
candidate being presented the Archbishop and chapter were em
powered to make the appointment, after three months had
elapsed since the death of the previous occupant. Should the
Seneschal's family at any time become extinct through the failure
of heirs, male or female, the presentation was to lapse absolutely
to the Archbishop and chapter.
8. On 30th March, 1383, Jean de Brie, Prince of Galilee, out Hist, de
, Chyp. li. p.
of an annual sum of 300 besants, secured to him out of the39*8'-
revenues of the village of Pila by Pierre II., assigned yearly 250
besants to the Cathedral of Nikosia, in quarterly instalments of
sixty-two and a half besants, for the support of a priest to say
mass before him in his house, or wherever else he might direct.
The presentation, as usual in these donations, was expressly
reserved to the donor. In the event of his predeceasing his wife,
Philippa de Verny, she was to enjoy the same right. On the
deaths of both the appointment was to be vested in the dean
and senior chaplain (le maistre chapelain) of the cathedral and
their successors, on condition that the nominee held no other
benefice or preferment. The mass was then to be said in Santa
Sophia instead, at the altar erected by the donor. On the oc
casion of a vacancy the office was to be filled up within one
month from the death of the last holder. Should the dean and
chaplain fail, however, to do so, the Archdeacon of Nikosia and
the precentor of the cathedral were empowered to compel them
to do their duty, and in the event of continued omission were
empowered to make the appointment themselves. The same
day the donor further assigned to the chapter of the cathedral
the balance of fifty besants yearly from the same source, to found
two anniversary masses for his soul in the months of February
and August respectively, at twenty-five besants for each service.
In 1391 he further presented to the Archdeacon and chaplain of
the cathedral and their successors some house property in Nikosia,
to be disposed of after the death of the testator and his wife in

500 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the following manner : The houses were to be let and the rent
applied to keeping them in repair. Any surplus remaining was
to be expended in the support of a priest, who should say masses
for the souls of the donor and his wife at the altar, which the
former had dedicated in the cathedral. In case the rent received
should prove insufficient to allow of these masses being said in
perpetuity, the cathedral authorities were to engage a priest at
a salary of ten besants a month as long as the money lasted.
Here again the vicar of the cathedral and the chapter were
directed to compel the Archdeacon and chaplain to carry out the
terms of the bequest in the manner prescribed, and in the event
of their failure were to do so themselves.
That Nikosia was abundantly supplied with churches in the
days of its prosperity may be well inferred from the Venetians
Lnsignan, p. having destroyed as many as eighty on their partial demolition
Ji '"' of the town in 1567. 1 Most of the Latin, which still remain,
only escaped this act of sacrilegious vandalism to be subse
quently converted into mosques by the Moslem conquerors. Of
those which shared in this wholesale destruction in the majority
of cases the names alone now survive.
The Church of St. Catharine, now known as the mosque of
Haidar Pasha, is, next to Santa Sophia and St. Nicolas, the
most notable erection of the Latin Church still standing in
Nikosia. It is said to have formerly belonged to the Templars,
who are known to have possessed a priory of this name in the
cart.des. town. The date of its construction must thus be coeval with
(Hpdee'ch"yp„ that of the cathedral, since it figures in a document of 1232. 2
Transactions, It is a vaulted building, consisting of a nave only, and measures
Bn^Archi- fifty-eight feet in length, twenty-seven in width, and about
1II2-3. psi7. fifty-two in height. The east end is semi-octagonal, while the
side and end windows are pronounced to be in the best style of
Hist.de the decorated period. At the end of the fifteenth century its
chyp., u ., v en(Jowment comprised three villages yielding an annual revenue
of 200 ducats.3
DeMasLatrie, Among other religious edifices still standing may be mentioned
chypre6 p. three, whose names have unfortunately not been preserved, the
so-called mosques of Arab Achmet and the Emerghi,4 and the
1 In somma fanno in tutto 8o Chiese d' ogni setta et Religione.
2 " Fratre B. de Benraiges domus Templi priore Sancte Katherine."
3 The names of these three villages are Miglia, Crinia and Tavru.
L'ile de 4 De Mas Latrie suggests that the word Emerghie or Emerghi may be a
369-^)77.' PP' corruption of the name Mariem or Meriem, the Turkish and Arabic for Mary,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 501
present church of the Armenians. Though of little architec- Kyprianos, p.
tural interest themselves they claim the attention of the anti
quarian and historian from the many monuments of their former
owners, which they possess.
Of churches which have disappeared perhaps the most cele
brated was one founded by Pierre I. in 1368, and known as La Machasra. p.
Misericordieuse or Notre Dame la Misericordieuse, from an Amadi, P. 422.
image of the Virgin of that name which it contained.1 It appears strambaldi,
to have formed the upper part of a strong tower, called La fi. Bonstmn,
Marguerite, built by that monarch, the lower being designed as
a prison for certain of the nobility, whose loyalty he suspected.
The site of this work, which was erected on an eminence bearing
the same name, must now be sought to the south of the present
town between the Paphos Gate and the Church of Hagia Para-
skevi. From its commanding position the spot played on two
occasions a conspicuous part in Nikosian history. It was here Machaera , p.
that the Mameluke army, after its victory at Chierochitia (1426), atram»aidi,
halted before entering the city, awed by its extent.2 And in p- m-

and is inclined to regard the building from this circumstance as a church
formerly dedicated to the Virgin, and perhaps belonging to the Augustinians.
Kyprianos regards it as the former church of the Knights of St. John.
1 ''Epttrev Kal 4KTltrav tov evav irvpyov, Kal dirdvw eKTtffe vabv bvbpan MiCepiKopSia •
TT)v Se tpv\aKT)v koVoj, tovt4o-tiv rbv irvpyov 4Kpd£ev tov MapyapiTa • Kal 4reXeiwo~4v
tov Kal •fjrov iroXXd Svvarbs, Kal 'fjBeXe vd rb xayTaKt&(rV *"re£eo • Kal 4vvoido~Ty vd
iroitry KdXetrpav peyav perd rb xavr&KwfJLa Kal ya yopevrovv SXoi ol dpxovres ol
peyaXoi KaX irapobviSes, KaX vd robs iroitry tpav, KaX rbres vd tpvXoKitry robs dSeXtpobs
tov eis rbv irvpyov KaX pepriKbv dirb robs KaBaXXdpiSes biroii 4tpopdrov, Sid vd pySev
tratrTovv eis rijv p4tryv tovs KaX dSiK'tjaovv tov.
II re cognosceva bene ehe era mal voiuto da la sua gente, et per sua segurta
fece edificar una torre, la dove era et e la chiesia de Misericordia, et la nomino
la Margarita et la compite ; la qual fu ben forte et bella, onde voleva far profonde
fosse, et pensava de fare uno convito la a suoi fratelli et a li altri baroni et
retenirli dentro.
Commando ehe edificassero una torre, et dentro fece depenzer una immagine
(della) Misericordia et sotto era pregione ; et chiamo il Margarith, et la ha fatta
molto forte. Et li voleva far delle fosse di fuori ; et haveva opinione come
1' havesse finita a far gran invito et li sonar tutti li baroni piccoli e grand} et li
serarli et li suoi fratelli, dei quali haveva paura ehe non si ligassero con essi et
lo amazzassero. E per far un bel tratto a soi fratelli e altri de primarii, faceva fabbricare una
torre, poco distante dalla citadella, e la chiamo la Margarita, et haveva gia
fornito fondi di quella. La quale e una priggion sotto terra oscurissima, et di
muri grossissimi fatta, e profonda, dove pensava far di sopra anchora un' altra
torre ; e gia fece con scalini intorno, et involto sotto tutto el primo solaro. E
voleva far di sopra la torre alta ; dove si lasso intender, ehe voleva far un
convito, et retenir et incarcerarli tutti.
2 Kal Svrav T)prav eis ri)v 'Ayiav Maplvav tov Kbvvov, Sev 4roppitrav vd pirovv etra
eis T^v AevKotriav, Bapavrd ryv rbtrov peydXyv.

268.

502 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Amadi, P. 510. the same locality, nearly a century and a half later, the Turks
p!'367.UBtr<H1 Piace(l some of their most powerful batteries during the siege of
Lusiman. p. 1570.1 Though the entire structure is reported to have been
Machan-a, p. destroyed by Pierre II.2 in 1376, the chapel at least was rebuilt
by his successor, Jacques I., who surrounded it with a beautiful
Amadi, p. 495. garden.3 Its name occurs frequently in documents of the reign
H^Bonstron, of Jacques II. The right of nomination seems then to have been
Lusiman, p. vested in the Crown, as that monarch first presented it to one
Hist de chyp 0I" nis most devoted adherents, a Greek ecclesiastic named
iii, p. 265. ' Nikolaos, Bishop of Embron, and on his decease in 1468 to
ihid., m., 267, Jacques Ceba.4 In 1497, however, on the representation of
Archbishop Sebastiano Priuli, the patronage was allowed by the
Venetian authorities to pass into the hands of the Latin metro
politan.6
ohy*p diii p A^ the time of its transfer to Jacques Ceba an inventory was
taken, which is instructive as showing how such buildings were
furnished at the period. Among the articles enumerated are
to be found the following : —
Two large bells and one small.
Marble altar.
Three altar cloths (paremens), viz. : —
(1) Crimson Turkish silk (harmezin de Tourquie de sole).
(2) Blue and yellow silk.
Et quando venero a Santa Marina della porta da Baffo, hanno havuto paura
de intrar in Nicossia, vedendola tanto grande.
Andorono di fora de le muraglie de la cita et si radunorono tutti su il monte
de Santa Margarita et scoperseno tutta la terra et vedendola cosi giande et
bella, hebbeno respetto de intrar dentro.
1 Fecero il terzo forte all' incontro delli beloardi Costanzo e Podochatoro,
sopra il monticello Margarita.
Strambaldi, 2 KaX 4xaXdtrav tt)v Mapyapirav.
p- 251' Et ruinorono anco la Margarita.
3 " Fece una bella chiesia, la Misericordia, la dove fu la torre de la Margarita,
con un bel vergier intorno."
Fabrico quella pregione, ehe fabricava il Re Piero, et la fece Chiesa chiamata
la Misericordia, et la doto.
d Le roi monseigneur manda le donn de la chappelle de la Mizericordieuse
a Jacques Ceba — (29th Oct., 1468).
6 Die xxiii. mensis Februarii 1496 (o.s.). Prenominatusreverendissimus dominus
archiepiscopus constare fecit per publicum autenticum privilegium quemad-
modum colatio beneficiorum Sancti Iohannis et Misericordiae vacat per obitum
Calcerani Flattro, Ioanni Placoto diacono Sanctae Sophia?, quam colationem
approbaverunt magnifici domini locumtenens et consiliaiii Cipri, qui antea
pretendebant habere in ipsis beneficiis jus patronatus, et respondere fecerunt
vigore dictae colationis, ipsi Iohanni de omnibus fructibus et redditibus dicti
beneficii, non obstantibus omnibus per antea observatis.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 503
(3) Green silk.
Linen alb (chemize).1
Stole (stola louroti).2
Crimson maniples (manches harmizin).3
Amice (colier de lin).*
Green silk cope.5
Cotton cover for the altar (telement de coutonnine).
Two linen altar napkins (touallies de Faultier).
Two silver gilt chalices, the foot of each ornamented with five
enamels (calice a" argent endoire, o lepieu o v. esmaius, ii).
Chalice veil of yellow silk with napkin (couvriment de la
calice de soiejaune, o sa touallie).
Silver graal (ssaint grayel d'argent).6
Large image of the Virgin for the altar.
Cross of wood for the same.
Tabernacle surmounted by a small image ofthe Virgin.
Four candlesticks of wood (Jigures d'oumes ?).
Four portable lecterns of gilded wood (manals dejust endoiris).
Seven service books.
Small holy water vat (sitle) of brass or copper.7
1 iroixdpiov or trnxdpiov — the first vestment which an Oriental priest puts on
when robing for the Liturgy — answers to the Latin camisia or alb.
2 2-roAis Xapari) — a kind of stole worn over the left shoulder, as is customary in
the Orthodox Church. De Mas Latrie explains it as " une etole ayant la forme
du lorum antique"
3 'EiripavlKia are worn on both hands in the Orthodox Church. They hang
down in two peaked flaps on each side (of the arm and are fastened under
the wrist with a silken cord run along the border, by which they are drawn in
and adjusted to the arm. They correspond in use, though not in shape, to the
Latin maniple, which is worn on the left hand only.
4 Colier de lin — by this may be intended the 4iriTpaXTjXiov, which is one form Neai? Eastern
of the Latin stole. Instead, however, of being thrown round the neck and Sj."To1- i,,p-
hanging down on each side, as in the Latin Church, the head is put through a
hole in the upper extremity and it simply hangs down in front. The material of
it is sometimes brocade, sometimes rich silk.
5 Chappe de soie verde — the nearest approach to the Latin cope in the
Orthodox Church is the pavSbas, worn by archimandrites and all the superior
orders of the hierarchy. It is rather fuller than the cope, and the two front
ends are fastened at the lower part, while small bells are hung at the lower edge.
6 Graal is a vessel in the form of a bowl used in churches where communion waicott,
under both kinds is observed to give the wine to the faithful. The original SJStaioiogy,
Graal was the precious dish or cup (iTapoiJ^i-) used at the Last Supper. The p. 302.
Genoese claim to have it in the cathedral treasury, where it is known as
Sacro Catino. It is of glass, hexagonal in shape, with two handles, and is three
feet nine inches in circumference.
' Sitle d'aroin de Vague benoite petite (Situla). A portable vessel to contain n,id,, p. 315.
holy water. The fixed holy-water stoup was used by those who came too late
into church to receive the aspersion by the sprinkler and water carried in the
portable vat.

504

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Pyx (bouste d'aroin que metent les hostes) of brass or copper.1
Sacring bell (campanel petit).
Lectern.
Large altar frontal or antependium (tapit grant devant
Valtier). Sconces of painted wood for holding tapers (fourels de torces
pintes dejust).
Four wooden benches.

Hist.de Chyp.
ill., p, 269.

Ibid., Iii.,
504.

The chapel at that time was served by a married Greek priest,
a circumstance which will not cause surprise when it is remem
bered that the holder of it just previously had been a prelate of
the Orthodox Church, who had doubtless put in one of his own
communion to perform the duties. Its revenue at the end of
the fifteenth century is represented as amounting annually to
200 ducats.

St. Georges des Latins or des Pouiains, for it bore the
double name, is described as being situated in the middle of the
marketplace near the thread bazaar.2 In one of its walls was
fixed a nail marking the height to which the Pedias rose on the
night of 10th November, 1330, when 3000 persons in Nikosia
are reported to have lost their lives.3 It was the scene of several
Amadi, p. 404. events memorable in the Cypriot annals. The citizens of Nikosia
;iai u » r>, ^jCiere £00k ^g oath of allegiance to the two commissioners of
~ 4 Three

Machasra, p.
185. Strambaldi,p. 108.
Machasra.'p.
84. Strambaldi,
p. 27.
Fl. Bonstron.
p. 255.

78.
Amadi, p.
250.

Waicott, Sacred
Archasology,

the Prince of Tyre on his assuming the regency in 1306.4
1 Pyx (a box of boxwood, irb^os) the vessel for the reserved, Host. It was
usually a cylinder with a cone-shaped cover. Up to the thirteenth century the
material was ivory, but subsequently, when it became rare, gold, silver, or
enamelled copper. The pyx was originally the casket for jewels used by the
Greeks and Latins, and made of boxwood ; hence the name.
2 rbv ayiov Yewpyiov toV 'OpviBiwv birov irovXovvrai to; vTjpara to iraviraKepd.
San Zorzi delli Polami, ove vendono li filadi.
3 rb i\/rjXos tov vepov exei trypdStv evav KaptpXv els rbv tiyiov Tetvpyiov rav 'OpvtBlav.
Et per aricordanza messero segnal su la casa del conte de Tripoli, all'incontro
il castello ficcorono un chiodo, et il simile nella chiesa de san Zorzi delli Polami,
li quali stanno fin il giorno presente.
S'ha messo per segnale a San Giorgio di Latini in piazza uno chiodo al muro
bagnato della detta fiumara.
4 Oi iroioi 4Kartrav eis tov dyiov Yewpyiov rwv 'OpviBiwv KaX 4irypav rbv SpKov robs
Xas rys AevKOtrlas Sid rbv aiirbv Kbpyv rys Tiipov.
I quali sentorono al monasterio franco de San Zorzi, ch'e in mezo de la piaza,
et receveteno il juramento de li preditti borgesi et populari.
cf. Robertson, Pouiains (Lat. Pullani) was the name given to the offspring of Frank fathers
voL'v.'Jp^isb' and Syrian mothers. They are described as being utterly effeminate and
noted.' ' depraved, " more timid than woman and more perfidious than slaves ". Jacques
de Vitry explains the derivation of the name as follows : —

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 505
years later a sermon was preached within its walls by an English Amadi, p. 29s.
Franciscan, Brother Adam, in which he severely commented on
the conduct of the Regent.1 For his temerity on the occasion
the reverend orator was banished to Sis in Armenia, where he
died two months after his arrival. In front of the same church Machasra, p.
in 1369 the nobles, indignant at the treatment shown to Henri strambaldi,
de Giblet and his children by Pierre I., refused to return with5-'109'
his emissary, Jean de Monstry, Admiral of Cyprus, to the royal
palace, until they had formulated their complaints against his
illegal conduct in the High Court.2 It was this action which
originated the movement that led to his assassination shortly
afterwards. St. Constantin is described by the chroniclers as being situated
near the mansion of Sir Thomas de Verny.3 In this church <"¦• BMBtron,
Jacques II. , when Archbishop of Nikosia, assembled on the n. Bonstron,
night of 15th December, 1458, a band of armed men with the Sut. de
object of storming the royal palace and massacring his enemies, 399^" u' p'
who were assembled there. But the plot miscarried through
the treachery of one of the conspirators, Perrin Tunches, who
informed ,the Queen's physician, Pietro Urioni, of the design.
On the news of his accomplice's perfidy being brought to Jacques
by Guillaume Goneme, the future Archbishop, he secretly quitted
Nikosia for Egypt to escape the punishment of his intended
crime. St. Georges des Sataliotes is said to have been situated op- Machasra, P,
posite the house of Sir Thomas Parech, steward of the royal
"Vel quia recentes et novi, quasi pulli, respectu Surianorum reputati sunt, Jacques de
vel quia principaliter de gente Apulia; matres secundum carnem habuerunt ". JjtoJJar, i
Conder says: "This word Pouiains has been variously explained to mean W).
Fellahin, ' ploughmen,' or Falaniyun, ' anybodies '. Perhaps it is more probably Latin King-
to be connected with Pouloi, ' offspring,' as in the case of Turkopoles ". saiemfp'Soii,
note sec.
1 Alii 23 de avril, un frate minore, chiamato fra Adam, englese, predico in una
chiesia de San Zorzi, ehe e in la piazza, in laqual sua predica ha tochato
agramente al signor de Sur, etc.
2 TdVe iKovriipev b dpipdXys Kovrd robs dtp4vrais Kal 4xaipeTyff4v tovs dirb rijv
pepiav tov pyybs, Kal etrrdByaav bpirpbs els rbv ayiov Yeapyiov.
Et si fermorono inanti la chiesa de San Zorzi et li disse l'armiraglio, etc.
3 Kal iveBytrav els rbv ayiov KaVTavTivov, irXytriov tov alp Tovpas TeBepvy.
Questi si redussero nella chiesa di San Costantino, ehe era appresso la casa
di Thomasso de Verni.
A document of 1391 describes the church as adjoining the mansion of the
Prince of Tyre: " L'eglise de saint Constantin qui estjoingnans au mur des
ostels dou sire de Sur "-

506 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Jtgfbal,u' court in 1382.1 Satalia, a city in Karamania, had been captured
Machasra, p. by Pierre I. on 24th August 1361. After successfully resisting
strambaldi, several attacks by the local Turkish emirs, it was on 14th May,
Amldi 4n 1^78, surrendered to the Sultan of Alaya by Pierre II., to pre-
fi. Boustron, vent its capture by the Genoese, who were then at war with
1 ' Cyprus. The garrison was withdrawn to Kyrenia2 carrying
Machasra, p. with them among other things a very celebrated picture of the
strambaldi. Virgin, which, like so many other portraits of the same saint,
Hist'de was rePufed to be the work of the Evangelist Luke. Though
chyp., h., y. there is no direct evidence to that effect yet from the name it
is highly probable that this church of St. George, which formerly
stood in the town of Satalia, was re-erected at Nikosia and this
precious work of art deposited in it.3
mst. de St. Antoine du Cimetiere. Of this church nothing definite
2ioyp'' ,,p' is known except that during the reign of Jacques II. it was in
receipt of an annual stipend of 116 besants chargeable on the
royal domain.
Hist, de The chapel of St. Jacques de la Conmersarie seems to have
^yp., ¦ •, p. keen 4;ne private property of Sir Simon de Montolif, or to have
been erected by him, as it bears his name. It doubtless derived
its other title from being situated near one of the octroi-
houses (Comerchio) of the town. Its endowment in 1468 is
represented to have amounted to ninety besants.4
1 rb trir'iTiv tov trip Tovpds YlapeK tov 4piraXy rys avXys tov pyybs, Kara irpbtrwrra
TOV 'ATTaAlCOTTJ.
" In casa de ser Thomas Parech, balio della corte del re," al' incontro la
chiesa de S. Zorzi Atalioti.
2 b Xabs 4KovBaXijByv eis ra £vXa pe SXais tov rats BirovaXiais KaX t)jv elKbvav rys
Kbirpov ®eorbitov, tt)v iCaypdtpitrev b dirbtrroXos AovKas, KaX ovXov rb doypoxpobtratpov
tov vaov Kal rav eWbvwv tov ripirXov, Kal iroXXd dXXa Xeiipava, KaX tfprav els tt)v
Kepiav. II popolo si retiro nelli vasselli, con tutte le vittuarie et con la immagine
della santissima Nostra Donna, qual haveva depensa il santissimo Santo Luca,
et tutto l'oro et I'argento delle chiese, et molte reliquie de santi, et vennero a
Cerines. 3 Ludolph, cure of Suchen in Westphalia, who made a pilgrimage to the
Holy Land in 1350, thus alludes to this sacred picture : " In hac civitate
Scacalia tria genera perversa hominum degunt. In prima parte degunt Greci,
a quibus dies Dominica celebratur. In secunda parte degunt Thurci, a quibus
feria sexta celebratur. In parte qua degunt Greci est ymago beate Marie in
tabula depicta, quarum tres sunt in mundo, una Rome, alia Constantinopolis,
tercia Scatalie, omnes unius longitudinis, speciei et figure. Has ymagines
beatus Lucas juxta formam beate Virginis creditur pingisse, et ob hujus imaginis
reverentiam Deus multa miracula operatur."
4 " Au procureur de la chappele de saint Jacques de la Conmersarie de sire
Simon de Montolif, pour assenement de ladite chappelle." go6. (3rd Jan. 1468).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 507
The priory church of St. Sauveur du Cimetiere would seem oart. de s.
from a document preserved in the Cartulary of Santa Sophia to (Doc. fionv.,
have been one of the oldest ecclesiastical buildings in Nikosia.
It is described as being situated in the garth or green space
enclosed within the cloister of St. Michael's.1 Giovanni d'An-
cona, then Archbishop, in the above-mentioned deed, which is
dated 10th January, 1292, with the consent of the chapter
bestowed it for life upon a certain brother Thomas, who had
acted as vice-prior, in consideration of his long and meri
torious services in connection with it, on the express under
standing that it was to revert to the cathedral at his death.2
The attendance of all members of the Latin Communion at
their respective cathedrals and parish churches seems at first to
1 " Ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris et domos ipsius, positas in claustro Sancti
Michaelis Nicosiensis."
2 M. Rene de Mas Latrie in his edition of the Chronicle of Amadi (p. 510,
note 3) gives the following list of churches once existent in Nikosia : —
Ste.-Sophie, la cathedrale.
St. - Antoine-du- Cimetiere.
Bibi, ou St.-Jean-FEvangeliste.
St.-Barnabe.St.-Constantin.St.-Georges Tou Colocasy.
St.-Georges-des-Poulains.
St.-Georges-des-Sataliotes. Haia Parascevi, ou le Vendredi-Saint.
St.-Jacques-de-la-Conmersarie.
St.-Jean-de-Montfort.St. -Mama.
La Misericordieuse ou Notre-Dame-de-la-Misericorde.
St.-Nicolas.St.-Pierre et Saint-Paul.
St-Sauveur.
Lusignan gives the following detailed list of the churches existing at Lusignan,
Nikosia in his time: — p'sof)"'"''
" II y avoit plusieurs eglises cathedrales pourcequ'elle estoit habitee de
diverses nations, qui avoient leurs Prestres & Evesques, comme les Grecs,
Armeniens, Coftes ou Circoncis, qui sont devenus Chrestiens, les Jacobites,
Maronites, Nestoriens, Nubiens, ou Indiens, mais de deux excellentes par
dessus les autres, scavoir Saincte Sophie des Latins, & Crussotheistrie, qui
signifie putant que Advocate, toute d'or ou precieuse, car mieux ne se pourroit-il
tourner en nostre langue proprement en sa vraye signification. Celle des
Armeniens s'appelle Saincte Croix, celle des Coftes Sainct Antoine, et ainsi les
autres. II y avoit encore l'rfglise des Templiers, et des Chevaliers de Sainct
Jean l'Hospitalier, l'figlise du Champ Sainct, ou du Cimetiere commun, lequel
est dedie a mesme fin qu'a Paris, l'Eglise des Saincts Innocents, celles de
Sainct Dominique, Sainct Francois, Sainct Augustin, des Carmes, des Moines S.
Benoist, de Sainct Bernard, des Chartreux, des religieux Sainct Julien, qui
portent une petite croix d'argent tousiours en la main & sont habillez de bleu ;
des Religieux de Sainct Jacques, qui sont de l'ordre de Premonstrg, & autres
rfglises Latines & Grecques.

508 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
have been required without exception. But this practice was
soon found to cause great inconvenience owing to the distance
of many of the hamlets and villages from the regular places of
worship. The churches had in consequence become to a great
mstde extent practically deserted. To remedy this state of affairs
624-?" " p' Pierre, Cardinal of St. Marcellus, then Legate in the East, issued
directions from Antioch in 1223 to the various diocesans to
allow those of the nobility, who applied for permission, to keep
private chaplains to minister to the spiritual needs of their
households.1 But the Cartulary of Santa Sophia proves con
clusively that the necessity for such an indulgence had been
cart, de s. fully recognised even before the receipt of the Legate's instruc-
(HPdee,nOT.f tions: In 1221 a chaplaincy was instituted by Archbishop
Eustorge in the village of Nisou at the request of Guillaume
Vicomte and his wife, to whom it probably belonged, on con
dition that they and their heirs provided the priest in charge
with a suitable house and garden, and an annual allowance of
fifty measures of corn, the same quantity of barley and five
measures of beans, which were to be delivered in the month of
August. The Archbishop promised on his part with the con
sent of the chapter also to furnish the same ecclesiastic yearly
with thirty measures of corn, an equal quantity of barley and a
sum of 100 silver besants.
cart, de s. In the Bull of 1196, confirming the rights and prerogatives of
(Hpst.*de "' the Metropolitan See, the erection of churches and oratories
«h). "  without the previous consent of the Archbishop for the time being
had been expressly forbidden.2 But the prohibition must from
cartdes. the very first have been frequently disregarded, since Honorius
?HPdee6hyp., III., even so early as 1221, is compelled to write to the Arch
bishop on the subject of the numerous private chapels and
oratories, in many cases unendowed, which had been erected in

il., 618).

1 Cum ville et casalia multa in insula Cypri a cathedrali et a pairochiali
ecclesia multum distent, et panochiam exinde frequentare omittunt, divinis
interesse officiis et ecclesiastica requirere sacramenta, ac per hoc multorum
caritas plurimum refrigescat, et grave sepe possit discrimen accidere animarum :
laicorum saluti providere volentes, et ecclesiarum jura nihilominus illibata
servari, presentium auctoritate precepimus, ut cum nobilis quisquam, presertim
quem zelus Domini moveat, a. diocesano episcopo devote duxerit expetendum
ut ei habere liceat capellanum, qui sibi et suis ministret ecclesiastica sacramenta,
cui etiam ipse nobilis necessaria conferat, assensus ei facilis, sine matricis ecclesie
ac alieni prejudicio, prebeatur.
H. de chyp., 2 Auctoritate insuper apostolica prohibemus ne quis, infra fines tue diocesis,
ul, p. 603. s;ne tu0 vej successorum tuorum assensu, ecclesiam vel oratorium construere de
novo presumat, salvis privilegiis pontificum romanornm.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 509
private houses.1 In consequence of this irregularity many
persons he asserts neglect the cathedral services and do not hear
the Word of God as they ought. He accordingly directs the
Archbishop to suppress those that were not required, especially
such as had been erected without archiepiscopal sanction, or
were unendowed, and to threaten all who resisted the execution
of this decree with the censure of the Church. That these
measures did not suffice to stop this illegal practice is evident
from a letter addressed on 29th May, 1368, to the then Arch- can. de s.
bishop,2 Raymond de la Pradele, by Urban V., in consequence of (j^st."^0'
the representations of Pierre I. The King had complained that ^"
many of the nobles, knights and burgesses of Nikosia were
accustomed to have baptisms and marriages performed in their
own houses, as well as masses and other divine offices celebrated
in them. A serious diminution had thereby taken place in the
number of those present at the cathedral on Sundays and holy
days, which called for the Pope's interference. Urban accord
ingly charges the Archbishop to compel such persons to attend
their respective churches for divine service and the reception of
the sacraments under threat of ecclesiastical penalties in the
event of refusal. An exception from this obligation had been
made in 1237 by Gregory IX. in favour of Henri I. and the cart. des.
members of his family, who on account of their remoteness from a^st. % "'
the cathedral had been allowed to attend divine service and to p- «£)'•
receive the Communion and other sacraments in the chapel
attached to the royal palace.3 This indulgence was confirmed
1 Significatum est nobis quod plures in propriis laribus, infra tuam diocesim,
capellas et oratoria quarum indoctata sunt aliqua constiuxeiunt. Harum igitui
occasione multi matricem contemnunt ecclesiam, nee verbum Dei audiunt, ut
deberent. Volumus itaque, auctoritate tibi presentium injungentes, quatinus,
prout saluti expedit animarum, superflua studeas ex hujusmodi capellis et
oratoriis, presertim qui sine tuo seu predecessorum tuorum errecta consensu vel
indoctata constituerint, removere : contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam,
appellatione postposita, compescendo.
2 " Instigante diabolo, quamplures barones, milites et burgenses in dicta
civitate morantes, orthodoxe fidei piofessores utinam — eorum filios et filias in
suis propriis et prophanis domibus faciunt baptizari, matrimoniorum solemnizari
contractus, et in domibus ipsis eorumque cameris missas et alia officia divina
celebrari, dictam ecclesiam (metropoliticam) diebus dominicis et festivis quasi
orbatam spiritualibus filiis et vacuam relinquendo."
3 Cum, sicut tua (i.e. Henrici, " regis Cipri illustris") nobis petitionemst.de
monstrasti, tu ac familia tua recipiendis ecclesiasticis sacramentis ad matricem jJJp-> lu-' »¦
ecclesiam, a qua non modicum remoti existitis, accedeie non possitis, tibi et
eidem familie, ut a capellano capelle tue audire divina, communionem et alia
sacramenta ecclesiastica recipere valeatis, sine juris alieni prejudicio, de speciali
gratia, auctoritate presentium indulgemus.

510 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
chytp.<,ui. !p ky Urban and extended to those of the nobility, who possessed

7B8-* ' chapels properly endowed and provided with clergy.1 These
might at the discretion of the Archbishop be allowed to hear
mass and the other divine offices in such places on holy days.
Labbe, Another cause of this general desertion of the cathedral and
g^(2),"coi. parish churches was distinctly traceable to the action of the
"mS: tom monastic Orders, who encouraged the absentees to attend the
xzvi cbi. sis. services of their chapels instead.2 Such conduct Archbishop
Hugo, who notices it in his Constitution of 1257, declares to
be directly opposed to the canons, which expressly forbid one
church from admitting the members of another to its services
on Sundays and festivals, as well as prohibit the public celebra
tion of mass and the holding of popular gatherings in monasteries.
He ordains that this practice shall for the future be discontinued
lest, as he quaintly observes, the Church of Nikosia should in
ct. isaiah.i., 8. course of time be left like a lodge in a garden of cucumbers.
That Latin ecclesiastics in the East were seldom remarkable
for well-regulated lives will be readily acknowledged by all who
have studied the records of contemporary writers. Nor was this
laxity of morals confined to the lower ranks of the clergy. Some
of the most notorious offenders were to be found among those
who occupied the highest places in the hierarchy. Those who
contin. g. de are acquainted with the pages of Guillaume de Tyr will easily
iziii., c'.'ii. recall to mind the name of the notorious Heraclius, Patriarch of
Jerusalem, whose conduct sheds such lustre upon the Church he
adorned.3 This worthy is stated to have lived in open adultery
1 Quod rex prefatus, domus ejus et quidam de prefato regno Cipri barones,
capellas solemnes habentes, sufficienter dotatas et sacerdotibus fulcitas, secun
dum tue prefate discretionis arbitrium, missam et alia dicta officia licite diebus
audire valeant feriatis.
2 Non sine admiratione referimus, quod aliqui religiosi et utinam non omnes,
civitatis Nicosiensis, falcem in alienam messem mittentes, parochianos Nicosienses
ecclesiae, quae unica est in civitate parochialis ecclesia Latinorum, passim
recipiunt ad Divina. Quos etsi non reprimit reguia naturalis, videlicet, ut quod
sibi fieri nolunt, non faciant, aliis : saltern jura canonica ab hujusmodi eos
revocare deberent, quae probibent alienos parochianos ad Divina recipi diebus
Dominicis et festivis, et ne in religiosorum ccenobiis missae publicae, id est publice
celebrentur, nee in servorum Dei secessibus et eorum receptaculis ulla popularis
conventus occasio praebeatur : quia eorum non expedit animabus. Nos autem
volentes eorum providere saluti et etiam honestati, et ne Nicosiensis ecclesia,
diebus saltern Dominicis et Festivis, debito honore privetur, aut sicut tugurium
in cucumerario relinquatur, ne hoc de castero fiat districtius inhibemus.
3 To guard against any suspicion of exaggeration the actual language in
which these interesting details are narrated is here transcribed.
" Quant il fu revenu de Rome, il acointa la fame a un mercier qui estoit a
Naples, a douze mille de Jerusalem. II la demandoit sovent. Cele i aloit. II li

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 511
with the wife of a merchant at Nablous, whose complaisance he
had purchased with costly gifts. By her he had a numerous
progeny of illegitimate children. She is said to have visited
him openly at the monastery, where he resided, clad in robes an
empress might have worn and preceded by six footmen. Indeed
so well understood were his relations with this woman that she
was pointed out by the inhabitants of the Holy City to strangers
as his wife.
The story runs that after one of those irregular additions to
the patriarchal household, which were of not infrequent occur
rence, a half-witted fellow burst into the council chamber, where
Heraclius was sitting, and addressed him with the words : " Sir
Patriarch, reward me well, for I bring you good news. Pasque
de Riveri your wife has a fine daughter." With such an
example before them it was not strange that his subordinates
failed to show themselves models of propriety. In fact the same
historian, who has recorded the infamy of the Patriarch, has
also declared that through his evil influence Jerusalem was
converted by the clergy into a veritable sink of iniquity. He
is plainly of opinion that its subsequent capture by Saladin was
directly due to the divine wrath, since Jesus Christ could no
longer endure the iniquity and filth which He beheld in the
city where He was crucified.
As might be supposed the Western clergy on their transfer
ence from Palestine to Cyprus did not abandon their former
dissolute mode of life. It was not long before the same foul
plague spot made its appearance in their new settlement also.
Even so early as 1223 indications of its presence are to be found
in the efforts made by ecclesiastical authorities to suppress an
evil, to which they found it impossible entirely to shut their
eyes. The Papal Legate, Cardinal Pierre, in his decree of the Hist, de
624.
donoit asses de son avoir, por estre bien de son baron. Ne demora guaires que
son mari fu mort. Apres ce, le patriarche la fist venir en Jerusalem, et li acheta
bonne maison de pierre. Si la tenoit voiant le siecle ausi com li bons fait sa
fame, fors tant que ele n'estoit mie avec lui. Quant ele ala au mostier, ele
estoit ausi atornee de riches dras, com ce fust une emperris, et si serjant devant
lui. Quant aucunes gens la veoient qui ne la conoissoient pas, il demandoient
qui cele dame estoit. Cil qui la connoissoient disoient que c'estoit la fame du
patriarche (!). Ele avoit nom Pasque de Riveri. Enfans avoit du patriarche, et
les barons estoient, que la ou il se conseilloient, vint un fol au patiarche, si li
dist: 'Sire patriarche dones moi bon don, car je vous aport bonnes novelles.
Pasque de Riveri vostre fame a une bele fille '. Poi ce li di que le patriarche
estoit en tel vie, si prenoient essemple a lui li clere et li presboire de la cite.
Quant Jesus-Christ vit le peschie et 1'ordure que Ton faisoit la ou il fu crucifie,
il ne le pout pas sgffrir,

512

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

, torn.

Labbe,Concii.xl. (2|, coL
2376. Mansi,Concii. , tom.
xxvi., col. 311.

10th March of that year, which has been already quoted, refers
with son-ow to the reports that had reached him of their
unbridled licentiousness.1 Some of them according to his infor
mation had not hesitated most shamelessly to harbour concubines
even in their own houses, while others with equal profligacy had
openly kept them elsewhere. To prevent a continuance of these
scandals he lays flown the following regulations : Clerics hereafter
convicted of having such women publicly in their houses are to
be deprived by their diocesans of the income of their preferments
for two years, while those guilty of publicly keeping them else
where are to suffer the same penalty, but for one year only.
From the prominence given to a certain word one is irresistibly
led to conclude that the offence consisted mainly in its publicity.
Hardened offenders, whom the threat of punishment could not
deter, were to be proceeded against according to the canons.
Any lingering doubts as to the truth of these charges must
certainly be dispelled by a perusal of some of the Constitutions
drawn up by Archbishop Hugo for the regulation of his diocese.
The state of clerical society at that period may be well surmised
from some of the enactments to be met with in that code.
Among others are prohibitions against drunkenness, consorting
with members of the opposite sex, and visiting nuns except
with express permission.2 The better to remove all occasion for

1 Quia nihil magis fulget in domo Domini quam in ecclesiasticis viris vite
honestas et conversatio impolluta, et quosdam in partibus vestris quamquam
dolentes audivimus ita carnis immunditiis deservire, ut in domibus propriis
impudenter habeant concubinas ; quidem vero, etsi non in domibus propriis, in
aliis tamen eas publice teneant, ipsisque necessaria subministrent ; sancte
Romane Ecclesie, matris nostre, sequentes vestigia, districte precipimus, ut qui-
cumque in sacris ordinibus constitutus in domo sua de cetero publice habuerit
concubinam, prebende sue proventibus a diocesano episcopo biennio spolietur ;
quod si in aliena domo eam tenuerit publice, nichilominus proventibus unius
anni modo simili spolietur.
2 § 5. Ut clerici abstineant a crapula.
§ 6. Ut non cohabitent cum mulieribus.
§ 7. Ut non eant ad moniales sine licentia.
{j 26. De paena clericorum de nocte euntium. Quia veto qui male agit, odit
lucem : omnibus clericis inhibemus districte, ne vadeant de nocte, maxime post
tertiam pulsationem : quod si inventi fuerint, licentiam damus custodibus
civitatis, ut eos capiant salva manu, et detineant usque mane, nobis quanto
citius prassentandos.
§ 8. De vita et honestate clericorum. Item clerici commercia vel officia
ssecularia non exerceant, maxime inhonesta, mimis, joculatoribus et histrionibus
intendentes : et tabernas prorsus evitent nisi causa necessitatis in itinere
constituti. Ad aleas et taxillos non ludant, nee hujusmodi ludis intersint. . . .
Pannis rubeis vel viridibus, necnon manicis aut sotularibus consutis vel
rostratis, frenis, sellis, pectoralibus, et calcaribus deauratis, vel aliam super-

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 513
irregular conduct clerics were required to be within doors at
night on the third ringing ofthe curfew. Those found wandering
about after that hour the city guards were empowered to arrest
and bring before the Archbishop as early as possible the following
morning. They were strictly forbidden also to engage in
pursuits or callings peculiar to laymen, especially those of a
questionable nature, to keep company with mimers, jesters and
actors, to enter houses of public entertainment unless when
compelled by the exigencies of travel, to engage in or be present
at games of chance. They were not to wear garments of con
spicuous hue, have their sleeves sewn up or their shoes curved,
use gilded or ornamented horse furniture, gilded spurs or
buckles or shoe-latchets with gold or silver ornaments, or carry
rings, except such as denoted official rank.
That the clergy often employed their sacred calling as a Labbe,
means for self-aggrandisement is only too apparent.1 Among xus), 'coi.
other regulations is one forbidding any priest in receipt of aj^jj. '
stipend for the performance of an annual mass or other service to X3CTl-
undertake, during the whole or any part of that same period,
any other spiritual duty under a penalty of having to refund
the amount of his stipend, as well as to give as much again in
charity. Clerics who receive tapers or candles at funerals or atiabbe.ut
J . . /» i i i • i .-l snpra, sec. SB.
masses in commemoration of the dead are strictly enjoined to^^J. nt
remain until the end of the service.2 Failing this they are to
restore what they have received, with as much again. No cleric
is to venture to snatch candles out of the hands of those dis
tributing them at a funeral, or on the occasion of one, under a
penalty to be imposed at the discretion of the Archbishop. The
shameless conduct of some of the clergy is noticed, who at funeral Labbe, nt
services do not wait to receive the customary offerings from thejian^ut supra, eol,
320.
fluitatem gerentibus, non utantur.— Fibulas omnino non ferant, nee corrigias
auri vel argenti ornamentum habentes, sicut nee annulos, nisi quibus competit
ex officio dignitatis.
1 De paena eorum qui se eodem tempore ad duo servitia obligant.
Sacerdotum insuper avaritiam refrasnantes, inhibemus, ne quis presbyter,
qui recepit pro uno anniversario stipendium, aut vel pro alio servitio assidue
exequendo, interim ad simile vel aliud se obliget in parte temporis vel in toto :
quod si fecerit et id quod male accepit restituet et ad eleemosynam solvet
tandumdem. 2 De paena eoium qui in exsequiis aliquid recipiunt et finem non expectant.
Eos vero presbyteros aut clericos qui in obsequiis vel ofnciis pro defunctis
cereos vel candelas recipiunt, praecepimus finem servitii expectare : alioquin et
quod acceperint restituent et tantumdem ; et volumus inviolabilitertobservari,
quod nullus clericus audeat vel praesumat rapere candelas de manibus dantium
in funere, seu ejus occasione, sub pasnS. nostro arbitrio inferemda.
33

514 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
laity as they are being brought to the altar, but in the sight of
the congregation pounce upon them like ravening wolves, heed
less of the sacrilege which they commit by their action.1 They
were accustomed, too, it seems, on the news of a death, to pro
ceed to the house of the deceased with crosses borne aloft, not
with one only, as was befitting, but with many collected from
all directions, and not out of respect to God or from any feeling
of religion, but merely to scramble for the candles distributed
on such occasions. So great, indeed, was their greed that the
laity were at such times unable to satisfy their demands. Their
shouts disturbed the mourners, while frequently in the scramble
that ensued the crosses were knocked together. Some of them
also, when acting as the agents or executors of deceased persons,
either distributed the property entrusted to their charge un
fairly, or negligently, or took no trouble at all in the matter, or,
worst of all, converted it to their own use.
One fertile source of these disorders was the facility with
which strange clerics were admitted into the ranks of the island
Labbe, clergy. Individuals, who had been excommunicated or sus-
xi. (2i,'ki5. ' pended by their own diocesans for misconduct, used frequently
Mansi, tom. to take their letters of orders to places where they were not
" known, and there presumptuously perform . the duties proper to
their several orders.2 Some even pretending with the aid of

xxvi., col. 347.

1 Contra avaritam clericorum. Ecce enim, quod de nostris subditis cum
cordis amaritudine referimus, jam adeo devenere effrontes, ut etiam in loco et
de loco sacro, cum pro mortuis exequiae celebrantur, oblationes de manu laicorum
ipsas ad altare deferentium, in conspectu populi, rapaces lupi non recipiunt,
sed rapiunt impudenter, non veientes ciimen sacrilegii incurrere sic aperte.
Cumque ad domum alicujus defuncti cum cruce processio debeat proficisci : tot
illuc, non propter Deum, aut devotionem aliquam, sed propter candelas, cruces
undique deferuntur, quod laici non sufficiunt defeientium extinguere sitim, nee
possunt eorum molestias tolerare ingerentium se, tam ardenter, ut eos quasi
opprimant et seipsos, ut etiam, quod est horribile auditu, praeter eorum clamores
validos, cruces ipsas ad invicem collidantur. Quidam etiam presbyteri et alii
clerici, dum defuncto commissarii seu executores fuerint cum sociis aut soli :
quae committuntur eisdem, infideliter distribuunt, negligenter aut nullo modo
requirunt : quodque pessimum est, aliquando retinent sibi ipsis.
2 De ordinibus. — Statuimus quod presbyteri qui non sunt oriundi de Cypro,
non admittantur in civitatibus vel dicecesibus istius provincial ad celebrandum
Divina, ut sacerdotes. Novimus enim et pro certo didicimus, quosdam in
sacris ordinibus constitutes, culpis propriis exigentibus, a praelatis suis excom,-
municationis vel suspensionis vinculo innodatos, cum litteris suae ordinationis ad
peregrinas ubi sunt incogniti nationes migrasse, et ibidem ausu temerario in
susceptis ordinibus ministrasse. Et nonnullos alios qui mentientes se promotos,
cum non sint, cum falsis litteris nonnunquam ab indiscretis ecclesiae praelatis
admissos fuisse, et ibidem de facto ministrasse ecclesiastica sacramenta : quod
quum grave et ridiculosum sit, nullus sanas mentis ignorat. Unde volumus
quod nullus talium admittatur omnino, nisi sui ordinatoris vel successoris illius

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 515
forged letters to be ordained had been admitted by careless
prelates into their dioceses and had actually administered the
sacraments. To prevent the recurrence of such scandals it
was expressly enjoined by a Synod, assembled at Limassol in
September, 1298, under the presidency of Archbishop Gerard,
that only native-born ecclesiastics should be allowed to officiate
without question in the province. Every one else was to be
inhibited until he had produced a letter from the bishop, who
had ordained him, or from his successor. This document was to
contain nothing likely to arouse suspicion, to make special
mention of the order conferred upon the bearer, give a satisfactory
reason for his presence abroad, bear favourable testimony to his
former life and conversation, and adduce reliable evidence that
in the country from which he came he had discharged the duties
of a secular priest. In cases where this precaution was found
to have been neglected, both receiver and received were to be
punished according to the decision of the ensuing Synod. In
the itinerary of Felix Faber are clear indications that, despite all
precautions, but little improvement took place as time advanced.
A staunch member of the Church, whose credit he impugns, his
evidence cannot fairly be questioned. So important, indeed, are
his remarks that the actual words, in which he makes them,
should be quoted : —
" Of the bishops and clergy, both secular and regular, I can- reiicis Fabri
not speak but with bitterness of heart, and if I would speak IuL?pa242.onl
could not, unless I whisper it into the ear of Heaven. It is
absolutely indispensable for the dignity of the Catholic faith
that in the confines of Christendom, such as Cyprus is, there
should be placed bishops of mature age, energetic, and resident
in their dioceses, who by teaching and example might favourably
influence towards the Roman Church not only their co-religionists,
but Greeks, Armenians, and other Oriental schismatics and
heretics, and whose conspicuous virtues might fill Saracens and
Turks with admiration. For Cyprus is surrounded on all sides
by the above-mentioned unspeakable races, who daily traverse
all parts of the island in the pursuit of their business. For this
reason maturity of age is of more consequence there than holiness
is at Rome, and licence is more endurable at Rome than the
ostendat litteras omni suspicione carentes, suscepti ordinis mentionem expressam
et causam peregrinationis idoneam continentes : sed alias de bona vita et fama
et conversatione antiqua, et quod in terra de qua venit sacerdotio fungebatur in
habitu saeculari, faciat plenam fidem. Alioquin tarn recipiens, quam receptus,
puniatur ad arbitrium concilii subsequentis.

516 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
sight of a bad example there. We know that in the early
Church the chief Apostles were sent to the localities inhabited
by the Gentiles, for which reason Peter and John were sent
from Jerusalem to Samaria (Acts viii.). Now, however, who are
sent to those out of the way places as bishops ? Let those who
send them see to it. Why, members of the Mendicant Orders,
who abhor their professed poverty, do not practise chastity,
find obedience irksome, loathe the observance of their rule, and
are ashamed to wear their despised monastic garb, are selected
as bishops for those places through their own fawnings and
entreaties, and preferments begged from princes and nobles, and
sometimes also through iniquitous and simoniacal bribes, the
money for which they have acquired from devout Christians as
alms under pious but false pretences. I was thrown for a while
in the company of the Bishop of Paphos l in the following wise :
" On one occasion we were detained for three days in the harbour
of Salines (Larnaka) in Cyprus. It was reported that two
bishops were coming as our fellow-passengers. At length the
two bishops arrived with their equipages and a quantity of
baggage and, coming on board the galley, caused much incon
venience to us pilgrims, crowding our already very confined
quarters. One of these bishops was a monk, a member of one
of the Mendicant Orders. Upon him I kept my eye more
closely than upon the other. He was a beardless youth with
the face and manners of a woman. He wore the habit of his
Order, but it was very different both in colour and texture,
being made of valuable camelot, with a train like a woman's.
He had various jewelled rings upon his fingers and his neck was
encircled with a gold chain. He quarrelled daily with his
servants and treated every one with contempt, especially the
pilgrims whom he would not allow to sit with him. On one
occasion a priest of our company, the chaplain of a certain
knight, one of the pilgrims, asked him to move up a little from
where he was sitting so as not to crowd the knight. The bishop
greeted the request with a haughty stare, but the priest planting
himself in front of the bishop claimed as his the seat and berth,
for which he had paid a considerable sum. In the hearing of
all the bishop replied : ' How dare you dispute with me, you
ass ? Do you know who I am ? ' The priest retorted : ' I am
not an ass, but a priest. I neither despise a priest nor should
1 The name of this episcopal exquisite was possibly Simon de Balcinola, who
was appointed to the See about 1485. Faber's attention was doubtless drawn
more closely to him from his being a member of the same monastic Order.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 517
I hold a bishop up to scorn. But I perceive that you are a
most haughty monk and iiTeligious friar, with whom I will fight
tooth and nail for my rights.' Upon this the bishop made a
gesture at him with his thumb, as the Italians are wont to do
when they wish to show contempt for any one. On observing
this the knight made a rush for the bishop, as did some other
young knights also, shouting and swearing. But the bishop
prudently taking to his heels rushed up on deck to the captain
on the poop, nor did he again descend to the pilgrims' quarters."
Well might the narrator of this edifying spectacle remark after
his experience of the state of religion in the island : " I marvel
the name of Christ has not already disappeared from Cyprus,
seeing that it is in the midst of Turks and Saracens ".1
1 Invectio contra Cypri Provisionem
De dicecesanis autem et clero, plebanis et religiosis, loqui non possum nisi
cum cordis amaritudine, et si loqui vellem, non possem, nisi velim os in ccelum
ponere. Summe necessarium esset pro fidei catholicae dignitate, quod in
finibus ultimis Christianae religionis, ut est Cyprus, ponerentur episcopi maturi,
fortes et in ecclesiis suis residentiam habentes, qui verbo et exemplo non solum
sibi subditos, sed Graecos, Armenos et caeteros schismaticos ac Orientales
haereticos ad ecclesiae Romanae dilectionem inclinarent, et Sarracenos, Turcos
in ammirationem verterent ob insignia virtutum. Prasfatis enim monstruosis
gentibus Cyprus undique circumdata est, et quottidie pro suis negotiis per insulae
totius loca vagantur. Ideo magis esset ibi necessaria maturitas quam Romae
sanctitas, et tolerabilius est Romae esse excessum, quam ibi videre malum
exemplum. Scimus quod in primitiva ecclesia ad loca gentilia mittebantur principales
apostolici, unde Petrus et Johannes fuerunt missi a Jerusalem in Samariam
(Act. viii.). Nunc autem qui mittuntur ad ilia extrema loca, ut sint episcopi,
videant ipsi mittentes, nam fratres de ordinibus Mendicantium, qui paupertatem
professam abominantur, castitate non afficiuntur, obedientia onerantur, et qui
observantiam suae regulae detestantur et ferre habitum despectum monachalem
verecundantur, ad ilia loca destinantur episcopi ad eorum adulationes et preces
et mendicatas principum et nobilium promotiones et nonnunquam ad oblata
iniqua et simoniaca munera, quae ipsi in ratione eleemosynarum a Christi
fidelibus acceperunt, pias sed falsas allegantes causas. Conversatus fui ad
tempus cum episcopo Paphiensi in tali casu : quadam vice tribus diebus detenti
fuimus in portu Salinensi Cypri, et dicebatur, quod duo episcopi essent venturi
et nobiscum navigaturi : tandem duo episcopi cum equitaturis et apparatu
multo venerunt et ingressi galeam nobis peregrinis multum infesti fuerunt et
nostra angusta loca magis angustaverunt. Inter illos episcopos unus erat
religiosus, de ordine quodam Mendicantium, ad quem ego oculum habui magis,
quam ad alium dominum. Erat autem episcopus ille juvenis, imberbis, faemineam
habens faciem et mores per omnia muliebres, habitum suum portavit, sed in
colore et valore mutatum. Nam de pretiosa scamalota formaverat sibi habitum
cum cauda retro, sicut faemina, et multos in digitis habebat annulos gemmatos et
in collo habebat auream catenam et cum suis ministris quottidie contendebat,
aspernabatur autem cunctos, praecipue tamen peregrinos, quos non sinebat secum
consedere. Quadam vice quidem sacerdos de nostris, capellanus cujusdam
militis peregrini, rogavit eum paululum ascendere a loco, in quo sedebat, ne
sic arctaret militem, episcopus autem despective sacerdotem ilium inspiciens

518 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Konvnpn627 Soon after the acquisition of the island by the Republic a
Btsqq.' deputation of Cypriot notables proceeded to Venice with a me
morial, which they had been charged by their compatriots to
lay before the Signory.1 The governing authorities after care
fully considering in concert with the Senate each of the various
points contained in the document, transmitted their decisions to
ncus2onene" their representatives in Cyprus. Among other matters were
vendendis." certain suggested reforms in connection with ecclesiastical abuses,
which are of the highest interest. The Cypriots professed to
regard the numerous misfortunes, which of late years had be
fallen their country, as due to the divine wrath for the small
care and attention bestowed upon the churches, that had every
where been allowed to fall into ruins. This lamentable state
of things the memorialists ascribed to the pernicious custom of
putting up to public auction and selling to the highest bidder
all ecclesiastical preferments when vacant, Greek as well as
Latin, without any regard to the status of the purchaser, whether
lay or clerical, worthy or unworthy, educated or illiterate.
These persons did not scruple to appropriate and impoverish
the endowments of the churches, of which they had in such a
manner become possessed, and to completely ruin them. In
consequence the number of masses and services was greatly cur
tailed, contrary to the intention of the deceased benefactors,
who had endowed these places. To put a stop to these abuses
they prayed the Government to take care for the future that
no vacancy should be filled except by worthy and learned ec
clesiastics after consultation with the gentry and inhabitants of
despexit, sacerdos autem locum et cumbam quam ingenti pretio pro se emerat,
defendit opponens se episcopo, ad quem episcopus in omnium audientia dixit :
" et quomodo tu asine audes contendere mecum, nonne scis, quis ego sum ? "
Ad quem clericus dixit : " Ego asinus non sum, sed sacerdos, nee sacerdotem
sperno nee episcopum contemnere debeo, sed superbissimum monachum et
irreligiosum fratrem sentio, cum quo usque ad unguem pro juribus meis conten
dere volo." Ad haec ostendit episcopus ille sacerdoti ficum, ut solet fieri ab
Italis cum pollice, cum alicui contumeliam inferre volunt. Hoc dum miles
clerici vidisset, insurrexit contra episcopum, et alii milites juvenes cum eo, cum
clamore et jurgio, episcopus autem prudenti usus consilio fugam arripuit sursum
in castellum ad patronum, nee amplius ad peregrinorum loca descendit. Dixi
superius in P. i. Fol. 68. de quodam clerico, Latino et Graeco simul, et multa
alia notavi, ita quod miror, quod nomen Christi non dudum est a Cypro deletum,
cum sit in medio Turcorum et Sarracenorum (Felix Fabri. Edit. Haeseler,
vol. iii., p. 242).
1 They were three in number and, as described in the document from which
the particulars of their mission are taken, were " dominus Hanibal Babinus,
eques, Petrus Gullus et Ioannes Strambali, oratores istius fidelissime et nobis
charissime Univeisitatis Cypri ",

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 519
the particular locality, and also to prohibit the custom of selling
such preferments or of offering them to public auction. Any
charges payable by those who received them should be expended
upon the fabric of the buildings, according as the local authori
ties and those appointed to assist them in the matter might
determine. In addition they suggested the appointment of six
or eight persons of position and integrity by the supreme
council at Venice, who should be associated with the represen
tatives of the Signory in the island in the government and
reparation of the churches, and the supervision of the clergy.
As one notable cause of the prevalent disorders was the frequent
non-residence of the clergy they further suggested that, in the
case of those who had not a lawful excuse for absence, the half
of their stipends should be deducted and expended for the
benefit of their churches. The Government in its reply stated
that before coming to a final decision on the first point raised
by the memorialists it must acquire a thorough knowledge of
the privileges granted by the Holy See, as well as of the au
thority under which this custom of bestowing preferments had
continued to the present. It promised, therefore, to write and
request its representatives in the island to furnish it with all
possible information on the subject. With regard, however, to
the election of those who should have charge of the repairs of
the churches it was content that this suggested reform should
be carried out on the lines proposed by its petitioners. That
churches and monasteries might not suffer through the non-
residence of those preferred to them, it was decreed that when
they required to be repaired the necessary work should be done
by the local authorities, and the expenses incurred defrayed out
of the incomes of the preferments, in default of those holding
them doing it themselves. Another frequent source of com- m. De bene-
plaint was the bestowal of the benefices upon foreigners. Ac- regnicous. *
cordingly the deputation prayed the Signory not to countenance
this practice, which entailed considerable hardship upon the
Cypriots, but either through the medium of the Pope or in any
other way which seemed good to it, to confer them in future
upon natives. Should the Signory decide to reserve the arch
bishopric and one of the suffragan Sees for Venetians the
memorialists expressed themselves ready to accept such an
arrangement, provided they were not bestowed upon members
of any other nationality. The Signory in reply promised to
write to its envoy at Rome and obtain this concession as to the
bestowal of the benefices. With regard, however, to the question

ill.

520 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of the dioceses it declared its intention of conferring all four
upon Venetians. But the evils, to which attention was thus
called, had become too deeply ingrained to be eradicated by any
such measures however skilfully devised. That these proposed
reforms would practically remain a dead letter our experience
of the treatment accorded to former suggestions of the same
nature would have led us to expect. But actual evidence to
that effect exists in the report presented to the Signory in 1562
jut. de at the end of the Venetian domination by Bernardo Sagredo,
ui., p.' M2. who had for two years acted as purveyor-general.1 In that
document he draws a very melancholy picture of the state of
religion among the Latins. Speaking of the Cathedral Church
of Nikosia he declares there have been times when the represen
tatives of Venice on proceeding there for public worship have
had to send for a priest to conduct the service ! 2 He admits
at the same time that great improvements in this respect had
been effected by the present Archbishop and that the services
were now conducted with greater regularity. In consequence
of these reforms the cathedral was again much frequented,
though before on occasions when the authorities did not attend
the congregation was but small. He also commends the con
duct of the Bishops of Famagusta and Paphos in introducing
similar improvements into their respective cathedrals. With
regard to the latter building he reports that it had become so
1 Li sono quattro chiese latine vescovali. La prima e l'arcivescovato di
Nicosia, chiesa tanto ben redotta da questo arcivescovo quanto si puo desiderare,
oltra ehe vi son molte messe ; ehe per avanti, li clarissini rettori molte volte,
quando andavano a messa, bisognava ehe mandassero cercando qual ehe prete.
Ha fatto la capella di canto figurato ; et ogni festa cantano li divini offitii, et
anco ogni giorno, oltra la messa grande, se dice matutino con tutte l'hore la
mattina et dipoi desinare vespero et compieta ; per il ehe la chiesa e frequentata
da gentilhuomini et altri, ehe sono accertato ch'avanti, se non vi andavano li
rettori, pochi vi andavano. Medesimamente il vescovo di Famagosta fa offitiar
ben la sua chiesa, et cosi quel di Baffo, quale ha retrovata la sua chiesa molto
rovinata, ehe pochissimo o niente era offitiata per il ehe l'era andata a rovina,
la onde spende et spendera molti danari per redurla ehe sia chiesa. Et e gia a
buon termine, fa ehe li sacerdoti frequentano li divini officii, ehe prima la
guardavano poco. Di quel di Limisso non posso dir niente, per non essere alia
sua residentia. II suo vicario, ehe e un frate Dominichino, fa da vicario ; il
qual, stando fuor del suo monasterio per un poco di premio, si puo sperar poco
bene.
Documents '* Archbishop Vittore Marcello in his letter of complaint to Pope Sixtus IV.
Nonveanx, p. ^2yd May, 1481), with regard to the conduct of Nicolo Donato, Bishop of
Limassol, thus speaks of certain of the canons of the metropolitan cathedral :
" Et jam quosdam canonicos et alios deficere fecit a nobis, quos ipsi correximus
et castigavimus, cum dissoluti essent et divinum cultum negligerent, officium,
ut ita loquar, non celebrantes ",

WEST FKONT, ST. NICOLAS, FAMAGUSTA

ad ana. 1560.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 521
dilapidated that service was scarcely ever held there, until the
present occupant of the See had expended large sums upon its
restoration. This step had been attended with the happiest
results, as the clergy had become more attentive to their duties,
which they had formerly most grossly neglected. Ofthe Bishop
of Limassol he remarks that he has nothing to say, as that pre
late was not in residence. But his representative, a Dominican
friar, comes in for a most scathing notice at his hands. He
observes that little good could be expected of him, since he had
been tempted to leave his monastery by the small remuneration
offered for his services !
The true explanation of all these irregularities was to be Raynaid
found in the continued absence of the archbishops who, until N°-91
the appointment of the last of them, Filippo Mocenigo, are
reported never to have visited their province for the long period
of seventy years.
Note. — Famagusta is the only other town in the island
which approaches Nikosia in the number and sumptuousness of
its mediaeval buildings. Foremost among them stands the
Latin Cathedral dedicated to St. Nicolas, which serves as the
resting-place of the two last sovereigns of the house of Lusignan,
Jacques II. and his infant son, Jacques III.1 Like the Cathe
dral of Santa Sophia the style is early French Gothic, though Transactions
somewhat later in date. The columns, as in the older building, institnte oi
are circular, the nave is divided into seven bays, while each l*»jJ». Se»»-
... ri,, 1 ¦ 1882-3. p. 18.
aisle has an eastern apse. The western end is terminated by
two fine towers, with a fine triple doorway. There is no open
poreh as at Nikosia, but there are chapels on either side. It,
too, has experienced the same desecration as its counterpart at
the capital, being converted into a mosque immediately after
1 The following inscription relative to the partial reconstruction of the De Mas
cathedral in 1311 by Bishop Baudouin is to be found on one of the buttresses on chypre,Ip. ie
the south side : — 385. ' '
L'an . de . mil . et . trois . cens . et . XI .
de . Crist . a . Ill . jors . d'Aoust .
fu . despendue . l'amonee . ordonnee .
por . le . labour . dTiglise . de . Famag .
et . commensa . le . labour . le . vesq .
Bauduin . ledit . an . le . premier .
jor . de . Septembre . douquel . labour .
VI . votes . d' . deus . heles . estoient .
faites . c . X . votes . des . heles . aus .
VIII . vots . dire .
while on the reverse side are the words : —
La nave , de l'iglise . estoit faite ,

522 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the capture of the town in 1571. Most of the other buildings,
which escaped the destruction wrought by the repeated Turkish
bombardments during the siege, have since been allowed to
crumble into ruins, but the frescoes still to be seen on their
shattered walls survive to tell of their former magnificence. Of
their names the following alone have escaped the wreck of time :
St.-Antoine, St. -Dominique, St.-Francois, St.-Pierre et St.-
Paul, and St. -Simeon.
The Other Non-Orthodox Denominations.
Lnsignan, P. Besides members of the Church of Rome representatives of
34(a). various other Christian communities also arrived in the island
at the time of the first Latin settlement.1 Among those enu
merated by Lusignan are to be found Armenians, Copts,
Maronites, Indians (i.e., Abyssinians), Nestorians, Georgians
and Jacobites. The attitude of Guy towards the members of
these numerous sects was characterised by great liberality and
toleration. Not only did he grant them the free exercise of
their faith, but also assigned them different localities in his new
capital, where they might build houses and erect places of wor
ship. From the time of their first appearance to the period
when he wrote, so Lusignan declares, they had all their own
individual bishops, who were consecrated and sent to minister
to them by their respective Patriarchs.2
1. The Syrians, forced at various periods to quit their native
land by the invading Moslem, appeared long prior to the arrival
of the Latins, at a time which cannot now be definitely ascer-
Hist. de tained. They settled principally in Nikosia and Famagusta,
p^ira'ano0' "being civilly under the j urisdiction of an official called a reis,
who was a compatriot appointed by the sovereign and resident
at Nikosia. In the fourteenth century they are said to have
possessed another of these functionaries in Famagusta also.
1 Quando poi il Re Guido ando in Cipro, andorno alcuni d'ogni natione in
Cipro in compagnia del Re, et il Re li diede loco nella citta di Nicosia di fabri
cate le loro case et chiese.
Lusignan, ut 2 Ogni natione di questa haveva il suo Vescovo, et cosi perseverorno insino
supra. hoggidi, et questi Vescovi li mandavano consecrati li loro Patriarchi. L'Armeno
Patriarca habita in Armenia minore, et quantunque essi Armeni habbiano da
quattro Patriarchi, perd quelli di Cipro non davano obedientia se non a quello
dell' Armenia minore. II Maronito sta al monte Libano ; quello de' Cofti et
Jacobiti nel Cairo; quello de' Nestorini et Indiani in India et Africa. Li
Giorgiani sono greci detto in greco Iveri, soggetti a' Moscoviti, et essi in Cipro
non hanno altro Vescovo ehe quello dell' isola Greco, et li Greci et Giorgiani
hanno pero alcune differentie tra di loro circa le cose della fede.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 523
They so entirely identified themselves with the Orthodox as to
adopt their language, conform to their beliefs, frequent their
churches, and even share their prejudices against the Latins.1
By degrees they became in consequence so completely merged
in the native population as to lose all traces of their original
nationality. In all matters of ecclesiastical concern they were
placed under the control of the Orthodox prelates.
2. The Georgians, or Iberians, possessed some monasteries Kyprianos, p.
near Alamino in the district of Mazoto. Their principal colony
was at Nikosia. They acknowledged also the jurisdiction of the
Orthodox prelates and, though differing in several minor details,
identified themselves with that communion. No representatives
of this sect are to be found, however, in the island at the present
day. 3. The great Monophysite heresy was represented in its four
fold division of: —
(1) The Armenians, who dwelt in a part of Nikosia, which
received from them the name of Armenia, a title that it still
retains.2 It is a mistake to suppose that their arrival dates from
the foundation of the Lusignan dynasty. Proofs are not want
ing that they were in the island considerably before the Western
settlement. For instance, it is stated that the troops with mst.de
which Isaac Komnenos vainly sought to oppose Coeur-de-Lion Im?" ,,p'
were partly composed of that nation.3 A traveller, too, who
visited the island shortly after its partition among the Latins, itta.
Willebrand of Oldenburg (A.n. 1211), speaks of them as though oidenburg.
they were colonists of long standing.4 Their numbers were
subsequently further increased on the invasion of their native Amadi, p. 400.
land by the Sultan of Egypt in a.d. 1322, when Henri IL, pity- p1•2wu,,t^on,
ing their miserable condition, assigned the new-comers various Raynaidi,ad ann. 1260,
1 " Quam (ordinationem) ad Syros ejusdem regni, eosdem cum Graecis mores, '. ^e
ritus, communisque juris censuram ab antiquis servantes, extendimus " is the chyj., iii.,
testimony of the Constitutio Cypria on this point. Several other Papal Bulls pp' 642-65S-
couple the two communions together, e.g., one of Gregory IX., dated 17th {satiuw^Si!
November, 1237, and another of Urban IV, dated 23rd January, 1263. Mm'ifv"'
2 Jacques II. effected his escape from Nikosia in 1458 by scaling the walls of **>•
this part of the city — 4Kpeppiaav dirb rijv 'Appeviav — are the words of the oorSnnatlon
chronicler who has recorded the incident. de a. de Tyr
rsis. of
3 II assembla son pooir de Grifons et d'Ermins et de genz qu'il avoit en File Florence].
por venir autre fois en bataille contre le roi Richart. J<,S8J>?,' ,
r Genesii de
4 Ex istis scire potestis, quod domini hujus terrae (i.e., Cypri) Franci sunt, rebus Con-
quibus Graeci et Hormenii, ut coloni, obediunt. Venet.,1733.

524 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
places of residence within his dominions, as well as granted them
pecuniary assistance. They were formerly presided over by a
bishop of their own nationality, who was appointed by the
Catholicos of Sis and resided at Nikosia.1 Indeed at one time
they possessed a second prelate, who dwelt at Famagusta, but
upon their numbers decreasing he was eventually abolished.
Lusignan mentions three villages, all situated in the vicinity of
the northern mountains, viz. Platani and Kornokipos near
Nikosia, and Spathariko near Famagusta, as being inhabited by
Armenians in his days. But all traces of them have long since
disappeared. Near Limassol, too, is a village which from its
name of Armenochori (' Apfievoympiov, the Armenian village),
seems to have been formerly the dwelling-place of persons of
that nationality. At the present day comparatively few of them
are to be found in the island. Twenty-five years ago they
phiiippos included a colony of twenty families at Nikosia,2 some six or
weorgon,p. e}gn.(. more inhabiting the monastery of St. Makarios3 in the
district of Kyrenia, and five other families at Larnaka. The
census Report census of 1891 gives their total number at 269, most of whom
are to be met with in the district of Nikosia. In addition to
the monastery of St. Makarios they possess another establish
ment of the same kind within the walls of the capital, the church
Lusignan, p. of which is dedicated to St. George. They are reported to have
been formerly persuaded to renounce the Patriarch at Sis for
the Supreme Pontiff by a member of their own nationality, one
Julian, whom, though a Dominican, they elected as their bishop,
a choice subsequently confirmed by Pius IV.4 Pie is said among

34 (b).

usigna:

1 Li Armeni stanno in Nicosia con il Vescovo, et di fuori hanno il casaletto
di Platani et il Cornogibo. Hanno anchora un' altro Vescovo a Famagosta, et
di fuori il casal Spadarico, ma essendo diminuiti in Famagosta, non fanno altro
Vescovo ehe quello di Nicosia. Lusignan in his Description (p. 31 a) says that
the Armenian Church at Nikosia was called Holy Cross, " Celle des Armeniens
s'appelle Saincte Croix "
Hist, de 2 De Mas Latrie writing of this sect in 1861 says : —
p?iS'.' tom' "" "Elle forme dans cette ville (Nicosie) une petite colonie de cinquante a
soixante families, toutes groupees dans un quartier qu'on appelle l'Armenie,
comme du temps des Lusignan ".
CensusReport 3 This establishment is called in the Census Report of 1891 Ayios Merkourios.
4 Li Maroniti alcuna fiata pigliorno il loro Vescovo dai sommo Pontefice, ma
le altre mai, eccetto li Armeni per opera di un padre da bene di vita et dotto di
San Dominico, il Monsignor Giulio della istessa natione. Questo Monsignor
rivoco esse natione de non far o mangiar la Pascha il sabbato santo la sera nel
apparir la prima Stella, ma Domenica da mattina dipoi Ii divini officii. II quale
al presente e Vescovo di Bove in Calavria, e vivo et fece molti altri buoni frutti,
rivocando essi Armeni di Cipro dalla obedientia del falso Patriarca, et anchora
disprezzorno molti articoli heretici, et danno obedientia al sommo Patriarca de
tutti Romano,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 525
other reforms to have dissuaded them from commencing the
celebration of Easter on the eve of the festival at the appear
ance of the first star, but to postpone it to the morning of
Easter Day itself at the conclusion of matins. Being equally
as familiar with Greek as with his mother tongue this individual
on the capture of Nikosia in 1570 was placed by Pius IV. in
charge of the diocese of Bovi in Calabria, which was then in
habited by Greeks. Of these Armenian Roman Catholics, census Report
however, there are at the present day only eleven in the whole (1 1|' p'
island, nine of whom reside in the district of Nikosia. The rest
are now under the charge of an archimandrite sent by the
Armenian Patriarch at Jerusalem, with a priest as his assistant,
both of whom dwell in the above-mentioned monastery of St.
George. Le Quien mentions only two prelates of this sect, i.e amen, o.c.,
Nicolaus and Julianus.1 i'ae. ' ''
(2) The Jacobites. This name, though since applied in a
more general sense, originally denoted the heterodox members
of the Church of Antioch. De Mas Latrie is of opinion that
members of this sect found their way to Cyprus even during
the period of Byzantine rule. From the beginning of the Labbe,
thirteenth century at any rate they were definitely settled in cois. 2&2-2436.
the island, when their bishops figure in the local Synods.2 JoS, xxvi.
Lusignan mistakenly asserts that their Patriarch dwelt at Cairo. Hist, de
In this he evidently confuses between them and the Copts, as'fc'irt.de'
who, though identified with them in their heretical opinions, n'o. 35).
were distinct from the Jacobites proper. These latter on being mSS!*1"1' p'
deprived of the See of Antioch for their heterodoxy retired to
Mesopotamia, where their Patriarch fixed his abode at Caramit.
1 Of Nicolaus he merely reports that he was present at a council at Sis ; of
Julianus he writes as follows : —
" Iste, natione Armenus, Ordinis Praed. a suis Armenis in Cypio, licet
schismaticis, ipsorum episcopus electus. Romam venit ad Pium IV. a quo
confiimationem suam accepit. Redux Armenos insulae Cypri sibi obtemperantes
ad communionem Romanam adduxit, pluribus que erroribus ac superstitionibus
liberavit. Hunc, capta Nicosia anno 1570, SS. Pius Papa V. transtulit ad
ecclesiam Bovensem in Calabria Graecis refertam, quorum linguam Iulianus non
minus bene ac Armenam callebat. Adhuc vivebat piissimus antistes anno 1578,
quo haec de eo scripsit S. Lusinianus, ejus itinerum socius. Is probabiliter ille
ipse est, quem Ughellus tom. ix. in duos dividit viros, utrumque Bovensem
episcopum, quorum prior ex episcopo Magnensi translatus est ad Bovensem
ecclesiam die 19 Mart. 1571 et obiit anno 1572, posterior vero electus est die
2 Oct. 1577 et Romae decessit septima die a sua promotione, quum nondum esset
consecratus. Sed major fides ea in re Stephano Lusiniano teste occulato
adhibenda videtur."
2 They are mentioned in a Bull of Honorius III. dated 20th Jan., 1222.

526 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
LeQuien.o.c, Le Quien gives the following short list of a few of their prelates,
torn, il.ool. , P , . ..?,....„ r
1421. who exercised episcopal jurisdiction in Cyprus.
i. Proclus, said to have been bishop of a certain city of
Cyprus by James, Bishop of Edessa, who died in a.d. 708.
ii. Paulus, a.d. 624.
iii. Athanasius was present at the election of Ignatius III. as
Patriarch of the Jacobites in the monastery of Gavicatha, a.d.
1264. iv. Name unknown.
v. Dionysius.
vi. Athanasius II, a.d. 1457.
vii. Joannes Metoscita, a.d. 1536, mentioned as bishop in a
work composed in Cyprus that same year.
viii. Isaac, a.d. 1583.

Lusignan, p. (3) The Copts,1 or Egyptians, like the Armenians, inhabited
a particular quarter of Nikosia under the supervision of a
bishop, who was sent by the Patriarch residing at Cairo.2 They
owned a monastery near the village of Platani dedicated to
Makarios, where the exclusion of females was so rigidly enforced
that even hens were prohibited, the inmates only tolerating the
presence of a cock to rouse them in the morning to their devo
tions. This monastery would seem to be the one of that name
Kyprianos, p. now in possession of the Armenians, as Kyprianos (1788), who
has evidently derived the story from Lusignan (1573), tells it of
that nation. The Copts are said to have been such strict
observers of the Lenten fast as to have refused at that period
to eat anything liable to produce worms, on which account
beans and lentils were then rejected by them.

34 a.

Lusignan, p. (4) The Abyssinians, or Indians, as they are called by Lusig
nan, were to be met with only at Nikosia, where they dwelt with
their bishop, who was sent by their Patriarch, or metropolitan,
residing in Abyssinia. They practised circumcision and conferred
the rite of baptism by branding the forehead with a hot iron.
1 Li Cofti, over Circoncisi, stanno in Nicosia, et fuori alii monti verso
Tramontana ; questi monaci non vogliono nessun animal feminil nel suo
monasterio, ne ancho vogliono galine salvo ehe un gallo per risvegliarli la notte
al mattutino, ne mangiavano la quadragesima cosa alcuna ehe generasse
vermeti, et per cio era prohibito alloro la fava, lente, et simil. Hanno un
Monasterio detto San Machari, ilquale e santo del Diavolo (!), essendo quel
Machario, ehe il concilio dannd, il 4 Concilio de' Calcedonia.
2 Lusignan (Description, p. 31, a.) says their church there was called St.
Anthony — " Celle des Coftes (s'appelle) Sainct Antoine "

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 527
4 The Maronites have always been, after the native Ortho
dox, the most numerous sect in Cyprus. It is difficult to fix
the exact period at which they first appeared. De Mas LatrieHist.de
suggests that it may have occurred when the Mardaites were p. i&.'
removed from Mount Lebanon by Justinian II. in a.d. 686.
After their forcible expatriation many of them are known to
have settled at Satalia on the coast of Asia Minor opposite to constant,
Cyprus, which from its proximity may have suggested to them •*d"in- im»-
a settlement there. These would be further increased in the
succeeding centuries by fugitives from Syria after its conquest
by the Moslems, the last immigration possibly taking place
under the auspices of Guy de Lusignan in a.d. 1192. In the Lusignan, p.
capital and other towns of the island they were never very
numerous, preferring to settle in the mountainous region north
of Nikosia, where they devoted themselves to the cultivation of
the soil and the rearing of live stock.1 Their bishop, who was
dependent on the Archbishop of the Lebanon, formerly in
habited the monastery of St. George at Attalia, or Tale, a
village in the district of the Karpas. According to De Mas
Latrie he was finally compelled by the persecutions of the
Greeks to retire to Syria, his place being now filled by theHist.de
protopapas of Kormakiti. piS'-'
Those residing in the villages were until 1840 under the Kyprianos, p.
ecclesiastical j urisdiction of the Orthodox Bishop of Kyrenia, phuippos
receiving from him dispensations for marriages and paying him «e°rgfou' p-
the customary dues.2 They observed, too, their festivals ac
cording to the calendar of the Orthodox Church and celebrated
Easter at the same time as their Greek neighbours. But in
that year through the action of the French Government they
separated from the Orientals and adopted the Latin calendar
instead. At present they are subject to the Archbishop of the
Lebanon, whose representative in Cyprus is the Vicar-General of
the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, residing at Larnaka. Though
they all speak the Greek vernacular, their services have
1 Li Maroniti sono pochissimi in Nicosia, ma di fuori alii casali sono assai,
et habitano in 30 casali, et questa e la maggior natione ehe sia in Cipro, fuori di
Greci, et il Vescovo loro ha un casaletto suo insieme con il monasterio di San
Giorgio, verso tramontana alii monti, alii monaci Maroniti.
Kyprianos calls it — to Movaffrijpiov tov ayiov Yeapylov ttjs 'ArrdXov irpbs rd Kyprianos, p.
Bovvd rys Tpapovvrdvas.
2"0<rai twv Mapwvirav 'EKKXytriai evplaKovrai eis xaP^a virbKetvTat eis robs Kara
tt)v iirapxiav 'Apxiepeis rav 'Vapalav Kara rd inrb tov 'XovXrdvov eis aiirobs Mirepdrta,
vir' avrav XapBdvovtri rds appatrias Kal xu'P'O'fLobs rStv dvSpoyvvuv ToC yevovs rav,
KaX aiirobs 4yvwplCovtriv dpxiepeis twv.

528 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
always been conducted in their native Syriac.1 Since among
the Maronites the bestowal of the Chrism is reserved exclusively
to the bishops, every seven years the Archbishop ofthe Lebanon
visits the island to impart it to those who have not in the
Hist.de interval received the rite. This sect is said in 1249 to have
phiu,'ntT '" numbered 180,000 souls — an estimate doubtless much exagger
ated. Under the later Lusignan sovereigns, as also under the
Republic, it comprised a population of from 7000 to 8000
persons in the occupation of thirty villages. This number,
however, still further decreased, until in 1596 it did not amount
to more than 4000 with nineteen villages.2 De Mas Latrie
calculated them at 1200 or 1300 persons, inhabiting some five
Phuippos or six villages. Twenty-five years ago they comprised 160
43,°4T u' ' to 170 families, of which 150 were in possession of four villages,
having each a church with its appointed priests. The names
of these are Kormakiti, Karpasia, Asomatos and Hagia Marina,
to which De Mas Latrie adds one half of the village of Kampyli,
the other being occupied by Turks. In Nikosia itself at that
time there were also about eighty members of the sect, besides
some 400 more at Larnaka with a church and priest of their
census Report own, and a few moreover at Limassol. The census of 1891
,p ' gives their total number at 1131, most of whom reside in the
Ecclesiastical district of Kyrenia. Of monasteries they possess at the present
conSnission four, St. Elias, situated near Hagia Marina in the Nahieh of
Morphou and inhabited by three monks and an abbot, the
latter being relieved every three years from Mount Lebanon,
Sta. Maria at Nikosia, Sta. Maria at Margi near Myrtou and
San Romano at Vouna.
It is impossible to obtain a full list of their prelates who have
LeQuien.o.c, exercised episcopal functions in the island. Le Quien, however,
ks-m. " pp' mentions the following eight with their approximate dates : —
(1) Joannes, a.d. 1357.
(2) Elias. He is stated in a Bull of Eugenius IV. as having
renounced his heretical opinions in 1445 before the Papal
Nuncio, Andreas, Bishop of Rhodes.
(3) Gabriel Barclaius was bishop at the end of the fifteenth
century and the beginning of the sixteenth.
Hlerides, p. 1 Anothei modern writer, however, says : bpiXovo-t r^v dpaBucyv, Xiav Spas
irapetpBappevyv, perd rys biroias avaptyvvovtri iroXXas eXXyvtKas Kal TovpKiKds X4£ets.
Hist, de 2 De Mas Latrie gives as his authority for this estimate the Jesuit Dandini,
Chyp, l., 110, 0f whom he says: " Le P. Dandini, jesuite, fut envoy£ en mission chez les
Maronites en 1596. Le recit de son voyage a et£ imprime a C£sene en 1656,
sous ce titre : ' Missione apostolico al patriarca e Maroniti del monte Libano '. "

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 529
(4) Georghis I. is mentioned as having been the bearer of the
Bull of confirmation and the pall from Pius IV. to the Maronite
Patriarch, Moyses Accarensis, in 1562. But there is reason for
believing that the George here mentioned was the Maronite
Archbishop of Damascus, who was sent by the same Patriarch
as his delegate to the Council of Trent in 1562.
(5) Moyses Anaysius is said after having received his ordina
tion as priest at Rome to have been consecrated archbishop by
the Maronite Patriarch, Joseph Risius (1596-1608), to act as
his locum tenens and to have been subsequently placed in charge
of the members of his communion in Cyprus, where he is re
ported to have been eventually poisoned by the Greeks for
having refuted them in theological discussions.
(6) Georgius II., a.d. 1625.
(7) Lucas.
(8) Petrus.
De Mas Latrie furnishes the names of the three following, Hut. de
which have been omitted by Le Quien, viz : — 677*fn'.'i. *' p'
(9) Sergius Germareno, after serving as Archbishop of Damas
cus was appointed to Cyprus by George, the Maronite Patriarch,
on 15th August, 1664.
(10) Stephen, was created Patriarch of the Maronites in 1670.
(11) Gabriel Eva, acted as Archbishop in 1728, as is proved
from a letter of his to the King of Sardinia, dated 19th Feb
ruary of that year.
That the succession was carried farther is shown by the fact
that in the general Synod of the Maronite Church held at Neaie^aitem
Mount Lebanon on 30th September, 1736, when the Sees were £1*154. ,T°1''"
definitely arranged, the sixth place on the list was assigned to
Cyprus. 5. The Nestorians, or Chald&ans, as they call themselves,
were only to be met with in the city of Nikosia. When not
under a local bishop of their own they were placed in charge of
the Chaldaean metropolitan of Tarsus, who was in turn subject
to the Nestorian Patriarch residing at Bagdad or Mosul.
Lusignan describes an interesting scene of annual occurrence g^"1' p-
on the festivals of Corpus Christi and St. Mark, when proces
sions were organised in which these various denominations took
part.1 First came, he tells us, a cross borne by the Greeks,
1 E cosa bella di vedere in tante nationi quando vanno in processione
apparati il giorno del Corpus Domini, over'a San Marco. Voi vedete ehe
prima va una croce de'Greci, et sotto di quella va la moltitudine del populq
34

530 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
under which walked a confused multitude. These were suc
ceeded by priests of the same communion, behind whom was
carried an eikon of the Blessed Virgin followed by a number of
women. Next appeared the Mendicant fraternities marshalled
in due order of precedence, then the Abyssinian priests with
scarves or turbans of sky-blue or azure cloth upon their heads,
and accompanied by their bishop wearing a mitre. To them
succeeded first the Nestorians, then the Jacobites, Maronites,
Copts and Armenians, all wearing turbans also, except the last
named, who wore round birettas with a covering of white cloth
on the top, and were vested in copes after the Latin fashion.
After them walked the Latin ecclesiastics with their Archbishop,
or his representative, and the procession was closed by the civil
authorities and island nobility. The same writer assures his
readers that it was a most inspiriting sight to behold such a
concourse of so many different sects and denominations of
Christians, but he forgets to add, what he must have known
full well, that this seeming harmony was more apparent than
real and the result of the iron despotism of Rome.
^jroan, p. All these various denominations without exception were
under the immediate jurisdiction of the Latin Archbishop.1 He
was the sole judge and court of appeal in all ecclesiastical
matters, their own prelates being merely regarded as delegates
appointed by him for the discharge of spiritual duties only.
The Roman Church during the period of its ascendency in
the island displayed the same anxiety to gather these various
dissentient communities into her fold that she showed for the
sJrh'ieN"o35 convel'si°n °f the Orthodox. In 1222 the earliest recorded
lup'oSj**' attempt was made by Honorius III.2 He directed the Arch-
senza ordine. Seguitano poi li loro preti, et poi l'imagine della Vergine sacra,
et di dietro la moltitudine delle donne, et in questo modo fanno sempre li Greci
le loro processioni. Seguitan poi li Mendicanti Latini secondo l'ordine loro,
dipoi li Indiani preti parati con le fagiolle o tulunpanti in capo, et il Vescovo
con la mitra, et li tulunpanti sono di tele celeste, 6 azurra ; et cosi dipoi li
Nestoriani, et poi li Jacobiti, et Maroniti, Cofti, et Armeni, et tutti quasi con
quelli tulunpanti, et tutti andavano con le pianete al modo latino, fuori delli
Armeni, quali portano birette tonde con un facciollo bianco in capo. Dipoi
seguitano li preti Latini con l'Arcivescovo, 6 Suffraganeo, et poi il Regimento
con la nobilta. Si ehe l'e una bella cosa da vedere tante sette e generationi di
Christiani di diversi riti et nome.
1 Tutte queste nationi non son giudicate da altri ehe dall' Arcivescovo, et li
loro Vescovi sono suffraganei et attendono solamente di ministrare a essi li
sacramenti et di predicarli. Dal giudicio ne di prima ne seconda causa si
ingeriscono se non il Latino.
2 Honorius, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus archiepis
copo Cesariensi et episcopo Acconensi et dilecto filio, P. thesaurario Cesariensi,

p. 618).
laldl, sec. 10.

Raynaidi, 1222, sei '

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 531
bishop of Caesarea, with the Bishop of Acre and the treasurer of
Caesarea, to enforce obedience to the Metropolitan of Nikosia on
the part of the Syrians, Jacobites and Nestorians under threat
of ecclesiastical censure. But that this measure did not meet oart. de s.
with much success is apparent from the appeal of Urban IV.1gpd"ggn'-
salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Venerabilis frater noster Archiepiscopus
Nicosiensis pro se ac venerabilibus fratribus nostris suffraganeis suis, regni Cipri
prelatis, in nostra fecit presentia recitari quod in diocesibus eorumdem Suriani,
Jacobini, Nestorini et quidam alii commorantur, qui, nee ecclesie Romane, nee
predictis archiepiscopo, prelatis, nee ecclesiis obediunt Latinorum, sed tanquam
acephali evagantes, suis sectis antiquis et erroribus innituntur. Unde, prefatus
archiepiscopus, pro se ac prelatis eisdem, humiliter postulavit a nobis ut aperire
super hoc apostolice circumspectionis intuitum et providere salubriter dignaremur.
Quocirca, fraternitati vestre, per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus Surianos,
Jacobinos et Nestorinos et alios supradictos ad obedientiam et reverentiam
archiepiscopo ipsi et suffraganeis ejus, prout sunt et fuerent in eorum diocesibus,
impendendam, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione
remota, cogatis ; contradictores per censuram eamdem, appellatione postposita,
compescendo. This Bull appears to have been also addressed to the Patriarch of Jerusalem.
1 Urbanus, episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio nobili viro bajulo
regni Cipri salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.
Quamplures, ut accepimus, Greci et Siri layici regni Cipri eo amplius
adversus Romanam ecclesiam in temeritatis audaciam eriguntur, quo eorum
patientius insolentie tollerantur, tanquam non delictorum plenitudinem hujus
modi patientia, sed contemptum potius paiiat apud ipsos, qui, cum equo et mulo
lumine intellectus carentes, non vident quod eadem ecclesia justicie gladio,
cujus in beato Petro sibi Dominus contulit potestatem, cervices potest concidere
peccatorum, ut suas iniquitates ulterius non prolongent. Ecce siquidem ipsi
Greci et Syri, nequiciei spiritu ducti, quos presbiteros et clericos Grecos, pro eo
quod ipsam ecclesiam omnium magistram et matrem fidelium venerantur et
sanam ejus doctrinam recipiunt reverenter, ac super hoc salutaribus mandatis
et monitis venerabilis fratris nostri Nicosiensis archiepiscopi acquiescunt, a sua
communione repellere, ipsosque hereticos et scismaticos proclamare ; ac eis,
ab officiis divinis exclusis, consuetos redditus qui oblationes dicuntur, ex quibus
sustentari solebant, ipsis subtrahere, eorumque domos demoliri, ac vineas extir-
pare, presumunt ; eos suis bonis et juribus spoliantes, ac alias ipsos eorumque
ecclesias et familias afficientes gravibus injuriis et pressuris et ad paupertatem
deducentes extremam, ut dictus archiepiscopus pietate cogatur, ne prefacti
presbiteri et clerici suis persecutoribus nimis inhumaniter videantur exponi, eos
interdum sua domo recipere ac ipsis continue alimenta prestare. Verum, licet
adversus tante presumptionis audatiam, ad te ac dilectos filios nobiles viros
ejusdem regni barones, sub quorum jurisdictione dicti Greci et Syri consistunt,
idem archiepiscopus clamasse dicatur, tuum et baronum ipsorum super hoc
auxilium implorando, nichil tamen vel modicum profuit, sicut dicitur, hujusmodi
clamor suus.
Cum igitur te deceat, tanquam virum catholicum et ecclesie prefacte devotum
filium, ecclesias et personas ecclesiasticas et precipue dictum archiepiscopum,
spiritualem patrem tuum, honore congruo revereri, eosque in suis honoribus,
juribus et libertatibus tradita tibi pietate tueri, atque pro fidei catholice ac
libertate ecclesiastice fulcimento stare contra quoslibet ; cum eisdem nobilitatem
tuam rogamus, monemus et hortamur attente, per apostolica tibi scripta
mandantes, quatinus dictos presbiteros et clericos a prefactis Grecis et Siris, tue

532 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
in 1263 to the Regent, Hugues of Antioch, for co-operation in
the endeavours, which the then Archbishop, Hugo Fagiano,
was making to compel the Greek and Syrian laity to desist
from the hostile attitude they had taken up towards those of
Raynaidi, ad. their own priests, who had shown any inclination to yield to
28,29. " ° the Roman demands. John XXII. in 1326 further directed
Raymond, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to extirpate the Nestorian
and Jacobite heresies from the island,1 while in 1338 Archbishop
n.id 1338, Elie strove to induce the Armenians and Jacobites, as well as
the Greeks, to enter his communion — a display of zeal which
earned the warm commendation of Benedict Xll.2 In 1439
jurisdiction! subjectis, pro nostra et Apostolice Sedis reverentia, quantum in te
fuerit protegas et defendas, et dicto archiepiscopo contra sepedictos Grecos et
Siros et alios, presertim ubi de negocio fidei et libertatis ecclesiastice agitur,
consilium, auxilium et favorem prompta voluntate impendas, quotiens ab eo
fueris requisitus ; ita quod ex hoc tua possit devotio merito commendari, et nos
ad tua reddamur beneplacita promptiores. Nos autem eidem archiepiscopo
nichilominus per litteras nostras injungimus ut, si est ita, prefatos Grecos et
Syros, nostra auctoritate, per se vel per alium, ab hujusmodi temeritatibus
studeat cohercere, invocato ad id, si opus fuerit, auxilio brachii secularis ; contra-
dictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo, non
obstante si aliquibus a Sede Apostolica sit indultum quod excommunicari vel
eorum terre ecclesiastico interdicto supponi non possint per scripturas apostolicas,
non facientes plenam et expressam de indulto hujusmodi mentionem.
Datum apud Urbem Veterem, x. Kalendas Februarii, pontificatus nostri
anno secundo.
1 Trahimur in amara suspiria, et multa mentis turbatione monemur, dum
intra fines ecclesiae catholicae, curae nostri regiminis divina dispositione com
missi, contra puritatem catholicae fidei errores percipimus pullulare; ad quos
extirpandos tanto solertius vigilare nos convenit, quanto majora formidantur ex
illis pericula fidei et fidelibus proventura. Habet siquidem infesta nimis de
transmarinis partibus insinuatio nobis missa, quod in regno Cypri, ubi catholicae
fidei viget cultus, quidam iniquitatis filii, Nestoriani et Jacobitae vocati,
quorum secta nequissima olim in conciliis generalibus reprobata extitit et
damnata, se adversus Dei scientiam extollentes, ac in damnatos errores et
haereses incidere non verentes ; praefati Nestoriani in Christo Jesu domino
nostro duas personas et ipsum per inhabitantem gratiam adoptivum Dei filium
existeie ; dictique Jacobitae unam tantum inesse naturam contra veritatem
orthodoxae fidei damnabiliter profitentur, habentes suas illic distinctas ecclesias,
in quibus errores et haereses hujusmodi, non sine magnis suarum et multorum
aliorum animarum periculis, publice dogmatizant.  Cupientes igitur praedictos
errores et haereses de finibus fidelium extirpari, ac de tuae circumspectionis
exquisita prudentia plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, fraternitati tuae per
apostolica scripta committimus et mandamus, quatenus ad extirpandum praedictos
errores et haereses, ac reformandum et coirigendum quae in hac paite reformanda
noveris ac etiam corrigenda, intendere juxta datam a Deo tibi providentiam
adeo studeas diligenter, quod divinam et Apostolicae Sedis gratiam uberius
propter hoc merearis, etc. . . . Dat. Avin. Kal. Octobris Anno XI.
2 Florebat tum in Cypro Elias archiepiscopus Nicosiensis, qui strenuam in
Graecis, Armenis, et Jacobitis ad ecclesiae Romanae pium studium revocandis
operam collocabat; cujus zelum Benedictus eo nomine commendavit, deque
amplissimis missis muneribus gratias egit.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 533
took place at Florence that temporary and illusory reconcilia
tion of the Greek and Armenian Churches with the Holy See,
which was followed some years later (2nd August, 1445) by the Raynaidi, ad
submission of the Chaldasans and Maronites of Cyprus under 20™' 1416' Ho'
their respective bishops, Timothy, Archbishop of Tarsus, and coi. ilia1 "
Elias.1 In recognition of this act of obedience Eugenius IV.
confirmed these two prelates in the possession of their episcopal
privileges and titles. He granted them also the power to bless
all marriages between members of their Churches and the Roman
Communion, provided they had been contracted in accordance
with the rites of the latter, and he further forbade calling the
Chaldseans any longer by the opprobrious and heretical name
of Nestorians. But this good understanding, at least so far as
the Chaldseans were concerned, was of short duration. In 1450 Raynaidi, ad
we find Nicolas V. charging the Archbishop of Nikosia to recall it"'
to their allegiance to the Church of Rome such of them as had
relapsed into their former errors, and to excommunicate those Hist. *»
who still continued refractory.2 The last recorded notice occurs 3**fi&.
in 1472, when the prelates of these dissentient communities were
forbidden to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction except in the
towns appointed expressly for their residence.3
1 Miserat jam ante in Cyprum Eugenius Andream archiepiscopum Colocensem,
ut schismaticos ad fidei orthodoxae puritatem traduceret : qui divina ope fultus
tantos animorum motus excitavit, ut qui Nestorii haeresi hactenus fuerant imbuti,
vel secuti erant Macarii impietatem, Timotheum Metropolitanum Chaldaeorum
et Eliam episcopum Maritonarum ad profitendam omnium nomine coram
Romano Pontifice catholicam veritatem, illique rite ac demisse obedientiam
deferendam designarint. Suscepit legationem Timotheus : Elias vero suo nomine
Isaac misit. Qui excepti perhumaniter in publica sessione concilii Lateranensis
ab Eugenio, affectique omnibus privilegiis quibus potiuntur catholici.
2 Ut bonum unionis dudum inter sacrosanctam Romanam ecclesiam ex una,
ac dilectos filios, qui Chaldaei nuncupantur, ex altera partibus dudum in insula
Cypri contractae eo longiores successus ac majora habeant incrementa, quo in
partibus Cypri fuerint, qui majore subnixi auctoritate diligentius intendant, ut a
personis praefatis unio ipsa, ut praemittitur, contracta fidelius et diligentius
observetur, fraternitati tuae praeferendae dicta: unioni non parvam opeiam et
diligentiam ut accepimus imposuit, omnes et singulas personas ex praefatis
Chaldaeis, quae data- in reprobum sensum ab unione hujusmodi vel ejus articulis
resilire praesumpserint, monendi et requirendi, ut ad eos reversi unionem ipsam
ut decet amplectantur ; et si id facere neglexerint, excommunicandi et anathemati-
zandi, ac excommunicatos et anathematizatos denuntiandi et declarandi plenam
et liberam apostolica auctoritate tenore praesentium damus et concedimus,
facultatem et potestatem. Dat. Romae apud S. Petrum anno MCCCCL. pontifi
catus nostri anno IV.
3 Si qui Greci vel alii episcopi in civitatibus et diocesibus sub archiepiscopi Nico
siensis seu alicujus suffraganeorum suorum episcoporum dicti regni Cipri cura et
protectione mediate vel immediate existentes qualitercumque et quandocumque,
exceptis locis Solie, Arsinoy, Lephcare, et Carpasii, de quibus quidem locis

534 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
The Jews, though not mentioned by Lusignan, were cer
tainly settled in the island long prior to the period at which
he wrote. Despite the prejudice excited by their former ex
cesses and the terrible penalty pronounced against their return,
this prohibition was most likely only in force during the reigns
of the immediate successors of Trajan. Their reappearance
probably occurred in the closing years of Byzantine supremacy.
Benjamin of Tudela, as we have already seen, mentions their
presence in Cyprus in 1160, at least thirty years before the
foundation of the Lusignan dynasty. Their principal colony
seems to have been at Famagusta, near the scene of their
Machasra, p. former atrocities. That they had a settlement at Nikosia also
strambaldi, p. *s evident from the fact that towards the contributions imposed
"*• upon the islanders by the Genoese in 1374 the Jews of the
fi. Boustron, capital were required to contribute 70,000 ducats, while their
p'327' co-religionists in Famagusta were called upon to furnish the
Amadi, p. 406. sum 0I SOjOOO.1 In 1332 the Archbishop, Giovanni del Conte,
compelled them to wear a yellow covering on their heads as a
mark of opprobrium and to distinguish them from the Chris
tians.2 Their total number, as shown by the census (1891), is
episcopi Greci nomen sumpserunt, et ibidem inter suos Grecos tribunal, ut
dicitur, possunt et solent, aliquid quod ad officium seu jurisdictionem episco-
poium clam seu palam exercere ; et super matrimonialibus et aliis spirit-
ualibus causis audire seu cognoscere, vel ad sacros ordines sine licentia
diocesani Latini quempiam promovere, vel aliquid in similibus et aliis connexis
et dependentibus ab eisdem facere seu attemptare vel aliter se intromittere
presumpserint, ipso facto excommunicationis pene sententias incurrant, et pro
excomunicatis publicentur et evitentur, donee absolutionis beneficium ab
Apostolica Sede habuerint ; et hujusmodi absolutio archiepiscopo Nicosiensi qui
pro tempore fuerit vel ejus vicario speciali comitatur.
These prelates had been previously referred to in the Bull as " aliquis episco-
porum, tam Grecorum quam Armenorum seu Jacobitarum vel Nesturianorum,
vel aliarum quarumcumque sectarum."
1 'Airdva tovs 'EBpaiovs rys ' Appoxovtrrov X' x^^Ses SovKara ¦ dirdva robs
'EBpaiovs rys AevKoaias o' xiXidSes SovKdra.
Sopra li Ebrei de Famagosta 30 millia ducati ; sopra li Ebrei de Nicossia 70
millia ducati.
Sopra li Judei de Famagosta trenta milia ; sopra li Judei de Nicosia settanta
milia. Sopra li giudei di Famagosta, cento mila ; sopra li giudei di Nicosia, settanta
mila (ducati).
It will be noticed that Boustron differs from the other chroniclers in the
amount imposed upon the Jews of Famagusta, viz., 100,000 instead 30,000. As
the others represent the total exacted as 100,000, it is probable that he through
inadvertence assigned that sum to the Jewish community of Famagusta.
2 Lui (i.e. il bon arcivescovo Joanne del Conte) ordino ehe li Judei et Judee
dovessino portar segno zallo in testa per esser cognossuti.
One of the Fatimite sultans (El Hakem) is similarly said to have compelled
his Christian subjects to wear a large cross of wood suspended from their necks.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 535
given as 127, the majority being located in the Larnaka dis
trict, while in their favourite haunt of old, Famagusta, there
were only four.
The Linobambaci. This peculiar sect came into existence
after the island had passed into Turkish hands. The name,
which signifies linen and cotton, was applied to them on account
of their curious religious position, which hovers, as it were, on
the border line between Christianity and Islam. The head
quarters of this denomination are situated in the village of
Louroujina in the Nahieh of Deyirmenlik and district of Nikosia.
The population of this village consists of 708 persons, of whom
according to the census of 1891 eighty-seven alone are Christians,
the remainder being members of this strange sect. Originally
descended from Latin Christians, these people renounced their
ancestral faith for Islam to escape Moslem persecution. Now
through shame or fear they hesitate to revert to their old belief.
Though they openly dress, are called and behave like Turks,
secretly they are Christians, bear Christian names, observe the
appointed fasts of the Orthodox Church, are baptised, receive
the Sacrament, and are unacquainted with Turkish. Their
women, too, do not dress like Turkish females.

536 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

CHAPTER XI.
The Latin Church.
the latin prelates of cyprus.
THE particulars contained in this chapter are derived from
the following works : —
1. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, vols. iii. and iv.
2. The edition of Du Cange's Families d'outre-Mer by Rey.
3. Gams' Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicw, and
4. De Mas Latrie's Histoire des Archeveques latins de Pile de
Chypre. This last-mentioned work 1 is based on a valuable source of
information unknown to Le Quien and Du Cange, and appar
ently not consulted by Gams, the Cartulary of the Cathedral
Church of Sta. Sophia at Nikosia, a copy of which was dis
covered in the Library of St. Mark at Venice by De Mas Latrie
sdeli'tmqnes, in 1851. The history of this interesting compilation, which
25Meu''pp' comprises 131 documents relating to the metropolitan Church
of Cyprus and extending, with one exception, from the first
establishment of the Latin hierarchy to the middle of the four
teenth century, is as follows : Commenced in 1332 by Arch
bishop Giovanni del Conte and continued without intermission
by his successors, it was removed from Nikosia at a period which
cannot now be determined, eventually finding its way to Rome
in 1524. There Archbishop Aldobrandino Orsini caused to be
made from it the facsimile copy found among the archives of
St. Mark.
To the original collection were subsequently added some
documents of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the latest in
1 Histoire des Archeveques latins de l'ile de Chypre, par Le Comte de Mas
Latrie, Genes, Imprimerie de l'institut royal des sourds-muets, 1882. Extrait
des archives de l'Orient latin, publiees sous le patronage de la Societe de l'Orient
latin, tome ii., 1882, pp. 207-328.

Archives des
Missions

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 537
point of time being dated 1564. Though this fortunate dis
covery has proved most useful in clearing up and correcting
many of the conjectures and inaccuracies to be found in the
later authorities, yet the lists now about to be presented to the
reader are only to be regarded as approximate. Strange to say
Gams' work, which contains notices of the other Sees, makes no
mention of the occupants of the archiepiscopal throne.
(a) The Archbishops qf Nikosia.
1. Alain, the first occupant of the See, was originally Arch- contin. o. de
deacon of the united dioceses of Rama and Lydda in Palestine,1 oSp°'iiie, p.
and chancellor of Amaury de Lusignan, an office which he
continued to discharge after his elevation to episcopal rank.2
He was one of the two commissioners entrusted by Celestine
III. with the establishment of the Latin Church in the island.3
Being elected Archbishop by the chapter of Nikosia during 1196
he was consecrated by the Archbishop of Nazareth, assisted by
the Bishops of Bethlehem and Acre. It is not known how
long he held the See. The last act recorded of him was the
presentation as chancellor on behalf of Amaury of a donation
to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem in March
1201. That he was no longer alive in 1205 is evident fromHist.de
the manner in which Innocent III. alludes to him in a docu- 33*!yp" " ' p
ment dated 13th December of that year (bonw memoriae).
2. Thierry seems to have been the immediate successor of
Alain, though there is reason to believe that the See was still
vacant at the beginning of 1206, as Innocent III. on 28th cart, de s.
January of that year placed the chapter and its temporalities iBfti.'ke0'14
under the protection of the Holy See.4 But from a letter ad- chartes 1875,
1 " Et fu fait arcevesque de Nicossie Alein, qui estoit arcediaque de Saint Jorge
de Rames."
2 A document of 1197 ends as follows : " Data per manum Alani, Nicosiensis h. de chyp.,
archiepiscopi et Cipri cancellarii, X. Kalendas Decembris "- cartPdeS
3 " Cujus (i.e. Amalnci) utique pium in Domino propositum commendantes, ^P"6. Ho-
de comuni fratrum nostrorum consilio, ejus petitioni annuimus, et A(lano), tunc Cart, de s.
cancellario prefati regis, nunc Nicosiensi archiepiscopo, et tibi, frater Paphensis fnPd'^chyp''
episcope, tunc archidiacone Laudicensis, in ipsa insula legationis offitium iu., p. 60Ssq')'.
exercentibus, plenam vobis secundum Deum ordinandi ecclesias et accipiendi
dotes a predicto rege eisdem ecclesiis assignandas tribuimus potestatem."
4 Receptio sub protectione sedis Apostolicae capituli Nicosiensis et quorundam
bonorum. Specialiter autem domum que fait quondam Guillermi de Gaurellis, cum
pertinentiis suis, que cum olim fuisset diruta, bone memorie archiepiscopus

538

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Cart, de S.
Sophie, No. 36
(H. de Chyp.,
111., p. 632).

Cart, de Notre
Dame de
Paris, Obitu-
aire, tom. iv.,
p. 87, G-uerard.

dressed by the same Pope to the new prelate on the following
5th August, directing him to reply at Rome, either in person or
by proxy, to the claims of jurisdiction advanced by Tommaso
Morosini, the lately created Patriarch of Constantinople, over
the Cypriot Church, it is clear that the election must have
taken place between these two dates. While some uncertainty
exists as to his name the following documentary evidence is in
favour of his having been Thierry. In a Bull addressed by
Gregory IX. to the members of the Abbey of Lapais near
Kyrenia (9th April, 1232), enjoining canonical obedience to
their diocesan at Nikosia, the Pope refers to the change made
by the brethren from their original Augustinian rule to that of
the Premonstratensians with the sanction of a former metro
politan, whom he styles, " bona memoriw T. archiepiscopus
Nicosiensis ". Since the foundation of this establishment dates
from the reign of Amaury (a.d. 1194 -a.d. 1205) and the
obituary of Notre Dame at Paris mentions the death of an
Archbishop of Nikosia named Thierry as occurring before 1213,1
he would seem to have been this individual. That he was no
longer at the head of the diocese towards the end of 1211 is
certain, as a document of that year dated 30th December men
tions a new Archbishop by name Durand.
3. Durand, chosen by the chapter in place of Thierry, was
the cause of the celebrated dispute between Innocent III. and
Hugues I. to which allusion has been already made. As the
fact of his re-election cannot be definitely determined it is
doubtful whether he ought to be included among the occupants
of the See. De Mas Latrie is of opinion that he was not again
Amadi, p. 97. elected, but that Albert,2 whom two of the local chroniclers
vester, ipsam proponitur restaurasse ; jardinum quoque in Nicosia, prastiam
que vocatur Pallorum, cum suis pertinentiis universis, que vobis et ecclesie
vestre, illustris recordationis Aymericus, rex Cypri, dicitur in elemosinam concess-
isse, sicut ea juste et pacifice possidetis, vobis et eidem ecclesie auctoritate
apostolica confirmamus.
1 No. CLXVIII. Eodem die (i.e. xiii. Kal. Julii) obiit Terricus Nichossiensis
Archiepiscopus, cujus aniversarium capitulum fieri concessit ad petitionem Petri,
succentoris Parisiensis, fratris sui. Idem enim Petrus, ob remedium anime
dicti fratris sui et sue, dedit nobis quadraginta libras Parisiensium, positas in
emptione cujusdam domus, site in vico Sancte Marine, que fuit Reginaldi de
Vamvis. (In margin, Ante 1213.)
2 Alberto, terzo arcivescovo, comincio a far le fondamenta de la madre chiesia
de Nicosia. L'arcivescovo di Nicosia, Eustorgio, il quale ha finito di fabricar la chiesa
cathedal di Santa Sofia, la quale haveva principiata Alberto, terzo arcivescovo,
del mille ducento nove.

Innocent ITJ.
Epist. Lib.
xiv., Ep. 134.

Fl. Boustron,
p. 66.

Concii., tom. 1,
coll 125.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 539
call the third Archbishop of Nikosia, was chosen instead. LeLeQuun.o.c.
Quien appears unable to decide the question, merely remarking
that if Durand was not re-elected his successor is unknown
to us by name. The statements of the two native writers
present, it must be owned, considerable chronological difficul
ties. If the year 1209 is to be included in the archiepiscopate
of Albert, as one of them expressly asserts, then according to
De Mas Latrie he must be regarded as the second, and not the
third, occupant of the See. In that case Eustorge could not
have been his immediate successor, since it is impossible to omit
Thierry from the list. Thus it becomes necessary to suppose
that in the brief interval between the death of Alain and the
election of Durand (1205-1211), there were two Archbishops,
Albert and Thierry, who followed each other in rapid succession. Labbe,
An encyclical of Innocent III. (19th April, 1213), summoning *F\%f
the Archbishop of Nikosia and his suffragans to the Lateran
Council, unfortunately omits to give the name of the prelate
addressed. 4. Eustorge de Montaigu, elected to the See on the death of n.joustron,
Albert, belonged to a knightly family of Auvergne, several
members of which resided in the East. One brother, Foulques,
was Bishop of Limassol, while two others, Pierre and Guerin
de Montaigu,1 were respectively Masters of the Temple and the
Hospital. Le Quien, seemingly on the doubtful authority of LeQuien.o.c.,
Lusignan, states that he was consecrated at the Fourth Lateran Lusignan, P.
Council in 1215.2 The first mention of him as Archbishop Lore5ano?p.
occurs, however, in a document of 1217 (23rd July.)3 His
occupancy of the See was the longest on record, extending to
1 Another relative lost his life by his horse falling back upon him at the
battle fought near Nikosia on 23rd June, I22g, between the Cypriot barons and
the partisans of the Emperor Frederick II. " En celle bataille fu ocis messire Phelippe de
Giraut de Montagu, qui fu nevou des ij maistres dou Temple & de l'Ospitau &(Qestesdes
de l'arcevesque de Chipre Estorgue, car son chevau li gist grant piece sur le uhiprois, p.
cors." " Mori ancho quel di Giraldo, nepote di Eustorgio, arcivescovo di Cipro, F BoaBtron
il cavallo del quale gli casco adosso, et stete un pezzo avanti ehe si levasse, et p. 77.
egli mori sotto."
2 Onde essa Regina (Alisia) scrisse al sommo Pontefice Innocentio III. nel
Concilio Lateranense di traslatare l'arcivescovato da Famagosta in Nicosia,
et investirlo alii Latini etc.
Scrisse (Alisia) ad Innocenzo Terzo nel Concilio Lateranense di traslatare
l'Arcivescovo di Famagosta in Nicosia, — Esaudi il Pontefice senza difficolta
l'instanza della Regina, onde institui 1' Arcivescovato in Nicosia, etc.
3 This documents is described by Paoli as : " Carta di Bertrando, Signor di Jaoil, Cod.
Margato, in cui confirma ed approva I'intenzione di Rinaldo suo figlio defonto, 1., p°iij'.
ehe avea rilasciati agli Ospedalieri dugento bizanzii annui ".

33.

540 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Tro^Pon"-68 some thirty-three years. Through the error of a contemporary
taineB, p. writer his death has been placed as early as 1239,1 though it
Documents actually occurred more than ten years later, as can be proved
pp. 345-347'. from the evidence of documents since discovered.2 He took
part in most of the crusading expeditions of the period in which
he lived. Among other events he was present in 1219 at the
Amadi, p. 200. siege of Damietta, where he eventually died on 28th April, 1250,
during the first crusade of St. Louis.3

du cange, Elie, whom Du Cange and Le Quien place immediately after
d?outrriier, Eustorge, De Mas Latrie declares to be non-existent except in
p 846 . .
Le Quien, 0.0., the imagination of those historians. Having accepted 1239 as
ui„ coi«. 1203- ^e j.rue j^ Qf Eustorge's death they were obliged to devise
some such means of filling up the interval between that year
and 1251, when Archbishop Hugo succeeded to the See. As
a proof of his correctness Le Quien even cites two documents
Labbe, bearing the name of Elie. The first of these, an undated con-
ii.,Pars2, ' stitution of the archdiocese, commencing: "Nos frater Helias,"
Mansi, De Mas Latrie asserts to be the work of a successor named Elie
i£vl., coi.387. de Nabinaux. The second, which is a regulation of Cardinal
Eudes de Chateauroux, Bishop of Tusculum and Apostolic
Legate in the East, describes the then Archbishop (March 1248)
as " Venerabilis pater E.". This individual Le Quien claims to
be the Elie, whom he represents as the successor of Eustorge.
cart, de s. But a document from the Cartulary of Sta. Sophia giving the
Sophie, no. name jn ^uji as a Eustorgius Nicosiensis archiepiscopus " shows
In, pe e*^'' clearly how erroneous this opinion is. The suggestion, too,
that there might have been a second Eustorge before 1251 is
cart, de s. also effectually disposed of in the same way, as a Bull of Gregory
Sophie, no. j^ dated 25th March, 1240, not only establishes that at the
NSnvelrac.'iv., time when Elie was supposed to be in possession of the See the
actual holder was Eustorge, but also proves from its language
that he had long been in occupation.
1 Anno MCCXXXIX. Mortuus est Archiepiscopus Nicosiensis in Cipro
Eustorgius qui fratrem habuit Fulconem Limiconiensem episcopum.
2 The Cartulary of Sta Sophia (No. 34) contains a letter, dated 25th March,
1240, addressed to him by Gregory as " venerabili fratri Eustorgio archiepiscopo
Nicosiensi". The same collection contains a second letter (No. 19) addressed to him by
Innocent IV. and dated 26th Feb. 1249, granting him exemption from excom
munication, interdiction, or suspension without the express permission of the
Pope. In another letter from the same Pope (No. 31) dated 13th April 1251,
clear intimation of his death is given, as he is alluded to as " bone memorie
Exstorgius, archiepiscopus Nicosiensis "
3 A di 28 April (1250) morite a Damiata Eustorgio, arcivescovo de Nicossia.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 541
5. Hugo (I.) born of humble parentage in the village ofjuOMu^r.
Fagiano near Pisa, has received from the place of his nativity p- m'-
the name of Hugo di Fagiano or Hugo di Pisa. His early intel- Jif ^fiSj3-'
ligence having attracted notice he was sent to the University of
Bologna and thence to Rome, where he became advocate of the
Roman Court about 1234. From Rome he subsequently pro
ceeded to France, where he was appointed dean of the Cathedral
of Rouen. In 1248 he accompanied the expedition of St. Louis
to Cyprus, and attached himself in that island to the fraternity
of Lapais. Though the exact period and circumstances under
which he was raised to the See of Nikosia are unknown, it is
probable that his elevation occurred soon after the news of
Eustorge's death was received. On the 9th April, 1251, though Labbe,
already elected and consecrated, he had not yet been enthroned. 24«ic ''
But as the title of elect is not applied to him after the 22nd
December, 1251, it is probable that the letters confirming his
election were sealed on that or the previous day. Documentary cart, do s.
evidence, however, proves him to have been in full possession of a, 32. '
all the rights and privileges of the See from the commencement &«"£%).
of 1252. Soon after his accession to office occurred his famous cu.,sS.,pars
quarrel with the Orthodox primate, Germanos, on the question '
of jurisdiction. Annoyed at the favour shown to his rival by Amadi, p. 202.
the civil authorities he retired to Italy, after first placing the
kingdom under an interdict.1 He did not return from his
voluntary exile till after the death of Henri I., which took
place on 18th January, 1253. Though the precise period of his
reappearance is not known, De Mas Latrie is of opinion that it
must have occurred at the commencement of that year. After
a further stay of a few years in Cyprus he quitted it for the
second and last time towards the end of 1260, or the beginning
of 1261, arriving once more in his native Tuscany about the
commencement of 1263. There, on an estate named Rezzano
in the Valley of Calci, he built with the assistance of Frederico
Visconti, Archbishop of Pisa, an establishment for regular Augus-
tinian canons, called Episcopia after the well-known community
of Lapais. The precise year of his death is uncertain. Some
authors have declared in favour of 1268, others of 1269. This
latter conjecture De Mas Latrie regards as the more correct.
In the obituary of the Hospice of San Matteo, another of his
1 La terra ehe era interdita per l'arcivescovo Hugo Pisan, per la rissa ehe era
tra lui et el re Henrico, intesa la morte del re, vene d'oltra mare et reconcilio
la terra.

542

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Cart, de S.
Sophie, No.
51 (H. de Chyp.
ill, p. 657).

many foundations, the exact day when it took place is stated
to have been 28th August.
Le Quien concludes that Hugo on finally leaving Cyprus relin
quished his archiepiscopal powers and that Raphael, whom he
regards as his immediate successor, assumed the title and func
tions from 1263. The examination of contemporary records
has led De Mas Latrie to form quite the opposite opinion.1
There exists proof, so he declares, that Hugo continued to
retain all the rights and privileges of Archbishop during life,
while the lesser duties of his office and the administration of
the diocese were entrusted to a substitute.

Cart, de 8.
Sophie, No.
56 (H. de Chyp.
ill., p. 660.
Cart, de S.
Sophie, No.
106 (Ibid., iii., p.
658.)

6. Bertrand, mentioned only by De Mas Latrie, is regarded
by him as the probable successor of Hugo, contrary to the opinion
of Le Quien, who favours the claims of Raphael. In a document
of October, 1270, Bertrand is styled dean and Archbishop elect
of Nikosia,2 having previously been canon and vicar of that
cathedral.3 It is this circumstance which has led De Mas
Latrie to place him before Raphael, since he thinks it highly
improbable there could have been another prelate who could
have been elected and confirmed, assembled a provincial Synod
and vacated the See in the short interval between Hugo's death
and Bertrand^ election (1269-1270).

u?Qi206,o'c' ^- Raphael m the opinion of De Mas Latrie, should occupy
the seventh place on the list. The only mention of his name
coJcii' xi (2) occurs m a Constitutio instruens Graecos et alios, which though
2386- ' ' undated bears unmistakable evidence of having been issued
subsequently to the celebrated Constitutio Cypria of Alexander
IV. in 1260. Le Quien suggests that he may be the Archbishop,
an*nni26*4"'No wnonl Raynaidi represents as complaining to Urban IV. in
66- 1264 of the remissness shown by the local authorities in assisting
him to reduce the refractory Greeks and Syrians of Cyprus to
canonical obedience. But if it be true that Hugo retained the
prerogatives of his office until his death it is obvious that he,
and not Raphael, was the author of the complaint.

1 For instance on 30th Sept., 1264, he is still described as "reverendo patre
domino H(ugone) archiepiscopo Nicosiensi ".
2 " Maistre Bertrand, par la grace de Dieu ehlit et doien de l'Eglise de
Nicosie." 3 He was still canon and vicar of the cathedral on 30th Jan., 1267, as piece
No. 106 ofthe Cartulary shows : "Magistro Bertrando, canonico et vicario
ecclesie Nicosiensis ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 543
8. Ranulphe was in possession of the See on 26th October,
1280, as appears from a document bearing- that date, renewing cart, de s.
a statute of Archbishop Hugo passed in 1253.1 He appears to Fdoc*Wuv.*"
be the same person as Arnoul or Arnulf, the two names often eaux' p' 348)'
being confused. Du Cange reports his death as having taken du cang^ f.
place in 1286 on no better evidence, De Mas Latrie asserts, Jilm* er'
than the fact of the See being then vacant.
9. Giovanni (I.) was elected to the primacy under the following ibid., p. m.
circumstances : In their choice of a successor to Ranulphe the
members of the metropolitan chapter found it impossible to Le Quien q.c,
agree, their suffrages being divided between two candidates. "*"co1' m'
One of these was Guy de Novarialla (Novaria ?), chaplain to
the Pope and auditor of the Roman court, the other Henri de mst. de
Giblet, or de Biblos, Archdeacon of the diocese and chancellor j^®". i^P
of Cyprus.2 The former on hearing of his selection refused the i'°^re ™*r-
proffered honour, while the latter accepted the nomination and
endeavoured to procure its ratification by the Holy See. Find
ing there was no likelihood of his being successful he eventually
retired also. Nicolas IV., anxious to fill the vacancy without
further delay, thereupon appointed on 20th October, 1288, a wadding.ann.
member ofthe Franciscan community, named Giovanni, who was
probably residing at that time in one of the establishments
belonging to his Order in Rome. De Mas Latrie believes him
to have been a native of Ancona, a document in the Cartulary cart, de s.
of Sta. Sophia mentioning- his name in connection with that fDJcs^kouv-2
town.3 His tenure of the See was not a very lengthy one, as
he was translated in 1295 to Torres in Sardinia.
10. Gerard, formerly dean of Langres, is said by one of the du oangj. p.
local chroniclers to have been nominated to the vacant See by £-,!&,„ 0 c
iii., 1206.'
Amadi, p. 233.
1 " Reverendi patris domini Ranulphi, Dei gratia Nicosiensis archiepiscopi."
2 In a treaty of peace and commerce concluded between Hugues IV. and
Giovanni Soranzo, Doge of Venice, on 4th Sept. 1328 he is described as
" domini Henrici de Biblio archidiaconi Nicossiensis et cancellarii regni Cipri ".
3 It is a letter addressed by Nicolas IV. (26th April 1291) to the Patriarch of
Jerusalem in favour of Archbishop Giovanni d' Ancona : —
" Quedam littera spetialis favoris Aichiepiscopo Joanni de Ancona "
The Templier de Tyr alludes as follows to his translation to Sardinia: — LeaGestesdes
549. "Pape Boniface translata pluzours perlas; entre les autres translata £Hi?pro'B' p'
l'arsevesque Johan Ture, frere menor, & fu ne d'Ancone, & le fist arcevesque de
Sardeigne." From the above extract bis surname would appear to have been Turco or
Ture,

544 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Boniface VIII. at the end of 1294.1 But De Mas Latrie ques
tions the accuracy of this statement. He thinks the appoint
ment should rather be referred to the following year since
Boniface, though elected Pope on 23rd December, 1294, was
not consecrated till 23rd January, 1295, and the translation of
Giovanni, as is known, did not take place till 1295. It is un
certain at what period he made his first appearance in the island.
cart.des. A document of 1st May, 1297, testifies to his presence then in
fHPdeefcny*p.!° Nikosia,2 while there is a record of his having presided over a
co"ncl' *i provincial Synod at Limassol on 22nd and 23rd September in the
24i3.'r ' following year. The same chronicler further declares that his
residence in the province lasted for two years only. This period
must have been from 1297 to 1299, as it is certain he proceeded
to Italy in 1300. Being ordered by Boniface to return imme
diately he not only disobeyed his orders, but set out for Bur
gundy instead. For siding with Philippe-le-Bel in his quarrel
Raynaidi, ad with Boniface he was by the latter, in a Bull dated 15th August,
>'¦ ' 1303, suspended from the exercise of his office. After the death
of this Pontiff' he must have regained the favour of the Papacy,
as we find him invited by Clement V. in August, 1307, to the
Council of Vienne. As no record of his return to Cyprus exists
it is probable that he continued to reside in Europe for the
remainder of his life. De Mas Latrie is of opinion that he still
retained, however, all the rights and privileges of his rank. As
he is known to have died in Paris on 26th February 1315, after
the appointment of his successor by Clement V. on 10th May,
1312, it is evident that for some time previous to his death he
had ceased to act as Primate of Cyprus. The question accord
ingly arises whether his resignation was voluntary or enforced.
De Mas Latrie inclines to the former view. He was buried in
the church belonging to the Abbey of Ste. Genevieve at Paris,
where he is also supposed to have died.
du cange, p. 11. Giovanni (II) del Conte,z as he is generally styled in the
p. 849.
iii., m?' ' " 1 " In questo anno, papa Bonifacio fece arcivescovo de Cypro messer Guirardo,
nmBons?ron°' degan de Lengres, il qual resto in Cypro doi anni, et poi ando oltra mar."
p. 251. The above extract is evidently derived from the Templier de Tyr, who makes
the nomination of Gerard to have taken place in 1294.
chip<rois8pde" 55°- "Et fist arsevesque de Chipre messire Gerart, le deen de Lengres, quy
m demoura en Chipre, ij, ans, & puis s'en ala outremer."
2 " Nous, Gerard, par la grace de Dieu, archevesque de Nicosie."
3 L'ultimo di de avosto (1319) venne a Famagosta el bon arcivescovo de
Nicosia, fra Joan del Conte, ehe era predicator. Intro a Nicosia, a di 6 settem-
brio, et fo recevuto con grande honore, perche era gentilhomo romano et da
bene, et fece gran bene a la chiesia, in vita sua.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 545
Italian versions of the native chronicles, was a native of Rome
and a member of the noble family of the Polo, Counts of Signia,
whence his other names of Polo Romano or Paul of Rome.
According to De Mas Latrie both Ughelli and Rey are mis
taken in calling him a native of Pisa and giving him the
surname of De Provincialibus, as he did not belong to the
family of the Provenzali, nor yet to the Colonna, as some, con
founding him with Giovanni Colonna, Archbishop of Messina,
pretend. A Dominican he was first appointed by Boniface VIII.
on 13th February, 1299, to the See of Pisa, whence he was trans
ferred in 1312 (10th May) by Clement V. to Nikosia. Though
De Mas Latrie accepts this latter as the correct date of his
succession, he affirms that he can find no evidence to support it.
He reports, moreover, that the new Archbishop was in no haste
to assume possession of the See, which he ascribes to the appoint
ment about 1314 of the Apostolic Legate, Pierre de PleineLe Quien, o.c,
Chassaigne, Bishop of Rodez,1 as its administrator. Giovanni
not caring to face such an arrangement stayed away till the
Legate's death in 1318 (6th February), when he shortly after
wards proceeded to Cyprus. He arrived, so the chronicles state, Amadi, p. 400.
at Famagusta on 31st August, 1319, and made his solemn entry
into Nikosia on 6th September following. On his death, which
occurred on 1st August, 1332, he was buried in the famous ibid, p. 405.
Dominican monastery at Nikosia in the middle of the choir.2 p,256OU on'
12. Elie or Helie de Nabinaux or des Nabinaux,3 a native du cange, p.
d'outre Mer,
p. 850.
1 Pierre de Pleine Chassaigne, Bishop of Rodez, was appointed Apostolic
Legate for the East from the commencement of 1308 and accredited as such to wadding.ann.
the King of Cyprus on 15th Sept., 1309. Being suspected of favouring the party of1309, N°-2-
the Prince of Tyre he was detained at Famagusta in 1310 and not allowed to leturn Amadi, p. 395.
to Nikosia. On 7th Nov., 1313, was read in his presence in the Cathedral of f/'Jj ron'
Sta. Sophia at Nikosia the decree of Clement V. abolishing the Templars. In
1314 he was raised to the dignity of Patriarch of Jerusalem. On 15th June, 1315, Amadi, p. 397.
he conducted the betrothal of Marie de Lusignan, sister of Henri II. with ^'249. °n'
Jacques II. King of Aragon. In 13 16 he was preaching in Paris for the needs H. de Chyp.,
of the Holy Land. His death occurred in 1318. ,p' z'
2 II primo di de avosto (1332) mori il bon arcivescovo Joanne del Conte, ehe
era frate di Predicatori, et era gentilhomo romano de la casa Colona et fu
sotterrato al monasterio di Predicatori, nel mezo del choro, a Nicosia.
Egli morite del 1333 ; et fu pianto molto dalle gente di Nicosia, peroche ha
perso un buon padre ed ottimo pastore.
3 Dapoi fu fatto arcivescovo un Helia, frate minor, qual era in la corte de Roma, Amadi, p. 406.
et vene in Cypro ; et poi fu citato per il papa de andar a Roma, et andato fu
fatto cardinale.
In loco del quale (i.e. Gioanne del Conte) fu fatto arcivescovo frate Elia, pi. Boustron,
minorita, quale era in corte de Roma, et venuto in Cipro stete poco, e poi ando p' 258'
a Roma, et fu fatto cardinale.
35

546 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
u?.,Qim' °'°" 0I" Perigord in Guyenne and in religion a Franciscan, was
nominated by John XXII. on 16th November, 1332. At
the time of his appointment he was probably residing in the
Raynaidi, ad monastery belonging to his Order at Avignon. In 1342, the
24. *' Patriarchate of Jerusalem becoming vacant by the death of
Pierre de la Palu, Clement VI. advanced FLlie to this dignity.
waddmg^ann. This promotion obliging him to vacate the archbishopric, its
administration was by a Bull issued the same day (12th July)
iwd., ann. conferred on him in commendam. Later in the year (22nd
September) he was also created Cardinal Priest of St. Vitalis.
Soon after the receipt of this last honour he seems to have
resigned the archbishopric altogether and, returning to Europe,
to have attached himself to the Papal Court. He is said to
have died at Avignon on 4th October, 1367, and to have been
buried in the monastery belonging to his Order in that town.
De Mas Latrie charges Du Cange and Wadding with confound
ing FJlie de Nabinaux with Elie de St. Yrieux, as well as
erroneously giving him the title of Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and
concii' xi (2) Velletri. In 1340 this Archbishop held at Nikosia a Synod, which
2432 ' was attended by his own suffragans, the Greek, Maronite, and
Armenian prelates, with the presidents of the Nestorian and
Jacobite communities in the island, at which certain constitu
tions were framed.
d'outeefieJ' I*** Philippe (I.) de Chambarlhac was the scion of an ancient
p. 850. knightly family of Perigord, which traced its origin from the
iii., 1209.' ' *' town of Agonac, two leagues from Perigueux. A learned
prelate, doctor of laws and theology, from 1333 to 1338 he
filled the post of papal chaplain at Avignon, Canon of St. Peter's
at Rome, Provost of St. Peter's Patrimony in Tuscany, and
Archdeacon of Ghent in the diocese of Tournay. Appointed
to the See of Sion in the Valais on the 22nd May, 1338, he was
transferred in 1342 to that of Nice in Provence, whence he was
shortly afterwards removed to the Archbishopric of Nikosia.
Though the precise date of his nomination is unknown a docu-
Nou'vTau? ment drawn up at Nikosia on 30th August, 1344, proves him
p. 361.
H. dechyp., Ludolph, cur£ of Suchen in Westphalia, mentions Elie as follows in his
'' ' itinerary: —
" Unus metropolitanus Nycosiensis, qui temporibus meis fuit frater de ordine
Minorum, nomine Helyas. Hunc Clemens papa sextus promovit in cardinalem."
In a treaty concluded between Hugues IV. and the Republic of Genoa on
Ibid., p. 178. 2ist Feb., 1338, he is described as "dominus frater Helias archiepiscopus
Nicossie ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 547
to have then been fully installed in his new dignity.1 It was
not, however, till 1350 that he actually arrived in the diocese,
which he did in company with his brother Helie, whom he
appointed to the See of Paphos on the death of Eudes. On Hist, de
20th March, 1357, he ratified at Avignon on behalf of Hugues Sf" "" P'
IV. the treaty of alliance concluded between Cyprus, Venice,
and Rhodes against the Turks. Being in that town or its
neighbourhood on the death of Amanieu de La Mothe, Arch
bishop of Bordeaux (27th June, 1360), he was appointed to the
See by Innocent VI., but died suddenly (June, 1361) at the
Abbey of St. Tibery, in the diocese of Agde, as he was going
to take possession of it. In 1350 and following years he pre- Labbe,
sided at a Synod held in Nikosia, which framed four constitu- 2439? ,,*'m'
tions to remove all causes of offence between Greeks and Latins.
Later in the same year (16th September) he was commanded Raynaidi, ad
by Clement VI. to compel the Armenians of Cyprus to renounces?-
certain of their errors. On 22nd September of the following Sa, 'no1 S™'
year he was directed by the same Pope to despatch a zealous
adherent of the Roman Church as emissary to the Catholicos of
Armenia. 14. Raymond de la Pradele belonged to a family, which in all du cange, p.
probability derived its name from the village and castle of La p.'Si." er'
Pradele in Perigord. From the improbability of there being m^im °'°''
another occupant of the See, whose name has disappeared,
between the date of Philippe's death and the period when
Raymond was in possession (1366), De Mas Latrie is disposed
to regard him as the immediate successor of Philippe, though
ignorant of the interval between the two events. According
ot Philippe de Maizieres, he officiated on the occasion of the
funeral at Famagusta in 1366 of the notorious Legate, Pierre Raynaidi, ad
de Thomas. In the following year he received instructions from "¦
Urban V. to effect by all the means in his power a reconciliation
between Pierre I. King of Cyprus and his consort, Eleonore,
whom he had repudiated for alleged unfaithfulness, and also to
1 This is a warrant from the Preceptor-General and Knights of the Order of
St. Thomas the Martyr at Acre, authorising Henry of Gloucester and another
brother to receive in the West all gifts and subsidies intended to aid the Order in
the defence of the Christians and the succour of the Holy Land. In this deed
the Archbishop is designated as " reverendissimi in Christo patris et domini
domini Philippi, digna Dei providencia archiepiscopi Nicossiensis diocesis ".
Until his arrival in the diocese his representative appears to have been " reverendi
viri domini Guodefridi, archidiaconi et canonici ecclesie Famagustane, utiiusque
juris periti," as he is styled in the same instrument.

207-8.
Strambaldi, p.
125.
Machsera, p.

548 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
dissuade him from fighting a duel with Florimont de Lesparre.1
Neither the time nor place of his death is known, but it appears
mst. de from documentary evidence that he was no longer alive in 1382. 2
Chyp il., pp. •> <=
461,463.
Machasra, pp. 15. Palounger (IlaXovvyKep). A great deal of uncertainty
exists with regard to the next occupant of the See. Two of
the chroniclers vaguely hint that a change in the succession
asS-""".. ,,. ^^ pjace about 1370.3 The former of them mentions the
above as being the prelate 4 who blessed the foundations of the
fortress built at Nikosia by Pierre II. during the latter years of
his reign (1376-1382). De Mas Latrie affirms that it is impos
sible to discover the real name of this individual. Palounger
is doubtless to be regarded as an instance of that corruption of
a western proper name so frequent in Greek writers. That he
could not have been Archbishop later than 1382 is evident from
the fact that his successor is said to have then been in posses
sion. Omitted by both Du Cange and Le Quien.
16. Michel, Micheli, Michele, or perhaps Michieli, as the
name is variously spelt, is stated in a list of the Archbishops
1 Florimont de Lesparre was a French knight who took part in Pierre's
expedition against the Turks of Asia Minor in 1367. The King's attitude
towards him in the quarrel forms an interesting episode in the secular history of
the period, and explains how the former acquired such a reputation for chivalry
and knightly conduct among his contemporaries. Le Quien and the editor of Du
Cange mistakenly exalt Pierre's adversary to regal rank, calling him respectively,
" Spartae (!) regulus," and, "roi de Sparte," but Raynaidi more correctly styles
him " Sparrae regulus," i.e. Lesparre in Medoc.
2 The document in question is the will of Gantonet d'Abzac, nephew of the
Archbishop, who is styled therein " Raymundus de la Pradela quondam archi
episcopus Nicosiensis "
3 Machaera and Strambaldi report that after the assassination of Pierre I.
(i36g) a notary named Bartholomio Escafasse was sent to convey the news to
the Pope, who invested the messenger with a canonry at Sta. Sophia, while
the vicar of the cathedral was appointed Archbishop of Nikosia, as the following
passages show : —
'O TrpivrCys KaX KovBepvobpys ttjs Kvirpov eiretyev els ttjv Avtriv eva vordpyv
bvbpari pitrep XlapBoXopaiov Katpday, eis rbv dyifjiTarov Yldirav vd Kypb£y rbv
Bdvarov rod pe Yliep, k.t.X. Ylyyaivovra epirpotrBev tov Ylaira, iroXXd iicaTyyoprj-
trav robs Kvirpidirais " rbv iroiov evrvtrav rbv piav rCavovviav eis ttjv ayiav 'Xotplav
ttjs Kinrpov, KaX rbv aBiKdpyv evrvtriv tov tt^jv dpxieirnrKoirTjv ttjs Kvirpov.
II principe et gouvernator de Cipro mando in ponente un nodaro nominato
Bartholomio Cafari dai santissimo papa, per dirli la morte del re Pier, et armd
una saettia et la mando. Et andando in presentia del papa, (il papa) ha represo
li Ciprioti ; et il ditto nodaro, il papa li ha investito un canonicato de Cipro in
Sta. Sophia ; et il vicario l'ha investito (de) 1' arcivescovato de Nicossia.
4 Kal dirb rbv irbBov b pijyas 4irypev rbv apxiorfo-Koiroj' bvbpari IlaXovvyKep vd
eiiXoyfjtry rbv BepeXiov, k.t.X.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 549
drawn up at Venice in the sixteenth century to have been in Document*
• n *" Nottveatut, p.
occupation from 1382. It is uncertain how long his tenure of356-
the See lasted. In 1401 we find the Venetian envoy to the
Cypriot Court instructed to demand from the royal treasury
certain sums of money due to the late Archbishop of Nikosia,
who is described as the brother of Nicholas Micheli,1 on behalf Hist, de
of the latter's sons, the heirs of their uncle. De Mas Latrie p/So!'^:
admits that, much confusion exists in the lists of the Arch- w>-
bishops at this period, caused, as he supposes, either by the See
remaining long unoccupied, or by the absence of its holder.
Michel is omitted both by Du Cange and Le Quien.
17. Andre (I.), a prelate of this name seems to have held in com
mendam the diocese of Cavaillon, a suffragan See of Avignon, in
1397. De Mas Latrie, however, is doubtful as to the propriety
of including his name among the primates of Cyprus, since in
some lists he is styled Archbishop of Nicomedia instead. He
suggests the possibility of his being identical with the preceding,
whose Christian name is unknown. This would, so he asserts,
remove the difficulty. Not mentioned by Du Cange or Le
Quien. 18. Conrad (I.), who appears to have held the dignity of
Papal chamberlain, was in occupation of the See in 1396, as is Raynaidi, ad
proved from a brief addressed to him by Boniface IX. on 8th 3.
April of that year, directing him to take judicial proceedings
against Francis, Bishop of Segovia, for neglect of duty when in
charge of a confidential mission. This latter was a partisan
of the antipope, Benedict XIII., and had even tried to get up a
conspiracy against Boniface IX. in the Papal Court. To have
been entrusted with such a charge Conrad must at the time
have been residing in Italy. De Mas Latrie is of opinion that
he held the archbishopric in commendam. Though mentioned LeQuien.o.c,
• ill 1209
by Le Quien his name is omitted by Du Cange.
19. Jean (III.) is described in a document drawn up in theDucange, r.
chapter house of the Dominican Monastery at Nikosia (3rd June, p- sh.
1399), as Archbishop of Tarsus and Archbishop designate of chypre ii.,

1 In a decision of the Council of Ten dated at Venice 30th Dec, 1349, mention
is made of a bailo of the Republic then resident at Famagusta called Nicolo
Michael — "bajulum Cipri nobilem virum Nicolaum Michael in Famagosta".

550

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Du Cange, p.
773.Wadding.ann. 1366, No. 18.
Du Cange, p.
774.Wadding.ann.1427, No. 20.

Du Cange, P.
d'outre Mer,

'. 773.
Vadding.ann.
1396, No. 2.

J>-7Wai

Families d'outre Mer,
p. 774.
Du Cange, p.

Nikosia.1 De Mas Latrie thinks that he was a Franciscan. No
mention is made of him by Le Quien. Du Cange states that a
Jean succeeded a prelate of the name of Pons in the See of
Tarsus on the latter's death in 1366 (26th Nov). He also
mentions another Jean, Archbishop of Tarsus and administrator
of the See of Nimocie (Limassol), who died in 1427. But he
establishes no connection between the two. The editor of Du
Cange says of Jean No. 1' in a note that Wadding has not
included him among the Franciscans. This Jean was succeeded
in the See of Tarsus at his death by Julien Hectoris of Pisa, a
Franciscan, on 17th May 1396. It might be possible to identify
Jean No. 2 with the successor of Conrad I., Nimocie being sub
stituted by mistake for Nicosie, as sometimes happened, had
not Rey affirmed that the words " administrator of Paphos "
should be read instead. Du Cange strangely enough represents
him as such when treating of the bishops of that See. Can it
be that he subsequently resigned the administration of Nikosia
for that of Paphos ?

Le Quien, O.C.
iii., 1210.

20. Conrad (II.), a member of the illustrious Neapolitan family
of Caraccioli. Attaching himself to the Papal Court during the
pontificate of Urban VI. he was by that Pope's successor, Boni
face IX., appointed to the Church of St. Stephen near Aquileia,
with the rank of sub-deacon apostolic and vice-chamberlain.
On 2nd October, 1402, he was promoted to the See of Nikosia,
and subsequently to that of Malta, with permission to retain
the former in commendam. In 1405 he was further created
Cardinal Priest of St. Chrysogonus by Innocent VII. At first
an adherent of Gregory XII., whom he assisted at the Council
of Pisa in 1409, he afterwards became a partisan of Alexander
V. Being deprived by the former Pontiff of the See of Malta
for his desertion, he received from the latter as compensation the
perpetual administration of the diocese of Orvieto. He died at

Fl. Boustron,
p. 353.

Machasra, p.
375.

1 " Reverendissimo in Christo patre domino fratre Johanne, Dei gratia archi
episcopo Tarsensi postulatoque ecclesie Nicossiensis." He was still Archbishop
of Tarsus three years later, officiating as such at the coronation of Janus according
to Florio Boustron : —
" E dopo un 'anno fu coronato re di Cipro il suo figlio Giano, per man dell'
arcivescovo di Taiso, a Sta. Sophia".
Machasia also records the coronation of Janus by the Archbishop of Tarsus,
but he gives the prelate the name of Matthew and further says that he was a
Dominican : —
Kal ttjv Sevr4pav eis rds ia' voepBpiov a^B' (nth Nov., 1399) 4ffTetpByv b pe
TCeviovs els ttjv ayiav 2otpiav inrb x*lPos T0" $P* Maraiov, b iroios tJtov dirov
opSivov tov 2dv TopeviKov dpxieir'itrKOiros rys Tapcrov,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 551
Bologna as Legate on 25th February, 1411. Omitted by Du
Cange. 21. Stefano, a natural son of Francesco (II.) Novello da Carrara, du cange, p.
He was Bishop of Padua from 1398 to its capture by the Vene-pssi.
tians in 1405, when he fled to Innocent VII. at Rome, who the ui.?Sio.' °'°"
following year presented him with the Archbishopric of Nikosia.
There is no evidence of his ever having visited the diocese, which
De Mas Latrie is of opinion he held simply in commendam for
seven years. In 1412 (3rd October), he was appointed to the
See of Teramo in the Abruzzi, whence he was removed to that of
Tricarico in 1427, and finally to Rossano in 1432. This last
preferment he does not seem to have held more than two
years. He eventually died at Rome on 10th July, 1449. His
epitaph describes him merely as Bishop of Padua, Teramo and
Tricarico, without making any mention of his connection with
Nikosia. 22. Hugues (II.) de Lusignan, a cadet of the reigning family
of Cyprus, was the third son of Jacques I. Some years after the J^mg^ f.
accession of his brother Janus to the throne he is said by Lore- p- 851-
dano to have secretly quitted the kingdom in company with m.^iao.' ' "
another brother, Henri, Prince of Galilee, on account of the "j"**^"""; 36,
King's neglectful treatment of them.1 This story, which Le
Quien has accepted without question, is only partially true, as
can be seen by reference to native authorities.2 They report
that it was the Prince of Galilee, and not the future Archbishop, Machasra, P.
who withdrew from Cyprus. Hugues, despite his exalted rank, strxmbBliii
seems to have gone regularly through all the minor ecclesiastical pp- S65' m-
Amadi B 498
grades. With regard to the period when he was appointed to the FL BouBtroIli
metropolitan See of his native land there exists considerable p- 356'
1 Scorrevano appena due mesi dopo l'arrivo in Cipro della Regina, ch' Henrico
Prencipe di Galilea, & Ugo eletto arcivescovo di Cipro fratelli di Sua Maesta,
pieni di male sodisfattioni, veduto il Re perdersi affatto nelle compiacenze della
nuova Regina, ed essi esclusi da gl' affari del Regno: fingendo d'uscire alia
caccia, se n'andarono in Famagosta, e di la noleggiata una Nave partirono per
l'ltalia. 2 Kal ry ia' aeirTepBpiov viy' Xpitrrov (nth Sep., 1413), b Kiipys Xapijv re
AovCowias b irpivrCys rys YaXiXaias, Kpvtpa tov dSeXtpoii tov tov pe TCevlovs
4iryyev iripa dirb T-ijv 'Appbxovtrrov, k.t.X.
Et a di 11 settembrio 1413, Charin de Lusugnan, il principe de Gallilea,
secrettamente de suo fratello re Zegno, si partite de Famagosta, etc.
A di xi. settembrio, si parti da Nicosia, el signor principe de Galilea, fratello
del re, et ando a'Famagosta et de li se misse in una nave et ando in ponente,
senza licentia del re, etc.

552 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
uncertainty.1 According to Le Quien he was placed in tempo
rary charge from 1413, after his supposed return from Italy. De
Mas Latrie, though unaware of any corroborative evidence,
accepts the statement because he is unable to refute it. Should
it, however, be the case, he remarks, that Hugues did not assume
charge till after 9th July, 1420, then another prelate, whose
Machasra, pp. name is no longer known, must have come between Stefano and
403,406. . . . . . ° . ' , .
strambaldi, him, since it is certain that the See was not vacant during any
A^adi' m' Par* °f *hat year. After the capture of Janus at the disastrous
a*9.6"'- battle of Chierochitia (7th July, 1426), he assumed the govern-
pp.*36r369?' ment, and with much vigour suppressed the numerous risings of
the peasantry against their Latin masters. On 24th May, 1426,2
Hugues, who had previously borne the honorary title of Protho-
notary Apostolic, was created Cardinal Deacon of St. Adrian by
Mach»ra,p. Martin V.3 The insignia of office were handed to him by a

406.

1 According to Amadi and Florio Boustron, who both use the same expression
regarding his occupation of the See (l'haveva per avanti), Hugues was in
possession previous to his recognition as Archbishop by the Court of Rome. He
was confirmed in his appointment on the very day on which he was created
cardinal, viz., 30th Nov., 1426 or 1427. (Cf. p. 148, N. 1.)
2 According to Le Quien, but not according to the local chroniclers.
3 Kal ry KvpiaKy Ky' voepBpiov a,vKs' (23rd Nov., 1426), Xpitrrov r]prev b
BaxXiwrys tov naVa /cal etpepev rb (tr)KidSiv tov yapSevdXy Kal rais BovXXais
Sia vd bpSivldtrovv rbv rrpwTov vordpyv yapSevaXyv ' Kal Tf)v KvpiaK^v els Tas\'
voepBpiov 4tpepav rbv irpwrov vordpyv avvrpotpiatrpevos eis t^jv ayiav ~%otpiav '
b Kbpys OvyKe re AovCovvias t\tov irparoairotrToXdpios, en inro^Tjtpios, Strrepov
rrparovordpios, rdiritra evayyeXitTTTjs * Kal t)jv avrrjv yp4pav 4iroiKdv tov yap-
SevdXyv StaKov tov ayiov 'AvSpeov, Kal 4BaXav tov t^jv Kd-mrav ttjv trxapXa/ryv
Kal to ffKidSiv, Kara rb SyXovpevov els rd TrpoBiXiCta tov naVa.
Et a di 23 novembrio 1427 vene il cortegian del papa, et porto il cappello al
cardinal et le bolle, per ordinar il protonotario cardinal. Et a di 30 novembrio,
hanno menato il protonotario con molti cavallieri et vescovi in Sta. Sophia. II
signor Ugo de Lusignan era primo legato, doppo eletto, doppo protonotario,
doppo evangelista, et il ditto giorno l'hanno fatto cardinal diacono di S. Andrea,
et li messero la cappa rossa et il cappello, come dicevano le patente del papa.
A di 23 novembrio del 1426 fu portato dai Papa el capello del preditto
monsignor cardinal et le bolle del arcivescovado de Nicosia, ehe prima era
promosso et postulato. Et alii 30 del ditto mese, con gran solennita et festa,
porto el ditto capello per cardinal clerico de Santo Andrea et have etiam el
titolo del arcivescovado, perche el possesso l'haveva per avanti.
Nel medesimo tempo, fu portato dai pontefice il capello e bolle del cardinal
predetto, il quale era promosso, e postulato ancora per arcivescovo de Cipro ; e
la seguente domenica porto il capello rosso per cardinal clerico di Santo Andrea,
et hebbe ancora il titolo dell 'arcivescovo, perche il possesso l'haveva per avanti.
" Machera et a Amadi disent : le dimanche 23 novembre 1426, mais le 23
novembre tomba un dimanche en 1427, et non en 1426."
Note by R. De Mas Latrie, Chronique de Strambaldi, p. 285, N. (6).
1 A mistake — Amadi does not mention the word " domenica " ; Fl. Boustron,
however, does.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 553
special envoy from Rome on 23rd November of the same year, strambaldi,
and on 30th of that month he was solemnly invested with them Amadi, P. 514.
in the Cathedral of Sta. Sophia. Loredano assigns three reasons n. Bouitron,
for the bestowal of this honour : — Loredano,
(1 ) To engage Western Christendom in the defence of Cyprus, m>' **" p' B8*'
which was then seriously threatened by the Egyptians.
(2) To enlist the co-operation of Hugues in the contemplated
reunion of the Eastern and Western Churches, a scheme which
the Pope had much at heart.
(3) The mutual friendship which they had contracted while
Hugues was at Rome.
On the return of Janus from captivity in 1427 the Cardinal Hist, de
proceeded to Europe, where he was entrusted with various 5i8*J162i,15iPBP
missions by Martin V. in the kingdom of Naples and the States
of the Church. Martin's successor, Eugenius IV. regarded him
with equal favour. First promoting him to the dignity of
Cardinal Priest of St. Clement's he, after a short interval, further
advanced him to that of Cardinal Bishop of Palestrina, one of the
suburbican Sees usually reserved for the intimate friends of the
Pontiffs.1 He was subsequently, however, transferred in 1436 to
the diocese of Frascati instead. He took part in the Council of
Bale and, moreover, acted as its special envoy in the conferences
which took place at Arras. Towards the end of 1435 he seems
to have returned to Cyprus, which he again quitted, after a stay
of two years, for Europe. His death occurred in Savoy during
the month of August 1442. De Mas Latrie is of opinion that
he retained the archbishopric in commendam to the end of his
life. 23. Galesio de Montolif, called Galesio di Monsolo by Lore- l? ouien,o.c,
dano, and simply Galesius in the papal records, was the prelate l0r8aall0, Ub.
to whose appointment the consort of Jean II., Helena Pala^olo- *'' p' 602*
gos, offered so determined an opposition. He appears to have
been nominated to the vacant See by Eugenius IV. immediately
on his predecessor's death becoming known, so as to anticipate
any attempt on the part of the Greek queen to instal a candi
date of her own. During his enforced absence from the See it
was placed in charge of Giacomo Benedetto, Bishop of Orvieto,
1 In a deed of 8th July, 1432, he is thus described : — |gst. °»
" Reverendissimum in Christo patrem et illustrem dominum dominum yp'' ,p' '
Hugonem de Lucignano, divina miseratione episcopum Penestrinum, sacro-
sancte Romane ecclesie cardinalem de Cipro vulgariter nuncupatum "

554

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Montolif having temporarily conferred upon him the Arch
bishopric of Caesarea in Cappadocia, a See in partibus infidelium.
In 1446 a reconciliation was effected between him and the
Queen, whereby he was allowed to assume possession of his
former diocese. But he did not long survive his restoration, dying
before August of tbe following year. Omitted by Du Cange.

LeQulen.O.C.
Hi., 1051-52,
1211,

Raynaid., ad
ann., 1441,
No. 6.

Ibid., 1447,
No. 27.

Ibid., 1450,
No. 14

24. Andreas (IL). The next occupant of the See is omitted
by Du Cange and anonymous in Le Quien. It may be inferred,
however, from other sources that he was Andreas, surnamed De
Petra, from the place of his birth near Durazzo. By nation
ality and religion a Greek, he became on abjuring his ancestral
faith a Dominican, and was appointed to the See of Rhodes.
After converting to his new faith the Armenians and Jacobites
at Florence he was sent by Eugenius IV. on a similar mission to
Cyprus. The same Pope in 1441 (5th November) also com
missioned him to inquire into the truth of the complaints made
by the Greeks of Cyprus that the Latins of the island, in spite
of the decrees of the Council of Florence, refused communion
with them. In 1447 he appears to have been in actual posses
sion of the See of Nikosia, since Nicolas V., writing that year
(3rd August) to the then Archbishop, addresses him as " vener-
abili Jratri Andrew archiepiscopo Nicosiensi A. S. L. misso".
It is not known how long his episcopate lasted, but the same
Pope writing again in 1450 to the Archbishop of Nikosia,
without, however, mentioning his name, directs him to compel
the Chaldseans of the island to unite with Rome. Reinhard by
a curious error styles Andreas Bishop of Colocza, a See in Hun
gary. Reference shows that no person of the name was in
possession of that diocese at the period. The mistake probably
arose from confusing the word Colossensis, the name by which
the See of Rhodes is frequently designated, with Colocensis.

Du Cange, F.
d'outre Mer,
p. 853.
Le Quien, O.C.
Hi., 1211.

Hist, de
Chyp., Hi.

Lusig
61 (a|

25. Jacques, the most remarkable of all the occupants of the
See, was the natural son of Jean II. It is unknown when he
succeeded Andreas, or what interval elapsed before his appoint
ment. That the See was vacant in 1453 is evident from the
request made that year (19th September) to Nicolas V. by the
Republic of Florence, at the instance of the Cypriot ambassador,
an,p' that he would confer it upon the King's son.1 According to
1 Ceterum cum idem orator exposuerit nobis prefatum regem cupere ut
Nicosiensis ecclesia per sanctitatem vestram suo filio conferatur, supplicamus
sanctitati vestre ut prefati regis preces in hac re exaudire dignemini.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 555
one authority he succeeded his grand-uncle, Cardinal Hugues,1
but a little reflection will show the inaccuracy of this statement.
At the time of his death in 1473 Jacques is said to have been G. Boustron,
thirty- three years of age and consequently must have been born p' 475'
in 1440. This would make him only two years old in 1442,
when the Cardinal's death took place. He is said to have been »«., PP. 413,
actually between sixteen and seventeen years of age when^BoMtron
created Archbishop.2 Accordingly we may regard 1456 as the p- m
probable date of his appointment. This opinion, too, is con
siderably strengthened by the fact that he is represented as
being already in occupation of the See in 1457, the year in
which Charlotte's first husband, John of Coimbra, is known to
have died. His appointment was entirely due to the Queen,
Helena,3 who hoped thereby to remove from her daughter's
path a dangerous rival to the throne. Jacques never felt any
inclination or desire for an ecclesiastical life and, as his after
history proves, severed on the first opportunity all connection
with a calling so distasteful to him. He was placed in posses
sion by his father, without the customary formality of first
awaiting the sanction ofthe Holy See. This confirmation he run., com.
never succeeded in obtaining, though it was repeatedly de-p"^'. *™*'
manded not only by Jean and Helena, but also by such power
ful states as Florence and Venice. He never proceeded beyond Lusignan P
78 (bj. '
1 II Re Giovanni non havendo figliuoli maschi legittimi, ehe il bastardo, et
temendo ehe dopo la morte sua non facesse qualche insulto, essendo morto in
quelli giorni il suo Zio fratello del padre, Ugo Cardinale di Santo Andrea.
ch'era Arcivescovo di Cipro, pero fece elegger' il predetto bastardo per Arcives
covo, et lo fece consecrare di Epistola.
2 biroios 'AirotTTOXes t)tov XP0VWV lC\ Kal b pe TCovdvys eSwK4v tov ttjv apxi-
eTriSKOiryv pe oiiXais tois p4vrais Kal SeKara.
Ma come venne in eta di 15 anni, essendo vacato l'arcivescovato de Cipro, il
re glielo conferitte, e mando al pontefice a confermaglielo ; e per metterlo al
possesso, lo mando a stare in arcivescovato con suo maestro, c gli dette anco il
possesso delle intrate di quello.
The term 'ATrooToAes. used of Jacques by Geo. Boustron appears equivalent
to the "postulato over eletto arcivescovo " of Florio Boustron.
3 El padre l'investi dell' arcivescovado de Nicossia, cioe el fese Postulato, MaUpiero
ehe viene a dir eletto per dover esser creado arcivescovo de Nicossia, e'l fese f^^X^^
consagrar da 4 ordeni a persuasion d'Helena so mogier, e anche perche ghe storico
pareva anch'a esso che'l fosse homo desideroso de comander. tfif parle°m'
Ut primum enim sapere aliquid ccepit, videns patrem mentis inopem ex matri- j"jJ°nda' P-
monio virili prole carere, ad regnum aspiravit : indignum existimans, aut sororem
sibi, aut sororis virum praeferri. Quod prassagiens Helena viro persuaserat, ut
filium regni cupidum extra matrimonium natum ecclesia; traderet, et sacris
ordinibus initiaret ; sic futurum, ut regnandi spem poneret. Vacua per id
temporis pastoris regimine ecclesia Nicosiensis erat, hanc Jacobo spondent,
postularique praesulem curant atque in possessionem deducunt ; quod Romana
ecclesia nunquam ratum habuit,

556 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the grade of subdeacon 1 or attempted to exercise the spiritual
duties of his office, which he left entirely to his vicar-general,2
contenting himself with merely enjoying the income of his pre
ferment. After the death of his father he speedily renounced
the primacy, as is known, and successfully disputed with his
half-sister the possession of the throne.
The Court of Rome, which never recognised the appointment
of Jacques, placed the three following successively in charge of
the archdiocese. As there is no evidence that they were ever
really in possession they should not perhaps strictly be reckoned
in the lists of actual occupants of the See.
LeQuien.o.c, Isidore, the first, was that famous Greek ecclesiastic, formerly
Metropolitan of Kieff', who afterwards became Cardinal Bishop
Eaynaidi, ad of Sabina and titular Latin Patriarch of Constantinople. He
85. ' ' was one of those Oriental prelates like Bessarion, who laboured
at the Council of Florence to reunite the dissentient Churches
of the East and West. On his escape after the capture of
Constantinople by the Turks he was presented by Pius II. with
the Sees of Negroponte and Nikosia about 1460. He resided
at Rome, where he died on 27th April, 1463.
du cange, f. 26. A ntonio Tuneto from his name is surmised to have been
p. 853. 'a native of Sicily. In a document dated in February, 1464,
m?ml' °'c authorising him to consecrate a church on behalf of the Bishop
of Syracuse, then a prisoner in the hands of the African Mo
hammedans, he is described as Archbishop of Nikosia. He is
placed by Du Cange after Guillaume Goneme.
ibid. Giovanni Francesco Brusato, the successor of Tuneto, belonged
to a noble family of Verona. Through the influence of his
uncle, Cardinal Bartolommeo della Rovere, he was appointed in
1463 (15th August) to the See of Casano in Calabria, whence
he was shortly afterwards transferred to that of Nikosia. He
died at Rome in 1477, aged forty-four years. His name is un
noticed by Du Cange.
1 " Giacomo bastardo del Re Giovanni fii eletto arcivescovo di Cipro, et
consecrato a Subdiacono."
2 The name of this individual was Antonio Salvani ('Avrtivy SovXovdvy).
Geo. Boustron (p. 427) calls him b dBxapys rys ayias Sotpias, while Florio
Boustron (p. 380) describes him as " canonico e vicario del domo ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 557
Guillaume Goneme, an Augustinian friar and member of a noble Duoange.
Cypriot family, is said to have been a professor of theology at*g-^o
Nikosia in 1434. A great favourite with Jean II. he had been"1-.*213'
o Geo. Boustron,
obliged through court intrigues to withdraw to Rhodes, where fi"8ouatl.on
he attached himself to the young Jacques, whose counsellor and E„r3e7dkno, m,.
abettor he became.1 One of the first acts of the usurper on his t'.'pfoXon,
invasion of Cyprus in 1460 was to appoint Goneme to the See ^^OUBtron
of Nikosia as a reward for his services.2 Though he bore the p- m
title of Archbishop, yet as Cardinal Isidore then held the
diocese in commendam he was regarded as an intruder by Rome,
which continued to appoint to it without reference to him.
He is styled,3 it is true, in many documents before 1467 as iwd., p. 415.
Archbishop, but it was not until that year that his position as
such was recognised by the Papacy. In the opinion of De Mas
Latrie this change of attitude was due to the action of Venice,
which at that period was in close alliance with Jacques. The
new Pope, Paul II.,4 as a citizen of that Republic, would natur
ally be more amenable to her persuasion than his predecessor,
Pius IL, who steadily refused to entertain such a suggestion.
Goneme is known to have visited Europe in 1466, and it is gj de °1h|p'
possible he may then have made his submission in person to the
Holy See.6 That same year, or the beginning of next, he was
1 Kal rbv Kaipbv 4Keivov evpitrKerov els ttjv Kinrpov evas KaXbyypos bvbpari tppe
YiXidp Yovvepes tov ~S,avTayovtrTy, b iroios t)tov iroXXd dyairyp4vos pe rbv pe
TCovdvyv. Kal as yiov y^ebpere, Sri els rais aiiXdSes eiipitrKovrai peydXats C^Xais,
rbtrov TJ\evpav va iroioovv KaX 4Sw\av rbv tppe YiXidp dwb ttjv avXrjv tov pyybs, KaX
dirb rijv Trapairbvealv tov 4irijyev eis ttjv YbSov, Kal Bwpwvrd tov elxdv tov iroXXd
aKpiBbv. Kal Bwpwvrd tov b 'AirotrrbXes eiroiKev tov itoXXtjv ripyv Kal irdtra
dirXaCipiv. E ritirandosi all'hora a Rhodi fra Guglielmo Gonnem, dell' ordine di Santo
Agostino, huomo di grand' ingegno, e molto amato da tutti, il quale stando in
Cipro era molto accarezzato dai re Gioanne ; ma li invidiosi ehe sempre odiono
li favoriti fecero ehe lo scacciarono da Cipro ; et havendolo trovato l'eletto si fe
grate accoglienze.
2 Kal rbv tppe YiXidp 4iroiKev tov dpxieiritTKOirov ttjs AevKovtrias.
E fra Giulano fu ordinato arcivescovo di Cipro.
3 In the articles of capitulation for Famagusta approved by Jacques II. on
6th Jan., 1464, he is styled : " reverendissimo in Cristo patre et domino domino
Gugliermo Gonem, archiepiscopo Nicosiensi ".
The dispossessed Charlotte in a letter dated ist Sept., 1464, contemptuously Guichenon,
alludes to him as " Gonent, que se dit arssevesque de Nicossie "- |j£- "¦' p-
4 His name before assuming the tiara was Pietro Barbo.
" He was sent to Venice, among other reasons by Jacques II., to offer his
assistance to the Republic in the war against the Turks and to consult the
Signory about his contemplated marriage with Zoe, daughter of Thomas
Palaeologos, despot of the Morea and brother of Constantine, last Emperor of
Constantinople.

558 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
appointed by Paul II. to administer the temporalities of the
diocese of Nikosia and in the latter year, on the presumed
resignation of Brusato, was also canonically chosen as its head
(16th May, 1467). He was a few days later (27th May) further
entrusted by the General of his Order with the establishments
of the fraternity situated in Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete. He
does not appear to have long held the See after he had been
aeo.BouBtron, legally installed. As his death did not occur until 14th Sep
tember, 1473 — just two months after that of his friend and
patron 1 — and the See is known to have been vacant in 1469, he
Hist, de is thought to have voluntarily resigned it and reverted to his
310. " u" old monastic life. His burial took place at Nikosia in the
monastery belonging to his Order, an establishment of which he
had always been a munificent benefactor.
A considerable amount of confusion exists with regard to
this personage. For some inexplicable reason Lusignan, who
begins by giving him his right name of Guglielmo Guneme,
seems to forget it a few pages later on, calling him instead
Elias, or Helias, to the complete exclusion of the other. Misled
LeQuien.o.c, by this Le Quien has supposed the names to represent two sepa
rate individuals, whereas the contrary can be easily proved.2

Hi., 1212.

du cange, 27. Louis Perez Fabricius, the successor of Goneme, was a
ses. ' ' Spaniard by birth and brother of Jean Perez Fabricius, whom
iLif.?i2i3.' oc' Jacques II. had created Count of Jaffa and the Karpasos and
premier baron of Cyprus. The new Archbishop even before his
elevation to the primacy had proved himself a determined
opponent of Venice, whose ambitious designs upon the island
1 Kai T7jy avTTjv yp4pav (t^v iS' trerreBpiov a,voy', 14th Sep., 1473), 4ir4Bavev
b tppe YiXidp, KaX eBatydv tov els rbv 2afT 'Ayovtrryv, b iroios liroiKev iroXXd KaXd
eis to avrbv povatrrinptv, Kal iiroiKev Kal rb £evoSoxeiov, Kal dtpyKev KaX evav xapiov '
KaX dtpyKev KovpeptrdpiSes rbv TraXiov tovs BeverlKOvs, KaX rbv Sie Tys peydXys
iKKXytrias, Kal rbv dBiKdpyv rys peydXys 4KKXytrlas.
Bosio says that Goneme was sent by Jacques to the Grand Master at Rhodes
Bosio, parte 2, in 1472. He, however, appaiently describes him as "Fia Guglielmo Govene
ub. ii., p. 266! eletto vescovo di Pafo ". (Cf. Bps. of Paphos, No. 23.)
2 In proof of this statement may be adduced the fact that Etienne de
Lusignan, p. Lusignan, who professes to follow as his authority George Boustron, the
75 secretary of Jacques II., in his account ofthe flight ofthe latter from Nikosia
ibid., p. 65 (a). on I2th Oct., 1458, mentions among his companions Fia Elia Gunomen. In the
pe4^OMtron' original version of this event this person is called $pe YiXidp. As examples of
Lusignan's confusion between Guglielmo and Elia may be cited the following
passages : —
Lusignan, p. "II bastardo — spesso si consigliava con Fra Guglielmo Guneme suo in-
u (a-'- trinseco ".
Ibid., p. 64 (b). " Fra Helia era il consigliatore del bastardo di far cio ehe egli a fatto."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 559
he strove hard to defeat. That the Republic recognised in
him a most formidable adversary may be inferred from the fact Hist, de
that in 1469 (3rd June) the Signory, in evident allusion to him, sio.
requested the Holy See not to appoint a Catalan to the then
vacant archbishopric.1 The exact date of his accession cannot
be accurately determined. As Paul IL, a Venetian, would be
disinclined to sanction an appointment so manifestly distasteful
to his fellow-countrymen, De Mas Latrie inclines to the opinion
that it must have occurred after the election of his successor,
Sixtus IV. (9th August, 1471). Loredano postpones it till Loredano, ih>.
after the death of Goneme in 1473. But a Bull of Sixtus IV.Hist.de
dated 1472 proves that he was certainly in occupation at that 327^'' *' "'
time.2 The two Boustrons on the other hand record that he °eM0UBtr011'
was Archbishop when sent by Jacques in 1471 as an envoy to fi. Boustron,
the Pope.3 In reply to this De Mas Latrie asserts that he
has discovered at Venice the original letter of Jacques accredit- Documents
ing Fabricius to the Holy See, which is dated 27th December, "^ de
1472. Being forced to secretly quit Cyprus towards the end of ch*£rtesdi877
the following year for his share in the murders at Famagusta, f&.f7"270,
he retired to the dominions of the Neapolitan king, Ferdinand, |e0633°uatron'
for whose illegitimate son he had previously endeavoured to p. 445.u''t^°n,
secure the throne of Cyprus. From that safe retreat he ceased
not to devise plots for the overthrow of Venetian supremacy in
the island. Neither the period nor the place of his death is
known. The fact that the See was again vacant in 1476 may
give a possible clue to the former. Le Quien and the editor of
Du Cange are under the mistaken impression that he died at
Milan on 25th July, 1506, aged seventy-five years. But the
individual to whom they refer, as will be shown later on, is
Cardinal Luigi Podocatoro, who, though a Cypriot, was never
Archbishop of Nikosia.
28. Vittor e Marcello belonged to a noble family of Venice,
one of whose members, Nicolo Marcello,4 had but recently filled
1 Quod ne archiepiscopatus Cypri non proveniat ad quemdam Catellanum,
sicuti querit rex Ferdinandus, ut facilius machinationes sue in illo regno habeant
locum, sicut etiam summus pontifex de hac re motizavit oratori nostro, etc.
2 Nos igitur, ad quos pertinet nedum ipsius ecclesie ac venerabilis fratris
nostri Ludovici, archiepiscopi Nicosiensis, ac successorum suorum archiepisco-
porum Nicosiensium, suffraganeorum suorum Latinorum episcoporum, provincial
Nicosiensis, jura et honores defendere, etc.
3 Kal t)ji 4xpovlav apod tiretyev rbv dpxieirlo-Koirov els t'ijv Pwpyv. k.t.X.
E perd mando l'arcivescovo de Nicosia, Aluise Fabrices, fratello del conte del
Carpasso ; e ando a Roma, etc.
4 Nicolo Marcello was Doge from 1473 to 1474.

560 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the highest office in the Republic. Though the exact date of
Documents his accession is uncertain, a list of the Archbishops of Venetian
366. ' ' nationality connects him with the See in 1477. On 11th May,
ibid., p. 488. i4,iyg? 4-jjg Government ofthe Republic, through its ambassador at
Rome, signified to the Pope its approval of his rumoured selection
of Marcello, then Prothonotary Apostolic, to fill the vacant See.
ibid., p. 492. But on 14th July in the following year he was still only Arch
bishop designate and had not yet left Venice, as is evident from
the senate's directions to the Queen and her Venetian advisers
to surrender to his representative the diocese of Nikosia with its
temporalities. Marcello's death is supposed to have occurred in
Cyprus in 1483, or the beginning of 1484. His name is omitted
both by Du Cange and Le Quien.
du cange, 29. Benedetto Soranzo, a member of one of the leading
854. ' ' families of Venice,1 was a resident in Rome since 1470, and had
acted as Prothonotary of the Papal Chancellory since 1481. The
candidate originally chosen by the Venetian authorities to fill
the vacancy caused by the death of Marcello was Nicolo Donato,
then Bishop of Limassol. But, owing to the strained relations
at that time existing between the Court of Rome and the Re
public, Sixtus IV. passed him over in favour of Soranzo, who
was selected in a secret consistory held on 2nd June, 1484.2
Donato was transferred instead to the Patriarchate of Aquileia,
in place of the papal candidate, Hermolao Barbaro, formerly
Venetian ambassador at Rome, whose nomination the Republic
ibid., p. 507 sq. refused to accept. The regard in which Soranzo was held by
the Holy See led to his arrest by the Venetian authorities at
Ravenna in June, 1484, on a charge of treasonable correspondence
with the Pope. Though released after a short captivity at
Venice he was not recognised as Archbishop until the accession
of Innocent VIII. had removed the causes of dispute between
the Papacy and the Republic. Even then, in spite of repeated
requests to be allowed to proceed to Cyprus in discharge of the
duties of his office, he was refused permission. Disgusted with
the treatment to which he was subjected, he at length returned
Documents 1 A member of the family, Giovanni Soranzo, was Doge from 1312 to 1329.
356. ' ' 2 por continuing the war against Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, contrary to
his orders Sixtus placed Venice under an interdict on 22nd June, 1483, with a
further threat of excommunication if within fifteen days the Republic did not
raise the siege of Ferrara. The Council of Ten adopted the most stringent
measures to prevent the Papal Bull from being proclaimed, or even known, in
Venice. After the death of Sixtus in August, 1484, his successor, Innocent VIII.,
lost no time in removing the sentence.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 561
to Rome and resumed his former position at the Papal Court,
nor would he again relinquish it when at last pressed to visit his
diocese. He died at Rome suddenly on 6th July, 1495, aged
forty-eight years, and was buried in the Church of Sta. Maria
della Minerva. His epitaph describes him as Archbishop of
Nikosia, papal secretary to Innocent VIII. and Alexander VI.
and assistant prelate. His name is omitted by Le Quien, while
by Du Cange he is called Superanzo.
30. Sebastiano Priuli. According to Malipiero, the See on LeQuien.o.c,
the death of Soranzo was first bestowed upon Cardinal Domenico D„^^ntB
Grimani, then holder of the See of Paphos in commendam. This Se"6*"11' p
on his promotion he is said to have resigned in favour of his
chamberlain, Giacomo di Pesaro. De Mas Latrie, however,
doubts the accuracy of this statement, since, though Pesaro was
certainly Bishop of Paphos, there is no evidence that Grimani
was ever in possession of the diocese of Nikosia. Sebastiano
Priuli, the actual successor of Soranzo, was a relative of that
Francesco Priuli, who had received the abdication of Queen
Catarina in 1489. Ughelli reports that Jerome Aleander, r/gheui itaiia
Bishop of Brindisi, was summoned to Venice in 1498 to teach tx.,co'i. 39.'
Priuli Greek, no doubt with a view to qualifying him for his c^*ui„pp.
duties in Cyprus.1 But this seems after all to have been a work m' 37'
of supererogation, as his pupil never visited his diocese, but
fixing his residence at Venice enjoyed it in commendam. He died
at Rome on 2nd October, 1502, aged forty-two years, and was
buried in the Church of San Michele di Murano.
31. Aldobrandino Orsini belonged to the famous Roman le Quien, o.c,
family of that name. At the time of his appointment to the ^^J^t,
See his father, Nicolo Aldobrandino Orsini, Count of Pitigliano, fg"'ma' p-
was generalissimo of the Venetian forces.2 He himself was lord
of Morlupi, a place situated in the diocese of Nepi and not far
1 From a document of 1496 (6th Oct.), Priuli would appear to have been then
in occupation of the See, though not in residence : " Venerabilis domini Grati
de Colinis, vicarii ac intervenientis nomine reverendissimi in Christo patris
domini Sebastiani de Prion's, Dei et Apostolice Sedis gratia, archiepiscopi
Leucosiensis ". In a second document of the following year (20th Nov.) he is
described as: " reverendissimo in Christo padre Sebastiano de Priolis, meri-
tissimo arcivescovo Nicosiense".
2 Nicolo Aldobrandino Orsini, Count of Pitigliano, in conjunction with Barto
lommeo d' Alviano commanded the Venetian forces during the war known as the
League of Cambray. The two generals sustained a crushing defeat from the
French at the battle of Vailate, or Agnadello, on 14th May, 1509. Orsini died
in Feb. 15 10.
36

562 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
from Rome. On account of the eminent services of his father
the Republic requested the Holy See to bestow upon the son,
then Prothonotary Apostolic, some ecclesiastical preferment with
in the Venetian territories.1 The death of Priuli affording an
Documents opportunity of acceding to this request Orsini was immediately
Nouvefllls p. ¦' " i
biz- ' appointed to the vacant See (8th October, 1502). He con
tinued to reside at Rome after his promotion, but seems to have
visited the diocese at least on one occasion, though the duration
of his stay is not known. On his return to Rome he took part in
the fifth Lateran Council under Julius II. and Leo X. Some
time in the autumn of 1523 he is said to have resigned the See
of Nikosia for a canonry at St. Peter's. In addition to the
canonry he was Prior of the Church of Sta. Agnese in Navona
at Rome and Abbot of San Lorenzo, outside the walls of
Aversa, in the kingdom of Naples. His death took place
about 1528.
du osage, 32. Livio Podocatoro, was a Cypriot and belonged to a family
i*55- of Greek origin long settled in that island. In 1502 (29th
SonvTau^p. October), on the resignation of his uncle, Luigi Podocatoro, he
became a canon of the Cathedral of Padua. In 1513 he was
appointed Abbot in commendam of the Monastery of St. Gall
at Moggio in Friuli, a preferment which he continued to hold
after his promotion to Nikosia. The following year he was
ibid., p. sis. further invested with a canonry at Treviso, and in 1524 (5th
October), was nominated Archbishop of Nikosia on the resigna
tion of Aldobrandino Orsini. After holding the See till 1553,
which, like his predecessors, he did in commendam, he resigned in
favour of his brother, Cesare, and returned to Venice, where he
died on 10th January, 1556. Du Cange, however, makes his
death to have occurred on 19th January, 1555, in the eighty-
first year of his age, and further states that he was buried in the
Church of San Sebastiano in that city. De Mas Latrie says that
Le Quien and the editors of Du Cange have confused Livio
Podocatoro with the two following, viz. : —
(1) Cardinal Luigi Podocatoro, who, though his uncle, wasin
no way connected with the Cypriot Church. This individual,
born in Cyprus in 1430, studied at Padua University, of which
1 Decretum fuit alias per hoc consilium, ob bene merita et prestantes
conditiones illustrissimi domini comitis Pitigliani, gubernationis generalis
copiarum nostrarum, commendare Beatitudini Pontificie reverendum dominum
Aldrovandinum, ejus filium, apostolicum prothonotarium, ad consecutionem
alicujus ecclesie seu beneficii in ditione nostra.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 563
he became rector in 1460. Appointed to the See of Capaccio
by Sixtus IV. in 1483 and created Cardinal Priest of S. Agatha
by Alexander VI. in 1500 (28th September), he was in 1502
presented to a canonry in the Cathedral of Padua. Resigning
this soon afterwards in favour of his nephew, Livio, he was in
1503, or the following year, presented to the See of Benevento
by Julius II. The date and place of his death have been vari
ously recorded. Some say that it occurred at Milan in 1504,
others at Rome in 1506.
(2) Louis Perez Fabricius, a complete stranger to the family of
Podocatoro, whose Christian name causes him to be confounded
sometimes with the uncle Luigi Podocatoro, and at others with
the nephew Livio.
Guido Bruno, a Dominican of Cortona, is said by Le Quien Le Quien, o.c,
. " iii. 1216.
on the authority of Fontana to have been nominated to the See
of Nikosia by Clement VII. in 1530. If it be true, however,
that Luigi Podocatoro's tenure lasted from 1524 to 1553 it is
manifestly impossible that Bruno can have any claim to rank
among the Latin metropolitans of Cyprus. His name is not
mentioned by Du Cange.
33. Cesare Podocatoro, in whose favour his brother Livio is Documents
said to have resigned the archdiocese, was a knight of Malta. 3oTvemx'v'
According to De Mas Latrie very little is known concerning him.
The Bulls appointing him to the See are dated 24th August, 1553,
while the authorisation ofthe Republic permitting him to take rbid.p. 514.
possession of the temporalities is dated 2nd January, 1554. It is
doubtful whether he was ever really invested with the archi
episcopal dignity, since in his will drawn up 16th November,
1557, four days before his death, he only styles himself Arch
bishop-designate of Nikosia. Omitted by Du Cange and Le
Quien. 34. Filippo (IL) Mocenigo, the last Latin primate of Cyprus, du cange,
was the son of Pietro Mocenigo and a near relative of the Doge, sss. *"' p'
Luigi Mocenigo. His promotion to the See most probably m.^ml'00"
took place at the beginning of 1560, during the pontificate of g**=™™*s p
Pius IV. In 1563 he assisted at the closing sessions of the356-
Council of Trent. After the capture of Cyprus he spent some
time in Rome, eventually settling down at Venice. He died on
1st June, 1586, in the seventy-third year of his age, and was

564 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
buried in the church of Rua, a small place in the environs of
Padua. Le Quien, however, places his death nearly ten years
earlier, viz., in 1577.1 The Bishops qf Paphos.
(hEi* ueN°' *** !• '^'ne name °f the first occupant of the See is unknown.
Uyp.,iu„ p. He was one of the two delegates entrusted by Celestine III.
with the establishment ofthe Latin Church in Cyprus. With the
exception that he had been Archdeacon of Laodicea previous to
his appointment to the diocese of Paphos nothing further is
known of him. He is described in the Bulls of 1196 and 1197
by the initial letter (B) of his name only.2 De Mas Latrie
alone mentions him.
2. Martin,2, was present at the Convention held in 1220
between the nobles and clergy, as we learn from the document
relating to it drawn up at Limassol in October of that year,
sophie,eNo. 95 and from Cardinal Pelagius' confirmation of it dated at Fama-
iii.',6i2,NoP3). gusta, 14th September, 1222. De Mas Latrie alone mentions
him. 3. Name unknown. Perhaps Jean. His initial (J) only has
sopwe.Vd. been preserved in a document conveying a decision of Gerold,
(H. de Chyp., 1 Arcivescovi Veniziani di Nicosia o di Cipro.
i. Nel 1382. Un certo Micheli, fratello di Nicolao Micheli.
2. 1477. Victore Marcello.
3. 1484. Benedetto Soranzo, figlio di Giovanni Soranzo dai Banco et di Lucia
Paruta.
4. 1496. Sebastiano Priuli, figlio di Pietro Priuli procuratore.
5. 1501. Aldobrandini Orsini, romano.
6. 1534. Livio Podocatoro, ciprioto, morto nel 1556.
7. 1552-1557. Cesare Podocatoro.
8. 1560. Philippo Mocenigo, fratello del doge Ludovico Mocenigo.
" He had previously been sent by Amaury to Rome to open negotiations on
cart, de s. the subject with Celestine, as the following extract from the Papal Bull shows :
(HPs1t*'o'eHo' 8 "Sane, quia, sicut ex tenore litterarum dilecti filii nobilis viri A. domini Cipri,
Chyp., ui., p. perpendimus evidenter, ipse Dei scientiam, ejus inspiratione dumtaxat, in
singularitate fidei possidet, et romanam ecclesiam, caput et magistram ecclesiarum
omnium recognoscens, Cipri insulam, cujus dominium divina potius credimus
quam humana ei potestate collatum, a suis tandem erroribus suo diligenti studio
revocatam a beluato fermentatorum scismate ad unitatem ortodoxe matris
ecclesie reducere studio se contendit, sicut per dilectum filium magistrum B.
archidiaconum Laodicensem, nuntium suum, virum utique providum et discretum,
nobis est manifestius intimatum," etc.
3 His name is mentioned in piece No. gs of the Cartulary, not in No. 84,
which contains the text ofthe Convention.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 565
Patriarch of Jerusalem, dated at Acre, 19th July, 1231. De
Mas Latrie alone mentions him. Still presided over the See in
1237. 4. Jean Romain,1 1245. Previously Bishop of Bethlehem and iresorde
. . J l Chronologle,
Ascalon. coi. 2203.
5. Guy de Mimars. Mentioned by Du Cange alone in con-Ducange,
nectidn with the See of Paphos. Le Quien, misled by a faulty »"
reading in the continuation of the history of Guillaume de Tyr, m.ImT'0''
describes him as Bishop of Jaffa. He died in 1253.2 Tyrfiib.
*¦ xxxiv..

Contin. Gr. de

xxxiv., c. 2.,
p. 441
EecueU des

6. Pierre de Charpigny, Chancellor of Cyprus.3 His name is {£m'sfjde"'
found in a deed drawn up in October, 1270,4 wherein Hugues Amadi, P. 202.
III. provides for the maintenance of two priests to say daily s«ph'ie,Vo. se
masses in the cathedral at Nikosia for the souls of members of iu', m.™ "
the royal family. De Mas Latrie alone mentions him. Heg^"
appears to have still presided over the See in 1288. eaux.'p. 350).
7. Nicolas Hungarus. His name is found in a deed of sale guogge,
dated 10th September, 1292.5 He was present at the Synod J*^™' *c
held in Limassol by Archbishop Gerard on 22nd September, {£^£438.
lc)f|u Cart.'de's.
LAVO. Sophie, No. 52
(H. de Chyp.,
ill., 677).
Labbe,
1 The epitaph of Bartolommeo di Biaganza, which exists in the Dominican ConcU.,xl. (2),
church at Vicenza, gives him the title of Bishop of Paphos, Nemosie (Limassol)
and Vicenza. He was Bishop of Limassol in 1248 and, as the editor of Du
Cange suggests, may have been placed in charge of the diocese of Paphos at
the same time.
2 " Morite Guido, vescovo di Bapho."
3 " Pierre, evesque de Baphe et cancelier du reaulme de Cipre."
He is evidently alluded to in a letter of Nicolas IV. to the Patriarch of
Jerusalem dated 26th April, I2gi, under his initial as follows: "venerabili
fratre nostro P. Paphensi episcopo, collectore decime in partibus illis ".
4 His name appears even earlier in a grant by Hugues III. to the Hospitallers. Kohricht
No. 1368. I26g, Nov. Accon. Hugues III. rex Hierosolymitanus et Cypri, lifrosoifp.8''
domui Hospitalis per manum magistri Hugues Revel locum prope Nimocium^o.
situm, qui dicitur Domina Nostra de Combes, cum omnibus pertinentiis ac
juribus concedit et sigillo confirmat. Datum per manum Petri (Pierre) episcopi
Paphensis, cancellarii regni Cypri.
The following epitaph discovered at Paphos in 1844 and now in the Musee
de Cluny at Paris also records his occupation of the See : —
" Brocardus : de: Charpigny: miles: pater: Paphiensis: episcopi: cujus:
anima: requiescat: in: pace. Amen."
The family of Charpigny belonged to the Frank nobility of the Morea.
5 Actum Nicosie, in magna camera domus archiepiscopalis, presentibus
dominis reverendo patre domino Nicola Hungaro, Dei gratia Paphensi
episcopo, etc.

566 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
LeQuien,o.c., 8. Robert, a native of Normandy and a member ofthe Domini-
oams,p.438. can Order, was in occupation of the See about 1304. Omitted
by Du Cange.
chronotogie ^* **^* ^e Montolif,1 1307. Simon de Montolif, who murdered
AmS3' 265 -^maury de Lusignan, Prince of Tyre and Regent of Cyprus, in
1310, was his brother.
du cange, 10. Jacques was a witness to the marriage contract between
LeGi3uienoc Ferdinand of Majorca and Isabelle d'Ibelin, cousin of Henri II.
Si'ms2! m " m 1315- Hls deatn occurred in 1322.
FammS6' H* Amaury, a Franciscan, was elected by the chapter on the
L^ouien oc death of Jacques, the choice being approved by Giovanni del
ai'ms^J: '438 Conte, Archbishop of Nikosia and confirmed by John XXII.
n^usfrai1' He was in company with Henri II. at the palace of Strovilo on
p' m- ' the day before the latter's death, 30th March, 1324.2
h. de chypre, 12. Gerard was present at the ratification by Hugues IV. on
14th January, 1330, of the marriage contract between his eldest
son,3 Guy, Prince of Galilee, and Marie, daughter of Louis I.,
Duke de Bourbon. De Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
Ducange, 13. Eudes ,(Odo) was present at a Synod held in Nikosia by
Families, p. ^pcjjbishop Elie in 1340, at which he is reported to have dis-
ui|\a88'*'00"sented from the first of the constitutions then passed, "De
Bams, p. 438. decimis integre solvendis ". Was still occupant of the See in
1351, as is attested by a letter of Clement VI. dated 22nd Sep
tember of that year.
iresorde 14. Helie de Chambarlhac was one of the executors of the
Sa'chris will of Cardinal Talleyrand de Perigord in 1360. Was present
x£n*c'oii'3i6- at the proclamation of Pierre II. as King of Cyprus in Nikosia
Maihasra, pp. on 24th December, 1371. Machaera, who has recorded this cir-
itrambaidi cumstance, calls him .die? re Kapaireirari^
p. 131. 1 Messei Simon de Montoliffo, frattel del vescovo de Bapho.
2 Amadi styles him : " Fra Chamerin, vescovo de Bapho, frate minore ".
Wadding, Ann Previously to his elevation to the See he had been sent by Henri II. on a
^"224 tom' vl" diplomatic mission to James II. King of Aragon.
3 " Acta fuerunt hee Nicosie, in aula regis, in majori camera ipsius domini
regis, presentibus reverendis in Christo patribus dominis Guillelmo Dei gratia
episcopo Mimatensi, Gerardo eadem gratia episcopo Paphensi," etc.
^ tov iirio-Kbirov rys Yldtpov bvbpari orlp Aies re KappireTrar).
Strambaldi mentions him without, however, giving his name.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 567
15. Pinus Ordelaffi was translated from Paphos to Cervia in LeQuien.o.c,
Italy on 11th March, 1394. Gams, however, gives the date as a»ms, v. m.
the 10th March. His death occurred in 1402. Omitted by
Du Cange.
16. Bertrand de Cadouin (1411), as we learn from a letter of LeQuien.o.c,
Martin V. (5th May, 1428), was transferred by John XXIII. to ^* 438.
the See of St. Flour, of which he was in possession in 1415.Tresorde
rx -xi J l_ t-\ /-i Chronologic,
Omitted by Du Cange. coi. 2203.
17. Jean, Archbishop of Tarsus, administrator of the See, Ducange,
died about 1428, or the following year. ^buieuociil.,12181' ' "
Gams, p. 438.
18. Salomon, 1426. His death occurred before 5th May, Tresorde
1. „0 , J Chronologic,
428. col. 2203.
19. Angelo, a native of Narni in Italy and a member of theDucange,
Order of St. Francis, was appointed to the See by Martin V. on 866.
5th May, 1428. His death occurred between 1435 and 1439. &!» °'°"
Gams, p. 438.
80. Antoine witnessed the marriage contract between Anne Hist- de
1- . . . ® Chypre, Hi. ,
de Lusignan, sister of King Jean II. and Louis, Count of Genoa, p. m. ¦">»•¦
at Nikosia on 1st January, 1432, a circumstance which Du Hist. de°n'
Cange, however, attributes to his predecessor. His name is',p.3<k
not to be found in the Tresor de Chronologic
21. Michael de Castellacio, a member of the Order of St. John
of Jerusalem, is recorded as being in occupation of the See in & *« ^jr.
1463, of which he seems to have retained possession in 1468
(13th October).2 He witnessed the articles of capitulation ibid., p. 265.
relative to the surrender of Famagusta to Jacques II. , which
were signed at Nikosia on 6th January, 1464.3 De Mas Latrie ibid., p.m.
alone mentions him.

1 He is said by Machsera to have fallen into the hands ofthe Greek insurgents,
who took up arms after the defeat of Janus at Chierochitia in 1426, and to have
received very rough treatment from them.
'O TritrKoiros b Xarivos b tppe ~ZaXapobs iirijyatvev irpbs ttjv 'Appbxovarov, Kal Machasra, p.
iiriatrev tov rb tpovtrdrov tov pe 'AX4£y, Kal 4Kovpo~evtrdv tov Kal 4Sepav tov, Kal
4iro'iKdv tov ttoXXt)v peydXyv dvTpoiri'jv, KaX 4trKairiatrev dirb rbv Bdvarov.
2 " Reverent pere en Dieu messire frere Miquel de Castelacho, l'evesque latin
de Baphe."
3 " Presentibus — reverendissimis dominis episcopis fratre Michaele de Castel- pi. Boustron,
latio, decretorum doctore," etc. p- 415-

568 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
iresorde 22. Pierre.1
Chron., c.
2203. du cange, 23. Guillaume, an Aueustinian, was tenant of the See in
Families, p. n . w_ TT . 7 ,0 .. , . , «,,
Le7Quienoc !**™- "e ls reported to have died in the following year.
iii., 1218.' "
Gams, p. 438.
du cange. 24. Antonio Manzoni, a Franciscan, was appointed by Sixtus
867. M,P' IV. in 1473, Le Quien and Gams say on 17th September,
ui.,QS'00' whereas Du Cange places it two months later, viz., 17th
cams, p. 438. November.
LeQuien.o.c, 25. Simon de Balcmola, a Dominican, was elected to the
iii 1219
Gams, p. 438. diocese about 1485. Omitted by Du Cange.
Tresorde 26. Antoine de Soissons or de Sasson, January, 1488.
Chron., c. J
2203.iwd. 27. Cardinal Domenico Grimani, Patriarch of Aquileia in
1498, administered the See before 1493.
du cange, 28. Giacomo di Pesaro (Pisauro in Du Cange), according to
se?. Malipiero was chamberlain to Cardinal Domenico Grimani
m^im'0'0'' before his appointment to the See of Paphos. His name occurs
Gams, p. 438. in a document dated 6th October, 1496. In 1502 he was ad
miral of the papal fleet operating against the Turks. Took
part in the fifth Lateran Council under Julius II. and Leo X.
Died at Venice on 24th March, 1547, and was buried in the
church of the Franciscans in that town.
iresor, coi. 29. 1548. Giovanni Maria Pesaro.
2203.
LeQuien.o.c, 30. Pietro Contarini, a Venetian, appointed to the See in
Gams, p. 431 July, 1557 (September, Gams), appears to have resigned it in
1563. Omitted by Du Cange.
du cange, 31. Francesco Contarini, a member of the same family, was
867. s,p' chosen as his successor in the same year. After displaying the
m.^S °'°'' greatest heroism at the siege of Nikosia he died from wounds
Gams, P. 438. received at its capture. Both the Contarini subscribed the
ioo?(5an'''' decrees ofthe Council of Trent at its final session in 1563. Du
Cange appears not to know his name.
1 M. de Mas Latrie says: "J'ai vu a la Bibliotheque S. Marc une lettre
autographe ainsi datee: — ' Ex Venetiis xxi. Aug., 1472. Petrus ep. Paphensis ' "

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 569
The Bishops qf Limassol.
1. 1197. N.
2. T. in 1200. Perhaps the first occupant of the See.

Tresor de
Ohronologle.

3. Foulques is the earliest known occupant ofthe See, though Jjj^0-0-
not the first in order of time. He seems to have been in posses- GailB'p-438-
sion about 1211.1 He was a brother of the Archbishop of chy^uifp.
Nikosia, Eustorge de Montaigu. Omitted by Du Cange. 605'"1'
4. The name of his successor is unknown. He was present cart de s
at the Convention held in 1220 between the nobles and clergy, UT' S°"'
and in the articles of agreement drawn up in October of that g;, pp0^"
year is alluded to under the initial R. De Mas Latrie alone *M-'
mentions him.
5. Also unknown. Referred to as T. in a decision of Gerold, cart, de s.
Patriarch of Jerusalem, published at Acre on 19th September, fSf"6' N°
1231. De Mas Latrie alone mentions him. bhyp-.tu., p.
631.)
6. N. 1246.
7. Bartolommeo di Braganza, a Dominican and member of a LeQuien.o.c,
noble family of Vicenza, occupied the See in 1248. On 18th Jjj*J^j ;438
January, 1256, he was translated by Alexander IV. to the
bishopric of his native town, where he died in 1270. Omitted
by Du Cange.
8. Christian, Patriarch of Antioch and a Dominican, was %$.'&' °'°"
appointed administrator of the See by Alexander IV. on 11th "»"¦=. p-«8-
February, 1256, on account of the impoverishment of his own Ptr*s!ti*f*'c.'ix
See through the incursions of the Moslems. He was subse- du cange,
quently slain, with four other members of his Order, in his own sot" ""' p'
cathedral at the capture of Antioch by the Egyptian Sultan, ^•*j!26'438 "
Bibars, on 29th May, 1268. Omitted by Du Cange. oS** m
2409. " ' '
Mansi, Concii.,
9. Berard. All that is known of this occupant of the See is c„f 347"'''
that he was present at the provincial Synod held in Limassol onSi^me!'0'0''
22nd September, 1298, by Archbishop Gerard. B^' p' **
1 The editor of Du Cange says that he may have been appointed to the See du cange,
in 1215 or even from 1211, but that he certainly was in possession in 1239. The |^miUm. P-
erroneousness of this last statement is plainly proved from other sources.

570

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Amadi, p. 283
Fl. Boustrou,
p. 164.

Machasra, p. 10. Pierre (I.) d' Erlant or de Herlant, as Le Quien writes the
nnBolustoon8 name> held the See in 1304. He was with Jacques de Molay,1
p. m ' Grand Master of the Templars, one of the two instigators of
Amaury, Prince of Tyre, in his rebellion against his brother, Henri
II. In 1308 (8th March) he was put by Clement V.2 in charge of
the See of Nikosia during the absence of Archbishop Gerard. The
editor of Du Cange seems at a loss whether to assign him pre
cedence over his successor Jean, and even hazards the conjecture
that he may be the same as Pierre de Pleine Chassaigne.3 He
explains, too, the surname of De Herlant, which he bore, as a
possible corruption of Petrus de Hierusalem.
Tresorde 11. Geraud de Cros. His name occurs in the obituary of
chronologic. clermont Ferrand (2nd October).

Amadi, p. 328.

Du Cange,
Families, ;p

Fl. Boustron,
p. 195.

12. Zacco More,* is said by Amadi to have accompanied the
Papal nuncio, Raymond de Pins,6 to Armenia in 1310 to
procure the release of Henri II.
1 " 'Opoiws KaX b pttrep TavoXdve b tt'io-kottos rys Aepitrov 4trpiKTiryv petrbv tovs •
Kal b Kvpys rys Tbpov eixev tov iroXXd aKpiBbv."
" Fu etiam Piero de Erlant, vescovo de Limisso, et questo fu uno de li conse-
glieri di questa opera, et perd fu in la gratia del signor de Sur, dai quale hebbe
molti apiaceri."
" L'autore di questa opera era il maestro del Tempio, fra Giacobo de Molei,
et Piero de Erlant, vescovo di Limisso."
2 " A di 8 mazo fra Guido Severac, commandator del Hospital de San Joan,
ha presentato una lettera al capitulo de la giesia de Nicosia, per la quale
commandava l'Apostolo ehe Piero d'Erlante, vescovo de Limisso, fusse vicario
de Nicosia della spirituality et temporalita delle intrade et uscite della
chiesia," etc.
" Fra Guido Siverac, commendator dell' Hospital de San Gioanne, ha
portato queste nuove in Cipro, con una lettera del summo pontifice al capitolo
della madre giesa de Nicosia, per la quale commandava ehe Pietro de Erlant,
vescovo de Limisso, dovesse havere el governo delle intrade del arcivescovado."
3 Cet eveque est celui que l'Oriens Christianus suppose etre Pierre de Herlant
mentionne par Loredano aux annees 1304, 1305, 1307. Peut-etre ce Pierre a-t-il
ete le pr^decesseur de Jean, a moins que ce ne soit le meme que Pierre de
Plaine Chassaigne, etc.
Pierre de Pleine Chassaigne n'est pas nomme dans l'Oriens Christianus
parmi les eveques ou les administrateurs de Peglise de Nemosie. II se pourrait
qu'il eut et£ designe ainsi dans quelques actes : Petrus de Hierusalem, et que ce
dernier mot, abrege et mal lu, eut forme par corruption le surnom de Herlant.
* El signor de Sur li (i.e. Raymond de Pins) concesse l'andata, et fece metter
in ordine una gallia, et mando con lui el vescovo de Limisso, messer Zacco
More, et un canonico de Nicosia, messer Joan de Nores.
Florio Boustron alludes to him without mentioning his name. " II signor
de Sur fece metter in ordine una galea, et mando con lui (i.e. Raymond de Pins)
el vescovo de Limisso et un canonico de Nicosia."
5 Raymond de Pins, Canon of Bazas and domestic chaplain to Clement V.
was commissioned by that Pope to effect in conjunction with the Archbishop of

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 571
13. Jean, or Joan de la Lizza,1 as Amadi calls himi,2 was present du cange,
in 1315 at the marriage contract between Ferdinand of Majorca £>*8mUk"' p'
and Isabelle d' Ibelin, cousin of Henri II. Omitted by Le Amadi' p- 395'
Quien and Gams. The editor of Du Cange is of opinion that
he is the prelate alluded to by Le Quien as Pierre de Herlant.
14. Pierre (II.) de Pleine Chassaigne, a Franciscan, Bishop ofDucange,
Rodez and Patriarch of Jerusalem, is said by Du Cange in his ™*js58M' pp
account of the Bishops of Limassol to have administered that
diocese in 1316, while in his list of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem
he is represented as administrator of the archdiocese of Nikosia.
The discrepancy may possibly have arisen through a confusion
between the names Nemosie and Nicosie. His tenure of the
See of Limassol seems to have been a short one. Omitted by
Le Quien,3 Gams, and the Tresor de Chronologic.

15. Guillaume, a Carmelite, was translated from the See of Le omen, o.c,
iii., 1227.
Gams, p. 439.

Limassol to that of Castellana in 1324 (21st February), whence""' v

he was again removed to Isernia in 1332 (15th October). Gams,
however, declares that his first translation was to Venice.
Omitted by Du Cange.
Thebes a reconciliation between Henri II. and his brother, the Prince of Tyre.
He landed at Famagusta on 4th March, 1310, and dying on ist Jan., 1311, was
buried in the Dominican monastery at Nikosia.
1 Between Zacco More and Frere Jean the Tresor de Chronologic places
Hugues de Bedouin, whom it describes as a Minorite. The only person of this
name known to have existed at the period was a layman, one ofthe most devoted
adherents of Henri II., whom he accompanied into exile to Armenia in 1309,
subsequently becoming Admiral of Cyprus. The error has most probably
arisen from the ambiguity of the language employed by Wadding. " Hoc anno Wadding,
(1314) misit Henricus Rex Cyprius Episcopum Nimociensem, Hugonem de tom. yi.,p'.
Beduinis, et fratrem Aymericum Minoritam (quem infra dicemus ad Episcopatum 2M-
Paphensem assumptum, multa prudenter in illis partibus praestitisse) Legatos
ad Jacobum Regem Aragonias hujus nominis II., ut de sorore sua Maria Jacobo
desponsanda ultimas tabulas conficerent," etc.
Reference, however, to Amadi shows that the prelate in question bore the
name of Joan de la Lizza. That Du Cange does not regard Hugues as an
ecclesiastic is proved by his remark in connection with this event when speak
ing of him in his notice of the family of De Bedouin: "Henry roi de Cypre du cange,
l'envoya avec l'evesque de Nimocie," etc. aSf*'11*"'' p'
2 " II mese di frever (1314) mando il re soi ambassatori al re de Aragona, con
li ambassatori del ditto re de Aragona, quali ambassatori erano fra Joan de la
Lizza, vescovo de Limisso, messer Hugo Baduin et doi frati Menori."
He seems to have been previously Prior of the Hospitallers, being mentioned Amadi, pp.
in two passages by Amadi as " fra Joan della Lizza, prior del Hospital or del '
Convento "
3 Le Quien, however, reckons him among the administrators of the See of
Nikosia.

572 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
LeQuien.o.c, 16. Raymond Bequm, a native of Toulouse and a Dominican,
Ganu,p!439. was appointed to the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in 1324 by
du cange, John XXII., who at the same time granted him the administra-
735sq.M'p* tion of the diocese of Limassol for his support.1 He had
previously since 1321 acted as major-domo at the Papal Court.
He died in Cyprus in 1328. Omitted by Du Cange from the
list of Bishops of Limassol.
ehBtdii.i5 l^- Barthelemy, canon and precentor ofthe Cathedral of Fama-
Amad'i, p. m. gusta,2 is described in a treaty entered into between Hugues IV.
and the Genoese in 1329 (16th February), as Bishop designate
of Limassol. Whether his election was ever confirmed it is
impossible to say. De Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
g» oange, 18. Pierre (III.) de la Palu, a Dominican and member of the
**• noble family of Varambon, was created in 1329 Patriarch of Jeru-
iii.I2^'^'.' salem on the decease of Raymond Bequin, and shortly afterwards
Gams, p. 129. entrusted with the administration of the See of Limassol. His
r^nuies,'p. name occurs as administrator3 in the ratification by Hugues
mst. do IV. in 1330 (14th January) of the marriage contract between
yp., ii„ i6i. qUj de Lusignan, Prince of Galilee, his eldest son, and
Marie, daughter of Louis, Duke de Bourbon. He left
Cyprus for France in 1337 to administer the See of Con-
Echard script, serans. Gams, however, says that his departure took place
Ord Prxdic 7 ' J x ±
tom. i, P. 603 about 1340. He died in Paris on 31st January, 1342. Wrote a
history of the Crusades entitled Liber bellorum Domini. Du
Cange mistakenly places him after Itier de Nabinaux and
makes his death to have occurred in 1347.
Ducange, 19. Lambertino Baldoino della Cecca was a native of Bologna.
??8x_. 'nn In 1328 while still a canon of the Cathedral of Famao-usta he
De Quien, O.C, , O
oinifp'. 439. was senT- "Y Hugues IV. into France, as one of three commis-
chy'p.fii., pp. sioners,4 to arrange a marriage between Guy de Lusignan and
Labbe5 Marie de Bourbon. In 1340, or perhaps even earlier, he was
SoU-''*d('!)' created Bishop of Limassol, as we find him present as such at
1 Du Cange asserts that it was the See of Nikosia he was entrusted with.
2 " Venerabili viro domino Bartolomeo canonico et cantore ecclesie Fama-
guste, et electo in episcopum ecclesie Nimociensis."
3 " Reverendo in Christo patre domino fratre Petro Dei gratia patriarcha
Jerosolimitano et administratore ecclesie Nimociensis."
4 " Venerabilem Lambertinum de Bononia canonicum Famagustanum."
"Venerable homme Monsieur Lambertin de Boloigne chanoine de Fama-
guste."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 573
the S}'nod held at Nikosia by Archbishop Elie de Nabinaux mst. de
on 17th January of that year. The following year he waswoyp'' ""'
again despatched into Europe by Hugues to enlist the Republic
of Venice and the Papacy in an alliance with the Christian
powers of the Levant against the rising empire of the Turks.1
In 1344 (3rd November) he was translated by Clement VI. to
Brescia, where he died on 3rd September, 1348.
20. Itier de Nabinaux, a Franciscan and cousin of Arch- du cange,
bishop Elie, was elected to the vacancy on 3rd November, 1344, 858mUlel!"p'
and subsequently transferred to Famagusta by Clement VI. in ut, rm' ' '
1346. His death is supposed to have occurred in 1354.
21. Leodegar, whom Du Cange calls Leger, was bishop of the du cange,
diocese on 22nd September, 1351 (Gams, November). He was ssT111* "
still in occupation of the See in 1353. at
~ Ga

Le Quien, O.C,
iii., 1228.
Gams, p. 439.

22. Guy d'Ibelin, brother ofthe Seigneur of Arsuf, officiated at Machasra, PP.
the coronation of Pierre I. in the Cathedral of Santa Sophia at strambaldi,
Nikosia on 24th November, 1359.'2 His name occurs also some
months later (16th August, 1360), as one of the witnesses to the mst. de
confirmation by Pierre I. of the privileges accorded to the jaP " "" p'
Venetians in 1306.3 De Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
23. Aymar de la Voulte (18th August, 1367), whom Machasra Tresor de
calls Enimar,*1 was present at the recognition of Pierre II. as Machterafp.'
King on 24th December, 1371. In 1374 he was translated to
Grasse, and in 1379 to Marseilles.
24. Nicolas (I.) Thomas de Ammanatis, called Ammanatus by Le du cange,
. . . ^ Families p
Quien and Gams, assumed in 1376 the title of Bishop designate 859.
of Limassol. In 1380 he was translated by Clement VII. to theuifS.'0'0'' Gams, p. 439.
1 " Lambertinum eadem (i.e. Dei) gratia episcopum Nimociensem."
2 4trr4tpByv b pe Yliep ry KvptaKrj ry kS' voepBpiov a/rvB' (24th Nov., 1359) Xpitrrov
dirb xeipbs tov tppe Yktj re 'HpireX'fjv, dSeXtpbs tov atpevry tov 'Aptretplov, 4irltrKoiros
Nepetrov, els ttjv ayiav 2iotpiav pr)yas ttjs Kvirpov.
Et quando si incorono il re Piero per le mani del fre Gite Imbeli, Signor
de Arasio, vescovo de Limisso, nella chiesa de Santa Sofia, etc. The Tresor de
Chronologie remarks of him " n'etait point seigneur d'un fief d' Arasio "-
3 Reverendo patre domino patre Guidone de Ybellino, Dei gratia episcopo
Nimociensi. 4 ToS eiriOKbirov ttjs Nepetrov tov piffep 'Evipdp.
Strambaldi merely calls him the Bishop of Limassol (vescovo di Limisso) strambaldi,
without mentioning his name. P- 131-

574 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Archbishopric of Naples, and died at Avignon on 6th December,
1396. He was a native of Pistoja in Italy.
Famallg*859 <^>- Stephanas (I.) Gobernus, or Gobernis, was transferred in
LeQuien.o.c, 1390 by Boniface IX. from the administration of the diocese
GamB, p. 439. °f Limassol to the Archbishopric of Corinth. He was subse
quently removed from this latter See to (1) Aceranza in 1395
and (2) Calvi in 1402 (6th November). He died in 1413.
du cange, 26. Bartholomasus Gqjus, a Franciscan, was appointed to the
LeQuien,o.c, vacant See by Boniface IX. on 22nd September 1390. Le
ut, 1228. Quien, Gams, and the Tresor de Chronologic give, however, the
Gams. n. tab ^.77 _ O o > '
19th September, 1390 as the date of his appointment.

Gams, p. 439,

iresor d« 27. Jean, 1392.
Chronologie-
ibid. 28. A Bishop of Limassol, whose name is unrecorded, is said
to have been in Venice on 16th February, 1442.
29. Nicolas (IL), a Dominican, the next known occupant ofthe
See, witnessed the struggle between Charlotte and Jacques for
the crown.1 He seems at first to have taken the side of the law-
oeo. Boustron, ful sovereign and to have acted on her behalf in the vain attempt
?: Boustron, made during the siege of Kyrenia (October, 1460) to effect a
Eusigian, p. reconciliation with the usurper.2 He must soon afterwards,
Docs. Nou- ' The following extract from a Lignage des rois de Jerusalem drawn up
veaun, p. 390. during the reign of Charlotte de Lusignan would tend to show that Nicolas'
occupation of the See could not have commenced until after the date of
Charlotte's coronation. Unfortunately the name of the bishop of the diocese
who officiated at the ceremony does not seem to have been preserved, as
he is only alluded to by his initial P. : —
n,lQ, "Apres la mort du roy Iohan fu courounee roine de Jherusalem Charlotte, sa
fillie, laquelle fut courounee dimanche le xve jour dou mois de Huitenbre de
M.CCCC. LVHI. de Crist, a ssainte Sone, par P. le vesque de Limesson et frere
Nicolas le vesque de Ebron et l'abe de l'abaye du Premontre Labaye."
" Nicolas, Bishop of Limassol, had an Orthodox namesake and contemporary,
called ' nostre reverent pere en Dieu frere Nicolo de Couria ' in a document
Hist.de of 1468. The title of his See is variously written Embron, Euvron, Ceuvron,
ohyp.,Ui.,p. Envroun, and regarded by De Mas Latrie as Hebron, called also St. Abra
ham or the Holy Cave, now known as El Khalil, near Jerusalem. It is
inexplicable how he can have thus taken part in connection with this Latin
ceremony, unless he was a Latin bishop in partibus, the See having once been
occupied by the Roman Church.
2 Kal dvrav apSivtdaav Trdtra irpdpav, 4KaTtrav eis BovXtjv, tvra vd iroiffovv • KaX
4tpdvyv ovXovs avrdpa, Sti vd ir4tyovv pavraTOtpbpov e£a els rbv Kairerdvov rbv
'iriaKorrov rav &pdyKwv tov tppa NikoXS.
E dopo ordinate ogni cosa, mandorno fuori fra Nicolo, dell' ordine de predica
tori vescovo, etc.
Poi mandorno fuori per Ambasciatore al gran Teitar'un Fra Nicolo Vescovo
Latino di Limisso, etc.

., n. 3.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 575
however, have transferred his allegiance, as in the following year mst. de
he was one of two envoys sent by Jacques to the Court of Rome S^fe!** " pp*
and the Republic of Florence.1 But the negotiations with the
Holy See proved a failure and the ambassadors themselves were
treated with scant respect. Gobellini in his notice of their comment,
reception calls the ecclesiastic Bishop of Nikosia, but De Mas ^fm- m'
Latrie proves from the permission granted them to travel through
Venetian territory and also from the reply ofthe Gonfalonier that
Nicosiensis is an error for Nimosiensis.2 Omitted by Du Cange.
30. Antonio d' Euchanta,3 a doctor of laws, witnessed as Bishop
of Limassol the articles of capitulation for the surrender of Fama
gusta drawn up in the royal palace at Nikosia on 6th January, fl Boustron,
1464. 31. A Bishop of Limassol is mentioned in connection with a Geo. Boustron
plot to deliver the Castle of Kyrenia to Queen Charlotte in &/*Ioustion,
1473, but his name is not given. Perhaps he is the same pre- ^esor de
late who is said to have been sent on an embassy to Venice in ct^Geo'K-
1473-1475." tron,p'.529.

32. Salomon Cardona, sl Dominican (Tresor, Franciscan), LeQuien.o.c,lit, 1228,
Gams, p, 439,

elected about 1480. Omitted by Du Cange.

33. Stephanus (IL), also a Dominican, is said by Le Quien and Le omen, o.c,
Gams to have succeeded to the See about 1486. But later ^mB p^ m
evidence shows that he should follow, and not precede, Donato.
Omitted by Du Cange and the Tresor de Chronologic.
1 Quod riant litteie nostre passus in personam illius reverendissimi domini epis
copi Limisso et spectabilis militis socii sui, non faciendo mentionem quod sint
oratores regii, sed tanquam amici et benivoli nostri dominii, etc. (M.CCCC.
LXI. die xviii. Julii). This passage represents the decision given by the
Venetian senate to the ambassadors of Jacques, who had solicited their good
offices with the Pope and cardinals. " Petierunt etiam et rogaverunt ut
scribamus in eorum favorem summo pontifici et reverendissimis cardinalibus."
In the reply of the Gonfalonier of Florence these envoys are expressly stated
to be "episcopus Nimosiensis et Filippus jurisconsultus ".
2 " Ad Pium oratores ex Cypro venere episcopus Nicosiensis et insignis quidam
doctor, ab eo missi qui, deturbato vero rege per arma ^Egyptiorum, Jacobus
Luclinianus, Iohannis regis filius, sese regem constituerat."
3 "Antonio d'Euchanta, juris utriusque doctore, episcopo Nimosiensi."
4 In a letter to the Doge, Pietro Mocenigo, dated gth Nov., 1475, Queen docs. Nou-
Catarina expresses her desire to banish the Bishop of Limassol from the island veaux, p, 454,
for suspected complicity in the plots of the fugitive Archbishop of Nikosia, Louis
Fabricius. His name, however, does not transpire,

576 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
34. Nicolo (LLL.) Donato, member of a patrician family of
Document* Venice, is proved from a letter of Vittore Marcello, Archbishop
p. 505. of Nikosia, to Sixtus IV. to have been in possession of the See
in 1481. He seems to have been a nephew of the reigning
Pontiff, and to have so far presumed upon that relationship as to
endeavour to usurp the jurisdiction of his metropolitan, who
complained to the Pope in the above-cited letter (23rd May).
He was subsequently intruded into the patriarchate of Aquileia
by Venice (1491) in place of Hermolao Barbaro, who was deposed
and banished by the Republic. Omitted by Du Cange. The
Tresor de Chronologic suggests a probable vacancy from 1493-
1495.
mst,de 35. Nicolo (IV.) Dolce1 held the See in 1496, as appears
chypre, iu„ p. £rom a document relating to the payment of tithes drawn up at
Nikosia on 6th October in that year. De Mas Latrie alone
mentions him.
iresor de 36. Marco Cornaro, Cardinal Deacon of Santa Maria in Via
chronologic. Lata and patriarch 0f Constantinople in 1517, held the See in
commendam the previous year.
LeQuien, o.c, 37. Paul Borgasi, appointed to the diocese on 26th May, 1516,
Gams, P, 439. ty Leo X. on the resignation of Cornaro, was present at the
Tresorde Fifth Lateran Council in 1517. He died in 1523. His name
is omitted by Du Cange.

LeQuien,o,c„ 38. Andreas (I.) Zentani (Centanus), a Venetian, appointed
Glms^.m % Le0 X- (22nd May> 1540)- Subscribed the decrees of the
Tresorde Council of Trent in 1546, as bishop of the diocese. Omitted
Chronologic. by ^ Cange

Duoange, 39. Andreas (II.) Mocenigo, a Venetian, was appointed by Pius
seT eB' p' IV. on 3rd May, 1560. His stay in the diocese, if he ever visited
iii.?i23o,'0,0'' it at all, seems to have been of but short duration, as in 1562, or
Gams, p, 439. perhaps even earlier, he was absent in Europe, his duties being
chy'p.fiii,, performed by his deputy (vicario) Etienne de Lusignan. He is
reported to have been present at the Council of Trent in
1563. 1 " Reverendi in Christo patris D. Nicolai Dulcis, Dei et Apostohqe Sedis
gratia, episcopi Nimosiensis."

543,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 577
40. Serafflno Fortebrazza, a Dominican and native of Milan — Duoange,
Angelo Calepio calls him a citizen of Famagusta — enjoys the 860" °"'v'
distinction of being the last occupant of the See while the island ui.^im' 0,c"
remained in the hands of the Latins. He took part in the Gams, p, 439,
defence of Famagusta against the Turks,1 where after perform- %£$?"• *•
ing prodigies of valour he met a hero's death in 1571. sereno, p, sus.
41. Stephanus(III.) is mentioned by Le Quien only. LeQuien.o.c,
42. Stephanus (IV.). As these two prelates were appointed Echard,
after the capture of the island by the Turks they must be ft Ac.,1*™'.
** 11 D 300
regarded as bishops in partibus. The latter, a Dominican, was
a scion of the royal house of Lusignan, his real name being
Jacques, which on entering the Order he changed to Etienne. Lusignan, p.
The son of Jason de Lusignan, Governor of Limassol, he traced
his descent from Henri de Lusignan, Prince of Galilee, younger
son of Jacques I.2 After having acted, as we have already seen,
for Andreas Mocenigo, he was himself appointed to the See by
Sixtus V. on 27th April, 1588. His death is said to have
occurred in 1590 or 1595, but the exact date and place are
unknown. The Bishops qf Famagusta.
1. 1197. Name unknown. Ducange, Families, p,
861,
2. Caesareus di Alagno, 1211, the first known occupant ofm.??^0'0''
the See, was a native of Amalfi. His name under the initial cocar?; d*e"s.
Sophie, Nos.
8.1,
1 Duro l'assalto sei hore standovi il Reverendiss. Vescovo de Limisso con chyp'., lit, pp.
la croce, facendo animo alii soldati, il ehe fece sempre a tutti gli assalti, et se S*y™j:' „
, ' . , r . ,,. .r . . P J. Cart, de S.
esso Monsignor mancava in un assalto forssi 1 mimici prevalevano. Questo Sophie, Nos.
Vescovo era fratte del' ordine de San Dominico, cittadin Famagostano, quale SjjJ; de
in queste acioni si dimonstro molto zelante per la fede, andando spesso alle rayp..ut,pp.
muia, dando le minestre et altre vivande alii soldati, farli spesso confessare et Tresorde
communicare. II medesimo faceva alii populi, et fece generare tanto odio all' Chronologic,
inimici, ehe quando introrno dentro il Baffa fece ricercare con ogni diligentia
per fargli ogni strusio, ma egli poco avanti passo in meglior vita d'una archi-
buggiata, e questo si chiamava Frate Seraffino Fortebrazza da Milano.
Duiovi l'assalto sei ore, e vi ando in persona il Vescovo di Limisso con la
croce, facendo animo a tutti.
2 Iasone, mio padre, figliuolo di Filippo Lusignano — si maritd con Lucia di
Flatri, et fecero Pietro, Antonio, Giovanni, Giacomo, Zanfilippo, et Hercule,
Lusignana, Isabella et Elena.
Giacomo, figliuolo di Iasone, presente scrittore, si fece frate di San Dominico
et perseverera insino alia morte con questo santo proposito.
Filippo, figliuolo di Henrico, Prencipe di Gallilea, figliuolo del primo Re Lusignan, p,
Giacomo. 78|,*r'
37

578 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
(C) occurs in the document drawn up at Limassol in 1220, con
taining the terms of the agreement concluded that year between
the nobles and clergy, as well as in the confirmation of it by
Cardinal Pelagius in 1222. He was transferred in 1225 to
Salerno by Honorius III. and died at his native town in 1263.
In 1227 Honorius III. empowered the chapter of the diocese to
proceed to a fresh election (Arch, du Vatican Reg. Hon. III.
fol. 160).
cart des, 3. The name of his successor is unknown. He is merely
Sophie, No. _ J
(FHst.de designated by his initial (R) in a document dated at Acre,
fchyp., ut, „. igfa July, 1231, conveying a decision of Gerold, Patriarch of
chronoiogie. Jerusalem. De Mas Latrie, who alone mentions him, gives his
initial as (A) in the Histoire de Chypre, but changes it to (R) in
the Tresor.
Tresorde 4. Stephanus,1 a native of Mezel in Auvergne. His seal is
Chronoiogie. ¦* ™
Sophie no 37 found affixed to a deed of 8th February, 1246, as Bishop of
chylV' Famagusta.
p. 6fi).
Tresorde 5. Hugues de Banson2 is conjectured to have been the prelate
Amadi, p. 205. who was murdered by a knight in the streets of Acre in 1259.
jonun. de o. Jje Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
de Tyr., p. 444.
du cange, 6. Valascus or Vasco, a Franciscan and Penitentiary of the
Families, —-. pi* it 1 • i • i ¦
p. 86i. Pope, after being employed on several important diplomatic
m.?^'00" missions was translated by Clement IV. in 1267 (17th Septem-
Gams.p. 439. ber) to the See of Eidenha in Portugal.
cart, de s. 7. The name of the next occupant of the See is unknown.
lwsV'de0' He is alluded to in a rescript of Guillaume, Patriarch of Jeru-
Chyp., ilt *
p. eft)'. ' salem, dated at Limassol 30th January, 1267, under his initial
(J.). De Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
Tresorde 8. 1268 (3rd July), Bertrand,3 canon of Nikosia.
Chronologic. v J " '
i "Ad cujus rei evidentiam, et nostri sigilli munimine, et venerabilis fratris
domini Stephani Famagustani episcopi — fecimus roborari."
2 " Un cavaglier, chiamato Joan Orenia, ehe haveva amazzato el vescovo de
Famagosta." 3 He is alluded to in the same rescript of the Patriarch Guillaume as
" magistro Bertrando, canonico et vicario ecclesie Nicosiensis ".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 579
9. Matthceus,1 a Franciscan, is mentioned as Bishop of Fama-^^
gusta by Henri IL, King of Cyprus, in a document dated at 671, 6"' n' '*•
Acre, 27th June, 1286. De Mas Latrie alone mentions him.
10. Guy d'Ibelin was in occupation of the See in 1298, whenDucange,
the provincial Synod was assembled at Limassol by Archbishop seT M,p'
Gerard, though he did not attend it, being absent from the £t?iSS' 0,c"
island at the time.2 He was one of those who laboured hard to Gams, p. 439.
effect an agreement between Henri II. and the Prince of Tyre, Manstconca,
•/ 3 xxvi 347
and was present when the King yielding to force signed the
decree (1307), appointing the latter Regent of the kingdom.
His death is reported to have taken place on 7th September, Amadi, p. 254.
1308. Amadi and Florio Boustron call the occupant of the J)1|5l0UBt*''"*-
See, who made these attempts at reconciliation, Guido de
Trenti. Either this is in mistake for Guy d'Ibelin, or else there
was another bishop between 1298 and 1308, whose name has Loredano,
escaped notice. Loredano says that Guy d'Ibelin was distin- mT-,pp'
tinguished for virtue and exalted piety and that his death
caused Henri the greatest grief.8 The Regent on the other hand
received the news with no ordinary satisfaction, since to him,
accustomed only to flattery, the deceased prelate's disinterested
advice proved most distasteful. Du Cange mentions him, but
is ignorant of his name. The Tresor de Chronoiogie calls him
Guy de Trente.
11. Antonio Saurano, treasurer of the cathedral, was by re- LeQuien.o.c,
quest of the Regent elected to succeed D'Ibelin. From the Gams p' m
accounts of the island chroniclers he appears to have been one Amadi, P. 291.
of the most disreputable prelates who ever disgraced a See. ™.rrr°tTOn'
His predecessor had left at his death 70,000 besants to be
1 " Matheus Famagustanus."
This document still contains his seal intact with the following legend round
it:— [S.] FRIS . MATHI . D . ORDIE . MIOR . DI . GRA . FAMAGUSTAI .
EP .
viz., Sigillum fratris Mathei de ordine Minorum, Dei gratia, Famagustani
episcopi. 2 " Episcopo Famagustano tunc in remotis agente." Labbe,
3 Mori in tanto Guido Vescovo di Famagosta, huomo ammirabile nella virtu, 2409° " ' ''
e essemplare nella Religione. Apporto sommo dispiacere al Re quest' accidente,
perche si debbono compiangere le perdite de' gran soggetti ; e perche le per-
suasioni di questo Prelato s'erano il piu delle volte opposte a qualche crudele
intentione del Prencipe. II Governatore all' incontro ne riceve estraordinario
contento, mentre awezzato alle adulationi non dava piii orecchio ad un conseglio
sincero, o ad una ammonitione disinterestata.

580 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
expended upon the fabric of the cathedral.1 But with a want
of confidence in his episcopal brethren, which it is painful to
observe, he entrusted this large sum to some merchants of the
town with strict injunctions that they were not to hand it over
to his successor, but to expend it themselves in accordance with
the directions of the bishop and chapter. In spite of this pre
caution it is recorded that Saurano managed during his short
tenure of office to convert to his own use some 20,000 besants
of this hoard, and those who chronicle this piece of knavery
solemnly declare that he would eventually have got possession of
the entire sum had not the Almighty providentially removed him
speedily from the scene of his peculations. In addition to this
act of robbery he despoiled the cathedral of its property and
sold a great part of its church plate. He had not, however,
been in occupation much more than a year when death put an
end to any further depredations on his part. Omitted by Du
Cange.
Amadi, p. 352. \<^ Baudouin2 must have been bishop in 131 0, as he is reported
F1'2un"tI'on' t° have accompanied the papal nuncio, Raymond de Pins, in
that capacity to Armenia to demand the release of the exiled
Henri II. In the following year he was one of the prelates
1 II mese de avril (1308) fu comminciato el novo monasterio de Famagosta :
ehe il vescovo Guido de Famagosta lasso a la sua morte LXX mille bisanti in
man delli mercadanti della compagnia, et commando ehe li danari non fussen
posti a le man de alcun prelato suo successor, ne de alcun altro, ma ehe
stesseno' nelle man di mercadanti, et loro li spendesseno a la fabrica della
chiesia, come ordinarave el vescovo suo successor et el capitulo della chiesia.
Et da poi la morte di questo Guido vescovo, fu elletto, ad instantia et preghi del
signor de Sur, Antonio, thesaurario de Famagosta. II quale ha trovato el
vescovado ben in ordine di vaselli di argento et altro ch'el bon homo de Guidon
lasso. Et questo Antonio visse circa un anno et ha spogliato la chiesia de ogni ben,
et vendete la maggior parte delli vasselli, et fece talmente con li mercadanti
per amor et per forza ehe tolse da li danari de la fabrica della chiesia vintimillia
bisanti, et fece ciocche volse. Et si dice ehe se lui viveva piu, haverave
anichilato el vescovado et tolto etiam li danari tutti della fabrica, et saria cessata
la fabrica della chiesia.
2 Quali andorono con li messi ehe mandava la regina, zoe messer Ramondo
da le Spine, et maestro Baduin, vescovo de Famagosta, et messer Thomaso de
Pinqueni.
ibid. La lettera della regina fu mandata per messer Rimondo da le Spine et con el
vescovo de Famagosta, maestro Badoin, et Tomaso de Pingueni.
Raymond de Pins made two journeys to Armenia to procure Henri's release
the first on 22nd March, 13 10, when he was accompanied by the Bishop of
Limassol, Zacco More, and Jean de Nores, canon of the Cathedral of Nikosia,
and the second on 20th June following, when his companions were Bishop
Baudouin of Famagusta and Thomas de Pinqueny.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 581
directed by Clement V. (29th August, 1311) to make a careful
inquiry into the charges brought against the Templars. In
1324 (30th March) he was among the company which escorted Amadi, p. 401.
Henri to his palace at Strovilo on the day before the latter's
.death. From a mortuary inscription discovered in the Cathe
dral of Sta. Sophia at Nikosia his full name is conjectured to
have been Baudouin Lambert and from the same evidence he is
supposed to have been married previous to taking orders.1 He
may possibly have been the canon of Sta. Sophia, who in 1308 roid.,P. 285.
acted as agent for the Regent, Amaury de Lusignan, in his phies.U8tI'on'
negotiations for the surrender of the Templars. He seems to
have held the See of Tortosa, or Antarados, in conjunction with Ama<u, p. 401.
that of Famagusta.2 Le Quien alludes to him, but is ignorant Kaynaidi, ad
of his name, while Gams makes no mention of him at all. 53. "
13. Marcus, like his immediate predecessor held the two SeesDucange
of Famagusta and Tortosa in joint occupation. During his 862.
episcopate he was employed by Hugues IV. in several affairs off^^,QX-
state. He was sent to France by that monarch in 1328 as one Gams, P. 439.
of three commissioners to conclude a marriage between the heir ohyp.?eit, pp.
apparent, Guy de Lusignan, and Marie de Bourbon. Ten if?'. m' ** **¦
years later (1338) he figures as one of the royal plenipotenti
aries empowered to arrange a treaty with the Republic of Genoa. Labbe,
In 1340 he was present at the Synod assembled in Nikosia by JSf1''*"''"'1'
Archbishop Elie, and his name is further mentioned the same^acllKra''!>'
year in connection with the recovery of the stolen cross belong- strambaldi,
ing to the Church of Tochni. His death is reported to have Amadi p 407
OCCUrred in 1346.3 Ft Boustron,
p. 256.
Du Cange on the authority of a letter of Clement VI. asserts Ducange,
that the diocese of Tortosa, which was originally dependent on sio. "'
the patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, was subsequently
united by the Holy See to that of Famagusta.* As the last
1 " 27 A & B. II sembleroit resulter de l'inscription A que le celebre eveque chamber.
Bauduin de Famagouste s'appeloit Lambert, et qu'il se sera marie avant de Jj^rtmas
recevoir les ordres." The inscription refers to a son of his called Guillaume. Nicosienses,
r torn, t, p. 140.
2 " Maistro Baduin, vescovo di Famagosta et de Torthosa."
3 '2 4Ke7vov rbv Kaipbv evpeByv eis rijv AevKwtrlav 4iritXKOiros rys 'Appoxovarov
b tppdvyKos, bvbuan $pe Mapd.
Et in quel tempo, si trovo il vescovo latin de Famagosta nominato fra Marin.
II vescovo di Famagosta, ditto fra Marco, volse provar ditta croce in
presentia del re.
4 L'evesche de Tortose fut depuis uny a celuy de Famagouste par le saint
siege, comme nous apprennons d'une epistre du pape Clement VI.

582 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
contin. g. de recorded occupant of the See of Tortosa, Barthelemy, held it in
Ampiiss^ ^'1278, this new arrangement was most likely devised after Syria
Wo lo!"8' kaa" Passe(1 into Moslem hands at the close of the thirteenth
Amam, P. 401. century. We have already seen that two bishops of Famagusta
chyVli p were lnvested w'th it during the next century. But these Sees
140, efe would seem to have been again held separately in 1432, if any
408° s,ra' p' reliance can be placed upon the testimony of the island chron-
Amadi, p. 515. 'filers.1 They report that Salomon Cardus, Bishop of Tortosa,
p.'3ti. r<"*' whose name, however, is not mentioned in any of Du Cange's
or Le Quien's lists, crowned Jean II. in the Cathedral of Sta.
mst. de^ Sophia on 24th August of that year, while from other sources
16 "¦ ' it is shown that Nicolas, whose death did not occur till 1441,
was in occupation of the See of Famagusta on 1st January of
that same year also.
du cange, 14. Itier de Nabinaux, a Franciscan and cousin of Arch-
ss2- bishop Elie de Nabinaux was translated from Limassol by
Hi.S*00' Clement VI. in 1346. His death is doubtfully reported to
Gams, P. 439. have taken place in 1354.2

ill., 1221
Gams, p. 439.

LeQuien.o.c 15. Bertrand de Alaneo, papal chaplain and auditor of the
sacred palace, was translated from Famagusta to (1) Gubbio on
12th October, 1390 and (2) Amalfi in 1401. He died on
15th June, 1408. Omitted by Du Cange. Gams1 list of the
occupants of the See ends with him.
Machaera, p. Machaera mentions a Bishop of Famagusta in 1367, whom he
strambaldi, calls Sir Erat,3 but it is impossible under this guise to identify
p'83, the individual to whom he refers.
Amadi, p. 417. 1 This opinion is confirmed by an observation of Lusignan who, after remark
ing that the See of Famagusta possessed a second title derived from Cilicia, goes
on to say that when he wrote the two were held separately.
Lusignan, p. " Nota anchora, ehe il Vescovato di Famagosta ha un' altro titolo in Cilicia :
34 '*'¦ il qual titolo ha non so ehe d'intrata in Venetia, et hora al presente sone due
Vescovi, ambi vivi : uno, il Monsignor de Ragazoni, possede il totolo di Fama
gosta, et Monsignor de' Rossi quello di Cilicia."
" Kal t^jv iritpryv els rds i4 payiov (15th May, 1432) diraveoT4tp6yv b pe TCovav
-re AovCovvias, Kal 4o~T4tp8yv inrb xetP^s tov tppe ^aXdpov, dirb rbv SpSivov tov 1,dv
Topev'iKov iiriuKOTros TaprovCas els tV ayiav Sotplav."
" Et la domenica, a li 24 de avosto del ditto anno, fu coronato a re de Cypro
a Santa Sophia, per man de fra Salamon Cardus, vescovo de Tortosa."
" Fu dunque coronato Gioanne a Santa Sophia, per man de fra Salomon
Cardus, vescovo de Tortosa, alii 26 agosto 1432."
H. de Chyp., 2 In 1366 the Bishop of Famagusta seems to have been represented by
it, p. 284, n. 6. another prelate, as mention is made in that year of Simeon, Bishop of Laodicea,
vicar of the Bishop of Famagusta. This arrangement must have continued
strambaldi. some time, as Strambaldi also alludes to the vicar of Famagusta (il vicario de
p' Famagosta) under the year 1373.
3 b iritrKoiros rys 'Appoxobtrrov b trip 'Epdr.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 5S3
16. Georgius, or Gregorio as he is called also, is mentioned LeQuien.o.c
as bishop designate of the See in 1398, but for the following1**'1221'
reason he appears never to have attained to the full enjoyment
ofthe dignity. In conjunction with the Genoese commandant Amadi, p. m.
of Famagusta, Antonio di Guarco, he entered into a plot to rl- **"'
betray that fortress into the hands of King Janus.1 But the Loredano,
Genoese becoming aware of the plot apprehended Gregorio, m>' '*" p'
who on being put to the torture confessed all. As a punish
ment for his treachery he was, with one of his accomplices, put
to death and his body quartered and hung upon the fortifica
tions. Machaera, who informs us that his own brother Perrin
was involved in the affair, tells the story somewhat differently.
According to him Gregorio, whom he calls Guy Kal (Tier) KaX.) 2 Machsera, p.
was confessor to the governor, to whom he also gives a different g7t6rambal(U
name, Sir Anthony Nentarkar. Instead of the latter being privy **¦ m-
to the plot his death was intended by Gregorio to ensure its
success. Janus is by Machasra represented as having nominated
him bishop designate of the See as a reward for his treason.
Several executions followed on the design becoming known, but
Gregorio is not specially mentioned as having been among the
sufferers. Omitted by Du Cange.
17. Lucian, nothing further is known of him, except that du cange,
his death took place in 1409, according to Du Cange. 863. eB,p'
LeQulen.O.C, iii., 1221.
18. Pierre, a Franciscan, is said to have been translated froniDucange,
the See of Ventimiglia as successor to Lucian by Alexander V. sis. ""' p'
on 4th September, 1409. But Du Cange doubts whether hejif^**00'
was ever really in possession, since —
1 El capitanio, ehe alhora fu a Famagosta, messer Antonio da Garco, haveva Amadi, pp.
battizato el re a Genova et li portava amore, et li volse render Famagosta con 49e- 49'-
bel modo ; et il re trattava questa cosa per un fra Gregorio, eletto per vescovo
de Famagosta, ehe era confessor del ditto capitanio. Li quali (i.e. li Genovesi)
a despetto del capitanio, messeno al tormento el preditto eletto vescovo, et lui
confesso la cosa et recuperorno etiam quel giovene catelan et feceno tagliar le
teste a tutti doi, et poi squartarli et metter li sui quarti a le muraglie.
2 Kal b Kairerdvos T7js ' ' AppoyobtrTov t\tov trip 'Avrwvy NevrapKtip, Kal elxev evav
povaxbv tppbvtuov tppev YKy KaX, 6 iro7os ijrov TrvevpariKbs tov Kairerdvov, b iroios
eBeXe vd Bavaratry rbv Kairerdvov Kal vd Sway tov pyybs ttjv 'Appbxovtrrov • Kal b
pijyas 4ito7k4v tov inroityijfpiov Sid iirltrKoirov Tys 'Appoxobo~rov.
Et era capitanio (i.e. di Famagosta) Antonio Eutarcha, et era un frate latino
nominato fra Gical, et era confessor del capitanio, et si messe a dar morte al
capitanio, et dar al re Famagosta ; et il re si accordo de darli il vescovado di
Famagosta.

584 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
du cange, 19. Jean de Montencgre, also a Franciscan, was appointed
Fanuiies, p. j in mediately after Lucian on 26th May, 1412, having previously
ui.?&00" figured at the Council of Pisa in 1409 as bishop designate of
waddto|, the See. Wadding explains this by saying that Pierre either
**">•«• ' died, or was transferred elsewhere, before assuming possession.1
Le Quien is of opinion that the names of Lucian and Pierre
should be transposed, which he has done.2
Tresorde 20. Joachim de Torselli, a Genoese.
Chronoiogie.
Le Quien, o.c, 21. Nicolas de Tenda, a Dominican and Councillor of Sigis-
**'•' 12Z2' mund, King of Poland, was promoted to the See by Martin V.
docs, nou- on 20th December, 1417. He is said to have died on 15th
reaux,p. . janual,^ 1427. 3 Omitted by Du Cange.
du cange, 22. Nicolas Corso as Bishop of Famagusta was one of the
863. eB,p' witnesses to the marriage contract between Anne of Cyprus,
b!.?S0'c" daughter of Janus (I.) de Lusignan, and Louis I. Duke of Savoy,
Hist.de concluded at Nikosia on 1st January, 1432.4 Mentioned by Du
Chyp., iii., P- ,-,,.., J' J
16, n. i. Cange, but not by name.
Tresor de
Chronoiogie.
LeQuien.o.c, 23. Jacques Gastodengo of Savona, a Dominican, was promoted
Tre'soTde to the See by Eugenius IV. on the 23rd January, 1440.
chronoiogie. Omitted by Du Cange.

jauna, Hist. 24. Jean de Monteleone was, according to Jauna, the prelate
tom. iPp. 947. in possession of the See of Famagusta at the time when Galesio
chronoio'gie de Montolif was appointed to the Archbishopric of Nikosia (circ.
col. 2203.
Wadding.ann. 1 Famagustano in Cypro sub Archiepiscopo Nicosiensi fratrem Petrum
1409, No. 15. episcopum Vigintimiliensem per obitum Luciani, die iv. Septembris.
Ad Famagustam in Cypro sub Archiepiscopo Nicosiensi per obitum Luciani,
frater Joannes de Monte nigro, vii. Kal. Junii. Etsi superius diximus illuc
translatum fratrem Petrum Episcopum Vigintimiliensem. Fortassis vel obiit vel
alio translatus est ante adeptam possessionem.
2 Waddingus Tom : 5. ad ann : 1409 tradit Luciano episcopo Famagustano
defuncto substitutum esse eo anno die 4 Sept. Fr. Petrum Minoritam, episcopum
Ventimiliensem. At hie transposita Petri et Luciani nomina videntur ; ita ut
non Luciano Petrus, sed Petrus Luciano successit. — Petrum itaque Lucianus
excepit anno 1409 et Lucianum Joannes anno 1412. Non vero Petrus mortuus
anno 1409 ante diem 4 Sept. — Lucianum anno duntaxat 1412 mortuum.
The Tresor de Chronoiogie also places Pierre before Lucian.
3 In a decision of the chapter of Famagusta dated 22nd Sept., 1422, he is
alluded to as " reverendus in Christo pater et dominus frater Nicolaus de Tenda,
Saonensis, ordinis fratrum Predicatorum, Dei et apostolice sedis gratia episcopus
Famagustanus, dignissimus ".
4 " Nycolay Famagustensis."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 585
1442). He was commissioned by Eugenius IV. in conjunction
with the Grand Master of Rhodes, Jean de Lastic, to endeavour
to persuade Helena Palaeologos, consort of Jean II., to withdraw
her opposition to Galesio's nomination. His name, however, is
not to be found in Du Cange's or Le Quien's lists.
25. Augustinus, the period of his accession and death is not LeQuien.o.c,
known. Omitted by Du Cange.
26. Dominicus de Pera, a Dominican, called by Fontanaibid.
Michel de Perei, was appointed by Calixtus III. on 23rd
July, 1455. Omitted by Du Cange. Du Cange,
27. Pierre, his death is recorded as having taken place inpagS!<"'p'
1472 or 1473. m.J'ms:00''Tresor de
Chronologic.
£8. Franciscus de Pernisiis de Vicherkt, a Franciscan, was ap- du cange,
pointed by Sixtus IV. on 31st March, 1473. families, P.
LeQuien.O.C,iii., 1223.
29. Francesco Marcello,1 25th June, 1476, a Venetian, trans-mst.de
lated to the Bishopric of Trau in 1489. Omitted both by Dusss-fS'.'s1.1'"'
Cange and Le Quien.
30. Luigi Cippico, a native of Trau in Dalmatia, was pro-TreBorde
moted to the See in the same year. He was still at the head of
the diocese in 1496, as is conclusively proved by a documentHist.de
bearing date 6th October of that year. 492.
Du Cange on the authority of Philippe de Commines repre
sents a certain Aloysio as being in possession of the See in
1494. But the information since acquired regarding Marcello
and Cippico shows that such cannot have been the case. Le
Quien, too, omits all mention of his name.
31. Cardinal Marc Cornaro, titular Patriarch of Constanti- Tresorde
nople, resigned in 1505 the See, which he had held m com
mendam (7th April, 1505).
' De Mas Latrie professes to have found in the registers of the Secreti at
Venice the following decision dated 12th June, 1489 : " Que Francois Marcello,
eveque de Famagouste, promu a l'eveche de Trau, a la place de Lionel Chieregato,
elu eveque de Concordia, soit installe dans son siege ; que la possession de
l'eveche de Famagouste soit donnee, en meme temps, a Louis, fils de notre tres-
fidele citoyen de Trau, Coriolan Cypico, comme sa saintete a deja pourvu ".

586

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

LeQuien.o.c, 32. Mathias Ugonius was present on the 5th May, 1514, as
bishop of the diocese at the Lateran Council under Leo X.
In 1534 he dedicated to Paul III. a work entitled De Synodorum
auctoritate, in which he styles himself Bishop of Famagusta.
Omitted by Du Cange.

Tresor de
Chronologic.

LeQuien.O.C. ill., 1223.

33. Jean Francois, died in 1543.
, 34. Filippo Bono (28th October, 1543) was present as bishop
of the diocese at the Council of Trent in 1547. Omitted by
Du Cange.
35. Vittore Franceschino, 3rd March, 1552. His death ap
pears to have taken place at the end of 1563 or the beginning
of 1564.

36. Gironvmo Ragazzoni, the last actual occupant of the
See, was a Venetian. At twenty-six years of age when Chamber
lain to Pius IV., he was consecrated Bishop of Nazianzus in
partibus and appointed coadjutor to Franceschino with the
prospect of succession (15th January, 1561). He was present
at the Council of Trent, where he delivered the discourse at the
ninth and concluding session in 1563 (3rd and 4th December).
Repairing afterwards to Famagusta he succeeded to the See in
due course on the death of Franceschino. At the commence-
o?per*o7iib. i., ment of the siege of that town by the Turks he made his
escape through the Ottoman fleet to Venice, where in the name
of the beleaguered garrison he urged the despatch of im
mediate reinforcements.1 After the fall of Famagusta (9th
August 1571), he was transferred by Gregory XIII. to the See
of Chisand in Crete, whence he was again removed in 1577 to
Bergamo in Italy. On his death, which took place at Rome on
7th March, 1592, he was buried in St. Mark's.

Paruta,Guerra di

37. Jean Martin Bemardoui, Bishop of Cattaro, was trans
lated to Famagusta on 15th April, 1573.

Tresor de
Chronoiogie.

38. Nicolas de Lusignan, called Mamachi.
1 " Si delibero di mandare a Vinetia Nicolo Donato, il quale deputato prima
a quell Isola si ritrovava all'hora con due galee nel porto di Famagosta ; co'l
quale venne anco a Vinetia Monsig. Girolamo Ragazzoni Vescovo di quella
Citta instrutissimo di tutte le cose, et attissimo a questo negotio."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 587
39. Pierre Valler or Albert, a Cardinal and Patriarch of Tresorde
Candia, 1608. 011^0,10l0^,,•
40. Vittore Capello, died 1620. ibid.
41. Andre Palishi. mid.
42. Gennario Manrica, 1631. ibid.
The Bishops of Kyrenia.
Le Quien, by some strange and unaccountable mistake, has
included Bishops of Kyrenia in his lists of the Latin prelates.
But that such a diocese never existed is easily proved not only cart, de s.
from a reference to the Bull describing the establishment ofinFst.'ke
. Chyp. Iii. p.
the Latin hierarchy in the island, wherein mention is made 60|i>- '
only of the Metropolitan See of Nikosia with its three suffragan
dioceses of Paphos, Limassol and Famagusta,1 but also from the
significant fact that in the long series of ecclesiastical documents
extending over the whole period of western supremacy it is
never once alluded to. De Mas Latrie indeed pronounces so
strongly against Le Quien on this point that his exact words
may well be transcribed : —
"This See is inadmissible and the chapter devoted to it inDeMas
the Oriens Christianus with its eight or nine dignitaries ought Archeveques
to be entirely suppressed. Never under any reign, not even
temporarily, was the town of Kyrenia the seat of a Latin
bishopric. The Island of Cyprus never formed more than four
Latin dioceses. The ecclesiastical establishment founded by
Celestine III. in 1195 was never once changed, either by addi
tion or suppression, during the 400 years the Latin domination
lasted in Cyprus, from 1195 to 1570. None of these nine pre
lates, on whom Le Quien bestows the title of Latin Bishop of
Kyrenia, was so in reality. These prelates are Bishops of
Cyrenaica in partibus, or perhaps bishops nominated to Euro
pean Sees, the names of which, more or less resembling that of
1 In the Bull of 13th Dec, 1196, confirming the rights, prerogatives and
possessions of the See of Nikosia addressed by Celestine III., " venerabili
fratri Alano, Nicosiensi archiepiscopo, ejusque successoribus canonice substitu-
endis " occurs the following passage, which decides the question once and for
all :— " Episcopatus quoque inferius annotatos, videlicet Paphensem, Limichoni-
ensem et Famaugustanum, tibi tuisque successoribus statuimus esse de cetero
metropolitico jure subjectos."

588 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Kyrenia, have been distorted in the copying or reading. These
facts may be considered as absolutely certain."
oams, p. 439. Gams, too, remarks of these prelates that they were bishops
in partibus.
The list of the Bishops of Kyrenia as given by Le Quien is
as follows: —
Leouien,o.c, 1. Jordanus de Miramonte, a Dominican, who held the See
m'im in 1301.
ibid., i23i. 2. Everhardus,1 a Carmelite and member of the noble family
of Von Musgeii of Cologne, was appointed to the diocese of
Carone or Cerone in the patriarchate of Antioch and made
suffragan to the Archbishop of Cologne. He died in that town
in 1397.
ibid. 3. Andreas died about 1418.
ibid. 4. Joannes de Rysterschcyt, a Dominican, was nominated to
the See after it had remained vacant for more than a year by
Martin V. on 4th September, 1420.
ibid. 5. Syfridus Piscatoris, another Dominican, was appointed on
6th March, 1446, by Eugenius IV. after his predecessor's death.
n,ld. 6. Dionysius Bard of the same Order was nominated to the
See on 9th May, 1474.
ibid. 7. Hieremias Contugius, a native of Volaterra and friend of
Cardinal Soderinus, was on 8th February, 1496, invested by
Alexander VI. with the See of Assisi, whence in 1509 he was
translated to Kyrenia. He died at Assisi and was buried in
the Church of St Francis in that town.
ibid. 8. Arnaldus de Arceto, an Augustinian, was at the instigation
of the Bishop of Ayres appointed Bishop of Kyrenia and suf
fragan of Ayres by Leo X. on 20th April, 1517.
ibid., 1232. 9. Balthasar de Eredia, a Spanish Dominican, was created
bishop of the See, then vacant, by Paul III. on 24th February,
1535. 1 12. Everhardus, Carmelit ex Patritia apud Ubios familia de Musgen, i.e. de
Musculorum gente, episcopus Caronensis (fbrtassis Ceronensis) sub patriarchatu
Antiocheno fuit promotus et factus suffraganeus archiepiscopi Coloniensis.
No such diocese as that of Carone or Cerone is to be found in the lists of Sees
subject to the Latin Patriarch of Antioch published by Le Quien.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 589

CHAPTER XII.
The Latin Church.
the religious oedees.
MOST of the religious orders of the Latin Church were
represented in Cyprus during the period of Western
supremacy. Among those enumerated by Lusignan, Lusignan, p.
from whom the greater part of our information concerning them S2 et sq'
is derived, are the Augustinians, Benedictines, Carmelites,
Carthusians, Cistercians, Cruciferi, Dominicans, Franciscans,
Observants and Premonstratensians. According to him they
came originally from Jerusalem in the train of the earlier
Lusignan kings.1 But their numbers were subsequently largely
increased by the arrival of fugitives from Acre on its capture by
the Sultan Khalil in 1291. They appear to have restricted
themselves almost entirely to the capital with the exception of
the Premonstratensians and the four Mendicant Orders. Besides
their settlements in Nikosia the latter possessed each an estab
lishment at Famagusta and Limassol also.2 The Franciscans
had, moreover, another at Paphos and the Carmelites owned a
chapel near the village of Polemidia in the district of Limassol,
while the Dominicans possessed the monastery of St. Epiphanius fi. Boustron,
at Vavla in the district of Larnaka.3 Most of them, however, p'
either quitted the island at the time ofthe Mameluke invasion Lusignan, p.
1 33 <a|.
1 Li Latini, Monaci e Monache sono venuti da Hierusalem, come dicemmo, ibid., p.
in compagnia di altri. 32 ,b) et *1-
2 Li Domenicani havevano nelle citta et Terre di Hierusalem 18 (monasterii)
et in Cipro 4 ; in Nicosia, Famagosta et Limisso, detti San Dominico, et al
Casale Vavla Santo Epiffanio : Li altri 3 Mtndicanti, non so quanti in Hieru
salem n' havevano, ma in Cipro San Francesco n' haveva 4, in Nicosia, Fama
gosta, Limisso, et Paffo. Li Carmini havevano 3 monasterii et un loghetto, in
Nicosia, Famagosta, et Limisso, et fuori di Limisso una lega verso il Casal
Apelemidia eravi ancho un' loghetto ; et li Augustiniani, 3 monasterii havevano,
in Nicosia, Famagosta, et Limisso.
3 Given in 1461 to Mutio de Costanzo by Jacques II.

590 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
in the reign of Janus (a.d. 1425-a.d. 1426) or suffered through
it great losses both in property and numbers.1 The houses, too,
which they had deserted, were afterwards bestowed by Jacques
II. upon the' Observants. In fact so considerable was the reduc
tion before the Ottoman invasion that the only religious com
munities belonging to the Latin Church then remaining were
the Mendicant Orders, and they were only to be found in the
two cities of Nikosia and Famagusta, where they lived in abject
poverty.2 Some of these establishments, whose endowments
docs. Nonv., were derived from certain sums levied off the royal domain, owed
PDeMonafc their extinction to quite different circumstances, as is evident
from a petition on the subject which was presented by a Cypriot
deputation in 1489 to the Government at Venice.3 Their ruin is
there alleged to be chiefly due to the payment of these endow
ments in kind at a certain fixed rate instead of in money as
heretofore. This practice, which is said to have originated in
the interests of the monasteries themselves at a time when corn
was dear through a temporary failure of the crops, had been
continued when the necessity for it no longer existed. Another
cause was the omission when establishing this custom to limit
payment to corn, which led to flax seed and other such produce
1 Tutti questi religiosi sopra nominati per le guerre di Mamaluchi al tempo
del Re Iano, quali ruinorno tutte le chiese et violorno tutti li monasterii, si
partirono dell1 isola. Et medesimamente al tempo del Re bastardo li monachi
di San Bernardo si partirono, et 1' abbadia fu fatta commenda, et nel monasterio
posero li Zoccolanti, datogli da vivere, et de gli altri anchora.
Li Mendicanti restorno in Nicosia et in Famagosta solo; son poveri tutti,
massime a Famagosta, et non vi maravigliate, perche essi Sarraceni in que'
tempi abbruciarono libri et privilegii, ma in Nicosia, perche era li tutta la
nobilta, furono alquanto ristaurati.
2 Le Huen in his description of Nikosia (1487) says of them : " II y a trois
couvens de grande fasson, Carmes, Jacobins, aussi des Mineurs ".
3 Cumciosiache nell' ynsola nostra siano alcuni monasteri, parte de done
monache et parte de monachi, i quali erano dottati da la regale de certi
assegnamenti, per li quali et le chiesie et li habitanti se sustentavano, le qual
cose si come in altro loco e necessario de li etiam era molto necessaria, cumcio
siache molti ehe non havevano sustantia de maritare soe figlie le metevano in
dicti monasterii, neli quali esse acquistavano el vivere : ehe al presente manchando
dicti monasterii el cessa questa commodita. Et questo perche da un tempo
in qua, essendo carestia de biave nel paese, per la regal fo terminate ehe dicti
monasterii fosseno pagati in cose et fo li meso i formenti quattro bisanti el mozo
et li orzi dui bisanti el mozo, etc.
Hist, de In the Livre des conmandemens dou roi monseigneur de Van de MCCCCLXVIII.
Chvp.,iii., p. £e Qrist un(Jer the date 24th February occurs the following entry : —
" Le roi monseigneur manda pour achet le bl£ sous devize, ce'est le forment
a besants iiii. le mu, et l'orge a besants ii. le mu " As these are the exact
prices stated in the petition to have been fixed for these commodities this pay
ment in kind may possibly date from this year, during the reign of Jacques II.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 591
being oftentimes substituted for it. Complaint was also made
of (1) the great distance from Nikosia of some of the places
where these payments were appointed to be made, whereby
fully 90 per cent, of the value of the endowments was
absorbed by the cost of transit, (2) the unmarketable nature of
the goods themselves, and (3) the general rise in prices conse
quent on the artificial value assigned to cereals. All these
causes combined, it was represented, had produced such a
serious diminution in the monastic revenues that for want of
the necessary funds these establishments could be no longer
maintained. The memorialists as a remedy for this state of
things prayed the authorities either to resume payments in
money or, if resolved to continue them in kind, only to do so
at the actual market value. The Signory in its reply assured
the Cypriots of its intention to respect all grants formerly made
by its royal predecessors. In consequence of this determination
the local authorities would be instructed to see that these pay
ments were for the future made strictly in accordance with the
tenor of these privileges and concessions and in places as near
to and as convenient for the recipients as possible. A promise
was also given that the revenues of the monasteries should be
regulated from time to time in proportion to the number of
inmates which each contained.
The Carmelites are reported to have settled in the island Lusignan, p.
before the commencement of the Latin kingdom.1 In conse
quence of this priority of arrival they took precedence over all
the other monastic orders. At the close of the fifteenth century
their establishment at Nikosia is represented to have been innist.de
the enjoyment of an annual income of 200 ducats derived from°04yp'' ' ""'
the revenues of two villages.2 It is also said to have possessed pi. Boustron,
a most precious relic, the right hand of the Evangelist St. Luke.3
1 " Li Carmeliti erano gia per avanti in que' principii delli Re : perchioche
esso ordine hebbe principio in Hierusalem dai Patriarcha Alberto di Hierusalem
nel monte Carmello, nel ngg : et pero havendo perso del tutto Hierusalem
andorno in Cipro, et in Nicosia fabricorno un Monasterio, et percio essa
Religione ha la prima Provincia hora di Cipro, chiamata di terra Santa."
2 Its name was St. Mary of Mount Carmel as appears from a document of Amadi, p. 248,
1309 in which both it and its prior are mentioned, e.g. : " Frater Thomas, prior n-
monasterii Sancte Marie de Monte Carmelo in Nicossia"
3 S'atrova la man destra de S. Luca al monasterio di Carmini.
The Carmelite friar Nicole le Huen describes it as adjoining the royal
palace : —
" Nostre maison des Carmes est pres du palais du roy ; et fust fondee par les n. le Huen.
Seigneurs de France : car on en voit l'apparence en l'esglise par les armes du
roy de Jherusalem, du roy de France, du due de Normandie ".

592 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
usignan.p. The next to come were the Benedictines, Cistercians and
Carthusians.1 The Franciscans, Augustinians and Dominicans
appeared about a.d. 1226 during the reign of Henri I. They
were shortly afterwards succeeded by the Cruciferi, while the
Premonstratensians came in the reign of Hugues III. (a.d. 1267-
a.d. 1284). That the arrival of these latter, however, must be
Hist.de considerably antedated is evident from the mention made of
""" '" " them in a Bull of Gregory IX. dated 9th April, 1232.

Chyp., iii., p.

Of all the religious communities the most opulent and power
ful were the Dominicans. In addition to the four houses which
it owned in Cyprus, this Order possessed during the continuance
of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem eighteen others in Syria
also. That at Nikosia, the principal monastery in the island as
regards wealth and importance, was situated in the south
western district of the city. Built at a time when the capital
was still an open town it gave its name subsequently to one
of the entrances into Nikosia, which from its proximity to the
Lusignan, p. monastery was called the Gate of St. Dominic. Its founda-
cart.de s. t-i°n dated from the year 1226 and is ascribed to Alix, Countess
?HPd*eecnvp.M d'Ibelin,2 who in 1244 also erected in the same town the
iii.,p. 644'i. Cistercian nunnery of St. Theodore. Her benefactions are said
to have comprised not only the site, upon which the monastery
with its church of SS. Peter and Paul was erected, but also the
gift of two gardens in the vicinity, with the right of irrigation
for them three hours weekly from the fountain that was after
wards enclosed within the citadel. This fortification which
Lusignan, p. was constructed in 1380 by Pierre II. contained within its circuit
only two buildings, the royal palace and the monastery of St.
Dominic.3 It was captured and destroyed by the Mamelukes
1 Li Latini, Monaci et Monache, sono venuti da Hierusalem, come dicemmo,
in compagnia di altri, et erano monaci di San Benedetto, di San Bernardo, et de'
Certosini. Circa poi l'anno del nostro Signore 1226 in circa erano venuti in
Cipro li Frati di San Dominico. — In quel tempo medemo andarono anchora
li Francescani et li Augustiniani. — Dopo vennero li Crosacchieri in Nicosia : et
al tempo del Re Ugo terzo, detto il grande, erano venuti li Premostratensi.
2 Circa poi l'anno del nostro Signore 1226 in circa erano venuti in Cipro li
Frati di San Dominico, et la Contessa di Iblin chiamata Alisia dono a essi
Frati il fondo del suo convento, et gli diede due giardini quivi vicino, con
giuriditione di haver dalla cittadella ogni settimana 3 hore di acqua dalla fonte
per adacquare li giardini, et tal donatione confiimo il Re Henrico primo, a
talche fabricorno la chiesa intitolata San Pietro et Paolo, et fecero il resto del
Monasterio. 3 Et di dentro non haveva (i.e. la cittadella) altro ehe la Corte Regale et il
Monasterio di San Dominico, et andava l'acqua intorno nelli fossi.

15 (1

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 593
in 1426, the palace sharing in the ruin which then took
place. The monastery, however, thanks to the care and exer
tions of the brethren, escaped intact. A German traveller, a Evagator
member of the Order, who visited the spot about sixty years Fabri,Ftom!*
after its capture, describes the lofty walls of the citadel as still m" p' m
standing when he saw it.1 A deep fosse filled with water
from the Pedias surrounded it, the only means of ingress being
a stone bridge built on arches. The brethren at that time
remained the sole occupants of the space enclosed within the
walls. In addition to the buildings inhabited by the community Lusignan, p.
there were on either side of the monastery proper apartments
reserved for the use of the reigning sovereign and his consort,
which were in frequent use.2 Here Jean and his queen, Helena
Palaeologos, died in 1458. The Latin Patriarchs of Jerusalem,
who on their expulsion from the Holy Land migrated to Cyprus,
resided also when belonging to the Order within the precincts,
in a house which they specially erected for the purpose. When
the Venetians reduced the circuit of the city in 1567 the
exigencies of war unfortunately compelled them to destroy this
truly magnificent structure, which had so successfully survived
the dangers of foreign invasion and civil tumult. The materials
proved of the greatest service during the siege, large numbers of
its beams being used in the construction of the fortifications
and of carriages for the guns. Its traditional site is placed at
Hagii Omoloyitades at a distance of one and a half miles from
the present city walls near the exit now called the Paphos
1 In ea insuper urbe est conventus pulcher ordinis nostri, et est ultimus
conventus Prsedicatorum contra orientem situsque est in regio castello supra
torrentem (i.e. the Pedias), siquidem rex quidam Cypri tanto ad fratres inclinabat
affectu, ut noluerit eos habere locum nisi in ipso castello, quod utique firmissimis
muris et altis cum pluribus turribus munitum est, et per lapideum pontem,
arcuato opere factum, ingressum habet tam castellum quam conventus, et
circumdatus est torrens per gyrum muri extrinsecus. Desolato autem et devas-
tato regno multipliciter, ipsum castellum eversum fuit ab intra et combustum,
conventus tamen fratrum diligentia in tantis incendiis integer mansit, et murus
per gyrum cum ponte etiam mansit et hodie est, de casteili autem habitaculis
nihil mansit nisi alti muri, quos ignis non poterat consumere. Sic ergo conven
tus noster hodie solus muris illis stat inclusus, nee admittitur ut aliquis ibi
quidquam sdificet, sed fratres totam latitudinem castelli possident.
2 Haveva la camera del Re da una parte, et quella della Regina dall' altra :
nelle quali andavano spesso, et ivi mori il Re Giovanni et la sua moglie Helena.
Haveva poscia il Patriarcato congiunto, anzi rinchiuso dentro, quali fabricorno
li Patriarchi di Hierusalemme, cne furono dell' istesso ordine.
Questo Patriarcha (i.e. di Hierusalem) titulario stantiava nella Cittadella di Lusignan,
Nicosia, nel Monasterio di San Dominico, stantie pero separate, chiamate il p°i07*Jb).w™'
Patriarchato.
38

594

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Lusignan, p.
102 (b).
DeMasLatrie, L'ile
de Chypre, p.
382.

Lusignan, p.
15 (bj.
Evagator,
Frat. Fel.
Fabri, tom.
iii., p. 234.

Gate. This conjecture is supported by the fact that within the
church of this village are still to be found the debris of
numerous tombs, bearing mediaeval inscriptions in French and
Latin. Though unhappily not a vestige of this once splendid build
ing now remains, we possess descriptions of it from eye-witnesses,
which enable us to form a fairly good idea as to its appearance.
It stood in the midst of extensive and well-kept gardens and
possessed two separate cloisters supported on marble columns.1
The refectory, guest-chamber, staircases and pavement were
also constructed of the same material. The dormitories, which
were on the upper floor, are reported to have been lofty and
well-lighted. But it was in the church that the wealth of the
establishment was chiefly displayed. This building has been
rightly called the St. Denis of Cyprus. In addition to the

Lusignan, Description,
etc., p. 52 (a).

1 Era accommodato con due claustri pieni di naranci, et saligati di marmori
belli, et la chiesa adornata di belle sepoltuce regali et altri principi et signori, et
nelle mura et in terra di molti marmori fini, larghi et grandi, et erano sepolti
questi Re, Ughetto, Ugo, Pietrino, Giacomo, Giano et Giovanni, con le loro
moglie, et figli et figlie, principi di Galilea, di Antiochia, Luigi figliuolo del Re
diFrancia, Siniscalchi, Contestabili, Armiragli, et Zamberlani di Hierusalemme
et di Cipro, Conti et Baroni et Signori, di Thabaria, di Thoron, Saetto, Cesarea,
Baruti, Tripoli, Zaffo, di Ruchas et altri. Poi 16 tra Arcivescovi et Vescovi et
Patriarchi. Dipoi li dormitorii, refettorio, hospitio, salicati di marmo : haveva
poi le altre officine, ehe si richiedeva a un simil monasterio.
In his Description de toute I'Isle de Cypre Lusignan gives an even more
detailed description of this famous house : —
" Ceste Eglise estoit royale, dans laquelle y avoit la chambre du Roy & de la
Royne, chacune a part, desquelles ils entendoient tout le service divin au tems
de la Sepmaine Saincte. Elle avoit un jardin infiniment beau, & abondant en
toutes sortes de fruicts aigres, comme Limons, Orenges, Grenades, & semblables :
et s'y voyoit plus de cinq cens pieds de grands & hauts arbres, voir de telle
grosseur, qu'a grand peine pouvoit on les embrasser. Ces jardins estoient entres
les deux cloistres, & tous ces arbres estoient ou Limons, ou pommes d'Orenges,
ou Cedres de plusieurs especes, & deux Myrthes entre autres, ausquels n'y en
avoit pas en toute I'Isle de semblables en grosseur ny grandeur : car il n'eust
pas este possible a deux hommes en embrasser l'un, & en hauteur ils surpassoient
tous les autres. Ceste Eglise estoit le sepulchre de plusieurs Roys, Roynes, &
enfans de Roys, ensemble de grand nombre de Princes, Barons, & autres Gentils-
hommes. II y avoit aussi jusques au nombre de dixhuict, tant Archevesques
que Evesques & un des fils de Sainct Loys, Roy de France, qui mourut bien
jeune, loisque ce Roy demeura six mois en Chypre. Autres disent que e'estoit
le fils de son frere Charles, Roy de Naples. L'eglise avoit deux dortoirs,
& deux cloistres, qui estoient avec les autres officines tout accoustrez de
marbre." Ecclesia fratrum est regio ornatu decorata, et in ea est sepultura regum
Cipri. Duos ambitus habet marmoreis columnis sustentatos per gyrum, et
omnes officinas ordinis admodum pulchras et aptas habet. Superius lucida
habet dormitoria, inferius marmore strata pavimenta. Habet conventus ille
pulcherrimos hortos in ambitu et retro et est omnino pretiosus locus.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 595
tombs of the powerful D'Ibelin family, its founders, it con
tained the bodies and monuments of most of the sovereigns of
the Lusignan dynasty. Among the members of the reigning
house, who found a last resting-place within its walls, were the
following monarchs: Hugues II. , Hugues IV., Pierre I., Pierre
II., Jacques I., Janus and Jean II. , with his two wives, Medea
and Helena Palaeologos, also Louis, son of St. Louis of France,
who died in the island during his father's first crusade. The
bearers of some of the most distinguished offices and proudest
titles in the roll of Western chivalry were interred as well
within the precincts of this famous Campo Santo. There were
to be seen the memorials of the seneschals, constables, admirals
and chamberlains of the kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus —
of the princes, counts, barons and seigneurs of Galilee, Antioch,
Thabaria, Thoron, Sidon, Caesarea, Beyrout, Tripoli, Jaffa, De
Ruchas and a host of others, and of some sixteen patriarchs,
archbishops and bishops besides.
If any confidence may be placed in a story related by Lusignan Lusignan, P.
these worthy friars appear to have been very tenacious of their
rights with regard to royal interments.1 On Boemond de Lusig
nan, Prince of Galilee, second son of Hugues III., and brother
of Henri II., being buried in the Cathedral of Sta. Sophia they
complained to the King on the ground that the deceased having
formerly belonged to their Order his burial elsewhere than
with them constituted an invasion of their privileges. Getting,
however, no satisfaction from the King they referred the matter
to Rome, where it was decided in their favour. Armed with this
decision they proceeded at the beginning of the following year
to the cathedral, exhumed the body by force and reinterred it
within the walls of their own church. Not only do these
facts appear to be unknown to the local chroniclers, but on the
contrary one of them expressly states that Boemond's body was Amadi, P. 21G.
transported from Acre, where he died, and interred in the
1 II Prencipe di Gallilea Beimondo, fratello del Re Henrico, mori et fu sepolto
in Santa Soffia, cathedial chiesa latina : onde li Frati di San Dominico andorno
a lamentarsi dai Re contra li Preti, perche esso Prencipe era fatto Frate del
predetto ordine, et fece ancho professione, et lo chiavano Fra Beimondo, et poi
usci al secolo, et fu fatto Prencipe di Gallilea. Li Preti contrastavano con dir
ehe quivi era lasciato. Li Preti per haver' piu favore lo sepellirono, et li frati
andarono a Roma a litigare, et vinsero ; et in capo dell' anno lo cavorno della
sepoltura et lo condussero a San Dominico, et lo sepellirono nel capitolo separ
ate dalli altri Frati, in una bellissima sepoltura : la quale poi volendo fabricate
in successo di tempo il capitolo et farlo capella di una compagnia, la predetta
sepoltura la posero in terra.

596 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
monastery ofthe Franciscans.1 Two of them do, indeed, relate
Amadi, p. 240. something very similar, but in connection with quite a different
F^Boustron, pers0n, Amaury de Montfort, who died in 1304.2 Under these
circumstances it is permissible to suppose that the learned
historian of Cyprus has been guilty of a grave inaccuracy. On
another occasion a similar dispute arose respecting the disposal
Lusignan, P. of the remains of Helena Palasologos, the consort of Jean II.
Though on her death-bed she had desired to be buried in the
Orthodox monastery of Mankana, which she had founded and
endowed, the monks of St. Dominic refused to respect her
wishes.3 After her decease they declined to allow the removal
of the body from their establishment, but bolting the doors
buried it secretly in their church, the place of interment being
only known to them and to the King, who was a consenting
party to their action.
The decay of this once wealthy community seems to have
Hist.de commenced before the close of the fourteenth century. In a
chyp.,ii.,p. jeej jrawn Up on grc[ june> 13995 recording the gift by Louis,
Duke de Bourbon, of 1000 silver besants for the foundation of
a daily mass for the soul of his cousin, Hugues de Lusignan,
Prince of Galilee, who lay buried within the monastery walls,
it is stated that the donation was chiefly made to relieve the
poverty of the brethren, then a matter of public notoriety to
all the inhabitants ] of Nikosia.4 They promised to expend the
1 A di 24 marzo (1284) ha pagato l'humano debito el nobilissimo te de
Hierusalem et Cypro, Hugo de Lusignan, il corpo del quale et quello de
Beimonte, suo figliolo, et etiam di suo patre, que fu annegato avanti Sur,
furon portati in tre casse a Nicosia. Et fu sepulto re Hugo a Santa Sophia :
Beimonte suo figliolo a li fratri menori, etc.
2 II di de li Innocenti (28 Dec. 1304) morite messer Almerico de Monforte,
figliolo de messer Hanfredo et de madona Civa de Iblim, dama de Baruth : il
qual fu sotterrato in la madre chiesia de Nicosia, avanti a la porta del choro,
con suo avo signor de Barutho. Et li frati predicatori messeno differentia al suo
sotterar et lo rechieseno per suo confrate, per il ehe mandorono a la corte
apostolica, et il papa commando li fusse dato il corpo et le offerte, et etiam le
spese ehe feceno in corte ; et cosi, da poi un anno, trasseno ditto corpo et lo
portorono a sotterar al capitulo di fratri Predicatori.
3 Mori nel mese di Aprile nel 1458 et lasso di esser sepolta a Manchana al
Convento, ch'e fabrica di Greci : ma li Frati di San Dominico non la lasciorno
cavare fuori del Monasterio, et serrorno le porte, et la sepellirno secretamente,
ehe la sua sepoltura non la sapeva altro ehe li Frati et il Re ehe era consentiente.
4 Anno a Nativitate Domini millesimo cccxc nono, indictione septima, die
tertia mensis Iunii, — honorabilis et discretus vir Bertrandus Lesguare, scutifer
et procurator serenissimi principis et domini domini Ludovici ducis Borbonensis,
considerans et attendens indigentiam sive necessitatem quam ad prassens con
ventus et fratres Praedicatorum Nicossie habere noscuntur, prout est notorium
omnibus in civitate Nicossiensi, in quo conventu seu ecclesia requiescit corpus

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 597
sum thus bestowed upon them in the payment of their debts
and the relief of their necessities. But the death-blow of this
religious house dates from the struggle which Charlotte, the Lusignan, p.
last legitimate sovereign, carried on with her half-brother33'
Jacques, the ambitious Archbishop of Nikosia, for the throne.1
Being in urgent want of the necessary funds for carrying on
the contest she besought the brethren for assistance, reminding
them of the many favours they had received from her royal
predecessors, and promising should fortune eventually declare
for her to double their revenues and bestow other favours upon
them. So powerful was her appeal that the friars, who on the
first indicatioi ¦* of the coming troubles had left Nikosia for
serenissimi piincipis et domini domini Hugonis de Lisignano quondam principis
Galilee, consanguinei dicti domini ducis de Borbono, ad sublevandum penuriam
sive necessitatem pr£edictam, dedit pro anima praefati domini Hugonis principis
Galilee, tradidit et graciose concessit prasdicto conventui bisancios albos de
Cypro mille, ut dicti fratres sive conventus in perpetuum debeant et teneantur
cotidie facere celebrari unam missam pro anima prsefati domini principis Galilee,
etc., — asserentes dicti fratres et dicentes quod de dicta pecunie quantitate volunt
et intendunt solvere debita dicti conventus et de ipsius conventus necessitate
eundem relevare per prsedictam summam, etc.
This Hugues, Prince of Galilee, was the only son of Guy de Lusignan,
eldest son of Hugues IV. de Lusignan, and Marie, daughter of Louis I. Duke
de Bourbon. He died in 1386. The Duke de Bourbon mentioned in the above
bequest was his cousin.
1 Dicevano sempre tutti li nostri vecchi ehe San Dominico era ricco, et di
argenteria assai, et de beni temporali, et e cosa da credere, essendo regale, et
sepolti, come dicemmo in Nicosia, tanti Re et Signori et Prencipi. Ma la sua
ruina fu questa, ehe al tempo del Re bastardo, il quale veniva con un' essercito
grande de' Saraceni per discacciare la sorella del regno, et pigliarlo esso. La
Regina Carlotta ando in Convento et prego li Frati, ehe li dovessero soccorrere,
et ehe si ricordassero come tutte le loro cose le havevano dai sangue suo et suoi
antecessori, et erano obligati li Frati di difenderla, et quando haveria Iddio
concessogli gratia di ritornare nel regno a salvamento et fugato il tiranno,
haveria fatto quel convento il doppio di entrate et di altri beni. Li frati erano
gia fuggiti da Nicosia, con il resto de Religiosi et Nobili assai in Cerines,"et
l'argenteria loro l'havevano portata seco, et percio le predette parole li disse la
Regina in Cerines. Li frati costretti d' ogni parte diedero alia Regina 12 apostoli
d' argento, due carboni, ehe li Re tenevano nell' altare grande li giorni delle
feste, calici, croci, et altra argenteria, et non hanno tenuto, salvo ehe una pace
ehe la predetta Regina dono a essi Frati ; la qual pace e stimata da 200 ducati ;
et la Regina la teneva attaccata al collo suo ; laqual 'era grande di longhezza
5 dita, di larghezza 3, et era grossa da mezo dito, tutta d'oro fino, et intorno
haveva 12 rubini et altrettante perle et piu grosse, et di dentro era concava con
un' Angelo di rilevo di mistura fatto, il quale teneva un sudario di Christo, et di
sopra era coperto. — Tennero anchora da due 6 tre calici. La Regina con
1' argenteria partita da Cerines venne in Italia, et tutta quella argenteria la
messe in pegno et prese danari et ando alii Prencipi Christiani. Per soccorrerla
non fece nulla et cosi 1' argenteria ando a monte. Dell' altra parte pacificato
il regno il Re bastardo havendo inteso il caso de' Frati gli levo alcuni casali :
pero gli concesse all' ultimo pochi danari.

598 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Kyrenia with the rest ofthe religious orders and most ofthe
nobility, carrying with them their silver plate, of which they
possessed a great store, came liberally to her aid. They are
said to have given her in fact everything they possessed of any
value, with the exception of two or three chalices and a pax of
pure gold, valued at 200 ducats, a gift from herself.1 The
plate was carried off by the Queen to Italy and there pledged
to raise the money which she so greatly needed. But, as
fortune did not smile on her efforts, she was unable to redeem it
or her promises. The usurper, once he had become securely
settled on the throne, did not fail to visit the brethren with his
displeasure for the assistance they had given to his rival. On
hearing of what they had done he deprived them of some of
their landed property. He seems afterwards, however, to have
repented of his harsh treatment of them and to have given
them a sum of money by way of compensation. Lusignan,
who notices this donation, minimises as much as possible the
King's generosity. But he not unnaturally displays considerable
animosity towards Jacques, who had deprived his great-grand
father, Charion de Lusignan, of his ancestral estates for refusing
to renounce his allegiance to Charlotte. It was doubtless
owing to their financial misfortunes that the brethren were
subsequently impelled to rifle at least one of the many royal
tombs within their church. According to report when the
sepulchre of Jacques I. was opened to receive the body of
Lusignan, p. Giorgio Contarini, Count of Jaffa, the robe of state belonging
to that monarch, together with his girdle and orb, both of
silver, were discovered lying within.2 These articles the friars
abstracted, converting the robe into a cope, while of the
silver they made a cross, a thurible, and two crowns for the
statues of the Virgin and Child.
Evagator, The German traveller, Felix Faber, though a Dominican
Fratris Feiicis ' »
Fabri., tom.
p. 236. 1 Lusignan defends the action of the brethren in thus stripping their church
of all its valuables by saying that the same thing was subsequently done by the
inmates of another community of the same Order at Milan, the celebrated Santa
Maria delle Grazie, to assist Ludovico Sfbrza, surnamed il Moro, in his contest
with Louis XII. of France.
i.nsignan, p. " Non debbono esser' biasmati, perche il simile fecero li Frati di Santa Maria
33<l1'' delle Gratie a Milano al Duca Moro."
2 Dipoi li Frati in Cipro hanno aperta la sepoltura del Re Giacomo primo,
nella quale era sepolto per avanti il Re Ugo secondo, per metter in deposito
Giorgio Contarino Conte de Zaffo, et ritrovorno la veste regale di broccado et
la Centura et il porno d' argento del Re Giacomo. Delia veste fecero un
piviale, et delli argenti una croce, un turribolo, et una corona della gloriosa
Vergine, et un' altra al figliuolo suo,

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 599
himself, candidly admits that he saw much in connection with
the conduct of the inmates of which he could not approve.1
But he is too loyal to his Order to tell tales. These irregu
larities he ascribes to three causes : (1) the absence of episcopal
supervision ; (2) the impunity with which the brethren were
allowed to offend ; and (3) lastly and most unwarrantably, the
pernicious influence of the Greek ecclesiastics. He seems to
have had, it is true, some glimmering of the unfairness of this
last charge, for he admits that it ought not to be so, as the
Mendicant Orders had been sent into the East for the purpose
of setting the Orthodox a good example and so inducing them
to return to the Roman fold.
Though the community is known to have been very wealthy,
but few particulars as to income or numbers are forthcoming.
The only landed possession belonging to it, the name of which Lusignan, p.
has been preserved, is San Nicolo di Gerrades, the present19'
village of Gerakiaes in the Nahieh of Levka. In the days of itsmap 15(D).
prosperity the establishment is said to have contained eighty
members.2 This number by the end of the fourteenth century Hist, de
had become reduced to ten, a prior and nine brethren, whose 453™''
names are all given in the deed of 1399, from which theEvagat.,
. • Fratris Felicia
information is derived.3 On the occasion of Faber's visit inFabri.,tom.
1483 its fortunes must have reached financially their lowest
ebb.4 The only provision then made for the support of the
inmates was a monthly allowance of eight marcelli each, which
was doled out to them by a lay steward. Faber further
remarks that the brethren were bearded like their Orthodox
confreres. 1 Sed quales sint fratres et quanti et quam zelosi pro regulari vita et quam
docti, quam diligentes in divinis officiis, quam hospitales et charitativi, ne dum
nescio, sed ea quae scio scribere erubesco. Nee est mirum, si parva sit religio
in illis locis remotissimis, quae a praelatis nunquam visitantur, et fratres pro
excessibus non corriguntur, et malo exemplo Grascorum sacerdotum corrumpun-
tur, cum tamen modo contrario fieri deberet. Nam mendicantes ad ilia loca
missi sunt, ut verbo et exemplo Graecos aedificarent et eos in Romanae ecclesiae
obedientiam ducerent.
2 Al tempo delli Re stavano da 80 frati.
* Prior conventualis, scilicet frater Bartholomeus Minardi, et fratres, videlicet
frater Dominicus Cardonis, frater Georgius Tuito, frater Thomas de Famagusta,
frater Dominicus Sydiac, frater Arnaldus Arnaldi, frater Petrus Bon, frater
Anthonius de Antiochia, frater Nicolaus Corderii et frater Barnabas, conventus
et fratres dicti loci.
4 Omnes fratres illius conventus sunt barbati, sicut Graeci, et habent procura
torem saecularem, qui cuilibet fratri omni mense dat octo marcellos, de quibus
sibi quilibet procurat hoc quod placet, alias provisio conventus est nulla.

600 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Evagat, The Franciscan monastery at Nikosia is described by Faber
Fabri1°tomCEas a fine building.1 It shared with that of the Dominicans the
Amadi, pp. honour of serving as the royal mausoleum. Within its church
FiBoustron, are sal<^ to nave keen deposited the remains of Henri II.,2
pp. 252, 253. ' Isabelle, widow of Hugues III., and John of Coimbra, Prince
5Mafnan'i" of Antioch, first husband of Queen Charlotte de Lusignan.3
Geo.Bonstron, rpfle Qrcjei. p0Ssesse(j a[s0 at the capital two houses for women.
p''3?40a"tr011' The one within the city, called Ste. Claire, is sometimes men-
Lusignan.p. tioned in the chronicles under the name of Hagia Photeine.4
^ _' 33(a) As many of the religious establishments of the Latin Church
ct. Machiera, are known to have been transferred to Cyprus on the loss of
Palestine, it may possibly be the same convent, the heroic
inmates of which were butchered at the capture of Acre for
preferring self-mutilation to the embraces of the Moslem
soldiery. On more than one occasion it figures prominently in
Amadi, p. s5i. Cypriot annals. In 1310 it witnessed the reconciliation of the
p"'2i*2.urtron' queen-mother with the widow of the Prince of Tyre, from
whom she had become estranged for the part which the latter
had taken in the deposition and exile of Henri II.5 Later in

1 Fratres etiam Minores pulchrum in eacivitate (Nicosia) habent conventum.
2 Et dominica, da matina, al primo di de avril, al alba, fu portato el corpo
del re Henrico in Nicosia, et posto a la chiesia del Tempio, dove fu vestito li
drappi soi real et la corona de oro, et poi fu portato con grande honor, come
ricerchava la condition sua real, et fu seppolto a San Francesco, apresso ad
altare. Fu sepolto in San Francesco in Nicosia.
Machaera and Strambaldi, however, report that his interment took place in
the monastery of St. Dominic.
Kal ttjv irapatTKevyTtv ttj B' airptXiov 4tp4pav tov aire rbv 'XrpbBiXov els rkjv
s^ac serft' p" AevKotriav Kal 4&dtyav tov eis rbv Sav TopeviKov.
strambaldi, Et fu sepellito nella chiesia de San Domenico.
p. 27. ,
3 Kal b irpivrCys els bXiyais yp4pais 4ireBavev Kal 4Bdtyav tov eis rbv ~Zdv $pavTC4o-Kov
Da li a pochi giorni mori il piencipe, et fu seppolto in San Francesco a
Nicosia. 4 TV ayiav $wreivrjv fj Xeyop4vy IZdra KX4pa.
Rimasero anchora due de' Francescani Monache in Nicosia, Santa Chiara,
et poco di fuori della citta la Cava di San Francesco.
5 A di 15 zugno (1310) el legato et messer Ramondo da le Spine se intro-
messeno a pacificar la regina et la dama de Sur ; lequal dame vennero al
monasterio de Santa Chiara, etc.
La regina e la dama de Sur, per interpozition del legato et messer Rimondo
d.i le Spine, s'hanno riconciliato nel monasterio de Santa Chiara.
Amadi, p. 238 This Order did not hesitate on more than one occasion, as the following
extract will show, to comment adversely on the rebellious proceedings of the
Prince of Tyre. " Alii 23 de avril, un frate minore, chiamato fra Adam, englese,
predico in una chiesia de San Zorzi, ehe e in la piazza, in laqual sua predica ha
tochato agramente al signor de Sur ; et (ha) ditto per il re molte rason belle,
sotto specie della istoria de S. Zorzi, ehe era la sua festa, quel giorno, maxime
della pacientia del re ; et disse in ultimo, ehe lui era obligato de dir queste

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 601
the same century (1368), it became connected with a yet more Machsera, p.
discreditable episode in the Lusignan family. During the gtr°mS*'ldi
absence of Pierre I. in Europe it came to the knowledge of the p- 92 et **¦
Queen, Eleonore d'Aragon, that he had formed an intrigue et so.. '
with Jeanne L'Aleman, widow of Jean de Montolif, Seigneur p,''3«8etio°n'
of Choulou. Summoning the King's mistress to her presence the
indignant wife, after subjecting her to the most barbarous
treatment, consigned her to the dungeons of the Castle of
Kyrenia. After a year's imprisonment the unhappy object of
the Queen's resentment was removed to Nikosia and compelled
to take the veil at Ste. Claire. The King on his return finding
the partner of his guilt immured within its walls made her
renounce her vows and resume her former position at the court.
The next occasion on which this convent comes into notice Machsera, P.
is in connection with an event which cost the same monarch strambaldi,
his life. Pierre having for a most trivial cause conceived a^^ 42J
violent dislike to Henri de Giblet, Vicomte of Nikosia, subjected Fi. Boustron,
him and his family to the most odious persecution. To escape p' m'
a gross indignity offered to her his daughter fled for refuge to
Ste. Claire, whence she was dragged by the King's orders and
sent to herd with common malefactors in prison. Resenting
the indignities thus put upon a member of one of the most
distinguished families in the kingdom some of the nobles
formed a conspiracy against Pierre and murdered him at the
royal palace on 17th January, 1369.
The second of these establishments, known as La Cava, was
situated to the south-west of Nikosia at a distance of little
cose imperoche li frati sonno campioni della chiesa et portano etiam li capelli
tagliati a la rotonda come li campioni, acio, accadendo debbano soffrir el
martirio. Le qual cose furono riferite al signor de Sur et le hebbe a male.
El di de san Piero martire (29 Avril) la festa del quale si celebra al monasterio
di Predicatori, fu invitato el signor de Sur, el principe di Galilea, messer
Balian de Iblim et molti altri soi seguaci. Et un fra, Matheo Picardo, pur del
ordine de li Minori, predico ; il qual disse molte cose per el re contra el signor
de Sur, ma covertamente et sotto nome di san Piero ; tuttavia el signor de
Sur et quanti ivi erano presente se acorseno, ma non fece alcun sembiante ;
ma, il di seguente, mando a dire al vardian del monasterio di Minori ehe ad
ogni modo quel fra Adam et 1' altro fra Matheo, i quali hanno predicato
contra de lui, dovesseno svodar el suo paese de Cypro ; et ancor ehe egli
cercorono de scusarsi, ma non li valse niente, anzi li fece andar a Famagosta,
et de li con una barca li mando in Armenia, a suo dispetto. Quali furono rete
nuti per el re de Armenia in una citta chiamata Sis, onde morite fra Adam, in
spacio di doi mesi, per malatia. Et el signor de Sur et tutti li soi seguaci hanno
retenute le helemosine ehe fevano al monasterio di Minori, perche hanno sofferto
ehe li soi frati predicorono contra de lui.
Choulou was a fief in the district of Paphos belonging to the Montolif family.
It is now the village of Choulou in the Nahieh of Kelokedara,

602 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
more than a mile from the city walls. It is said to have been
founded during the primacy of Archbishop Gerard by Jean de
Brie. Both these convents were in existence just before the
Ottoman conquest, though not a vestige of them is now to be
found.1 As in the case of the Dominicans the name of only one
Lusignan, p. of the numerous properties, which the Order once possessed in
the island, has survived, Topiroi, now represented by the
village of Pyroi in the Nahieh of Deyirmenlik.
The monastery occupied by the Cistercians at the capital
cart, de s. seems to have been known by the various names of Ste. Marie
jh. de chyp., de Beaulieu — corrupted into Bialeuq — Notre Dame des Champs,
and St. Jean de Montfort.2 Its site had been originally in
possession of the Franciscans, who subsequently sold it to the
Cistercians without the consent of the Archbishop. This pro
ceeding elicited a strong protest from the Latin Primate, who
complained of it to the Pope as an infringement of his rights
and those of his Church. The dispute was referred by Innocent
IV. (29th January, 1254) to the Bishop of Tripoli and the
Archdeacon of Acre, whom he empowered to decide the
question at issue.3 During the reign of Jacques II. the
Lusignan, i " Rimasero anchora due de' Francescani Monache, in Nicosia Santa Chiara,
p' et poco di fuori della citta La Cava di San Francesco."
In his Description de toute I'Isle de Cypre he says that, though the latter
establishment had been destroyed by the Saracens in 1426, the members of the
community had reoccupied the site : —
Description, " Cava est un chasteau pose loin de Nicosie d'une lieue. Dedans les jardins
etc, p. (a). £, ;ce]uv y avojt un monastere de Religieuses de I'Ordre de Sainct Francois,
lequel fut destruict par les Sarrasins peu de temps apres qu'il fut basty, quand
ils prindrent le roy Jehan prisonnier, mais les Religieuses pour cela n'ont pas
laisse d'y retourner."
Lusignan, 2 II (i.e. Jehan de Montfort) futenterre enl'Eglise de Nostre-Dame-des-Champs
etcS°pP63°(a'|. oil il y avoit des Moynes de I'Ordre de St. Bernard, ausquels sont succede depuis
les Cordeliers de l'Observance. Cette Eglise pour les grands miracles que ce
sainct corps faisoit changea son nom, et fut appellee Sainct Jehan de Montfoit.
ibid. Corona pu sepolto (Giovanni di Monforte) nel monastero di Santa Maria, delli
(b*)!n ' monaci di San Bernardo, e poi per la devotione ehe havea il popolo a questo
santo fu chiamato quel monastero di San Giovanni di Monforte, et in successo
di tempo dato questo monastero alii frati di San Francesco osservanti.
H. de chyp., 3 ]jx par(;e venerabilis fratris nostri archiepiscopi Nicosiensis nobis est oblata
querela quod minister et fratres ordinis fratrum minorum Nicosiensis quemdam
locum in quo prius fuerant relinquentes, ilium, qui juxta ipsius ordinis instituta
ad eundem archiepiscopum tanquam loci diocesanum pervenire debuerat, quibus-
dam monachis Cisterciensis ordinis de facto, cum de jure nequiverint, ven-
diderunt, qui locum ipsum contra justiciam detinent occupatum in ipsius
archiepiscopi et ecclesie sue non modicum prejudicium ac gravamen ; ideoque
discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatinus, vocatis qui fuerint
evocandi, et auditis hinc inde propositis, quod canonicum fuerit, appellatione
postposita, decernatis, facientes quod decreveritis per censuram ecclesiasticam
firmiter observari.

iii., p. 651.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 603
monastery was granted to the Observants upon the departure |iu£fn'U1' "¦
of the Cistercians from the island, while the abbey property
was erected into a commandery.1 From a Liber Censualis of docs, nouv.,
Sixtus IV. we learn that its apostolic tax for the period be-5'355
tween 1471-1484 was assessed at 300 gold florins.2 Within its
walls Camerin de Lusignan, Constable of Cyprus, one of the Amadi, p. 357.
ringleaders in the rebellion against his brother, Henri II. took l1m™tI°n'
refuge on the latter's return from Armenia in 1310. From
this sanctuary he was dragged by the King's orders and sent a
prisoner to the dungeons of Kyrenia, where he died after a cap
tivity of six years (circ. 19th April, 1316). The chapel of this
monastery, as one of its names implies, contained the remains of
the great Latin saint of the island, Jean de Montfort, the so-called
Marshal of Cyprus and Count de Ruchas.3 This establishment ibid., p. 34.
like so many others was destroyed by the Venetians in 1567.4 Lusignan, p.
Its abbot, Henrico Tape, for his loyalty to Henri II. was^dlp2ea
banished by Amaury to Sis, where he died.6
Though Lusignan only mentions the presence at Nikosia of
one house for women belonging to this Order it undoubtedly
at one time possessed at least two in that city. A document cart, de s.
in the Cartulary of Sta. Sophia (No. 63) makes it evident <Doc^°u'
that a priory dependent upon the Cistercian Abbey of St. Mary
Magdalene at Acre existed there in 1222, when it was raised to
the rank of an abbey.6 By the deed of institution it was pro-
1 Al tempo del Re bastardo li monaci di San Bernardo si partirono et l'Abbadia
fu fatta commenda, et nel monasterio posero li Zoccolanti.
2 Marie de Bello Loco, ordinis Cisterc, cccf x. ii'.
s rj* san Gioan de Monforte in Nicosia, al Bel Loco, gentilhuomo francese.
4 Nella istessa citta gittorno anchora un' altro monasterio Latino, ehe prima
habitavano li monaci di San Bernardo, et dipoi li Zoccolanti — et anchora
distrusseno un' altro delle Monache di San Thodoro dell' istesso ordine.
5 El mese di zugno (1309) morite fra Henrico Tape, abbate de Bel loco, in
Armenia, ne la citta de Sis : il qual haveva mandato el signor de Sur, et fatto
retenir per el re de Armenia, come fece de li altri.
In a document of 1306 he appears as : "religiosus frater Henricus Chappe, Amadi, p. 248
abbas monasterii Belli-Loci, Cisterciensis ordinis prope Nicossiam ". note-
6 Notum sit omnibus presentes litteras inspecturis quod nos M. abbatissa et
conventus Sancte Marie Magdalene Acconensis, Cisterciensis ordinis, ad con
silium et ammonitionem domini ac reverendi patris nostri domini Eustorgii,
Nicosiensis archiepiscopi, nee non ad consilium et voluntatem venerabilis
patris domini L. abbatis Bellimontis, in hoc unanimiter concordavimus ut in
domo nostra quam habemus in Nicosia, civitate Cipri, abbatissa constituatur.
Post istam autem primam abbatissam que in domo nostra Acconensi est electa
et ad domus nostre que in Cipro est regimen transmissa, nulla ubi, qualibet
violentia vel aliqua surrectionis astutia, preponetur, sed quam universitas con
ventus vel pars major consilii senioris, secundum Deum et beati Benedicti

604 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
vided that the first abbess should be chosen from the inmates
of the mother house at Acre, but that her successors should be
elected from the members of the branch in Cyprus with the
approval of the entire community or at least of the majority
of the Council. It was further stipulated that at all future
elections the abbess of the parent establishment should be
present or else be represented by the prioress or some other
deputy, whose function it should be to confirm the choice of
the sisters. When this had been done it was directed that the
successful candidate should next be presented to the Archbishop
of Nikosia to receive his blessing, and make her submission to
him according to the form prescribed by the Order on such
occasions. She was to be regarded as being subject to him in
exactly the same way as the abbess of St. Mary Magdalene was
to the Bishop of Acre, with the exception of the obedience
which she owed to that abbess as her spiritual parent. The
establishment was strictly forbidden, without the consent of
tRe Archbishop and chapter, to inter within its precincts any
parishioner of the Metropolitan Church, from which it was to
cart. des. receive its oil for the sick just as the parent house did from
(HPdeefchyp., the Church of Acre. Another document from the same collec
tion (No. 64), dated March, 1244, records the confirmation by
Boniface, Abbot of Citeaux, of the permission given to Alix
de Montbeliard, widow of Philippe d'Ibelin, by Archbishop
Eustorge d"Auvergne to found an abbey of the Order at Ni
kosia.1 This second establishment is there described as being
regulam atque observantiam Cisterciensis ordinis, cum licentia et mandato
nostro, providerint eligendam. Cui etiam electioni nos dicta abbatissa vel ilia
que pro tempore fuerit abbatissa in domo nostra Acconensi secundum institu-
tionem ordinis nostri debemus interesse. Etsi contigerit abbatissam electioni
non posse interesse, priorissa vel aliqua alia discreta persona domum illam
visitatura invitetur, cujus auctoritate fiat et confirmetur electio ista ; tamen que
electa est in domo nostra Acconensi et quecumque secundum formam propositam
electa fuerit in prefato monasterio nostro apud Nicosiam domino Nicosiensi
archiepiscopo post electionem debet presentari ab ipso benedictionem receptura,
cui faciat obedientiam secundum formam ordinis Cisterciensis. In omnibus
insuper teneri debet ipsa abbatissa eidem domino archiepiscopo quibus nos
tenemur domino episcopo Acconensi, salva in omnibus obedientia que nobis
obligatur tanquam filia matri secundum formam ordinis Cisterciensis. Item,
propter bonum pacis, volumus ut jam dicte domui nostre in Cipro non liceat
aliquem de parochianis ecclesie Nicosiensis, nisi de licentia domini archiepiscopi
vel capituli Nicosiensis, recipere ad sepulturam : oleum autem infirmorum
debent ab ecclesia Nicosiensi recipere et habere eodem modo et forma qua nos
recipimus et habemus ab ecclesia Acconensi.
' Per fide dignos intelleximus vos concessisse nobili mulieri domine A(elisie),
relicte bone memorie domini Philippi de Ybellino, et super hoc vestras patentes
litteras, domine archiepiscope, jamdudum recepimus, ut apud Nicosiam, inter

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 605
situated between the Dominican and Franciscan monasteries,
which would correspond to the south-western district of the
city. The rights of the Church of Nikosia to the tithes of
all the property then or thereafter belonging to the abbey
and in the matter of interments were strictly defined. From
Lusignan noticing but one of these establishments when enu
merating the religious houses still extant in his time, it is
probable the other had then ceased to exist. He calls it San
Theodoro, intending by this name the foundation of the
Countess d'Ibelin. Like the house for men belonging to
to the same Order it, too, was destroyed in the same year by
the Venetians.
The Benedictines were represented by several establishments
in Nikosia or its immediate neighbourhood. The Liber docs, nouv.,
Censualis previously quoted gives the names of two, without,1"'
however, stating whether they were inhabited by men or
women.1 As Lusignan expressly mentions two for women these
may probably have been intended for men. The first, called
Marie de Dragonaria, was assessed at thirty-three gold florins.
Beyond the mere name nothing appears to be known of it or
of its situation. The second, whose apostolic tax is set down
at seventy-six gold florins, was known as John the Evangelist
and is without doubt the same as the Abbey of St. John the
Evangelist of Bibi (L'abaie de monseigneur S. Johan etvange- mst. de
liste de Bibi), which boasted among its treasures a finger of St. win.'*. ,,P'
John the Baptist.2 At the end of the fifteenth century its l1;£°mttm-
annual income is represented as amounting to 400 ducats. ItHist.de
seems to have subsequently passed into the possession of theno^*' "p
Orthodox even during the period of the Latin supremacy, the 3,™Jlbf.1Iian' p'
transference most likely having taken place when the Benedic
tines quitted the island.3 Towards the close of the seventeenth
domum fratrum Predicatorum et domum fratrum Minorum, monialium Cister
ciensis ordinis constitueret abbatiam, salvo jure ecclesie Nicosiensis in decimis
possessionum quas habent, vel habiture sunt, et in sepulturis, et integre in
quarta que debetur ratione sepulture.
This Alix d'Ibelin was sister of Gautier de Montbeliard and married as her
second husband Philippe d'Ibelin, who died in 1228. He had acted as Bailiff
of Cyprus during the minority of Henri (I.) de Lusignan.
J (Fol. 108.) Nicosiensis metropolis.
Marie de Dragonaria, ord. S. B., xxx., iii., i. t.
Iohannis Evangeliste, ord. S. B., lxx., vi., ii.
2 Un dedo de san Gioan Battista, al monastero del Bibi.
3 Li Religiosi de' Monaci et Monache di San Basilio sono assai. De' Monaci
in Nicosia sono 4, Bibi, etc.

606

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Guillaume de
Baldensel
Hodajporiconad Terram
Sanctam
(Canisii
Lectiones Antiquse.tomiv., p. 338).

Cf. Docs.
Nouv., p. 588,

Docs. Nouv.,
p. 356.

century it was repaired by Archbishop Nikephoros, the prede
cessor of Hilarion Kigala, while in 1730 during the primacy of
Archbishop Silvestros it became the cathedral church of the
diocese and the archiepiscopal residence. But with this
change of owners there seems to have taken place a change
of titles also, as the church is now dedicated to St. John the
Divine. Another establishment owned by the Order was the celebrated
shrine erected by the Empress Helena on the summit of the
mountain known as Stavro Vouni. That it was originally in
possession of the Orthodox the date of its foundation is a
sufficient indication. At what precise period it passed into
the hands of the Latins it is impossible to determine, but that
it was at a comparatively early date during their occupation
of the island admits of little doubt. A traveller who visited
the island in 1336, Guillaume de Baldensel, describes it as
being then tenanted by members of the Benedictine Order.1 It
is by some identified with the monastery of St. Paul of Antioch
or the True Cross (monasterium Sancti Pauli de Antiochia
alias Crucis Veracis), which formerly existed in the island,
according to some, however, in the diocese, but not the town,
of Famagusta. This is a question, on which authorities are
greatly divided, documents describing the establishment as
being situated sometimes in the diocese of Famagusta, and at
other times in Limassol or Nikosia. If Stavro Vouni be regarded
as the real site the discrepancy may have arisen from the
circumstance that the mountain stands near the junction of all
three dioceses. The monastery of St. Paul of Antioch, origin
ally founded in that town, as its name implies, was on its
capture by the Saracens in 1268 either reconstituted for a time
at Acre, like so many others, or transferred direct to Cyprus.
At any rate it did not bear the additional title of the True
Cross until after its arrival in the island. This fact of its
double name tells rather against the claims of Stavro Vouni,
since all the earlier legends without exception represent
the Cross deposited there as being that of the penitent
thief, the other report that it was the Saviour's only
finding currency towards the close of the Latin occupation.
In the Liber Censualis of Sixtus IV. the apostolic tax of

1 Est in Cypro in quodam alto monte apud Monachos Sancti Benedicti
Crux boni Latronis, et pars clavi Domini, et alias Reliquiae venerandae.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 607
this monastery with the double name is reckoned at 333 gold
florins.1 During the reign of Catarina the abbot, Simon di Sant' Geo.Boustron,
Andrea, was imprisoned and ultimately deported to Venice H'.614'616'
(1474) for having written a letter to his brother at Padua, in %$u"t*°*-
which, after returning thanks to God for the death of Jacques
II. he expressed the opinion that the country had only escaped
the paws of the dog to fall into the claws of the lion, an allusion
to the Venetians, whose national emblem was that animal.2
Towards the close of the Venetian occupation the monastery docs, nouv.,
appears to have been generally held in commendam. The archives pp'
of the Republic contain the names of several to whom it was
thus presented. First on the list comes that of Cardinal Lorenzo
Campegge, Bishop of Bologna. After his decease it was be
stowed (21st August, 1540) by Paul III. on Cardinal Rodolfo di
Carpi, Bishop of Girgenti, who died in 1547. The next occu
pant, Jean Paul Podocatoro, a Cypriot, was appointed by Julius
III. On his resignation in 1551 Cardinal Francesco Pisani, a
Venetian and Bishop of Padua, was nominated to the vacant
benefice by the same Pontiff", only to be succeeded shortly after
1 Nimossiensis.
Pauli de Antiochia et Crucis Cipri, ord. S. B. , ccc, xxx., iii.
The Liber Censualis it will be observed places this monastery in the diocese
of Limassol. 2 Kal rijv ai)TT,v yp4pav itpipav rbv 'yobpevov tov ^Tavpov eis t^v ' AppbxovtrTov,
bvbpari dype 2,ipbv Te 2avTarp4a, KaX 4f3dXav tov els rb KatrreXXiv ¦ Kal elirav irws
irridaav evav xaPT'lJ/ T0 eirepirev rod dSeXtpov tov eis rbv Yldirav, rb iroiov eypatpev •
" ijyairypive pov dSeXtpe, iroXopw tre va £ebpys, Sti pe t'ijv Svvapiv tov Beov eireBavev
b iratrTapSos b rvpavvos birov 'Kpdrev rb pyydrov pe peydXais rvpavviSais, KaX 4peivev
rb pyyarov eis peydXais irp4Kais • KaX iyevvytrev y pTjyaiva iraiSXv iraXXyKdpiv • KaX
eis rb Kpvtpbv yvpevyei rb fiyydrov b pe fyapdvros, Kal airb T'ijv dXXyv pepiav yvpevyei
to y TCapXbrra. Kal eivai els peyaXa icaKci. Kal Twpa trriKet els rd x*Py'ia robs
Bever'iKovs. KaX iByTJKapev aire rd xepyia tov ffKbXXov, KaX 4ir4trapev eis t*> kovkovtiv."
Fu preso poi fra Simon de Santo Andrea, abbate della Croce, e posto nella
torre, per haver trovato una lettera ehe li scriveva a suo fratello in Padova, la
qual diceva: "Sappi, per la gratia di Dio, l'e morto il bastardo tirano, ehe
occupava il regno de Cipro con gran tyrannie, e il regno rimasse in gran con-
fusione ; ha lasciato la regina gravida, la quale ha partorito un fio : e sappi ehe
secretamente cerca il regno re Ferdinando : e dall' altro canto, il cerca la regina
Carlotta : e per ci6 sono in gran travaglio tutti per il regno. Hora e in man de
Venetiani, e se siamo usciti dalle man del cane, entrassimo nelle onge del
Hone." From the following extract taken from a letter written to the Doge, Pjetro Docs. Nouv.,
Mocenigo, by Queen Catarina on gth Nov., 1475, he seems to have returned p- 455-
to Cyprus before the close of that year: " His diebus ausus est falsus abbas
frater Symon, quem perfidie causa hinc exulem esse jusseramus, favore
spectabilis viri domini Francisci Justiniani, provisoris, hue se conferre. Quod
cum audivimus, etiam ad ecclesiam Sacratissime Crucis intrepide accessisse,
vehementer nos consiliariique nostri egre tulimus, atque illico jussimus ilium
expelli."

608 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
wards by another Cypriot, Pierre Podocatoro, an ecclesiastic
of Nikosia (26th November, 1551).
g3st.de A modern writer reckons among the monasteries of the
636, n'.' 2." capital one which he calls Mount Tabor, though no mention
gu cange 0f it is to be found in the pages of the native chroniclers. The
Fam. d'outre r © i-ittitj
Mer., p. 828. nrst house to bear this name was erected in the Holy Land
and belonged to the Benedictine Order, being subject ecclesias
tically to the Bishop of Bethsan or Nazareth. Its abbot was
liable to furnish 100 men-at-arms for military service. On the
loss of Palestine representatives of the community doubtless
found their way to Cyprus, that haven of refuge for so many of
these establishments, which accounts for the presence of this
monastery at Nikosia.
Lusignan, pp. The two houses for women, which Lusignan mentions as be
longing to the Order at Nikosia, he calls respectively Nostra
Donna di Sur and Sta. Anna.
du cange. The name of the former while at Jerusalem, its original home,
Me™,' p. °83i. e seems to have been Notre Dame La Grande.1 It is said to have
Amadi, p. 28. stood opposite the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and to have
been subject to the Patriarch of Jerusalem. According to
cr. sun. Amadi it was a royal foundation, having been erected by
Tyren Hist. , * 7 o J
ub. nil, c. i.*' Baudouin I., King of Jerusalem, for the reception of his wife,
whom he divorced and compelled to enter this convent in
company with many other ladies of gentle birth.2 After the
capture of the Holy City it was for a while transferred to Tyre,
whence it was eventually removed to Nikosia, but at what date it
Amadi, p. 276. 1 La Nostra Donna mazore de Hierusalem, ehe si dice in Cypro Nostra
Dame de Sur.
Ibid., p. 28. 2 Questo primo re Baduin haveva moglie la nezza del imperator de Constan
tinopoli, da la quale non hebbe alcuno figlio, et se separo da essa, et la fece
monaca in una religion nova, ehe lui fece fare : et in sua compagna misse molte
gentil donne, et fu 1' habito suo negro, et si chiamo la abbadia de la Nostra
Donna de Hierusalem, et poi si chiamo Nostra Donna de Sur la mazor.
Verum etiam uxorem legitimam, quam apud Edessam, dum ibi comes esset,
duxerat, absque causae cognitione, non convictam, non confessam, lege matri-
moniorum neglecta, dimisit, eamque in monasterio Sanctae Annae, matris Dei
genitricis et semper virginis Marias, monacham fieri compulit violenter. Est
autem idem locus Hierosolymis in parte orientali, juxta portam quae dicitur
Josaphat, secus lacum qui tempore antiquo Probatica dicebatur piscina : ubi
ostenditur cripta, in qua Joachim et predictam Annam traditiones habent veterum
domicilia habuisse : ubi et Virgo perpetua nata est perhibetur. Erant autem ibi
tres vel quatuor pauperes mulierculae vitam sanctimonialem professae, quibus
gratia uxoris introductae ampliavit possessiones et patrimonium dilatavit.
Dn cange F. From the above extract it would appear that the place of incarceration was
d'outre Mer, the Convent of St. Ann, and not as stated by Amadi. The name of the lady in
question is unknown, but she was the daughter of Taphnuz, one of the principal
chieftains of Armenia.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 609
is impossible to determine. Soon after its appearance in Cyprus Amadi, p. 349.
it had the misfortune to suffer from a severe earthquake, which
so shattered the buildings as to render them unsafe for habita
tion.1 Thereupon Henri II. proposed to rebuild them at his
own expense. Upon this work he is said to have expended
18,000 besants until the revolt of the Prince of Tyre brought
it to a stand-still by depriving him of the necessary funds forrbid., p.
its continuance. At this period the abbess was Marguerite d' 3S0 "'
Ibelin, daughter of Jean d'Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, and a relative
both of the King and the Prince of Tyre. She displayed her
sympathy with the exiled monarch by causing prayers to be
offered by the sisters for his speedy return and reconciliation
with his rebellious brothers. For this act she incurred the dis
pleasure of the usurper, it having been maliciously represented
to him that she had at the same time cursed him and his
abettors, the Constable of Cyprus and the Princess of Tyre,
his wife. He in consequence sought every opportunity in his
power to injure the community over which she presided. But
what he was unable to accomplish during his life was accom-n. Boustron,
plished by his partisans after his death. Some days after his p' m'
assassination news was brought to his friends by a cleric, named
Simon Machie, that from an adjoining balcony he had seen
the murderer, Simon de Montolif, within the abbey precincts.
Immediately a number of armed men rushed to the convent and,
with naked weapons held to their throats, threatened the inmates
with mutilation and death unless they disclosed the hiding-place
of the fugitive, hurling at the same time the foulest insults and
accusations against them. Not content with these outrages
they proceeded to burst open the cupboards, from which they
carried off much valuable property, while so close was their
search that they examined even the very wells in their endeavours
to find some traces of the assassin. On learning the object of
their visit the abbess summoned the sisters to her presence and
1 In questa cita de Nicosia haveva un monasterio ehe con grande honesta et
bonta sempre le monache cantavano le laude de Iddio: el qual monasterio
come ehe antico fosse per causa de un gran terremoto fu ruinato ; et crepata in
diverse bande la chiesia ehe con gran pericolo se habitava. La qual cosaandata
ne le orechie del re, avanti fosse privo da la sua signoria, mando a dire a 1'
abadessa, ehe alhora era sora Beatrice de Pinqueni et a le monache, si volevan
ehe il re ruinasse quel monasterio et li fabricasse un altro novo ; lequale
obedirono al re. Et han lassato ruinar el monasterio, et il re commincio far
1' altro et spese XVIII. milia bisanti fino al di ehe li soi fratelli et altri li tolseno
la signoria da le man ; nel qual tempo cesso de fabricar, perche non haveva
danari de pagar piu fabriche.
39

610 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
charged them by virtue of their obedience to tell her if they
knew where the miscreant was concealed. But they all with
one accord protested their ignorance of his hiding-place. The
search party suspecting the sincerity of their denials threatened
to set fire to the place and to burn them with it. Intimidated
by these words the nuns proceeded to remove their property
and prepared to leave the abbey. To prevent this the abbess
went the same evening to the Legate and, after complaining of
the treatment to which the sisters had been subjected, reported
what they intended doing in consequence of the threats used
towards them. At the same time she declared that as a relative
of the murdered man she would never consent to harbour his
slayer within her walls. The Legate, however, persuaded her to
lay aside her fears and return to her post. The better to re
assure her that no harm should befall the community he sent
his own servants to guard it, promising to come in person should
it be necessary.
The chroniclers relate this incident in connection with the
Amadi, p. 349, Monastery of St. Lazare, but De Mas Latrie asserts most posi
tively that it took place in that of Notre Dame de Tyr. He is
unable to explain how the confusion has arisen except on the
supposition that the latter establishment on its transference to
du cange, f. Cyprus bore the former name also. A house for women belong-
d outre Mer, j ^ j.^ Qr(jer an(j cajjec[ g-^ Lsiche, or Lazare de Bethanie,
Ar^hSSfc1*' formerly stood on the Mount of Olives on the supposed site of
Hx." XT' the home of Lazarus. Its founder was Melissende, wife of Foul-
ques, King of Jerusalem. After the fall of that kingdom it was
united in 1256 to the Order ofthe Hospital by Alexander IV. But
no record exists of its ever having found a settlement in Cyprus.
The second Benedictine convent at Nikosia was called Ste.
Gun. Tyren. Anne. The earliest house of this name belonging to the Order
ait., lib. xi., was erected in the eastern part of Jerusalem near the Josaphat
gate and on the traditional birthplace of the Virgin. It, too,
most probably made its appearance in Cyprus on the final ex
pulsion of the Latins from Palestine, but beyond the bare
mention of the name nothing is known of it. Lusignan reports
Lusignan, p. its destruction by the Venetians in 1567 after having previously
remained tenantless for some time.
The Augustinians are known to have possessed at least one
settlement at Nikosia, though its name has not been preserved.1
strambaldi, ' It appeals from the evidence of one ofthe chroniclers to have been renovated
p. 266. ky King Janus : " Et ha fatto il re, et ha innovato 1' hospital de Santo Augustin".

ENTRANCE TO THE REFECTORY, BELLA PAESE ABBEY

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 611
The mediaeval traveller, Faber, describes it as being situated in
the midst of sugar-cane plantations and also as containing the Evagator,
tomb of the saintly Jean de Montfort.1 This last statement, rabri:, tom.
however, is directly opposed to the generally received account,
which represents it as being in the Cistercian abbey of Beaulieu.
This monastery experienced at the hands of the Venetians in
1567 the fate reserved for all buildings unfortunate enough to
lie outside the zone of the new fortifications. The Order is said Lusignan, P.
to have owned two villages, but in what part of the island it is a |a '
not specified.2

Of the Carthusians all that is known is that they possessed ibid., p. is (a).
an establishment at the capital, called San Giuliano (St. Julian).
Though the Premonstratensians owned an hospice at Nikosia Hist, de
and another establishment at Paphos their principal settlement §»yp'' ""*"' p'
was on the northern slopes of the Kyrenian range near the
modern village of Kazaphani. It is known in the Cypriot
annals under various titles, such as the Abbaye de la Pais or
Abbey of Peace, which became corrupted in Venetian times into
Bella Paese, the Abbaye Blanche, or the White Abbey, from the
colour of the habit worn by the members of the Order, and
Episcopia. The monastery, which probably dated from the cart, do s.
reign of Amaury, the successor of Guy, originally professed the mfrrl'ue*0*
Augustinian rule.3 But the inmates with the permission of the 0b7V'' p' 632)'
1 Fratres Eremitarum Sancti Augustini in hortis canamellorum conventum
habent, et in ecclesia eorum ad latus sinistrum est solenne et deauratum
sepulchrum, in quo corpus nobilis cujusdam Teutonici (!) requiescit, nomine
Johannes de Montfort.
2 From the fact that the following inscription has been found in the Emerghi De Mas
mosque De Mas Latrie hazards the conjecture that it may have been originally 5?^™jnJ
a church belonging to the Augustinians : — 377.
" Hie jacet religiosus frater Michael Monteguido, ordinis eremitarum Beati
Augustini, qui obiit sub anno Domini M  ensis Julii. Amen."
3 Ex parte venerabilis fratris nostri Nicosiensis archiepiscopi nobis exstitit
intimatum quod olim, sub nomine tuo, fili abbas, nobis suggestum (fuit) quod
monasterium ipsum quibusdam fratribus ibidem sub reguia beati Augustini
degentibus ab inclite recordationis rege Jerosolimytano pia fuerat liberalitate
concessum ; ac postmodum, fratres ejusdem loci, de assensu bone memorie T.
archiepiscopi Nicosiensis, loci diocesani, Premonstracensem susceperant ordinem
et actenus in omnibus observarant, eo dumtaxat excepto quod nondum incor-
porati fuerant ordini memorato in visitationibus, correctionibus, et aliis que idem
ordo tanquam caput membris suis impendere consuevit, etc.
Various writers have claimed Hugues III. as its founder, e.g. : —
Lusignan — " Fabrico 1' Abbadia de gli Humiliati detta de Lapaiis et 1' adorno Lusignan, p.
de molti privilegii ". M 'b>'

p. 216.

64 (b

Chyp., ill.
544, n. 1.
Amadi, p. 254. '

612 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
then Archbishop, Thierry, afterwards adopted the Premonstra-
tensian instead. This establishment, whose magnificent ruins
are among the finest specimens of Gothic architecture to be
found in the Levant, was afterwards reconstructed by Hugues
III. surnamed the Great (a.d. 1267-a.d. 1284). So great
Lusignan, P. indeed was the regard in which he held it that on his death
Loredano, ub. at Tyre his body was brought over to Cyprus and by the direc-
iii., p. 183. tions he had left in his will buried within the church.1 This
ct Amadi, building which possesses a grand porch, a nave of three bays and
circular columns, is pronounced by expert opinion to be an early
specimen of Lusignan architecture and of undoubted French
design. The rest of the monastery is declared to be of either
fourteenth or fifteenth century work and probably by the same
architect, who erected the western porch and towers of the
Lusignan, p. Cathedral at Nikosia. The head ofthe community, like others
of his rank in Cyprus, was a mitred abbot and when mounted
possessed the privilege of carrying a gilded sword and spurs
mst. de like the nobles and feudatories of the kingdom.2 So great was
the renown which the establishment acquired for the strictness of
its rule and the sanctity of its members, that Hayton, Seigneur
of Gorhigos, a cadet of the royal family of Armenia, is reported
to have renounced the world and assumed there the habit of the
Order in 1305.3
Hist, de Francesco Attar (Trattato di Cipro) " Questo Hugone fece edificare 1' abbadia
chyp.,ui, p. de' Bianchi," and
ibid p 644 P^re HuS0' 'n tlle Sacri ordinis Praemonstrat. Annales, tom. i., col. 650,
n. 1."' ' ' " Praemonstratensium agmen ad insulam Cypri hac aetate trajecit (Hugo III.) et in
civitate Cerhauniae erecto a se imposuit monasterio, quod Episcopiam nominavit,
Beatae Mariae Virgini nuncupatam".
As Hugues III., however, did not come to the throne of Cyprus until 1267
and distinct mention is made of the monastery in a document of 1232, the above
statements are from this circumstance shown to be erroneous.
1 " Ugo mori havendo regnato anni 17 — et fu sepolto nella predetta Abbadia
de' Humiliati."
" Riposero poi il cadavere 'nell' Abbatia de gli Humiliati, conforme 1' ordine
lasciato nel suo testamento."
Amadi reports on the other hand that his interment took place at the
Cathedral of Sta. Sophia.
LesQestes " Et fu sepulto re Hugo a Santa Sophia." Cf. Le Templier de Tyr: "et
pJ,*2i?llpr*''"' m's ^ 'a mere ygl'se, quy a nom Sainte Sofie ".
2 Et l'adorno (i.e., Ugo III.) de molti privilegii et in particolare ehe l'abbate
secondo la usanza delli altri abbati, andasse mitriato, et ehe il predetto possa
cavalcando portare la spada indorata et li sperone, come fanno gli altri Cavallieri
et feudatarii. 3 Vigore disciplinse et sanctitatis fama sic inclaruit caenobium, ut ad Armenos
usque pervagaretur nominis celebritas. Haito, regiae Armenorum piosapiae
proles, et regum Cypriorum satus sanguine, ad relationem arduae virtutis quam

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 613
If the evidence of numerous documents still extant may be
credited disputes between the island metropolitans and the
brethren on the subject of jurisdiction were of frequent occurrence, cart, de s.
So early even as 1232 Gregory IX. was obliged to sharply recall ^fiiV0'
them to a sense of the duty which they owed the Archbishop es^'' ""'
of Nikosia as their ordinary,1 while so late as 1510 this spirit of Hh*£>d<*li. p-
insubordination was still distinctly visible in their dealings with 613'
him.2 The community in this latter year having refused obedi
ence to the metropolitan, his representative appealed to the
civil authorities to enforce it. These, after diligent examination
of the evidence on both sides, pronounced the monks bound to
recognise the Archbishop, or his delegate, as their immediate
superior. But this decision was no more effective than former
ones had been, for less than forty years later (1547) the question ibid., p. 537.
again comes before the same tribunal.3 The appeal seems now
to have gone in favour of the brethren, as the authorities, doubt
less weary of the incessant strife, declared themselves unable,
sectabantur Episcopiaa canonici, exarsit in desideria profitendi eorum regulam et
voto se obstrinxit (Sacri ordinis Praem. Annales, tom. i., col. 650).
El signor de Churico, chiamato baron Chayton — vene in Cipro — et si fece frate
de la Piscopia.
1 Universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus eidem archi
episcopo debitam obedientiam et reverentiam exhibeatis, ac curetis integre de
suis juribus, ut tenemini, respondere ; alioquin sententiam quam idem archiepis
copus in vos propter hoc rite duxeiit promulgandam, ratam habelimus et faciemus,
auctore Domino, usque ad satisfactionem condignam, appellatione remota,
inviolabiliter observari.
2 Magnifici et clarissimi, dominus Nicolaus Pisaurus, locumtenens, et consiliarii
regni Cipri, auditis partibus in contradictorio etlonga disputatione, videlicet domino
Grado de Colinis, canonico, interveniente nomine reverendissimi archiepiscopi
Leucosiae, allegante contra dominum abbatem et fratres abbatie Blanche Cerina-
rum, sive dominum Baptistam Gazonum, doctorem, pro ipsis inteivenientem,
super recusatione obedientiae prestandae per predictos dominum abbatem et
monacos sive fratres predictae abbatiae, visis et intellectis omnibus, et precipue
breve apostolico et juribus dicti archiepiscopatus, necnon et juribus et privilegiis
predicti monasterii et abbatiae, sententiando terminaverunt quod ipsa abbatia et
fratres subjaceant obedientiae reverendissimi domini archiepiscopi et ejus suffra-
ganeo seu vicario, uti superiori suo ordinario, juxta mandata summi pontificis.
3 Clarissimi domini vicelocumtenens et consiliarius Bembus, sedentes pro
tribunale, absente viceconsiliario de Garzonibus, juxta instantiam domini Ambrosii
Podochatari, commissi reveiendi vicarii reverendissimi archiepiscopi Nicosiensis,
presente ibidem ipso reverendo vicario frate domino Laurentio Bergomensi, et in
contumatia reverendi abbatis abbatie Albe Premonstratensis, licet citati, et in
termino extantis stridati et minime comparentis, declararunt, attentis in processu
deductis, se nolle nee posse ingerere in controversia vertente inter reverendum
dominum vicarium predictum et abbatem dicti monasterii vel abbatie, occasione
subjectionis ejusdem abbatiae, amplius non impediendo juditium inceptum coram
reverendo domino vicario episcopi Famagostani latini, judice apostolico delegato,
partes ipsas licentiando ab officio suarum magnificenciarum.

614 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
as well as reluctant, to intervene in the dispute. On this occa
sion a suit was at the same time brought in an ecclesiastical
court presided over by the representative of the Bishop of
Famagusta, but with what result is not known.
Hjstde^. A sad picture of the decline of this once celebrated foundation
m- " is to be found in the report on the island presented to the
Senate by Bernardo Sagredo in 1562.1 He describes it as falling
into ruin, while no religious services were ever held there. The
monks, moreover, had so far forgotten their vows as to possess
wives ! Some, so he declares he had been informed, did not
even restrict themselves to one ! They were in a state of the
greatest poverty and destitution through having assigned the
revenues of the abbey for the support of their families. Sagredo
begs the Senate, in whose patronage it lay, to put a stop to
this state of things, so as to prevent the total destruction of the
place and to remove the grave scandal caused to religion by
the misconduct of the inmates. The truth of these charges is
ibid., p. 545, n. evident from the fact that the Order itself in 1570 begged the
Senate to institute the necessary reforms.2 But the capture of
the island by the Turks the same year prevented this salutary
work from being carried out.
mid., p. 543. That this condition of affairs was exceptional may be inferred
from the commendations which the same writer bestows upon
some of the other monasteries for the care the inmates took of
their churches.3 He especially praises some of the houses for
1 L'abbadia Bianca, di religion francese, tutta rovinata, non e ofificiata ; ma
tutti li frati hanno moglie, et alii figli hanno limitate l'entrate, di modo ehe con
stento vivono li frati di quella abbatia. Per il ehe, se la serenita vostra non
provede di far tagliar detta limitatione, fatta senza 1' autorita sua et del ponte
fice, andera del tutto in rovina. Et e un gran peccato a vedere si giande abbatia,
di tanto miiabile aitificio construtta, rovinare : et il jus dell' abbatia non si puo
da nessuno impedire, essendo juspatronato della serenita vostra. Et saria opera
pia et grata alia maesta di Dio ehe la facesse offitiare da religiosi di buona vita,
et non lassarla, con tanto vituperio et cativo essempio et scandalo, nelle mani di
persone ehe non offitiano ne alia Greca, ne alia Latina, ma si puo dire alia
Ariana, overo alia Turchesca, havendomi un di loro affirmato ehe vi sono di
quelli ehe hanno tre moglie, per il ehe mi e parso rappresentare ad honor della
maesta di Dio et della serenita vostra quel ehe mi e stato detto et ho veduto.
2 " Ad sera non modo regnantis Pictavensis et Lizignanae familiae in Cypro,
sed ad ulteriora dominantis ibidem reipublicae Venetae tempora, substitit monas
terium, siquidem in generali capitulo, quod Praemonstratensi coiit, ipso expugna-
tionis Cypri anno, patres decreverunt faciendam esse missivam senatui Venetorum,
ad ei commendandam regularem reformationem monasterii S. Mariae Episcopiae
in regno Cypri. Sed inutilem effecit patrum providentiam Selim II. (Sacri
ordinis Praem. Annales, tom, i., col. 650).
3 Vi sono anche alcuni monasterii da frati ehe tengono ben le loro chiese.
Et vi sono monasterii da donne, come santa Maria delle suori, quali sono da

'*Tf3*S«*s«

wmCO<

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 615
women for the exemplary conduct of the members and the
frequent services held in their places of worship. Unlike his
predecessor, the Dominican Faber, he does not seek to lay the
blame for what was amiss upon the shoulders of the Greeks,
but bears ungrudging testimony to the respect which the Ortho
dox monks paid to their churches and to the devout manner in
which they conducted service.
In 1246 a very precious relic, consisting of a cross made from a cart, des
fragment ofthe Saviour's and encased in gold, came into possession g^4- ^
of this establishment.1 This, together with a sum of 600 besants, *"* ''
had been bequeathed by a knight, named Roger the Norman, on
condition that the community maintained in its house at Paphos,
or wherever else the Archbishop might appoint, one ofthe brethren
or some secular priest to say masses for the souls of the testator
and his wife, Alix. In the document acknowledging the receipt
of the legacy from the then Archbishop, Eustorge d'Auvergne,
the abbot and his companions recognise him as their diocesan
and ordinary (diocesanus et ordinarius noster).
Among those which Lusignan has failed to mention may be Amadi, p. 142.
included the monastery of the Thorns (delle Spine), situated in pI'-|om'tron'
the vicinity of Nikosia. That it was, though small, an ancient Loredano, m>.
foundation is evident from the fact that it figures in an event
which occurred in 1229. During the battle fought before the
town that year (23rd June) between the Imperialists and the
Cypriots under Jean d' Ibelin, Sire de Beyrouth, the latter being
attacked by superior numbers defended himself within the
building until rescued by his own adherents. But to what
Order the establishment belonged we have no means of knowing.
bene, ma povere, et officia molto ben la sua chiesa. Vi sono anco 52 abbatie
di monaci greci, in diversi luoghi dell' isola, delli quali la maggior parte sono
ricche : tengono ben le sue chiese et frequentano a dir li suoi officii devota-
mente, etc.
1 Nos frater Georgius, abbas, et conventus Episcopie, Nicosiensis diocesis,
notum facimus omnibus presens instrumentum inspecturis quod cum Rogerius
Normandus, miles, inter alia legata et fideicommissa que in suo eulogio reliquit,
reliquerit etiam prefacte domui nostre Episcopie sexcentos bisancios saracenatos
justi ponderis et unam crucem de ligno Dominico, insertam auro, hac conditione
adjecta legato, ut nos et domus nostra debeamus perpetuo ordinare et constituere
quendam sacerdotem de nostris fratribus vel de aliis secularibus in domo nostra
quam habemus in civitate Paphensi, vel alibi, secundum ordinationem et
arbitrium venerabilis patris nostri Nicosiensis archiepiscopi, diocesani et ordin-
arii nostri, qui ibidem perpetuo celebret missam de defunctis pro anima ipsius
testatoris et domine Haelis, quondam uxoris sue, excepto alio sacerdote pro causa
alia ibidem instituto, etc.

52.

616 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
In addition to the monasteries and abbeys already enumerated
the Latin Church possessed various priories also throughout the
S*faTal1' p' ls^and-1 The estates and tithes, with which they had once been
Kyprianos, p. so liberally endowed, were gradually lost, as Lusignan reports,
through neglect and indifference. Among the places where
such establishments were to be found he mentions in his Choro-
graffia the following six, without, however, stating to what Order
they respectively belonged : —
1. San Michel, called by Kyprianos the Archangel Michael.
This would appear to be the name of the priory itself, and as
it is one of frequent occurrence the site in consequence cannot
be readily identified.
2. Silicu (Silichou), in the Nahieh of Kilani, known in
mediaeval times as Le Silicque.
Amadi, p. 263. 3. Alamino, a village in the Larnaka district, owned in 1307
by Philippe d' Ibelin, Seneschal of Cyprus.
4. Synta (Sinta), situated in the Nahieh of the Mesaoria be-
ch"?pr*e%.4i5. tween Famagusta and Nikosia and formerly known as Sindes,
was owned in the fourteenth century by Gautier le Moine. It
ohSy1p.<!ii., p. was not far from the village of Sigouri, where Jacques I. erected
2'nU' a castle, the Chateau Franc, to check the incursions of the
Genoese when in occupation of Famagusta.
5. Skylloura (Skilloura), in the Nahieh of Morphou. The
present church there, which contains one of the seventy
portraits of the Virgin said to be from the prolific brush of the
Evangelist Luke, may possibly be identical with the ancient
priory.
fl Boustron, 6. Santo Eles, called by Kyprianos Hagia Helene, is more
probably Santo Elia, a fief mentioned as given by Jacques II.
to Pierre Boustron.
The Priory of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem appears to
have possessed the village of Lacridon in the district of Paphos,
the gift of Hugues I.2 while the abbey of St. Theodosius in the
same town held the village of Acra in Cyprus, with a monastery
there bearing the same name, and certain property called
1 Poi sono alcuni Priorati latini, quali hanno terreni et decime nelli casali,
over regaglie, quali lasciorno per pigritia, et sono questi, San Michel, Silicu,
Alamino, Sinda, Sgillura, Santo Eles, et altri.
Lusignan, Je laisse a raconter les revenuz des Priorez, comme Sainct Michel, Silicq,
e>tcB01jP370(a') Alamine, Sinde, Squilur, Sainct Elez, Cantare, Sainct Hilarion, et autres.
Rohricirt 2 No. 846 — 1210, Nov. Hugo I., rex Cypri, ecclesiae sancti Sepulchri prastiam,
ilerosoi p 1u3e dicitur Lacridon, et in territorio Paphi sita est, necnon V. villanos — donat et
226. ' sigillo confirmat.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 617
Tromachii, with mills and vineyards.1 The Abbey of St. Mary
and All Saints at Acre owned a church, dedicated to their patron,
at Paphos, together with an establishment at Nikosia and certain
endowments in money and kind in the district of Paphos.2

THE MILITARY ORDERS.
The Templars.
To the Templars belongs, as we have already seen, the dis
tinction of having first introduced Western rule into Cyprus.
Even after they had resigned their sovereignty they still retained
some of their former possessions in the island. But it is not
until the reign of Hugues the Great (III.) that they again come
prominently into notice. That monarch, who had succeeded
to the throne of Cyprus in 1267, was the following year pro- Le Tempiier,
claimed King of Jerusalem also. Instigated by the Templars, GlsteTdet*
who were from the first bitterly opposed to Hugues' rule, ™,ppp. ism).
another candidate for the latter crown appeared in the person §?fboo?' de
of his aunt, Marie, daughter of Boemond IV. Prince of Antioch.3 III'T" e* w
1 No. gog — 1218, Jan. 2g. Honorius III., abbati monasterii Sancti Theodosii Eohricht,
Hierosolymitani, coenobiarchae de Laberria, scribit, se dictae ecclesiae bona in H?froBBoiRpB1*
protectionem Sedis Apostolicae suscepisse eorumque in numero vocat — ecclesiam 243.
SS. Petri et Pauli et forum totum cum apothecis et hospitali cum casali in
insula Cypri, quod dicitur de Acra, et monasterium Sancti Theodosii, tenementa
quae dicuntur Tromachii, cum molendino et vineis apud praedictam terram.
2 No. 1085 (1238). Gregorius IX. M. priorissae Sanctae Mariae et Omnium jm*,, p. 3X%
Sanctorum Acconensi, locum confirmat in quo praefata ecclesia ab A(alice),
regina Cypri, collata ad honorem Sanctae Mariae jEgyptiacae consensu Episcopi
Paphensis bonae memoriae aedificari inceptafuit — domum Nicosiae, ex dono Baliani,
domini Sidoniensis — tum xiii. modios frumenti, cclxvi. metretas vini, totidem
rotas casei, lxxvi. leguminorum modios, xix. risi modios, xcv. olei rotas, xxxviii.
rotas zuccari, xii. rotas candelarum, Iii. rotas saponis, mxcii. bisantios albos in
redditibus civitatis et territorii Paphensis percipienda confirmat, prout in ipsius
regis charta plenius continetur.
s 375- Et en sestu meymes an, damoisele Marie, ante dou roy Hugue de
Lezigniau, quant elle vit que son nevou le roy Hugue ce fu fait roy et encou-
roune dou royaume de Jerusalem, et qu'ele fist metre debat par clere et j. notaire,
elle se partit d'Acre, et ala a la court de Rome, et se plainst au pape dou dit roy
Hugue. Et fu pape Gregoire, dont le pape et sa court entendyrent sa raizon, mais
en ce mileuc que sa requeste duroit, la dite damoisele Marie s'acosta au roy Charle
et trayta et pourchassa o luy que elle ly fist don de son droit et de sa raizon, et
le roy Charle adons ly fu en aye, quant que il post, et quant la question fu
condute a se qu'ele dut, et que sentence se dut doner, elle se douna par le pape
et par sa court coment la dite damoyssele Marie estoit plus droit heir dou roy
aume de Jerusalem et que le roy Hugue n'estoit, et fu conferme par le pape et
par sa court le don que la dite damoisele Marie avoit fait au roy Charle de son
droit, que le requeroit dou royaume de Jerusalem, et le roy Charle douna a la
dite damoisele une cantite de monoie chacun an a sence sur sa terre en Franse,
mais apres j. tens il asena en sa terre en Poile.

618

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Iperius. para.
if. (Martene,
tom. ill., col.
754). Sanutus, lib.
ill., pars.. 12, c
15 (Bongars,
tom. ii. , p.
227). Amadi, p. 211.
Fl. Boustron,
p. 114.
Sanndo, lib.
ill., pars. 12.
Recueil des
hlstoriens des
Croisades,
tom. ii., c. 28,
p. 474.
Les Gestes
des Chiprois,
Nos. 398, 401,
pp. 206-7.
Amadi, p. 214.
Fl. Boustron,
p. 115.
Contin. G. de
Tyr., Ub.
xxxiv., c. 33,
§. 478 (Recueil
es Hist, des
Croisades,
tom. ii., p.
478).

On her claims being disallowed by the estates of that realm she
resolved to petition the Court of Rome, and accordingly pro
ceeded to Europe for that purpose in 1272. But failing in her
appeal the princess eventually disposed of her shadowy pre
tensions to Charles of Anjou, King of Naples, in 1277 for an
annual pension of 4000 besants. Meanwhile in 1276 the Order
gave another proof of the contempt it felt for Hugues' authority
by secretly purchasing from one of his vassals a fief belonging
to the crown of Jerusalem.1 The King, indignant at this
further act of disrespect, retired from Acre to Cyprus, whence
he refused to return, despite the repeated entreaties of the
inhabitants. Charles, regarding the absence of Hugues as a
favourable opportunity for advancing his own claims, despatched
Roger de San Severin, Count de Marsico, in 1277 with a body
of troops to Acre. Through the action of Guillaume de Beaujeu,
Grand Master of the Temple, the Sicilian commander was ad
mitted into the citadel, when he immediately proclaimed his
master King of Jerusalem. On news of this intrusion reaching
him Hugues proceeded to Tyre with the intention of wresting
Acre from Charles' partisans, but being opposed in his attempt
by the Grand Master returned to Cyprus.2 There he wreaked

Sanudo, lib.
iii., pars. 12
(SecretaFidel. Crucis).
Recueil des
Hlstoriens des
Croisades (Hlstoriensoccidentaux),
tom. il., c. 28,
p. 474.

Le Templier
de Tyr (Les
Gestes des
Chiprois, pp.
206-7).

1 Templarii, inconsulto rege, casale de Fauconeria acquisierant a quodam
milite, qui illud sub homagio a rege tenebat.
Au mois de huitovre (1276) syre Ugue de Lesignan, qui s'apelloit roy de
Jerusalem et de Chypre, se parti d'Acre et s'en ala a Sur et laissa la vile d'Acre
qu'il tenoit pour soue estraee, qu'il n'i laissa bail, ne baiUi, ne visconte, ne nul
qui raison y tenist, pour un contens qu'il ot au Temple ; pour le casal de La
Fauconerie, que li maistres dou Temple avoit achett£ sanz seu et sanz congie
dou roi d'un chevalier d'Acre, qui avoit nom Thomas de San Bertin, qui tenoit
le dit casal de borjoysie, dont il ne devoit homage ne servise.
2 3g8. En ce dit an (M.CC.LXXVIII.), au mois de setembre, vint a Acre le
conte de Saint Sevry, conte de Marseille, de par le roy Charle en vj. guallees,
et porta letres dou pape et dou roy Charle et damoisele Marie, coment damoisele
Marie avoit guaigne le royaume de Jerusalem par la sentense de la cour de
Rome et avoit don£ son droit au roy Charle, et que Ton l'eiist pour roy de Jeru
salem et seignor ; il furent leuiies les letres, oyant tout le peuple, et se party dou
chastiau Balian de Yblin, seignor d'Arsur, et guerpy le baillage, et le conte
Rogier s'asist o chastiau, et se herberga dedens.
401. En eel an (M.CC.LXXIX.) vint a Sur le roy Hugue de Jerusalem et
de Chipre, et amena o luy grant gent a chevau et a pie, cuydant recovrer Acre,
mais ne post riens faire pour ce que le maistre dou Temple li fu contraire, et
s'en tourna en Chipre et fist abatre la mayson dou Temple a Limesson, et aresta
tous lor biens en Chipre.
Venne a Sur re Hugo de Hierusalem et de Cypro, et meno seco gran
quantita de gente a piedi et a cavallo, credando recuperar Acre, ma non pote,
perche el Maestro del Tempio li era contra, et ritorno in Cypro : et fece ruinar le
case di Templieri a Limisso et a Bapho, et etiam el suo castello ehe era a
Guastria, come fortezza ; et fece retenir tutti li suoi beni in Cypro, fino al 1282.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 619
his vengeance on the Order by destroying their fortified establish
ments at Gastria, Limassol and Paphos, besides confiscating
their property throughout the island, which he retained till
1282. The death of Charles, however, in 1285 paved the way n. Boustron,
for a complete reconciliation, which was brought about by the AnBlUi p nr
new sovereign of Cyprus, Henri II., in 1286.
When the fall of Acre in 1291 put an end to the Latin King
dom of Palestine the surviving members of the fraternity, with
the permission of Henri, settled at Limassol. Although the
King had granted them an asylum in his dominions his attitude
plainly showed that he somewhat mistrusted his new guests.
And subsequent events certainly fully justified the suspicions
which he had formed. These haughty warriors of the Cross,
never very amenable to authority, whether spiritual or temporal,
had not been long settled in their new home when a violent
quarrel ensued between them and their royal host. To prevent Raynaidi, ad
the Knights from becoming too powerful and independent the 38. "
King expressly forbade their acquiring any landed property in
the island, without the previous sanction of himself and the
Holy See. Yet, notwithstanding this prohibition, the Order
was found at the time of its dissolution to possess in Cyprus
numerous villages and various other kinds of landed property.
Though established for so short a time in the island it soon
displayed much of its ancient wealth and magnificence, rivalling
in its state the pomp and splendour of the local sovereigns.1 Amadi, p. 290.
But this restriction was not the sole ground of resentment Raynaidi, ad
which the Templars had against Henri. To provide for the2Tn"
better defence of the kingdom, which was now seriously threat
ened by the victorious Sultan of Egypt, he had imposed upon
all persons alike resident within his dominions an annual poll-
tax of two besants. The Templars, who had always been
exempt from such charges, regarded this as an infringement of
their rights and appealed to Rome. Boniface VIII. seems at
first to have contented himself with a mere letter of remon
strance, in which after recounting all the Knights had lately
suffered in the cause of religion, he requested the King to treat
them with consideration, reminding him that their presence
was an additional security to himself and his subjects. But
perceiving that his remonstrances were ineffective, the haughty
Pontiff" had recourse to more peremptory measures. In a Bull au..^mn,
1 In quel tempo apena havevano tanti guarnimenti i re, quanti havevano
questi Templieri,

620 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
published at Anagni in 1299 he ordered that the objectionable
tax should at once cease and not again be imposed, without
the express permission of the Holy See. The better to ensure
the observance of this decree he entrusted the execution of it
to the superiors of the Franciscan, Dominican and Augustinian
communities in Nikosia, directing them to enforce submission,
if necessary. The King, naturally resenting this outrageous
invasion of his sovereign rights, rejoined by declaring that he
would not tolerate in his dominions persons so entirely depen
dent upon the Pope as to deny the claims of their lawful suze
rain. To prove how little he regarded the decree he compelled
Raynaidi, ad both clergy and Knights to pay the obnoxious impost. This
act produced another papal brief, in which the King in less
dictatorial language was exhorted to defer to the wishes of
Rome. How the dispute would eventually have ended it is
impossible to say. Fortunately for Cyprus and the indepen
dence of its sovereign the contest, into which he had entered
with Philippe-le-Bel, compelled the arrogant Pontiff to turn
his attention to another quarter.
This disregard for their privileges served only to increase the
long-standing hostility of the Templars towards the reigning
dynasty. Henri II. presented in every respect the greatest
Amadi, p. 248. possible contrast to his warlike sire, Hugues III. A victim
p!'i3°.u*tr°n' aU hls hf*3 to a disease which impaired his faculties, he was
unequal to sustained and resolute action.1 Unfortunately for
him the times required the presence of an energetic and cap
able man at the head of affairs. The very existence of
Cyprus as a Christian state was threatened by the victorious
Mohammedans of Egypt, while the Genoese corsairs were at the
same time allowed to ravage its coasts with impunity. Taking
advantage of the general dissatisfaction caused by the King's
inactivity his brother Amaury, Prince of Tyre and Constable of
Jerusalem, a bold and ambitious man, determined to grasp the
Madunra, p. reins of power for himself. His chief instigators in the treason,
Amadi p 248. which he contemplated, were Pierre d'Erlant, Bishop of Limas
sol, and Jacques de Molay, Grand Master of the Templars.2
1 El signor de Sur ritorno al conseglio et sepe tanto dire, come il re non
poteva governar, havendo questa malatia del mal caduco.
2 'AKopl b patrrpos toS 'ZmraXiov tppepe TfoSice Te/iiA.5 ^top <f£oj, Kal rb v&pry
ipyvvtriv tov Kal iryyev, Kal 4trp'iKTyv perd tovs - b iroios 4Sdveitrev tov Kvpov tovs
Tvpov p' xf^-lc^€s dtrirpa ttjs Kinrpov.
In questo conseglio si trovo fra Jacobo de Molei, maestro del Tempio, il

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 621
The latter, who is said to have lent the prince the sum of
40,000 aspers, favoured the design, as it promised the only way
of recovering the loan. But his support is thought to have
been also prompted by yet darker and more sinister motives.
Since the capture of Acre the Order had been obliged to depend
upon the generosity of the King of Cyprus for a home. De Amadi, P. m.
Molay is credited with the intention of promoting the dissen- pn'1?'*u,,tr<"''
sions between the royal brothers that he might eventually seize
the island for his community and restore to it the sovereignty,
which it had once enjoyed there.1 The ambitious schemes of
the Prince of Tyre were at length crowned with complete
success. Having captured the person of the King he forced
Henri to sign a deed, appointing him Regent of the kingdom.2
Among those present at the signing of this document (26th
April 1306) was the Marshal of the Order.3 He is reported to
have shown the ill-will he bore the King by exultingly exclaim- ibid., p. ia.
ing, as he left the royal chamber, in the hearing of the nobles
and prelates there assembled : " What I have written, I have
written ". 4 His triumph, however, was destined to be very
short-lived. The extinction of this once powerful fraternity was
now very close at hand. Its doom had been already decreed by
secret enemies, whose cupidity had been excited by its vast
wealth. But the alleged licentiousness and luxury of the
brethren formed the ostensible pretext for the work of suppres-
quale in quelli giorni haveva imprestato al ditto signor de Sur cinquanta milia
bisanti. It will be noticed that Machaeia in error calls Jacques de Molay Master of
the Hospital (b pdarpos tou ^irtraXiov).
1 In parole et in opere li Templieri hanno sempre dimostrato esser contenti
et allegri della rissa del re et suo fratello, et desideravan la destrution del paese
et de li baroni et cavaglieri.
Li Templieri erano di cattivo animo verso il re, et il re li ha conociuti per
avanti, et dalle parole e dalle operation loro, come godevano sempre da ogni
atto, ehe il signor de Sur faceva contra il re suo fratello.
2 The document is witnessed among others by " frater Jacobus de Mollayo, Amadi, p. 247,
magister sancte domus milicie Templi ". n-
3 The name of the Marshal is variously given as Hemo d'Usellet, Chemi
d'Oseliers, Haume de Seliers, and Chemie Doselier.
4 Et da poi letti li patti, et loro partiti de la camera del re, el marescalco di ibid., p. m
Templieri non pote celar la malvagia et malignita ehe haveva verso el re, perche
disse in presentia di baroni, qui furono la al palazzo del re, et de alcuni prelati :
Quod scripsi, scripsi : et mostron con atti et con parole ehe era molto alegro,
et li piacevan li oltragii et honte ehe si faceva al re.
Partitissi dalla camera del re, el mariscalco di Templieri, a certo modo di
abondantia di cuore, et fuor di proposito, disse: "Quod scripsi, scripsi,"
mostiandosi allegro del travaglio del re-

622 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
sion, in which the moving spirit was the French King, Philippe-
le-Bel. He found a ready and subservient tool in a fellow-
countryman, Clement V., whom his influence had raised from
the See of Bordeaux to the Chair of Peter.
Machara, pp. The evidence, upon which the Order was condemned, is said
strambaldi ty the Cypriot chroniclers to have been procured in the follow-
*""*¦ ^ ing manner : Two youths, who were bound together by ties of
the closest friendship, in the course of their travels came to
Cyprus. One of them, observing the honour in which the
Templars were held and the seeming sanctity of their lives,
became desirous of entering their ranks. As he was rich no
difficulty was placed in the way of the accomplishment of his
wishes. The other, whose poverty disqualified him, curious to
see the ceremony of initiation concealed himself in the place,
where it was wont to be held, and witnessed the whole proceed
ing unobserved. On his arrival subsequently in Rome he
sought an interview with the Pope, to whom he recounted all
that he had seen, describing minutely the profane and obscene
acts which accompanied the ceremony. Clement, desirous of
testing the truth of his informant's story, sent for the Grand
Master and desired him in his presence to initiate the youth
that he might see how the ceremony was conducted. The
refusal of De Molay, on the plea that the statutes of the Order
required that it should be performed secretly and in a specially
appointed place, confirmed in his mind the guilt of the brethren.
He accordingly caused two letters to be written in his name to
the sovereigns of all the countries in which the Knights were to
be found. One, which was sent open, directed that the other,
which was securely sealed, should be kept in a safe place until
Whitsunday, when it was to be opened immediately after first
mass and its instructions implicitly obeyed under threat of
excommunication in case of non-compliance. This second letter
contained an order to kill all the Templars on that day at a
certain stated time and to bestow their property upon the
Hospitallers. The fact that no such general massacre took
place in Cyprus sufficiently refutes the story. The island
chroniclers seem to have confused the Pope's action in the
matter with that of the French King, who is reported to have
given secret orders on the festival of the Exaltation of the Cross
(14th September, 1307) for the simultaneous arrest of all the
members of the Order in his dominions on the following 13th
October. Historical research, moreover, has since cleared the
memory of these much-maligned men and shown that most of

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 623
the odious charges brought against them were utterly without
foundation. Another and much more likely account represents the catas- Gestes des
trophe as being due to the inconsiderate action of the Grand 329.I00 ' pp
Master himself.1 Having been summoned to France by Clement ASuuU' pp'
under the pretext of being consulted about a fresh crusade he, fi. Boustron,
on arriving in Paris, desired the treasurer of the Order to give p' 163
an account of the various sums entrusted to his care. Finding
that this official had advanced the French monarch 400,000
gold florins without authority, he expelled him from the
fraternity. The dismissed functionary immediately complained
to Philippe of the harsh treatment which he had received. Dis
tressed to think that the trouble had been caused through him
1 6g5. Cestu frere Jaque de Molay, maistre dou Temple, quant il fu outremer, lo Tempiier
se porta mout escharsement vers le pape et les cardenaus, car il s'estoit mout aeSiJa8
eschars hors de rayson, et toute fois le pape le resut a mout biau semblant, et chiprois, pp.
en se myleuc le maistre ala a Paris et en France, et requist dou trezorier dou 329'30)-
Temple son aconte et trova que le trezorier avoit preste au roy de France une
grant cantite d'avoir, que l'on dit iiijcm. flourins d'or, mais je ne say s'il furent
mains. Et se couressa le maistre mout fort contre se trezorier, et ly leva l'abit
et le chassa de la religion, dont il vint au roy de France, quy fu mout courouse
de se que par s'achaizon ly fu leve l'abit, et manda j. haut home de France au
maistre, priant luy pour amor de luy ly delist rendre l'abit, et que ce que il
devet a la mayson, il le rendra volentiers ; dont le dit maistre ne vost riens
faire et respondy autrement que il ne deiist a la priere de tel home come est le
roy de France. Et quant le roy vy que il ne vost riens faire pour sa piiere, si
manda, priant au pape que il mandast de par luy au maistre dou Temple de
rendre le mantiau de l'abit dou Temple au trezorier, et le dit trezorier en
persone porta la dite letre dou pape au maistre dou Temple, quy ne fist riens
pour le pape, ains dient que le maistre jeta la dite letre au feuc, quy alumoyt en
une cheminee.
6g6. Leroy de France 1' eut mout a grief, et quant vint dedens aucuns jours
apres, le pape requist le maistre, et vint de Paris o luy, dont le pape ly requist
que il ly donast la regie de sa religion dou Temple par escrit, et le maistre la ly
douna et la lut. Et depuis a este parle entre la gent de tantes manieres de la
religion dou Temple que je ne say quy verite je puisse escire, fors tant que les
choses quy sont avenues publiquement puis je bien escrire, que apres que l'on
dit que il fu examine par sages et par les religions l'escrit de lor regie, furent
desposes et desfait lor religion, et xxxvij. furent ars a Paris, et dient siaus quy
les virent ardre, que tant com il ardoient, crieent a haute voys que le cors
d'yaus estoit dou roy de France et l'arme estoit de Dieu.
The Tempiier de Tyr speaks as follows in defence of his associates : — " Et ibid., p. 331:
ensy seaus le (i.e. le grant maistre) pryrent et le mirent au feuc, et fu ars, et le
Dieu tout puissant quy seit et conut les choses sacrees, sil seit que il fust
innocent de sei feit que Ton lor mist sus luy, et les autres quy furent ars, sont
martirs devant Dieu ; et se il sont tes quy 1' ayent deservy, il ont este punis, mais
je puis bien dire, tant que a 1' aparant, je les ay coneiis pour bons crestiens et
devos en lor messes et en lor vie, et especiaument le cors de mon seignor le
maistre, quy fu frere Guillaume de Biaujeu, en mout d'amohnes grans et Iarges
que il faizeit a pluzours bounes gens priveement et a l'aparant, come chascun le
seit, quy l'ont veii ".

FL Boustron,
p. 164.

624 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
the latter sent one of his chamberlains, a nobleman of high
rank, to De Molay, requesting him to pardon the offender and
at the same time promising to repay the loan. This request
was refused in a way which showed but scant respect for so
exalted a personage as the King of France, who appealed to the
Pope for redress. But Clement's intervention on behalf of the
offender met with no better success, for when De Molay received
the papal letter he is said to have contemptuously tossed it into
the fire which was burning in his room. Such open defiance of
both Pope and King was not likely to remain long unpunished.
The offending Grand Master was seized at Paris on 13th October,
1307, where, after languishing for several years in captivity, he
was eventually burnt in company with the Master of Normandy
on the 11th March, 1314.1
Amadi, p. 283. The story of the downfall of the Order, so far as Cyprus is
concerned, is told as follows by two of the local chroniclers :
The first intimation of the impending catastrophe was the
receipt in 1308 of a letter from the Pope directing the Regent
Amaury to arrest the members of the Order within his domin
ions and to take an inventory of their property. The prince,
who was anxious to obtain the sanction of the Holy See to his
own usurpation, hastened to comply with the order. Accord
ingly on the 12th May in that year he despatched Balian d'
Ibelin, Prince of Galilee, to the head-quarters of the fraternity
at Limassol with instructions to seize all the Templars there.
D' Ibelin on arrival summoned the Knights to surrender their
arms and horses and to proceed to Nikosia, where it was pro
posed to place them for safe custody in the palace of the Arch
bishop, threatening to employ force in case of refusal. He at
the same time expressed the Regent's regrets at having to
adopt such hard measures against his former allies. Amaury,
he declared, had protected them while he could, but that in
the face of the Pope's orders he had no longer any choice in
the matter. Hemo d' Usellet, the Marshal of the Order, and
his companions requested an opportunity for discussion before
1 Both the Tempiier de Tyr, Amadi, and Boustron mention the Commander
of Gascony as being De Molay's fellow-sufferer on the occasion : —
Les Gestes, p. " Et adons le dit maistre et le coumondour de Gascoigne furent mis en une
ssl- barque et pases en l'ihle, quy est de dens le flum, et la fu le feuc alume," etc.
Amadi, p. 282. " Et poi el ditto maestro et il commandador de Guascogna furon posti in
una barcha et passati in l'isola ehe e infra el fiume ; et la era el foco allumin-
ato," etc.
The execution is said to have taken place immediately in front of Notre
Dame on the site now occupied by the equestrian statue of Henri IV.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 625
giving their decision. As the result of the conference they
flatly refused to deliver up their arms and horses. The Regent
had, however, full permission from them to hold their estates
and revenues at the disposal of the Pope, and they also agreed
that he should affix his seal with theirs to the treasury of the
Order, but they declined to allow it out of their keeping. With
regard to themselves they were ready to reside in any of their
villages he might appoint, under the surveillance of his knights.
There they promised to await the good pleasure of the Pope
and to accept without murmuring the same fate as might befall
their brethren beyond the seas. Until then they prayed him as
their liege lord and by the memory of their past services to him
not to push them to extremes, as they were resolved to die
rather than make any further concessions. If the Regent,
they asserted in conclusion, would only condescend to inquire
into their conduct and mode of life he would find that they
were true followers of the Catholic faith and as good Christians
as could be met with anywhere in the world. The Prince of
Galilee, seeing that he could gain nothing by further parleying,
returned to Nikosia, where he reported to the Prince of Tyre
the fruitless result of his mission. Amaury, indignant at their
refusal, issued on 19th May a proclamation, in which he
forbade any one to take service with the Templars, or to raise
troops on their behalf, under forfeiture of life and property.
The same night he despatched a second emissary in the person
of one Baudouin, a canon of Sta. Sophia, urging the Knights
yet more strongly to obey the orders of the head of their
Church, and threatening extermination in case of continued
resistance. In reply to this second summons the Knights sent
back word that they would present themselves before the
Regent at the end of the following September. They sug
gested that ambassadors should be sent in the interval on his
behalf and theirs to ascertain the commands of the Sovereign
Pontiff7, which they undertook to obey without further demur.
The prince, still dissatisfied with their reply, sent yet a third
messenger, a canon of the Cathedral of St. Nicolas at Fama
gusta. Meanwhile a conference had taken place at Nisou near
Nikosia between the Marshal and Commander of the Turco-
poliers and the Constable of Cyprus, the Prince of Galilee and
others, representing the Regent, at which the Templars agreed
on promise of a safe conduct to send some of their number to
confer with Amaury. On 27th May the deputation entered
Nikosia and on the following day were admitted to the presence
40

626 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
of the Regent. After a long discussion they proceeded to the
royal palace, where they found all the dignitaries of the king
dom, lay and clerical, gathered to meet them. Their first
act was to hand to a notary a document in Latin, containing
all the articles of the Christian faith, with the request that
it might be read aloud. Baudouin, who acted as their advocate
on the occasion, afterwards translated it into French to the
assembly, declaring on their behalf that they were good Chris
tians and believed all that had been read, while they were ready
to affirm that they had never professed any other religion.
Thereupon the Marshal took an oath to that effect, being
followed by the Commander of Cyprus, the Drapier, the
Treasurer, a knight from every language and two servitors,
both for themselves and the rest of the brethren who were
then in the island.1 While all this was going on at Nikosia
the Regent gave secret orders to occupy Limassol with troops,
which had been already prepared for the purpose. The even
ing of the same day (28th May) he also caused to be read
before a meeting specially convened in his own house the papal
letter empowering him to seize the persons and property of
the Templars as convicted heretics and infidels.
The following day Jean de Bay (?), Vicomte of Nikosia, acting
under instructions from the Regent, proceeded in company
with some of the Knights, the Prior of the Hospitallers, and
representatives of the Franciscan and Dominican Orders to
take an inventory of the property possessed by the Templars at
Nikosia. But despite a most thorough examination of their
establishment, extending over three days, very little was found,
as everything of value had been already removed to Limassol.
The scrutiny of these inquisitors extended even to the chapel
belonging to the Order, where they made a careful note of the
vestments and service books, sealing up the doors and removing
the bell ropes so as to prevent the celebration of Mass and the
ringing of the bells. But the building was soon afterwards
reopened by order of the King, who directed that divine wor
ship should be carried on as usual. An equally careful investi
gation was made of the other houses belonging to the Order in
Paphos and Famagusta, as well as of the villages owned by it
1 Both Amadi and Boustron give the same estimate of the number of the
Amadi, p. 2S6. brethren then in the island. The former says : " Tutti Ii altri frati ehe erano al
reame de Cypro, quali erano fra cavaglieri numero Ixxxiii. fra sergenti numero
p 167 Ton' xxxv," the latter gives the total only : " Quali cavalieri tutti erano al numero de
118".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 627
in various parts of the island, over the revenues of which
receivers were appointed by the Regent.
When the Templars who were in Nikosia saw the search
party approaching they immediately left the capital and re
joined the main body at Limassol, leaving the Commander of
Cyprus with four others to watch the proceedings. These also
followed their comrades to Limassol when the investigation was
concluded. But the toils were now fast closing round them.
The troops' previously despatched by the Regent had at last
blocked all the means of egress from the town. The Knights
perceiving that their position had become desperate resolved to
sell their lives dearly. For this purpose they endeavoured to
bring on a conflict with the forces of the government. But as
these by order of their leaders carefully avoided an encounter
they were obliged to retire within their fortress without accom
plishing their object. That night, however, the soldiers ofthe
Prince of Tyre, suddenly surrounding their stronghold before
they were aware of it, blockaded the doors. Recognising that
resistance was now useless they resolved to surrender their arms
and horses without any further delay. This they did on the
1st June, when the opposing forces entering their establishment
took possession of everything there. The members of the Order
were at once divided into two bands and, escorted by the troops
of the Regent, were sent to two villages at some distance apart
for safe custody, one with the Marshal going to Chierochitia,
and the other with the Commander of Cyprus proceeding to
Germasogeia. On news, however, subsequently reaching Amaury Amadi, p. 291
that the Marshal and Commander had remitted money to their *?*¦ Boustron,
partisans in Genoa for the equipment of galleys to rescue them by
force, he caused these two officials with the Drapier, Turcopolier,
Treasurer, and Commander of Apulia to be removed for better
security to Levcara, that the brethren might find themselves
without leaders in the event of any attempted disturbance on
their part.1 After remaining there some time they seem to
have been transferred again to Chierochitia, as Ague de Bessan, Amadi, p. 390
acting in the interests of Henri II., then a prisoner in Armenia, ^¦^mt""1'
removed them thence under a strong guard to their convent at
Famagusta, lest the Constable of Cyprus, who on the murder of
Amaury aimed at playing the same role, might attach them to
his party. The Marshal becoming involved in a fresh conspiracy Amadi, p. 392.
against the King on his return was imprisoned in an oubliette AmBal'vm-
O O r Fl. Boustron,
p. 244.
1 Dove steteno da circa cinque anni.

628 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
at Kyrenia, where he died after a captivity of five years and
was buried in the Church of San Antonio near that town.1 Of
the other members of the Order many shared the fate of the
Marshal, while some in Cyprus as elsewhere entered the ranks
of their more fortunate rivals, the Hospitallers.
Amadi, p. 289. From an inventory of the property belonging to the Order,
Fi.Boust.ron, which was seized at Limassol in 1308, it would appear that in
its treasury were found valuables to the amount of 120,000
besants, besides 1500 marks in coined silver. But the booty
captured did not equal the general expectation, as the brethren
on the first indications of the coming troubles had secretly
conveyed large quantities away. In addition to large stores
of provisions their magazines were well furnished with every
requisite for the equipment of a very considerable force. Among
the articles enumerated we find mention made of 930 cuirasses,
970 cross-bows, 640 iron helmets, and 20 barrels of horse
shoes and nails. The treasury of the Order together with the
plate and other valuables Amaury had conveyed to his house
at Nikosia on the plea that it would be better guarded there.
The arms were forwarded to the royal arsenal at Famagusta,
to which town the slaves also were sent for work on the fortifi
cations. The horses and mules, with all the live stock in the
villages, the stores of provisions, even to the bedding, clothes
and table linen, belonging to the brethren at Nikosia, he caused
to be sold.
On 3rd April, 1312, the death knell of this famous Order
was sounded at the Council of Vienne by the issue of a pro
clamation decreeing its dissolution and the confiscation of its
property in favour of the rival society of St. John. This
decision, however, was not promulgated in Cyprus until nearly
Amadi, p. 395. two years after its publication. On 7th November, 1313, in
njoustron, the Cathedral at Nikosia the Papal Legate, Pierre de la Pleine
Chassaigne, Bishop of Rodez, caused Clement's letter to be read
before an audience comprising the bishops, clergy and landed
proprietors, directing that the Templars should be deprived of
their mantle and their possessions handed over to the Hospi-
1 Et dapoi mori in ditte grotte fra Haume de Sellers, mariscalco del Tempio,
et fu sotterato a Santo Antonio, come li altri ; et molti altri frati del Tempio
moriteno similmente nelle grotte de Cerines.
El mariscalco fu posto in una grotta a Cerines dove stette cinque anni, e poi
morto fu tratto, et per un prete et un zagho fu sepolto in la chiesa di Santo
Antonio.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 629
tallers.1 By this act of spoliation the latter acquired in the
island over fifty villages, bailiwicks and manors, which they
continued in great part to enjoy until the final expulsion of the
Latins.

The Hospitallers.
The Hospitallers appeared in Cyprus not long after the
establishment of the Lusignan dynasty. Their first arrival is
said to date from the reign of Amaury, the brother and suc
cessor of Guy (a.d. 1194-a.d. 1205). This monarch being chiefly-
engaged in the defence of Palestine against the Saracens had
little time to bestow upon his island kingdom. Alexios III.
regarded the opportunity as a favourable one for re-uniting the
island to the Byzantine empire. He accordingly made prepara
tions to wrest it by force, if necessary, from the Latins, while at
the same time he secretly fomented the disaffection of the natives.
Amaury on hearing of the design resolved to return and defend
Cyprus from the intended attack. But Innocent III., fearing
lest his absence from the Holy Land might cause its loss, per
suaded him to remain by promising to provide for the safety of
his threatened dominions. Among those whom the Pope solicited paoii, cod.
for help were the Count of Tripoli, the Prince of Antioch and ?,'pl0276'.t°m'
the Masters of the Military Orders.2 He represented to them j^S $>m
that since Amaury had left Cyprus defenceless to go to the aid 80-
of the Holy Land it was only just that the neighbouring Chris
tians should assist in preserving that kingdom for him. The
appeal was so far successful that the Master of the Hospital, Bosio, parte
Geoffroy Lerat, was induced to despatch some of his knights xiu., p. 471.
with a picked body of troops to occupy the fortresses in the
island and overawe the disaffected. These forces remained until
the death of Amaury, when they were withdrawn to save the
expense which their maintenance entailed upon the Order.
On the fall of Acre in 1291 the Hospitallers also found an
asylum in Cyprus, being placed by Henri II. in joint occupation Loredano, in>.
1 A di 7 novembrio, furon radunati a la madre chiesia de Nicosia, fra Piero,
vescovo de Rhodi, legato della sede apostolica, ehe alhora si trovava in Nicosia
et in presentia di vescovi di Cypro et de tutte le religion et homini da bene,
furono lette le lettere del papa Clemente quinto ehe li Templieri fusseno
spogliati de li soi beni, et a loro fosse tolto el mantello ; li qual bene fosseno
dati al Hospital de San Joanne et cosi fu fatto.
2 The Bull to the Hospitallers is dated "xii. Kalendas Decembris anno
primo" (20th Nov., ng8).

630 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
with the Templars of the town of Limassol.1 But their sojourn
was not of very long duration. Having incurred the hostility
Amadi, p. 336. of the usurper Amaury, by their opposition to his ambitious
h. amstron, schemes, they resolved to form a new settlement where they
could enjoy greater freedom.2 The capture of Rhodes in 1310
Loredano, ub. provided the home for which they were seeking. The Master,
v"p' Foulques de Villaret, is represented by Loredano as having
sought to depose Henri, from the conviction that the Regent
would then become a mere puppet in his hands.3 According
to this writer it was only on perceiving he had been made a tool
of by the crafty Amaury, who was inclined to flout him once his
services were no longer required, that he determined to quit the
ibid. island at the first favourable opportunity. The same historian
would have his readers believe that both the King and his
brother were equally relieved at the departure of the Knights,
the former because he hated them for their ingratitude, and
the latter since he suspected them of sympathy for Henri by
jauna, joining the queen-mother in her attempted reconciliation
iiv. iv.%ei," between the royal kinsmen.4 But these statements, which
another historian has in a great measure repeated, are not cor
roborated by the testimony of the chroniclers. Not only did
the fraternity labour earnestly to promote a better under
standing between the brothers, but they were mainly instru
mental after the murder of Amaury in restoring Henri to his
Amadi, p. 368. dominions. Indeed so great was the confidence which the
p. 225. ' exiled monarch placed in the fidelity of the Knights that he
appointed this very Master as his vice-gerent until his return

1 Assigno a Cavalieri Templari e Hospitalieri la citta di Limisso, la quale
fortificarono con quattro Balouardi Reali, cingendola tutta di fortificationi, e
rendendola atta a sostenere ogni potentissimo assedio.
2 II Signor de Sur era irrato contra li Hospitaglieri perche tenivano la parte
del re.
II Signor de Sur era sdegnato con li Hospitalieri, perche tenivano la parte
del re.
3 S' era in tanto persuaso F. Folco di Villaretto Maestro de gli Hospitalieri
(essendo sempre maggiori le pretensioni de gli huomini di quello, ehe siano
servigii) doppo la depositione del Re di poter regolare a suo piacere il Prencipe.
Ma awedutosi, ehe gli succedeva il contrario, perche il Prencipe servitosi di lui
nel tempo del bisogno, cominciava, questo cessato, non solo a mostrare diffidenze,
ma anche a disprezzarlo, applied 1' animo a partirsi di Cipro ogni qual volta se
gli fosse rappresentata occasione.
4 Si parti da Cipro con piacere del Re, ehe odiava quella Religione, dopo
isperimentatala ingrata dei benefici ricevuti, e con pari sodisfattione del Prencipe
entrato di gia in qualche sospetto, ehe quei Cavalieri non favorissero il Re, dopo
ehe con la Regina Madre s'interposero per il loro accommodamento.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 631
from Armenia.1 It was their cavalry, too, which escorted him Amadi, p. 333.
when he re-entered his capital, as well as assisted to check the fi. Boustron,
attempted insurrection of his surviving brother, the Constable*5'237'
of Cyprus.
Even after the departure of the Order its influence continued
to be strongly felt in Cypriot affairs. From its situation at
Rhodes it remained for more than 200 years the nearest
Christian state, to which the island sovereigns could look for
succour in the dangers slowly but surely gathering around
them. Towards the middle of the reign of Hugues IV., (1340) the Bosio, parte
good understanding existing between the Kings of Cyprus and Si.Tli.' m>'
the Religion was for a while interrupted by the misconduct of -gjjgjk,
Ligure Assanti, Seigneur of Nisyro, a vassal of the Order. 1™%^; piv'
This individual, whose father had been appointed chieftain of 816,
this islet, one of the outlying dependencies of Rhodes, on con
dition of furnishing a galley to the fleet, finding himself without
occupation had recourse to piracy, preying upon Moslems and
Christians alike. Among those who suffered from his depreda
tions were some Cypriot merchants. On these complaining to
their sovereign Hugues sent two galleys in quest ofthe marauder,
who retreated to his fastness, where they were unable to follow
him. Hugues accordingly applied to the suzerain power for
redress, but the Order paid no attention to his repeated repre
sentations. The King, incensed at the slight and to indemnify
his subjects for their losses, thereupon gave orders for a general
seizure of the property belonging to the Knights in his domin
ions. This vigorous act had the desired effect, as the fraternity
now hastened to make amends for its previous neglect. The
offender was deprived of his principality and duly punished for
his attacks upon the Christians.
But the harmony thus rudely disturbed was soon restored, as
in 1343 the Religion joined the league, which had been formedHist.de
for the defence! of Cyprus by Hugues IV. with Clement VI., lscusi.1 '' pp'
the Republic of Venice and the Seigneur of Milo. By the Js**^,
terms of the agreement it was stipulated that a combined fleet "
of twenty galleys should assemble at Negroponte for operations
1 Noi, Henrico, per la Dio gratia re de Hierusalem et de Cypro, salute a tutti
li nostri homini. Noi vi femo a saper ehe il maystro del Hospital, et si ha
offerto lui et tutta la mason de esser al nostro commando, et adoperarsi et metter
l'haver et le persone per recuperar la nostra signoria et reame de Cypro, et
liberarni da le preson de Armenia. Pero, commandemo et ordinemo in loco
nostro el ditto maestro del Hospital, etc.

ad.
1343,
1344.

632 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
against the enemy. The result of this alliance was the capture
Htat.de of Smyrna from the Turks in the following year. In 1350
a™" "p' another confederacy for the same object was formed between
SK^wkI, no. the same King of Cyprus, the Republic and the Order, in which
the allies bound themselves to maintain a fleet of eight ships
for ten years on a war footing. This armament, which was to
Raynaidi, ad be under the command of the Papal Legate, or the captain
|7i3f63'Nr0°° general appointed by him, was also to meet at Negroponte.
35-' ' But the alliance came to an end the following year, though at
the instance of the Holy See it was subsequently renewed in
1353, 1356 and 1357. In the last of these years it was stipu
lated that the fleet should consist of six ships only. But the
allies were all through much hampered in their operations by
Maciunra, p. the war between Genoa and Venice. In 1361 Livon (?), King of
strambaldi, Armenia, being forced to abandon Gorhigos the inhabitants
Pv*3, placed themselves under the protection of Pierre I. The Emir
fi. Boustron, of Karamania, regarding the possession of this fortress by the
p. 259. Cypriot King as a menace to his own dominions, concluded an
alliance with the neighbouring Mussulman chieftains of Cande-
lore, Satalia, and Monagati against Cyprus. Pierre, however,
anticipating the designs of the confederates captured Satalia on
24th August of the same year. The fleet assembled for the
purpose consisted of 106 sail, to which the Knights contributed
Maduera, pp. four galleys under the command of their admiral, Jean Forbin.
str'ambaidi. In 1365 the forces of the Order were again united with the
Amadi, p. 4i5. Cypriots, when Alexandria was captured on 10th October,
Fl. Boustron, Jf . . . r • 1 1 i i
i°sio62parte while two years afterwards Inpoli in Syria also yielded to the
nn.68,'70*'' prowess of the allies. In 1373 the then Grand Master, Ray-
Machara.p. moncj de Berenger, being charged by Gregory IX. to mediate
strambaldi, Detween Pierre II. and the Genoese, sent the Marshal of the
Fr!o*u'spron,2' Order to Cyprus for that purpose, but the exorbitant demands
Siach'era, p. of the Genoese rendered the attempt a failure. A second and
str'ambaidi, equally unsuccessful endeavour was made in 1374 by the same
T^Bo*u'sPron9' head of the Religion in person.1 During the course of the
p. 317. 1 MeVct els Toinais rails rapaxais KaX rd dpyitrpara robs YevovBitrobs KaveXs Skv
4arpdtpy vd ita irpbs rhjv PbSov • elYey Tr4vre pyves, KaX oi YoSirais iireBvpovtrav vd
pd&ovv pavrdrov • iBavpAtrryv b peyas pdtrrpos Kal appdrwaev piav yaXibrrav KaX
ipirrjKev petra Kal r)XBev els ttjv Kbirpov. Tbv yevvdpyv afToy' Xpitrrov %jXBev els rijv
Appbxaorov, Kal iybpetye vd pity petrbv tovs va tovs away. &wpwvra oi YevovBitroi
Sti 4KaraKovptr4ipav rb pyydrov, Kal riiroTes Sev eixav °i Xds, Kal i)trav ivvoiatrpivoi,
KaX b p4yas udtrrpos 4irXyppeXav iroXXd Kal riiroTes Sev ijpiropytre vd iroitry, aire ttjv
irXy^iv dorevytrev Kal 4ireBavev tov tpevpovdpyv atroy' Xpttrrov, Kal 4Bdibav tov els rbv
ayiov 'Iwdvvyv els rb 'ZirirdXiv rys AevKoalas rij is' tpeopovaplov, Kal itrrpdtpyv rb
£vXov els t^jv PbSov.
Fra questi rumori et le opere delli Genovesi nissun non ando verso Rodi per

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 633
negotiations he died and was buried in the convent belonging mst. da
to the Order at Nikosia. In 1403 during the reign of Janus, wF" '' p
when hostilities had once more broken out between the same 5° ulj.^p.
belligerents, peace was restored through the joint exertions of
the Grand Master, Philibert de Naillac and L'Ermite de la^"6!! p
Faye, Chamberlain of King Charles VI. of France. In 1426 ^ fflst'
the Grand Master, Antonio Fluvian, by the authority of the g*?f"'calf' u*
Order advanced the Republic of Venice the sum of 15,000 937
gold ducats towards payment of the ransom demanded by the u°i!b'. v™p!
Egyptians for the same Janus. One of the members of the Maehaira p
fraternity, Angelo Mucetola, Bailiff of the Religion at Paphos, sjjamnauu,
that very year rendered good service to the island authorities imsdi, p. m.
by helping to suppress the insurrection which had broken out plm'" ron'

il spacio di 5 mesi ; et li Rodioti desideravano aver nove, et l'haveva per mara-
viglia il gran maestro ; et armo una galliota et intro drento et vene in Cipro, il
mese de zener 1373, in Famagosta, et cerco de interponersi fra essi per accord-
arli. Vedendo ehe li Genovesi havevano corsegiato l'isola et (il popolo) lo
havevano fatto povero, et li huomini erano assai pensorosi, et non ha potuto far
cosa alcuna, et da dolor si amald et morse il mese di febraro 1373 de Christo, et
fu sepulto nel' hospitale, a di 16 febraro et il vassello torno a Rodi.
II ditto mese di zener, vene in Cypro una galia da Rhodi nella qual era il
gran maestro, el quale vedando ehe l'armada di Genovesi era in Cypro cinque
mesi. et non intese quel ehe occorse, penso de mettersi tra el re et li Genovesi,
se li poteva accordar ; et se travaglio molto, ma non ha possuto far niente,
perche li Genovesi havevano tolto ogni cosa, et le persone erano desertate et
non havevano ehe dare. El ditto gran maestro si amalo et mori il mese di
frever, a li 16, et fu sepulto a San Joan del Hospital.
El gran maestro de Rhodi, vedendo ehe l'armata de Genovesi era passata in
Cypro cinque mese avanti, e piu non intese d' essa ehe sia sequito, venne il
mese di gennaro e s'intromesse per pacificar li Genovesi con il re, et acquietarli ;
per il ehe si travaglio molto, ma non era possibile, perche li Genovesi havevano
tolto ogni cosa, et poi domandavano da capo un million de ducati ; et essendo
il re esausto di denari, non si poteva concluder niente. El grande maestro
s'amalo de fora et mori alii sedici, e fo seppolto a San Gioan del Hospidal in
Nicosia. The local chroniclers it will be observed represent Berenger's death as having
occurred at the beginning of 1373. That this date is wrong is evident from
several considerations. The coronation of Pierre II. at Famagosta, which origin
ated the war, did not take place till October 1372. The mission of pacification
undertaken by the Marshal of the Order, which pieceded the attempt of the
Grand Master, is stated to have occurred in June 1373, while Berenger's arrival
in the island is said to have been about five months after the appearance of
the main Genoese fleet under Campo Fregoso (Oct. 1373). His death must
therefore have taken place not in February 1373 (arToy) but in 1374, when Loredano lib.
Robert de Juillac succeeded him as head ofthe Religion. The chroniclers again Tm- p- *"¦
declare that it was caused by chagrin at the ill-success of his negotiations. u^'ub.^iCp.
Bosio, who also gives 1373 as the year of his decease, merely says that he died 78.
of extreme old age without mentioning the place (Essendo gia il Gran Maestro Jauna, liv.
Fra Raimondo Berengario molto vecchio). Others indeed assert that he returned 86». " "' ' p'
to Rhodes on the failure of his mission.

634 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Bosio part, among the peasantry after the defeat at Chierochitia.1 In 1446
iee." ' Vl" p* the Grand Master," Jean de Lastic, in conjunction with the
Bishop of Famagusta, was commissioned by Eugene IV. to
intercede on behalf of the newly appointed Archbishop of
Nikosia, Galesius Montolif, to whom Jean II. at the instigation
Bosie, parte of his Greek queen had refused possession of the temporalities
pp. 172-174; of the See. In 1448 one of the petty sovereigns of Asia Minor,
the grand Karaman, Ibrahim Bey, taking advantage of the
un warlike character of the King, sought to reduce him to subjec
tion. He accordingly prepared a large force for carrying out his
design by the capture of Gorhigos and the invasion of Cyprus.
Jean conscious of his inability to offer a successful resistance
appealed to the Grand Master for protection. De Lastic in
Hist.de response to his petition despatched the Preceptor of Troyes,
chyp., m.. v. ]yjor'ce Vaselini, to Ibrahim with the request that he would
desist from his hostile intentions, threatening in case of refusal
to make common cause with the Cypriots. Though the Order
at the time was in great danger itself from the Turks he sent
one galley to Jean's assistance with the promise of further help
mid., pp. 53, if possible. But as Ibrahim notwithstanding got possession of
Gorhigos later in the year he wrote to the Sultan of Egypt,
Malec-al-Daher-Djacmac, urging him to defend his vassal lest
Cyprus might fall into the hands of some Christian prince less
friendly to him than Jean. The Sultan roused to action by
these representations sent to demand the restitution of the
fortress under threat of war. To this request Ibrahim acceded
as much from dread of the league being formed against him by
1 Kal apSiviatrev (i.e., b yapSyvdXys) rbv tppe "AyyeXov tov ~2,iriTaXiov, Sirov ^jtov
eis rty Yidrpov 4piraXys, vd irdyy vd xa^<*o*?) rd KaireraviKia tovs xwP7^TaIS A**
rbv 'Avravie TapiXd, Kal 4iryyav Kal yvpav robs Kairerdvovs tov Mbptpou KaX rys
AevKas, KaX tovs pev 4tpovpKitrav, tovs Se 4Kbipav rais povrrats tovs, Kal aXXoi 4tpbyav ¦
KaX eiraipev KaKotrbvyv robs Karapap4vovs xwPyl^rals-
Et ordino (il cardinal) fra Angelo del Hospital, qual era a Baffo, balio, ehe
andasse a ruinar li capitaniazi di villani con Antonio de Milan. Et andorono et
trovorono li capitanii a Morfo et a Levca et altri, et parte d'essi hanno impicati
et ad altri hanno tagliato il naso ; et a questo modo cesso la malitia delli
villani. In the reign of his son and successor, Jean II., this loan was discharged by
the bestowal upon the Order of the village of Tarse, as the following extract
De Mas from Bosio shows. This village, however, is not to be found in the list of
de chyp.ftom. those belonging to the Order made at the end of the fifteenth century nor does
ill., p. 502. ;t appear to have been then in existence.
S°BiibPYte questi tempi essendo il Re di Cipro, et la Reina sua moglie, debitori alia
178. " ' Religione di grossa somma di danari, per tanti ch' al Re Giano suo Padre
prestati s'erano per riscattarsi dalle mani del Soldano, le consignarono in
pagamento il casale di Tarsi, situato nell' Isola di Cipro, con tutte le tenute et
pertinenze sue.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 635
the Christian powers as from fear of the Egyptian arms. Only Bosio, parte
two years afterwards the unfortunate Jean was again obliged to vii. ' " p
solicit the good offices of the Religion on account of the menac
ing attitude of another Mohammedan chieftain, Luphtou Bey,
Emir of Candelore. This prince on the pretext of some dis
pute, which had occurred between his own subjects and those
of the King, made a league with others of the Moslem emirs
against Cyprus. The Grand Master in reply to the King's Loredano, ub.
second appeal sent four galleys under the command of his own ^Jj aay,
nephew, Georges de Lastic, to his assistance. At the same time |e?e".ga"
he also urged the admiral of the Catalan fleet, Bernardo Vii- Raynaidi, ad
lamarino, then cruising in the Levant, to co-operate in the 14. *'
defence of the island. Luphtou Bey, intimidated by this dis
play of force and fearing the anger of the Sultan, who was
reported to be making preparations to defend his vassal,
hastened to come to terms with Jean. A treaty of peace wasmst.de
accordingly concluded on 7th September, 1450, both parties 64.
agreeing to appoint the Grand Master to superintend the
due execution of its provisions.
The next occasion on which the Order comes prominently
into notice occurs during the unhappy struggle between Char
lotte and her half-brother Jacques for the throne. Though it Bosio, parte
had previously given the usurper a hospitable reception on his 205.
flight to Rhodes in 1457, even to the extent of defraying the *Je^|ouat'*on'
expenses of his maintenance while in that island, it plainly "¦3f5ou"tro°'
showed by its subsequent conduct on which side its sympathies ™°*°**tr°*,
lay.1 Before recourse was had to arms, the Grand Master, n- Boustron,
Jacques de Milly, sent to Cairo Jean Dauphin, Commander of Hist, de
Nisyro, to effect if possible through the Sultan an accommoda- 96hyp'' "p'
tion between the disputants. But this emissary on his arrival fI°*|i°bpviit,e
in Egypt was handed over to Jacques, who after a while restored **¦
him to liberty. Even after hostilities had broken out he did
not desist from his endeavours, but sent Louis de Magnac, Grand
Commander of Cyprus, to bring about an agreement. The
success of Jacques placed the Religion in a position of great
difficulty. As it possessed numerous estates not only in Cyprus,
but also in the dominions of the Duke of Savoy, the father of
Louis, Charlotte's second husband, it was anxious to maintain
a good understanding with both the belligerents. To attainmst.de
this object it was guilty of considerable duplicity. For, while 2grp" "'" p
1 Among the defenders of Kyrenia was a galley of the Order with a full
complement of the Knights.
rb Kdrepyov rys ViSov pi piav bpbptpyv o-vvrpotpiav tpp4piSes.

P

636 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
Bosio, parte professing to be actuated by good faith towards Jacques, it
209. ' " ' continued secretly to assist his foes. When the capitulation of
Kyrenia rendered the usurper master of the whole island Pierre
ibi^, lib. vui., Raymond Zacosta, the successor of De Milly, made at the
ouichenon, request of Pius II. one final effort on behalf of the rightful
tom. i., p. 542. sovereign. But the two knights, who were sent to Cyprus,
failed in their mission as Jacques naturally would not consent
to relinquish a throne of which he was in undisputed possession.
mst. de Even after fortune had declared finally for her rival the Order
«5- '' " ' did not abandon the cause of the dispossessed queen. Rhodes
at all times offered her a safe retreat and a ready welcome.
Jama, liv. Indeed so touched were the brethren by her destitution and mis-
1022-  fortunes that they allowed her out of their treasury a monthly
cbyp.fiu., p. sum °f thirty florins to meet her pressing necessities when in
their island.1 On the death of Jacques in 1473 the Religion
Bosio. parte once more came forward to champion the claims of this much-
27o. ' " p' wronged princess. At her instance De Lignac, the Admiral of
p.648o.0'**'tr°11' Rhodes, approached Pietro Mocenigo, the generalissimo of the
fl Boustron, Venetian fleet in the Levant, to request that he would assist in
recovering the throne of Cyprus for the rightful occupant.
But whatever hopes Charlotte and her partisans may have built
upon the disappearance of the usurper from the scene were
rudely dispelled by the reply of the Venetian commander.2 He
declared that the Senate was resolved to maintain as queen its
adopted daughter, the widowed Catarina, and to uphold her in
possession of the kingdom, which her husband had bequeathed
to her. At the same time, fearing that the vessels of the
Order might be employed in enforcing Charlotte's pretensions,
he wrote a strong letter of remonstrance to the Grand Master,
Giovanni Orsini, requiring them immediately to rejoin the
confederate fleet, which was operating against the Turks.
1 Frater Baptista de Ursinis, etc., nobili viro Thobie Lomelino, nobis
carissimo, salutem, etc.
Serie presencium vobis committimus et mandamus ut, de pecuniis nostris,
quolibet mense, detis, tradatis et consignetis emptori seu dispensatori serenissime
regine Cypri florenos Rhodi currentes triginta, sive florenos xxx. pro expensis
cothidianis ipsius serenissime regine, cum per podiceam nostri conservators
generalis vobis commissum fuerit; quam quidem summam admittemus in
computis vestris, ostendendo podiceam dicti nostri conservatoris.
Podicea, mandat, ordonnance de payement.
2 The following is the reply of the Venetian admiral as given by George
Boustron : —
Kal diroXoyijByv tovs b Kairerdvos ¦ dire rb XaXelre, Sri b iratrrdpSos iKpdrev rb
pyydrov iSiKa, Kal Ttipa y p'yyaiva bis yiov KXepovbpos BiXei to ¦ rb pyydrov iKpdrev,
ws yiov p'ijyas dirov rbv eiroiicev b trovXravos ¦ rb Xotirbv iyw elpat Kparobpevos vd
BoyB-fjtrw rys atpevrias pov, irapd rys dtpevrias rys- KaX tqvtov eivai y diroXoyia pov J

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 637
Though the Hospital made no further active efforts on behalf
of Charlotte it did not hesitate on two subsequent occasions to
brave the anger of Venice rather than surrender her adherents
to the vengeance of the Republic. The circumstances of this
refusal, which has lent additional lustre to its renown, are as
follows: After the murder of Catarina's uncles in 1473 some janna, mst.
of those implicated in the deed, with other opponents of the iivn£iii.',*c. "
new regime, fled to Rhodes. Mocenigo, then admiral of the j^ini,^ vol
Venetian fleet in the Eastern Mediterranean, immediately de- si' ¦*' 4' p'
manded the surrender of the assassins and their abettors. B°«^P9Mt"
But Orsini, the Grand Master, nobly replied that he could not2™-
consent to betray those who had confided in the Religion for
protection. Moreover there was among those whose extradi
tion had been requested an estimable prelate, for whom they
had the greatest respect and who was amenable only to the
Holy See. But the matter was not long allowed to rest.
Antonio Loredano, the successor of Mocenigo, shortly after- ibid., m>. *.,
wards repeated the demand in an even more peremptory formp'
through the captain of the galleys, whom he despatched to the
new Grand Master, Pierre D'Aubusson, with a letter from the
Doge full of reproaches and threats for the former refusal.
The envoy declared that the Republic, since its adoption of
Catarina, could not but regard as a grave injury to itself the
protection which her rebellious subjects had found at Rhodes.
D'Aubusson felt himself placed in a position of considerable
difficulty by this demand. He neither wished by a haughty
reply to increase the enemies of the Religion, already seriously
menaced by Mohammed II. , nor yet did he desire to compromise its
dignity by a precipitate surrender. With much diplomacy he there
fore returned answer that the Order in no wise meddled in the
affairs of the Kingdom of Cyprus, being forbidden by its statutes
to intervene in the disputes of Christian states, nor had it at
any time harboured rebels. As it was a free state, however,
no one, whom misfortune had driven to seek shelter there,
could be expelled if willing to live in conformity with the
laws. Dissatisfied with this answer Loredano proceeded himself
to Rhodes, thinking that perhaps his request would be granted
if made in person. D'Aubusson on his arrival sent four grand-
crosses to bid him welcome and to offer him hospitality, but on
learning the object of his journey declined to alter the previous
decision. The Venetian commander thereupon refused to land
and returned to Cyprus in great dudgeon. Fearful lest the
further stay of the refugees might involve the Order in a

638 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
dispute with the Republic the Grand Master persuaded them to
quit Rhodes and withdraw to a safer distance from their
vindictive foes.
After the commencement of the Venetian domination the
Religion appears to have played no conspicuous part in the
history of the island. Indeed it had soon more pressing matters
nearer home to claim its attention. It was now on the eve of
that long struggle with the giant power of Turkey, which
ended with its own disappearance from the Levant.
The Order was at different times the recipient of numerous
marks of favour from the various occupants of the throne of
Cyprus. The first among these royal benefactors appears to
have been Hugues I. (a.d. 1205-a.d. 1218).1 He granted the
paoii, cod. Knights many special privileges, including the power of acquir-
i., p. ioi'. ' ing landed property, the right of importing into the island and
Reg*ettoRenii of exporting to Syria and elsewhere, without the payment of
tanf^-an,' dues, the produce of their estates and whatever the Order might
require,2 with permission also to grind their corn free of charge
in the royal mills at Kythraea. He further bestowed upon
them in Nikosia and Limassol houses and sites for the erection
of their establishments, together with the grant of certain
villages. This monarch gave a strong proof of the regard in
which he held the fraternity by selecting their church at Nikosia
as his burial place. Accordingly on his death, which occurred
1 The following villages are mentioned by name in the deed of gift. Plata-
nistia and Finica in Paphos, Colos and Monagrole (Monagrouilli) in Limassol.
The landed property bestowed at the same time in the town of Limassol is
described as " domos et plateas in Nimocio etjardinum".
Rohricht. 2 n0 1078, 1237, Oct. Henri I., rex Cypri, Balian(-um) d'Ybelin, dominum
381fMa'p' de Baruth et Cypri constabularium, necnon Eschivam de Mombeliam (uxorem)
a se ipso dono accepisse casalia Esteriga et Paleochorio et eadem per manum
Guillel(mi) de Forest, unius ex commendatoribus insula?, Hospitali dedisse,
sigillo confirmat.
ibid p. 360. No 1368, I26g. Nov. Accon. Hugues III., lex Hierosolymitanus et Cypri,
domui Hospitalis per manum magistri Hugues Revel locum prope Nimocium
situm, qui dicitur Domina Nostra de Combes, cum omnibus pertinentiis ac
juribus concedit et sigillo confirmat. Datum per manum Petri episcopi Paphensis,
cancellarii regni Cypri.
ibid., p. 326. No. 1240. 1255, Aug. 16, Accon. Hugo, archiepiscopus Nicosiensis, cum
Guillelmo de Castro Novo, magistro Hospitalis, de decimis quibusdam posses-
sionum convenit, quas fratres Hospitalis in urbe et diocesi Nicosia? habebant.
(Nostra; similem conventionem idem cum Thoma Berardi, magistro Templi,
Accon. 8 Iul. 1261, iniit.)
Hist.de In 141 1 King Janus remitted in perpetuity the dimes or tithes which the
498^500.*''' pp' Religion had previously paid to the royal treasury on its territorial possessions
in Cyprus.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 639
at Tripoli in 1218, his body, after resting for a while in theo.de Tyr.,
church belonging to the Order in that city, was brought tose.foim
Cyprus by his queen, Alix, and interred, as he had directed. Fi^Bousiron,'
The widow herself on her decease, which took place at Acre in |™a*j*1M1' "*•
1246, was also carried over to the island and laid at her own f°ped^no' ub'
request beside the body of her husband. Yet even before the ieT^i*1!*.,
year 1210, when these benefactions were made, the Order was Amapu,4p7'i98.
already in possession of a preceptory in Cyprus, over which c.aii!?i>.62f ''
Guillaume de Beaune presided.1 But it was only after the
bestowal upon them of the confiscated estates of the Templars
in 1313 that the Knights became to any great extent landed
proprietors in the island. From statistics compiled at the end Hist, de
of the fifteenth century we learn that the possessions of thea^3-
Order at that period comprised some forty-seven villages, princi
pally situated in the districts of the Vicomte, Limassol, Avdimou,
Kilani and Paphos. But that this enumeration does not
include all is evident from the omission of certain other villages,
once belonging to the Templars, which are known to have been
transferred to the Religion on the suppression of the former.
The mode of administering the estates of the Order was every
where the same. They were divided into properties of moderate
size, called commanderies, over each of which was placed one of
the brethren, with the title of commander. The number of ibid., p. 530.
these divisions in Cyprus was three, viz., (1) the Grand Com- J0g|8Nouv''
mandery, (2) the Little Commandery and (3) the Commandery
of Phinika.2
(1) The Grand Commandery had its head-quarters at Colossi,
where may still be seen a massive square keep erected by the
Knights and adorned with the armorial bearings of various
Grand Masters or Grand Commanders. This fief was always
regarded as one of the wealthiest and most important belonging Hist. de
to the Religion and was generally bestowed upon the most so1??'.'" " "'
senior ofthe preceptors.3 Its possession became in consequence *"¦[»; w*^
181.
1 Dono etiam et concedo tibi et suprascriptis Fratribus tuis intuitu Fratris paoli, Cod.
Guillelmi de Belna tunc preceptoris Domus Hospitalis in Cypro, etc. f lp,lomi' tom'
2 Commendator grande dell' ordine di santo Giovanni Gierosolimitano :
commendator della Finica, similiter : commendator del Tempio, similiter.
(Trattato di Cipri di Messer Francesco Attar, circa 1540.)
3 According to Bosio Pope John XXII. in 1318 chaiged his representative
Gerard de Pins to reform the administration of the Grand Commandery, in
which he declared great abuses existed. He had been informed that the net
annual revenue payable to the general treasury of the Order at Rhodes after the

640

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

Hist, de
Ohyp.,li.,p.376, n. 2.
Bosio, parte
ii., lib. ii., pp.

Hist, de
Chyp.,ii.,p.
376. Bosio, parte
ii.,lib. Hi., p.

an object of great competition among the brethren. Though
originally assigned to the general treasury of the Order it was
after a while through the partiality of the Grand Masters,
mostly natives of Southern France, bestowed exclusively upon
members belonging to the language of Provence.1 An attempt
to correct this abuse was made by a general chapter, which
assembled at Avignon in 1356, when it was directed that a
return should be made to the former practice. This recom
mendation, though confirmed the following year at Rhodes,
(18th February, 1357) appears to have remained a dead letter,
as further legislation on the subject was proposed in 1380. It
was then enacted, to ensure an increase in the general revenue
and greater impartiality in the bestowal of this valuable
preferment, that the commandery should be divided into seven,
corresponding to the seven languages composing the Order,
each of these subdivisions being presided over by an officer

Bosio, parte
ii.lib. i.,p.

deduction of all expenses amounted to 60,000 besants. Instead of this sum
however, the then commander, Alberto di Castel Negro, only paid into the
treasury 30,000, notwithstanding that previous commanders had paid the larger
amount. This constituted a serious loss to the Order in its then impoverished
condition. The Pope accordingly instructed Gerard to permit the defaulter to
retain the appointment provided he agreed to pay annually to the treasury the
above named 60,000 besants, even though others might be found willing to offer
more. But in case of refusal he was empowered to instal any other suitable
candidate who should offer a higher sum, so that the Order might be enabled to
discharge its liabilities.
Ordino (il Papa) con un' altra lettera al Vicario Fra Gherardo de' Pini, ehe
riformar dovesse I'amministratione della gran Commenda di Cipro, Percioche
egli era informato, ehe detrattone tutti i carichi, ehe per sostentamento del
Commendatore, c per altri pesi della commenda erano necessarii, si cavavano
ogni anno de' frutti di essa, sessanta mila Bisanti liquidi, e netti, da pagarsi al
publico e al commun Tesoro della religione, e ehe Frat' Alberto di Castel negro
Commendatore di essa, non ne pagava alia religione se non trenta mila ; non
ostante, ehe i Predicessori suoi sessanta mila ogni anno ne pagassero, in enorme
danno e pregudicio della Religione, in tempo ch'ella era gravatissima, et fuor
di modo oppressa da' debiti, e pero ordinava, e commandava espressamente al
Vicario sopradetto ehe volendo il Commendatore di Cipro, per lo innanzi pagare
e rispondere ogni anno al Tesoro sessanta mila bisanti, sgravati et franchi d'
ogni spesa e carico, continouare lo lasciasse nell' amministratione della detta
Commenda, ancorche da altri maggior somma offerta gliene fosse ; Altrimenti
dar la dovesse ad alcun' altro idoneo e sofficiente commendatore, ehe piu ne
offerisse, in utile e beneficio della Religione, accioche gli eccessivi debiti, de'
quali la detta Religione era gravata, pagare si potessero.
1 Item come les isles de Chipre et de Langou ayent acoustume estre de
comun des lengues et depuy aucuns temps passez li maistie aient approprie
icelles isles alia lengue de Province, que les dictes isles retournent au comun
des lengues, car li papes ne vuel puint que aucune partialite soit entre
eulx."

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 641
chosen from one of these nations.1 The chief of them, who
was still to be called the Grand Commander, was to be elected
in a common chapter of all the languages and instituted by the
Grand Master and general body of the community. The other
six were to recognise him as their head, render him obedience
as such, and attend his chapter. He was to exercise super
vision and enjoy all the other rights and privileges over them,
which every prior possessed in his own priory according to the
usages and customs of the Religion. But this decision also
seems to have remained in abeyance until the reign of Janus,
when the following circumstances caused its observance at least
for a while. On the death of the Grand Commander, Hesso
von Schlagelholz, Prior of Germany, in 1412 (20th May) that Bosio. parte
monarch wished to have the vacancy filled by another member p'130-
of the Order, a great favourite of his, named Estolon de la GeneraSiv
Saone. He accordingly wrote to the Marshal, Luc de Valines, 92*f."c'3'p'
then acting for the Grand Master, Philibert de Naillac, whogei*£a"*d;™L
was absent at the Council of Constance, to solicit the appoint-11*'16'
ment for his nominee. But as others of the Knights thought
they had a prior claim from age and long service, the Marshal
and council, rather than bestow it upon one whom they regarded
as undeserving, determined to carry out the resolutions passed
in 1380 and divide it into seven. Two of their number were,
thereupon, sent to Cyprus to represent to Janus the necessity
of this step, as the only means of allaying the jealousy and
discord which the possession of this fief had always occasioned
among the members of the Order. They further alleged that
it would be an advantage to the King to have seven of these
officials in his dominions in place of one, as all of them would
be equally at his command. To allay any resentment he
1 Item a ce que le tresor puisse avoir plus grand revenu pour soustenir les
charges qu'il a de soustenir, lesquelles croissent de jour en jour, et que les biens
de l'Hospital soient communs a touttes langues et divises par esgalite a un
chacun, selon que a luy appartiendra, est estably et ordonne que la commanderie
de Chippre soit divisee en sept parties, et que les dittes sept parties soient faictes
sept commanderies communes a sept langues par esgalites, dont I'une d'icelles
sera a un, qui se clamera Giand commandeur de Chippre et sera commandeur
par chapitre commun de touttes langues et sera a la collation du maistre et du
convent. Auquel commandeur les six aultres commandeurs et les freres estant
en icelles commanderies et aultres subjetz a l'Hospital obeiront et seront tenus
d'obeir comme a leur souverain, tenus aussy de venir a son chappitre ou
assemblee ; et aura sur eux visitation et tous aultres droits qui appartiennent a
un chacun prieur en son priori, selon les usances et bonnes coustumes de nostre
religion, etc.
The seven languages into which the Order was then divided, were as
follows : France, Provence, Auvergne, Italy, Germany, England, Aragon.
41

642 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
might feel at the rejection of his request they presented him
at the same time with a beautiful Spanish horse, which had
been lately brought to Rhodes by the Prior of Toulouse.
Janus received the ambassadors with every mark of dis
tinction, yet, notwithstanding, he applied to John XXIII.,
who was then Pope, that the commandery in question
might be bestowed upon his natural son, Louis or Alexis.
As his request was supported by a large pecuniary bribe it
succeeded. Louis or Alexis, who was only a child of five years
and not a member of the Order, was much to the chagrin of the
brethren installed in possession. Though the Pope, at the very
urgent representations of the Religion afterwards withdrew the
brief authorising the grant, the intruder seems to have retained
Bosio, parte possession for several years. At length in January, 1421, the
139. ' " ' Admiral of Rhodes was sent to Janus with the request that he
would restore to the Knights an estate which they owed to the
generosity of his ancestors and found so necessary for their
support and the continuance of their warfare against the infidel.
So well did the envoy conduct his mission that the King con-
Hist.de sented to its restitution. Whereupon the Order to mark its
505. " gratitude confirmed Louis in his appointment to the Little
Commandery as well as remitted a debt of 12,000 crowns owing
by Janus to Raymond de Lescure, a former Commander of
Cyprus. The commandery was now duly divided as previously
proposed, but how long the arrangement continued is uncertain.
That it ceased to exist some time prior to 1433 may be reason -
ibid.,iu.,pp. ably inferred from a decree passed that year while Antonio
Fluvian was Grand Master, directing the union of the Com
mandery to the general treasury at Rhodes.1 Due regard,
however, was had to the rights of the then occupant by leaving
him in possession for life on the due discharge of the usual pay-
ibid.,P. u. ments and duties. In 1449, on the occasion of a vacancy during
1 Item poui subvenir a la sustentation du convent, affin que mieulx peust
supporter ses charges, et pour eviter aussy moult des perils qui sbuvent advien-
nent par mauvais religieux, est estably et ordonne que les commanderies de
Chippre et du Lango, avec l'isolle de Nisere, soient appliquees, unies et adjoustees
au commun tresor de nostre convent de Roddes et prouffit d'iceluy, sans plus
les recommander a aucun frere par collation ; et desja par auctorit£ de ce present
chappitre les y appliquons et adjoustons, sauf et reserve que nous maistre soions
pais de ce que nous est du sur les commanderies du Lango et ysolle de Nisere
dessusdites, et que celuy qui est de present commandeur de Chippre en use et
jouisse tout son temps et sa vie durant, faisant son devoir envers ledit tresor de
paier ses responsions et touttes aultres charges, et aussy soustenir et maintenir
tout ce que besoin fait ou sera en icelle, selon les bons utz, establissemens et
coustumes de nostre religion.

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 643
the mastership of Jean de Lastic, a further change seems to
have occurred.1 It was then enacted that the fief should be
leased for the space of five years to the highest bidder, provided
he was in every respect a fit person to be entrusted with so
important a charge. In the event of no applicant appearing it
might be leased to a syndicate of two or three on the same
terms. Preference, however, was to be given to the members
of that language, to which its possession for the time being by
right belonged. The entire sum paid as rent was to be lodged
with the general treasury at Rhodes or remitted to the person
entitled to receive it without any deductions of any kind and Hist, de
at the risk of the lessor. In 1468 on the appointment of John u.^." "pp'
Langstrother, who had previously been Commander of the
establishments of Balsall and Eagleton in England, further
arrangements were made as to the conditions of the tenancy.2
Among other things it was stipulated that : —
(a) The annual payment to the general treasury at Rhodes
should amount to 4000 ducats to be paid on the festival of the
Nativity of St. John Baptist, viz., 24th June.
(b) In the event of a raid upon the estates being made by
the Moslems this contribution was to be reduced after an
assessment of the damage had been duly made.
(c) The Grand Master should have liberty to appoint another
commander immediately on the contribution ceasing to be
paid. (d) The grant should be for life.
At the beginning of the sixteenth century this fief with the
consent of the Order and the sanction of the Republic passed
1 D'icy en avant la grande commanderie du royaume de Chippre qui de
present vacque et la commanderie du Lango, de Nisere et des aultres isles a
eulx appartenans, quand legitimement vacqueront, soient arrentees a un frere,
si on le trouve homme suffisant et bien seur et bon gouverneur ; et si non, a
deux ou trois freres, bons, prouffitables et suffisans, bien seuis et bon repareurs, le
plus offrant ; et le prix dudit arrentement soit apporti en Roddes franchement et
nettement sans reparations ne aultres charges pour le tresor ou cil a qui il
appartient, ez perils et fortunes dudit arrenteur ou desdits arienteurs et pour
chacun. Et si on trouve frere ou freres d'aucune langue, a laquelle, pour son
tour, les dittes commanderies appartiendront, et qu'ils soient suffisans comme
dessus, soient mis et receus devant les aultres audit arrentement pour pareil prix.
Et ne pourra durer ledit arrentemeut que 5 ans ; lesqmels finis, par cette maniere
ditte, soit pourveu d'aultre ou d'aultres pour l'utilite dudit commun tresor, et
par aultre meilleure maniere, se on la peut trouver ou veoir.
'' According to Bosio the Grand Commandery was seized in 1467 by Jacques Bosio, parte
II. to punish the Order for its zeal in Charlotte's cause, but restored the same^llblx-.P-
year.

644 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
permanently into the possession of the Cornaro family.1 A
branch of this house, one of the most illustrious in Venice, had
long been settled at Episkopi near Colossi in the district of
Limassol. The first of these new proprietors was Cardinal
docs, nouv., Marco Cornaro, son of Giorgio Cornaro, the brother of Queen
pp. 571, 572. catarjna2 jje assumed possession in 1508. Even after the
Turkish conquest, when the property itself was lost, the title was
still retained. With a view to the preservation and eventual
recovery of the fief, should circumstances prove favourable,
ibid, p. 575. Cardinal Frederico Cornaro, the then occupant, in 1588 with
the sanction of Pope Sixtus V., and the Order merged it in the
Commandery of Treviso. At the same time he expended 30,000
gold crowns in the foundation of another commandery in the
ibid., p. 57i, Kingdom of Naples so as to maintain the proper complement
n'4' of these establishments. In the Bull (24th February, 1588)
sanctioning this arrangement it was stipulated that the nominee
Hist, de 1 On the death of Langstrother in 147 1 the commandery was the same year
Chyp.,ii!.,p. (26th Nov.) bestowed upon a relative of Jacques Zaplana, Chamberlain of
Cyprus. This individual, Nicolas Zaplana, Commander of Baules in the priory
of Catalonia and Seneschal of the Order, on receiving it promised to remit an
annual responsion of 4500 florins to the general treasury at Rhodes. But on
account of the suspicion into which he fell through the traitorous conduct of
his relative he was on 24th March, 1474, deprived of it by the Queen, who
requested the Grand Master to appoint another commander in his place.
Geo. Boustron, (Kal ry kS' papriov iaTjKwaev y prjyaiva r-ijv Koppevrapiav ttjs Kinrpov dire rbv trip
p. 531. Ni/cbA ^airXdves, b irbios t^tov Kovpevroiipys rys Kinrpov, Sid T'ijv irapaBovXlav tt)v
iiroiKev b pitrep TCovav SairXdves KaX 4ByaXdv tov Sid irapdBovXov, Kal Sta rijv dtpoppijv
tov itryKwadv tov t$jv Kovpevrapiav, Kal iirypev ryv y Kvpd y pr)yaiva. Kal eiretyev
Xaprlv y pijyaiva tov peyaXov paarbpov, Sid vd bpSividtry Kovpevrovpyv.)
jauna, Hist. In 1477 the knight De Nourrai, who had been sent by the Grand Master to
^iu'.fc^ii.^p! Cyprus to condole with Catarina on the death of the infant king Jacques III.,
1043. ' complained that not only had no payment been made subsequent to Zaplana's
appointment, but that the commandery itself had since been bestowed upon
non-members of the Order, who acknowledged no obligation towards it. The
brethren had in consequence obtained a papal brief precluding such persons
from holding it and granting it instead to the knight Marco Crispo, the Queen's
maternal uncle. On his death it appears to have been bestowed upon Marco
Malipiero, who was the last to hold it prior to its being vested in the Cornaro
family.
Docs. Nouv., From a letter of Catarina to the Doge and the Council of Ten dated 16th
p- 673 Jan., 1508, it would seem to have been the custom at least at the later period of
the Cypriot Kingdom for the sovereign to appoint one of his subjects to the
commandery, the name of the nominee being subsequently submitted to the
Grand Master for confirmation : " Alia quale (commendaria) per li tempi
precedenti, sempre ehe 1' achadeva tal vachatione, per li nostri serenissimi
preccessori era nominato uno delli suoi al reverendissimo Gran Maistro di
Rhodi, qual da lui era confirmato "
2 Episkopi. Piskopi, called in French "La Piscopie" belonged in the thir
teenth century to Jean d'Ibelin, Count of Jaffa. In the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries it came into possession of the Cornaro family and from its new owners
acquired the name of " La Piscopie des Corniers".

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 645
to these united fiefs should, on reaching the age of eighteen
years, make the customary profession and be invested with the
dignity of a Grand Cross.1 After a year's residence in the
parent house at Malta and taking the vows and usual oath he
was to be admitted to all the privileges and duties of his rank.
Until then he was only to be invested with the insignia of a
Little Cross as a mark of his membership and called the Grand
Preceptor Elect of Cyprus. It was further laid down that in
the event of Cyprus ever reverting to the Christians the occu
pant for the time being was to pay half the revenue of the
Grand Commandery to the Religion, and at his own cost keep
it in repair. The last of the Cornaros to hold the title was the
Grand Cross Giovanni Cornaro. At his death in the beginning
of 1799 it passed, in default of male heirs, to his daughter
Laura, who had married Count Aluise Mocenigo. The latter
in virtue of his wife claimed it shortly afterwards for their son
Aluise. With the consent of the Religion he was invested
with it on 1st April, 1799, and with his descendants the title docs. nouv.
has since remained. p'
This commandery is well known to have been for a long time
the richest in the possession of the Knights. Statistics still
extant enable us to form some approximate idea as to its value
at different periods. In 1330 the general chapter assembled atHist.de
Montpensier fixed the annual sum due by it to the general 92, n.'i.
treasury at Rhodes at 60,000 Cypriot besants for ten years,
equivalent to 15,000 gold florins. This was at that period by
far the largest contribution derived from any of the fiefs be
longing to the Order, the united priories of St. Gilles and
Provence coming next with 14,000. By 1339, however, even ibid., p. 16,
this enormous sum seems to have been exceeded, 20,000 florins
1 Postremo, quod cum primum praesentatus ad bajulivam seu praaceptoriam Docs. Nouv.,
magnam Cypri et illi unitam praeceptoriam Tarvisinam hujusmodi, aetatem p' 8TO-
decern et octo annorum attigerit et professionem regularem per ipsos fratres
emitti solitam emiserit, pro tempore existens magister et religio hujusmodi
litteras et bullas desuper necessarias cum facultate gerendi insignia magna;
crucis sibi concedere teneantur, ac postquam per annum in conventu dicti
Hospitalis recederit, dictamque professionem emiserit, ad juramentum solitum
praestiterit, votum in consiliis et capitulis generalibus ac aliis tribunalibus et
senioribus ipsius religionis ac vocum prout ceteri fratres dicti Hospitalis magnam
crucem gerentes habere : necnon, donee ad dictam aetatem decern et octo
annorum pervenerit, insignia parvae crucis pro sua videlicet devotione tantum
gestare, nee ante aetatem decern et octo annorum hujusmodi ad emittendam
professionem cogi compellive possint : sed interim Electus Magnus Prasceptor
Cypri nuncupetur.
N.B. The Cornari and the Lippomani were the only Venetian families h. de chyp.,
allowed by the Republic to become members of the Order. n.i.P'

646 THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS
sanutus being mentioned as the sum received in that year.1 But it is
tonHlirp: 315. suspected and not without reason that this is probably consid
erably exaggerated. Towards the end of the fifteenth century
its revenue had become from various causes very much reduced.
mst.de In 1468 it had fallen as low as 4000 florins, though it slightly
s3yp„ i.,p. recovere(i thpgg years later when it amounted to 4500. At the
commencement of the Venetian domination it was still in
ibid., pp. 502, possession of forty-one villages, yielding an annual income
estimated at 8000 ducats.
docs, nouv., (2) The Little Commandery, called also the Commandery of
Phinika (Finicha), or La Fenique, was the second of the three in
point of importance. Its headquarters were located in the
village of that name, situated in the district of Paphos and to
the eastward of the modern town of Ktima. Though distinct
from the Grand Commandery it was in a measure dependent
upon it and paid certain dues. Originally the property of the
Templars it passed into possession of the Hospitallers in 1313.
It was generally joined with another village called Anogyra,
which lies about four leagues to the eastward in the district of
Avdimou. From this circumstance the united fief is frequently
Hist.de styled in documents of the period, "La Commanderie de la
87,"'2.UI''P' Fenique et de la Noyere ". It sometimes happened, however,
that these two properties were held by different persons, as was
the case in 1447. After the abdication of Queen Catarina it
Lusignan, p. was conferred by Venice upon her brother Giorgio Cornaro,
presumably for the service he had rendered the state in persuad
ing his sister to renounce her rights of sovereignty in favour of
the Republic.2 At that time it consisted according to Lusignan
S"t-<i«, of fourteen villages. But statistics compiled about the same
Chyp. , iii. , p. , ~ ^ ^r
M3- period represent this fief as then comprising five villages, which
are all mentioned by name. The only possible way of reconciling
these conflicting statements is to suppose that the others were
added to the original number when the estate was vested in
Cornaro. The revenues of this commandery were sometimes the
ibid, p. 94. common property of the Order, while occasionally they were
ibid., p. son. exclusively enjoyed by the Grand Master. At the end of the
1 Et in Cypro etiam habet (Hospitale) magnos redditus, scilicet, circa xx.
millia florenorum.
2 A Gioigio Coinaro fratello della Regina donorono li Casali 14 chiamati in
Cipro la Commenda piccola di Giorgio Cornaro ; et essendo vacata la Commenda
grande, la donorono alii Cornari, con patto di riconoscere li Cavallieri di Rhodi,
et percio il capo di quella si adimanda Prior di Cipro ; et per insin hora la gode
1'IIlustrissimo Cardinale (Frederico Cornaro).

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 647
fifteenth century they amounted to 1600 ducats yearly. In the docs, nouv.,
first year of the next they had sunk to a fourth of that sum, P'
being only valued at 400, while thirty-nine years later they had
risen to but 450.
(3) Templos or Tembros near Kyrenia in the district of
Lapithos probably occupies the site of the ancient town of the
latter name. It formed the third or smallest of the comman
deries of Cyprus. Originally the property of the Templars it
passed to the Hospitallers at the same time as the other pos
sessions of that Order. It nearly always formed a separate fiefHist.de
under the title of "Prseceptoria Templi, La Commanderia delsoo^ui./pp.' 93 94 250
Tempio," or, " La Commanderia dou casal dou Temple ". In
1472, however, the then Grand Commander of Cyprus, Nicolas
Saplana, who was also Seneschal of Rhodes, laid claim to it as
forming part of his domain. His action was resisted by Hisbert
de Villeneuve, who at that time held it, on the ground that it
had always been an independent and distinct fief. With the
sanction of the Grand Master, Giovanni Battista Orsini, the
dispute was settled on the condition that De Villeneuve was to
be left in undisturbed enjoyment for life, when it was to revert
to the Grand Commandery. As the arrangement then concluded
seems never to have been disturbed this commandery like the
other two must have become the property of the Cornaro
family during the period of the Venetian domination. Its ibid., m.,*.
annual income towards the close of the fifteenth century is
reported to have amounted to 200 ducats.
The names ofthe various villages and fiefs forming the three an., pp.
commanderies towards the end of the fifteenth century are as
follows. Those to which an asterisk is prefixed were once the
property of the Templars, while the word in brackets exhibits
the modern spelling. Many of these places, if still existing, it
is impossible now to identify : —

1. The Grand Commandery.
* Mera, * Chiegliachia, * Achiera, * Clonari, * Mavrovunos,
Lanida or Sanida, * Messorini, * Armenochori, * San Costantino
[Hagios Konstantinos], * Acurzos [Akourso], * Apsius [Apsou],
Iratovi, * Gerasia [Gerasa], Nostra Donna de Legora, * Gera-
masogia [Germasogeia], San Zorzi, * Vigla [Vikla], * Micero
[Mitsero], Agriodada, Sanzache, * Monagrulli, * Ville, * Laturi,

648

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

* Rucopa [Arakapa], *Colosso, *Peramali, * Erimu, * Angastina,
* Eftagogna [Eptagonia], * Agrochipia, Glosa, * Catomeni
[Katomoni], Vassa, * Legora [Louvara], * Chierochitia, * San
Paulo [Hagios Pavlos], * Igna [Inia], * Maticholoni, * Asomato,
* Moramenos.1

2. Commandery qf Phinika.

*Finicha [Phinika], Santo
Platanisso, * Caloianacchia.

Erini, * Anoira [Anogyra],

Docs. Nouv. ,
pp. 569, 570.

Fl. Boustron,
pp. 170, 171,

3. Commandery qf * Templos.
The subjoined, though not included in the above lists, are
marked by De Mas Latrie as having also come into possession
of the Hospitallers on the suppression of the Templars.
Andruclioti, Camares, Campin, Chira, Dierona, Gastria,
Kato Deftera, Livichi, Marullena, Pala?ochori, Pardi, Psimolofo,
San Roy, Sicopetra and Trachoni.
Curiously enough, though placing the number of these addi
tional villages at thirteen, he enumerates fifteen as will be
seen. He suggests that some of them may possibly be included
in the Commandery of Templos, the units of which are not
given, while others may have subsequently passed out of the
hands of their new owners.
The original, source for our knowledge of the landed property
of the Templars is the chronicle of Florio Boustron. This writer
gives two catalogues, which are by no means identical. The
first omits all mention of Finicha, Anogyra and Pardi, while the
second does not contain the names of Erimu, San Paolo, Sico
petra, Psimolofo, and Kato Deftera. The same authority re
cords the bestowal of some of the above upon his adherents
by Jacques II. without, however, stating whether they were
taken from the Knights for that purpose.

Stubbs,Lectures on
Medieval and
Modern
History, c.
vii., pp. 182-
183.Hist, de
Chyp.,ii., pp.
81,82.Ibid., iii., p.

Order qf St. Tliomas the Martyr.
Another of the Military Orders which found a home in
Cyprus, was that named after the martyred Thomas a Becket
1 Though the return mentions forty-one as the number of villages or fiefs
comprising the Grand Commandery (" summa in tutto casali No. 41 ") it only
enumeiates forty.

THE BEDESTAN, NIKOSIA

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS 649
or, to quote its official designation, the " Hospitalis Sancti
Thomas de Aeon ".l Its distinguishing badge consisted of a
mantle bearing a red and white cross.2 Less known than the Documents
two preceding it nevertheless possesses more interest for usp.™"1'
from the fact of its English origin. Established at Acre during
the third crusade by William, chaplain to Ralph de Diceto,
Dean of St. Paul's, it was on the capture of that stronghold by
the Saracens in 1291 transferred to Limassol. Though possessed iwd., p. mo.
of estates in such widely separated places as Cyprus, Apulia,
Sicily, Calabria, Brindisi, England, Flanders, Brabant, Scotland,
Wales, Ireland and Cornwall, it never equalled in opulence
either the Templars or the Hospitallers. The exact periodHist.de
when this Order quitted the island is unknown. Ludolph or 213. 
Rudolph, cure of Suchen in Westphalia, mentions its settlement
at Limassol when he visited Cyprus in 1350.3 But a more abid
ing monument of its former sojourn still exists at Nikosia in
the church dedicated to Saint Nicolas, the murdered Archbishop's
patron saint, and called in documents of the period, "The
Church of Blessed Nicolas of the English".4 This building, docs. nouv.,
which is considerably later in style than Santa Sophia, is known Transactions
to the Turkish inhabitants as the Bedestan. It is separated ^uTBrit.
from the south side of the cathedral by only a few yards and at sion'ife!"'PP. 18, 29.
1 Edward I. of England interested himself on its behalf with Hugues III. as
the following letter written between 1272 and 1279 testifies : —
" Magnifico principi, domino Hugoni Dei gratia Jerusalem et Cipri regi
illustri, Edwardus eadem gratia rex Anglie, dominus Hibernie et dux Aquitanie,
salutem et successus ad vota prosperos et felices. Dilecte nobis fratris Radulphi
de Donmbe militie, magistri Hospitalis sancti Thome martiris de Aeon, fratrum-
que ejusdem Hospitalis desiderantes profectim incrementa, sinceritatem vestram
rogamus et requirimus ex affectu, quatinus eosdem magistrum et fratres pro-
curatores et negociorum gestores eorundem, ac bona, res, redditus et proces-
siones sua sub vestro dominio existencia, nostri contemplacione specialius
recommendata habere usque in oportunitatibus velitis oportuni favoris presidia
impertiri. From a letter ofthe brethren to Edward I. dated from Acre 15th Sept., 1279,
soliciting his further assistance we learn that the church of the Order remained
then unfinished for want ofthe necessary funds. " Verumtamen hac de causa
(i.e. the failure of the crops in Cyprus and Syria) multum nos expressit inopia, et
ecclesia preciosi martiris sancti Thome, ut nostis, diu incepta, non fabricatur."
2 Dictus frater Hugo preceptor antedictus dictum dominum Ricardum capel-
lanum, in fratiem dicte domus per eum ut predicitur jam receptum, habitu dicti
ordinis, videlicet mantello cum cruce rubea et alba induit, ut moris est.
(Reception d'un confrere de l'ordre, 1357, 2 Fevrier. Nicosie.)
3 Etiam degunt (in hac dyocisi, i.e, Nymocinensi) Anglici ordinis Sancti
Thome Canthuaris.
4 Acta fuerunt hee omnia in regno Cipri, in Nicossia, infra ecclesiam Beati
Nicholai Anglicorum, etc.

650

THE CHURCH OF CYPRUS

present serves as a granary. About 130 feet in length it pos
sesses three eastern apses, while its roof, which is barrel-shaped
in form, is surmounted about the middle of its length by an
octagon tower and dome. But its principal architectural feature
consists in its three beautiful northern doors.

The Teutonic Order.

Hist, de
Chyp.,ii.,p.
213.Cf. Loredano,
lib. iv.,p. 209.

Though most of these Knights, who survived the siege of
Acre, retired to Venice, some few must have migrated to Cyprus
with the other Military Orders, as Ludolph of Suchen mentions
a settlement of theirs also in the diocese of Limassol.1 But as
they played no conspicuous part in the affairs of the island their
presence in it has remained almost completely unrecorded.
Rohricht, however, has included in his Regesta Regni Hiero
solymitani certain documents concerning the Order which prove
that it must have been represented there at a much earlier
period of the Latin occupation.

Robrioht,Regesta, p.
195.

Ibid., p. 266.

Du Cange,
Familiesd'outre Mer,
p. 553.

1 In hac etiam dyocisi degunt fratres domus Theutonicorum in loco dicto
. . . (hiatus in MS.).
Si sforzij (i.e. il re Henrico) poi con ogni ufficiosita di ritenere i Cavalieri
Teutonici, riponendo nel loro valore gran parte della propria sicurezza, ma essi
si partirono con disegno di fermare la loro residenza nel Convento di Prusia
per isfuggire l'emolatione co' Cavalieri del Tempio e dell' Hospitale.
No. 732. 1196, Dec. 21, Laterani. Ccelestinus III. fratres Theutonicos ac
possessiones in Sedis Apostolica; protectionem suscipit. Hoc privilegium
Innocentius III. confirmat (27 Junii i2og) et praeter supra laudatas possessiones
fratrum enumerat — among which occurs " curiam S. Georgii vocatam, quam
habent in Cypro.
No. 1017. 1229, Jun. Ind. II. Nicosia;. Henricus, rex Cypri, domui Theu
tonicorum et Hermanno magistro casale Clavodias, sicut Johannes de Milmars
possederat, cum pertinentiis et domum, quae fuit Druonis de Bedort, cum ambitu
suo Nicosia;, quum domos, quas Haymericus II. quondam rex Cypri, eidem
domui Nicosia; sitas dederat, acquitarit, concedit et sigillo confirmat.
Johannes de Milmars or Jean de Mimars was one ofthe councillors of Henri I.
In 1233 with the consent of his master he concluded a treaty for five years
between the Cypriots and the Genoese. He may possibly be the son of
Raymond, Seigneur de Traissades.

APPENDIX I.
(1) ORTHODOX ARCHBISHOPS OF CYPRUS.
List of such of the Orthodox Archbishops of Cyprus as are re- Philip™
corded in various works and in the registers of the archdiocese. 144? ifs00
1. Barnabas, A.n. 45.
2. Herakleides.
3. Gelasios, a.d. 325.
4. Epiphanios I., a.d. 368-a.d. 403.
5. Sabinos, I. a.d. 404.
6. Troilos.
7. Theodoros.
8. Rheginos, a.d. 431.
9- Olympios I., circ. a.d. 450.
10. Sabinos II., circ. a.d. 458.
11. Anthemios, circ. a.d. 470.
12. Olympios II.
13. Damianos, 1 . .,
, , c- v. • r circ sixth century.
14. sophronios, j '
15. Gregorios, ) . , e . ,
Id A le rV I r CTrc' e ° slXT-n century.

16. Arkadios I., ]
17. Sergios, circ. a.d. 649-
18. Arkadios II. , circ. a.d. 670.
19- Epiphanios II., circ. a.d. 680.
20. John I., circ. a.d. 690-
21. Georgios, circ. a.d. 750.
22. Constantine, circ. a.d. 783.
23. Epiphanios III., circ. a.d. 870.
24. Nikolaos Muzalon, a.d. 1110.
25. John II., circ. a.d. 1155.
26. Simeon, circ. a.d. 1218 (Latin Supremacy).
27. Esaias, a.d. 1220.
28. Neophytos, a.d. 1222.
29. Germanos I., Pesimandros, a.d. 1252.
30. Timotheos, a.d. 1575 (?) (Turkish Supremacy).
31, Athanasios, A.p. 1600.

652 APPENDIX
32. Benjamin, a.d. 1602.
33. Christodoulos, a.d. 1609-a.d. 1631.
34. Nikephoros, a.d. 1660-a.d. 1673.
35. Hilarion Kigala, a.d. 1674-a.d. 1678.
36. James I., a.d. 1679-a.d. 1689.
37. Germanos II. circ. a.d. 1690-a.d. 1705.
38. James II. circ. a.d. 1710.
39- Silvestros, circ. a.d. 1718-a.d. 1731.
40. Philotheos, circ. a.d. 1734-a.d. 1759.
41. Paisios, circ. a.d. 1759-a.d. 1766.
42. Chrysanthos, circ. a.d. 1767-a.d. 1810.
43. Kyprianos, circ. a.d. 1810-a.d. 1821.
44. Joakim, circ. a.d. 1821-a.d. 1824.
45. Damaskenos, circ. a.d. I824-a.d. 1827.
46. Panaretos, circ. a.d. 1827-a.d. 1840.
47. Joannikios, circ. a.d. 1840-a.d. 1849.
48. Kyrillos, circ. a.d. 1849-a.d. 1854.
49. Makarios, circ. a.d. 1854-a.d. 1865.
50. Sophronios II. , a.d. 1865 (ob. 22nd May, 1900).
(2) THE LATIN ARCHBISHOPS OF NIKOSIA.
Archive.de 1- Alain. A-D- n96-
tomTi'ro"1' 2- Terry or Thierry (?)> A-D" 12°6-
.*"*. Durand (?).
Albert, a.d. 1211.
4. Eustorge de Montaigu or d' Auvergne, a.d. 1217-a.d. 1250
5. Hugues (I.) de Pise or Hugues de Fagiano, a.d. 1251.
6- Bertrand, a.d. 1270.
7. Raphael.
8. Ranulphe, Arnulphe or Arnoul, a.d. 1280.
9. Jean (I.) or Frere Jean d'Ancone, a.d. 1288-a.d. 1295.
10. Gerard de Langres, a.d. 1295-a.d. 1312 (?).
11. Jean (II.), or Jean del Conte, or Jean de Polo, called also Paul
de Rome, a.d. 1312-a.d. 1332.
12. Cardinal Elie or Helie des Nabinaux or de Nabinaux, a.d.
1332.
13. Philippe (I.) de Chambarlhac, a.d. 1344-a.d. 1360.
14. Raymond de la Pradele, a.d. 1366.
15. Palounger.
16. Michel, Micheli or Michele, a.d. 1382.
17. Andr6 (I.).
18. Conrad (I.), a.d. 1396.
19. Jean (III).
20. Conrad (II.) Carraccioli, a.d. 1402.
21. Etienne de Carrare, a.d. 1406 — a.d. 1412,

207-328.

APPENDIX 653

22. Cardinal Hugues (II.) de Lusignan.
23. Galesio de Montolif.
Jacques Benoit (administrator), a.d. 1442.
24. Andre (IL), 1447.
25. Jacques de Lusignan.
Cardinal Isidore, a.d. 1456.
26. Antoine Tuneto.
Jean Franr^ois Brusato.
Guillaume Goneme, a.d. 1463.
27. Louis Perez Fabrice, a.d. 1471.
28. Victor Marcello, a.d. 1477.
29. Benoit Soranzo, a.d. 1484.
30. Sebastien Priuli, a.d. 1496.
31. Aldobrandino des Ursins, a.d. 1502.
32. Livio Podocator, a.d. 1524.
S3. Cesar Podocator, a.d. 1553.
34. Philippe Mocenigo, a.d. 1560.

APPENDIX II.
ORDER OF ECCLESIASTICAL PRECEDENCE.
Order of Ecclesiastical Precedence as given by Lusignan in the
third of his five discourses entitled Corone, p. 158.1
The Latin Church.
1 . The Archbishop of Nikosia.
2. The Bishop of Paphos.
3. The Bishop of Famagusta.
4. The Bishop of Limassol.
5. The Grand Commander (Order of St. John).

6.

The Little Commander,

do.

7.

The Commander of Phinika,

do.

8.

The Abbot of Pirgo.

9.

The Abbot of Santa Croce.

10.

The Abbot of Delapais.

The Orthodox Church.
1 i . The Bishop of Solia.
12. The Bishop of Arzos.
13. The Bishop of Levkara or Amathus.
14. The Bishop of Karpasso.

15. The Armenian Bishop of Nikosia.
1 6. The Armenian Bishop of Famagusta.
17. The Bishop ofthe Maronites.
18. The Bishop ofthe Copts.
19- The Bishop of the Jacobites.
20. The Bishop of the Indians.
21. The Bishop ofthe Nestorians.
Abbots of the Orthodox Church.
22. Mankana.
23. Andrio.
24. Pipi.
25. Sergio di Flatri.
26. Kutzuventi.
27. Enklistra.
28. Morphou.
2,9. Akrotiri, and many others also.
1 Lusignano, Stefano, Raccolta di Cinque discorsi, intitolati Corone, in Padova,
1577, 410.

LIST OF THE SOVEREIGNS OF THE LUSIGNAN DYNASTY.

Name.

Relationship to
Predecessor.

Date of
Accession.

Date of Death.

Place of Burial,
(Lusignan)

Title.

i. Guy

Founder of the dy
nasty, Son of
Hugues Le Brun,
Sire de Lusignan
in Poictou.

1 192

April, 1 1 94

Temple Church, Ni
kosia.*

Lord of Cyprus, Ex-King of Jerusalem.

2. Amaury

Brother

April, 1 194

ist April, 1205

Santa Sophia, Nikosia.

King of Cyprus and King of Jerusalem 2

3. Hugues I.

Son

ist April, 1205

Feb. or Mar., 1218

Hospitallers' Church,
Nikosia.

King of Cyprus

4. Henri I.

Son

Feb. or Mar., 1218

18th January, 1253

Campo Santo, Nikosia 3

King of Cyprus, Lord of the Kingdom of
Jerusalem

5. Hugues II.

Son

18th January, 1253

5th December, 1267

St. Dominic, Nikosia

King of Cyprus, Lord of the Kingdom of
Jerusalem

6. Hugues III.4

Cousin

December, 1267

26th March, 1284

Bella Pais, Kyrenia5

King of Cyprus, King of Jerusalem

7. Jean I.

Son

26th March, 1284

20th May, 1285

Campo Santo, Nikosia 6

King of Jerusalem and Cyprus

8. Henri II.

Brother

20th May, 1285

King of Jerusalem and Cyprus

Amaury, Prince of
i Tyre, Regent

Brother

May, 1306

5th June, 1310

Santa Sophia, Nikosia

1 Amadi (p. 86) asserts that Guy was buried in the mother Church (la madre chiesia, i.e. Santa Sophia) of Nikosia, but he must mean that the remains
were subsequently transferred there, as Santa Sophia was not commenced until a.d. 1209.
2 Amaury was originally only Lord of Cyprus like his brother. In 1195 he sent an embassy to Henry VI., Emperor of Germany, to request the be
stowal upon him of the title of King. In 1196 accordingly he took before the Imperial Chancellor, Conrad, Bishop of Hildesheim, at Nikosia the usual
oath of allegiance and homage.
' Amadi (p. 202) and Fl. BoustFOn (p. 109) mention the Church of the Templars at Nikosia as the place of Henri's burial.

>*-dTIWOX

Hugues tatner was drowned on a voyage to Cyprus on 27th June, 1276, the vessel in which he was travelling having struck on a reck.
5 Amadi (p. 216) and Fl. Boustron (p. 333) report that Hugues III. was buried at Santa Sophia, Nikosia.
6 Du Cange (F. d'outre Mer., p. 66) says that Jean I. was buried in the church of St. Dimitri at Nikosia.

Lusigna

» Lusignano,
' Stefano, Rac-
' colta, di
cinque dis.
coral, intito-
lati corone,
in Padova,
1577, 4to.

List of the Sovereigns of the Lusignan Dynasty. Continued.

Name.

Relationship to
Predecessor.

Date of
Accession.

Date of Death.

Place of Burial.
(Lusignan)

Title.

Henri II.

1310 (Restored)

31st March, 1324

Franciscan Church, Ni
kosia 1

9. Hugues IV

Nephew

31st March, 1324

ioth October, 13592

St. Dominic, Nikosia 3

King of Jerusalem and Cyprus

10. Pierre I.

Son

ioth Oct., 1359

17th January, 1369

.

King of Jerusalem and Cyprus

11. Pierre II.

Son

17th January, 1369

13th October, 1382

>

King of Jerusalem and Cyprus

12. Jacques I.

Uncle

October, 1382

30th Sept., 1398

King of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia4

13. Janus

Son

30th Sept., 1398

28th June, 1432

King of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia
14. Jean II.
Son
28th June, 1432
26th July, 1458
King of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia
15. Charlotte and
Louis (husband)
Daughter and
Son-in-law
26th July, 1458
16th July, 1487s
St. Peter's, Rome j1
Queen and King of Jerusalem, Cyprus,
and Armenia
16. Jacques II.
Half-Brother
September, 1460
6th July, 1473
St. Nicolas, Famagusta
King of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia
17. Catarina Cornaro
and
Jacques III.*
Widow and
Son
6th July, 1473
26th August, 1474
j
St. Nicolas, Famagusta [
Queen and King of Jerusalem, Cyprus,
and Armenia
18. Catarina Cornaro
(alone)
Abdicated 26th Feb.,
1489, in favour of
the Venetian Re
public7
Holy Apostles, Venice
Queen of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and
Armenia
3 Machsera (p. 84) represents St. Dominic as the place of Henri's interment, as does also Strambaldi (p.27).
2 Hugues IV. caused Pierre, his eldest son, to be crowned King of Cyprus on 24th Nov., 1358, though he himself did not die until ioth Oct., 1359.
3 Fl. Boustron (p. 198) says that Hugues IV. was buried at Santa Sophia, Nikosia.
* On the death at Paris on 29th Nov., 1393, of Leon VI. (De Lusignan) without heirs male Jacques I. assumed the title of King of Armenia.
5 Though Charlotte ceased to be de facto sovereign of Cyprus in Sept., 1460, she retained the title until 25th Feb., 1485, when she abdicated in favour
of her nephew, Charles I. Duke of Savoy, from whom that house derives its present shadowy claims.
6 Jacques III. was born on the 27th or 28th August, 1473.
7 Catarina died on ioth July, 1510. During the rebuilding of the Church of the Holy Apostles (Santi Apostoli) her remains were transferred to the
Church of Santo Salvatore.
OS
bI— I
X
APPENDIX IV.
CATALOGUE OF DATES.
Principal Dates Connected with the Ecclesiastical History or
Cyprus.
b.c. 58. Cyprus becomes a Roman province.
a.d. 45. Visit of Paul and Barnabas and conversion of Sergius
Paulus.
a.d. 56 or 57. Martyrdom of Barnabas.
a.d. 115. Insurrection of the Jews.
a.d. 327. Visit of the Empress Helena.
a.d. 865. Cyprus included in the Byzantine Empire.
a.d. 368. Epiphanios the Great consecrated Archbishop.
a.d. 399 (402). Local Synod against Origen.
a.d. 403. Death of Epiphanios.
a.d. 431. The Council of Ephesus forbids the Patriarch of Antioch
to interfere with the Cypriot Church.
a.d. 487. Renewed attempts at interference by Peter the Fuller,
Patriarch of Antioch.
a.d. 487. Discovery of Barnabas' remains and bestowal of special
privileges upon the Cypriot Church by the Emperor
Zeno.
a.d. 632. Alleged invasion of the Arabs under Abubekr.
a.d. 648. Invasion by Moawiyah and destruction of Salamis.
a.d. 691. Emigration of the Cypriots to the Hellespont and
formation of a new settlement at Nova Justiniano
polis'.
a.d. 691. Council in Trullo.
a.d. 802. Moslem invasion during the reign of the Caliph Harun-
al-Rashid.
a.d. 964. Final recovery of Cyprus by Nikephoros (II.) Phokas.
a.d. 1155. Raid by Renaud de Chatillon, Prince of Antioch.
a.d. 1156 (circ). Deposition of John, Bishop of Amathus.
a.d. 1 1 84. Isaac Komnenos erects Cyprus into an independent king
dom.
a.d. 1191. Conquest of the island by Cceur-de-Lion and its sale to
the Templars.
42

658 APPENDIX
a.d. 1192. Insurrection against the Templars, who restore their
purchase to Cceur-de-Lion.
a.d. 1192. Guy de Lusignan, ex-King of Jerusalem, obtains the
island from Cceur-de-Lion.
a.d. 1196. Establishment of the Latin hierarchy.
a.d. II96. Amaury de Lusignan crowned first King of Cyprus.
a.d. 1206. Tommaso Morosini, first Latin Patriarch of Constanti
nople, claims jurisdiction over the Cypriot Church.
a.d. 1209. Foundation of the Cathedral of Santa Sophia at Ni
kosia.
a.d. 1213. Dispute between Hugues I. and Innocent III. regarding
the election of Durand to the See of Nikosia.
a.d. 1220. Convention of Limassol.
a.d. 1222. Ratification of the Convention of Limassol by the Legate,
Cardinal Pelagius, at Famagusta, and reduction of the
Orthodox Sees to four.
a.d. 1222. Banishment of the Orthodox Archbishop Neophytos
and appeal of the Cypriots to the Oecumenical Patri
arch and Synod at Nicaea.
a.d. 1223. First letter of the Oecumenical Patriarch Germanos to
the Cypriots.
a.d. 1228. Arrival ofthe Emperor Frederick II.
a.d. 1 228. Completion of the Cathedral of Santa Sophia at Nikosia.
a.d. 1229. Second letter ofthe QEcumenical Patriarch Germanos to
the Cypriots.
a.d. 1229. Battle of Nikosia (23rd June).
a.d. 1231. Martyrdom of thirteen Orthodox monks at Nikosia.
a.d. 1231. The CEcumenical Patriarch Germanos remonstrates by
letter with Pope Gregory IX. and the Cardinals.
a.d. 1232-4. Gregory's two replies.
a.d. 1232. Battle of Agridi.
a.d. 1233. Capitulation of Kyrenia.
a.d. 1 248. Arrival of St. Louis for the Sixth Crusade.
a.d. 1251. The Orthodox receive permission to elect another Arch
bishop.
a.d. 1260. Germanos, the Orthodox primate, appeals to Alexander
IV. against Hugo Fagiano the Latin Archbishop.
a.d. 1260. Publication ofthe Papal Bull entitled the Summa Alex
andria or Bulla Cypria.
A.n. 1308. Arrest ofthe Templars in Cyprus.
a.d. 1311. The rebuilding of St. Nicolas at Famagusta commenced
by Bishop Baudouin.
a.d. 1313. Confiscation of the property of the Templars in favour of
the Hospitallers.
a.d. 1313. Popular demonstration in Nikosia against the Papal
Legate.

APPENDIX 659
a.d. 1326. Consecration ofthe Cathedral of Santa Sophia.
a.d. 1340. Recovery ofthe cross stolen from Tochni.
a.d. 1359. Arrival at Kyrenia of the Papal Legate, Pierre de Thomas.
a.d. 1373. Invasion of Cyprus by the Genoese and capture of Fama
gusta.
a.d. 1426. The Mameluke invasion and battle of Chierochitia.
a.d. 1426. Cyprus becomes tributary to the Sultans of Egypt.
a.d. 1441. Jean II. marries Helena Palaeologos. Revival of Ortho
dox influence.
a.d. 1460. Jacques II. usurps the throne of Cyprus.
a.d. 1472. Marriage of Jacques II. with Catarina Cornaro.
a.d. 1473. Death of Jacques II.
a.d. 1489- Annexation of Cyprus by Venice.
a.d. 1517. Cyprus becomes a fief of the Sultans of Turkey.
a.d. 1546. Rebellion of James the Cretan surnamed Didaskalos.
a.d. 1570. Turkish invasion and capture of Nikosia.
a.d. 1571. Siege and capture of Famagusta.
a.d. 1572. Expulsion of the Latin hierarchy and restoration of the
Orthodox prelates.
a.d. 1600. Deposition of Archbishop Athanasios.
a.d. 1600. Joakim, Patriarch of Antioch, attempts to interfere with
the Church of Cyprus.
a.d. 1668. Synod against the Calvinists assembled at Nikosia by
Archbishop Nikephoros.
a.d. 1674. Hilarion Kigala consecrated Archbishop.
a.d. 1730. Banishment of Archbishop Silvestros to Avret-Odasi.
a.d. 1743. Deposition and imprisonment of Archbishop Philotheos.
a.d. 1743. Intrusion of Neophytos into the See of Nikosia.
a.d. 1 760. Flight of Archbishop Paisios to Beyrout.
a.d. 1760. Intrusion into the See of Nikosia of the Deacon Ky
prianos.
a.d. 1783. Flight ofthe bishops to Smyrna, and attempted substi
tution of others by the Muhassil Haji Abd' ul Baki
Agha.
Deposition and banishment of Archbishop Chrysanthos
to Euboea.
Murder of Archbishop Kyprianos and suffragans at Ni
kosia.
Consecration of their successors by the Bishops of Epi
phania, Seleucia ahd Emesa.
Banishment of Archbishop Damaskenos to Sparta.
Resignation of Archbishop Panaretos and consecration of
Joannikios.
Election of Sophronios II. , the late occupant of the
See of Nikosia.
Occupation of Cyprus by Great Britain.

A.D.

1810.

A.D.

1821.

A.D.

1821.

A.D.

1827.

A.D.

1840.

A.D.

1865.

A.D.

1878.

APPENDIX V.
DECREES OF THE COUNCIL OF NIKOSIA, 1668.
phiiippos Hilarion, bv the grace of God and of the CEcumenical throne equal
G-eorgioti, pp. ' j o *.
94-98, noto (a,) to a bishop, great theologian of the same Holy See, and exarch of
the teachers everywhere of the Church. To all who shall meet
with and read the present writings of our humility we do affirm
that the subjoined summaries of a Synod held on the 8th April of
the present year in the Church of the glorious Archangel under
the presidency of the most blessed Archbishop of all Cyprus, Kyr
Nikephoros, the most all-holy Metropolitans, Kyr Makarios of
Paphos, Kyr Nikephoros of Kyrenia, Kyr Gerasimos of Nemesos,
and, in addition to these, our humility also, together with the
Exarchs of Famagusta, Arsinoe, Kurion, Soli, and many hegoumenoi,
dignitaries and priests, being his assessors, were copied word for
word in Levkosia, the famed metropolis of the Island of Cyprus.
The acts of which Synod are preserved and kept among us, the
summaries only, viz., the abridged definitions following their de
tailed teaching we ourselves have copied, the most holy father
Francois de Brissac, the Capuchin, and his brethren begging and
entreating that they might be printed.
From the Teaching of the First Summary. Concerning the
Immaculate Mysteries.
Therefore if any one shall say that the bread and wine offered by
a true priest are not after their consecration (by certain specified
words prescribed by Christ) essentially and really the very body
and blood of the God-man Christ Jesus, our Saviour, but are either
a type and symbol, or that the substance of the bread and wine is
preserved together with the sacrament, and not rather that they are
altogether absent after the consecration (being only supernaturally
preserved together with the quantity and the remaining accidents)
so that there takes place a true and real transubstantiation, i.e.,
a change of all the pre-existing substance of the bread and wine
into the entire substance of the Lord's body and blood, or that it is
not properly a reasonable and bloodless sacrifice, a propitiation in
itself of the sins of those living and dying in repentance, or that

APPENDIX 661
the Mysteries themselves ought not to be paid the same kind of
adoration (AarpevnKws) as the God-man, our Lord, who sits at the
right hand of the Eternal Father, let him be adjudged an heretic
and liable to the penalties of heretics.
From the Second Summary. Concerning Episcopacy,
Therefore they who say that Episcopacy was not ordained by
Christ, and that it was not equally transmitted to us and to their
successors by those who received it, or that it is not transmitted
by any special ceremonial form, or that it is not necessary for the
sacred government of the Church, or that ordination is perfectly
conferred by the vote or choice of the people and clergy alone
without the imposition of a bishop's hands, such persons are to be
deemed guilty of heresy as both destroying the ancient tradition
of the holy Apostles and subverting ecclesiastical order.
From the Third Summary. Concerning the Holy Chrism.
If any one shall not acknowledge the most holy Chrism to be
properly one of the seven Sacraments ordained by the all-King
Christ according to the tradition of the Apostles, nor that grace
and special sanctification are conferred by it through the Holy Spirit
upon those freshly anointed, as a token of perceptible royal dignity,
sealing them for an inheritance of a heavenly kingdom, as well as
strength and courage against visible and invisible enemies, and the
savour of a sweet smell to God in good works, such an one destroys
the completeness of the Church's order, which Wisdom building prov. ix. 1.
her house with the seven pillars foreshadowed, and the ancient Law
prefigured by the seven-branched candlestick and other types in
the Temple. From the Fourth Summary. Concerning Fasting.
Wherefore also we agreeing with the ordinances of the holy concilium
Synod in Gangra join with it in declaring that if any one of deli- caSS! *J?#ii.,
berate practice fasts on Sundays, or without bodily necessity dis
regards the traditional fasts, which are universally observed by the
Church, let him be anathema.1
1 Council of Gangra (a.d. 325-380'?) ).
Canon XVIII. If any one from pretended asceticism fasts on Sunday let him
be anathema. The Eustathians fasted on Sunday, but ate on the fast days of the Church.
Canon XIX. If any ascetic, as professing perfect understanding, and without
bodily necessity, out of pride does not keep the fasts universally commanded,
and observed by the whole Church, let him be anathema.

662 APPENDIX
From the Fifth Summary. Concerning the Monastic State.
If any one therefore condemns the manner of life of the monks,
which is equal to that of the angels, and shall speak evil of their
constitutions and vows as being inventions of Satan, whether vir
ginity and celibacy, or poverty and voluntary indigence, or elevating
humility and obedience, or mortification in dress and food, and vigils
and sleepings on the ground, and all such things, and himself re
commends the pursuit of pleasure, the seared token of a sensual
concii. Gan- and diseased mode of life, he draws to himself parallelwise, or even
u\fS°'xanons more deservedly, the anathema which the holy Synod in Gangra
fulminated against those who, being in virginity and continence,
through pride and a truly seared conscience vilify such as live
in marriage and a freedom of meats.1
From the Sixth Summary. Concerning the Adoration and
Intercession of the Saints.
Therefore those who reject the inferior adoration (ttjv SovXlktjv
irpocrKvvqo-iv) 2 of the saints and question their intercession on behalf
of their suppliants, and the respect paid to the holy eikons and the
sacred vessels, we reject and turn from no less than we do from
those who were the former enemies of the saints and were liable to
(2nd. Nice, the imprecations of the Seventh Synod, and at the same time we
publish and proclaim them to be enemies of the traditions of the
fathers and of the assembly of the Orthodox.

A.D. 787).

From the Seventh Summary. Concerning Commemorations of
the Dead.
Wherefore we confidently declare that those who abolish good
works and offerings and such like things, which are done on behalf
1 Council of Gangra.
Canon 2. If any one condemns one who eats meat, though he abstains from
blood, idolatrous sacrifices, and things strangled, and is faithful and devout, as
if in so doing he had no hope of salvation, let him be anathema.
Canon 9. If any one lives unmarried or in continence, avoiding marriage
from contempt, and not because of the beauty of holiness of virginity, let him
be anathema. Canon 10. If any one of those who for the Lord's sake remain single, in
pride exalt himself above those who are married let him be anathema.
Cf. Browne. 2 Romish divines distinguish between three kinds of worship or adoration : —
Scief r^ois '• Latria (Xarpeia) which belongs only to God.
ii. Dulia (SovXela) which belongs to glorified saints in general.
iii. Hyperdulia (vrrepSovXela) which belongs to the human nature of Christ
and to the Blessed Virgin.

APPENDIX 663
of those who have died in faith and repentance, and who deny
that for souls which are in pain through the loss and postponement
of happiness these things are useful for repose and shortening of
the postponement, are to be condemned as being in reality alien to
the Orthodox communion and transgressors of the apostolic and
patristic traditions. Conclusion.
This is the Orthodox faith of the Eastern Church, this also the
quadripartite thrones of the most all-holy Patriarchs of the East,
our brother worshippers and fellow-labourers, defend, vis., the
Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem.
This also the remaining nations of the world, who are in communion
with us, profess, especially the most magnificent empire of the
Muscovites, the peoples of far-extending Russia, of Bulgaria and
Servia, of both Upper and Lower Mcesia, the Epirotes, Arabs,
Egyptians, or, to speak briefly, so as to avoid enumerating the
remaining nations of Europe and Asia, not easy to be numbered, all
who receive and honour the Seventh CEcumenical Synod. This
faith also our holy Church of the Cypriots by the good pleasure
of God has kept until now whole and undefined. May this confes
sion be for salvation to us and to all in Christ Jesus, to whom be
glory and everlasting power, Amen. Levkosia, 9th November,
1668. Indiction 7.
Phiiippos Georgiou vouches for the authenticity of the above in
the following words : —
" These decrees exactly as they were drawn up by Hilarion we
have fortunately discovered in a MS. belonging to the library of the
archbishopric, transcribed in the year 1743 from an autograph of
Hilarion, according to a note which the said MS. bears. We also
transcribing from it quote them here exactly with the note of the
copyist there prefixed who, according to Kyprianos (p. 362), was
Paisios, the then Archimandrite of the Archbishopric and subse
quently Archbishop of Cyprus.
" These subjoined summaries I found (says the Archimandrite
Paisios) in the sacristy of this most holy Archbishopric during the
year 1743 in a torn note-book in the handwriting of the same Kyr
Hilarion, as he certifies with his own signature."
Phiiippos Georgiou also remarks as follows with regard to the
doctrinal teaching of these articles : —
" Let it be permitted us to observe here that the compiler of
these decrees appears to us to introduce surreptitiously in two
places opinions of the Latin Church.

664

APPENDIX

" First of all in the summary concerning the Immaculate Mys
teries he says : ' After the bread and wine are consecrated (by
certain specified words prescribed by Christ) '. From what he says
in the parenthesis it is evident he means the words of Christ, ' Take,
eat,' etc., and that by virtue of these words, or in the saying of
these words the consecration is effected, viz., the bread and wine
are transubstantiated, which is an erroneous opinion of the Latin
Church. " Secondly in the summary concerning commemorations where
he says that ' good works, etc. are useful for repose and shortening
ibid., sessio of the postponement,' he is evidently inclining to the doctrine of
the Latin Purgatory. But we leave the authoritative decision
regarding these points to the theologians. We only add that the
compiler of these decrees possibly fell into these errors from being
educated in the college at Rome."

Cf. Concii.
Trident:, Sessio xiii.,
(1) ch. 1.

xxv. (2)

On Transub-
stantlation.

1 Council of Trent.
" All our forefathers, as many as were in the true Church of Christ, who have
discoursed of this most holy sacrament, have most openly professed, that our
Redeemer instituted this so admirable a sacrament at the last supper, when,
after the blessing of the bread and wine, He bore witness, in distinct and clear
words, that He gave them His own very Body, and His own Blood, etc."
" But because Christ, our Redeemer, declared that which He offered under the
species of bread to be verily His own body, therefore has it ever been a firm
belief in the Church of God, and this holy Synod doth now declare it anew,
that, by the consecration of the bread and of the wine, a conversion takes place
of the whole substance of the bread into the substance of the body of Christ our
Lord, and of the whole substance of the wine into the substance of His blood.
Which conversion is, by the holy Catholic Church, conveniently and properly
called Transubstantiation. "
2 "Whereas the Catholic Church, instructed by the Holy Ghost, has, from
the sacred writings and the ancient traditions of the fathers, taught, in sacred
councils, and very recently in this oecumenical Synod, that there is a Purgatory,
and that the souls there detained are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful,
but chiefly by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar ; the holy synod enjoins
on bishops that they diligently strive that the sound doctrine touching Purga
tory, delivered by the holy fathers and sacred councils, be believed, held,
taught, and everywhere proclaimed by the faithful of Christ."
"And let the bishops take care, that the suffrages of the faithful who are
living, to wit, the sacrifices of masses, prayers, almsgivings, and other works of
piety, which have been wont to be performed by the faithful for the other faith
ful departed, be piously and devoutly performed, according to the institutes of
the Church, etc."

APPENDIX VI.
BERAT APPOINTING SOPHRONIOS ARCHBISHOP OF
CYPRUS.
Imperial Berat Issued to the Late Most Blessed Archbishop, Phuippoe
Kyr Sophronios, after His Proclamation in 1865.1 i8Me.0U' pp'
Since it has become necessary on the news of the death of the
monk Makarios, Archbishop of the island of Cyprus, etc., which
was lately announced, that a successor to him should be elected,
and since the monk Sophronios (may his dignity be prolonged) the
bearer of our present imperial Berat (Bepdmov) (may the president of
the Christian nation be strengthened) has been elected Archbishop
by unanimous choice and approval, We, being certified concerning
this by a general memorial (//.ovv^apiov) 2 on the part of the com
mittee appointed from the Rayahs of the same island chosen for
this purpose, who have humbly presented it, and likewise being
notified by a report 3 (yu,ao-/8aTa) of the general council of the same
island, after consulting the archives, in which the office of the
archbishopric of the same island, etc., was found duly registered and
inserted during the lifetime of the deceased, and after receiving
the necessary information and notification that the customary pre
sent of 100,000 aspers (aWpa)4 has been paid in specie to the
proper office by agreement, and in accordance with our previous
firman, do issue our present imperial Berat and do decree that : —
1 Mr. Cobham in his Excerpta Cypria (p. 339) very justly remarks that this
Berat is a document of some historical interest, as it is probably the last that
will ever be issued to an Archbishop of Cyprus.
The original Berat or Charter was !of course published in Turkish. The
present translation is made from the Romaic Version, which is to be found in
Phiiippos Georgiou's work. The author has had the advantage of comparing it
with the translation by Mr. Cobham in the Excerpta Cypria as well as of
having his own translation revised by him.
2 Mazhar = a memorial (signed by all present).
* Mazbata = proces-verbal, report.
' Asper = \ of a para, 100,000 aspers (at current rate) = £4 12s. sd. The
old piastre probably is meant at eight to the £1. The sum then would be
about £100 sterling.

666 APPENDIX
1 . The said monk Sophronios shall govern the said Archbishop
ric of Cyprus, etc., according to ancient usage.
2. The metropolitans, bishops, abbots, priests, nuns, and other
Christians, who are subject to his jurisdiction, shall in accordance
with the usage, which has prevailed from ancient times, and their
religious duty acknowledge him as Archbishop, and shall not show
themselves reprehensibly negligent in the duty of their obedience.
3. He shall not be impeded in the office of his Archbishopric by
any one soever, and no one shall interfere with or disturb him.
4. No one without superior orders shall deprive him of the
churches or monasteries, which have been in the possession of the
Archbishops from ancient times.
5. No one shall interfere in their repair when this is carried
out within their ancient boundaries by permission of the tribunal
and our exalted firman.1
6. Without the sealed petition of the Archbishop for the time
being, the dignity of metropolitan or bishop shall not be bestowed
upon any one, nor shall the authority and exercise of the rights of
such be permitted.
7. When a Christian wishes to be married or divorced in con
formity with their religious canons, the Archbishop or his agents,
appointed by our exalted decree, or his mere letter, shall officiate,
and no one else shall interfere or take part therein.
8. Whatever any of the monks and other Christians at their death
shall bequeath as an offering, in conformity with their religious
customs, to the poor of the churches, or to the Archbishop, shall be
allowed, Christian witnesses being heard by the tribunal according
to their religion.
9. When metropolitans, bishops, abbots, priests, and others,
monks and such like, who are subject to the Archbishop, are charged
with acting contrary to their religion, they shall be punished in
accordance with their religious usages (provided that the punish
ment laid down by penal regulations is not exceeded or altered) in
order that they may repent and promise they will never again fall
into such error, and no one else shall interfere in such matters.
10. If any ofthe priests, or ofthe commissaries ofthe Archbishop,
shall perform a marriage that is unlawful according to their religion,
without his express sanction and approval, he shall be punished by
the tribunal.
1 1 . When in accordance with their religious canons the question
arises of expelling metropolitans, bishops, priests, monks and abbots,
1 The Romaic Version of this clause runs thus : —
E'. OuSels vd p)j iirepBaivy Sid T'ijv 4irttrK0ir4jv twv, Srav aZrai els rd trahuid twv
Spia yivwvrai pe t^v dSeiav ttjs Kpitreas KaX pe iityyXbv pov tpippdviov.
As the word in the Turkish original corresponds to " repair," one is led to
conjecture that 4iriaKoirTjv here is a misprint for 4iriaKevijv.

APPENDIX 667
and of substituting deserving persons for them, the said Archbishop
shall dismiss (a£Ai) l them according to their canon law. And in
order that he may substitute for them deserving monks and appoint
them metropolitans and bishops, he must report the case at our
capital, notifying it in a memorial, (ap£t) 2 and, after the customary
and regular presents have been paid into the treasury, the Berats
recognising their position and the necessary holy decrees shall be
given into their hands.
12. Since the said Archbishop is empowered in accordance with
ancient regulations and by virtue of his Berat to receive archiepis
copal dues exacted from every class, metropolitans, bishops, monks,
abbots, and other Christians, the Qazis for the time being shall
assist and cause them to be paid to the agents, sent purposely for
their collection and furnished with our sacred decree, or with his
mere letter.
13. The charitable moneys, which were formerly and from the
first paid by the Christians, and the canonical dues received from
holy wells, monasteries, and marriages, as also the rest of the casual
revenues of the Archbishopric, shall in accordance with ancient
custom and the purport of his Berat be paid to the said Archbishop
without objection or delay.
14. If any monks through love of worldly cares shall contrary to
their religious vows roam at will in the parts situated within the
boundaries of his archiepiscopal jurisdiction, the Archbishop shall
send such back to the monasteries where they originally resided.
15. When it is necessary for them to traverse dangerous places,
they may, with a view to making their journey easier, disguise
themselves as laymen. And when in time of necessity they carry
arms to ensure the safety of their lives and to avoid danger, no
annoyance shall be caused them on the part of the Miri-Miran (Mipi-
MtpdvtSes) 3 Miri-Liwa (Mipi-Ai/JaSes) 4 and other authorities.
16. No one shall have power to make a Christian a Mussulman
against his will.
17. When any one of the metropolitans, who are under the juris
diction of the Archbishop of Cyprus for the time being, proposes to
visit our capital on private affairs, permission shall be granted by
the said Archbishop, and no one else shall hinder him.
1 8 . When any of the metropolitans and bishops owing canonical
dues have no money to pay them, and instead of money offer stuffs
and clothing, which are intended to be reckoned in lieu of their
canonical dues, his men and agents, who convey them, are not to
be interfered with during the whole of their journey by any of the
^Azl = dismissal. 2'Arz = petition, memorial.
3 Miri-Miran, civil governor of a district with rank of lieutenant-general.
4 Miri-Liwa, major-general.

668 APPENDIX
superintendents at the different stations and customs' piers, or by
any one else soever, for the payment of any fee or customs' dues.
19- Custom-house and octroi superintendents and their chiefs,
and any one soever, are not to trouble with demands those who
convey fruit from vineyards, which the said Archbishop cultivates
for his own use, and such produce as the Christians have always
given by way of charity in wine, oil, honey, and the like, according
to ancient custom.
20. All the Waqf (Ba/aoW) 1 property of the churches under the
control of the Archbishop, including vineyards, gardens, farms,
(r£t^\uaa) 2 fields, pastures (rt/upia) 3 fairs, holy wells, mills, flocks
and other ecclesiastical property, are all under the authority and
direction of the said Archbishop, and no one else shall interfere
with them.
21. When an inquiry has been made on the part of the Pashas,
Qazis, and Naibs (NannSts) * and a petition lodged against a metro
politan, or bishop of a diocese, dealing with his evil conduct and
behaviour, and praying that he may be deposed or banished, this
shall not take place until the exact truth of the matter is known,
and even though they succeed in getting our exalted firman pub
lished on the subject, yet notwithstanding it shall be of none
effect. 22. If through any intrigue a sacred decree has been published
on the part of our government and has reached the place, to which
it was addressed, that it may be of none effect they shall write
to the Imperial Government to report the affair and to put an
end to it.
23. If any Christians during their lifetime dedicate to the Arch
bishop, metropolitans and bishops any small objects, or again, ac
cording to their religious customs, do so either by word of mouth or
by expressing an intention to make such, after their death these
shall be recovered from their heirs through the tribunal.
24. When canonical and other customary dues in general, whether
much or little, according to the condition of each church, are being
received by the metropolitans, or bishops, or the agents appointed
by them, they shall not be interfered with by any one.
25. When a difference arises between two Christians regarding
marriage or divorce and other questions he (i.e. the Archbishop) shall
with the consent of the disputants reconcile them.
26. When they put a man on his oath, or punish him with ex
communication, as this penalty is styled, in accordance with their
religious customs, no interference or annoyance, as well as no
1 Waqf = property held in mortmain.
2 Chiftliq = farm. s Chayir = pasture land.
4 Na'ib = deputy of the Qazi.

APPENDIX 669
harm or injury shall be caused them on the part of the judicial
authorities. 27. Without the consent and permission of the Archbishop and
metropolitans, priests who are within the jurisdiction of their dio
ceses, shall not perform marriages contrary to their religious ordin
ances or to any particular canon.
28. When metropolitans, bishops, nuns, and other monks die with
out heirs whatever property they may possess, whether cash, or
chattels, or horses, or other ecclesiastical object, the Archbishop
acquires, and the officials of the Beit-ul-Mal (Miri'ir-ovX-Mak) 1 and
Qassam (Kao-o-ap) 2 the Mutevellis (MourejSeAAiSes) 3 the governors,
or any one else shall not interfere.
29. If any persons of position or importance, whoever they may
be, insist on demanding that such and such a woman shall be given
to such and such a man, this shall not be carried out by force.
30. So also the demands that such and such a priest shall be
expelled from his ecclesiastical position, that it may be given to such
and such another, such offensive proposals shall not be carried out.
31. When for the punishment and correction of a Christian he
(i.e., the Archbishop), sends what they call an excommunication,
viz., the document imposing the punishment, no one shall interfere.
32. When any of the above-mentioned persons, who are united
in marriage contrary to the ordinances of their religion, die, since
it would infringe these rules if they entered the Church, the
judicial and civil authorities and persons of influence and position,
whoever they may be, shall not force the priests saying : " Bury the
dead" (trnKoxrare rbv diro$av6vTa) .
33. When the said Archbishop punishes in canonical form, as we
have explained above, those of the bishops and priests who obstin
ately refuse to pay their customary canonical dues, and shaves their
hair and expels them, and in their room substitutes others, no one
shall interfere with him.
34. When any Christians bequeath a legacy of the third part of
their property to churches, monasteries, and the Archbishop, it shall
be recovered from their heirs by the tribunal.
35. When the arrest of a priest, monk, or nun, has been decided
on and deemed necessary by the tribunal, the arrest itself shall be
effected through the said Archbishop.
36. When any members of the monastic order, not having a
recognised position in any church or monastery, wander at large
and create scandals, the said Archbishop shall punish and restrain
them in the manner mentioned above.
1 Beitu-'l mal = public treasury.
2Qassam = Probate Court.
3 Mutevelli = trustee of property in mortmain.

670 APPENDIX
37. When the Archbishop annually inspects the accounts of the
superintendents of churches and monasteries at the close of their
year of office they shall, if found in arrears, be compelled by the
tribunal to pay. And when he dismisses such defaulters and ap
points in their stead according to their religious usages worthy and
competent successors, he shall not be interfered with by any one.
38. None ofthe monks, who by virtue of our exalted Beratsare
now in possession of the dignity and discharge the duties of a
metropolitan, or bishop, shall be injured or annoyed by the civil
authorities. 39. When any one of them dies, our necessary imperial Berats
shall be granted to the person chosen to succeed him by virtue
of the imperial decrees originally in force.
40. The Archbishops of Cyprus for the time being shall not be
dismissed without just cause nor be replaced by others through
mere favouritism.
41. The petition of the Archbishops is regarded as admissible.
In matters connected with their religion they shall receive a friendly
hearing on whatever subject they may wish to report and make
representations. 42. If any desire to become Archbishops not the smallest con
sideration shall be given to their personal claims. For the bishops
ought to be learned and devoted to their religious duties and have
full powers in all such matters : and according to our exalted
imperial decree as published ab antiquo they must be free from
influence or annoyance from any one soever.
43. None of the executive or other officials shall prevent the said
Archbishop from carrying his staff in his hand, and no annoyance
also shall be caused him on account of the horse or mule which
he rides.
44. Against the wish of the said Archbishop no one shall be
permitted to molest him under the pretext that We insist on their
employment as his servants.
45. In the management of affairs, which affect their religion, as
also in the immediate possession and administration of their property
no one shall in any way whatever hinder them or take part in such
matters, but he shall remain undisturbed and unmolested.
So let them know.
Let them respect our holy sign.
Written in the beginning of the month Shawwal in the year
1282.1 xThe beginning of the month Shawwal, Anno Hegira? 1282, would fall
between 17th and 26th February, Anno Domini 1866, the fifth year of the reign
of Sultan Abdul Aziz.

APPENDIX VII.
COPIES OF LETTERS ADDRESSED TO THE BISHOPS OF
CYPRUS WITH REPLIES.

'Ev TpobSa, Kvirpa,
Ty 257? 'S.eirrepBpiov, '94.
T<j> MaKapt(OTaT<o Ap^ieinc/coVa) Neas 'Iovo-Tiviavf}s Kai iratrrf; Kinrpov'
KupiO) pOl KuptU) %UKppOviw K.T.X, K.T.X, K.T.X.,
MaKapiajTa-re, 'EA.7ri^a) oti ^ 'YpeTepa MaKapioT77S #e'Xei p-e a-vyxwprjcrei. 81a to
Oappos 0 Xap.f3a.vw direvBvvwv'Yplv tt)v irapovcrav €ttkttoXt)v, dXX r/OcXov
6e\wprj(rei p.eydXi7v Yapiv *av VXfTe TVV xaXorrvvrp/ va. p.01 irape£rp-e irarrav
SvvaTTjv irXinporpoplav iirl twv aKoXovOwv fi7T77p.aTU)V.
a'. Tov dpiOpbv irdvTwv rwv eKKXrjcnacrTiKwv 7ravTOS /3a6p.ov, trvp.irtpt-
Xap,/3avop.evn>v twv p,ova^tov, ev Tais Siacpdpois e7rapv/ais.
fl. Ta £«ro8»7p.aTa iracrwv twv py]Tpoir6Xewv koI irodev irpoepxpvrai.
y . T6v rprmov SioiKr/crewi; irdcrrj'; eVap^ias /xcto tuiv titXwv twv iiraX-
XriXwv Kal t£>v Siaepopwv VTnjpernwv avruiv.
S". Tov dpSp.bv twv vvv ev ttj vrycra) XeiTOvpyovow p,ova>v.
YTTOYjoeovp.at va. Kap,w ttjv oj/rqcriv TavnTv Sum 7rpo 7roXXov Karayivopai
eis ttjv IkSootv fiifSXiov irepl ttJs " Ioropias rov Xpio-Tiavioyiov ev KvTrpa).
'fls KeepaXr) ttJs 'Op6o86£ov 'E/cxXr/o-ias ev Kv7rp<o vop.i'£<o oti 17 *Yp,eTepa
MaxaptoTT/s SvvaTai va. p.e fioriOijcrr] KtiXXiov 7ravTos aXXov.
"EXa/Sov oTrovSaias irX-ripocpopias dir' epyov tivos tov Kv7rpiavov —
" 'ItrropCa YjsovoXoyiKTj ri}s vr/crov Kvirpov "- — KaOws e-7rio-T7S Kai d(£' erepov
ti'vos tov $i\i7nrou reaipytov — " EiSijo-eis io"Topi«ai 7repi ttJs EKKX770"ias
ttjs Kwpov" — dXXa to p.ev irpwrov eivai (cairuis TraXaias XpovoXoyias, e«
Se tov SevTepov Sev Svvarai tis va Xd/3r? ras d7raiTovpeVas TrXripocjdopias.
*E7reiS7? 6 o"K07ros p*>v eivai va KaTacrrrjcrw to /3i/3Xiov orrov to Swarov
dxpi/Ses, eXiTi^oJ 6V1 tovto errrai dpKovcra SiKaioXoy770-is Sia, T-fjv evo^X-r/o-iv
77V Si'Sa) 'Ypiv.
"Otov eXr9<D eis AevK<oo"iav iXiri£.w vd XdfSw rr/v Tip/ijv va. iirio-KerpOw
avroirpocro.irws Kal va ev^apio-TrJcro) ttjv 'Yp.€Tepav ^/laKapioTijTa Sia. ttjv
evyevTy cas viroo-njpi^iv. "E^to ttjv Tiprjv va. rjp,aL
T-ijs 'YpeTepas MaKapidrTjTos
evTrei^eo-Taros Be\pdirwv
Ia)ctvv77S XdwceTT
'Iepeiis tov 'AyyXiKov rrrparov iv Kwrpa).

672 APPENDIX

Ai8eo"ip*i>TaTe Kvpie,
'OXiyov dpya p.ev, Sioti evpio-/cop.ai Iti eis irepioSeiav, dXX'
ev^apio-Ttos a7ravr<o eis ttjv dirb 17 'OKTw(3plov Tpe^ovTos emo-ToXTjv
ttjs vpeTe'pas AiSeo-ipoTTjTOs o-^eTiKais Trpos ra £rjrrjpMTa, Si a. €TTi6vp.tiTt
va. Swcrw vpiv Tas SvvaTas 7rX7jpo<popias.
1 . Oi inrdpxovTes kXtjpikoi itovtos /3a6p,ov Kaff oXtjv ttjv eKKXr/o-iaoTiKTjv
ttjs Tldepov eirapxlo-v dva/3aivovo-i p-e^pi tSv SiaKOrrtwv recro-apaKovra ¦ ex
tovtwv oi pev 225 l^ouo-i (3a6pbv 7rpeo-/?VTepov, oi Se 15 ,3a0p.bv icpoSia-
icdvov ¦ Mova^oi (" MeyaXdo-X77poi ") Sev virdpxovcriv ev Ildfpa), ei p-ij a7rXoi
Tives " pao-crocpopoi," e/c ™v 225 Ttov e^dvTaiv /3a6p.bv 7rpecr/3vTepov, oi
205 eivai eyyapoi 'lepeis Kai dvTjKovo-iv eis 96 x^P'") °' ^* eVepoi 20 eicriv
eVicnjs tov avTOv [$a6p,ov, dXX i-ireiS-r) Kal dvrjKOvrriv eis Movacrnjpia,
Tvyxavovcn rwv ttjs " pao-rro<popia<s ' evx«iv, /cai Sid tovto p.evovo"iv ayap.oi
Kal KaXovvTai " 'Iepopdvaxot .
2. Ta eicroSTjpaTa ttjs MTjTpo7rdXeu)s irpoipxovrai dirb KTTjpaTa, Kal ex
TrpoaipeTiKcov o-vva.o-<pop£>v rwv XpicrTtavuiv o-vp.<pti>vw<s ttj dve«a#ev IVi-
KpaTovo-jj o-wqOaa..
3. Movao"T7jpia eia-eVi SiaTijpovp.eva ev LTdcpa) virdpxovcn Tpia, to tov
'Ayiov NeocpvTov, to ttjs LTavayias " Xpvo-oppo'iaTio-o-Tjs " Kai to ttjs LTava
yias " TpdioSiTicro-Tjs ". T3k tovtcov to tov 'Ayiov NeocpvVov VTrdyeTai eis tov
ttjs 'Apxie7ricrK07rTjs ©pdvov, ra Se eTepa Svto eis tov ttjs Tldrpov ©pdvov ¦
eKacrTov povaoTTjpiov Siev(?vveTai V7ro evos 'Hyovpevov, VTroxpeovp.evov eis
XoyoSocriav 7rpos ttjv eKKXTjcriao-TiKTjv Ap^Tjv, eis tjv vwdyeTai.
4. Tas BpoviKas V7rof?ecreis KaTa to dveKaOev o~vo"T7jp.a evepyovo-i, o~vp>
c/xivios ttj 0eX7jcrei tov M7jTpo7roXiTOV, Sva> v7rdXX-r/Xoi tov Opovov, <pepovTes
6 pev eis fiadpbv " 'ApxipavSpirov, 6 Se eVepos " °E*;dpxov," wdpxei Se
«cai Tpiros vttciXXtjXos p.e /3a6pbv " ApxiSiaxdvov," 6 671-0105 <ppovTi'£et twv
SeovTiov KaTa Tas apxieparixas XeiTovpyias. Tds Se tSv iKKXr/criwv twv
Xwpiwv v7ro*7e'o-eis Siev&'Vovcriv eirirpoiral eKXeydp-evai V7r6 Ttov KaroiKWV
ttj o-vyKaraveaei Kal eyKpicrei ttjs eKKXTja-iao-TiKrjs 'Apvijs.
Evxdp.evos Se tu> ©e<3 wep ttjs ev vyeia Kai eirnvxia dirorrepaTwcrfw^
tov epyov, oVep dveXd/3eT€, SiaTeXai IIpd#vp.os
?J< 'O Ildcpov 'E7ricpdvios.
*El/ M7)Tp07T(J\€I llc£</>OV,
tt; 23/4 NoepBplov 1894. 3.
LTpos tov alSeo-ipwrarov 'Iwdwrjv iepe'a tov ev Kv7rpa> 'AyyXiKov OTpaTOv.
AiSeo-i/nuTaTe, LTepiepxopevos Ta xwpla '"j'S eirapxias pov Xidv dpyd tXaf3ov
rrjv dirb 15 'OKTwf3piov eiruTToXrjv ttjs vpeT. aiSeo-ip.dT7jTos, Kai Sid tovto
e/3pdSvva Kai eyco v' d7ravTrjo-<o eis 'avr^v, ef/i' <S Kai ^tjto) o~vyyvwpi,r)v.
Aid ttjs eTrto-ToXTjs vp5v aiTeiTe irap' ep,ov Tas e^ijs 7rX»jpot^opias.

APPENDIX 673
1 . Tov dpiOpbv Trdvrwv t<Sv eKK.Xyio-iatrTiKwv iravTos (3a6p.ov, rrvpirepi-
Xap,(3avopievwv Kal tGv p.ovax<H>v.
2. Td ilo-oSrjp.ara1 avTJjs (icrais yjOeXere vd ei7njTe aiViov, StjXoStj t£v
tepeiov) Kai Trd'Jev TTpoepxovrai.
3. Tov rpoirov ttjs Siouojcreois1 avTrjs (Icrwi avrwv, Sr/XaS-ij rwv eKKXr/o-iwv)
perd tcov titXojv tcov 7j7raXXijXcov Kal tcov Siatpdpcov VTTrjperriwv avTaiv.
4. Tov dpiOpxrv twv vvv ev avrrj Xevrovpyovcrwv Movcov.
A7ravTcov KaTa ttjv av-rrjv rd£iv Kal ceipdv Xeyco Ta e£fjs.
1 . H epvfj eVapxia dirapTi^opivr] ck Svo 7rdXeo)V, AdpvaKOS Kai Aepnocrcrov
ko.1 100 irepiirov xcopicov, o"vp7repiXap/3avop;evTjs Kai ttjs ep,Tjs MTjTpo7rdXecos
Kal Svo Xeirovpyovcrcov Movcov, e^ei ev o-uvdXco 1 74 iepeis Kal 1 8 iepoSia-
kovovs, 8iTjpTjp.evovs cbs efijs.
'H MTjTpo7roXis exei eva 'Apxip-avSpiVrjv Kal eva "E-fapxov, oirives eivai
iepeis • Iva 'ApxiSiaKOvov Kal Svo 'IepoSiaxdvovs.
coo-tc ^ MtjtpottoXis ?xei iepeis 2, TepoSiaxdvovs 3.
tj ttoXis Adpvaf iepeis 10, 'IepoSiaxdv. 3.
r) 7rdXis Aep,Tjo-a-os iepeis 6, TepoS0"1 3.
tj Movrj 'Ayiov Vewpylov lepeis 2, 'IepoS0*' 1 .
tj Movtj STavpo/3ouvibv lepea 1, 'IepoS0" 1.
iravra to. xcopid iepeis 153, Tepo8ous 7.

to 6Xov iepeis 174, 'IepoSiaK. 18.
2. EicroS7jp.aTa avTaiv • oi pev ttjs M7jTpo7rdXecos, ol tcov exxXTjcricov tcov
7rdXe<DV Kal oi tcov Movcov p.icrc9o8oTOvvTai wo ttjs MTjTpoTrdXecos Kal tcov
eKKXTjcriSv Kal Movcov, eis as 7j7T7jpeTOvcriv, oi Se tiov x<°pi&>v c^ovcri p;ixpds
Tivas a7roXa/3ds ex ttjs TeXecrecos tcov pwTTjpicov Kal tcov XoiTroiv iepoTeXe-
oticov 7rapd tcov Xpio-Tiavtov, Kvpi'cos Se a7To£a>o-iv epya£dp,evoi Ta KTTjp^aTa
tcov o-xe8dv a>s Kal oi XaiKoi.
3. LTacrai ai eKxXTjo-iai tcov tc 7rdXecov xal Ttov x<°P>'u>v SioiKOVVTai vtto
eiriTpoirwv eK.Xeyop.evwv Kar Itos tj KaTa Sieriav inrb twv xaTOixcov exdo-TTjs
evopias Tiov 7rdXe<ov Kal exdo-Tov xo>piov, dvayvcopifopevcov V7rd ttjs exxXTjcri-
acrTiKTjs 'Apxvs Kal viroxpeovp.evwv va Si'Scocri KaT eros Xoyov Ttov irpd£ewv
tcov eis Te tovs exXoyeis aiVcov Kai eis rijv iKKArjo-iao-TiKrjv 'Apx>jv.
4. Moval XeiTovpyovcrai ev T-g TjpeT. eirapxio- eivai Svo • tj tov 'Ayiov
Tewpyiov tov Kovtov xal tj tov STavpo/Jowiov.
TavTa irpos d-7rdvTTjcriv eis ttjv vp.€Tepav e7rio-ToXijv ¦ edv Se tjSwtjc9tjv v'
avrairoKpiOw KaB oXa 7rpos ttjv vp.erepav eiridvpiav dyvow • edv opcos
1 The word, to which the auT7*s in 2 and 3 refers, was eirapxia. — Question No.
1 in its entirety runs as follows : —
Tbv dpiBpbv Trdvrwv Ttov 4KKXytrtatrTiKwv iravrbs Ba&pov, trvpireptXapBavopevav rav
povaxav, 4v Trj vper4pa ifrapxia.
The substance and language ofthe letters addressed to the Bishops of Paphos,
Kition, and Kyrenia were identical in every respect with that addressed to the
Archbishop, the only difference being in the form of address and the omission of
all reference to Kyprianos and Phiiippos Georgiou.
43

674 APPENDIX
lTTi6vp.rJTe vd tyrrrjo-qre irap ep.ov Kal biroiavSijTTOTe aXXijv 7repi tovtcov
irXripocpopiav, irapaKaXw vd irpd£r)Te tovto eXevfJepcos, Kal eyco 7rpopvp.cos
Od eras evKoXvvco eis o,ti Svvapat, Kal SiaTeXco
V7rep ttjs vyei'as Kal evSaipovias ttjs Te vpierepai aiSeo"ip.dTrjTos Kai tov
iperepov o-Tparov Trpos ©edv irapaKXrjTwp
<i> 6 MTJTpOTToXlTTJS KlTlOV KvpiXXoS.
€« too xapi°v AovBapa,
TV T-9/31 'OKTuBpiov 1894.

'Ev TloXepiSiois, Aepyfftrov,
ry 117? NoepBpiov 1894.
Tco MaxapKOTaTa) ' ApxieirirrKoirw
Neas TovcrriviaVTjs Kal irdcrrj'S KvTrpov
Kvpico poi Kvpi'co Scocppovicp
X.T.X., K.T.X., K.T.X.
MaxapicoraTe, MeydXcos eXvTrrtQrjv dvayivcocrxcov 7rpo tivcov r)p,epwv eis Tas
eyxcopibvs ecpTjpepi'Sas oti tj 'Yperepa MaxapiOTTjs tjto dSiddzeTos, dXX
eX7ri£co, eXetp ©eov, on vvv xatP£l xaXXio-TTjv vyeiav.
"Eypac/iov 7rpd tivos xaipov 81a p.epiKas TrXTjpocpopias 7repl ttjs 'Opc9oSdifov
'EKxXTjo-ias ttjs KvVpov rds biroia's eiredvpovv vd e^co Sid f$i/3Xiov to ottoiov
ypdcpco irepl ttjs 'Icrropias tov " XpicrTiavicrp,ov ev KvVpco '. 'O 'Apxipav-
SpiTTjs 'YpJwv eis diravTrjcriv ecrxe ttjv xaXoo-vvTjv vd p.e irX-qpoepoprjo-ri on r)
'Yp.£Tepa MaxapiOTTjs ^to eis ttjv eVapxiav Kai on eis ttjv eiricrTpocfirjv Ttjs
dvapcpi|8dXcos 7j0eXe poi irape£ei rds £-TjTovp,evas TTXTjpocpopias. EX?ri£co
Xonrdv oti ^ 'Yperepa MaxapiOTTjs Sev t9eXei pe 6ewprio~ei evoxXrinKov edv
Ttj virevOvp-icrw ttjv v7rdo-xecriv ravrqv.
Ai irXrjpocpopLai eicrl p.eyicrTTjs cnrovSaidTTjTOs Sid tov 0"KO7rov ov e^co V7r
di/'iv, Kal pdvov eis Ypds 8v'vap,ai va diroravOw oVcos Xd/3co TOiavYas dxpi/3eis.
'E7ret9vpovv vd exco, ei Svvardv, KaTaXoyov tcov irpwrjv p.TjTpo7roXiTtov
Ildcpov, Kitiov, Kai KvpTjvetas, a7rd tcov dpxaioTepcov XP°,/'0V' ^XP1
rrrjpepov perd ttjs XpwoXoyias ttjs dva/3dcrecos eis tov Opovov, irapairrjcrews
7j Oavdrov avrwv.
MeydXcos Tjf?eXe pe viroxpewo-ei tj 'Ypierepa MaKapioTTjs edv tjSvWto vd
poi citttj 7rov 8vvap.ai vd dyopdcrw
( 1 ) Ttjv AcoSexd/?i/3Xov tov iAocriOeov, xal
(2) Td epya tov TcocrTjcp Bpvewi'ov,
tj edv tovto Sev ijvai SvvaTov, xal virdpxovo'iv eis ttjv 'Apxie7rio"K07njv, vd
p,ol rd Savelo-Tj Sid Ti^a xpovov 7rpds p.eXeTTjv.
Ex<o ttjv Tip,Tjv va Tjpai
ttjs 'Yperepas MaKapiOTrjTos
ev7reic9eo"TaTos Oepdirwv
IcodwTjs XaKCTT
Iepevs tov 'AyyXixov crTpaTov ev Kwpco.

APPENDIX 675

AiSecripcoTaTe xvpie Rev. John Hackett iepev tov ev IloXepiSiois 'AyyXiKov
trrpaTov.
Ttjv vrrd Tjpepop,Tjvidv 12 Noep/Jpiov ejrio-ToXTjv crov eXa/3ov ttjv 3/15
Aexep.|8piov TpexovTos Itovs Kal dveyvcov. evxapi'oTcos Ta ev avrrj yeypappeva.
ElSov vd poi ypdcpjjs Sid ttjv aaOeveidv pov xal croi evxapicrTto 7roXv •
ndo"xco eicreVi a7rd pevparicrpovs xai evoxXovpai 7rapaTroXv orav 6 Kaipds
eive vypds ¦ ETSov irpocren vd p,ol ypdcpjjs oti crvyypdcpeis /3i/8Xidv irepl
ttjs 'Opt9oSd£ov 'EKKXTjcrids ttjs Kij7rpov Kal em6vpei<s va exjjs TrXTjpocpopias
Tivas Trepl tovtov Kal ^Tjreis Trap' epov roiavras. Eis aTrdvTTjcriv Xeyco
croi Tavra.
'ATrooreXXco croi y8i/3Xiov iiriypaepop-evov " Ioropixal eiSTjcreis Trepl ttjs
'ExxXTjcrias ttjs KvTrpov vrrd $iXirr-7rov Tecopyiov . Ev tco jSifiXiw tovtco
Trepiex'Tai Trav o,ti eive SvvaTov vd pdO-ii tis Trepl ttjs 'ExKXTjcrias ttjs
KliVpov a7rd Ttov dpxaiOTarcov XP°V0)V AteXP' Twv Ka^ ^/"ts. Ilepl to
TeXos tov /3i/3Xiov virdpxei Kal KardXoyos Trepi tcov ApxieTrio-KOTrcov ttjs
Kvrrpov, cos Kal Bepdnov tov 'ApxieTTicrxoTrov ev peTarppdcrei.
Oi vvv 'Apxiepeis ttjs Kv-n-pov dvopia£ovTai ovtco : —
A'. 'ApxieTrio-Korros Trdo-Tjs Kwrpou Scocppdvios.
B'. M7JTp07ToXlT7JS IldcpOV 'E7TKpaVlOS.
T'. MTJTpOTToXlTTJS KlTlOV KvplXXoS.
A'. M7jTpo7roXiTTjs KvpTjveias • • . eicreVi Sev efeXe'yrj, x>?pevovTos tov
ttjs Kvprjveias Opovov.
Td elrroSrjpjxTa ko! tcov 4c"" tovtcov Opovwv eicrc rvxTjpd, xal ovSe to ev
Tpirov diroXap./3dvovo-i o~rjpepov oi Apxiepeis tcov ocrcov iXdp.(iavov aXXore,
Kal Sid tovto tj o-qp-epivi) xaTao-Tacris ttjs EkkXtjo-uis ttjs KiVpov iirrd
Trdtrav eiroifriv eive eXeeivTj, xal vtto oixovopixTjv o'lKTpd • as iXirio-wpev
dpcos on ev tco p.eXXovn f3eXnw6rjaeTai.
OvTe tj A<o8eKa/3i/8Xos tov Aoo"ic9eov inrdpxti irap Tjp.iv, ovre tov 'Iwcrr]<p
Bpvewidv rd epya. Td aTroo-TaXev croi fSifiXiov " Icrropixal ei8Tjo"eis Sia-
Xap,/3dvei, cos ehrop-ev, irav o,ti SvvaTai vd p,dt9jj tis Trepl ttjs AvroKecpaXov
'EKKXTjcrias ttjs KvTrpov, Sidn eive epaviayxevov eK Siacpdpcov /3i/8Xicov, dViva
SiaXap.f3dvovoTi irepl tov t9ep,aTos tovtov.
TorravTa eis diravrqcriv epiXiKWS. Ttjs cttjs dyaTTTjs
7rpds ©edv irapaxXTjTcop
?I* o Kv7rpov Scocppdvios
' ApXieJritXKtnry Kvrrpov iv AevKatria,
Ty 6/18 AeKepB. 1894. A. e.

676 APPENDIX

'Ev TloXeuiSiots, Aepytrcov,
ttj 8tT Iovouop'ou 1895.
Tco MaxapicoTarco 'ApxieTrio-xoTrco
Neas TovcTTiviavrys Kal TrdcrTjs KvTrpov
Kvpico poi Kvpico Scocppovico
K.T.X. K.T.X. X.T.X.,
MaKapicoTaTe, EvxapicrTco eyKapSicos ttjv 'Yperepav MaKapiOTTjTa Sid ttjv eTrur-
toXtjv Ttjs ttjs 6/18 TrapeXt^dvTos prjvds, xat9cos eTricnjs Sid tov "SiXittttov
Tecopyiov, to OTroiov' evpicrxco Xiav cocpeXipov, xal OeXw exTip.7jo"ei cbs
aTrdSei'fiv tov evSiacpepovTos, o Xdpf3avei 7) "Yperepa MaKapiorrjs eis
to {3i/3Xiov o rrvyypdepw.
IlapaxaXto ttjv "Yperepav MaxapidrTjTa vd pe o-vyxcopTjtrr/ Sid ttjv
/3pa8vTTjTa ttjs d-jraVTTjo-ecos pov • ama Se tovtov eivai oti e7rao"xov pe
irvperbv Kal Sev tjSvvtjcS'tjv vd ypdtpco. Xaipco dpcos vd pdOw on tj Yp,erepa
Maxapid-rTjs e^ei xaXXtrepov, xal eX7ri£co oti crvv ©ecp Taxecos OeXei xaipei
xaXXicrTTjv vyeiav.
'Ht9eXov Oewprjcrei peydXrjv X°^PLV *av V 'Yp.eTepa MaxapiOTTjs tjSwoto
vd pe eciSoSidcrTj pe KaraXdyovs Ttov TrpcoTjv pTjTpoTroXiTtov Ildcpov, Kitiov,
xal KvpTTveias, Sioti oi dvacpepdp.evoi eis tov "Oriens Christianus" tov
Aexiev eicrl Xiav dreXeis xal /3e/3aicos TraXaids XP01'0^-0')"015- Eipl tjStj
KaToxos xaraXdyov twv irpwrjv Apxieirio-Koirwv AeVKCocrias.
EXtti^co oti tj 'Yp,erepa MaxapiOTTjs Sev t5e'Xei p.e Oewprja-ei evoxXryriKov
edv Kai iraXiv epcoTTjtrco Avttjv vd pe a7raVT7jtr7j eis Tas dxoXovt^ovs epcoTTjcreis.
a'. Tov dpiOp,bv irdvrwv twv exxXTja-iacrnxcov 7ravrds (3a6pov, rrvp-irepi-
Xap/3avope'vcov tcov p,ovaxwv, ev ttj 'Yperepa 'ETrapxta-
/3\ Tov rpoirov SioiKTjcrecos ttjs "YpeTepas 'ETrapxias p-erd Ttov TiVXcov
tcov vTraXXTjXtov Kal tcov Siacpdpcov VTrTjpecricov avTwv.
y . Tov apiOphv Ttov vvv ev ttj 'Yp-erepq. eirapxia XeiTOvpyovcrcov p.ovcov.
EXa/3ov aTravTTjo-eis irapd Ttov A. A. II. II. Ttov MTjTpoiroXiTtov Ildcpov
xal Kitiov xal irepipevw povov rds ttjs 'Yp,eTepas MaxapioTTjTos xal tov
'ApxipavSpirov KvpTjveias.
napaxaXto ttjv Yp-eTepav MaKapiOTTjTa vd Sex^jj Tas eixds p.ov Sid ttjv
eoprijv tcov Xpio-rovyevvtov Kal tov ve'ov Itovs.
Exco ttjv Tip.Tjv vd Tjpai
Ttjs "Yp-erepas MaxapidrTjTos
evireit9eo-TaTos Oepdirwv
TcodwTjs XdxeTT
Iepevs tov AyyXixov crTparov ev Kvirpco.

APPENDIX 677

7.

Tto aiSeo-ipwTaTco iepei tov ev IIoXep.i8iois ttjs KvTrpov 'AyyXiKov o-rparov
Kvpiw Jno. Hackett.
AiSecrip-toTaTe, EvxapicrTws dveyvtopev ttjv 7rpds Tjp.as eTritTToXTjv crov ttjv XP0V0"
XoyovpevTjv dird 8 Tavovapiov 1895. EvxapioTOvp.ev croi Sid rds crvy-
XapTjTTjpiovs evxds crov 8id to veov eros, xal eirxopeOa Kal Tjp.ets rd icra ¦
irpoa-en Se T^yeidv iroXve-rrj xal evSatpxtva eir dyaOw ttjs dvCpcoTrdrrjTOS.
KaiToi irarrxopev eicreVi ex pevpaTitrp-wv evopitrapev opws KaOrJKOV Tjpwv
iva croi aTravT7jo-wp.ev cos Trpos rds dxoXovt9ovs Trpordo-eis eras.
1. " Os Trpos tov dpiBpibv twv 'ExxX-rjcriacrrixcov YTraXX-r/Xtov Travrds
fiaOpov ttjs Tjp;eTepas 'ETrapxias."
Oi ttjs Apxie7rierxoirTjs *Y7rdXXrjXot Kvpi'ws eive rpeis oi exovres /3a0pov<; :
a . 6 Apxip-avSpiTTjs, 6'cttis <ppovrit,ei Sid Tas ecrwrepixas V7rot9eo-eis ttjs
Apxierrio-KOTrTjs ' /S'. 6 "E-fapxos, dems pepipvd Sid rds e&orepixds xal
y . 6 ApxiSiaKOVos, octtis cppovTt£ei Trepl Siatpdpwv SiaKovwv k.t.X. xal
crvp,TrpaTTei p.erd tcov Xoittwv (dtpc/iixidXwv) ¦ vrrdpxei Se xal Owcovdpos
erri twv KatVijpepivcov e£d8wv.
2. " Os 7rpds tov rpoirov ttjs SioixTjcrews x.t.X."
O Tpdiros ttjs 8ioixijo-ews eive d avrds, ov eiiropev dvcoTepco, cos xal ai
virrjpecriai avTwv, enrov SiaTax^wcri vd irepieXOwcri irpos e£wp.dXvvcriv Sia-
tpopwv vrroOeo-ewv, Kal xpijcrixievovcriv oi iSloi virdXXTjXoi xal cos eipTjvoSiKai
rpoirov nva pera£v XpitrTiavtov, dvSpwv Te Kal ywaiKwv.
3. " Os Trpos tov dpiOpbv Ttov ev ttj rjperepa JLirapxia. XeiTovpyovcrtov
povtov, tos xal tov Kvpijva'ixov ©pdvov."
Ai piivai eive Svo xa-rTjyopitov : a'. SiarTjpovpevai xal /?'. SiaXeXvpe'vai
evexa Trepicrrdo-ewv. 'Ek twv 8iaT7jpovp.e'vwv tj roi) Kvxxov Kal tj tov
Maxaipd exovtrtv 'Hyovpevoo-vp/3ovXia Sid tcov biroitov BievOvvovrai km
oi ev avTais TraTepes, ottov av 8iaTaxt5wcri v' direXOwcriv eyxpicrei Toi3
Hyovp.evoo-vp./3ovXiov, direpxovTai. Exovai Se xal avrai TirXocpdpovs
tepwp.evovs • oiov 'Apxip-avSpiras, IIpcoTOo-vyxeXXovs, Oixovdpovs Kal p.ova-
Xovs, wv 6 dpit9p.ds eive ddp«rros. Ai SiaXeXvpevai exovo-i KTTjpara rd
OTroia evoocid£ovTai tj eis kXtjpixovs tj eis Xaixoiis eTrl d£ioxpecp eyyVTjcrei,
xal e^apTtovTai eK Ttov 'ErricrKdTrwv, oirives eTroTrrevovcri Kal 8iaxetpi£ovTai
Tas Trpoo-dSovs avrcov, edv Trepitrcrevwo-i, Trpos crvvTrjpijcriv Ttov MTjTpoTrdXewv
Kai Sid o-vv8po/xds crxoXeiW, Sioti oi XpitrTtavol o-qpepov ovSe to ev rpirov
OlSovoriv, eK twv ocrwv dveKac9ev ISiSov, Trpos o-WTTjprjcriv Ttov ©pdvwv xal
tcov dvayxaiovvTwv dvOpwirojv Kal eXevpocrvvrjv 8id tovs tttwxovs.-
Kal 6 KvpTjva'ixds ©pdvos exei 'ApxipavSpiTTjv, 'ApxiSiaxovov Kal Aev-
TepevovTa Sid Tas dvdyKas ttjs MTjTpOTrdXews.
Too-avra eis dTrdv-rrjo-iv xat Trepl tovtwv. ?$< d Kv7rpov Swrppdvios.
' ApxieiriffKoiry Kvirpov iv AevKwtria,
Tf 12/24 ^lavouapi'ou 1895.

678 APPENDIX

AiSecripwTaTe, EvxapitrTws dve'yvwp-ev ttjv irpos Tjp.as eincrToXTjv crov xp°vo~
Xoyoup,ev7jv d-7rd ttjs 8^! 'Iavovapidv 1895 xal xa^p°fi-e'' $'a ttjv TJyeidv crov •
Evxapio-TOvp-eV croi xal 7jp.eis Sid rds crvyxapTjTTjpibvs irpoo-prjcreis crov Sid
to veov eros, xal eixdp-eOa Kal Tjp,eis rd I'cra xai en TrXeiova, irpocren
Se vyei'av TroXverrj Kal evSaipova.
Tvxovtcs Se vvv xaXijs evxaipias, xat9' ijv d x. ATjp.7jTpios KapayewpyidSijs
pera/Saivei eis AovSTvov p.eTa ttjs A. E. tov MeydXov 'App-oorov x. . . .
SevSaX, eyvwpev diravrrjcrai Trpos ttjv eTritrToXTjv crov, xai a e£atTovp,eOa
o-vyyvwp.7jv Sid T7JV ySpaSvTTjra 7rpoeXt9ovcrav eveKa acrOeveiai (ex pevp.aTitr-
pwv) Kal Sid Tas TroXXds Kal Troixi'Xas 7jp.tov dcrxoXids, p Sas crr/peiovpev
Kal p.epixds irXTjpocpopias, as fijTeiTe Trap Tjpiv, xard Trpocreyyicriv Trepi
iepewv ttjs TjpeTepas 'EiTapxias xa0ws Kal tov Kvpijvaixov ©povov.
A'. 'Os Trpos tov dpiOpbv tcov iepewv • i) 'E-rrapxia tov ApxieincrKoiTiKOv
Opovov exei lepeis tos eyyitrra, eyydp.ovs xal dydpovs, ev crwdXto 280-300,
^ Se tov KvpTjvaixov aTrd 150-180, wcravTws eyydp.ovs xal dydp-ovs * eicroSTj-
p,aTa avrwv Tvxnpd.
B . 'OcptpixidXovs - 17 'Apxieirio-Koirrj exei 4. a'. 'ApxipavSptTTjv ¦ tppov-
Ti'£ei 7repl twv IcrwTepiKwv inroOeo-ewv • pv. "Efapxov Sid Tas ef torepixds •
y'. ApxiSidxovov Sid tovs Siaxdvovs, Kal oi 3 dp.ov Oewpovcri Kal pepixds
virot9ecreis pera£v Xpioriavcov ev eipTjvoSixei'ois ¦ tos Se xal Oixovdp,ov Sid
Tas SaTrdvas ttjs 'ApxieTritrxoirijs.
T . 6 rpcnros ttjs SioixTjo-ews eivai d avrds ov eiVop.ev dvwrepw • xal
ottov av SiaraxOwcri irapd tov 'ApxieTricrxdirov aTrepxovTai iva Oewpwcnv
viroOecrem eiprjvixds peTafu Xpiariavwv, dvSpwv tc Kal yvvaixtov, xal Sid
ttjv eiroirreidv twv Movcov.
A . 'O dpiOpo's tcov SiarTjpovpievwv Movcov ¦ 'H Movtj ttjs Kvxkov Kal
tov Maxaipa tos 2ravpo7rrjyia exovciv 'Hyovp,evocrvp/3oi'Xia Siaxeipi£dpeva
ttjv irepiovcriav twv Movcov xal <ppovri£ovTa Trepl ttjs SiaTTjprjcrews twv
KTvp.aTwv Kal tcov vTraXXijXwv avrtoi'. vExovcri xal avTal dtpcpiKidXovs,
oiov ApxiftavSpiras, Ilpwroo-vyxeXXovs, 'Iepopovdxovs, 'IepoSiaxdvovs xal
Movaxovs, o'tivcs xprqtniixvowri Sid Tas Siacpdpovs vmjpeo-ias twv Movtov,
xard rds dSTjyids tov 'Hyovp,evoo-vp./3ovXiov.
Ai Sidcpopoi Moval vrrdyovrai eis Svo xaTTjyopids, 8iaT7jpovp.evas xal
SlaXeXvpevas evexa xaipixtov irepio-Tatrewv. 'Extos twv dvwrepw Kvxxov
xal Maxaipa exovcri KaL aXXas 01 Opovoi, oiov d ttjs 'Apxieiricrxo7rTjs ttjv
tov 'AttootoXov Bapvd/3a, ttjv tov 'AttootoXov 'AvSpe'ov, ttjv ttjs IlaXXiovp-
yiwTicrcrrjs, atrives exovcriv o-tto 4-7 Movaxovs, 'EcpTjpepiovs Kal Aiaxdvovs
xal eva Olxovdpov. Td Se peyaXTjrepd twv exovcriv dirb 15-30 Movaxovs.
Twv SiaXeXvp.evwv Movwv rd xTijpara evo«ad£ovTai cttI dfioxpecp eyyvTjcrei
Kal Ta elcroSrjpaTa xPtl°~LlJ-t'v'ovo~w £ts Tas eTn8iopt9wcreis twv KTTjpaTcov
avrwv. Av Se tvxov inrdp^rj pxxpdv Trepicrtrevpa SaTravarat eis tttwxovs,
eis o-xoXeia xal eis Tas MrjTpoTrdXeis, V7rd tt)v eiromeiav twv 'Eirio-KOTrwv.
'AXX' ws exovcrt vvv rd irpdypara, wro oixovop.ixijv pdXicrTa eirot/fiv,
eivai eXeeivd xal oixTpd, Sioti oi tttwxoI Sev 8i8ovo-iv ovre to ^, ef wv

APPENDIX 679
aXXoTe eSiSov e'v xPVIJLarl KaL *v e^£'- Aid tovto eivai ^TjTTjpa XP0V0V
av Od SiaTriprjOwcriv tj M.rjTpoiroXei's tj Movaorrjpia.
ToiavTTj ev irepiXrjVjei r) rrapovcra xaTao-Tacris. Evxopai tw AoTTjpi
iravTOs dyat9ov iva Ka0o8rjyy 7rdvras eis ttjv dSdv ttjs 'AXrjOeias, ttjs
Aixaioo-vvrjs xal tov Kac5ijxovTOS eTr' dyat9w crvp,irdcr7js ttjs dvc5pw7roTTjTos
xal 8tj xal Ttov TaXai7rwpwv Kvrrpiwv.
Tocravra Kai Trepl tovtwv perd twv evxcov Tjptov.
>$< 'O 'ApxieTri'crKOTros Kvirpov
Swcppdvios.
' ApxieiriaKtnrf Kinrpov iv AevKwala,
r\ 23/5 'IovAt'ou 1895.

APPENDIX VIII.
Ricaot, Paul, The Present State of the Greek and Armenian
Churches, Svo, London, 1679.
Pp. 89-95. "The Island of Cyprus was in its ecclesiastical
government subjected once to the Patriarch of Antioch ; but
afterwards by the Council of Ephesus as canon the eighth, and
the same again confirmed by the grace and favour of Justinian
the Emperour (whose mother was a Cypriot by birth) this Church
was made absolute and independent of any other, and a priviledge
given to Anthemius, the Archbishop in that age, to subscribe his
name to all publick acts in red letters, which was an honour above
that of any Patriarch, who writes his name or firm in black char
acters, the which was afterwards confirmed by the authority of
Zeno the Emperour ; this favour and indulgence was granted in
honour to the apostle Barnaby, who primarily governed this diocess,
where now his sepulchre remains. The arch-bishoprick, during
the time that it was under the Duke of Savoy J and the Republick
of Venice, was the mother of 32 Bishopricks,2 but now by the
oppression and violence of the Turks hath been reduced to one
arch-bishoprick and three Bishopricks. The first hath its Cathedral
Church at Nicosia, and receives its revenue from Famagosta, Car-
pasi and Tamasea, which are immediately subject thereunto. The
Bishopricks are : —
" First that of Pafo, and Arsenoia, or Arsinoe.
" The second, that of Cyti, and Amathunta, anciently Cetium or
Citium and Amathusia.
" The third, that of Cerinia or Solea, anciently called Salines,3 or
1 Cyprus never really formed part of the dominions of the Dukes of Savoy.
They merely enjoyed the empty title of Kings of Cyprus, which was bequeathed
to Charles I. Duke of Savoy by his aunt, Charlotte, the last legitimate sovereign
ofthe House ofLusignan (25 Feb., 1485).
2 Ever since the Convention of Famagusta (14 Sept., 1222) reduced the
Orthodox Sees in the island to four they have remained at the same number.
3 This is a mistake. The mediaeval name of Larnaka was Salines, derived
from the salt lakes in the immediate neighbourhood. The ruins of Salamis on
the other hand are still to be seen near Famagusta — about thirty miles distant
from Larnaka.

APPENDIX 681
Salamine from Salamis, and was the most renowned city of all the
others. "This island before it was taken by the Turks contained 14
thousand villages : x but after a rebellion they made against the
Turk, anno 1580 and 1593, the greater part of the inhabitants
were either killed or exterminated : to which the grievous pesti
lence which succeeded in the year 1624 added so irreparable a
desolation that of the 14 thousand villages there remain not 700
at this present time.
"The Archbishop of this island in this year 1678 is named
Hilarion, and sirnamed Cicala, created and promoted to this
dignity in the year 1674, a learned man and well skilled in the
Greek and Latine tongues. His revenue or maintenance arises
from the churches of Famagosta, Carpasi and Tamasea, according
to the ecclesiastical endowments : but from the villages he receives
nothing, unless at the visits which he makes twice a year, some
collection is made of corn, oyl, wine and other fruits, in the nature
of tythes, but rather by way of presents and free-will offerings,
than of duties. From the monasteries he receives a certain annual
income or rent, according to the abilities and possessions thereof,
and from every Papa or Priest a dollar yearly per head : all which
will scarce maintain a Patriarch, or yield him other than a poor
liveUhood. For when a Patriarch is first constituted, a purse of
money or 500 dollars is exacted, and paid to the Pasha, and as
much more to the Janissaries ; besides the ordinary growing charges,
which are yearly about 2500 dollars. For to the Pasha every three
months are paid 166 dollars, and to the Janissary, which is set for
a guard to the Patriarch, 20 or 25 dollars, as he thinks fit to agree :
also upon the coming of a new Kadi there is always a new expence,
who commands what he pleases in money or presents ; so that with
these taxes and exactions the church is always harassed and made
poor. " The Bishop of Pafo, named at present Leontius, who hath the
city of Arsinoia under his jurisdiction, gathers his maintenance after
the manner of the Archbishop. Pafo was anciently a port of good
feme and renown, and is so at present, whence is yearly shipped off
a considerable quantity of cottons, silk and other merchandise : but
by the oppression and hard usage of the Turks, and the covetous
ness of the officers, is reduced to poverty and want of people.
1 This is a gross exaggeration, as the foUowing statistics from the Histoire de
Chypre, tom. iii., prove, (a) a return made at the end of the fifteenth century, p.
494, 834 ; (b) Francesco Attar (circ. 1540), p. 534, 839 ; (c) Jean de Nores, Comte
de Tripoli (1559), p. 534 n., 818 ; (d) Bernardo Sagredo I. (1562), p. 541, 813 ;
(e) Bernardo Sagredo II. (1585), p. 561, 868 ; (f) The then Archbishop of Cyprus
(1600), p. 567, 700; (g) Pietro Senni (1668), p. 580, 698. Savorgnano, moreover,
writing about 1566 gives the total at about 1000 (Reinhard, tom. ii., notes, p.
35), while Lusignan in 1573 puts it at 850, including towns in ruins (p. ig (a)).

682 APPENDIX
"The second diocess governed by its Bishop is that of -Cetium,
or after the vulgar Cyti, hath under its government the city of
Limeson, Cilan, Amathunta, and another city anciently a diocess,
adjoined to it, called Cyrion ; of which place one Cosma was Bishop
some few years past, a person of good ingenuity and learning, born
at Tunis in Africa, his father of Thessalonica, and his mother of
Cyprus, with whom having some acquaintance, I had the opportunity
to make these collections relating to the state and condition of that
place. " The third diocess is that of Cerinia, the Bishop's name at present
Leontius, having three cities under it, viz., Solea, Pentasia, and
Marathusa, the which is governed and maintained in the same
manner as the other diocesses."
Pp. 212-14. "Many of this sort of people (Kaloires, i.e.,
xaXdyrjpoi) are long-lived, in regard they are temperate in eating
and drinking, and ever unacquainted with women. I once knew
one of them who was an aTravSoxevs of a monastery in Cyprus, called
Ilavayia tov Kvkxov Mapac9do-a ttjs Aevxas, whereunto belonged 200
Kaloirs, he told me that he was 1 1 9 years of age ; and the better
to assure me that he was not mistaken in his calculation, he con
fidently affirmed that he remembered the taking of Cyprus by the
Turk, when the channels of his town ran with blood ; which
according to history may be about the space of 107 years past,
and at that time he conceived that he might have been about 12
years of age, when he remembers that the cruel souldiers bloodily
massacring all persons which met them in their fury, his mother
defended him from violence ; for having the fortune to meet with a
souldier more flexible than the rest she fell on the body of this her
son, and byher prayers and tears prevailed to rescue him from
death ; in commemoration of which deliverance she afterwards
dedicated him to the service of God, speedily entering him into the
order of Kaloires ; he never remembers to have eaten flesh ; his
father lived but to 80 years of age, but his grandfather to 158." 1
1 The writer himself about six years ago met in the Monastery of Trooditissa
a monk who confessed to being then 103 years of age, ninety of which he had
passed in that establishment, while many of the inmates of Kykko at the present
day are said by the Hegoumenos to have reached a very advanced age. Lusig
nan mentions several instances of extreme longevity as coming under his notice
(P- 5 (*)).

ADDENDA.

Page 4. Accounts vary as to the time of Herakleides' consecration to the See
of Tamasos. The aKoXovBiai of SS. Herakleides and Mnason represent it as
taking place during the first Apostolic visit, while the Acta et Passio Bar
nabas postpones it to St. Barnabas' second appearance in the island. Cf.,
too, Florio Boustron, p. 33 : " Al vescovato de Thamassia Hyraclidio,
consecrato da San Paolo et San Barnaba".
Page 5. From the following passages some doubt would seem to exist respect
ing the precise period of Barnabas' meeting with Aristion : —
" Inter Acta S.S. quae Bollandi continuatores ediderunt, ad diem xi. Junii
acta prostant S. Barnabas ejusdem Johannis Marci nomine inscripta — in
quibus Apostolum in secundo illo suo in insulam patriam suam adventu —
Timonem et Aristionem, homines sacro ministerio addictos, iepoSovXovs, re-
perisse, etc." (Le Quien, O.C, ii., 1039).
" Quem (Aristionem) acta ilia quae appellavi St. Barnabas, ab eo in insula
cum Timone repertum ferunt, dum in illam una cum Paulo prima vice
appulit" (Ibid., O.C, ii., 1043-44).
Page 7. Le Quien (O.C, ii., 1046) identifies the Gerasios mentioned by Atha
nasios among the signatories of the Council of Sardica with Gelasios, the
Bishop of Paphos who attended the First General Council, the slight varia
tion in the names being due to a difference of spelling : " Athanasius Apol.
¦t, Sardicensi 'Concilio de insula Cypro subscripsisse Gerasium refert, scripto
p pro A".
Page 43. The Greek commentators Offer the following explanations regarding
the name Justinianopolis : —
Baisamon — bvopd^wv KaX tj)v iKKXyaiav tSi' Kvrrpiwv veav 'lovo-riviavoviroXtv.
Zonaras — xal irpotrridyo'i ry vea irbXet tJtis 'lovtrriviavoviroXis iireKX-ijQy.
Aristenos — avry yap iifTi (i.e., y vytros t«v Kvirpiwv) KaX via 'lovarivtavov-
iroXis.
Page 66, note 1. According to L'art de verifier les dates (tom. x., p. 229)
Hugues VIII. le Brun was never Count de la Marche, but only Sire de
Lusignan. Hugues IX., his son, first assumed that title through his wife,
Mathilde, daughter of Wulgrin III., Count of Angouleme, and heiress of
Aldebert IV., Count de la Marche. The following in direct line is the
order of succession : —
Hugues X. (1208-49). By his marriage with Isabelle, daughter of Aimar,
Count of Angouleme, and widow of John of England, he acquired that
title also on the death of his father-in-law in 1218.
Hugues XI. (1249-60).
Hugues XII. (1260-82).
Hugues XIII. (1282-1303).

684 ADDENDA
Page 67. The remark of Geoffroy de Lusignan on hearing of his brother's pro
motion to the throne of Jerusalem, as quoted from Gibbon (ch. 59), does
not agree with the version of Franciscus Pipinus in his chronicle (lib. 25),
published by Muratori under the false title of Bernardi Tkesaurarii de
Acquisitione Term Sancta (tom. vii., pp. 663-848), which is a Latin trans
lation of the well-known continuation in old French of Guillaume de Tyr,
entitled : La Chronique d'Emoul et de Bernard Le Tresorier. The passage
in the original is as follows: "Done Jofrois de Lezegnon dist, li bon
chevalier, qant la novele vint a lui qe Guiz ses freres estoit roys de Jheru
salem, dist : ' Done deust-il estre Dex par droit ' "
Ibid. Du Cange and the Cypriot chroniclers erroneously call Guillaume, the
first husband of Sibylle, Marquis of Montferrat, whereas he was in reality
the son of Guillaume III. le Vieux (1140-88), whose immediate successor
was his second son, Conrad (1188-92). Guillaume IV. (1207-25) was the
eldest son of Boniface II. (1192-1207), the brother and successor of Conrad.
In L'art de verifier les dates Guillaume III. is reported to have been the
father of five sons, whose names are given as follows : Guillaume, Conrad,
Reinier, Boniface and Frederic (Bishop of Alba) (tom. xvii., pp. 213 sq.).
Page 82. The Convention of Famagusta pronounced the following penalty
against any Greek prelate in the island surreptitiously conferring Holy
Orders: "Si aliquis, sine licentia Latini episcopi et domini temporalis, a
Greco episcopo in regno se fecerit ordinari, Grecus episcopus qui eum
taliter promovit in regno, ab officio conferendi ordines a Latino episcopo
suspendatur ". The Latin diocesan, moreover, was required to replace a
serf so ordained on the ground that such ordination could not have taken
place without his previous consent or participation. " Et si archiepiscopus
vel episcopi Latini, qui pro tempore erunt in Cypro, aliter vilanum alicujus
concesserint ordinari, cum, nonnisi de licentia archiepiscopi et episcoporum
Latinorum debeat ordinari, alium eque bonum vilanum domino suo resti-
tuere teneantur " (Hist, de Chyp., iii., 620).
Page 95. Leo AUatius, born of Greek parents at Chio in 1586, went in 1600 to
Rome, where he studied at the Greek college. On the completion of his
studies Bernard Justiniani, Bishop of Anglona, appointed him his vicar-
general. Alexander VII. made him Librarian of the Vatican in 1661. He
died in January, i66g, aged eighty- three. Kyprianos (p. 337) calls him
b AaTivbtppav Kal Ttapdtriros (!) rys 'Papys.
Page 104. From the words in the Bulla Cypria, " ne idem Germanus archi
episcopus incerto sede vagetur," it would seem that at the time when it was
issued the Orthodox primacy was attached to no particular city. The
Convention of Famagusta had directed the transference of the Orthodox
occupant of that See to Karpasia (Rizokarpaso), while in the above-named
Bull mention is made of Joakim as Bishop of the latter city. Since Ger
manos Pesimandros was then metropolitan this circumstance plainly
indicates that the archiepiscopal dignity had become detached from
Famagusta.
Page 116, note 1. Salvo ordine is interpreted as excluding the ancient feudal
form of homage (Robertson, Christ. Ch., vol. v., p. 68).
Page 154. The religious confusion then prevalent in Cyprus is thus further
illustrated by Lusignan : " Per esservi il rito latino et greco alcuni nobili
seguitano il loro antico costume di viver alia latina, altri fanno alia greca,
et molti altri, quali sono come cavalli senza freno, non fanno ne alia greca,
ne alia latina, mescolando insieme il rito latino con il greco " (p. 85 a).

ADDENDA 685
Page 201, note i. Sathas (Bibl. Med. Mvi, iii., prasf., p. 27) questions the
generally received opinion that Meletios Pegas' administration of the CEcu
menical See was confined to the year 1595, since letters of his, written in
I5g8 and 1599, are extant, wherein he continues to describe himself as its
guardian (4irtTypyTijs).
Page 202. Joakim based his claim to intervene on the fictitious forty-second
Canon of the First Council of Nicaea, which, he contended, empowered the
Patriarchs of Antioch to consecrate the Archbishops of Cyprus. But it was
in reality the thirty-seventh which professed to confer this pretended right.
The forty-second directs the expulsion and degradation of clerics and monks
who, after the commission of a crime, prove contumacious on being repeatedly
summoned to stand their trial and purge their offence. Phiiippos Georgiou
(p. 84, note a) also asserts that the forty-third Canon as well as the thirty-
seventh expressly pronounces the dependence of the Church of Cyprus on
the Antiochene Patriarchate. That Canon, however, merely declares that,
when an ecclesiastic has committed a notorious offence, no evidence is
necessary, while it further provides that in the event of the delinquent being
screened by his judges the Patriarch shall punish him, as well as those
responsible for the miscarriage of justice (cf. Mansi, Concii., tom. ii., col.
g64, etc.).
Page 213. Cyprus appears to have been a favourite place of banishment for
deposed Patriarchs of Constantinople. Pococke (Bk. iii., ch. ii.) mentions
seeing one at Famagusta in 1738, though without giving his name, while
Kyrillos Lauriotes in his metrical chronicle of the occupants of the Oecu
menical See (pp. 40, 46) records the further instances of Kyrillos III.
(1654) and Kyrillos V. (1751).
Page 214. Nektarios, the successor of Paisios in the See of Jerusalem (circ. 1661),
was a Cretan by birth and an inmate of the Monastery of St. Catharine at
Mount Sinai before his elevation to the Patriarchal throne. He enjoyed a
considerable reputation as an author in Orthodox literary circles (cf. Bibl.
Med. Mvi, tom. iii., pp. go, 485).
Page 2ig. Sergios Makraios states that the consecration of Kyprianos to the
See of Alexandria took place in May, 1767 : " 4v pyvX yovv paiw tov elyKotrrov
eBSbpov erovs — b dyiwraros irdiras Kal irarpidpxys MarBaios xeiporovei iSitf xeipl
apxiepba Kal iraTpidpxyv rbv Kbpiov Kvrrpiavbv " — while he further affirms, in
opposition to Sathas, that it was Gerasimos, Bishop of Metra, who was
appointed his successor — " irpoeBiBdaBy eis tov dyiwrarov diroaToXiKbv Spbvov
' AXe^avSpeias b Merpwv 4iriaKoiros Yepdtripos, k.t.X. (Bibl. Med. J&vi, tom. iii.,
PP- 255, 334)-
Page 243. Innocent III.'s letter of 21st July, 1250, mentions fourteen Orthodox
Sees (Raynaidi, ad ann., 1250, No. 40).
Page 246. The actual date when Nikosia became the sole metropolis is a matter
of some uncertainty. In the opinion of De Mas Latrie the change would
have taken place immediately on the introduction of the Latin Church but
for the royal intervention. "Vainement les constitutions apostoliques
avaient-elles, depuis le regne d' Amaury, transfer^ le pouvoir metropolitain a
1' archeveque latin, et reduit les Grecs a n' avoir que de simples eveques :
les rois avaient toujours maintenu le metropolitain indigene dans sa dignite "
(Hist, de Chypre, i., p. 210). Lusignan (p. 31, a) dates it from the appeal
made by the Regent, Alix de Champagne, to Innocent III., at the Fourth
Lateran Council in 1215. It was, however, not to take effect until after the

686 ADDENDA
death of the then Orthodox Archbishop Simeon. But Labbe questions the
accuracy of this statement for the following reason : " Ex iisdem pariter
litteris (i.e. Germani II., Constantinopolitani Grascorum patriarchae) constat,
Simeone Grascorum metropolita in eadem insula e vivis sublato, Graecos
non statim quidem, uti falso asserit Lusinianus, Latino archiepiscopo paru-
isse, sed alteram sibi assumpsisse nomine Neophytum " (Concii. xxii., 1084).
That the Greeks ignored the arrangement for a time at least is evident from
the fact that Esaias and Neophytos succeeded Simeon in 1220 and 1222
respectively, while again in 1240 and 1250, before the consecration of Ger
manos Pesimandros, mention is made of the presence of other Orthodox
primates in the island (cf. Raynaidi, ad ann., 1240, No. 45, 1250, No. 33).
Page 246, note. As further evidence for the antiquity of the metropolitan dignity
of Salamis the following passages may be cited : —
(a) Chrysostom (a.d. 347-A.D. 407) : —
xal yevbpevoi 4v ^aXapivt KarijyyeXXov rbv Xbyov tov ©eov ry pyrpoirbXei rys
Kbirpov (In Act Apost., Homil. xxviii.).
(b) Sozomen (circ. a.d. 450) : —
Trepl Se tovtov rbv XP&VOV Kal 'Eiritpdvios ttjs Kinrpiav 4iretrKoirei pyrpoirbXews
(Hist. Eccl., lib. vii., c. 26).
Page 247. According to Bingham (Antiq., p. 227, § 4) Valesius mentions a fourth
class of these independent prelates, viz., such as were wholly independent
of all others, whether Metropolitans or Patriarchs, and as an instance cites
the Bishops of Jerusalem before their promotion to patriarchal rank, but this,
as Bingham remarks, directly contradicts St. Jerome, who expressly states
that they were subject to the Bishop of Caesarea as Metropolitan of all
Palestine and to the Bishop of Antioch as Metropolitan of the whole East.
Bingham himself declares that if any really existed they must be such as
the Bishop of Tomis in Scythia, who according to Sozomen (H. E. , lib. vi.,
c. 21) was the only Bishop in all that province, though he doubts if another
such example could be found in all the history of the Church.
Ibid. Dositheos, a native of the Morea, was Bishop of Caesarea Palasstinas
before his accession to the See of Jerusalem on the resignation of Nektarios
(circ. 1668). He was the author of numerous works, the most important
being a history of his predecessors in the Patriarchate, called from its
arrangement the AwSexdBiBXos. He presided over Jerusalem for thirty-eight
years and died at Constantinople in 1704. Cassarios Daponte alludes to his
literary labours in the Historical Catalogue (Bibl. Med. Mm, iii., p. go).
Page 249. An examination of the actual subscriptions shows that at the Sixth
General Council Theodoros, Bishop of Trimythus, held the ninth place
after John of Thessalonica, and Constantine, Archbishop of Constantia, the
eighth after John of Ephesus at the Seventh General Council (Mansi, Concii.,
xi., col. 639; xii., col. 994).
Page 250. Dositheos (AwSeKaBiB; bk. v., ch. 20, § 3) quotes Baisamon on the
thirtieth Canon (thirty-ninth ? ) of the Council in Trullo as his authority for
saying that Justinian Rhinotmetos was the restorer of Salamis or Constantia,
which he called in consequence Nova Justiniana (Justinianopolis). But
Phiiippos Georgiou (p. 33, note) remarks that such a statement does not
occur in that canonist's writings, nor would it be correct, even if it did,
since it was the city founded on the Hellespont, which was so called.

ADDENDA 687
Page 254. Philotheos' insinuation (Kyprianos, p. 380) that Dositheos in his
account of the alleged restoration of Salamis has confused between the two
Justinians is a deliberate misstatement, as in his Ekthesis (Kyprianos, p.
373) he has copied verbatim the Patriarch's words, which expressly men
tion Rhinotmetos, e.g. "'lovo-riviavbs b 'Pivbrpyros avaKaivitras eis KdXXos
{SaXapiva) avbpatre v4av 'XovOTiviavijv" (AaSeKaBiB; "b. v., ch. 20, § 3.)
Page 305. Zeno first became emperor in 474, but was dethroned in 475 by his
brother-in-law, Basiliscus, whom he in turn deposed in 477. Le Quien
(O.C, ii., 1047) says that Anthemios presided over the See of Constantia
after the restoration of Zeno. His period would, therefore, fall between
477 and 4gi, the dates of Zeno's restoration and death respectively.
Page 306, note. Marcian was the Eastern Emperor under whom the Council of
Chalcedon was held. Theodosius the Younger was succeeded in 450 by
his sister Pulcheria, who married Marcian (450-457). The emperor whom
Lusignan mentions in connection with this Nikolaos is Justin (Giustino),
not Justinian (Giustiniano), but he omits to distinguish between Justin the
Elder (518-527) and Justin the Younger (565-578). That he intended Jus
tinian, however, is evident from his mention of the Empress Theodora.
Page 307. Gams includes Therapontus, whom Le Quien calls Therapon, among
the occupants of the metropolitan See. But it is uncertain whether he
should be reckoned among the Archbishops of Cyprus. Le Quien (O.C,
ii., 1049) says that the Menology commemorates him on the 25th or 26th
May, and that his remains were removed to Constantinople on the invasion
of the island by the Saracens in the time of Justinian II. Kyprianos
mentions a foreigner, named Therapon, who became a Bishop in Cyprus,
and is commemorated on 14th May (p. 352).
Ibid. St. Simeon Stylites the Younger, called also Maumastorites, was born at
Antioch, a.d. 521 and inhabited a monastery near Theopolis. He died a.u.
596. His biography has also been written by Nikephoros of Antioch (Migne,
P.G., lxxxvi.). That by Arkadios of Cyprus is cited by St. John Damas
kenos (In Orat. iii. de Imagin., Migne, P. G., xciv., col. 1393).
Page 310. Sakellarios (Kinrpiaxd, tom. i., p. 171) notices the existence in the
village of Hagios Sergios of the following inscription, which records the
name of an Archbishop Plutarch in connection with the repair of certain
arches of the aqueduct bringing water from Kythrasa : —
•J* iyiverov y k
al aire y S4k
ad'piSes iirl
nXovrdpxov
' Apxieir iff Kbit
ov ypwv lvS. ir.
Ibid. Strambaldi adds after the name of Iermano " arcivescovo de Cipro de
Damasia," i.e., Tamasia or Tamasos.
Page 312. Le Quien (O.C, ii., 1066) places Gerasimos among the Bishops of
Amathus, whereas in the proceedings of the Synod of Nikosia in 1668 he
is styled Bishop of Nemesos (Ph. Georgiou, p. gs, note).
Page 313. Kosmas was subsequently translated to Durazzo in Dalmatia, as is
evident from a letter of his to Dositheos of Jerusalem, which is included in the
KardXoyos 4irnTToXGfv dveKSbrwy.

688 ADDENDA
Kotrpds b irore Kirlewv rys Kinrpov, b ex KapBayivys, vvv Se pyTpoiroXtrys
Avfifaxiov, xal AaXpdrwv, b irori dyioTatplrys, 1695, SeKepBplov I (Bibl. Med.
Mm., tom. iii., p. 520).
It will be observed that he is here described as Bishop of Kition. His place
among the occupants of that See will, therefore, come between Gerasimos
and Joannikios. Le Quien follows Ricaut in calling him Bishop of Kurion.
Page 313, note 2. Le Quien (O.C, ii., 1060) makes the following observation
regarding Herakleides : " In Menologio Grascorum die Sept. 27 ' Natalis
legitur Beati Heraclidis, episcopi Tamassi Cypri et sanctarum Sophias et
Irenes,' quo significatur Heraclidem una cum illis martyrem obiisse "¦
Page 314. The See of Tamasos was temporarily revived in i7gi, when a nephew
and namesake of Archbishop Chrysanthos was appointed Bishop. He was
translated to Kition in 1801.
Page 315. Pococke writes as follows of a Bishop of Paphos, who from the date
must have been Joakim : —
" I was recommended to a brother of the Bishop of Baffa, who at that time
was imprisoned by the Turks at Famagusta, by the instigation of the
Archbishop of Nicosia, with whom he had some difference ; and I after
wards saw him at Rosetto, when he fled from this place to Egypt " (bk. iii.,
ch. 5).
Ibid. Le Quien gives Dionysios as the name of the prelate in possession of
the See of Paphos in 1733. " Observandum pro coronide episcopum
Paphensem Grascum, qui anno 1733 sedebat, et fortassis adhuc sedet, Diony-
sium nominari " (O.C, iii., 1220). He would thus occupy the twentieth
place on the list, his predecessor and successor both being called Joakim.
Ibid. Since the vacancy in the See of Paphos caused by the death of Epiphanios
on the 5th February, 1899, three candidates have appeared, viz., Meletios,
Archimandrite of Larnaka, Christophoros, GLkonomos of Kykko, and
Philotheos, Archimandrite of Nikosia, but no appointment has yet been
made. The diocese is at present in charge of a committee of four persons,
under the presidency of the Hegoumenos of Enklistra.
Page 317. In the letter of 1608 to the Duke of Savoy occur the names of James,
Bishop of Lemesos, and Esaias, Bishop of Amathus, showing that these
two Sees, though now merged in the diocese of Kition, were then held
separately.
Ibid. The Tresor de Chronoiogie mentions two Bishops of Amathus of the
name of Tychon, whom it represents as flourishing in the fourth and sixth
centuries respectively.
Page 318. Sathas (Bibl. Med. Mv\, tom ii., Praef., p. 127, note 1) reports that the
MS. of the Chronicle of Machasra transcribed shortly after the Turkish
invasion and now preserved in the Library of St. Mark at Venice (Class vii.,
Cod. xvi.) bears on folio 240 the name of " Joakim, Bishop of Amathus,
President of the city of Lemesos and of Kureon ". A note states that it
was removed from Cyprus on ist March, 1634.
Page 319. Sakellarios (KvirpiaKa, tom. i., p. 127) notices the existence of a church
near the Monastery of Achiropietos dedicated to a certain Eulalios, who
may possibly be the Bishop of the same name as the locality is within the
ancient diocese of Lapithos.

ADDENDA 689
Page 322. St. Nichita according to the Tresor de Chronoiogie occupied the See
of Chytri in the third or fourth century.
Page 323. Spyridon of Trimythus was certainly alive in 1806, as he seems to
have been the prelate whom Ali Bey (Travels, ch. 5) met that year in
Nikosia, and whom he describes as bishop in partibus (rather a suffragan or
Xwpeirio-KoTros). He may also be the Bishop of Temetunda mentioned in
the Notizie del Giorno, Roma (1821), as having escaped from the island
when the Archbishop and other prelates were murdered by Kuchuk Mehmed.
Page 324. Le Quien makes the following observations on the attendance of
these two Bishops of Soli, (a) Epiphanios and (b) Stratonikos at the Councils
of Chalcedon and Third Constantinople respectively.
(a) " Concilio quoque Chalcedonensi actioni 6 subscripsit Epiphanius
Episcopus Solorum. Quanquam ex Latina translatione veteri apparet ejus
dumtaxat locum ac vices gessisse Soterem Theodosianas, ut synodo minime
forsan prassens fuerit " (O.C, ii., col. 1072).
(b) " Stratonicus ad Sextam Synodum generalem venit atque duodecimas
actioni una cum archiepiscopo suo Constantio interfuit" (O.C, ii., col.
1072).
This latter remark is evidently a misstatement, as Epiphanios II. was then
Archbishop (680-681), cf. Q.C., ii., col. 1050. Constantine was Primate at
the time of the Second Council of Nicaea, a.d. 787, cf. O.C, ii., col. 1052
when Eustathios occupied the See of Soli (cf. Mansi, Concii., xi., 639 ; xii.,
994)-
Ibid. Whether Germanos Pesimandros, the last Orthodox Primate during the
Latin Supremacy, should be included among the Bishops of Soli is a
question which admits of some uncertainty. The Bulla Cypria removed
Nibon from that See to Paphos to create a vacancy for him, but the words
of appointment show that he continued to retain his previous archiepiscopal
dignity : —
" Praefato tamen Germano archiepiscopo dictas sedem et ecclesiam de Solia,
tarn in spiritualibus, quam temporalibus, de eisdem consilio et potestate, com-
mittimus, sibi retentis semper dignitatis archiepiscopalis honore ac nomine,
episcopaliter gubernandas" (Raynaidi, ad ann. 1260, No. 49).
Page 325. The irepiXyifits iraTpiapxiKwv 4yypdtpav mentions as follows a Bishop
of Solia named Makarios, who seems to have held the See in 1618 : —
TipbBeos A'. 7I2^» ivS. a' (1618) Kar lobXiov irritTToXT) irpbs rbv paKapiwraroV
Kinrpov irrtKvpwTiKT) rys KaOaipiaews tov 4irio~Kbirov ~S,oX'ias MaKap'tov (Bibl. Med.
jEvi, tom. iii., p. 561).
Ibid. Lusignan (p. 26, a) assigns the martyrdom of Theodotos to the Decian
persecution (a.d. 24g-A.D. 251) when Sabinus was Governor of Cyprus.
But all the other authorities represent the latter as being in office under
Licinius (a.d. 307-A.D. 324). Lusignan through confusing different towns
of almost the same name may possibly mean the Diocletian persecution
(a.d. 303-A.D. 305) when Theodoros, Bishop of Cyrene, not Kyrenia, was
martyred (cf. p. 388, note). The similarity of the legends suggests more
than a mere coincidence. Gibbon mentions (ch. xvi.) a Sabinus, who was
praetorian praefect of Asia under Maximinus.
Page 326. According to Le Quien Gerasimos presided over the See of Kyrenia
in 1733 : " Accepimus etiam ex litteris ab Oriente missis anno 1733 ecclesias
Cirinensis prassulem Grascum tunc sedentem, Jerasimum " (O.C, iii., 1232).
This would place him seventh on the list, while in his case also his prede
cessor and successor both have the same name, Nikephoros.
44

690 ADDENDA
Ibid. Le Quien (O.C, ii., 1075) says with regard to those whom Soter re
presented : " Civitatem Theodosianam in insula Cypro exstitisse produnt
Chalcedonensis concilii acta, cujus nempe actione prima sedisse legitur
Soter, sive Soterus, Theodosianas episcopus, et locum teniusse Heliodori
Amathuntis et Didymi Lapithi." According to the records of the Council
(Mansi, vi., 578) Epaphroditos of Tamasos also represented Didymos of
Lapithos on the same occasion.
Page 328. The anonymous Bishop of Levkosia, No. 5, is very possibly the
individual named Loara, to whom Angelo Calepio alludes in his account
of the Ottoman Conquest of Cyprus (Lusignan, p. 108, a). Mr. Cobham,
however, conjectures that the word Loara may simply mean " a man of
Louvara," a village in the Nahieh of Limassol.
Page 352, note. Sathas (Bibl. Med. Mvi, tom. ii., Prasf., p. 122) gives the
title of this letter somewhat differently, Neotpbrov irpbrepov povaxov k.t.X.
and from the words irpbrepov povaxov conjectures (ibid., p. 123) that the
writer is identical with the Orthodox Archbishop of the same name, who
was expelled from Cyprus by the Latins in 1222. Mr. Warren (Archasologia,
vol. xvii., p. 2) pronounces the letter from internal evidence to have been
composed in 1203. Sathas assigns it a date shortly after ngi, when the
island had been conquered by Cceur-de-Lion and sold to the Templars.
The copy of the letter included in the Bibl. Med. Mvi, tom. ii., pp. 1-4,
is derived from a Greek MS., No. 575, in the Library of St. Mark at Venice
and exhibits some variations from that included by Cotelier in his Eccl.
Grcec. Monumenta, torn. ii.
Page 359. Felix Faber nearly a century before Lusignan notices the cats at
Hagios Nikolaos : " Super Nimonam est quidam locus nemorosus, adeo
plenus serpentibus et nocivis animalibus, quod nemo potest ibi manere,
hoc tamen non obstante, in medio nemoris construxerunt antiqui patres
monasterium, ut circumdati serpentibus minus visitarentur a saecularibus,
quorum utique crebra visitatio devotis monachis noscitur esse molesta. Sed
ne serpentes ipsos in monasterio molestent, nutriunt multitudinem cattorum,
qui serpentibus et muribus, gliribus, soricibus naturaliter insidiant, et eos
non sinunt prope muros morari, sicque quotidie pugnant catti isti cum
serpentibus a muris repellentes, noctibus vero intersunt et officinas omnes
lustrant, ne aliquod reptile ibi manere possit, diurnis vero horis per nemus
vagantur, et quando hora refectionis eorum instat, tunc deputatus monachus
quamdam campanam pulsat, cujus audientes sonum omnes occurrunt ad
locum suas comestionis."
Page 377. The aKoXovOla of St. Demetrianos asserts that the saint was born
during the reign of the Emperor Theophilos (a.d. 82g-A.D. 842), in which
case his accession to the See of Chytri must be considerably postdated.
Page 398. The local writers are unanimous in regarding the structure near the
ruins of Salamis as the prison of St. Catharine, e.g.
Lusignan, p. 12 (a). " Fuori della citta (Salamina) e la prigione di Santa
Catherina."
Ibid., p. 25 (b). " In essa citta (Salamina), come habbiamo detto di sopra, e
la sua prigione."
Kyprianos, p. 34. " <f|o> ttjs x&Pas aiirys ert ipaiverai y tpvXaKTj, eis ri)v
brroiav eKXeitrav ti)v ayiav AiKarepivyv."
Ibid., p. 353. "e{ 08 xal tpvXaKy rys ayias A'tKareplvys 4iravopda<hj, y irXyalov
rys iraXaids ' ' AppoxobaTov."
Sakellarios (KvrrpiaKd, tom. i., p. 166), i) Se tpvXaKi) y KaXovp4vy rys dylas
AtKarepijvys, k.t.X.

ADDENDA 691
Page 4ig. That some confusion exists regarding the identity of the
saintly Jean de Montfort is evident from what follows.
De Mas Latrie (Hist, de Chypre, i., 344) asserts that he was half-brother of
Philippe (I.) de Montfort, Seigneur de Tyr, son of Guy de Montfort by his
marriage in 1204 with Heloi'se d'Ibelin, widow of Renaud, Seigneur de Sidon.
Du Cange (Fam. d'outre-mer, p. 310) seems to confound him with another
individual of the same name, the son and successor of Philippe in his Eastern
possessions. L'art de verifier les dates (tom. xi., p. 483), however, represents him as
being the son and successor of Amaury (VI.) Count de Montfort l'Amaury, whose
uncle was Guy, the father of Philippe.
As the Principality of Edessa or Ruchas was finally wrested from the
Christians by the Egyptian Sultan, Nur-ed-Din, in 1146, long before these
De Montforts appeared in the East, Lusignan is evidently at fault in connecting
Jean with it. The title itself was revived as a mere honorary distinction by
Pierre (I.) de Lusignan in favour of Jean de Morpho, Marshal of Cyprus, after
the capture of Alexandria by the Cypriot forces in 1365. Lusignan, whose
accuracy is not unimpeachable, would thus seem to have confused the some
what similar names of De Montfort and De Morpho;
St. Jean de Montfort is nowhere mentioned as Marshal of Cyprus. His
only connection with the island appears to have been through his death there
in 1248. Philippe de Montfort's name, too, is not to be found in the extant
lists of Admirals of Cyprus, though he is known to have acted as Constable of
Acre (Ptolemais) about 1244 (cf. Fam. d'outre-mer, p. 500).
Page 574. The following additional names of Latin Bishops of Limassol
are taken from an article in the Nuovo archivio Veneto, t. xvi., p. 1, i8g8, by
Giuseppe della Santa, entitled " Alcuni documenti per la storia della chiesa di
Limisso in Cipro durante la seconda meta del Secolo xv.".
1. Galefio, also Archbishop of Tarsus. Elected (?) and died between 6th
August, 1456, and 4th July, 1457.
2. Pietro di Manatiis. Elected between 6th August, 1456, and 4th July,
1457. Resigned 18th January, 1460.
3. Antonio di Zucco. Elected 18th January, 1460. Died between 16th
March, and 17th June, i47g. (Cf. Nos. 29, 30, 31.)
Nicolo Donato in this article is said to have been elected to the See on
gth July, I47g, and to have been still Bishop in November, 1493, while Nicolb
Dolce is reported to have been elected in November, 1493, and to have remained
in possession in 1504.

AnOAAWNIOC TOJ nAT
KAI TH MHTPI API
TON nEPIBOAON KAI THN . . . IAC
TMCtlN ATTWN ENTOAAC . . . ICT
EATTO.T THC COAIWN nOAEOJC . VO
nAPXHCAC TPANMATETCAC APXIL
BTBAIO*TAAKIOT TENOMENOC Lir
TIMHTETCAC THN BOTA
HOTCIOT KE
AEHACTOJN Eni IIATAOT
nATOT.
" Apollonius to his father . . . son of . . . and to his mother, Artemidora, daughter
of . . . consecrated the enclosure and this monument according to your own (i.e.,
his parents') commands . . . having filled the offices of clerk of the market,
prefect, town clerk, high priest, and having been in charge of the record office.
Erected on the 25th of the month Demarchexusius, in the year 13. He also
revised the Senate by means of assessors in the time of the proconsul Paulus "
(transcript and translation from D. G. Hogarth, Devia Cypria, pp. 114, 115).
The above inscription still at Karavostasi records the name of the proconsul
Sergius Paulus. Its probable date is a.d. 55.

INDEX.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED.

Abp. = Archbishop.

Maron. = Maronite.

Bp. = Bishop.

Mon. = Monastery,

Ch. = Church.

N. = Note.

F'ta = Famagusta.

N'sia = Nikosia.

Lat. = Latin.

0. = Orthodox.

L'sol = Limassol.

Pat. = Patriarch.

Abd-al-Melbk, 36, 37, 46 and n., 423.
Abu-Alur, 35.
Abubekr, 33, 423.
Abyssinians (Indians) of Cyprus, 526.
Academy of N'sia, 207 n. 1.
Accidas, Francesco, 205-6.
Achilleios, rebellion of, 3g5.
Achris, See of, 247, 251 n., 253.
Acra, village of, 616.
Acre, capture of, 136, 58g, 600 ; court of arbitration at, 483.
Acre, d', family of, ig7 n. 1.
Adam, Franciscan friar, 505, 600 n. 5.
Aetios, Valentinian Bp., 12.
Afra, St., 431.
"Ayioi Qavevres, 421 n.
Akakios, Pat. of Constantinople, 24.
Akakios, father of Empress Theodora, 45.
Alagno, CaEsareus di, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 577-78.
Alain, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 470, 537.
Alamino, Lat. Priory at, 616.
Alaneo, Bertrand de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 582.
Albanians of Cyprus, 73.
Albert, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 4go, 538-39.
Albert, Lat. Pat. of Jerusalem, 473.
Aleander, Jerome, Bp. of Brindisi, 561.
Alexander, Cypriot monk, 4, 374.
Alexander, Cypriot saint, 430, 431.
Alexander, O. Bp. of Amathus, 52, 317.
Alexander, Pat. of Antioch, 13.
Alexander IV., Pope, 113, 114, 486, 56g.
Alexander V., Pope, 550, 583.
Alexander VI., Pope, 561, 563, 588.
Alexandria, captured by the Cypriots, 632.
Alexis (Louis) son of Janus de Lusignan, 642.
Ali Agha, Muhassil of Cyprus, 223.
Ali Bey, account ofthe Turkish rising of 1810, 226 n. 1.
Ali Ruhi, Muhassil of Cyprus, 231, 232.
AUatius, criticism on Kedrenos, 27 ; comments on 39th canon of the Council in
TruUo, 3g, 41, 42 ; explanation of Nova Justinianopolis, 43-44 ; defence of
the Latins, g5-97-

694 INDEX
All Saints, O. convent at N'sia, 362.
Amadi, list of O. Sees in Cyprus, 242.
Amathus (Amathonda, Amathusia, Amathussa), O. See of, 240, 241, 242, 317-18.
Amaury, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
Ammanatis, Nicolas Thomas de, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 573-74.
Ammia, patron of St. Mamas, 415.
Ammochostos, O. See of (v. Arsinoe), 246.
Amplias, St., 375.
Anakomia, O. See of, 240.
Anastasios, Cypriot saint, 428.
Anastasios, the Librarian, 413 n. 2.
Anaysius, Moyses, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 529.
Ancona, Giovanni d', Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 477, 507, 543.
Andrea, Simon di Sant', Abbot of Stavro Vouni, 607 and n. 2.
Andre, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 54g.
Andreas, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 158, 554.
Andreas, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Andrio (Antrio) O. Mon., 117, 361.
Angelo, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.
Angelos, Alexios (III.), Emperor, 77, 348, 62g.
Angelos, Isaac (IL), Emperor, 56, 7g, 348, 367.
Anjou, Charles of, 618, 619.
Anne, St., Benedictine convent of, 608, 610.
Anne, St., relic of, 458.
Anthemios, O. Abp. of Constantia, 24, 25, 305, 680, 687.
Anthony, St., the Hermit, 408.
Anthony, St., Coptic Ch. of, 526 n. 2.
Antidoron, The, 210 n. 3.
Antiminsia, 200 n. 1.
Antioch, Ch. of, attacks ecclesiastical independence of Cyprus, 13.
Antioch, Lat. Mon. of St. Paul of, 451, 606.
Antioch, Provinces of the Patriarchate of, 22 n. 1.
Antioche, Marie d', 617-18.
Antoine, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.
Antoine, St., Lat. Ch. at N'sia, 506.
Antonio, San, Lat. Ch. of, 628.
Aphrodisios, O. Bp. at the First General Council, 7.
Aphrodite, Temple of, said to have been destroyed by (1) Sergius Paulus, 4 ; (2)
Barnabas, 5.
Apsimar, Emperor Tiberius III., 47.
Aquinas, Chapel of St. Thomas, 492.
Arab Achmet, Mosque of, 500.
Aragon, Eleonore d', 157 n. x, 464, 547, 601.
Arceto, Arnaldus de, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Archdeacon, duties of, 272-73.
Archimandrite, duties of, 272.
Ariachi, O. See of, 240.
Aristenos, Comment on 3gth canon of the Council in Trullo, 40.
Aristion, O. Abp. of Salamis, 5, 304, 372, 375, 430, 683.
Aristion, St., a Cypriot priest, 431.
Aristoboulos, St., 375.
Aristokles, St., 375-76, 381.
Aristoklianos, St., 372.
Arkadios I., O. Abp. of Constantia, 307.
Arkadios II., O. Abp. of Constantia, 308.
Arkadios, O. Bp. of Arsinoe, 3ig.
Arkadios, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 322, 432,
Armenia, Ch. of, 247, 252 and n. 5,

INDEX 695
Armenians of Cyprus, 65 n. i, 523-25.
Arnold of Lubec, 60 n. 1.
Arsenios, Pat. of Constantinople, 252.
Arsinoe, 0. See of, 240, 241, 242, 246, 303, 3i8-ig.
Artemion, Jewish rebel, 5.
Asan, Prince of Bulgaria, 252 n., 253.
Asomatos, Maron. village of, 528.
Assanti, Ligure, Seigneur of Nisyro, 631.
Assizes of Jerusalem, 71 n. 2.
Athanasios, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 200-2.
Athanasios, O. Bp. of Chytri, 322.
Athanasios, O. Bp. at the First General Council, 7.
Athanasios, St., Apology against the Arians, 7.
Athanasios, the Reader, 375, 381, 431.
Athanasius I., Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Athanasius II., Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Attalia (Tale), Maron. Mon. of St. George at, 527.
Attikos, Pat. of Constantinople, 15 n. 2.
Augustus, Emperor, exchanges Cyprus for Dalmatia, 23.
Augustinians, 58g, 592.
Augustinus, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585.
Autocephalous Abps., three classes of, 247, 686 ; Dositheos' opinion regarding
them, 247-50 ; Abp. Philotheos' defence of their privileges, 250-60.
Auxentios, St., 423-25.
Auxibios I., O. Bp. of Soli, 323, 398-99, 431.
Auxibios II. , O. Bp. of Soli, 323.
Auxibios, O. Bp. at the First General Council, 7.
Bacchos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Balcinola, Simon de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 516 n. 1., 568.
Baldensel, G. de., 410 n. 2, 443 and n. x, 606 and n. 1.
Baisamon, on 39th canon of the Council in Trullo, 40 ; on 12th canon of the
Sixth Council of Carthage, 243, 318.
Banduri, emendation ofthe 39th canon ofthe Council in Trullo, 43.
Baneria, Bp. of, 467.
Banothe, O. See of, 240.
Banson, Hugues de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 578.
Barbaro, Marc' Antonio, 178, 179, 180.
Barclaius, Gabriel, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 528.
Bard, Dionysius, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Bardanes, Philippikos, Emperor, 50.
Barnabas, St., visits Cyprus, 2-5 ; apparition of, 24 ; discovery of the body of, 24-
26; Abp. of Cyprus, 304 ; Life of, 370-75, 430.
Barnabas, O. Mon. of St., 122, 362.
Barrie, Luigi de, 208.
Barthelemy, Lat. Bp. designate of L'sol, 572.
Barthelemy, Lat. Bp. of Tortosa, 582.
Bartholomaios, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Basil I., Emperor, 4g.
Basilidians, 12.
Batanea, O. See of, 240.
Baudouin, canon of Sta. Sophia, 625, 626.
Baudouin I., King of Jerusalem, 608.
Baudouin III., King of Jerusalem, 368.
Baudouin IV., King of Jerusalem, 66, 67.
Baudouin V., King of Jerusalem, 67.
Baudouin, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 580-81.

696 INDEX
Bay, Jean de, Vicomte of N'sia, 626.
Beaujeu, G. de, Grand Master of the Temple, 618.
Beaulieu, Ste. Marie.de, 428, 42g n., 602 and n. 2, 603.
Beaune, G. de, Preceptor of Cyprus, 639.
Bedestan, The, 64g.
Bedouin, Hugues de, 571 n.
Bembo, Marco, 164, 165-67.
Benedetto, Giacomo, Bp. of Orvieto, 156, 553.
Benedict XII., Pope, 532.
Benedict XIII., Pope, 54g.
Benedictines, 589, 5g2, 605-10.
Benjamin, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 204.
Benjamin, O. Bp. of Solia, 325.
Berard, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, s6g.
Berats issued to the Bps., 197.
Berenger, R. de, Grand Master of the Hospital, 632, 633 and n.
Bernard, Bp. of Artois, 75 n. 1.
Bernardoni, Jean Martin, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Bertrand, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 542.
Bertrand, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 578.
Bessan, Ague de, 627.
Beveridge, Wm., on Arabic canons of First General Council, 15 n. 2 ; on 8th
canon of the Council of Ephesus, 19 ; on the independence of the Cypriot
Ch., 31; on the 39th canon of the Council in Trullo, 3g, 41, 42; on the
name Nova Justinianopolis, 44.
Bibi (Pipi), O. Mon. of St. John, 216, 273 n. 1, 361, 605-6.
Bilbanos, O. See of, 240.
Bishops, Cypriot, issue of Berats to, ig7 ; regulations for their attitude towards
the Abp., 2og-i2 ; precedence and style, 260 ; election, 261.
Boemond III., Prince of Antioch, 55, 67 n. 2.
Boemond V., Prince of Antioch, 86, 4g6 n. 4.
Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, 78.
Boniface VIII. Pope, 544, 545, 6ig-20.
Boniface IX., Pope, 549, 550, 574.
Bono, Filippo, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Borgasi, Paul, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 576.
Bouillon, Echive de, Abbess of Sardania, 466.
Boustron, Fl., list of O. Sees in Cyprus, 242; list ofO. Abps., 310-11.
Bragadino, Alfonso, 191 n. 1.
Bragadino, Marc' Antonio, 186 and n. 1, 187 n.
Braganza, B., Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 432, 565 n. 1, 569.
Bridget, St., 135.
Bright, on the 8th canon of the Council of Ephesus, ig.
Brie, Jean de, Prince of Galilee, 4gg, 602.
Bruno, Guido, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 563.
Brusato, Giovanni Francesco, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 556, 558.
Bruyn, Cornelis van, 339, 357, 448-4g, 450, 452.
Eryennios, Joseph, mission to Cyprus, 141 ; opposes union of the Cypriots with
the Oecumenical See, i42-4g.
Bulla Cypria, 114-23.
Cadouin, Bertrand de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.
Caimakan, The, ig3.
Calepio, Angelo, 174, I7g n. 1, 183 n., 184 n. 1, 185 n. ±, 187 n. 1, 188, igi n.
1, 195, 196 n. 1, 197.
Calixtus II., Pope, 472.
Calixtus III., Pope, 585.

INDEX 697
Camerlenghi, The, 170.
Campegge, Card. Lorenzo, Abbot of Stavro Vouni, 607.
Candelore, Emir of, 632.
Canons, Arabic of First General Council, 14-16 ; 8th of Council of Ephesus,
l8-I9 ; 39* ofthe Council in Trullo, 37-38.
Cantare (Kantara), Lat. Priory of, 616 n. 1.
Capello, Vittore, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 587.
Capreolus, Bp. of Carthage, 249.
Cardona, Salomon, Lat. Bp. of. L'sol, 575.
Cardus, Salomon, Lat. Bp. of Tortosa, 582.
Carmelites, 589, 591.
Carpi, Card. Rodolfo di, Abbot of Stavro Vouni, 607.
Carpocratians, 12.
Carrara, Stefano da, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 551.
Carthage, See of, 247, 251.
Carthusians, 589, 592.
Cartulary of Santa Sophia, 536.
Castellacio, Michael de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.
Catharine, St., 8, 34 n. 1, 394-g7, 431.
Catharine, Ch. of St., 500.
Catharine, Tomb or Prison of St., 34 n. 1, 3g7 and n. 1, 6go.
Cats of Hagios Nikolaos Mon., 359-60, 6go.
Ceba, Jacques, 502.
Cecca, Lambertino Baldoino della, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 372.
Celestine III., Pope, 75, 472, 468, 46g, 480.
Cenchi, Claudio, 207.
Ceremonies on entrance of an 0. Bp. into a ch., 210 n. 4.
Cesaree, Gautier de, Constable of Cyprus, 482.
Chages, Constantine, 53.
Chalcutzes, Niketas, 50.
Chalices, material of, 108 n. 2.
Chambarlhac, Helie de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 547, 566.
Chambarlhac, Philippe de, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 137, 138 n. 1, 492, 546-47.
Champagne, Alix de, Queen Regent of Cyprus, 85, 86, 468, 481, 483, 4g6 and
n. 2.
Champagne, Henri, Count of, 69.
Champagne, Thibaut, Count of, 78.
Charalampos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Charinos, Cypriot deacon, 404-5.
Chariton, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Charpigny, Pierre de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 565.
Charpigny, family of, 565 n. 4.
Chassaigne, Pierre de la Pleine, Lat. Bp. of Rodez, 126 and n. 1, 545 and n. 1,
570, 628.
Chateau Dieu d' Amour, 410, n. 1.
Chateauroux, Eudes de, Bp. of Tusculum, 102, 104, 105-12, 430, 495, 540.
Chatillon, Renaud de, Prince of Antioch, 63 and n. 2, 64.
Chierochitia, Battle of, 150, 501, 552, 634.
Chierochitia, village of, 627.
Chil Osman Agha, the Muhassil, 219-21.
Chirokiti, O. See of, 240.
Chorepiscopi in Cyprus, 240.
Chosroes II., King of Persia, 391.
Choulou, fief of, 601 n.
Chrism, formerly received by the Cypriot Ch. from Antioch, 32 ; regulations
for the administration of, 105-6; materials of, 106 n. 2.
Christian, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 569.
Christodoulos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 205-8, 354.

698 INDEX
Chrysanthos, Hegoumenos of St. Lazarus, 224 n. 1.
Chrysanthos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 222-26.
Chrysanthos, O. Bp. of Kition, 225, 226, 312, 688.
Chrysanthos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 221, 236.
Chrysanthos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 221, 229 and n. 2, 315.
Chrysanthos, O. Bp. of Tamasos, 225, 688.
Chrysoberges, Lukas, Pat. of Constantinople, 54, 243, 318.
Chrysostom, St. John, 12, 13, 17.
Chrysorrhogiatissa, O. Mon. of, 354-55.
Churches, administration of parish and monastic, 273 ; " Blemishes in the
Churches," 274-80 ; restrictions on erection of, 508.
Chytri, O. See of, 321-22.
Cippico, Luigi, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585.
Circular (1884) of the Cypriot Bps., 285-87.
Cistercians, 589, 591 ; abbeys at N'sia, 603-5.
Claire, Ste. Franciscan Convent at N'sia, 600-1.
Clemens, O. Bp. of Neapolis, 316.
Clement, St., 371.
Clement IV., Pope, 578.
Clement V., Pope, 544, 545, 570, 581, 622, 623, 624.
Clement VI., Pope, 486, 492, 546, 573, 582, 631.
Clement VII., Pope, 174, 563, 573.
Clergy slain and captured at siege of N'sia, list of, 185 n. 1.
Clergy, Lat., rapacity of, 481 ; irregularities of, 510-13 ; regulations for their
control, 512-14 ; cause of scandals, 514-15.
Clergy, O., classes of, 267 ; qualification for Holy Orders, 267 ; ceremony of
ordination, 267 ; support of, 267-68 ; numbers, 268-69 ; education, 269-72.
Clodius Pulcher annexes Cyprus, 22.
Coimbra, John, Duke of, 157, 555, 600.
Colonna, Giovanni, Abp. of Messina, 545.
Commanderies of Cyprus, (1) The Grand, 639-46 ; (2) The Little, 646-47, 648 ; (3)
Templos, 647, 648.
Comomutena, meaning ofthe term, 158 n. 1.
Conmersarie, Ch. of St. Jacques de la, 506.
Conrad I., Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 54g.
Conrad II. Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 550.
Consiglieri, Venetian officials in Cyprus, 170.
Constans II. , Emperor, 34, 35.
Constans (Costa) father of St. Catharine, 244, 3g5-g6.
Constantia, disciple of St. Hilarion, 410, 411.
Constantia, foundation, 245 ; metropolis, 26, 240, 246, 686 ; destroyed by the
Moslems, 34, 246.
Constantin, Ch. of St., 505.
Constantine, Cypriot Saint, 427-28.
Constantine, O. Abp. of Constantia, 52, 249, 308, 686, 68g.
Constantine IV., Emperor, 35.
Constantine V., Emperor, 47, 51.
Constantine X., Emperor, 53.
Constantine the Great, divides the Empire, 23.
Constantinople, captured by the Crusaders, 7g-8o; by the Greeks, 124.
" Constantinople, The right of," various explanations ofthe term, 41-43.
Constantinople, list of Pats, of (1657-1686), 213 n. 1.
Constantios, O. Bp. of Sinai, 227 and n. 1.
Constantius II. , Emperor, rebuilds Constantia, 245.
Constitutio Cypria (Summa Alexandrina) of Alexander IV., 114-23.
Constitutions of the Lat. Ch. in Cyprus, 104, 106, 108, log, 111, 112, 118, ng,
124, 137 and n. 1, 486 n. 1, 510, 512, 513, 514 and nn. 1 and 2, 540, 542,
543. 547. 566.

INDEX 699
Contarini, Francesco, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 180-82, 184, 185 n. 1, 187, 568.
Contarini, Giorgio, Count of Jaffa, 5g8.
Contarini, Pietro, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 568.
Conte, Giovanni del, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 488, 491 and n. 2, 495, 534, 536, 544-45.
Contugius, Hieremias, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Copes, 4gon. 1.
Copts of Cyprus, 526.
Cornaro, Andrea, 164-67.
Cornaro, Catarina, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, i6g, 170, 561.
Cornaro, Cardinal Frederico, 644.
Cornaro, Giorgio, 168 n. 3, 170 and n. 1, 646.
Cornaro, Giovanni, 645.
Cornaro, Marco, 163.
Cornaro, Cardinal Marco, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 576.
Cornaro, Cardinal Marco, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585.
Cornaro, Cardinal Marco, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 644.
Corso, Nicolas, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 584.
Couria, Nicolo de, Bp. of Embron, 328, 574 n. 1.
Cros, Geraud de, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 570.
Councils, Cypriot Bps, at Ch., ist. Nicaea, 7 ; Sardica, 7 ; ist Constantinople, 12 ;
Ephesus, 16 ; Latrocinium, 32 ; Chalcedon, 33 ; 3rd Constantinople, 36 ;
Council in Trullo, 40 ; 2nd Nicaea, 52.
Cruciferi, 589, 5g2.
Crusades, 5g, 78-80.
Crusius, Martinus, 360.
Cyprus, Chief Mussulman Court of, ig3 and n. 1.
Cyprus, O. Abps. of, ecclesiastical status, 247 ; exceptional privileges, 24, 248
n. 2, 258 n. 1 ; precedence and title, 260-1 ; list of Abps., 196-237, 304-10.
Cyprus, threefold division of its religious history, 2 ; arrival of the Apostles, 2 ;
revolt of the Jews, 5 ; visit of the Empress Helena, 9 ; included in the
Eastern Empire, 10 ; Moslem invasions, 34-35, 47-49 ; emigration of the
Cypriots, 37 ; expulsion of the Moslems, 50 ; rebellions of Erotikos and
Rhapsommates, 53 ; tyranny of Isaac Komnenos, 55 ; attempted recovery
by the Byzantines, 56 ; arrival of Cceur-de-Lion, sg ; raid by Renaud de
Chatillon, 63 ; sale to the Templars, 65 ; rebellion of the Cypriots, 65 ;
transfer to Guy de Lusignan, 66, 70 n. 1 ; introduction ofthe Latins, 70;
hostile designs of Alexios (II.) Angelos, 77 ; war with Genoa, 138 ; Mame
luke invasion, 149; accession of Jacques II. , 159; surrender ofthe island
to Venice, 169 ; Turkish invasion and supremacy, 184 ; cession to Great
Britain, 236.
Cyprus, O. Ch. of, independence ascribed to apostolic origin, 247 ; attacked by
Ch. of Antioch, 13 ; secured by Council of Ephesus, 18 ; assailed by Peter
the Fuller, 23 ; confirmed by Emperor Zeno, 24 ; privileges conferred by
Council in Trullo, 37 ; reduction of Sees, 85 ; proposed union with Ch. of
Constantinople, 141 ; early constitution, 238 ; ancient Sees, 240, 685 ; primacy
established at Salamis or Constantia, 243 ; removed to F'ta, 246 ; transferred
to N'sia, 246 ; episcopal consecrations locally conducted, 246 ; synod, 260 ;
existing Sees, 260; precedence and titles of the Bps., 260; episcopal elec
tions, 261 ; revenues of the Sees, 263 ; division of the clergy, 267 ; qualifi
cations for Holy Orders, 267 ; incomes of the clergy, 267 ; number of
ecclesiastics, 268 ; educational status, 26g ; officials of the Sees, 272 ; con
trol of churches, 273 ; religious census, 280 ; question of reforms, 282 ; lists
of Sees with occupants, 303 ; monasteries, 32g ; saints, 370.
Cyprus, Lat. Ch. of, date of establishment, 75, 469 ; gradual extinction of religious
differences, 152 ; erection of Sees, 470 ; extent, 470 ; dispute about episco
pal elections, 472 ; jurisdiction of the Abps. safeguarded, 475 ; bestowal of
papal privileges, 476 ; encroachments of Legates and Patriarchs, 477 ; en
dowments, 478 ; exorbitant claims of the clergy, 481 ; payment of tithes

700 INDEX
disputed, 481 ; incomes of the Sees, 487 ; synod, 490 ; Cathedral of Santa
Sophia, 4go ; constitution of the cathedral chapters, 4g4 ; measures for the
education of the clergy, 4g4 ; list of benefactions to Santa Sophia, 4g6 ;
churches in N'sia, 500 ; regulations for public worship, 507 ; restrictions on
the erection of ecclesiastical buildings, 508 ; irregular lives of the clergy,
510 ; attempts to restrain them, 511 ; rapacity of the clergy, 513 ; regulations
for the admission of strange ecclesiastics, 514; Felix Faber on ecclesiastical
disorders, 515 ; suggested reform of abuses, 518 ; Bernardo Sagredo on the
state of religion, 520; cathedrals and churches in F'ta, 521 ; list of prelates,
536 ; religious orders, 58g ; military orders, 617.
Daimbert, Abp. of Pisa, 75 n. 1.
Damascus, John of, 51.
Damaskenos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 231.
Damaskenos, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Damaskenos, 0. Bp. of Kyrenia, 231 n. 1, 326.
Damasus, Pope, 12.
Damianos, O. Abp. of Constantia, 306.
Dandolo, Nicolo, 180.
Daniel, Pat. of Antioch, 224.
Daniel, Russian Abbot, 243, 441.
D'Aubusson, Pierre, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, 637.
Dauphin, Jean, Commander of Nisyro, 635.
Demetrianos, Cypriot deacon, 375, 381.
Demetrianos St., Bp. of Chytri, 322, 376, 690.
Didaskalos, James the Cretan, surnamed, 183 n. 1.
Didymos, O. Bp. of Lapithos, 33, 3ig, 6go.
Didymos, St., martyr, 431.
Dimidios, St., Bp. of Ledra, 431.
Diocletian, Emperor, 3g5, 396.
Dionysios. O. Bp. of Paphos, 688.
Dionysius, Flavius, Count of the East, 16.
Dionysius, Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Dioskoros, Pat. of Alexandria, 32.
Diphilos, King of Cyprus, n n. 1.
Divisions of Cyprus introduced by Venice, igo n. 1.
Divan of Cyprus, ig3 and n. 1.
Dolce, Nicold, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 576, 6gi.
Dominicans, s8g; Mon. at N'sia, 5g2-gg.
Donato, Nicolo, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 520 n. 2, 560, 576, 6gi.
Dora, O. See of, 240.
Doria, Spanish Admiral, 185.
Dositheos, Pat. of Jerusalem, remark on the tendering of oaths, 115 n. 2;
reference to the predictions of St. Bridget, 135-36 ; notice of Hilarion
Kigala, 214 n. 1 ; on the consecrations of the Cypriot Bps., 246 ; on the
status of the autocephalous Abps., 247-50.
Dragonaria, Benedictine Abbey of Ste. Marie de, 605.
Drummond, Alex., 10, 217, 261, 264-65, 33g, 355, 417-18, 421 n., 449-50, 453.
Dukas, Andronikos, 55.
Dukas, John, 54.
Durand (Durandus) Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 85, 473, 538-39.
Durand, a French knight, steals the Cross of Stavro Vouni, 451.
East, diocese ofthe, 22 n. 1, 23.
Ekthesis of Heraklius, 35.
Ekthesis of Abp. Philotheos, 250.
Eles, Lat. Priory of Santo, 616.
Elias, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 528, 533.

INDEX 701
Elias, Maron. Mon. of St., 528.
Elymas (Barjesus), 5, 372, 373.
Emerghi, Mosque at N'sia, 500, 611 n. 2.
Enklistra, 0. Mon. of, 348-54.
Entrance, Ceremony ofthe Little, 209 n. 1.
Entrance, Ceremony ofthe Great, 210 n. 2.
Epaphras (Epaphroditos), O. Bp. of Paphos, 314, 376-77, 430.
Epaphroditos, O. Bp. of Karpas, 431.
Epaphroditos, O. Bp. of Tamasos, 33, 314, 319, 6go.
Ephesus, Council of, secures independence of Ch. of Cyprus, 18-ig.
Ephraim, Pat. of Jerusalem, 332, 346.
Epidaurum, O. See of, 241.
iiripavUia, 503 n. 3.
Epiphanios, St., O. Abp. of Constantia, 11, 12, 13, 258, 25g n. 2, 304, 3gg-407,
43°.432.
Epiphanios II., O. Abp. of Constantia, 36, 24g, 25g and n. 2, 308, 68g.
Epiphanios III., O. Abp. of Constantia, 258, 25g n. 2, 308.
Epiphanios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315, 688.
Epiphanios, O. Bp. of Soli, 33, 24g, 324, 68g.
Epiphanios, Cave of St., 407 n. 1.
Episkopi (Piskopi La Piscopie), village of, 644 n, 2; tomb of St. Hermogenes
at, 456.
iiriTpaxi)Xiov, 5°3 n- 4-
Erat, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 582.
Eredia, Balthasar de, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Erlant, Pierre d', Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 570, 620.
Erotikos, Rebellion of Theophilos, 53 .
Esaias, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 84, 3og.
Esaias, O. Bp. of Amathus, 318, 688.
Esaias, founder ofthe Mon. of Kykko, 333-35, 345.
Escafasse, Bartholomio, 548 n. 3.
Euchanta, Antonio d' Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 575.
Eudes (Odo), Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
Eugenius IV., Pope, 151, 155-56, 533, 553, 554, 584, 588, 634.
Eugnomon, befriended by St. Epiphanios, 404, 405.
Eulalios, O. Bp. of Lapithos, 3ig, 688.
Eustathios, O. Bp. of Chytri, 322.
Eustathios, O. Bp. of Solia, 52, 324, 376 n. 1.
Eustratios, Leontios, igg and n. 2.
Eutyches, Heresiarch, 32.
Eutychios, O. Bp. of Solia, 324.
Evagrios, O. Bp. of Solia, 16, 18, 324.
Eva, Gabriel, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 52g.
Evreux, Bp. of, 467.
Exarch, duties of, 272.
Faber, Felix, 153, 170-71, 3g7 n. 1, 428 n. 3, 444-47, 452, 458, 460-61, 492 and n.
1, 515-17, 593 and n. 1, 594 u. 1, 598-gg, 600 and n. 1, 611 and n. 1, 6go.
Fabricius, Louis Perez, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 165-66, 558-59, 563.
Fagiano, Hugo di, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 104, 105, 112-14, 123, 432, 495, 510, 512,
532, 54I-42-
Famagusta, Lat. See of, 75, 470-71, 488-89 ; Cathedral of St. Nicolas, 521.; list
of Lat. Churches, 522.
Famagusta, Lat. Bps. of, 577-87.
Famagusta, Convention of, 84-85, 482, 684.
Famagusta, quarrel between Genoese and Venetians at, 139-41 ; siege of, 186;
suggested union of the See with L'sol, 470 n. 2.
Fasting, days of, iog n. 1.

702 INDEX
Faye, L'Ermite de la, 633.
Ferdinand, King of Naples, 165.
Ferdinand of Majorca, 566, 571.
Finlay on the conquest of Cyprus by Cceur-de-Lion, 64.
Flanchi, II, O. Bp. of L'sol, 316 n. 1.
Flatri, Flatro di, igi n. 1.
Florence, Council of, 111 n. 2., 151-52, 553, 556.
Fluvian, Antonio, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, 633, 642.
Forbin, Jean, Admiral of Rhodes, 632.
Fortebrazza, Seraffino, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 187, 577.
Fortunatus, Bp. of Carthage, 251.
Foulques, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 539, 56g.
Franceschino, Vittore, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Francis, Bp. of Segovia, 54g.
Franciscans, 58g, 5g2; religious houses at N'sia, 600-2.
Francois, Jean, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Francoudi, Epaminondas, 234.
Frederick II., Emperor of Germany, 100.
Fuller, Peter the, Pat. of Antioch, 23-24, 25.
Fiirer, Christopher, 452 n. 1, 455 n. 2, 489 n. 1.
Gabje, O. See of, 240.
Gabriel, Pat. of Constantinople, 224.
Gajus, Bartholomaeus, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 574.
Galefio, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 6gi.
Gallus Cassar, 415.
Gastodengo, Jacques, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 583.
Gastria, fief of, 619.
Gelasios, O. Abp. of Salamis, 7, 244, 304, 683.
Genoa, origin of the war with Cyprus, 138-41.
George, O. Abp. of Constantia, 51.
George, St., Armenian Mon. of, 524.
George, discoverer ofthe Cross of Tochni, 435-38.
Georges, St., des Latins or des Pouiains, Ch. of, 504-5.
Georgians (Iberians) of Cyprus, 523.
Georgios, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 52, 323.
Georgiou, Phiiippos, on ecclesiastical independence of Cyprus, 28-31 ; on title
Nova Justinianopolis, 44-45 ; on title Nova Justiniana, 261.
Georgius (Gregorio) Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 583.
Georgius I., Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 52g.
Georgius II. , Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 529.
Gerard, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 490, 515, 543-44, 565, 569, 570, 579.
Gerard, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
Gerasimos, Bp. of Thessalonica, 224 n. 1 .
Gerasimos, O. Bp. of Kition, 312, 687.
Gerasimos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 689.
Gerasios, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Germanos I. (Pesimandros) O. Abp. of Cyprus, 104, 112, 113, 114, 122, 123,
309-10, 541, 68g.
Germanos II., O. Abp. of Cyprus, 216, 541.
Germanos, O. Bp. of Amathus, 318.
Germanos, O. Bp. of Chytri, 321.
Germanos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Germanos II., Pat. of Constantinople, 89-92, 98-99.
Germareno, Sergius, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 529.
Germasogeia, Village of, 627.
Gerold, Pat. of Jerusalem, 482, 483, 564, s6g, 578.
Gerrades, San Nicolo di, 598.
Giblet, Henri de, Lat. Archdeacon of N'sia, 543.

INDEX 703
Giblet, Henri de, Vicomte of N'sia, 132, 505, 601.
Giovanni, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 543.
Giuliano (St. Julian), Carthusian Mon. of San, 611.
Gobernus, Stephanus, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 574.
Golgi, O. See of, 241.
Goneme, Guillaume, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 159, 505, 557-58.
Goneme, Pierre, 205 n. 1.
Gorhigos, 632, 634.
Gourri, Jacques de, Vicomte of N'sia, 159.
Graal, The Holy, 503 n. 6.
Grammatikos, Nikolaos, Pat. of Constantinople, 53.
Grandville, Raoul de, Pat. of Jerusalem, 477.
Gratiano, Bp. of Amelia, 183 n. 1.
Gregorios, O. Abp. of Constantia, 307, 432.
Gregory the Illuminator, 252 n., 253.
Gregory II., Pope, 50.
Gregory VII., Pope, 472.
Gregory IX., Pope, 88, 94, 98, gg, 482-83, 485, 509, 538, 540, 613.
Gregory XII., Pope, 550.
Gregory XIII., Pope, 586.
Grimani, Card. Domenico, administrator ofthe See of Paphos, 561, 568.
Guillaume, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 571.
Guillaume, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 568.
Guillaume, Pat. of Jerusalem, 486, 578.
Gulhane, Khatti Sherif of, 193.
Guarco, Antonio di, 583.
Hadrian, Emperor, 11, 244, 303.
Hafuz Efendi, Muhassil of Cyprus, 221-22.
Hagia Marina, Maron. village and Mon. of, 528.
Hagia Moni, cope of Nikolaos, Bp. of Myra, at 455.
Hagia Phaneromene, 34 n. 1.
Hagii Omoloyitades, village of, 593.
Hagiochristophorites, Stephen, 56.
Hagiorites, Nikodemos, 423 n. 1.
Hagiostephanites, Nikolaos, 0. Bp. of Tamasos, 314, 347.
Haji Baki Agha, Muhassil of Cyprus, 222-25.
Hakem, Sultan of Egypt, 534 n. 2.
Harun-al-Rashid, Caliph, 48, 376 n. 1.
Hayton, Seigneur of Gorhigos, 612 and n. 3.
Hectoris, Julien, Abp. of Tarsus, 550.
Hefeie, on eighth canon of Council of Ephesus, ig.
Helena, St., Empress, 9-10, 433-35, 445, 447. 454-
Heliodoros, O. Bp. of Amathus, 33, 317, 6go.
Henry V., Emperor of Germany, 472.
Henry I., Lat. Emperor of Constantinople, 87-88, 367.
Herakleides (Herakleon), O. Abp. of Salamis, 4, 5, 304, 313, 372, 376, 377-78,
380, 3gg, 431, 456, 683, 688.
Herakleidion, 0. Bp. of Tamasos, 313.
Heraclius, Emperor, 33, 35.
Heraclius, Pat. of Jerusalem, 67, 510-11.
Hermogenes, Tomb of St., 456.
Hermolaos, O. Bp. of Karpasia, 320.
Hesychios, disciple of St. Hilarion, 409-n.
Hierokles, list of cities in Cyprus, 241.
Hilarion, St., 402-3, 407-11, 430, 431.
Hilarion, Lat. Priory of St., 616 n. 1.
Hilarion, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Hilarios, O. Abp. of Salamis, 307.

704 INDEX
Hilary of Poictiers' list of Bps. at the Council of Sardica, 7.
Hittin, Battle of, 5g, 68.
Holy Cross, Armenian Mon. of, 524 n. 1.
Holy Sepulchre, Lat. Priory of the, 616.
Honorius III., Pope, 84 nn. 2, 3 ; 85, 482, 508-g, 530.
Hospitallers, The, arrival in Cyprus, 77, 62g ; acquire the property of the
Templars, 628 ; settle at L'sol, 62g-30 ; withdrawal to Rhodes, 630 ; sup
port Henri II., 630-31 ; dispute with Hugues IV., 631 ; join league in de
fence of Cyprus, 631-32; assist Pierre I. against the Moslems, 632; mediate
between Pierre II. and the Genoese, 632-33 ; contribute towards Janus'
ransom, 633 ; defend Jean II. against Ibrahim and Luphtou Beys, 634-35 ;
favour Queen Charlotte, 635-36; duplicity towards Jacques II., 635-36;
refuse to surrender Cypriot refugees to Venice, 637 ; favoured by Hugues
I., 638 ; possessions in Cyprus, 639-48.
Hours, Canonical, ofthe O. Ch., 108 n. 1.
Hoveden, Roger de, on Lazarus, 412 and n. 2.
Huen, Nicole le, 3 n. 1, 60 n. 1, 176 n. 1, 417 n. 1, 429 n., 462 n. 2, 471, 590 n. 2,
59i n- 3-
Hungarus, Nicolas, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 565.
Hussein Agha, Muhassil of Cyprus, 223.
Hyperpyron, meaning of the term, 367-68.
Ibelin, Alix d', wife of Hugues IV., 437 and n. 2.
Ibelin, Balian d', Prince of Galilee, 624, 625.
Ibelin, Baudouin d', Constable of Cyprus, 498 and n. 1.
Ibelin, Guy d', Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 57g.
Ibelin, Guy d', Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 573.
Ibelin, Guy d', Seneschal of Cyprus, 4g8.
Ibelin, Isabelle d', 566, 571.
Ibelin, Jean d', Le Vieux Sire de Beyrouth, 482, 483, 496 n. 1.
Ibelin, Jean d', Le Jeune, Seigneur de Beyrouth, 498 n.
Ibelin, Jean d', Count of Jaffa, 71 n. 2, 496 n. 1.
Ibelin, Marguerite d', Abbess of Nostra Donna di Sur, 609-10.
Ibelin, Marie d', wife of Rupin de Montfort, 437 and n. 4.
Ibelin, Philippe d', Bailiff of Cyprus, 86, 482, 496 and n. 1.
Ibelin, Philippe d', Seneschal of Cyprus, 4g8 n. 1, 616.
Iberia, Ch. of Lower, 247, 251, 252 and n.
Iberia, Ch. of Upper, 247, 251, 252 and n.
Ibrahim Bey, Grand Karaman, 634.
Iconoclastic controversy, 50-53.
Ienechio, O. convent at N'sia, 362.
Ignatios, hermit of Machaera, 346-47.
Ignatios IL, Pat. of Antioch, 43g, 457, 458 n.
Innocent I., Pope, 13 and n. 2.
Innocent III., Pope, 77, 78, 80, 81, 367, 468, 473-74, 537, 538, 62g.
Innocent IV., Pope, 101-2, 103, 105, 112, 476, 4g5, 602.
Innocent VI., Pope, 547.
Innocent VII., Pope, 550, 551.
Innocent VIII., Pope, 560 and n. 2, 561.
Irene, Empress, 52.
Irene, daughter of St. Spyridon, 382-83.
Irenikos, Cypriot Bp. at the First General Council, 7.
Isaac, Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Isaac, O. Bp. of Cyprus, 307, 311 n. 1.
Isaac, Seigneur of Antiochetta, 76.
Isabel, wife of Conrad of Montferrat, 68, 6g.
Ismail Agha, Muhassil of Cyprus, 223.
Isidore, Cardinal, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 556, 557.

INDEX 705
Jacobites of Cyprus, 525-26.
Jacques, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
James II., O. Abp. of Cyprus, 216.
James I., O. Abp. of Cyprus, 215.
James, O. Bp. of Neapolis, 317, 688.
Jason, Cypriot Saint, 430.
Jean, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 54g-50.
Jean, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 574.
Jean (?), Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 564.
Jean, Lat. Abp. of Tarsus, administrator of the Sees of L'sol, 550 ; Paphos, 567.
Jeremias, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Jeremias, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Jerome, St., 246, 407, 411.
Jews of Cyprus, 3, 5, 6, 534-35.
Jerusalem, Lat. Pats, of, jurisdiction over Cypriot Lat. Ch., 477 n. 1.
Joakim, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 230, 231 and n. 1.
Joakim, O. Bp. of Amathus, 688.
Joakim (Joachim), O. Bp. of Karpasia, 113 n. 1, 3ig, 684.
Joakim, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Joakim, Pat. of Antioch, 202 and n. 1, 204 n. 1, 685.
Joannes, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 528.
Joannikios, Exarch of Kyrenia, 224 n. 1.
Joannikios, Hegoumenos of Machasra, 224 n. 1.
Joannikios, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 232-33.
Joannikios, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Joel, account of the discovery of St. Barnabas' body, 26.
Johanna, Queen of Sicily, 5g.
John the Almoner, Pat. of Alexandria, 3go-g4, 432.
John the Baptist, relic of, 605.
John, Bp. of Jerusalem, 12.
John I., O. Abp. of Constantia, 37, 38, 3g, 24g, 308.
John II. , O. Abp. of Constantia, 54, 243, 3og, 318.
John, O. Bp. of Amathus, 54, 243, 318.
John, O. monk martyred by the Latins, g3-g5.
John, Pat. of Antioch, 16-17, 2I-
John Lampadistes, Cypriot Saint, 3g4, 431.
John, disciple of St. Epiphanios, 401.
John XXII., Pope, 127, 532, 546, 566, 572.
John XXIII., Pope, 567.
Julian the Apostate, 11, 415.
Julianus, Armenian, Bp. of Cyprus, 523, 525.
Julius, O. Bp. of Paphos, 12, 315.
Julius II., Pope, 562, 563, 568.
Julius III., Pope, 607.
Justinian I., Emperor, 33, 45, 253-54, 306.
Justinian II. , Rhinotmetos, Emperor, 36-37, 3g, 43, 46, 250, 420, 527.
Justiniana, Nova, title bestowed upon Cyprus, 45, 261.
Justiniana, Prima, See of, 247, 249, 250 n. 3.
Justinianopolis, Nova, See of, uncertainty of its situation, 43-45, 683.
Juvenal, Bp. of Jerusalem, 20.
Kakorizos, 34.
Kallistos, Nikephoros, on the discovery of St. Barnabas' body, 25-26.
Kallitropos, sister of St. Epiphanios, 401, 402.
Kalokairos, Katapan of Cyprus, 13 n. 1, 72 n. 3, 358, 359.
Kamater, John, Pat, of Constantinople, 196 n. 1.
Kameniates, John, 4g.
Kampyli, Maron. village, 528.
45

706 INDEX
Kanakes, Cypriot rebel, 76-77.
Kavovmd, meaning of the term, 263.
Karpasia (Carpasia, Carpasium, Carpasso, Karpasea, Karpasin, Karpasion), O.
See of, 240, 241, 242, 243, 320.
Karpasia, Maron. village, 528.
Karykes, Governor of Crete, 54.
Kedrenos, on the independence of the Cypriot Ch., 26; on the discovery of St.
Barnabas' body, 25-26.
Kendeas, Cypriot Saint, 425-27, 431.
Keramasa, 47 and n„ 1.
Kerma (Levkosia), O. See of, 242.
Khalil Dhaheri, 149 n. 1, 450.
Khalil, Disdar of Kyrenia, 221-22.
Khalil Pasha, Grand Vizier, 224.
Khalil, Sultan, of Egypt, 589.
Kharaj (Haratsh) or poll-tax, 191 and n. 3.
Kibyrraiots, 46, 47, 48, 49.
Kigala (Tzigala), Hilarion, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 212, 214 and n. 1, 215, 681.
Kigala, Matthew, list of works by, 214 n. 1.
Kilisios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Kinnamos, Basil, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315, 350.
Kirbosa, O. See of, 241.
Kition (Chiti, Chition, Citium), O. See of, 240, 241, 242, 311-12; extent of, 261;
title of Bp., 261.
Kition captured by the Moslems, 33.
Komnenos, Alexios (I.), Emperor, 30, 53, 308, 332.
Komnenos, Alexios, Byzantine general, 56 and n. 3.
Komnenos, Andronikos I., Emperor, 55, 56.
Komnenos, Isaac, 55-62.
Komnenos, Manuel, Emperor, 309, 346, 368.
Konon, skull of St., 455.
Konon, 0. monk martyred by the Latins, g3-g5.
Kontostephanos, John, 56.
Kontostephanos, family of, 56 n. 3.
Kootwyck, Johann van, 448.
Kopronymos, Constantine V., Emperor, 47, 51, 420.
Koreatha, O. See of, 240.
Kormakiti, Maron. village of, 528.
Kornokipos, Armenian village of, 524.
Kosmas, O. Bp. of Kurion, 313, 682, 687-88.
Kosmas II., Pat. of Constantinople, 3og.
Kouka, relic of the Cross at, 454.
Kuchuk Mehmed, Musellim of Cyprus, 228 and n. 1, 22g, 230.
Kurion (Cureon, Curia, Curium, Kurias), O. See of, 240, 241, 242, 312-13.
Kutzuventi, O. Mon. of St. John Chrysostom at, ig7, 34g, 356-58.
Kykko, O. Mon. of, 331-45, 682.
Kyprianos, Archimandrite, incites Cypriots against the Jews, 6 ; lists of Cypriot
Bps. at the Councils of Nicasa and Sardica, 7 ; drought of the fourth cen
tury, 8 ; eulogy of St. Barnabas, 25 ; the Chrism, 32 ; account of the Legate
Pierre de Thomas, 131-32; position ofthe Bps. after the Turkish conquest,
ig7-g8 ; description of Abp. Philotheos, 217 ; murder of the Muhassil Chil
Osman Agha, 220 ; Abp. Paisios, 222 ; list of ancient Sees, 240-41 ; signa
ture of Abps. of Cyprus, 258 n. 1 ; O. Churches in N'sia, 273 n. 1 ; Bps.
Meletion and Isaac, 311 n. 1 ; classification of O. Mons., 32g-3o; editor of
Neophytos' Ritual Ordinance, 351 ; also of commemorative services for
Neophytos, 352, 353 ; list of O. Mons., 362-64 ; John Mark, 37g n. 1 ; St.
Philagrios, 381 ; St. John the Almoner, 3g3-g4 ; Legend of St. Catharine,
3g6 and n. 1 ; SS. Maura and Timothy, 3g8 ; Temple of Aphrodite Aerodes,

INDEX 707
440 ; O. Mon. of Trikoukkia, 45g-6o ; Miraculous rock on Troodos, 463 ;
Maron. Mon. of St. George, 527 n. 1.
Kyprianos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 226-29.
Kyprianos, O. Bp. of Kition, 235, 312.
Kyprianos, Pat. of Alexandria, 218 and n. 1, 2ig, 685.
Kyrenia (Ceraunia, Cerines, Kyrinia), O. See of 240, 241, 242, 325-26.
Kyrenia, so-called Lat. See of, 587-88.
Kyrillos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 233-34.
Kyrillos, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Kyrillos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Kyrillos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 7, 244, 315.
Kyrillos, Pat. of Alexandria, 15 n. 2, 16, 17, 20.
Kyrillos, Pat. of Constantinople, 354.
Lachanadrako, Michael, 51.
Lacridon, Village of, 616.
Lala, Mustapha, 178 and n. 2, I7g, 184, 185, 186, igo, ig2, ig4.
L'Aleman, Jeanne, 157 n. 1., 601.
Lampadistes, St. John, 3g4.
Lampadouchon, 248 n. 2.
Lampusa, O. See of, 240.
Langstrother, John, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 643,644 n. 1.
Laodicea, Archdeacon of, 75, 469, 564 n. 2.
Lapithos (Lapethos, Lapitho, Lapithus), O. See of, 241, 242, 319.
Larnaka, Salt Lake of, 414-15.
Lascaris, Emperor Theodore, 252.
Lastic, Georges de, 635.
Lastic, Jean de, Grand Master ofthe Hospitallers, 156, 585, 634, 642.
Latins, Ch. of St. Georges des, 504-5.
Latrocinium, Council of, 32.
Laurence, Papal Legate, 101, 102.
Laurentios. O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 229, 326.
Laurentios, Bp. of Sinai, 202 and n. 2.
Lazare, St., Benedictine Mon., 610.
Lazarus, St., O. Bp. of Kition, 311, 411-15, 431.
Lazarus the Painter, 413 and n. 1.
League, The Holy, 185.
Lector, Theodore, discovery of St. Barnabas' body, 25, 26.
Lefteri, 73.
XeiTovpyiKtL, 263.
Leo IV., Emperor, 52.
Leo V., Emperor, 53.
Leo VI., Emperor, 49, 407.
Leo X., Pope, 173-74, 562> 576, 588-
Leodegar (Leger), Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 573.
Leontios, Abbot of Apsinthi, 8g.
Leontios, Hegoumenos of Enklistra, 354.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Kition, 231 n. 1, 312.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326, 682.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Levkosia, 327.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Neapolis, 316, 378, 3go, 432.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315, 681.
Leontios, O. Bp. of Solia, 89, 324.
Lepanto, Battle of, 186.
Le Quien, Michel (Oriens Christianus), 40, 41-42, 43, 242-43, 245, 246, 304 n. 2,
305-6, 307, 320, 323, 325, 326, 412-13, 468"49. 539, 54°. 542, 552, 559, 562,
587.
Lerat, Geoffroy, Master ofthe Hospitallers, 629.

708 INDEX
Lescure, Raymond de, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 642.
Lesparre, Florimond de, 548 and n. 1.
Levkara, Description ofthe consecration ofthe Bp. of, 116-17 n. 1.
Levkariots, disaffection ofthe, 183 n. 1 ; artifice ofthe, 453.
Levkosia (Ledra, Ledri), O. See of, 241, 242, 243, 327-28.
Lignac, de, Admiral of Rhodes, 636.
Limassol, Convention of, 82-83, 481-82, 564.
Limassol captured by the Mamelukes, 150.
Limassol, Lat. See of, extent, 470; revenue, 488-8g ; Bps., 56g-77.
Limbagne, St., 432.
Linobambaci, Cypriot sect, 535.
Lippomani, family of the, 645 n.
Livon, King of Armenia, 632.
Lizza, Jean de la, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 571.
Locke, Mr. John, 177 n. 2, 3g7 n. 3, 447-48, 455.
Longue-Epee, Guillaume, 67, 684.
Longinus, enemy of St. Epiphanios, 406.
Loredano, Antonio, 636.
Louis II. , Duke de Bourbon, 5g6.
Louis, son of Louis IX., King of France, 5g5-
Louis of Savoy, husband of Queen Charlotte, 162.
Louroujina, Linobambaci village, 535.
Luca, F., Vicar of St. Augustine, 185 n. 1.
Lucas, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 52g.
Lucian, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 583.
Lucian, preceptor of St. Epiphanios, 402.
Lucian, St., 431.
Ludolph (Rudolph) of Suchen, 207 n. ±, 33g n. i, 397 n. 1, 409 n. 1, 417 n. 1,
506 n. 3, 546 n., 64g and n. 3, 650 and n. 1.
Luke, Relic of St., 591.
Luphtou, Bey, Emir of Candelore, 635.
Lusignan, Amaury de, King of Cyprus, 74-76, 467 and n. 2, 468-69, 480, 62g.
Lusignan, Amaury de, Prince of Tyre, 570, 57g, 581, 600, 620-21, 624-25, 628, 630.
Lusignan, Anne de, daughter of King Janus, 584.
Lusignan, Boemond de, Prince of Galilee, 595-g6.
Lusignan, Camerin de, Constable of Cyprus, 603, 631.
Lusignan, Charion de, 311, 5g8.
Lusignan, Etienne de, services of Cyprus to Christianity, 1 ; martyrdom of St.
Catharine, 9 ; eulogy of St. Barnabas, 25 ; discovery of St. Barnabas' body,
26 ; Moslem invasions, 33 and n. 1 ; consecration of O. Bp. of Levkara,
116-17 ; religious state of his own family, 153-54 ! natural children of Jacques
II., 168 n. 1 ; clergy killed and captured at N'sia, 185 n. 1 ; refugees from
N'sia, igi n. 1 ; Abp. Nikolaos, 306 n ; longevity in Cyprus, 316 n. 1 ;
O. Mon., 329; O. Mon. of Akrotiri, 359 n. 1; Bp. Theophanes, 387-88;
German Saints, 4ig ; St. Jean de Montfort, 42g n. 1, 602 n. 2 ; O. Mon. of
Trikoukkia, 458-59 ; Rock on Trobdos, 462-63; St. Ursula, 463-64 ; Seven
Sleepers, 464 ; introduction of Lat. Ch., 468 ; number of villages, 478 n. 1,
480 n. ; revenue of Lat. Archbishopric, 488 n. 2, 489 ; churches in N'sia,
507 n. 2 ; description of a religious procession, 529-30 ; Lat. Religious
Orders, ,589 ; Dominican Mon. at N'sia, 5g2-gg ; list of Lat. Priories, 616.
Lusignan, Etienne de, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 521, 577.
Lusignan, Queen Charlotte de, 157, 158, 161, 162 and n. 2, 597-g8.
Lusignan, Guy de, Lord of Cyprus, 61, 66-71, 4g7, 683, 684.
Lusignan, Guy de, Prince of Galilee, 566, 572, 5g7.
Lusignan, Guy de, Seneschal of Cyprus, 4g8.
Lusignan, Henri (I.) de, 105 and n. 1, 483-85, 4g7 and nn. 1, 3 ; 5og, 541.
Lusignan, Henri (II.) de, 4g8, 523, 566, 57g, 580, 600, 6og, 6ig-2i, 626, 629-31.
Lusignan, Henri de, Prince of Galilee, 150, 551.

INDEX 709
Lusignan, Hiigues (I.) de, 473-74, 538, 616, 638.
Lusignan, Hugues (II.) de, 124 n. 1, 5g5.
Lusignan, Hugues (III.) de, 124 u. 1, 4g7, 4g8 n., 532, 565, 611 n. 3, 612,
617-ig
Lusignan, Hugues (IV.) de, 436, 486, 408, 547, 581, 5g5, 631-32.
Lusignan, Hugues de, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 148 n. 1, 150, 155, 551-53.
Lusignan, Hugues de, Prince of Galilee, 596, 597 n.
Lusignan, Isabelle de, O. nun, 154.
Lusignan, Jacques (I.) de, 5g5, 598.
Lusignan, Jacques (II.) de, 162-64, 5g8.
Lusignan, Jacques (III.) de, 164, 168.
Lusignan, Jacques de, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 157-61, 554-56.
Lusignan, Jacques de, Seneschal of Cyprus, 139 n. 4.
Lusignan, Janus (I.) de, 150, 552, 553, 583, sgs, 633, 641-42.
Lusignan, Jean (II.) de, 154-60, 553, 555, 582, 595, 634-35.
Lusignan, Jean de, O. monk, 154.
Lusignan, Jean de, Prince of Galilee, 132, 139 n. 4.
Lusignan, Jean Philippe de, igi n. 1.
Lusignan, Jerome de, Lat. Archdeacon of L'sol, 154.
Lusignan, Nicolas de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Lusignan, Philippe de, Lat. Archdeacon of N'sia, 154.
Lusignan, Pierre (I.) de, 130, 336, 457, 501, 505, 506, 5og, 547, 548 u. 3, 595,
601, 632.
Lusignan, Pierre (II.) de, 135, 138-40, 502, 506, 548, 592, 595, 632.
Lusignan, Yzabel de, 4g7 n. 3.
Lydda, Archdeacon of, 75, 470.
Mach^ra, Leontios, Pierre de Thomas, the Papal Legate, 131 ; list of O. Sees,
242; Catalogue of O. Abps., 310; Tomb of St. Triphyllios, 38g; discovery
of the True [Cross, 433 n. 2 ; St. Mamas, 418, 42g n. ; German Saints,
4ig, 420 and n. 2 ; SS. Cyprian and Justina, 456-57.
Machasra, 0. Mon. of, 345-48.
Machmeras, O. See of, 240.
Magnac, Louis de, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 635.
Magos, Simon, 12.
Mahmoud II. Sultan of Turkey, ig3.
Mahommedanism, rise of, 33.
Maizieres, Philippe de, 127, 547.
Makarios, Armenian Mon. of St., 524.
Makarios, Coptic Mon. of, 526.
Makarios, 0. Abp. of Cyprus, 234-35.
Makarios, O. Bp. of Kition, 312.
Makarios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Makarios, O. Bp. of Solia, 68g.
Malec-el-Aschraf, Sultan of Egypt, I4g.
Malec-el-Daher Djamac, Sultan of Egypt, 161, 634.
Makedonios, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Makedonios, O. Bp. of Kurion, 314.
Makedonios, O. Bp. of Levkosia, 327.
Makedonios, St., O. Bp. of Ledra, 431.
Makrodukas, Constantine, 54.
Mamas, O. Mon. of Hagios, 355-56.
Mamas, St., 415-18.
Mamelukes, 149-51, 501, 58g, 5g2.
Manatiis. Pietro di, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 6gi
Mandia, village of, 484.
pavSvas, 503 n. 5.
Mankana, O. Mon. of St. George of, g4 and n. 1, 155, 361.
Manrica, Gennario, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 587.

710 INDEX
Manzoni, Antonio, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 568.
Marcello, Francesco, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585 and n. 1.
Marcello, Vittore, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 520 n. 2, 55g-6o.
Marcian, Emperor, 32, 687.
Marcus, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 436, 581.
Mardaites, the, 36, 37, 527.
Margaritone, Sicilian Admiral, 56 and n. 4.
Mari, village of, g.
Maria, mother of Jacques (II.) de Lusignan, 157, 168 n. 1.
Maria, Maron. Mon. of Sta. (Margi) 528.
Maria, Maron. Mon. of Sta. (N'sia), 528.
Marie, daughter of Louis I., Duke de Bourbon, 566, 572, 581, 5g7 n.
Marino, Rizzo di, Chamberlain of Cyprus, 166 and n. 2, 167.
Mariti, Abbe, 33g, 355, 414, 453, 454 n.
Markellos, O. Bp. of Solia, 324.
Markellos, St., O. Bp. of Apamasa, 378.
Mark, St. John, 2, 3, 4, 371, 3gg.
Mark, St. John, Bp. of Alexandria, 37g.
Maronites of Cyprus, 527-2g.
Marquardt, Rbmische Staatsverwaltung, 246 n. 1.
Marriages, second, in n. 1.
Marsico, Count de, 618.
Martin V., Pope, 552, 553, 567, 584, 588.
Martin, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 564.
Martinengo, Hieronimo, I7g.
Martyr, Order of St. Thomas the, 648-50.
Martyrdom of O. Monks in Cyprus, g3-g6.
Matthaeus, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 584.
Matthaios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Matthew, Abp. of Tarsus, 550 n. 1.
Matthew II., Pat. of Constantinople, 200, 201 n. 1.
Maundeville, Sir John, 410 n. 2, 443, 451.
Maura, St., 397-98.
Maxentius, Emperor, 395 n., 396.
Maximinus, Emperor, 3g6.
Mehemet Sokolli, 178.
Mejdid, Sultan Abdul, ig3.
Meletios, O. Bp. of Kition, 223 n. 1, 227-29, 312.
Meletios, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Meletios, O. Cypriot Bp., 307, 311 n. 1.
Memmo, Mark, 205 n. 1.
Memnon, Bp. of Ephesus, 17.
Meniko, relics at, 456.
Metoscita, Joannes, Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Michael II., Emperor, 4g, 53.
Michael III., Emperor, 413.
Michael, O. Bp. of Arsinoe, 319.
Michael, O. Bp. of Kurion, 313.
Michael, St., Lat. Ch. in N'sia, 507.
Michael, St., O. Ch. on Troodos, 462.
Michel, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 548-49.
Michel, Lat. Priory of San, 616.
Milly, Jacques de, Grand Master ofthe Hospitallers, 635.
Milmars, Johannes de, 650 n.
Milo, Seigneur of, 631.
Mimars, Guy de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 565.
Miquez, Jewish adviser of Selim II. , 177.
Miramonte, Jordanus de, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Misericordieuse, Ch. of la, 501-4.

INDEX 711
Mnason, St., O. Bp. of Tamasos, 314, 37g-8o.
Mnemios (Mnemonios), O. Bp. of Kition, 12, 312.
Mnemonios, O. Bp. of Amathus, 317, 389.
Moawiyah (Moawiyeh), 34, 36, 246.
Mocenigo, Aluise, Grand Commander of Cyprus and Treviso, 645.
Mocenigo, Filippo, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 174-75, 563-64.
Mocenigo, Pietro, 164, 165, 167, 636, 637.
Molay, Jacques de, Grand Master ofthe Templars, 570, 621-24.
Molino, Mary of, 357.
Monagati, Emir of, 623.
Monasteries, Lat., 589-616.
Monasteries, 0., 32g-6g.
Monomachos, Constantine (X)., Emperor, 53.
Monophysite Controversy, 32-33.
Monothelite Controversy, 35-36.
Monstry, Jean de, Admiral of Cyprus, 505.
Montaigu, Eustorge de (see Eustorge d' Auvergne Eustorgius), Lat. Abp, of
N'sia, 94, 100, 476, 4gi, 495, 4g6, 508, 53g-40, 604.
Montaigu, Foulques de, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 56g.
Montaigu, Guerin de, Master of the Hospitallers, 53g.
Montaigu, Pierre de, Master of the Templars, 539.
Montbeliard, Alix de, 592, 604, 605 n.
Montbeliard, Gautier de, Regent of Cyprus, 473.
Monteleone, Jean de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 584-85.
Montferrat, Conrad of, 68, 6g.
Montferrat, family of, 68 n. 1.
Montfort, Amaury de, 5g6.
Montfort, St. Jean de, 4ig, 428, 432, 602 n. 2, 603, 611, 6gi.
Montolif, Galesio di, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 155-56, 553-54, 634.
Montolif, N. de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
Montolif, Simon de, 6og.
More, Zacco, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 570.
Morosini, Tommaso, Lat. Pat. of Constantinople, 367, 538.
Morpho, Baudouin de, 4g6 and n. 3.
Moses, O. Bp. of Arsinoe, 3ig.
Mouhassils, ig8.
Mouzalon, Nikolaos, O. Abp. of Constantia, 308-g.
Mutecola, Angelo, 633.
Musellim of Cyprus, ig3.
Mustapha IV., Sultan of Turkey, ig8.
Myron, O. Bp. of Tamasos, 313, 377.
Myrianthusa (Marathasa) district of the, 336 and n. 3.
Nabinaux, Elie de, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 316, 3ig, 327, 532, 545-46, 573, 581.
Nabinaux, Itier de, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 573 ; of F'ta 582.
Naillac, Philibert de, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, 633, 641.
Narkissos, St., 375.
Narnus, disciple of St. Barnabas, 371.
Naves, Sor de, Prince of Antioch, 162 n. 1.
Naxos, 178 and n. 1.
Neaie, independence of the Ch. of Cyprus, 20 ; provinces of Antiochene Patri
archate, 22 n. 1.
Neapolis, 0. See of, 240, 241, 242, 316.
Nektarios, Pat. of Jerusalem, 214, 685.
Nemesios, St., 430, 431.
Nemevos, city of, 242.
Nentarkar, Sir Anthony, 583.
" Neon Kition," articles from the, 28g, 2go.
Neophytos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 89, 309.

712 INDEX
Neophytos, Pat. of Constantinople, 204.
Neophytos, recluse of Machasra, 346.
Neophytos, founder ofthe O. Mon. of Enklistra, 57, 348-52, 6go.
Neophytos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Neophytos, O. Mon. of Hagios, 348-54.
Nestor, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 322.
Nestorians, the, 52g.
Nestorios, Pat. of Constantinople, 16, 17.
Nibon, O. Bp. of Solia and Paphos, 113 n. 1, 122, 315, 324, 68g.
Nicolaitans, 12.
Nicolas, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 150.
Nicolas, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 328, 574.
Nicolas, Lat. Cathedral of St., 521.
Nicolas IV., Pope, 477, 543.
Nicolas V., Pope, 152, 533, 554.
Nicolaus, Armenian Bp. of Cyprus, 525.
Nicolo, Provincial ofthe Carmelites, 185 n. 1.
Nicolo de Couria, Bp. of Embron, 328, 502, 574 n. 1.
Nicon, O. Bp. of Arsinoe, 3ig.
Nikanor, St., 380, 430.
Niketas (Nichita), O. Bp. of Chytri, 322, 431, 689.
Nikephoros I., Emperor, 48.
Nikephoros II., Phokas, Emperor, 50.
Nikephoros, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 208 and n. 2, 212-13, 337, 606.
Nikephoros, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
Nikolaos, 0. Bp. of Arsinoe, 319.
Nikolaos, O. Bp. of Levkosia, 327, 328.
Nikolaos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Nikolaos, O. Mon. of Hagios, 358-60.
Nikolaos, St., Bp. of Myra, Eikon of, 45g n. 2.
Nikosia, Lat. Archbishopric of, extent, 470 ; landed property, 479 and n. 2 ;
revenue, 487-8g ; synod, 4go ; list of churches, 507 n. 2 ; list of Abps., 537-64
and n. 1.
Nikosia, siege of, 184-85.
Nikosia, Vicomte of, 155 n. 3.
Nikosia, list of O. churches at, 273 n. 1.
Nilos, founder of Machasra Mon. , 346-47.
Norbanos, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Nores, Jeanneton de, 191 n. ±.
Nores, Hector de, igi n. 1.
Notitia Episcopatuum, list of Cypriot O. Sees, 241.
Novarialla, Guy de, 543.
Nunechios, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Oath ofthe O. Bp. of Solia to the Lat. Abp., 1 15-16, 684.
Oath ofthe O. Metropolitan of Rhodes to the Lat. Abp., 116 n.
Oath of Jacques II. , to the Sultan of Egypt, 161 n. 2.
Oath of the Lat. Kings of Cyprus at their coronation, 471-72.
Observants, 589, sgo, 603.
CEkonomos, duties of, 273.
Oger, Seigneur d' Anglure, 444 and n. 1, 451.
Oils used by the Churches of Rome and Constantinople, 105 n. 2.
Oldenburg, Willebrand of, 243 and n. 1, 442-43, 523 and n. 4.
Olympios I., O. Abp. of Constantia, 32, 305.
Olympios II. , O. Abp. of Constantia, 249, 305-6.
Omodos, 0. Mon. ofthe Cross at, 454, 456.
Ophites, 12.
Ordelaffi, Pinus, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.

INDEX 713
Orders, Lat. Military, 617-50.
Orders, Lat. Religious, 589-617.
Orders of the Roman and O. Churches, no n. 2.
Ordinations, Forcible, 404 n. 1.
Orsini, Aldobrandino, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 536, 561-62.
Orsini, Giovanni Battista, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, 636-37, 647.
Orsini, Nicolo Aldobrandino, Count of Pitigliano, 561 and n. 1.
Orthodox demands upon Innocent IV. , 102-3.
Orthodoxy, Festival of, 53.
Oseliers, Chemi d' (see Usellet, Hemo d').
Pais, Abbaye de la (Bella Pais, Bella Paese, Abbaye Blanche, Episcopia)
Premonstratensian Mon., 538, 541, 611-15.
Paisios, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 218-22.
Paisios, O. monk of Cyprus, 200.
Palasologos, Helena, wife of Jean (II.) de Lusignan, 155-58, 160, 361, 533, 555,
585, 593, 595. 596.
Palasologos, Medea, wife of Jean (II.) de Lusignan, 154, 595.
Palasologos, Michael VIII., Emperor, 124.
Palaeologos, Zoe, daughter of Thomas, Despot ofthe Morea, 557 n. 5.
Palaspaphos, city of, 24.1.
Paliski, Andre, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 587.
Pall, The, 476 n. 2.
Palounger, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 547.
Palluriotissa (Palourgiotissa), O. Convent of, 362.
Palu, Pierre de la, Lat. Pat. of Jerusalem, administrator of the See of L'sol, 570.
Panaretos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 231-32.
Panaretos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 223 n. 1, 231 n. 1, 315, 355.
Panteleemon, O. Mon. of St., 355.
Paphos destroyed by Abu Alur, 35.
Paphos (Baffo, Papho), O. See of, 241, 242 ; extent of present See, 260.
Paphos, O. Bps. of, list, 314-15 ; precedence and title, 260-61 ; duties during a
vacancy in the Archbishopric, 262.
Paphos, Lat. See of, extent, 470; list of Bps., 564-68; revenue, 488-89; villages
belonging to, 479 n.
Pappos, O. Bp. of Chytri,32i, 403-4.
Parici, the, 72 and n. 2.
Pastoral Staff of Cypriot Primates, 248 n. 2.
Parthenios, Qikonomos of Kykko, 337.
Parthenios, Qikonomos of Machasra, 348.
Paul of Antioch, Benedictine Mon. of St., 451, 606.
Paul the Apostle, 2-5, 376, 377, 399.
Paul, Cypriot martyr, 432.
Paul, Pat. of Constantinople, 380.
Paul IL, Pope, 557, 558, 559.
Paul III., Pope, 174, 607.
Paulinian, brother of St. Jerome, 404 n. 1.
Paulus, Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Paulus, Sergius, the Proconsul, 3, 4.
Pegas, Meletios, Pat. of Alexandria, igg, 201 and n. 1, 202-4, 685.
Pekion (Ipeik), Archbishopric of, 247, 251 n., 252-53.
Pelagius, Cardinal, 84, 87-8g, 311, 481, 482.
Pera, Dominicus de (Perei, Michel de), Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585.
Tlepiypatp'lj of Kykko, 227 n. 1, 332 and n. 2.
Perpiriarii, the, 73 and n. 1.
Pesaro, Giacomo di, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 568.
Pesaro, Giovanni Maria di, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 561, 568.

714 INDEX
Pesimandros, Germanos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 102 n. 1, 104-5, 112-14, 122-23,309-
10, 689.
Peter the Fuller, Pat. of Antioch, 23, 25.
Peter, O. Bp. of Soli, 323.
Peter III., Pat. of Constantinople, 252.
Peter and Paul, Dominican Ch. of SS., 5g2.
Petna, O. See of, 240.
Petronius, Cypriot deacon, 406.
Petrus, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 52g.
Phaneromene, O. convent of, 362.
Philagrios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Philagrios, St., Bp. of Soli, 381, 431.
Philip Augustus, King of France, 5g, 6g.
Philip II. , King of Spain, 178, 185.
Philippe-le-Bel, King of France, 544, 620, 622-24.
Philo, O. Bp. of Karpasion, 320, 381.
Philoneides, O. Bp. of Kurion, 381, 431.
Philotheos, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Philotheos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 216-18, 344.
Philotheos, Abp., 39th canon of the Council in Trullo, 39-40; Nova Justiniana,
45 ; autonomy of Cypriot Ch., 247 ; independent churches, 250-53 ; com
ments on Dositheos regarding the autocephalous Abps., 253-60.
tpiXbrtpa, 263.
Phokas, Nikephoros (II.), Emperor, 50.
Photeine, Hagia (Ste. Claire), Franciscan convent of, 600-1.
Photinos, O. Bp. of Chytri, 33, 321.
Photios, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Photios, Pat. of Constantinople, Nomocanon of, 19.
Photolampos (Levkosia), O. See of, 240.
Piali Pasha, Admiral ofthe Turkish Fleet, 178 and n. ^, 179.
Pierre, Cardinal, Papal Legate, 482 n. 2, 494, 508, 511-12.
Pierre, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 583, 585.
Pierre, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 478, 568.
Pins, Gerard de, 639 n. 3.
Pins, Raymond de, Papal Nuncio, 570 and n. 5, 580 and n. 2, 600 n. 5.
Pisani, Andrea, Governor of Corfu, 383-84.
Pisani, Cardinal Francesco, Abbot ofthe Mon. of Stavro Vouni, 452, 607.
Piscatoris, Syfridus, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Pison, Le fief de la, 319.
Pius II. , Pope, 155, 161 n. 2, 162, 556, 557.
Pius IV., Pope, 475, 524-25, 563.
Platani, Armenian village, 524.
Pliny, list of cities of Cyprus, 241.
Plutarch, O. Abp. of Constantia, 687.
Pococke, 330, 339, 355, 357, 359, 411 n. 1, 4I8, 44g.
Podocatoro, Cardinal Luigi, 559, 562-63.
Podocatoro, Cesare, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 562, 563.
Podocatoro, Ettore, 311.
Podocatoro, Jean Paul, Abbot ofthe Mon. of Stavro Vouni, 607.
Podocatoro, Livio, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 562.
Podocatoro, Pierre, Abbot of the Mon. of Stavro Vouni, 452.
Pogonatos, Constantine IV., Emperor, 35-36.
Polemidia, Carmelite Chapel near, 58g.
Polybios, Bp. of Rhinocorura, 11, 401.
Porphyrogennetos, Constantine, invasion of Abubekr, 33 and n. 2 ; return of
the Cypriots, 46 and n. ; expulsion of Moslems by Basil 1., 4g ; list oi
Cypriot cities, 242.
Potamios, Cypriot Saint, 430, 431.

INDEX 715
Potamiou, relic of St. Mnason at, 456.
Pouiains (Pullani), 504 n. 4, 505 n.
Pradele, Raymond de la, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 138 and n. 1, 509, 547-48.
Premonstratensians, the, 589, 5g2, 61 1-15.
Priuli, Francesco, Venetian Admiral, i6g n., 561.
Priuli, Sebastiano, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 561.
Proclus, Jacobite Bp. of Cyprus, 526.
Procuration, 120 and n. 1.
Prokopios, recluse of Machaera, 346-47.
Prosechios (Proechios), O. Bp. of Arsinoe, 33, 3ig, 327 n. 1.
Provveditore, the, Venetian official in Cyprus, 170.
Pyrgokratas, O. See of, 240.
Pyx, the, 504 n. 1.
Purgatory, disputed by the O. Ch., in n. 4.
Qapudan Pasha entrusted with the government of Cyprus, ig3 ; plots to destroy
the influence of the Abps., 228.
Qaziliks, Cyprus divided into, igo n. 1.
Qibrisli Mehmed Pasha befriends the Cypriots, 236.
Qoja-bashis, title bestowed upon the Cypriot Bps., 218.
Quid, fief of Le, 311.
Quini-Sext Council, 37-38.
Ragazzoni, Gironimo, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Ranulphe (Arnoul, Arnulf), Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 478, 543.
Raphael, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 106, 108, log, m, 112, 118, 124, 542.
Raynaidi, comment on the action of the Cypriot Bps., 84 ; defence of Cardinal
Pelagius, 88 ; remarks on letter of Pat. Germanos II. to Gregory IX., gg;
complaint ofthe Cypriot clergy to Eugenius IV., 151.
Reis, Syrian official at N'sia and F'ta, 522.
Rentakenos, Basil, tutor of Isaac Komnenos, 57.
Rettori, Venetian officials in Cyprus, 170.
Rhangabe, Michael I., Emperor, 48.
Rhapsommates, revolt of, 54, 332.
Rheginos, O. Abp. of Constantia, 16, 18, 305.
Rhodon (Rhodom), 314, 372, 373, 380, 3gg.
Ricaut, on the O. Ch. of Cyprus, 680-82.
Richard Cceur-de-Lion, arrival in Cyprus, 59 ; defeats the Cypriots, 60 ; captures
Isaac Komnenos, 61 ; leaves Cyprus, 62 ; sells the island to the Templars,
63 n. 1, 65 ; consequences of its conquest, 64 ; bestows Cyprus upon Guy
de Lusignan, 70 and n. 1.
Ritual Ordinance of Neophytos, 350-51, 352 n. 1, 353, 366.
Ritual regulations of Pope Innocent IV., 105-12.
Rizokarpaso, O. See of Arsinoe transferred to, 318.
Robert, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 566.
Rdhricht, Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, 197 n. 1, 467 n. 1, 565 n. 4, 616 n. 3,
617 nn. 1, 2 ; 638 nn. 1, 2 ; 650 n.
Romain, Jean, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 565.
Romano, Maron. Mon. of San, 528.
Romanus, J. Baptista, 15.
Rufinus, Cypriot deacon, 405-6.
Rupin, Prince of Cilicia, 55.
Rysterscheyt, Johannes de, Lat. Bp. of Kyrenia, 588.
Sabellians, the, 12.
Sabinos I., 6. Abp. of Constantia, 304, 401.
Sabinos II. , O. Abp. of Constantia, 305.
Sabinos, Cypriot deacon, 406.

716 INDEX
Sabinus, Governor of Cyprus, 386, 420.
Saswulf, Anglo-Saxon merchant, 467.
Sagredo, Bernardo, 175 n. 1, 329 n. 2, 520-21, 614.
Saints of Cyprus, (1) native, 37o-g8 ; (2) foreign, 3g8-430 ; list ofthe, 430-32.
Sakellarios, 33g, 417 and n. 2.
Saladin, 60, 68 and n. 1, 78.
Salamis, birthplace of St. Barnabas, 3 ; landing of the Apostles, 3 ; revisited by
Barnabas, 5, 373 ; his martyrdom there, 5, 373 ; destroyed by the Jews, 5,
244; metropolis, 243, 246 n. 1. 686; called Constantia, 244-46, 303; list
of Abps., 304-11 ; human sacrifice at, 11 and n. 1, 303.
Saldi, O. See of, 240.
Salignac, Bartholomew, 60 n. 1, 414 and n. ^, 447 and n. 2, 464 and n. 3.
Salomon, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 567.
" Salpinx," articles from the, 269 n. 1, 270-72, 274-80, 282-84, 293-302.
Sandjak Begs, igo n. 2.
Santa Maria delle Grazie, Dominican Mon. at Milan, 5g8 n. 1.
Santa Sophia, Lat. Cathedral of, foundation, 4go ; singular privilege, 4go n. 2 ;
completion and consecration, 4gi ; description, 4gi-g2 ; repair, 4g2-g3 ;
destruction, 4g3 ; chapter, 4g4 ; cathedral staff, 4g5 ; list of benefactions,
4gi n. 2, 4g6-5oo ; cartulary of, 536-37.
Saone, Estolon de la, Knight of Rhodes, 641.
Saprikios, O. Bp. of Paphos, 16, 244, 315.
Saracenic invasions of Cyprus, 33.
Sardamari, Jean, attempted theft ofthe Cross of Tochni, 435.
Sardica, Council of, 7.
Sari, O. See of, 240.
Satalia (Attalia), 10, 338, 33g n. 1, 340 n. 2, 506 and n. 3, 632.
Sataliotes, Ch. of St. Georges des, 505-6.
Sathas, origin ofthe independence ofthe Cypriot Ch., 27-28 ; inaccuracy of the
title Nova Justiniana, 261 ; German Saints of Cyprus, 419, 420.
Saurano, Antonio, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 579-80.
Sauveur, St., Ch. at N'sia, 507.
Savoy, designs ofthe Dukes of, 205-9.
Schlagelholz, Hesso von, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 641.
Sees, divisions ofthe existing O., 260 ; precedence and titles ofthe Bps., 260-61;
revenues, 263-67 ; management, 272-73.
Sees, O., reduction of, 84-85, 468.
Sees, Lat., establishment, 75, 469-71; endowment, 478-81; revenues, 487-89;
lists of Bps., 536-88.
Selim II. , Sultan of Turkey, 177 and n. 1, 178-80.
Selim III., Sultan of Turkey, ig8.
Sergi Flatro, O. Mon. of, 361.
Sergios, O. Abp. of Constantia, 35, 307.
Sextilian, Abp. of Carthage, 250.
Sforza, 150.
Sforza, Ludovico, 5g8 n. 1.
Sibylle, wife of Guy de Lusignan, 67-68.
Silicu (Silichou), Lat. priory of, 616.
Silvestros, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 216.
Simeon, Hegoumenos of Kykko, 337, 345.
Simeon, O. Abp. of Cyprus, 84, 3og.
Sinon, 0. Bp. of Karpasia, 321.
Situla, 503 n. 7.
Sixtus IV., Pope, 164, 165, 55g, 560 and n. 2, 563, 585.
Skylloura (Skilloura), Lat. Priory of, 356, 616.
Sleepers, relics ofthe Seven, 455-56, 464 and n. 3.
Soissons, Antoine de, Lat. Bp. of Paphos, 568.
Sokolli, Mehemet, Grand Vizier, 178, 195.

INDEX 717
Soli (Solas, Solea, Solia), O. See of, 240, 241, 242, 243, 323-25.
Solia, O. Bp. of, his oath to the Lat. Abp., 115-16 ; contribution to Lat. Abp..
120-21 ; fees on consecration, 120 n. -i.
Solyman IL, Sultan of Turkey, 176-77.
Sophronios I., O. Abp. of Constantia, 306.
Sophronios II., O. Abp. of Cyprus, 235-37.
Sophronios, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 223 n. 1, 326.
Soranzo, Benedetto, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 560-61.
Sosikrates, Cypriot Bp. at First General Council, 7.
Sosikrates, O. Bp. of Karpasia, 321.
Soter, O. Bp. of Theodosiana, 33, 3ig, 324, 326, 6go.
Sozontas, Cypriot Saint, 432.
Spathariko, Armenian village, 524.
Spyridon, 0. Bp. of Chytri, 52, 321.
Spyridon, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 225, 323, 68g.
Spyridon, St., O. Bp. of Trimythus, 7, 322, 382-86, 430, 431.
Stani, O. See of, 240.
'ZTavpoirijyiov, 368-6g.
Stavro Vouni, Cross of, 43g-5i ; Benedictine Mon. on, 451-53, 606-8 ; relic of
the Saviour at, 454.
Stephanus, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 578.
Stephanus (II.), Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 575.
Stephanus (III.), Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 577.
Stephanus (IV.), Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 577.
Stephen, Maron. Bp. of Cyprus, 52g.
Srotxdpiov, 503 n. 1.
XroXij XwpwTi), 503 n. 2.
Strambaldi, list of O. Abps. of Cyprus, 310.
Stratonikos, O. Bp. of Soli, 36, 324, 68g.
Suleiman Efendi, Muhassil of Cyprus, 221-22.
Sur (Tyr), Benedictine Convent of Nostra Donna di, 608-10.
Sur (Tyr), Jean de, Admiral of Cyprus, 132.
Synesios, O. Bp. of Karpasia, 321.
Synod, O., 260 ; Lat., ng, 4go.
Synod of 1668, 212-13.
Synta (Sindes, Sinta), Lat. Priory of, 616.
Syrians, the, 522-23.
Tacito, Andrea, Commissary of St. Francis, 185 n. 1.
Tacito, Thomaso, Vicar ofthe Archbishopric of N'sia, 185 n. 1.
Tafures, Jean, Count of Tripoli, 166 and n. if
Tamasos (Tamasea, Tamasi, Tamassia, Tamassos, Tamassus, Thamasia), O.
See of, 240, 241, 242, 313-14.
Tangrivirdi-el-Mahmoudi, Mameluke Emir, 150, 450.
Tape, Henrico, Abbot of Ste. Marie de Beaulieu, 603 and n. 5.
Tarse, village of, 634 n. 1.
Templars, the : purchase Cyprus, 65 ; restore it to Cceur-de-Lion, 66 ; hostility
to Hugues (III.) de Lusignan, 617-18 ; settlement at L'sol, 6ig ; disputes
with Henri (II.) de Lusignan, 6ig-20 ; support Amaury, Prince of Tyre,
620-21 ; charges against the Order, 622-23 ! rash conduct of Jacques de Molay,
the Grand Master, 623-24 ; arrest of the Templars in Cyprus, 624-28 ; in
ventory of property seized in Cyprus, 628 ; dissolution ofthe Order, 628.
Templos (Tembros) Commandery of, 647, 648.
Tenda, Nicolas de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 584.
Teutonic Order, 650.
Tharape, Cypriot Saint, 431.
Themistagoras, O. Bp. of Soli, 323, 3gg.

718 INDEX
Theodora, Empress, wife of Justinian I., 45, 306.
Theodora, Empress, wife of Theophilos, 53, 383.
Theodoro, Cistercian convent of San, 5g2, 605.
Theodoros, Consular of Cyprus, 16.
Theodoros, O. Abp. of Constantia, 305.
Theodoros, O. Bp. of Kition, 52, 312.
Theodoros, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326, 431.
Theodoros, O. Bp. of Paphos, 315.
Theodoros, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 36, 24g, 308, 322, 686.
Theodosiana, O. See of, 243, 326.
Theodosius I., Emperor, 12.
Theodosius II. , Emperor, 17.
Theodosius, Abbey of St., 616.
Theodotos, O. Bp. of Kurion, 313.
Theodotos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 325, 386-87, 68g.
Theonas, Cypriot disciple of St. John, 37g.
Theophanes, O. Bp. of Soli, 324, 387-88.
Theophilos, Emperor, 53, 413.
Theophilos, Pat. of Antioch, 12, 17.
Theophilos, St., 432.
Theopompos, O. Bp. of Trimythus, 12, 322.
Theoprobos, O. Bp. of Karpasion, 320 n. 1.
Theotokos, eikons of the : Kykko, 333-36, 33g (and ii. 1) -344 ; Machasra, 346 ;
Chrysorrhogiatissa, 355 ; Trooditissa, 355 ; Constantinople, 367 ; Trikouk
kia, 458-60 ; Tortosa, 465-66 ; Satalia, 340 and n. 2, 506 ; Skylloura, 616.
Therakomia, O. See of, 240.
Therapon, Cypriot Saint, 421-23, 432.
Therapon (Therapontus), O. Abp. of Constantia, 687.
Thierry, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 537-3g, 612.
Thomas, Order of St., 648-50.
Thomas, the Chamberlain, 155, 157, 15g.
Thomas, Pierre de, Papal Legate, 127-34, 432-
Thorns, Mon. of the, 615.
Timariots, igo n. 2.
Timon, Cypriot convert of St. Barnabas, 5, 372, 373.
Timotheos, O. Abp. of Cyprus, ig6-g7, igg.
Timotheos, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 325-26.
Timothy, Cypriot Saint, 397-g8.
Timothy, Nestorian Abp. of Tarsus, 533.
Tithes, disputes about, 481-87.
Titus, O. Bp. of Paphos, 314, 388.
Tochni, Cross of, 434-49.
Topiroi, village of, 602.
Torselli, Joachim de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 584.
Tortosa, See of, 581-82.
Trikoukkia, O. Mon. of, 458-60.
Trimythus (Trimethus, Trimithus, Trimithussa, Trimithussia, Trimythos), O.
See of, 240, 241, 242, 322-23.
Triphyllios, O. Bp. of Levkosia, 7, 327, 388-89, 431.
Troilos, O. Abp. of Constantia, 16, 18, 305.
Trooditissa, O. Mon. of, 355.
Troodos, miraculous rock on, 462-63.
Tryphon, friend of St. Epiphanios, 401-2.
Tudela, Benjamin of, 6, 534.
Tuneto, Antonio, Lat. Abp. of N'sia, 556.
Tununensis, Victor, date ofthe discovery of St. Barnabas' body, 25.
Turabi Teke, mosque at Larnaka, 421 n. 1.
Turner, number of monks at Kykko, 339.
Turnham, Roger de, defeats the Cypriot insurgents, 65.

INDEX 719
Turrianus, Franciscus, version of the Arabic canons of the Council of Nicaea, 15.
Tychicos I., O. Bp. of Neapolis, 316, 38g, 430, 431.
Tychicos II. , O. Bp. of Neapolis, 316.
Tychon, O. Bp. of Amathus, 317, 38g-go, 431, 432, 688.
Tychon, O. Bp. of Kition, 36, 312.
Tychon, O. Bp. of Tamasos, 12, 314.
Tylliria, district of, 10.
Type of Emperor Constans II., 35.
Ugonius, Mathias, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 586.
Umm Haram, Mosque of, 34 and n. 1.
Urban IV., Pope, 124-26, 531, 542.
Urban V., Pope, 138, 37g, sog, 547.
Urban VI., Pope, 550.
Urban, 375.
Ursula, Company of St., 463-64.
Usellet, Hemo d' (Haume de Seliers, Chemie Doselier, Chemi d'Oseliers),
Marshal ofthe Templars, 621 and n. 3, 624-28.
Valascus (Vasco), Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 578.
Valens, Emperor, 11.
Valentinian III., Emperor, 17.
Valentinians, 11.
Valines, Luc de, Marshal of Rhodes, 641.
Valle, Pietro de la, 414.
Valler, Pierre (Albert), Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 587.
Vasa, relics of St. Barnabas at, 456.
Vaselini, Morice, Preceptor of Troyes, 634.
Vasilipotamos (Tetios) River, g, 150, 434.
Vavla, Dominican Mon. of St. Epiphanios at, $Sg.
Venetians, the White, 73.
Venice, designs upon Cyprus, 163 ; increasing influence of, 164 ; supremacy of,
168 ; forces abdication of Catarina Cornaro, 169 ; acquires Cyprus, 170 ;
administrative changes, 170 ; insidious policy, 171 ; pays tribute to the
Sultans, 176 ; measures of defence against the Turks, 176 ; prepares for war,
179 ; refuses to surrender Cyprus, 179.
Veronica, aunt of St. Epiphanios, 402.
Vicheria, Franciscus de Pernisiis de, Lat. Bp. of F'ta, 585.
Vicomte, Guillaume, 508.
Vienne, Council of, 628.
Villages of Cyprus, number ofthe, 478 n. 1, 6gi and n. ±.
Villamarino, Bernardo, Admiral of the Catalan fleet, 635.
Viiiamont, Seigneur de, 358 and n. 2, 360, 412 and n. 1, 452 and n. 1.
Villaret, Foulques de, Grand Master ofthe Hospitallers, 630.
Villeneuve, Hisbert de, Commander of Templos, 647.
Virgin, Chapel of the Blessed, 468.
Visconti, Frederico, Abp. of Pisa, 541.
Voulte, Aymar de la, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 573.
Vutumites, Manuel, Governor of Cyprus, 332-35.
Willibald, St., 243,467.
Wolff, Letter of John, Pat. of Antioch, 22.
Yezid III., Caliph, 47.
Ypres, Jean d', 70 n.

720 INDEX
Zacosta, Raymond, Grand Master of the Hospitallers, 636.
Zane, Girolamo, Procurator of St. Mark, I7g.
Zaplana (Saplana), Nicolas, Grand Commander of Cyprus, 644 u. 1, 647.
Zentani, Andreas, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 576.
Zeno, Emperor, 23, 24, 25, 680, 687.
Zeno, O. Bp. of Kurion, 16, 20, 21, 313.
Zeno, O. Bp. of Kyrenia, 326.
c^Teiai, 263.
Ziarns, igo n. 2.
Zonaras, 3gth Canon of the Council in Trullo, 40.
Zucco, Antonio di, Lat. Bp. of L'sol, 691.

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Mahons flying column and its relief of Mafeking. It also relates the defeat of
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the war which have not yet been described in any work.
WITH THE BOER FORCES. By Howard C. Hillegas.
With 16 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 6s.
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spondent with the Boer army. Mr. Hillegas was present at many of the most
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part ofthe siege of Ladysmith, at the battle of Colenso, at the surprise of Sanna's
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the Boers have won.
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HIS FAMILY AND FRIENDS. Edited with an Introduction and
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This is_ a completely new edition of the famous Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson,
published in 1899.
THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF SIR JOHN EVERETT
MILLAIS, President of the Royal Academy. By his son J. G.
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gravure. Cheaper Edition, Revised. Two volumes. Royal Svo.
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4 Messrs. Methuen's Announcements
GOOP BABIES. By Gelett Burgess. With numerous
Illustrations. Small i,to. 6s.
THE EARLY POEMS OF ALFRED LORD TENNYSON.
Edited, with Notes and an Introduction by J. Churton Collins,
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Demy Svo. los. 6d.
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NURSERY RHYMES. With many Coloured Pictures by
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Theology

THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND. By
Alfred Caldecott, D.D. Demy Svo. los. 6d.
{Handbooks of Theology.
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been formulated during the last few centuries in England and America.
ST. PAUL'S SECOND AND THIRD EPISTLES TO THE
CORINTHIANS. With Introduction, Dissertations, and Notes by
James Houghton Kennedy, D.D., Assistant Lecturer in Divinity
in the University of Dublin. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE SOUL OF A CHRISTIAN. By F. S. Granger, M.A.,
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Professor Granger abandons the conventional method of psychology by which the
individual is taken alone, and instead,he regards him as sharing in and contribut
ing to the catholic tradition. Hence the book deals not only with the average
religious life, but also with the less familiar experiences of the mystic, the vision
ary, and the symbolist. These experiences furnish a clue to poetic creation in its
various kinds, and further, to the miracles which occur during times of religious
enthusiasm. ©SfotO Commentaries.
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. Edited, with an Intro
duction and Notes, by R. B. Rackham, M.A. Demy Svo.
Zbe Xtbrarg of Devotion
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NEW VOLUMES.
A GUIDE TO ETERNITY. By Cardinal Bona. Edited
with an Introduction and Notes by J. W. Stanbridge, B.D., late
Fellow of St. John's College, Oxford.
THE PSALMS OF DAVID. With an Introduction and Notes
by B. W. Randolph, D.D., Principal of the Theological College,
Ely.
A devotional and practical edition of the Prayer Book version of the Psalms.
LYRA APOSTOLICA. With an Introduction by Canon Scott
Holland, and Notes by H. C. Beeching, M.A.

Messrs. Methuen's Announcements 5
Belles Lettres
Zbe little ©ufoes
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NEW VOLUMES.
WESTMINSTER ABBEY. By G. E. TROUTBECK. Illustrated
by F. D. Bedford.
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Xittle *Bioflrapbfes
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Messrs. Methuen will publish shortly the first two volumes of a new
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character famous in war, art, literature or science, and will be written by
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THE LIFE OF DANTE ALIGHIERI. By Paget Toynbee.
With 12 Illustrations.
THE LIFE OF SAVONAROLA. By E. L. Horsburgh, M.A.,
With Portraits and Illustrations.
Zbe TlHlorks ot Sbaftespeare
New volumes uniform with Professor Dowden's Hamlet.
ROMEO AND JULIET. Edited by Edward Dowden, Litt.D.
Demy Svo. y. 6d.
KING LEAR. Edited by W. J. Craig. Demy Svo. ys. bd.

dftetbuett's Stanoaco Xibratg
MEMOIRS OF MY LIFE AND WRITINGS. By Edward
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Hill, LL.D. Crown Svo. Gilt top. 6s.
THE LETTERS OF LORD CHESTERFIELD TO HIS
SON. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes by C. Strachey and
A. Calthrop. Two volumes. Crown Svo. Gilt top. 6s. each.

6 Messrs. Methuen's Announcements
Zbe flovels of Cbarles SMcfcens
With Introductions by George Gissing, Notes by F. G. Kitton,
and Illustrations.
Crown Svo. Each Volume, cloth y. net, leather i\s. 6d. net.
The first volumes are :
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Two Volumes. {Ready
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Two Volumes. {Ready.
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Volumes.
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Zbe Xfttle Xtbrarg
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NEW VOLUMES.
THE EARLY POEMS OF ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON.
Edited by J. C Collins, M.A.
MAUD. By Alfred, Lord Tennyson. Edited by Elizabeth
Wordsworth.
A LITTLE BOOK OF ENGLISH LYRICS. With Notes.
PRIDE AND PREJUDICE. By Jane Austen. Edited by
E. V. Lucas. Two Volumes.
PENDENNIS. By W. M. THACKERAY. Edited by S. Gwynn.
Three volumes.
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GROOME. 2 Volumes.
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THE INFERNO OF DANTE. Translated by H. F. CARY.
Edited by Paget Toynbee.
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by Annie Matheson. Two volumes.
A LITTLE BOOK OF SCOTTISH VERSE. Arranged and
Edited by T. F. Henderson.
A LITTLE BOOK OF ENGLISH PROSE. Arranged and
Edited by Mrs. P. A. Barnett.

MESSRS. METHUEN'S ANNOUNCEMENTS

Poetry

WRIT IN BARRACKS. By Edgar Wallace. Cr.Svo. y.bd.
Mr. Edgar Wallace, a member of the Royal Army Medical Corps, is a follower of
Mr. Kipling, and his ballads of soldier life and sufferings are well-known in South
Africa. They are spirited, pathetic, and true, and at the present time they should
enjoy a considerable popularity.
THE RUBAIYAT OF OMAR KHAYYAM. Translated by
Edward FitzGerald, with a Commentary by H. M. Batson, and
a Biography of Omar by E. D. Ross. 6s.
This edition ofthe famous book, the text of which is printed by permission of Messrs.
Macmillan, is the most complete in existence. It contains FitzGerald's last text,
and a very full commentary on each stanza. Professor Ross, who is an admirable
Persian scholar, contributes a biography, containing many new, valuable, and
interesting facts.
Scientific and Educational
THE CAPTIVI OF PLAUTUS. Edited, with an Introduction,
Textual Notes, and a Commentary, by W. M. Lindsay, Fellow of
Jesus College, Oxford. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net.
For this edition all the important MSS. have been re-collated. An appendix deals
with the accentual element in early Latin verse. The Commentary is very full.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF LARGE INDUCTION COILS.
By A. T. Hare, M.A. With numerous Diagrams. Demy Svo. 6s.
THE SCIENCE OF HYGIENE. By W. C. C. Pakes, Guy's
Hospital. With many illustrations. Demy Svo. iy.
THE PRINCIPLES OF MAGNETISM AND ELEC
TRICITY: An Elementary Text-Book. By P. L. Gray, B.Sc,
formerly Lecturer on Physics in Mason University College, Birming
ham. With numerous diagrams. Crown Svo. y. 6d.
LACE-MAKING IN THE MIDLANDS, PAST AND
PRESENT. By C. C. Channer and M. E. Roberts. With 16
full-page Illustrations. Crown Svo. 2s. 6d.
AGRICULTURAL ZOOLOGY. By Dr. J. Ritzema Bos.
Translated by J. R. Ainsworth Davis, M.A. With an Introduc
tion by Eleanor A. Ormerod, F.E.S. With 155 Illustrations.
Crown Svo. y. 6d.
A SOUTH AFRICAN ARITHMETIC. By Henry Hill,
B.A., Assistant Master at Worcester School, Cape Colony. Crown
Svo. y. 6d.
This book has been specially written for use in South African schools.
A GERMAN COMMERCIAL READER. By S. BALLY, M.A.
Crown Svo, 2s. {Methuen' s Commercial Series.

8 Messrs. Methuen's Announcements
Fiction
THE MASTER CHRISTIAN. By Marie Corelli. Crown
Svo. 6s.
QUISANTE. By Anthony Hope. Crown Svo. 6s.
A MASTER OF CRAFT. By W. W. Jacobs, Author of
'Many Cargoes.' With 12 Illustrations by W. Owen. Crown
Svo. 6s.
THE GATELESS BARRIER. By Lucas Malet, Author
' The Wages of Sin. ' Crown Svo. 6s.
CUNNING MURRELL. By Arthur Morrison, Author of
' A Child of the Jago,' etc. Crown Svo. 6s.
FOR BRITAIN'S SOLDIERS : Stories for the War Fund. By
Rudyard Kipling and Others. Edited by C J. Cutcliffe
Hyne. Crown Svo. 6s.
A volume of stories, the proceeds of which will be given to the War Fund.
Among the contributors are : — Rudyard Kipling, Sir W. Besant, S. R. Crockett,
A. E. W. Mason, Max Pemberton, H. G. Wells, C. J. C. Hyne, Mrs. Croker.
THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE. By Max Pemberton.
Crown Svo. 6s.
SONS OF THE MORNING. By Eden Phillpotts, Author
of ' The Children of the Mist. ' With a frontispiece. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE SOFT SIDE. By Henry James, Author of What Maisie
Knew.' Crown Svo. 6s.
TONGUES OF CONSCIENCE. By Robert Hichens, Author
of ' Flames. ' Crown Svo. 6s.
THE CONQUEST OF LONDON. By Dorothea Gerard,
Author of ' Lady Baby. ' Crown Svo. 6s.
WOUNDS IN THE RAIN : A Collection of Stories relating
to the Spanish-American War of 1898. By Stephen Crane,
Author of ' The Red Badge of Courage. ' Crown Svo. 6s.
WINEFRED. By S. Baring Gould, Author of 'Mehalah.'
With 8 Illustrations by Edgar Bundy. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE STRONG ARM. By Robert Barr, Author of 'The
Countess Tekla.' Illustrated. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE SEEN AND THE UNSEEN. By Richard Marsh.
Author of ' The Beetle, ' ' Marvels and Mysteries, 'etc. Crown Svo. 6s.

Messrs. Methuen's Announcements 9
SERVANTS OF SIN. By J. Bloundelle Burton, Author
'The Clash of Arms.' Crown Svo. 6s.
PATH AND GOAL. By Ada Cambridge. Crown Svo. 6s.
ELMSLIE'S DRAG-NET. By E. H. Strain. Crown Svo. 6s.
A FOREST OFFICER. By Mrs. Penny. CrownSvo. 6s.
A story of jungle life in India.
FITZJAMES. By Lilian Street. CrownSvo. y.6d.
XTbe IRovelist
A monthly series of novels by popular authors at Sixpence. Each
Number is as long as the average Six Shilling Novel. Numbers I. to
XII. are now ready : —
XIII. THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES. Gilbert Parker.
XIV. A MAN OF MARK. Anthony Hope.
XV. THE CARISSIMA. Lucas Malet.
XVI. THE LADY'S WALK. Mrs. Oliphant.
XVII. DERRICK VAUGHAN. Edna Lyall. {November.
/iDetbuen's Sijpentrg Xlbrarg
A New Series of Copyright Books.
I. THE MATABELE CAMPAIGN. Maj. -General Baden-Powell.
II. THE DOWNFALL OF PREMPEH. Do.
III. MY DANISH SWEETHEART. W. Clark Russell.
IV. IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA. S. Baring Gould.
V. PEGGY OF THE BARTONS. B. M. Croker.
VI. BADEN-POWELL OF MAFEKING : a Biography.
J. S. Fletcher. {November.
VII. ROBERTS OF PRETORIA. J. S. Fletcher. {December.
A2

A CATALOGUE OF
Messrs. Methuen's
PUBLICATIONS

Poetry

Rudyard Kipling. BAR RACK -ROOM
BALLADS. By Rudyard Kipling.
6Sth Thousand. Crown Svo. 6s.
Leather, 6s. net.
( Mr. Kipling's verse is strong, vivid, full
of character. . . . Unmistakeable genius
rings in every line,' — Times.
'The ballads teem with imaginaiion, they
palpitate with emotion. We read them
with laughter and tears ; the metres throb
in our pulses, the cunningly ordered
words tingle with life ; and if this be not
poetry, what is ? '—Pall Mall Gazette.
Rudyard Kipling. THE SEVEN
SEAS. By Rudyard Kipling.
57/A Thousand. Cr. Svo. Buckram,
gilt top. 6s. Leather, 6s, net.
' The Empire has found a singer ; it is no
depreciation of the songs to say that
statesmen may have, one way or other,
to take account of them.' — Manchester
Guardian.
1 Animated through and through with in
dubitable genius.' — Daily Telegraph.

'Q." POEMS AND BALLADS.
"Q." Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

By

"Q." GREEN BAYS: Verses and
Parodies. By "Q." Second Edition.
Crown Svo. 35. 6d.
E. Mackay. A SONG OF THE SEA.
By Eric Mackay. Second Edition.
Fcap. Svo. $s,
H. Ibsen. BRAND. A Drama by
Henrik Ibsen. Translated by
William Wilson. Third Edition.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
A. D. Godley. LYRA FRIVOLA. By
A. D. Godley, M.A., Fellow of
Magdalen College, Oxford. Third
Edition. Pott Svo. 2s. 6d.
' Combines a pretty wit with remarkably
neat versification. . . . Every one will
wish there was more of it.' — Times.
A. D. Godley. VERSES TO ORDER.
By A. D. Godley. Crown Svo.
2.f. 6d. net.
' A capital specimen of light academic
poetry.' — St. James's Gazette.
1 J. G. Cordery. THE ODYSSEY OF
HOMER. A Translation by J. G.
I Cordery. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

ii

Belles Lettres, Anthologies, etc.

R. L. Stevenson. VAILIMA LET
TERS. By Robert Louis Steven
son. With an Etched Portrait by
William Strang. Second Edition .
Crown 8vo. Buckram. 6s.
' A fascinating book.' — Standard.
' Unique in Literature.' — Daily Chronicle.
G. Wyndham. THE POEMS OF WIL
LIAM SHAKESPEARE. Edited
with an Introduction and Notes by
George Wyndham, M.P. Demy
Svo. Buckram, gilt top. los. 6d.
This edition contains the ' Venus, ' ' Lucrece,
and Sonnets, and is prefaced with an
elaborate introduction of over 140 pp.
' We have no hesitation in describing Mr.
George Wyndham's introduction as a
masterly piece of criticism, and all who
love our Elizabethan literature will find a
very garden of delight in it. ' — Spectator.
W. E. Henley. ENGLISH LYRICS.
Selected and Edited by W. E.
Henley. Crown Svo. Gilt top,
3s. 6d.
1 It is a body of choice and lovely poetry.' —
Birmingham Gazette.
Henley and Whibley. A BOOK OF
ENGLISH PROSE. Collected by
W. E. Henley and Charles
Whibley. Crown Svo. Buckram,
gilt top. 6s.
H. C. Beeching. LYRA SACRA : An
Anthology of Sacred Verse. Edited
by H. C. BEECHING, M.A. Crown
Svo. Buckram. 6s.
' A charming selection, which maintains a
lofty standard of excellence.' — Times.
"Q." THE GOLDEN POMP. A Pro
cession of English Lyrics. Arranged
by A. T. Quiller Couch. Crown
Svo. Buckram. 6s.
W. B. Yeats. AN ANTHOLOGY OF
IRISH VERSE. Edited by W. B.
Yeats. Revised and Enlarged
Edition. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
'An attractive and catholic selection.' —
Times.
G. W. Steevens. MONOLOGUES OF
THE DEAD. By G. W. STEEVENS.
Foolscap Svo. 3s. 6d,

W. M. Dixon. A PRIMER OF
TENNYSON. By W. M. DlXON,
M.A. Cr. Svo. 2s. 6d.
' Much sound and well-expressed criticism.
The bibliography is a boon.' — Speaker.
W. A. Craigie. A PRIMER OF
BURNS. By W. A. CRAIGIE.
Crown Svo. 2s. 6d.
' A valuable addition to the literature of the
poet.' — Times.
L. Magnus. A PRIMER OF WORDS
WORTH. By Laurie Magnus.
Crown Svo. zs. 6d.
' A valuable contribution to Wordsworthian
literature.' — Literature.
Sterne. THE LIFE AND OPINIONS
OF TRISTRAM SHANDY. By
Lawrence Sterne. With an In
troduction by Charles Whibley,
and a Portrait. 2 vols. ys.
Congreve. THE COMEDIES OF
WILLIAM CONGREVE. With an
Introduction by G. S. Street, and
a Portrait. 2 vols. 7s.
Morier. THE ADVENTURES OF
HAJJI BABA OF ISPAHAN. By
James Morier. With an Introduc
tion by E. G. Browne, M.A. and a
Portrait. 2 vols. ys.
Walton. THE LIVES OF DONNE,
WOTTON, HOOKER, HERBERT
and SANDERSON. By Izaak
Walton. With an Introduction by
Vernon Blackburn, and a Por
trait. 3*. 6d.
Johnson. THE LIVES OF THE
ENGLISH POETS. By SAMUEL
Johnson, LL.D. With an Intro
duction by J. H. Millar, and a Por
trait. 3 vols. 10s. 6d.
Burns. THE POEMS OF ROBERT
BURNS. Edited by Andrew Lang
and W. A. Craigie. With Portrait.
Second Edition. Demy Svo, gilt top.
6s.
'Among editions in one volume, this will
take the place of authority.'— Times.

12

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

F. Langbridge. BALLADS OF THE
BRAVE; Poems of Chivalry, Enter
prise, Courage, and Constancy.
Edited by Rev. F. Langbridge.

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d,
School Edition, zs. 6d.
'The book is full of splendid things.'—
World.

flSetbuen'0 Stan&atO Xfbrarg

Dante. LA COMMEDIA DI
DANTE ALIGHIERI. The Italian
Text edited by Paget Toynbee,
M.A. Crown Svo. 6s.
' A carefully-revised text, printed with
beautiful clearness.' — Glasgow Herald.
Gibbon. THE DECLINE AND
FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
By Edward Gibbon. A New Edi
tion, Edited with Notes, Appendices,
and Maps, by J. B. Bury, LL.D.,
Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin.
In Seven Volumes. Demy Svo, Gilt
top. Ss. 6d. each. Also Cr. Svo. 6s.
each.
* The time has certainly arrived for a new
edition of Gibbon's great work. . . . Pro
fessor Bury is the right man to under
take this task. His learning is amazing,
both in extent and accuracy. The book
is issued in a handy form, and at a
moderate price, and it is admirably
printed. ' — Times.
' At last there is an adequate modern edition
of Gibbon. . . . The best edition the
nineteenth century could produce. —
Manchester Guardian.
1 A great piece of editing.' — Academy.
'The greatest of English, perhaps of all,
historians has never been presented to
the public in a more convenient and
attractive form. No higher praise can
be bestowed upon Professor Bury than
jito say, as maybe said with truth, that
he is worthy of being ranked with Guizot
and Milman.' — Daily News.
C. G. Crump. THE HISTORY OF
THE LIFE OF THOMAS ELL-

WOOD. Edited by C. G. Crump,
M.A. Crown Svo. 6s.
This edition is the only one which contains
the complete book as originally pub
lished. It contains a long Introduction
and many Footnotes.
' " The History of Thomas Ellwood '[ holdsa
high place among the masterpieces of
autobiography, and we know few books
that better deserve reprinting. More
over, Mr. C. G. Crump's new edition is
accurate and convenient, and we com
mend it ungrudgingly to all those who
love sound and vigorous English.' —Daily Mail.
Tennyson. THE EARLY POEMS OF
ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON,
Edited, with Notes and an Introduc
tion by J. Churton Collins, M.A.
Crown Svo. 6s.
An elaborate edition of the celebrated
volume which was published in its
final and definitive form in 1853. This
edition contains a long Introduction and
copious Notes, textual and explanatory.
It also contains in an Appendix all
the Poems which Tennyson afterwards
omitted.
'Mr. Collins is almost an ideal editor of
Tennyson. His qualities as a critic are
an exact and accurate scholarship, and
a literary judgment, which has been
trained and polished by the closest study
of classics both ancient and modern.
Mr. Collins' introduction is a thoroughly
sound and sane appreciation of the
merits and demerits of Tennyson.' —
Literature.

Zbe Works of Shakespeare
General Editor, Edward Dowden, Litt. D.
Messrs. Methuen have in preparation an Edition of Shakespeare in
single Plays. Each play will be edited with a full Introduction, Textual
Notes, and a Commentary at the foot of the page.
The first volume is :
HAMLET. Edited by EDWARD : volume, admirably printed and produced
Dowden. Demy Svo. y. 6d.

' An admirable edition.

A comely

and containing all that a student of
" Hamlet" need require.' — Speaker.
Fully up to the level of recent scholarship,
both English and German. — Academy.

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 13
Zbe IRovels of Cbarles Dickens
Crown Svo. Each Volume, cloth y. net ; leather 4s. 6d. net.
Messrs. METHUEN have in preparation an edition of those novels of Charles
Dickens which have now passed out of copyright. Mr. George Gissing,
whose critical study of Dickens is both sympathetic and acute, has written an
Introduction to each of the books, and a very attractive feature of this edition
will be the illustrations of the old houses, inns, and buildings, which Dickens
described, and which have now in many instances disappeared under the
touch of modern civilisation. Another valuable feature will be a series of
topographical and general notes to each book by Mr. F. G. Kitton. The books
will be produced with the greatest care as to printing, paper and binding.
The first volumes are :
THE PICKWICK PAPERS. With Illustrations by E. H. New. Two Volumes.
' As pleasant a copy as any one could desire. The notes add much to the value of the
edition, and Mr. New's illustrations are also historical. The volumes promise well
for the success ofthe edition.' — Scotsman.
Zbe Xittle Xlbrarg
' The volumes are compact in size, printed on thin but good paper in clear type,
prettily and at the same time strongly bound, and altogether good to look upon and
handle.' — Outlook.
Pott Svo. Each Volume, cloth Is. 6d. net, leather 2s. 6d. net.
Messrs. Methuen intend to produce a series of small books under the
above title, containing some of the famous books in English and other
literatures, in the domains of fiction, poetry, and belles lettres. The series
will also contain several volumes of selections in prose and verse.
The books will be edited with the most sympathetic and scholarly care.
Each one will contain an Introduction which will give (i) a short biography of
the author, (2) a critical estimate of the book. Where they are necessary,
short notes will be added at the foot of the page.
Each book will have a portrait or frontispiece in photogravure, and the
volumes will be produced with great care in a style uniform with that of ' The
Library of Devotion.'
The first volumes are :
VANITY FAIR. By W. M. Thack
eray. With an Introduction by S.
Gwynn. Illustrated by G. P.
Jacomb Hood. Three Volumes.
' Delightful little volumes.' — Publishers'
Circular.
THE PRINCESS. By Alfred, Lord
Tennyson. Edited by Elizabeth
Wordsworth. Illustrated by W.
E. F. Britten.
'Just what a pocket edition should be.
Miss Wordsworth contributes an accept
able introduction, as well as notes which
one is equally glad to get.' — Guardian.

IN MEMORIAM. By Alfred, Lord
Tennyson. Edited, with an Intro
duction and Notes, by H. C. Beech-
ING, M.A.
( An exquisite little volume, which will be
gladly welcomed.' — Glasgow Herald.
'The introduction, analysis, and notes by
the Rev. H. C. Beeching are all of the
sound literary quality that was to be
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and not super-abundant.' — Standard.
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edition.' — St. James's Gazette.

14

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

abe Xlttle ©uf&ee
Pott Svo, cloth 3-r. ; leather, ^s. 6d. net.

OXFORD AND ITS COLLEGES.
By J. Wells, M.A., Fellow and
Tutor of Wadham College. Illus
trated by E. H. New. Third Edition.
' An admirable and accurate little treatise,
attractively illustrated . ' — World.
'Aluminous and tasteful little volume.' —
Daily Chronicle.
CAMBRIDGE AND ITS COL
LEGES. By A. Hamilton Thomp
son. Illustrated by E. H. New.
' It is brightly written and learned, and is
just such a book as a cultured visitor
needs. ' — Scotsman.

SHAKESPEARE'S COUNTRY. By
B. C. Windle, F.R.S., M.A. Illus
trated by E. H. New. Second Edition.
1 Mr. Windle is thoroughly con versantt with
bis subject, and the work is exceedingly
well done. The drawings, by Mr.
Edmund H. New, add much to the
attractiveness of the volume.' — Scots
man.
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companion the book is equally choice
and serviceable.' — Academy.
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Illustrated and Gift Books

Phil May. THE PHIL MAY
ALBUM. 4J0. 6s.
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A. H. Milne. ULYSSES; OR, DE
ROUGEMONT OF TROY. De
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Small quarto, y. 6d.
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ANIMALS. By Edmund Selous.
Illustrated by G. W. Ord. Fcap. Svo.
zs. 6d.
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S. Baring Gould. THE CROCK OF
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John Bunyan. THE PILGRIM'S
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Edited, with an Introduction, by C. H.

Firth, M.A. With 39 Illustrations
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Buckram. 6s.
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FAIRY TALES. Collected and
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mingham Art School. Buckram, gilt
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H. C. Beeching. A BOOK OF
CHRISTMAS VERSE. Edited by
H. C. Beeching, M.A., and Illus
trated by Walter Crane. Cr. Svo,
gilt top. 3*. 6d.

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History

Flinders Petrie. A HISTORY OF
EGYPT.from the Earliest Times
to the Present Day. Edited by
W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L.,
LL.D. , Professor of Egyptology at
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In Six Volumes. Cr. Svo. 6s. each.
Vol. I. Prehistoric Times to
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F. Petrie. Third Edition.
Vol. IV. The Egypt of the
Ptolemies. J. P. Mahaffy.
Vol. V. Roman Egypt. J. G.
Milne.
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precision so worthily represented by Dr.
Petrie and his school cannot but pro
mote sound and accurate study, and
supply a vacant place in the English
literature of Egyptology.'— Times.
Flinders Petrie. RELIGION AND
CONSCIENCE IN ANCIENT
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trated. Crown Svo. zs. 6d.
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Hinders Petrie. EGYPTIAN TALES.
Edited by W. M. Flinders Petrie.
Illustrated by Tristram Ellis. In
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Flinders Petrie. EGYPTIAN DECO
RATIVE ART. By W. M. Flin
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Cr. Svo. y. 6d.
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tive art in Egypt.' — Times.
C. W. Oman. A HISTORY OF THE
ART OF WAR. Vol. 11. : The
Middle Ages, from the Fourth to the
Fourteenth Century. By C. W.
Oman, M.A., Fellow of All Souls',
Oxford. Illustrated. Demy Svo. zis.
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ample and comprehensive scale, and we
question if any recent contribution to
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sessed more enduring value.' — Daily
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S. Baring Gould. THE TRAGEDY
OF THE CAESARS. With nume
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Cameos, etc. By S. Baring Gould.
Fourth Edition. Royal Svo, s.y.
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subject of undying interest. The great
feature of the book is the use the author
has made of the existing portraits of
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this line of research. It is brilliantly
written, and the illustrations are sup
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F. W. Maitland. CANON LAW IN
ENGLAND. By F. W. Maitland,
LL.D., Downing Professor of the
Laws of England in the University
of Cambridge. Royal Svo. js. 6d.
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H. de B. Gibbins. INDUSTRY IN
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Albert Sorel. THE EASTERN
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A. Clark. THE COLLEGES OF
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Cambridge. Crown Svo. ys. 6d.
1 We fully recognise the value of this care
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ROME. By J. Wells, M.A.,
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This book is intended for the Middle and
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Vol. 1. 1250-1409.— Guelphs and
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Author of ' Finn and his Companions.
Crown Svo. zs. 6d.

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J3g3antine Zeits
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ZACHARIAH OF MITYLENE.
Translated into English by F. J.
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EVAGRIUS. Edited by Professor

Leon Parmentier and M.'Bidez.
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THE HISTORY OF PSELLUS
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net.

Biography

R. L. Stevenson. THE LETTERS
OF ROBERT LOUIS STEVEN
SON TO HIS FAMILY AND
FRIENDS. Selected and Edited,
with Notes and Introductions, by
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Demy Svo, 2 vols. , 25J. net,
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volumes are beautiful, and Mr. Colvin's
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piece.' — Spectator.
J. G. Millais. THE LIFE AND
LETTERS OF SIR JOHN
EVERETT MILLAIS, President of
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' This splendid work.' — World.
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S. Baring Gould. THE LIFE OF
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P. H. Colomb. MEMOIRS OF AD
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By Admiral P. H. Colomb. With
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F. W. Joyce. THE LIFE OF
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W. G. Collingwood. THE LIFE OF
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C. Waldsteta. JOHN RUSKIN, By
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A. M. F. Darmesteter, THE LIFE
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Madame Darmesteter. With
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S. Baring Gould. THE VICAR OF
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By S. Baring Gould, M.A. A
new and Revised Edition. With
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A completely new edition of the well known
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Travel, Adventure and Topography

Sven Hedin. THROUGH ASIA. By
Sven Hedin, Gold Medallist of the
Royal Geographical Society. With
300 Illustrations from Sketches
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and Maps. 2, vols. Royal Svo. zos.net,
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and human interest. Much of it is a
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which in solidity, novelty, and interest
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tions of its class.' — Times.
F. H. Skrine and E. D. Ross. THE
HEART OF ASIA. By F. H.
Skrine and E. D. Ross. With
Maps and many Illustrations by
VerestchAGIN. Large Crown Svo.
1.0s. 6d. net.
' This volume will form a landmark in our

knowledge of Central Asia. . . . Illumin
ating and convincing.' — Times.
R. E. Peary. NORTHWARD OVER
THE GREAT ICE. ByR. E.Peary,
Gold Medallist of the Royal Geogra
phical Society. With over 800 Illus
trations. 2 vols. Eoyal Svo. 32s. net.
' His book will take its place among the per
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E. A. FitzGerald. THE HIGHEST
ANDES. By E. A. FitzGerald.
With 2 Maps, 51 Illustrations, 13 of
which are in Photogravure, and a
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Also a Small Edition on Hand-made
Paper, limited to 50 Copies, c\to,
£5, Ss-
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A volume which will continue to be the
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F. W. Christian. THE CAROLINE
ISLANDS. By F. W. Christian.
With many Illustrations and Maps.
Demy Svo. s.zs. 6d. net.
1 A real contribution to our knowledge of
the peoples and islands of Micronesia,
as well as fascinating as a narrative of
travels and adventure.' — Scotsman.
H. H. Johnston. BRITISH CEN
TRAL AFRICA. By Sir H. H.
Johnston, K.C.B. With nearly
Two Hundred Illustrations, and Six
Maps. Second Edition. Crown 4I0.
iSs. net.
' A fascinating book, written with equal
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L. Decle. THREE YEARS IN
SAVAGE AFRICA. By LIONEL
Decle. With 100 Illustrations and
5 Maps. Second Edition. Demy Svo,
ror. 6d. net.
' Its bright pages give a better general
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A. Hulme Beaman. TWENTY
YEARS IN THE NEAR EAST.
By A. Hulme Beaman, Demy
Svo. With Portrait. 10.J. 6d.
Henri of Orleans. FROM TONKIN
TO INDIA. By Prince Henri of
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Bent, M.A. With 100 Illustrations
and a Map. Cr. a,to, gilt top. 25s.
S. L. Hinde. THE FALL OF THE
CONGO ARABS. By S. L. Hinde.
With Plans, etc. Demy Svo. izs. 6d.
A. St. H. Gibbons. EXPLORATION
AND HUNTING IN CENTRAL
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Demy Svo. xy.

Fraser. ROUND THE WORLD
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Crown Svo. 6s.
' A classic of cycling, graphic and witty.' —
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R. L. Jefferson. A NEW RIDE TO
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The account of an adventurous ride on a
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( An exceptionally fascinating book of
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J. K. Trotter. THE NIGER
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Michael Davitt. LIFE AND PRO
GRESS IN AUSTRALASIA. By
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With 2 Maps. C room Svo. 6s.

W. J. Galloway. ADVANCED AUS
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[ This is an unusally thorough and informa
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W. Crooke. THE NORTH
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Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d.
' If the story had been written four hundred
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English classic' — Scotsman.
H. S. Cowper. THE HILL OF THE
GRACES: or, the Great Stone
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W. B. Worsfold. SOUTH AFRICA.
By W. B. Worsfold, M.A. With
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Katherine and Gilbert Macquoid. IN
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Thomas R. Macquoid, R.I. With
2 maps. Crown Svo. is.
'A useful little guide, judiciously supplied
with information.' — Athencvum.

A. H. Keane. THE BOER STATES :
A History and Description of the
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By A. H. Keane, M.A. With
Map. Crow?i Svo. 6s.
' A work of clear aims and thorough execu
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' A compact and very trustworthy account
ofthe Boers and their surroundings.' — Morning Post.

Naval and Militar

y

G. S. Robertson. CHITRAL: The
Story of a Minor Siege. By Sir
G. S. Robertson, K.C. S.I. With
numerousIllustrations.Mapand Plans.
Second Edit/on. Demy Svo. ios.6d.
' It is difficult to imagine the kind of person
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a testimony imperishable. We are face
to face with a great book.' — Illustrated
London News.
' A book which the Elizabethans would have
thought wonderful. More thrilling, more
piquant, and more human than any
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'As fascinating as Sir Walter Scott's best
fiction.' — Daily Telegraph.
R. S. S. Baden-PoweU. THE DOWN
FALL OF PREMPEH. A Diary of
Life in Ashanti, 1895. By Maj. -Gen.
BADEN-POWELL. With 21 Illustra
tions and a Map. Cheaper Edition.
Large Crow?i Svo. 6s.
R. S. S. Baden-Powell. THE MATA-
BELE CAMPAIGN, 1896. ByMaj.-
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100 Illustrations. Cheaper Edition.
Large Crown Svo. 6s.
J. B. Atkins. THE RELIEF OF
LADYSMITH. By John Black
Atkins. With 16 Plans and Illus
trations. Second Edition. Crown
Svo. 6s.
This book contains a full narrative by an
eye-witness of General Buller's attempts,

and of his final success. The story is of
absorbing interest, and is the only com
plete account which has appeared.
(The mantle of Archibald Forbes and G.
W. Steevens has assuredly fallen upon
Mr. Atkins, who unites a singularly
graphic style to an equa ly rare faculty
of vision. In his pages-we realise the
meaning of a modern campaign with the
greatest sense of actuality. His pages
are written with a sustained charm of
diction and ease of manner that are no
less remarkable than the sincerity and
vigour of the matter which they set
before us. ' — World.
' Mr. Atkins has a genius for the painting
of war which entitles him already to be
ranked with Forbes and Steevens, and
encourages us to hope that he may one
day rise to the level of Napier and
Kinglake.'— Pall Mall Gazette.
' It is the record told wkh insight and
sympathy of a great conflict. It is as
readable as a novel, and it bears the
imprint of truth.'— Morning Leader.
H. W. Nevinson. LADYSMITH : The
Diary of a Siege. By H. W. Nevin-
S0N. With 16 Illustrations and a
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This book contains a complete diary of the
Siege of Ladysmith, and is a most vivid
and picturesque narrative.
' There is no exaggeration here, no strain
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realism, the impression of things as they
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Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

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sured self-restraint that marks the true
artist. Mr. Nevinson is to be congratu
lated on the excellent work that he has
done.' — Daily Chronicle.
1 Of the many able and fascinating chroni-
clersof the sad and splendid story, Mr,
Nevinson is among the ablest and most
fascinating.' — Pall Mall Gazette.
E, H. Alderson. WITH THE
MOUNTED INFANTRY AND
THE MASHONALAND FIELD
FORCE, 1896. By Lieut.-Colonel
Alderson. With numerous Illus
trations and Plans. Demy Svo.
10s. 6d.
Seymour Vandeleui. CAMPAIGN
ING ON THE UPPER NILE
AND NIGER. By Lieut. Seymour
Vandeleur. With an Introduction
by Sir G. Goldie, K. C.M.G. With
4 Maps, Illustrations, and Plans,
Large Crown Svo, 10s. 6d.
Lord Fincastle. A FRONTIER
CAMPAIGN. By Viscount Fin
castle, V.C., and Lieut. P. C.
Elliott-Lockhart. With a Map
and 16 Illustrations. Second Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.
E. N. Bennett. THE DOWNFALL
OF THE DERVISHES : A Sketch
of the Sudan Campaign of 1898. By
E. N. Bennett, Fellow of Hertford
College. With a Photogravure Por
trait of Lord Kitchener. Third
Edition. Crown Svo. y. 6d.
W. Kinnaird Rose. WITH THE
GREEKS IN THESSALY. By
W. Kinnaird Rose. With Illus
trations. Crown Svo. 6s.
G. W. Steevens. NAVAL POLICY :
By G. W. Steevens. Demy Svo. 6s.
This book is a description of the British and
other more important navies ofthe world,
with a sketch of the lines on which our
naval policy might possibly be developed.
D. Hannay. A SHORT HISTORY
OF THE ROYAL NAVY, From

Early Times to the Present Day.
By David Hannay. Illustrated.
2 Vols. Demy Svo. ys. bd. each.
Vol. I., 1200-1688.
1 We read it from cover to cover at a sitting,
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©Sforfc Commentaries
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Zbe Gburcbman's xtbratg
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Zbe Cburcbman'a JBtble
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THE CONFESSIONS OF ST. AU
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THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. By John
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THE IMITATION OF CHRIST. A
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By T. Hodgkin, D.C.L.
JOHN DONNE. By Augustus
Jessopp, D.D.
THOMAS CRANMER. By. A. J.
Mason.
BISHOP LATIMER. By R. M. CAR-
lyle and A. J. Carlyle, M.A.

Other volumes will be announced in due course.

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

29

Fiction

SIX SHILLING NOVELS
Maxie Corelli's Novels
Crown Svo. 6s. each.

A ROMANCE OF TWO WORLDS.
Twenty-first Edition.
VENDETTA. Sixteenth Edition.
THELMA. Twenty-third Edition.
ARDATH: THE STORY OF A
DEAD SELF. Twelfth Edition.
THE SOUL OF LILITH. Ninth
Edition.
WORMWOOD. Tenth Edition.
BARABBAS: A DREAM OF THE
WORLD'S TRAGEDY. Thirty -
fifth Edition.
( The tender reverence of the treatment
and the imaginative beauty of the writ
ing have reconciled us to the daring of
the conception, and the conviction is
forced on us that even so exalted a sub
ject cannot be made too familiar to us,

provided it be presented in the true spirit
of Christian faith. The amplifications
of the Scripture narrative are often con
ceived with high poetic insight, and this
"Dream of the World's Tragedy" is
a lofty and not inadequate paraphrase
of the supreme climax of the inspired
narrative.' — Dublin Review.
THE SORROWS OF SATAN,
Forty-second Edition.
' A very powerful piece of work. . . .The
conception is magnificent, and is likely
to win an abiding place within the
memory of man. . . . The author has
immense command of language^, and a
limitless audacity. . . . This interesting
and remarkable romance will live long
after much of the ephemeral literature
of the day is forgotten. ... A literary
phenomenon . . . novel, and even sub
lime.' — W. T. Stead in the Review
of Reviews.

Anthony Hope's Novels
Crown Svo. 6s. each.

THE GOD IN THE CAR. Ninth
Edition.
' A very remarkable book, deserving of
critical analysis impossible within our
limit ; brilliant, but not superficial ;
well considered, but not elaborated ;
constructed with the proverbial art that
conceals, but yet allows itself _ to be
enjoyed by readers to whom fine literary
method is a keen pleasure.'— The World.
A CHANGE OF AIR. Fifth Edition.
'A graceful, vivacious comedy, true to
human nature. The characters are
traced with a masterly hand.'— Times.
A MAN OF MARK. Fifth Edition.
'Of all Mr. Hope's books, "A Man of
Mark" is tbe one which best compares
with "The Prisoner of Zenda."' —
National Observer.

THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT
ANTONIO. Fourth Edition.
' It is a perfectly enchanting story of love
and chivalry, and pure romance. The
Count is the most constant, desperate,
and modest and tender of lovers, a peer
less gentleman, an intrepid fighter, a
faithful friend, and a magnanimous foe.'
— Guardian.
PHROSO. Illustrated by H. R.
Millar. Fourth Edition.
1 The tale is thoroughly fresh, quick with
vitality, stirring the blood. '—St. James's
Gazette.
'From cover to cover "Phroso" not only
engages the attention, but carries the
reader in little whirls of delight from
adventure to adventure.' — Academy.

3°

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

SIMON DALE.
Edition.

Illustrated. Fifth

1 There is searching analysis of human
nature, with a most ingeniously con
structed plot. Mr. Hope has drawn the
contrasts of his women with marvellous
subtlety and delicacy.' — Times.

THE KING'S MIRROR.
Edition.

Third

' In elegance, delicacy, and tact it ranks
with the best of his novels, while in the
wide range of its portraiture and the
subtilty of its analysis it surpasses all his
earlier ventures. ' — Spectator.
'"The King's Mirror" is a strong book,
charged with close analysis and exquisite
irony ; a book full of pathos and moral
fibre — in short, a book to be read.' —
Daily Chronicle.

Gilbert Parker's Novels
Crown Svo. 6s. each.

PIERRE AND HIS PEOPLE.
Fifth Edition.
1 Stories happily conceived and finely ex
ecuted. There is strength and genius in
Mr. Parker's style.'— Daily Telegraph.
MRS. FALCHION. Fourth Edition.
' A splendid study of character.' —
Atheneeum.
THE TRANSLATION OF A
SAVAGE.
1 The plot is original and one difficult to
work out ; but Mr. Parker has done it
with great skill and delicacy.'
— Daily Chronicle.
THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD.
Illustrated. Sevenh Edition.
' A rousing and dramatic tale. A book like
this, in which swords flash, great sur
prises are undertaken, and daring deeds
done, in which men and women live and
love in the old passionate way, is a joy
inexpressible.' — Daily Chronicle.
WHEN VALMOND CAME TO
PONTIAC : The Story of a Lost
Napoleon. Fourth Edition.
' Here we find romance — real, breathing,
living romance. The character of Val-
mond is drawn unerringly.' — Pall Mall
Gazette.

AN ADVENTURER OF THE
NORTH : The Last Adventures of
' Pretty Pierre.' Second Edition.
' The present book is full of fine and mov
ing stories of the great North, and
will add to Mr. Parker's already high
reputation.' — Glasgow Herald.
THE SEATS OF THE MIGHTY.
Illustrated. Tenth Edition.
'Mr. Parker has produced a really fine
historical novel.' — Athenaum.
1 A great book.' — Black and White.
THE POMP OF THE LAVILET-
TES. Second Edition, ^s. 6d.
1 Living, breathing romance, unforced
pathos, and a deeper knowledge of
human nature than Mr. Parker has ever
displayed before. '  Pall MallGazette.
THE BATTLE OF THE STRONG :
a Romance of Two Kingdoms.
Illustrated. Fourth Edition.
1 Nothing more vigorous or more human has
come from Mr. Gilbert Parker than this
novel. It has all the graphic power of
his last book, with truer feeling for the
romance, both of human life and wild
nature.' — Literature.

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

31

S. Baring Gould's Novels

Crown Svo. 6s. each.
'To say that a book is by the author of "Mehalah" is to imply that it contains a
story cast on strong lines, containing dramatic possibilities, vivid and sympathetic descrip
tions of Nature, and a wealth of ingenious imagery.' — Speaker.
' That whatever Mr. Earing Gould writes is well worth reading, is a conclusion that may
be very generally accepted. His views of life are fresh and vigorous, his language
pointed and characteristic, the incidents of which he makes use are striking and original,
his characters are life-like, and though somewhat exceptional people, are drawn and
coloured with artistic force. Add to this that his descriptions of scenes and scenery are
painted with the loving eyes and skilled bands of a master of his art, that he is always
fresh and never dull, and it is no wonder that readers have gained confidence in his
power of amusing and satisfying them, and that year by year his popularity widens.' —
Court Circular.

ARMINELL. Fifth Edition.
URITH. Fifth Edition.
IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA.
Seventh Edition.
MRS. CURGENVEN OF CURGEN-
VEN. Fourth Edition.
CHEAP JACK ZITA. Fourth Edition,
THE QUEEN OF LOVE. Fifth
Edition.
MARGERY OF QUETHER. Third
Edition.
JACQUETTA. Third Edition.
KITTY ALONE. Fifth Edition.

NOEMI. Illustrated. Fourth Edition.
THE BROOM-SQUIRE. Illustrated.
Fourth Edition.
THE PENNYCOMEQUICKS.
Third Edition.
DARTMOOR IDYLLS.
GUAVAS THE TINNER. Illus
trated. Second Edition.
BLADYS. Illustrated. Second Edition.
DOMITIA. Illustrated. Second Edi
tion.
PABO THE PRIEST.

Conan Doyle. ROUND THE RED
LAMP. By A. Conan Doyle.
Seventh Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' The book is far and away the best view
that has been vouchsafed us behind the
scenes of the consulting-room.'— Illus
trated London If ews.
Stanley Weyman. UNDER THE
RED ROBE. By Stanley Wey
man, Author of 'A Gentleman of
France.' With Illustrations by R. C.
Woodville. Fifteenth Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.
1 Every one who reads books at all must
read this thrilling romance, from the
first page of which to the last the breath
less reader is haled along. An inspira
tion of manliness and courage.'— Daily
Chronicle.
Lucas Malet. THE WAGES OF
SIN. By Lucas Malet. Thir
teenth Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
Lucas Malet. THE CARISSIMA.
By Lucas Malet, Author of ' The

Third Edition.

Wages of Sin,' etc.
Crown Svo. 6s.
George Gissing. THE TOWN TRA
VELLER. By George Gissing,
Author of ' Demos,' ' In the Year of
Jubilee, ' etc. Second Edition. Cr.
Svo. 6s.
' It is a bright and witty book above all
things. Polly Sparkes is a splendid bit
of work.' — Pall Mall Gazette.
' The spirit of Dickens is in it.' — Bookman.
George Gissing. THE CROWN OF
LIFE. By George Gissing, Author
of 'Demos,' 'The Town Traveller,'
etc. Crown Svo. 6s.
' Mr. Gissing is at his best.' — Academy.
1 A fine novel.' — Outlook.
S. R. Crockett. LOCHINVAR. By
S. R. Crockett, Author of 'The
Raiders,' etc. Illustrated. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
'Full of gallantry and pathos, of the clash

32

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

of arms, and brightened by episodes of
humour and love. . .' — Westminster
Gazette.
S. R. Crockett. THE STANDARD
BEARER. By S. R. Crockett.
Crown Svo. 6s.
' A delightful tale.'— Speaker.
' Mr. Crockett at his best.'— Literature.
Arthur Morrison. TALES OF
MEAN STREETS. By Arthur
Morrison. Fifth Edition. Cr.
Svo. 6s.
' Told with consummate art and extra
ordinary detail. In the true humanity
of the book lies its justification, the
permanence of its interest, and its in
dubitable triumph.' — Athenaum.
' A great book. The author's method is
amazingly effective, and produces a
thrilling sense of reality. The writer
lays upon us a master hand. The book
is simply appalling and irresistible in
its interest. _ It is humorous also ; with
out humour it would not make the mark
it is certain to make.' — World.
Arthur Morrison. A CHILD OF
THE JAGO. By Arthur Morri
son. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' The book is a masterpiece.' — Pall Mall
Gazette.
* Told with great vigour and powerful sim
plicity.' — Athcna'um.
Arthur Morrison. TO LONDON
TOWN. By Arthur Morrison,
Author of 'Tales of Mean Streets,'
etc. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
1 We have idyllic pictures, woodland scenes
full of tenderness and grace. . . . This
is the new Mr. Arthur Morrison gracious
and tender, sympathetic and human.' —
Daily Telegraph.
'The easy swing of detail proclaims the
master of his subject and the artist in
rendering. '—Pall Mall Gazette.
M. Sutherland. ONE HOUR AND
THE NEXT. By The Duchess
of Sutherland. Third Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.
'Passionate, vivid, dramatic' — Literature.
'It possesses marked qualities, descriptive,
and imaginative.' — Morning Post.

Mrs. Clifford. A FLASH OF
SUMMER. By Mrs. W. K. Clif
ford, Author of 'Aunt Anne,' etc.
Second Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' The story is a very beautiful one, exquis
itely told.'— Speaker.
Emily Lawless. H U RRISH. By the
Honble. Emily Lawless, Author of
' Maelcho,' etc. Fifth Edition. Cr.
Svo. 6s.
Emily Lawless. MAELCHO : a Six
teenth Century Romance. By the
Honble. Emily Lawless. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' A really great book.' — Spectator.
' One of the most remarkable literary
achievements of this generation.' — Man
chester Guardian.
Emily Lawless. TRAITS AND
CONFIDENCES. By the Honble.
Emily Lawless. Crown Svo. 6s.
Eden Phillpotts. THE HUMAN
BOY. By Eden Phillpotts, Author
of 'Children of the Mist.' With a
Frontispiece. Fourth Edition. Crown
Svo. 6s.
1 Mr. Phillpotts knows exactly what school
boys do, and can lay bare their inmost
thoughts; likewise he shows an all-per
vading sense of humour.' — Academy.
E. W. Hornung. THE AMATEUR
CRACKSMAN. By E. W. Hor-
NUNG. Crown Svo. 6s.
1 An audaciously entertaining volume.' —
Spectator.
Jane Barlow. A CREEL OF IRISH
STORIES. By Jane Barlow,
Author of ' Irish Idylls.' Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' Vivid and singularly real.' — Scotsman.
Jane Barlow. FROM THE EAST
UNTO THE WEST. By Jane
Barlow. Crown Svo. 6s.
Mrs. Caffyn. ANNE MAULEVERER.
By Mrs. Caffyn (Iota), Author of
' The Yellow Aster.' Second Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

33

Benjamin Swift. SIREN CITY. By
Benjamin Swift, Author of ' Nancy
Noon.' Crown Svo. 6s.
'"Siren City" is certainly his best book,
and it is the work of a strong man. It
has sobriety, not only of manner, but of
spirit. ' — A cademy.
3. H. Findlater. THE GREEN
GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE. By
Jane H. Findlater. Fourth
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
'A powerful and vivid story.'— Standard.
' A beautiful story, sad and strange as truth
itself.' — Vanity Fair.
4 A very charming and pathetic tale.' — Pall
Mall Gazette. _
' A singularly original, clever, and beautiful
story. ' — Guardian.
' Reveals to us a new writer of undoubted
faculty and reserve force.' — Spectator.
' An exquisite idyll, delicate, affecting, and
beautiful.' — Black and White.
3. H. Findlater. A DAUGHTER
OF STRIFE. By Jane Helen
Findlater. Crown Svo. 6s.
3. H. Findlater. RACHEL. By
Jane H. Findlater. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
1 A not unworthy successor to " The Green
Graves of Balgowrie." ' — Critic.
Mary Findlater. OVER TH E
HILLS. By Mary Findlater.
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' A strong and wise book of deep insight and
unflinching truth.' — Birmingham Post.
Mary Findlater. BETTY M U S-
GRAVE. By Mary Findlater,
Second Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' Handled with dignity and delicacy. . . .
A most touching story.' — Spectator.
Alfred Ollivant. OWD BOB, THE
GREY DOG OF KENMUIR. By
Alfred Ollivant. Third Edition.
Cr. Svo. 6s.
1 Weird, thrilling, strikingly graphic' —
Punch.
' We admire this book. . . . Itis one to read
with admiration and to praise with en
thusiasm.' — Bookman.
' It is a fine, open-air, blood-stirring book,
to be enjoyed by every man and woman
to whom a dog is dear.' — Literature.
B. M. Croker. PEGGY OF THE
BARTONS. By B. M. Croker,

Author of ' Diana Barrington.'
Fourth Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
Mrs. Croker excels in the admirably simple,
easy, and direct flow of her narrative, the
briskness of her dialogue, and the geni
ality of her portraiture.'— Spectator.
MaryL. Pendered. AN ENGLISH
MAN. By Mary L. Pendered.
Crown Svo. 6s.
1 Her book is most healthy in tone, and
leaves a pleasant taste in the mouth.' —
Pall Mall Gazette.
'A very noble book. Itis filled with wisdom
and sympathy.' — Literary World.
'At once sound and diverting.' — Academy.
Morley Roberts. THE PLUN
DERERS. By Morley Roberts,
Author of ' The Colossus,' etc.
Crown Svo. 6s.
'The author secures and maintains the
reader's lively interest in his clever ab
surdities.'— Pall Mall Gazette.
' The whole atmosphere is one of high spirits
and high comedy.' — Globe.
1 Mr. Roberts writes of real people who do
things and know things.' — Black and
White.
Norma Lorimer. MIRRY-ANN. By
Norma Lorimer, Author of 'Jo-
siah's Wife. ' Crown Svo. 6s.
' The heroine is rare and striking, but
thorough woman and altogether lovable,
and the plot is brisk and well sustained.'
—Pall Mall Gazette.
' It is a Manx story, and a right able story.
The atmosphere is excellent, the descrip
tive passages fine, and the story is one
which will repay perusal . ' — Glasgow
Herald.
' A Manx novel which is at once sincere,
poetical, and in the best sense true.' —
Academy.
Helen Shipton. THE STRONG GOD
CIRCUMSTANCE. By Helen
Shipton. Crown Svo. 6s.
' A story of high merit and many attrac
tions. ' — Scotsman.
' An up-to-date story — and a very beautiful
one — of self-sacrifice.' — Daily Tele
graph.
1 A most effective story, written with both
insight and imagination.' — Leeds Mer
cury.

34

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

Violet Hunt. THE HUMAN IN
TEREST. By Violet Hunt,
Author of 'A Hard Woman,' etc.
Crown Svo. 6s.
' Clever observation and unfailing wit.' —
Academy.
' The insight is keen, the irony is deli
cate.' — World.
H. G. Wells. THE STOLEN BA
CILLUS, and other Stories. By
H. G. Wells. Second Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.
' The impressions of a very striking imagina
tion.' — Saturday Review.
H. G. Wells. THE PLATTNER
STORY and Others. By H. G.
Wells. Second Edition. Cr. Svo.
6s.
' Weird and mysterious, they seem to hold
the reader as by a magic spell.' — Scots
man.
Richard Marsh. MARVELS AND
MYSTERIES. By Richard
Marsh, Author of 'The Beetle.'
Crown Svo. 6s.
' While under their immediate influence the
reader is conscious of nothing but thrill
ing excitement and curiosity.' — Glasgow
Herald.
' Ingeniously constructed and well told.' —
Morning Leader.
' Admirably selected and of the very best.'
— Christian World.
Esme Stuart. CHRISTALLA. By
Esm£ Stuart, Crown Svo. 6s.
' The story is happily conceived, and enter
taining throughout.' — Scotsman.
' An excellent story, pathetic, and full of
humour.' — A theticzum.
' We wish that v/e came across more books
like this clever and charming story. —
Leeds Mercury.
Sara Jeannette Duncan. A VOYAGE
OF CONSOLATION. By Sara
Jeannette Duncan, Author of ' An
American Girl in London.' Illus
trated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
'A most delightfully bright book.'— Daily
Telegraph.
'The dialogue is full of wit. — Globe.
Sara Jeannette Duncan. THE PATH
OF A STAR. By Sara Jeannette

Duncan, Author of ' A Voyage of
Consolation.' Illustrated. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
'Richness and fullness of local colouring,
brilliancy of style, smiting phrases, and
the display of very pretty humour are
graces which are here in profusion. The
interest never flags.' — Pall MallGazette.
C. F. Keary. THE JOURNALIST.
By C. F. Keary. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' It is rare indeed to find such poetical sym
pathy with Nature joined to close study
of character and singularly truthful dia
logue : but then "The Journalist" is
altogether a rare book.' — Athen&ttm.
W.E. Norris. MATTHEW AUSTIN.
By W. E. Norris, Author of ' Made
moiselle de Mersac,' etc. Fourth
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' An intellectually satisfactory and morally
bracing novel.' — Daily Telegraph.
W.E. Norris. HIS GRACE. By W.E.
Norris. Third Edition. Cr. Svo.
6s.
W. E. Norris. THE DESPOTIC
LADY AND OTHERS. By W. E.
Norris. Crown Svo. 6s.
W.E. Norris. CLARISSA FURIOSA.
By W. E. Norris. Cr. Svo. 6s.
* As a story it is admirable, as aj'eu d'esprit
it is capital, as a lay sermon studded
with gems of wit and wisdom it is a
model.'— The World.
W. E. Norris. GILES INGILBY. By
W. E. Norris. Illustrated. Second
Edition. CrownSvo. 6s.
' Interesting, wholesome, and charmingly
written.' — Glasgow Herald.
W. E. Norris. AN OCTAVE. By
W. E. Norris. Second Edition.
Crown Svo. 6s.
' A very perfect exposition of the self-
restraint, the perfect knowledge of so
ciety and its ways, the delicate sense of
humour, which are the main charac
teristics of this very accomplished
author.' — Country Life.
Ernest Glanville. THE DESPATCH
RIDER. By Ernest Glanville,
Author of ' The Kloof Bride. ' Crown
Svo. 6s.
A highly interesting story of the present
Boer War by an author who knows the
country well, and has had experience of
Boer campaigning.

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

35

W. Clark Russell. MY DANISH
SWEETHEART. By W. CLARK
Russell. Illustrated. Fourth
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
Robert Barr. IN THE MIDST OF
ALARMS. By Robert Barr.
Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' A bopk which has abundantly satisfied us
byits capital humour.'— Daily Chronicle.
' Mr. Barr has achieved a triumph.'— Pall
Mall Gazette.
Robert Barr. THE MUTABLE
MANY. By Robert Barr. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' Very much the best novel that Mr. Barr
hasyet given us. There is much insight
in it, and much excellent humour.' —
Daily Chronicle.
Robert Barr. THE COUNTESS
TEKLA. By Robert Barr. Third
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' Of these mediaeval romances, which are
now gaining ground, "The Countess
Tekla" is the very best we have seen.
The story is written in clear English,
and a picturesque, moving style.' — Pall
Mall Gazette.
Andrew Balfour. BY STROKE OF
SWORD. By A. Balfour. Illus
trated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
A banquet of good things.' — Academy.
' A recital of thrilling interest, told with
unflagging vigour. ' — Globe.
' An unusually excellent example of a semi-
historic romance.' — World.
Andrew Balfour. TO ARMS I By
Andrew Balfour. Illustrated.
Second Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' The marvellous perils through which Allan
passes are told in powerful and lively
fashion. ' — Pall Mall Gazette.
Andrew Balfour. VENGEANCE IS
MINE. By Andrew Balfour,
Author of ' By Stroke of Sword. '
Illustrated. Crown Svo. 6s.
A vigorous piece of work, well written, and
abounding in stirring incidents.' — Glas
gow Herald.
J. Maolaren Cobban. THE KING
OF ANDAMAN: A Saviour of
Society. By J. Maclaren Cobban.
Crown Svo. 6s.
' An unquestionably interesting book. It
contains one character, at least, who has
in him the root of immortality.' — Pall
Mall Gazette.

J. Maclaren Cobban. THE ANGEL
OF THE COVENANT. By J.
Maclaren Cobban. Cr. Svo. 6s.
R. N. Stephens. AN ENEMY TO
THE KING. By R. N. Stephens.
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' It js full of movement, and the movement
is always buoyant. ' — Scotsman.
' A stirring story with plenty of movement. '
— Black and White.
R, N. Stephens. A GENTLEMAN
PLAYER. By R. N. Stephens,
Author of 'An Enemy to the King.'
Crown Svo. 6s.
' A bright and spirited romance of adven
ture, full of movement and changing
action. ' — Scotsman.
R. Hichens. BYEWAYS. By Robert
Hichens. Author of 'Flames, etc'
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' The work is undeniably that of a man of
striking imagination.' — Daily News.
3. S. Fletcher. THE PATHS OF
THE PRUDENT. By J. S. Flet
cher. Crown Svo. 6s.
J. B. Burton. IN THE DAY OF
ADVERSITY. By J. Bloundelle-
Burton. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' Unusually interesting and full of highly
dramatic situations. ' — Guardian.
J. B. Burton. DENOUNCED. By
J. Bloundelle-Burton. Second
Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
'A fine, manly, spirited piece of work.' —
World.

J. B. Burton. THE CLASH OF
ARMS. By J. Bloundelle-Bur
ton. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
' A brave story — brave in deed, brave in
word, brave in thought.' — St. James's
Gazette.
J. B. Burton. ACROSS THE SALT
SEAS. By J. Bloundelle-Burton.
Second Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
' The very essence of the true romantic
spirit.' — Truth.

36

Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue

W. C. Scully. THE WHITE HECA
TOMB. By W. C. Scully, Author
of ' Kafir Stories. ' Cr. Svo. 6s.
' Reveals a marvellously intimate under
standing of the Kaffir mind.' — African
Critic.
W. C. Scully. BETWEEN SUN

AND SAND. By W. C. Scully,
Author of 'The White Hecatomb.'
Cr. Svo. 6s.
' The reader passes at once into the very
atmosphere of the African desert : the
inexpressible space and stillness swallow
him up, and there is no world for him but
that immeasurable waste.' — Athenteum.

OTHER SIX SHILLING NOVELS
Crown Svo.

DANIEL WHYTE
SON.

By A. J. Daw-
THE CAPSINA. By E. F. BENSON.
DODO : A DETAIL OF THE DAY.
By E. F. Benson.
THE VINTAGE. By E. F. Benson.
Illustrated by G. P. Jacomb-Hood.
ROSE A CHARLITTE. By Mar
shall Saunders.
WILLOWBRAKE. By R. Murray
Gilchrist.
THINGS THAT HAVE HAP
PENED. By Dorothea Gerard.
SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE.
Mrs. Oliphant.

By
By Mrs.
By Mrs,

THE TWO MARYS.
Oliphant.
THE LADY'S WALK.
Oliphant.
LONE PINE: A ROMANCE OF
MEXICAN LIFE. By R. B.
Townshend.
WILT THOU HAVE THIS
WOMAN ? By J. Maclaren
Cobban.
A PASSIONATE PILGRIM. By
Percy White.
SECRETARY TO BAYNE, M.P.
By W. Pett Ridge.
ADRIAN ROME. By E. DAWSON
and A. Moore.
THE BUILDERS. By J. S.
Fletcher.

GALLIA. By Menie Muriel
Dowie.
THE CROOK OF THE BOUGH.
By M£nie Muriel Dowie.
A BUSINESS IN GREAT WATERS.
By Julian Corbett.
MISS ERIN. By M. E. Francis.
ANANIAS. By the Hon. Mrs. Alan
Brodrick.
CORRAGEEN IN '98. By Mrs.
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