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JOURNAL OF A CRUISE
MADE TO THE
PACIFIC OCEAN,
BY -
CAPTAIN DAVID PORTER,
IN THE UNITED STATES FRIGATE
ESSEX,
IN THE YEARS 1812, 1813, AND 1814.
,.->*-.«• •'
SEC0ND EDITION4

TO WHICH IS NOW AMIKD,
•IHS TRANSACTIONS AT VALPARAISO, FROM THE PERIOD OF THE AUTHOR
ARRIVAL UNTIL THE CAPTURE OF THE ESSEX J
THE FATE OF THE PARTY LEFT AT MADISON'S ISLAND, UNDER
LIEUT. (NOW MAJOR) GAMBLE ;
AND AN INTRODUCTION, IN WHICH THE CHARGES CONTAINED IN THE
QUARTERLY REVIEW, OF THE FIRST EDITION OF THIS JOURNAL,
ARE EXAMINED, AND THE IGNORANCE, PREJUDICE, AND
MISREPRESENTATIONS OF THE REVIEWER EXPOSED.

EMBELLISHED WITH ENGRAVINGS,

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. H.
j0eft)<f@tt*$
WILEY & HALSTED, 3 WALL-STREET
J. &. J. Harper, Printers.
1822.

Southern District of New- York, ss.
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the sixth day of July, in the forty-seventh year of
the Independence of the United .States of America, Charles Wiley, of the said District,
hath deposited jet this office the tiQe^f a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor,
in the \£o^S^liow.Ipgs to .wit :
.,% ^^ff{mrnal*6f a Cruise made to. the Pacific Ocean, by Captain David Porter, in the
^^Ktld -States Frigate Essex, In the years 1812, 1813, and 1814. Second Edition. To
' tyjricli is now added, the Transactions at Valparaiso, from the period of the Author's arrival,
until the Capture of the'Xsse^, -^emte^pf the Party left at Madison's Island, under Lieut
{now Major) Gamble j and anflirtaaiflaatofca.in ..which the Charges contained in the Quar
terly Review, of tbe First EditijUflt tknr ilau rnTnJ&Mfljfcmmined.. and the Ignorance, Preju
dice, and Mis representations of theUeviewerV^HHHBpErabelliahed with Engravings."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the DiqfRed States, entitled "An Act for the
encouragement f Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned." And also to
an Act, entitled " An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled An Act for the encouragement
of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors and proprie
tors of such copies during the limes therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof
fo 'he arts of desig'niiie', engraving-, and etching historical and other prints."
JAMES DILL,
*?lerk of tbe Sonthprn District of New-York.

CONTENTS

OP THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER XI.
Passage to Washington Islands, - - 1
CHAPTER XII.
Washington Islands — Rooahooga, - 5
CHAPTER XIII.
Madison's Island — Happah War, - - 15
CHAPTER XIV.
Madison's Island, - - - 49
CHAPTER XV.
Madison's Island — Typee War, - - 86
CHAPTER XVI.
Madison's Island — Religious Ceremonies, Customs, &c. 10S
CHAPTER XVII.
Madison's Island — Animals — Insects — Fish — Fruit — Depar
ture from the Island — Arrival at Valparaiso, 127
CHAPTER XVIII.
Events at Valparaiso previous to the capture of the Essex, 144
CHAPTER XIX.
Transactions at Nooaheevah, after Captain Porter's depar
ture, compiled from the Journal of lieut. Gamble, 178
CHAPTER XX.
Conclusion of lieut. Gamble's Adventures. . pjq

CONTENTS OF THE APPENDIX.

Correspondence between Commodore Hillyar and Captain
Porter, - - - 233
Copy of the Passport given by Captain Hillyar to the Essex
Junior, - - 241
Correspondence between the Secretary of the Navy and
Captain Porter, - - - - - 242
Documents relative to the fate of Lieutenant Stephen
Decatur, McKnight, and Midshipman Lyman, - - 245
Extract from the Journal of the Swedish Brig Adonis, giv
ing the last intelligence of the American Sloop of war
Wasp, Captain Bleaktey, - - 251

PORTER'S JOURNAL.

CHAPTER XI.
PASSAGE TO WASHINGTON ISLANDS.
After leaving the Gallapagoes, it was my intention to
have run tothe westward, keeping on or in the neighbour
hood of the equator, to endeavour to fall in with a group
of islands said to have been discovered by the Spaniards,
and laid down in some charts. But, on reflection, I deter
mined to make the best of my way for the Washington
Islands, as this pursuit would have cost some expense of
time, an expense I had no right to enter into, as the object
of government in sending me to sea, was to annoy the
enemy, and not to make discoveries ; and should any acci
dent happen to the ship in consequence of taking that
route, I knew not how I should be able to justify my con
duct in wandering from the direct course to the place of
our destination. I had no doubt of the existence of the
islands in question, having been informed by some of ray
prisoners that they had conversed with persons who had
seen them ; but their correct situation, or resources, were
unknown to them. 1 determined, however, to keep well
to the northward, before I fell in with the latitude of the
Marquesas, with the hope of making some new disco
veries, and therefore shaped my course on the most direct
line for them. But finding the weather unpleasant, ac
companied by a heavy and disagreeable cress sea, I in a
few days kept more to the southward, until I reached the
latitude of 9° south, then shaped my course due west,
allowing for the variation of the compass.
On the 6th October, finding that some of my prizes oc
casioned considerable delay, I determined to despatch the
Essex Junior for the Marquesas. My reasons for so doing;
voi,. n. 1

porter's journal.

were founded on a firm belief that the Mary-Ann, the ship
left by Mr. Downes at Valparaiso, would touch at those
islands on her way to India. The cause of this belief was,
that the captain of that ship had frequently declared, in
the presence of Mr. Downes, his intention of going round
Cape Horn, and the fact that she was short of fire-wood,
an article that could not be procured at Valparaiso with
out paying very high for it, which was what the captain
of that vessel did not seem disposed to do. Added to this,
there was an American captain at Valparaiso of consider
able intelligence, who had lately made a voyage to China
from that port, had touched at the island of St. Christiana
(one of the Marquesas) in his passage there, and had sup
plied himself abundantly with refreshments and wood, as
he had also done in a former voyage. Between this gen
tleman and the English captain a considerable degree of
intimacy subsisted, and I felt satisfied that his advice would
be for him to take that route, and touch there. This ad
vice I had no doubt of his following, for I could not per
suade myself that any person would be so mad as to brave
the tempestuous seas of Cape Horn to go to India, when
it was in his power to proceed the whole way with fine
winds and pleasant weather. I consequently believed,
that the declarations made in the presence of lieutenant
Downes were purposely to mislead that officer. Under
the impression, therefore, that he would touch at St. Chris
tiana, I directed lieutenant Downes to proceed there, and
afterwards join me at Port Anna Maria, in the Island of
Nooaheevah, one of the Washington Islands, which place I
also appointed as a rendezvous for all the other vessels, in
ease of separation. Lieutenant Downes consequently
made all sail, and at sunset was out of sight ahead.
From the time of the departure of lieutenant Downes
until the 23d October, when we made the island of
Teebooa, one of the group of the Marquesas, few circum
stances of any moment took place. The weather through
out the passage was remarkably pleasant, gradually increa
sing in temperature as we increased our distance from
the Gallapagoes ; but the heat was unaccompanied by
squalls, thunder and lightning, or rain. Two of my pri
soners, at the time of making land, were slightly affected
with the scurvy ; but (with the exception of these) we

1'ORTER'S journal.

had not a sick man on board. We frequently saw tropic
birds, sea swallows, gulls, and other birds that indicate an
approach to land, but in greater numbers between the
longitude of 100° and 105° than in any other part, except
in the neighbourhood of the Marquesas, where we ob
served vast numbers the day before making land, at which
time also we saw immense shoals of spermaceti whales, of
all sizes, slowly directing their course to the northward.
In this run we saw vast numbers of flying fish, and many
of that kind which have red wings : they are much larger
than the others, and are never seen in shoals. From the
time of leaving the Gallapagoes we experienced a con
stant westerly set of the current, which gradually decrea
sed in velocity until we made the land, when we found its
rate to be only twelve miles in twenty-four hours. At the
time of our departure from the Gallapagoes, we found our
selves set to the westward daily twenty-five miles, and this
was ascertained by the difference between our dead
reckoning and our lunar observations, assisted by our
chronometer. As we had little to employ our people about during our
run, and as I believed that at this time, more than,any other,
I had much to apprehend from the scurvy getting among
them, I considered it necessary to rouse them from that
listlessness and apathy into which the human mind is apt
to fall when destitute of employment. All were ignorant
of the place of our destination or my intentions; I saw
no prospect of evil resulting from making them known ;
and as I have ever considered that cheerfulness is a more
powerful antiseptic than any other known, I determined
to apply one of the doses which, I believe, had heretofore
greatly contributed to preserve the health of my men.
The following note was communicated to them ; and those
who know the disposition of sailors may readily conceive
the effect it produced. For the remainder of our passage
they could talk aud think of nothing but the amusements
and novelties that awaited them in this new world.
" We are bound to the Western islands, with two ob
jects in view :
" First, that we may put the ship in a suitable condi
tion to enable us to take advantage of the most favourable
season for our return home :

4> porter's journal.
" Secondly, I am desirous that you should have some
relaxation and amusement after being so long at sea, as
from your late good conduct youijdeserve it:
" We are going among a people much addicted to thie
ving, treacherous in their proceedings, whose conduct is
governed only by fear, and regulated by views to their
interest. We must put nothing in their power, be ever
on our guard, and prevent, by every means that can be
used, disputes and difficulties with them ; we must treat
them with kindness, but never trust them, and be most
vigilant where there is the greatest appearance of friend
ship. Let the fate of the many who have been cut off
by the savages of the South Sea islands be a useful warn
ing to us :
" It will require much discretion and good management
to keep up a friendly intercourse with them ; and in the
regulations that I shall lay down for this object, I shall
expect the hearty concurrence of every person under my
command :
" Disputes are most likely to arise from traffic with
them. To prevent them, I shall appoint a vessel for the
express purpose of trading, and shall select an officer and
four men to conduct all exchanges. Every other person
is positively forbid to traffic with the, natives, except
through the persons so selected to conduct the trade :
" No canoes or male natives will be permitted to come
along side the Essex, or any other vessel, except the tra
ding ship, on any account, unless it may he the chiefs
whom I may designate. And if every person exerts him
self to carry on the work of the ship, as well as to enforce
the above regulations, and such others as I may from time
to time adopt, I shall allow you time to amuse yourselves
on shore. But this indulgence shall cease the moment I
discover any relaxation in vigilance or industry.
Signed D. Porter.
U. S. Frigate Essex, October, 1813.

CHAPTER XII.
WASHINGTON ISLANDS,— ROOAHOOGA.
On the meridian of the 23d October, the man at the
masthead discovered land bearing S.W. Our latitude at
this time was 9° 6' south, and the longitude by chronome
ter 138° 27' west, from which we supposed it to be Hood's
Island, one of the group of the Marquesas Islands, disco
vered by lord Hood, while a midshipman with captain Cook;
and from its position it could be no other. Yet the descrip
tion given of this island by the historian of that voy
age, answers so little to Hood's Island, as seen by us, that
I should have had my doubts as to its identity, did not its
latitude and longitude both correspond with that given by
Cook, Hergest, and other navigators. Cook describes
Hood's Island to be mountainous, cut into valleys, and
thickly covered with brush-wood, and about fifteen or six
teen leagues in circuit. The Hood's Island, seen by us,
is a barren lump of rock inaccessible on all its sides, des
titute of verdure, and about three miles in circuit. After
making this island, which is the most northerly of that
group called the Marquesas de Mendania, first discovered
by the Spaniards, I hove-to for my prizes to come up,
which were a great distance astern, as they had been ge
nerally during our passage. On their joining me, I steered
a little more to the northward, under easy sail, to fall in with
the island of Rooahooga, one of the group discovered by
captain Roberts of Boston, in the month of May, in the
year 1792. This group was called by him Washington
Group, and some of the islands were named by him,
Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton, &c. &c. They were seen
the preceding year (1791) by a captain Ingraham, of the
same place ; but he had done no more than point out their
situation. On the 20th June, 1791, some of them were seen, and
their position determined by a captain Marchand, in the
French ship Solide, bound on a trading voyage to the
N.W. coast of America. Lieutenant Hergest, of the

ti porter's journal.
British navy, saw them on the 30th March, in the year
1 792,* examined their coasts, projected a chart of them,
and described them more minutely than any other navi
gator. Captain Marchand and lieutenant Hergest, pro
bably ignorant that they had been previously seen and
named by captains Ingraham and Roberts, gave to each
island particular names. Those seen by the French cap
tain, received from him the names of Isle Marchand, Isle
Baux, Les Deux Freres, Isle Masse, Isle Chanal, in honour
of his owners, himself and officers. The group was called
by him the Revolution Islands, in honour of the French
revolution. Lieutenant Hergest named them, Sir Henry
Martin's Island, Rion's Island, Trevanien's Island, Her-
gest's rocks, and (what might induce the belief of his
having had a knowledge of a previous discovery) he has
permitted two of them to retain the name of Roberts1
Islands. Lieutenant Hergest was killed at the Sandwich
Islands, on his way to join Vancouver, to whom he was
sent with supplies in the ship Daedalus. Vancouver, in
honour of his unfortunate friend, named the group Her-
gest's Islands. It is possible, as I before observed, that
neither of the above navigators had a knowledge, at the
time of falling in with the aforesaid islands, that they had
been discovered and named some months before by Ame
ricans. Yet captain Marchand obtained this knowledge
at Canton, and, notwithstanding, still assumes the right of
naming them. Lieutenant Hergest did not discover them
until near two years after they had been seen hy the
American captains. His ignorance of the discovery seems
less probable, and as no mention is made in the account
of Vancouver's voyage, (the work which contains lieute
nant Hergest's remarks) of the discovery made by the
Americans, and as the history of that voyage was not made
public until after the publication of the discovery made by
Ingraham, we can hardly bring ourselves to believe that
the British (ever anxious to arrogate to themselves the
merit of making new discoveries) were willing to allow
our countrymen the barren honour of accidentally falling
in with a group of islands, which before the month of
May, 1791, were unknown to the world. Even Mr.
Fleurien, the learned editor ofMarchand's voyage, which
was evidently written to rival that of Vancouver, has

porter's journal. 7
fallen into that error, arising from national prejudice, which
be so much contemns ; and notwithstanding our prior right,
founded on a discovery well known to him, has attached
to these islands the names given^ to them by Marchand.
He has had the liberality, however, to admit that they
had been first discovered by the Americans ; but, notwith
standing this acknowledgment, he cannot devest himself of
national prejudice so far as to allow them the names given
by our countrymen. These substitutions of names (as
Fleurien justly remarks) cannot but create confusion in
Geography, and, in the sequel, give birth to uncertainties
and doubts respecting the periods of discoveries, Fleu
rien claims for the French priority of the British, in the
discovery of this group, and in the discussion loses sight
of any claim of ours. Perhaps he has not considered us
as rivals worthy of either of the great nations, and has
attached to us no more merit than he would have given to
one of the natives for being born there. The whole
merit of a navigator, he says, consists in finding what he
seeks for, not in accidental discoveries : if so, where is
the merit of captain Marchand's finding this group, if he
was previously ignorant of their existence. Yet Monsieur
Fleurien makes this discovery one of the most conspicu
ous features of Marchand's voyage, and exults no little
that they should have been seen by a citizen of France,
before they had been visited by a servant of the British
government. History and Geography will, however, do
justice to the discovery of Mr. Ingraham, and whatever
names may be given to them by English or French parti-
zans, posterity will probably know them only as Wash
ington's Group.
After this digression, which I have been led into from a
sense of justice to my countrymen, I shall proceed in my
narrative. On the morning of the 24th, discovered the island of
Rooahooga (so called by the natives, but by us Adams'
Island) one of the Washington Group. Its aspect, on first
making it, was little better than the barren and desolate
islands we had been so long among. But on our nearer
approach, the fertile valleys, whose beauties were height
ened by the pleasant streams and clusters of houses, and
groups of the natives on the hills inviting us to land, pro-

8 porter's journal.
duced a contrast much to the advantage of the islands wc
were now about visiting. Indeed, the extreme fertility of
the soil, as it appeared to us after rounding the S.E. point
of the island, produced sensations we had been little accus
tomed to, and made us long for the fruits with which the
trees appeared every where loaded.
On rounding the S.E. part of the island, we saw a canoe
coming off to the ship with eight of the natives, one of
whomwas seated in the bow, with his head ornamented with
some yellow leaves, which at a distance we supposed to
be feathers. They approached us very cautiously, and
would not venture along side until we had run very close
in. But no persuasions of ours could induce them to come
on board, although we offered them pieces of iron hoops,
knives, fish-hooks, and other articles which we supposed
them to hold in the highest estimation. We had a native
of the island of Otaheita on board, who enabled them, but
with apparent difficulty, to comprehend our wishes, and
who gave them repeated assurances of our friendly dispo
sition. They came under the stern, and after we had sent
down to them, in a bucket made fast to a rope, several of
the above articles, they sent up to us, by the same convey
ance, a few fish and a part of their ornaments, consisting of
a belt made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, garnished with
the small teeth of a hog, the only articles of exchange in
their possession. They frequently repealed to us the word
tar/a, which signifies friend, and invited us to the shore,
where they assured us, by the most expressive gesticula
tions, that we should be made welcome. Their bodies
were entirely naked, and their chief ornament consisted
in the dark and fanciful lines formed by tattooing, which
covered them. I displayed to them some whales' teeth,
an object to which 1 had understood that the natives of
this group were greatly attached. They seemed to be
greatly attracted by them, and promised to return to the
shore, and bring us in exchange for them fruit and what
ever else we desired. On their leaving us, I bore away
for several other canoes which were launched from the
different coves with which the coast was indented, but
nothing could induce them to come near the ship. I was
anxious to procure some refreshments, but more so to ob
tain a knowledge of a people with whom the world is so

porter's journal. 9
little acquainted. One of the canoes displayed a white
flag: 1 caused a similar emblem of peace to be exhibited,
and after waiting some time, perceiving that they were
fearful of coming along side, 1 caused two boats to be
manned and armed, and proceeded towards them. I soon
approached them, and directed the Otaheitan to inform
them that we were friendly disposed, and were willing to
purchase of them the articles they had to sell, which con
sisted of hogs, plantains, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, &c. &c.
Through the same medium I informed them that I should
proceed to the shore, and there remain as a hostage for
their safety. Some of them went off to the ship, but the
greater number followed me to the shore, where they were
collected in groups, armed with their spears and war-clubs,
to receive me, and collecting in considerable numbers from
every quarter. There were no women or children among
them ; and although both my boats were well armed I did
not think it adviseable to put it in their power to make an
attack on them, which would probably have terminated in
the loss of several of their lives. I consequently directed
lieutenant M'Knight, who was in the other boat, to keep
out of the surf, which beat with considerable fury on the
beach, while I went ciose in with my boat, where I made
an exchange of pieces of iron hoops, and other articles, for
their ornaments and fruit. Some of the former were
handsome, and consisted of several pieces of wood neatly
joined together in the form of a gorget, and covered with
small red beans, neatly attached to it by means of a resinous
substance. In a few minutes the spears and war-clubs
were laid aside, and swarms of natives swam off to me
loaded with the produce of the island. All seemed greatly
to rejoice that we had so precious" an article to offer them
as pieces of old iron hoops, which were held in such high
estimation that good sized pigs were purchased for a few
inches. Some, to express their joy, were seen dancing on
the beach with the most extravagant gestures, while others
expressed the pleasure they felt by shouting and clapping
their hands ; and although 1 invariably paid them in advance
for the articles received, I in no case, but one, met with an
instance of dishonesty. Three men presented themselves
tome, with each a bread-fruit. With a view of diverting
myself with their embarrassment, I gave to them two fish-
vol. ir. 2

10 porter's journal.
hooks to be divided among them. They all agreed to the
exchange, but on delivering the fish-hooks, one of them
swam off with his bread-fruit, refused to deliver it up, and
appeared much pleased with the trick he had played me,
believing no doubt that it would be attended with less diffi
culty to divide the hooks between two than three. The
other two seemed to affect anger with their companion, and
made signs for me to pursue and beat him ; but as one of
them had a stick in his hand, I directed him to inflict punish
ment ; this he pretended to do, but it was mere pretence.
But notwithstanding this friendly intercourse, it was very
evident that they had strong suspicions of us. They
always approached the boat with the greatest awe and agi
tation, and in every instance, where articles were presented
to them, they shrunk back with terror, and retreated to
the shore with the utmost precipitation. This want of con
fidence in me, was greatly calculated to lessen my confidence
in them, and even if the surf had admitted of my landing, I
should not have considered it adviseable to venture ashore.
One of them, however, ventured to raise himself hy the
side of the boat, and perceiving a pistol lying in the stern
sheets, showed an evident desire to possess it. It was with
some difficulty I could make him let go his hold of the
boat; and to intimidate him I pointed the pistol at him ;
but it produced no other effect than joy, as he immediately
held out both his hands to receive it, from which I con
cluded that they were unacquainted with the use of fire
arms.- After remaining with these people about two hours, I
proceeded to a small cove, two miles to leeward, where
were assembled about fifty male natives and three females.
Some of the men were highly ornamented with plumes of
black feathers, large gorgets similar to those we had before
purchased, and a kind of cloak formed of white cloth, in
appearance somewhat like paper. Each held in his hand
a handsome white fan, and had large tufts of human hair
bound round the wrist, their ancles and loins, with large
white oval ornaments, apparently intended as false ears,
and large shells and whales' teeth hung round their necks.
They made altogether no inelegant appearance. They
were all highly tattooed, and supposing one of the best
dressed among them to be the chief, I gave him to under-

porter's journal. 11
stand that our object was trade, and that we had come with
the most friendly views, showing, at the same time, fish
hooks, iron-hoops and knives, which seemed to produce a
general joy among them. They informed me that their
chief, whom they called Othauough had not arrived, and
in a few minutes afterwards, pointed out to me an old man,
who approached entirely naked, with the exception of a
piece of cloth about his loins, and a small fillet of palm
leaves about his temples. This they told me was their
chief: and on his addressing a few words to them, they
threw by their arms and ornaments, and plunged into the
water to gain the boat. I gave to each a small present,
but they had no article to offer in return but their women ;
and as two of them were not more than sixteen years of
age, and both handsome, they no doubt considered them
the most acceptable present they could offer us.
After leaving these friendly people I proceeded for" the
frigate, where I found the traffic with the canoes that had
gone off, had been conducted with much harmony. Some
of them I passed very near on their return, and the natives
on board them expressed their extreme satisfaction by ex
pressions of the most extravagant joy. One of them in
the fulness of heart, said he was so glad he longed to get
on shore to dance. On rejoining the ship, I was informed
by the officers that the natives who had been on board, ex
pressed much surprise at the sight of the goats, sheep, dogs,
and other animals, but what seemed most to astonish them,
was one of the large Gallapagoes tortoises. It seemed as
though they could not sufficiently feast their eyes on it ;
and to view it more at their ease they stretched themselves
at full length on the deck around it. This appeared to be
their general practice when they wished to view leisurely
any object that excited their attention, a custom which
seems to bespeak the natural indolence of this people :
and yet some circumstances seem to be at variance with
this opinion ; for on occasions they appear capable of the
greatest exertions of strength and activity, as when pad
dling their canoes, climbing the rocks, &c. The men of
this island are remarkably handsome ; of large stature and
well proportioned : they possess every variety of counte
nance and feature, and a great difference is observable in
the colour of the skin, which for the most part is of a

12 porter's journal.
copper colour. But some are as fair as the generality of
working white people much exposed to the sun of a warm
climate. The old men (but particularly the chiefs) are
entirely black. This is owing entirely to the practice of
tattooing, with which they are entirely covered, and it re
quires a close inspection to perceive that the blackness ot
their skin is owing to this cause. When the eye is once
familiarized with men ornamented after this manner, we
perceive a richness in the skin of an old man highly tattooed
comparable to that observed in a highly wrought piece of
old mahogany. On a minute examination, may be traced
innumerable lines, curved, straight, and irregular, drawn
with the utmost correctness, taste, and symmetry, and yet
apparently without order, or any determined plan. The
young men, the fairness of whose skin is contrasted by the
ornaments of tattooing, certainly have, at first sight, a more
handsome appearance than those entirely covered with it ;
und in a short time we are induced to think that tattooing
is as necessary an ornament for a native of those islands as
clothing is for an European. The neatness and beauty
with which this species of ornament is finished, served
greatly to surprise us. We could not help believing that
they had among them tattooers by profession, some of them,
no doubt, equal in celebrity to M'Alpin and other renown
ed tailors of America ; for we afterwards discovered, that
the wealthy and high classes were more fully and hand
somely tattooed than those of an inferior station, which is
a sufficient evidence that tattooing has its price.
The young girls, which we had an opportunity of seeing,
were, as I before observed, handsome and well formed ;
their skins were remarkably soft and smooth, and their
complexions no darker than many brunettes in America,
celebrated for their beauty. Their modesty was more
evident than that of the women of any place we had
visited since leaving our own country; and if they suf
fered themselves (although with apparent timidity and re
luctance) to be presented naked to strangers, may it not be
in compliance with a custom, which taught them to sacri
fice to hospitality all that is most estimable.
The canoes of these people are not so perfect in their
construction as I had expected to find them. Yet they have
much labour, and, no doubt, time, expended in their forma-

porter's journal. lo
tion, considering the tools with which they were for the
most part completed. Iron they know the use of; but
from their desire to possess a few pieces of old iron hoop,
its scarcity was evident. It is therefore highly probable,
that they were formed with tools made of stones, or of such
as could be made witb the scraps of iron which it is possi
ble they may have received from transient visiters. For,
as it does not appear that they possess any articles of trade,
it is not likely that to,ols of more value have been furnished
them. These vessels are generally about forty feet in
length, thirteen inches wide, and eighteen inches deep.
They are formed of many pieces of the bread-fruit tree,
cut into the form of planks, and sewed together with the
fibres of the outside shell of the cocoa-nut. The seams
are covered inside and out with strips of bamboo, sewed
to the edge of each plank, to keep in a stuffing of oakum,
made of the cocoa-nut shell also, which does not prevent
them from leaking sufficiently to give constant employ
ment to one or two persons to bail the water out. The
keel consists of one piece, which runs the whole length, is
hollowed out in the form of a canoe, and seems to stiffen
the whole vessel, and keep it straight. Three pieces of
thin plank, placed in the manner of partitions, divide the
interior into four parts, and perform the office of timbers
to keep the vessel from separating or closing together.
Out-riggers from the bow, middle and stern, with a long
piece of light wood secured to the extremity of each, keep
them from upsetting, which, from their narrowness, would
frequently happen were it not for this contrivance. The
ornamental part consists of a flat prow, which projects
about two feet, and is rudely carved on the upper surface,
to represent the head of some animal. Sometimes there
is attached to it a small board, supported by a rudely carved
figure of a man. From the stern is a slender projection of
six or eight feet in length, and in the form of a sleigh run
ner, or the forepart of a Holland skate. Their paddles
are very neatly made, of a hard black wood highly polished.
Their handles are slender, the blades of an oval form,
broadest toward the lower part, and terminating in a point
like a hawk's bill. They were all without sails, and did
not appear to be managed with much skill or dexterity.
At some of the coves I observed the frames of boats of a

14 porter's journal.
different construction set up, shorter and wider than the
canoes, and in shape somewhat similar to the common
whale boat ; but I saw no such vessel in use among those
who visited the ship.
Toward sunset I passed the western part of the island,
and had a view of a bay, which makes in, after rounding
some islets, which appeared to afford good anchorage, se
cure against the prevailing winds, with a smooth landing.
The valley which extended from the head of it, had the
appearance of great fertility, and several houses were
interspersed among the clusters of trees. The whole had
a very agreeable and inviting appearance, but no natives
or canoes were observable. It is probable that, intimi
dated by the number of vessels in sight, they had all left
their residence, and retired to the other side of the island.

V

si

i

CHAPTER XIII.
MADISON'S ISLAND.— HAPPAH WAR.
After passing the island I hove to for the night, and
directed my prizes, as they came up, to do the same. We
had here very heavy squalls, and some showers of rain ;
and at daylight next morning I bore up for the island of
Nooaheevah, which I shall hereafter call Madison's Island,
and which bore from us W. not more than ten leagues dis
tant. At the dawn of day I made the signal to bear up
for the anchorage of Madison's Island, and stood in for the
point forming the E. side of the weather bay, called by
lieutenant Hergest, (who appears to be the first navigator
that discovered it) Comptroller's Bay. This point is
steep, and the coast from thence to the N. appears iron
bound and inaccessible. The whole island seems to have
suffered much during former periods, from the ravages of
volcanoes. On standing in for Comptroller's Bay, I per
ceived a rock above water at the distance of one mile and
a half or two miles from the point. This 1 left on the
starboard hand, and stretched into the bay, which was deep,
spacious, and appeared very safe and commodious. It
contains several interior bays, which seemed to afford
good landing ; several pleasant villages were situated near
the beaches, and the houses were interspersed among the
trees of the valleys, which appeared highly cultivated and
thickly inhabited. Several canoes came off the point, but
none seeming disposed to visit us,. I bore up for a small
but high island, about two leagues to leeward, which I sup
posed formed one side of the entrance of the harbour,
where I intended anchoring. It is called by lieutenant
Hergest Port Anna Maria. In about an hour we opened
the bay, which appeared to offer us every advantage we
could possibly desire. It may be known by the small, but'
high and rocky island before-mentioned, which forms the
E. side, and a similar one, but more in the figure of a sugar
loaf, which forms the W. side of the entrance. About
half way between the entrance and Comptroller's Bay, is
a red cliff of rocks, the only one to be seen. The point

16
forming with the Rocky Island, the E. side of the entrance
of the bay, is marked from its summit to the water's edge,
by a remarkable white streak, which, at a distance, bears
the appearance of a sheet of water, tumbling from the
rocks. This mark can be seen from a great 'distance ;
and is a never-failing guide to the harbour's mouth. Be
tween each of the aforesaid small islands, and the main
island, are passages only for small boats ; and as they
seemed placed by nature, for the protection of the port,
when considered either as affording shelter from the winds
and sea, or as suitable situations for batteries, I shall here
after call them the Sentinels.
On entering the bay I rounded the E. Sentinel, with
in one and a half ship's length of the shore, and obtained
sounding in thirty-five fathoms water, sandy bottom. The
water was perfectly clear ; no danger was to be seen ; the
wind was blowing out of the harbour ; and I believed it
to be of sufficient width, to enable us to work up to the
bottom of the bay, which appeared to be about four miles
deep. I was soon, however, convinced that I was decei
ved in my calculations ; for although there was sufficient
room, had the breeze been steady to have worked up, yet
it was impracticable to do so, from the flaws so frequently
changing their direction ; and at one moment blowing
fresh, while the next would prove a dead calm, and thus
render a ship perfectly unmanageable with her sails. I
therefore let go the anchor at the mouth, in thirty fa
thoms water, to wait for a more favourable time for run
ning in, and directed my prizes to lay off and on the port
until we could get the frigate secured. Shortly after an
choring, we discovered a boat coming from the shore with
three white men in her, one of whom was perfectly naked,
with the exception of a cloth about his loins; and as his
body was all over tattooed, 1 could not doubt his having
been a long time on this, or some other island. I suppo
sed them to be seamen, who had deserted from some ves
sels here, and under this impression would neither permit
them to come along side of the ship, nor allow any person
to have any conversation with them. I was provoked to
find such characters, as I suspected them to be, in a place
where I had least expected to find any but the natives. I
apprehended much trouble from them ; and, in a moment

PORTER'S JQURiNAL. 17
of vexation, refused to answer their inquiries, and directs
ed them to leave the ship. Several canoes had come
out toward us ; but on the whites joining them, they all
paddled to the shore; and on their reaching the beach,
considerable numbers of the natives assembled around
them, armed with spears and clubs, and I felt somewhat
apprehensive that I had committed an error, in not treat
ing the strangers with more urbanity. As I was desirous
of establishing, with the natives, the most friendly inter
course, I was fearful my intentions might be frustrated by
their representations, and the unfavourable impressions
they might be enabled to make on their minds. To cor
rect my error as soon as possible, if I had committed any,
I directed four boats to be manned and armed, and with
a party of marines proceeded for the shore. The beach
was abandoned at our approach ; but on landing, I was
met by one of the persons who had come off in the boat.
To my great astonishment, I discovered him to be a mid
shipman of the United States navy, named John M.
Maury, who had left the United States on furlough, with
lieutenant Lewis, for Canton, in the ship Pennsylvania
Packet ; from which place he sailed for this island, to
procure sandal wood. Here he remained several months ;
and after completing his cargo, sailed for Canton, leaving
Mr. Maury with a party, and the remainder of his stock
of trade, to collect a cargo for him against his return. He
had been expected in about two months ; but the news of
the war, of which we brought the first accounts here, de
stroyed all expectations of again seeing him ; and as Mr.
Maury and his party saw no other prospect of getting
away, be requested me to take them on board. To this
I consented, provided lieutenant Lewis should not return
before my departure. The man before spoken of, who
came off to the ship naked, was named Wilson, an English
man by birth. He had been for many years among the
group of Marquesas, as well as the islands of Washing
ton's Group. He spoke their language with the same
facility as his own, and had become in every respect, ex
cept in colour, an Indian. The looks of Wilson" had
strongly prejudiced me against him ; but I soon discovered
him to be an inoffensive, honest, good-hearted fellow,
well disposed to render every service in his power, and
vol. 11. 3

18 PORTER'S JOURNAL:.
whose only failing was a strong attachment to rum. Wil
son soon became a great favourite with me, as well as
every other person. He proved indispensably necessary
to us ; and without his aid I should have succeeded badly
on the island. His knowledge of the people, and the
ease with which he spoke their language, removed all
difficulties in our intercourse with them ; and it must be
understood, in all relations of future interviews and con
versations, which took place between me and the natives,
that Wilson is the organ of communication, and the means
by which we are enabled to understand each other. I
shall, therefore, in future, deem it unnecessary to say, I was
assisted by an interpreter ; it must aiways be understood
that I had one. Such were my impressions of Wilson at
the time ; but I have since had occasion to be satisfied
that he was a consummate hypocrite and villain.
On my jumping on shore, unaccompanied by any other
persons, and walking up to a group of natives, who were
assembled near the house where Mr. Maury resided, all
their apprehensions seemed to cease. The women, who
had retired to a distance, came down to join the male na
tives ; and even the landing of the marines, as well as the
Fest of the party, did not seem to occasion any uneasiness
among them. The drum appeared to give them much
pleasure ; and the regular movements of the marines oc
casioned much astonishment. They said they were spirits
or beings of a class different from other men. I directed
them to be put through their exercise ; and the firing of
the muskets occasioned but little terror, except among the
women, who generally turned away their faces and cover
ed their ears with their hands. The men and boys were
all attention to the skipping of the balls in the water ; but
at every fire all habitually inclined their bodies, as if to
avoid the shot, although behind the men who were firing.
After remaining a short time with them, I distributed
among them some knives, fish-hooks, &c. &c. which tbey
received with much apparent pleasure ; but no one offered,
like the natives of the other island, any thing in return.
Observing the mountains surrounding the valley to be
covered with numerous groups of natives, I inquired the
cause, and was informed that a warlike tribe residing be
yond the mountains had been for several weeks at war

JOURNAL. 19
with the natives of the valley, into which they had made,
several incursions, destroyed many houses and plantations,
and killed a great number of bread-fruit trees by girdling.
I was also informed that they had intended paying ano
ther visit that day ; but it was supposed they were deterred
by the appearance of the ships. I inquired if it were
possible to get a message to them ; and was informed that,
notwithstanding they were at war, and showed no quarter
to each other, there were certain persons of both tribes,
who were permitted to pass and repass freely and uninter
ruptedly from one tribe to another : such, for example, as
a man belonging to one tribe who had married a woman
belonging to the other. I inquired if any such were pre
sent ; and one being pointed out to me, I directed him to
proceed to the Happahs, and to tell them that I had come
with a force sufficiently strong to drive them from" the
island : and if they presumed to enter into the valley
while I remained there, I should send a body of men to
chastise them ; to warn them to cease all hostilities so
long as I remained among them ; and say that if they had
hogs or fruit to dispose of, they might come and trade
freely with us, as I should not permit the natives of the
valley to injure or molest them. To the natives of the
valley (who listened attentively, and with apparent plea
sure, to the message sent to the Happahs) I then addressed
myself, and assured them that I had come with the most
friendly disposition ; that I wanted nothing from them but
what I paid for : that they must look on us as brethren :
and that I should protect them against the Happahs, should
they* again venture to descend from the mountains. I
directed them to leave at home their spears, slings, and
clubs, (their only weapons of war) in order that we might
know them from the Happahs. I also told them that I
should consider all as my enemies who should appear
armed in my presence : assuring them at the same time,
that there would be no necessity for their using those
weapons, as I had not only the will and power to give
them the most ample protection, but to chastise severely
their enemies, unless they were governed by the advice
I had given them. All listened with much attention,;
their spears and clubs were thrown on one side. While I
was using measures to get together my officers and men,

20who had wandered away in different directions, my atten
tion was drawn to an object, which at the moment had
presented itself. A handsome young woman, of about
eighteen'years of age, her complexion fairer than common,
her carriage majestic, and her dress better and somewhat
different from the other females, approached. Her glossy
black hair and her skin were highly anointed with the
cocoa-nut oil, and her whole person and appearance neat
and comely. On inquiry who this dignified personage
might be, I was informed that her name was Piteenee, a
grandaughter to the chief, or greatest man in the valley,
whose name was Gattanewa. This lady, on whose coun
tenance was not to be perceived any of those playful
smiles which enlivened the countenances of the others, I
Was informed was held in great estimation, on account
of her rank and beauty, and I felt that it would be neces
sary, from motives of policy, to pay some attentions to a
personage so exalted. She received my advances with a
coldness and hauteur which would have suited a princess,
and repelled every thing like familiarity with a sternness
that astonished me. Yet this lady, like the rest of the
women of the island, soon followed the dictates of her
own interest, and formed a connexion with one of the
officers, which lasted with but little fidelity on her part as
long as we remained, showing herself on the whole a
most notorious jilt. Gattanewa, I was informed at the
time of my landing, was at a fortified village, which was
pointed out to me, on the top of one of the highest moun
tains. They have two of these strong places, one on
the top of the aforesaid mountain, the other lower down
the valley, and guarding one of the principal passes. The
manner of fortifying those places, is to plant closely on
end, the bodies of large trees, of forty feet in length, se
curing them together by pieces of timber, strongly lashed
across, presenting on the brow of a hill, difficult of access,
a breastwork of considerable extent, which would require
European artillery to destroy. At the back of this a scaf
folding is raised, on which is placed a platform for the
warriors, who ascend by the means of ladders, and thence
shower down on their assailants spears and stones. The
one at which Gattanewa now was, is situated near a re
markable gap, cut through the mountain by the natives,

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 21
to serve as a ditch or fosse, and must have required much
labour in the execution ; the other is more to the right,
and, as I before observed, lower down. I had no sooner
understood that they had a chief, to whom I could address
myself, than I felt anxious to see him. A messenger was
therefore despatched for him ; and after collecting my
people, I returned on board, where shortly after our arrival,
I soon found every person anxious for the ship to be got
into port and secured. Probably they had heard from
those who had been on shore, of the friendly reception
they had met with ; and while I had some thoughts of
putting to sea, to wait a favourable opportunity to run in,
application was made to warp the ship Up, and in a few
hours we had her secured in the bottom of the bay, on
the starboard side, near a white sandy beach, within half
a mile of the shore. The Essex Junior had hove in sight
about the time we commenced warping. But lieutenant
Downes did not get his ship secured until late in the
evening, when he came on board, and informed me he had
obtained no intelligence of the vessel I had sent him in
pursuit of. The prizes did not get in and secured until
next day.
When the ship was moored, the shore was lined with
the natives of both sexes ; but the females were most
numerous, waving their white cloaks or cahoes for us to
come on shore. Many applications were made for me to
permit them to accept the invitations, and I found it im
possible any longer to resist. The boats were got out,
and proceeded to the shore, where, on landing, they were
taken complete possession of, by the women, who insisted
on going to the ship, and in a short time she was com
pletely filled by them, of all ages and descriptions, from
the age of sixty years, to that of ten ; some as remarka
ble for their beauty, as others for their ugliness. They
all appeared to be of the most common kind, and many of
them who had been in the habit of visiting ships, which
had formerly been at this place, had been taught by the
seamen, some few English words, which they pronounced
too plain to be misunderstood.
The object of the greatest value at this as well as all the
other islands of this group, is whales' teeth. This I had
understood while I was on shore, and knowing that there

22 PORTER'S JOURNAL-
were several of them on board the frigate, I determined, if
possible, to secure the whole of them at any price, as I had
been informed that hogs, the only animal food on the island,
could be purchased for no other article. I succeeded, in
procuring nearly all on board, by paying for them at the
rate of one dollar each ; but few of them were of a suffi
cient size to make them of much value. I shall in all pro
bability have occasion to speak of the strange infatuation of
this people for this strange ornament, which is worn sus
pended to the neck, and sometimes is cut to form orna
ments to the ears. No jewel, however valuable, is half so
much esteemed in Europe or America, as is a whale's tooth
here. I have seen them by fits laugh and cry for joy, at
the possession of one of these darling treasures. Ivory,
however finely wrought and beautiful in its kind, bears no
comparison in their estimation. Ivory is worn by the
lower and poorer classes, made into the form of whales'
teeth, and as ear ornaments, while the whales' teeth is worn
only by persons of rank and wealth. Some idea may be
formed of the value in which they are held by the natives,
when it is known that a ship of three hundred tons burthen,
may be loaded with sandal-wood at this island, at the price
of ten whales' teeth of a large size. For these the natives
will cut it, bring it from the distant mountains, and take it
on board the ship. This cargo in China, would be worth
near a million of dollars. I have seen this sandal-wood,
that is so highly esteemed by the Chinese ; (indeed their
infatuation for it, falls little short of the natives for whales'
teeth) it does not appear capable of receiving a high polish,
nor is its colour agreeable. The odour arising from it is
pleasant, and the principal uses to which the Chinese are
said to apply it, is to burn it in their temples, and to ex
tract from it an oil, which they consider of great value.
The warlike attitude of the Happahs, who still kept their
station on the mountains, made me determine to wait a day
or two before I commenced my repairs on the ship. I had
understood, that there was a bay to leeward, which might
suit our purpose, where the natives who inhabited its val
leys were at peace. But it was not represented to me as
being so commodious as the one we nowNoccupied, nor so
easy of access and egress. I had not yet determined at what
place to form our encampment, land our water-casks, and

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 26
pitch tents for our coopers, sailmakers, carpenters, and
other workmen, all of which would be necessary in order
to make the extensive repairs of which the ship stood much
in want. I was apprehensive of engaging too precipitately
in the undertaking, lest the unforeseen difficulties I might
encounter, should give me cause to regret my haste.
The spot which appeared most suitable for our purpose,
was a plain, at the back of the sandy beach, near where
we lay. This plain was well shaded by bread-fruit and
other trees, was destitute of inhabitants, and separated from
the inhabited part of the valley by a hill, well suited for
erecting a fort, as it completely commanded the whole
bay, as well as every part of the valley. The place
of which I now speak, as suited for our encampment, was
situated between the two hostile tribes ; and I was inform
ed, that from some motives of religion, neither party had
visited it since the war had commenced. With the hope
that they would continue to keep aloof from it, 1 deter
mined within myself to fix on this spot, should I commence
my repairs here. While I was deliberating on the subject,
I was informed that Gattanewa had arrived, and to show
my respect for the chieftain, as well as to convince him of
my friendly disposition, I sent him on shore a fine large
English sow ; this being, as I was informed, the most ac
ceptable present I could make him, (excepting only a
whale's tooth) as they are particularly desirous of impro
ving the breed of that animal.
Soon after I had sent my present on shore, Gattanewa
eame on board in a boat which I had sent for him, accom
panied by Mr. Maury. I had seen several of their war
riors since my arrival, maHy of them highly ornamented
with plumes, formed of the feathers of cocks and man-of-
war birds, and the long tail feathers of the tropic bird ; large
tufts of hair were tied around their waists, their ancles,
and their loins. They wore a cloak, sometimes of red
cloth, but more frequently of a white paper cloth, formed
of the bark of a tree, thrown not inelegantly over the
shoulders, with large round or oval ornaments in their ears,
formed of whalesj teeth, ivory, or a kind of soft and light
wood, whitened with chalk. From their neck suspended
a whale's tooth, or highly polished shell, and round their
loins several turns of the stronger kind of paper-cloth, the

24 porter's journal.
end of which hangs before in the manner of an apron.
This, with a black and highly polished spear of about twelve
feet in length, or a club richly carved, and borne on the
shoulders, constitutes the dress and equipment of a native
warrior, whose body is highly and elegantly ornamented
by tattooing, executed in a manner to excite our admira
tion. This is a faithful picture of a warrior, and of the
chief of such warriors I had formed an exalted opinion.
But what was my-' astonishment when Gattanewa presented
himself; an infirm old man of seventy years of age, desti
tute of every covering or ornament except a clout about
his loins, and a piece of palm leaf tied about his head : a
long stick seemed to assist him in walking ; his face and
body were as black as a negro's, from the quantity of tat
tooing, which entirely covered them, and his skin was
rough, and appeared to be peeling off in scales, from the
quantity of kava (an intoxicating root) in which he had in
dulged himself. Such was the figure that Gattanewa pre
sented ; and as he had drank freely of the kava before he
made his visit, he appeared to be perfectly stupid. After
he had been a short time on deck, 1 endeavoured to impress
him with a high opinion of our force ; and for this purpose
assembled all my crew: it scarcely seemed to excite his
attention. I then caused a gun to be fired, which seemed
to produce no other effect on him, than that of pain ; he
complained that it hurt his ears. I then invited him below,
where nothing whatever excited his attention, untill showed
him some whales' teeth. This roused the old man from
his lethargy, and he would not be satisfied, until 1 had per
mitted him to handle, to measure, and count them over and
over, which seemed to afford him infinite pleasure. After
he had done this repeatedly, I put them away ; and shortly
afterwards asked him if he had seen any thing in the ship
that pleased him ; if he did to name it, and it should be his.
He told me he had seen nothing which had pleased him so
much as|one of the small whales' teeth ; which, on his de
scribing, I took out and gave to him. This he carefully
wrapped up in one of the turns of his clout ; begging me
not to inform any person that he had about him an article
of so much value. I assured him I should not; and the
old man threw himself on the settee and went to sleep. In
a few minutes he awoke, somewhat recdvered from his

PORTER S JOURNAL. \2i>
stupidity, and requested to be put on shore. He, however,
previous to his departure, wished me to exchange names
with him, and requested me to assist him in his war with
the Happahs. To the first I immediately consented, but
told him I had come to be at peace with all on the island ;
that I wished to see him at peace with the Happahs ; and
that I should not engage in any hostilities, unless the Hap
pahs came into the valley ; in which case I should protect
him and his people. He told me they had cursed the
bones of his mother, who had died but a short time since ;
that as we had exchanged names, she was now my mother,
and I was bound to espouse her cause. I told him I would
reflect on the subject, and did not think it necessary to
make any farther reply to the old man's sophistry.
Next morning he sent me a present, consisting of hogs
and several boat loads of cocoa-nuts and plantains, which
were distributed among the crews of the different vessels.
I now unbent my sails, and sent them on shore, and land
ed my water-casks, with which I formed a complete enclo
sure, sufficiently spacious to answer all our purposes. The
ship was hauled close in with the beach, and we began in
good earnest to make our repairs. A tent was pitched
within the enclosure, and the place put under the protec
tion of a guard of marines. In the afternoon several offi
cers went on shore to visit the villages, when I perceived
a large body of the Happahs descending from the moun
tains into the valley among the bread-fruit trees, which
they soon began to destroy. I immediately fired guns, and
made a signal for every person to repair on board, appre
hensive that some might be cut off by them, as the friendly
natives had not seemed to notice this descent. The firing
of the guns soon occasioned the main body to halt, and
shortly afterwards the whole returned up the mountains,
as the friendly tribes had turned out to oppose them.
Those who were on shore, had returned on board ; and
as the Happahs had descended to within half a mile of our
camp, and had succeeded in destroying two hundred bread
fruit trees, it became necessary to be more on our guard
against their enterprise. My messenger shortly afterwards
returned from among them, to say, that notwithstanding my
injunctions, they had come into the valley and destroyed
the bread-fruit trees, and we had not opposed them : that
vol. n. 4

2*3 PORTER'S JOURNAL,
they believed we were cowards ; and they should soon visit
our camp, and carry off our sails. Assured from what I
had already seen, that they were capable of attempting
the execution of their threat, I determined to be prepared
for them, and with this view, caused one-fourth of each
ship:s company to be landed every evening with their armE,
as a guard for the camp, allowing them at the same time to
stroll about the valley, and amuse themselves.
I had caused a tent to be erected on shore for myself
as believing my presence necessary there to preserve order,
and that my health required that 1 should remain some
time on shore, after being so long confined to the ship.
The threat of the Happahs had early induced me to re
flect on the course it would become me to pursue, in order,
as far as possible, to avoid hostilities with them, so long as
a proper regard to the objects of my stay, and the safety of
my people, would permit. I therefore determined to let
them see the effects of our cannon, with a view to frighten
them from committing further hostilities. Gattanewa made
daily applications for assistance, and I at length told him.
that, if his people would carry a heavy gun, a six pounder,
up to the top of a high mountain, which I pointed out to
him, I would send up men to work it, and drive away the
Happahs, who still kept possession of the hills. This was
unanimously agreed to by every man belonging to the val
ley. I landed the gun, but did not suppose them capable
of carrying it half way to the place fixed on. I supposed,
however, that it would terrify the Happahs ; and if it was
attended with no other advantage, it would occupy the na
tives for a week or fortnight, and keep them from our
camp, as the numbers who resorted there had already given
us some embarrassment, and I apprehended would cause
us more.
On the gun being landed, I ordered a few shot to be
fired, to convince them of the distance the shot would have
effect. First, a shot was fired with the gun, considerably
elevated ; they seemed much surprised at the length of
time the shot remained in the air, and many had given
up all expectations of seeing it descend, and a general
shout of admiration marked the time of its fall~in the
water. I then directed the gun to be fired, that the ball
might skip along the surface of the water. At every bound

PORTER'S JOURNAL. "Zl
of the shot, they gave a general shout of applause, as if all
were operated on by the same impulse : last of all, I direct
ed her to be fired with grape-shot, which seemed to afford
them more pleasure than all the rest ; they hugged, and
kissed the gun, lay down beside it, fondled it with the ut
most delight, and at length, slung it to two long poles, and
carried it toward the mountain. On their first attempt
to lift it with a few men, the weight seemed to astonish
them ; they declared that it stuck to the ground ; they
soon however raised it by additional numbers, and bore it
off with apparent ease.
While the natives were employed with their darling gun,
I occupied myself in forwarding as much as possible the
ship's duty ; and as an additional security to our camp,
landed another six pounder, and mounted also a long wall
piece. The ship was soon stripped of her rigging ; her
provisions, stores, and ammunition, put on board the
prizes. The carpenters were employed in caulking her
seams,' the coopers, in setting up new water-casks, (of which
our prizes afforded us an abundant supply) in place of the
old, which were nearly all found rotten. Our men were
occupied in overhauling and refitting the rigging, and the
duty of every one allotted to him. No work was exact
ed from any person after four o'clock in the afternoon ; the
rest of the day was given to repose and amusement. One-
fourth of the crew being allowed after that hour to go on
shore, there to remain until daylight next morning. An
oven was also built on shore, with bricks found on board the
prizes ; and so long as we remained here, fresh bread of
an excellent quality was issued every day, to every person
under my command. This was not only adding greatly to
their comfort, and probably contributing to preserve their
health, but was the cause of great saving of our hard bread.
which it was necessary to reserve as a sea stock. Every
thing went on as well as I could have wished, and mu/;h bet
ter than I could possibly have expected. It only now was
necessary, that we should fall on some substitute for salt pro
visions, as we had not yet been enabled to procure hogs in
sufficient quantities, to issue to the ships' companies, nor to
catch fish with our seine, although we had made repeated
trials. The natives did not appear willing to traffic for fruit
or hogs ; andfrom the best information I could obtain, I was

28 PORTERJS JOURNAL.
induced to believe, there was a considerable scarcity of
both in the valley. A few had been furnished as presents,
but no persuasions would induce them to sell any to us,
even for articles which were held in the highest estimation
by them. They could not supply them in sufficient quan
tities to exchange for whales' teeth, nor could they be per
suaded to part with them for harpoons, of which we had a
large stock on hand.
The day after the gun was moved for the mountains, the
chief warrior, named Mouina, was introduced to me. He
was a tall, well-shaped man, of about thirty-five years of
age, remarkably active, of an intelligent and open counte
nance, and his whole appearance highly prepossessing.
He had just left the other warriors in the fortified village,
and had come down to request me to cause a musket to be
fired (which he called a bouhi) that he might witness its
effects. Several individuals of the tribe of the Happahs
were at that moment about the camp, and I was pleased at
the opportunity which was afforded me, to convince them
of the folly of resisting our firearms with slings and spears.
I fired several times myself at a mark, to show them that
I never failed of hitting an object the size of a man. I
then directed the marines to fire by volleys at a cask, which
was soon like a riddle. I directed them to tell their coun
trymen that it would only be making a useless sacrifice of
their lives ; that I had ho wish to destroy them, but that my
own safety, and the security of the friendly tribes, whom I
had promised to protect, required that they should be driven
from the mountains overhanging the valley, where they
had constantly kept their position, daily waving their
cloaks to us to come up, and threatening us with their
spears and clubs. Indeed, considerable numbers of them
had been seen in the grass, on the hills at the back of our
encampment, and I had much reason to apprehend an at
tack from them soon, if means were hot taken to dislodge
them. Mouina appeared much pleased with the effect of our
musketry; and frequently exclaimed, maltee, mattee ! kill
ed, killed ! The Happahs, however, replied, that nothing
could persuade their tribe, that bouhies could do them the
injury that we pretended : that they were determined to
try the effects of a battle, and if they should he beaten,

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 29
that they would be willing to make peace ; but not before.
I informed them that they would not find me so ready to
make peace after beating them, as at present ; and that I
should insist on being paid for the trouble they might put
me to. They informed me they had an abundance of fruit
and hogs, and would be willing to sacrifice the whole to
purchase my friendship, if 1 should conquer them. Seeing
that these strange people were resolutely bent on trying the
effect of their arms against ours, I thought that the sooner
they were convinced of their folly, the better it would be
for themselves and us, as it would relieve us from the con
stant apprehension of an attack from them ; and I believed
it likely, that, by giving them timely notice of our inten
tions, they would avoid coming so near as to permit our
muskets to have much effect. Indeed it became absolutely
necessary to do something ; for the Happahs present in
formed me that their tribe believed that we were afraid to
attack them, as we had threatened so much, without at
tempting any thing ; and this idea, 1 found, began to pre
vail among those of our valley, which is called the valley of
Tieuhoy, and the people Havouhs, Pakeuhs, Hoaltas, &c.
For the valley is subdivided into other valleys by the hills,
and each small valley is inhabited by distinct tribes, govern
ed by their own laws, and having their own chiefs and
priests. But before I proceed farther in my narrative, it may
he best, for a proper understanding of the subject, to give
a statement of the names of the different tribes of the
island, with the names of the chiefs of each tribe, as far as
I have been able to obtain a knowledge of them.
The tribes residing in the valley of Tieuhoy are in
number six, and are called collectively Taeehs, which
signifies friends. Gattanewa is the acknowledged chief ef
four tribes, to wit, the Pakeuhs, Maovhs, Howneeahs, and
Hekuahs. He has, however, much influence with the
other two, called Hoattas, of which Kecoponea is chief;
and Havouhs, which is a perfect democracy without a
chief. The priest, however, whose name is Tawattaa, has
great influence with the people, and decides in all cases
of controversy, and names the time of going to war. It
seems that a few years since they expelled their chief, who
was a relation of Gattanewa, and a notorious glutton.

oO PORTER'S JOURNAL.
His offence, it appears, was the frequently waylaying the
children of the poorer class, on their return from fishing,
and taking from them their fish : they therefore rose in a
body, and drove him from the valley. He took refuge
with Gattanewa, where he now lives. He is the largest
man on the island, and his enormous size and unwieldy
appearance soon gained him among us the name of Ele
phant. The fact is, that these people cannot be said to live un
der any form of government, except a patriarchal one.
The oldest man of the tribe, if he possess the most land,
and is the owner of the most bread-fruit and cocoa-nut
trees, is the most influential character among them.
Wealth, with them, as in all other countries, attaches
respect and gives power; they have such tiling as rank
among them ; a rank which is hereditary; and they take
much pride in tracing their ancestry. Gattanewa traces
his for eighty-eight generations back, (about fourteen
hundred years) which reaches to the period when the
island was first peopled. According to tradition, Oataia,
or day-light, and Ananoona his wife, came from Vavao, an
island underneath Nooaheevah, and brought with them
bread-fruit and sugar-cane, and a great variety of other
plants. They had forty children, who were all named
after the plants they brought with them, with the excep
tion of the first son, who was called Po or night. They
settled in the valley of Tieuhoy : but soon becoming very-
populous, they went off to other parts of the island,
taking with them plants of different kinds, and inhabited
the valleys. Be this tradition true or fabulous, it is cer
tain that Gattanewa draws his greatest consideration from
inheriting the honours of the great Oataia, and an alliance
with him is sought by every family of any considerable
rank in the island.
The chiefs, and the sons and grandsons of every chief
in the island, are married to his sisters, his daughters, or
his granddaughters. Many of the latter were now un
married, and their youth and beauty soon drew the atten
tion of our officers ; and as they did not suffer them to
despond, many of them soon had the honour of boasting
a relationship with the great chieftain.

PORTER'S JOURNAL. ol
The people called collectively Happahs, reside in a
valley which makes up from the N.W. part of Comptrol
ler's Bay. They consist of six tribes ; namely, Nicekees,
Tattievows, Pachas, Kickahs, Tekaahs, and Muttaaohas ;
the names of the chiefs of which are, Mowattaeh, Peio-
who, Tekawanuohe, Kawatuah, and Toneotufah. This
is the people which now daily dared us to battle.
In a bay to leeward, called Huchaheucha, there are
three tribes, called Maamatuahs, Tiohahs, and Cahhaahe ;
their chiefs are named Potunah and Mahitatahee. These
are the allies of the Taeehs, and join them in all wars
with the tribes residing on the east of the valley of Tieu
hoy, although they are sometimes engaged in war among
themselves. On the north part of Comptroller's bay, an extensive and
beautiful valley runs deep into the island, and is thickly
inhabited, by a warlike race of people, called collectively
Typees. This valley, which is more highly cultivated
than any other in the island, and interspersed with beauti
ful villages, contains three tribes, called Poheguha, Nae-
guha, and Attayiyas. Of the first and second Tohenueh
and Poheguah are the chiefs : the latter is a democracy
without a chief.
The valley of Shoeume contains three tribes, namely
Cahhuhaka, Tomahvaheena, and Tickeymahu : the prin
cipal chief is Temaa Tipee. These are the allies of the
Typees, and generally join in peace or war with them.
This valley also runs up from Comptroller's Bay.
The valley of Hannahow, which lies on the east side
of the island, is inhabited by two great tribes of people,
the first called Hatecaah, the principal chief of which is
Tahehow. They consist of three tribes, and are called
Mooaekah, Attishou, and Attestapwiheenah. Secondly,
the people called Woheaho, consisting of three tribes ;
namely, Attehacoes, Attetomcohoy, and Attekakahaneuah.
There is also, in a valley called Tahtuahtuah, a small
tribe called Tiakahs.
The number of warriors, which each tribe can send
into the field, is as follows :
The Taeehs .... 2500
Happahs - - - 3000

32

¦PORTER'S JOURNAL.

Maamatuhahs

m

_

2000

Typees - -

-

-

3500

Showneiis

-

-

3000

Hatticahs

-

-

2500

Wooheahos -

-

-

2500

Tatuahs - -

200

19200

Making in all  19200 men, and in
a climate like this, and living as the natives of this island
do, this number should not excite any astonishment, for
all are in health and vigour : old and young are active
and strong, and all are capable of managing a spear, club,
or sling. Their general mode of fighting consists in con
stant skirmishing. The adverse parties assemble on the
brows of opposite hills, having a plain between them.
One or two, dressed out in all theirfinery, richly decorated
with shells, tufts of hair, ear ornaments, &c. &c. advance,
dancing up to the opposite party, amid a shower of spears
and stones (which they avoid with great dexterity) and
daring the other to single combat. They are soon pur
sued by a greater number, who are in turn driven back ;
and if in their retreat they should chance to be knocked
over with a stone, they are instantly despatched with
spears and war-clubs, and carried off in triumph. They
have two descriptions of spears which they use in their
warfare. Those by which they set the most store, are
about fourteen feet in length, made of a hard and black
wood, called toa, which receives a polish equal to ivory.
These are made with much neatness, and are never thrown
from the hand. The other kind are smaller, oT a light kind
of wood, and are thrown with much accuracy to a great
distance. At certain distances from their points they are
pierced with holes all round, in order that they may break
eff, with their own weight, on entering a body, and thus
be more difficult to extract. Their slings are made of the
fibres of the bark of the cocoa-nut tree, and are executed
with a degree of neatness and skill not to be excelled.
The stones thrown from them are of an oval shape, of
about half a pound weight, and are all highly polished,
by rubbing against the bark of a tree. They are worn in
a net suspended about the waist, and are thrown with
such a degree of velocity and accuracy, as to render them

/ '///¦ f r//f////, ¦///

Hfttaiet Teof/i

PORTER'S JOURiNAL, 33
almost equal to musketry. Wherever they strike, they
produce effect ; and the numerous scars, broken limbs,
and fractured skulls of the natives, prove that, notwith
standing their great dexterity in avoiding those missiles,
they are used with much effect. It is no uncommon thing
to see a warrior bearing about him the wounds of many
spears, some of which have transfixed his body ; some
bear several wounds occasioned by stones ; and I have
seen several with their skulls so indented, as that the
whole hand might have been laid in the cavity. Yet
the wounds were perfectly healed, and appeared to give
no pain. I shall probably have occasion to speak here
after of their art in healing wounds ; but I must now, while
on the subject of fractured skulls, mention a practice
which is pursued by them, and may be common elsewhere,
although I never heard of it. Whenever the skull is
cracked, the bone is laid bare, and the fracture traced to
its end, where a small hole is drilled through the skull to
prevent the crack from going any farther. This practice
is pursued wherever the fracture branches off in rays. If
there are any loose pieces of bones, they are carefully
laid in their places, the wound is bound up with certain
herbs, the virtue of which is known to them, and nature,
a temperate mode of living, and a good constitution, do the
rest. They have their professed surgeons and physicians
among them ; but they have much more confidence in
our skill than in their own.
On the 28th of October, Gattanewa, with several of the
warriors, came to inform me that the gun was at the foot
of the mountain, where I had directed it to be carried, and
that it would have reached the summit by the time our
people could get up there. When I viewed the mountains,
and imagined the difficulties they would have to surmount,
I could scarcely credit the account they gave me ; and yet
I could not conceive any motive they could have for decep
tion. I informed them that, on the next morning at day
light, forty men, with their muskets, would be on shore,
and in readiness to march. As I supposed it would be
impossible for our people to scale the mountains, when in
cumbered with their arms, I desired them to send me forty
Indians for the purpose of carrying their muskets, and an
equal number to carry provisions as well as ammunition
VOL. II. 5

34 porter's journal.
for the six pounder. This they promised me should be
done, and every arrangement was made accordingly, and
the command of the expedition given to lieutenant Downes.
I was this afternoon visited by Taiheataioa, the wife of
Gattanewa, accompanied by several of her daughters and
granddaughters. Every object about the camp seemed
to excite in them the most lively attentions, but none more
so, than the sheep and goats, which they call boarka, which
is the name for a hog. The Gallapagoes tortoises they
called manu, which is the name of a sea-tortoise. The
different occupations in which our people were employed,
seemed greatly to excite their astonishment. They went
from place to place examining, with great curiosity, the
operations within the camp. As all they saw was entirely
new to them, they appeared struck with admiration ; and
though they could not understand the object of our labours,
they made no inquiries, but silently turned their attention
to the next object which attracted them. In this manner
they wandered from my tent to the sail-makers, the coopers,
carpenters, armourers and bakers, and even the turning of
the grindstone occasioned no less wonder than the rest.
They were like children pleased with novelties, which they
eould not comprehend. Taiheataioa appeared to be an
intelligent, and had no doubt been a handsome woman .;
she bore the traces of beauty in her features, and the
beauty of her children and grandchildren, whose features
strongly resembled hers, .left no doubt in my mind as to
what she had been. Her manner was dignified, and her
gestures graceful. I found she possessed that vanity which
is so much attributed to her sex, and that she evinced no
little pleasure at being complimented on the strong resemb
lance of her granddaughters to herself. I made them
presents of several small articles, which gave them much
pleasure, and the old woman frequently reminded me that,
as I had exchanged names with Gattanewa, I was now her
husband, and (pointing to the others) that those were my
children and grandchildren, who looked up to me for pro
tection. On the morning of the 29th, the party being on shore,
consisting chiefly of the crew of the Essex Junior and the
detachment of marines, each man being furnished with an
Indian to carry his arms, and spare Indians to carry provi-

porter's journal, »jy
sions and other articles, I gave the order to march. Gat
tanewa arrived at the moment of my giving the order ; and
informed me that his daughter, who was married to a chief
of the Happahs, had just descended the mountains, and had
come as an envoy to beg that I would grant them peace —
the detachment had marched, every arrangement had been
made : I apprehended that the Happahs only wanted to
gain time : 1 had met with considerable provocation from
them, and they still kept their hostile position on the moun
tains. From the old man's solicitude for peace, whea
contrasted with his former desire for war, I for a moment
believed some treachery on foot ; 1 had sent but a handful
of men, and their arms, their ammunition, their provisions,
and even their lives, were in the hands of the Indians.
Gattanewa was in my power, and I determined to secure
him as a hostage until their return. I directed him to
sendforhis daughter, for the same purpose; but he informed
me she was far advanced in pregnancy, and unable to come
to the camp. I told him that no harm was intended him, but
that he must not leave the enclosure until the return of the
party : that the Indians of his tribes, were in possession of
many articles of value to us, and that when every thing
was returned to us, he should be at liberty to proceed
to his family. I told him that peace could not now take
place, until after a battle, when I should feel disposed t»
come to terms with the Happahs, and would respect a
^messenger, sent from them with a white flag. The old
man appeared very uneasy at his detention, and repeatedly
asked me if I would not kill him, should any of our
people be injured by the Happahs, and my assurances to
the contrary, did not relieve his anxiety, and fears for his
safety. The party on shore at the camp, now consisted
only of about ten or twelve working men, and one senti
nel : they were all engaged in their usual occupations,
when an Indian girl, who had been wandering in the bushes
came running toward us, the picture of fear, and with
terror strongly marked in every feature, exclaimed, that
the Happahs were but a short distance from the camp. I
directed the alarm gun to be fired ; every person was im
mediately armed with such weapons as presented them
selves, and we waited the expected attack behind our
harrier, the water casks ; but hearing no noise, we sallied

36 porter's journal.
out to examine the bushes, and supposed it a false alarm :
but on returning to the camp, casting our eyes up the hills,
we perceived a party skulking among the reeds and grass :
we got the six pounder to bear on them, soon dislodged
them, and had noother interruption or alarm during the day.
About eleven o'clock we perceived that our people had
gained the mountains, and were driving the Happahs from
height to height, who fought as they retreated, and daring
our men to follow them with threatening gesticulations.
A native, who bore the American flag, waved it in triumph
as he skipped along the mountains — they were attended
by a large concourse of friendly natives, armed as usual,
who generally kept-in the rear of our men. Mouina alone
was seen in the advance of the whole, and was well known
by his scarlet cloak, and waving plumes. In about an
hour we lost sight of the combatants, and saw no more of
them until about four o'clock, when they were discovered
descending the mountains on their return, the natives
bearing five dead bodies, slung on poles.
Mr. Downes and his men soon afterwards arrived at the
camp, overcome with the fatigue of an exercise to which
they had been so little accustomed. He informed me
that on his arrival near the tops of the mountains, the
Happahs, stationed on the summit, had assailed him and
his men, with stones and spears ; that he had driven them
from place to place until they had taken refuge in a for
tress, erected in a manner before described, on the brow,,.
of a steep hill. Here they all made a stand, to the num
ber of between three and four thousand. They dared our
people to ascend this hill, at the foot of which they had
made a halt to take breath. The word was given by Mr.
Downes, to rush up the hill; at that instant a stone struck
him on the belly, and laid him breathless on the ground,
and at the same instant, one of our people was pierced
with a spear through his neck. This occasioned a halt,
and they were about abandoning any farther attempt on the
place: but Mr. Downes soon recovered, and finding him
self able to walk, gave orders for a charge. Hitherto our
party had done nothing. Not one of the enemy had, to
their knowledge, been wounded. They scoffed at our men,
and exposed their posteriors to them, and treated them
with the utmost contempt and derision. The friendly na-

porter's journal. ol
lives also began to think we were not so formidable as we
pretended : it became, therefore, absolutely necessary that
the fort should be taken at all hazards. Our people gave
three cheers, and rushed on through a shower of spears
and stones, which the natives threw, from behind their
strong barrier, and it was not until our people entered the
fort, that they thought of retreating. Five were at this
instant shot dead ; and one in particular, fought until the
muzzle of the piece wras presented to his forehead, when
the top of his head was entirely blown off. As soon as this
place was taken, all further resistance was at an end. The
friendly natives collected the dead, while many ran down
to a village situated in the valley, for the purpose of se
curing the plunder, consisting of large quantities of drums,
mats, callabashes, and other household utensils, as well as
hogs, cocoa-nuts and other fruit. They also brought with
them large quantities of the plant with which they make
their finest cloth, which grows nearly as thick as the wrist,
and is highly esteemed by them. They came also laden
with plunder, which the enemy had not time to remove ;
for they could not be made to believe, that a handful of
men could drive them.
It was shocking to see the manner they treated such as
were knocked over with a shot ; they rushed on them with
their war clubs, and soon despatched them : then each
seemed anxious to dip his spear into the blood, which no
thing could induce them to wipe off — the spear, from that
time, bore the name of the dead warrior, and its value, in
consequence of that trophy, was greatly enhanced.
As soon as the party returned, I gave orders for the
liberation of Gattanewa, who hastened with speedy steps
to escape from the hill which separated us from the settle
ment. His alarm had been great, and terror had taken
such fast hold on his mind, that he dared not look behind,
lest he should perceive some danger in pursuit of him.
He had heard from the natives of our having taken the
fort ; and as this was, in his estimation, a place of incom
parable strength, he believed that nothing could resist our
progress. He supposed us stronger than we really were,
and dreaded an ally so powerful. I informed him, previous
to his departure, that I was now^ready to listen to a mes
senger from the Happahs ; but the poor old man's fright.

38 porter's journal.
would allow him to attend to nothing but his own safety.
We had gained a victory, which, to him, seemed incredi
ble ; and the number of dead which they had bome off as
trophies, had far exceeded that of any former battle within
his recollection ; as they fight for weeks, nay, for months
sometimes, without killing any on either side, though many
are, in all their engagements, severely wounded. The
Tayees had, however, a short time before our arrival, lost
one of their priests, of the greatest note, who had been
killed by an ambuscade of the Happahs ; and this circum
stance had occasioned a tabboo of the strictest nature to be
established, which was now in full force, and continued as
long as we remained on the island.
I am not acquainted with the ceremony of laying on
these tabbooes, which are. so much respected by the natives.
They are, however, laid by the priests, from some religious
motive. Sometimes they are general, and affect a whole
valley, as the present ; sometimes they are confined to a
single tribe ; at others to a family, and frequently to a sin
gle person. The word tabboo, signifies an interdiction, an
embargo, or restraint ; and the restrictions during the
period of their existence, may be compared to the lent of
the catholics. They suffer, during this period, many pri
vations ; they are not allowed to use paint, of which they
are very fond, to ornament their bodies ; they are neither
allowed to dance nor sing ; the chiefs are bound to abstain
from women ; nor are they, in many instances, allowed to
enter the houses frequented by them. They have tab-
booed places, where they feast, and drink kava — tabbooed
houses where dead bodies are deposited, and many of their
trees, and even some of their walks are tabbooed. The
women are, on no occasion whatever, allowed to enter
their places of feasting, which are houses raised, to the
height of six or eight feet on a platform of large stones,
neatly hewn and fitted together, with as much skill and ex
actness, as could be done by our most expert masons ; and
some of them are one hundred yards in length, and forty
yards in width, surrounded by a square of buildings exe
cuted in a style of elegance, which is calculated to inspire
us with the most exalted opinion of the ingenuity, taste,
and perseverance of a people, who have hitherto remained
unnoticed, and unknown to the rest of mankind. When

porter's journal. 39
we consider the vast labour requisite, to bring from a
distance the enormous rocks, which form the foundation of
these structures (for they are all brought from the sea side,
and many of them are eight feet long, and four feet thick
and wide) and reflect on the means used in hewing them
into such perfect forms, with tools perhaps little harder,
than the materials worked on, forthe appearance of many
of these places strongly mark their antiquity, and their
origin can, no doubt, be traced to a period antecedent to
their knowledge of iron ; and when we count the immense
numbers of such places, which are every where to be met
with, our astonishment is raised to the highest, that a
people in a state of nature, unassisted by any of those arti
ficial means, which so much assist and facilitate the labour
of the civilized man, could have conceived, and executed
a work, which, to every beholder, must appear stupendous.
These piles are raised with views to magnificence alone ;
there does not appear to be the slightest utility attending
them : the houses situated on them are unoccupied, ex
cept during the period of feasting, and they appear to be
long to a public, without the whole efforts of which, they
could not have been raised, and with every exertion that
could possibly have been made, years must have been re
quisite for the completion of them.
These public houses differ not much from the houses-
belonging to individuals, except in the degree of elegance
with which they are finished. Those which I have now
in view to describe, are situated round a public square,
high up the valley of the Havvouhs, and are sixteen in
number. Four large pillars, neatly formed of the bread
fruit tree, are planted in the ground, extending to the
height of twenty feet above the surface ; in the upper end
is a crutch for the reception of a long and slender cocoa-
nut tree, which is neatly polished : this forms the ridge
pole of the houses, and is the chief support of the struc
ture. From this ridge-pole, with the lower ends inclining
out about five feet, are placed bamboos, of equal sizes, at
the distance of two or three inches asunder, with the low
er ends planted in the ground ; and to give them addi
tional stability, they are neatly and firmly secured by turns
of different coloured sinnet to the well-polished trunk of
a cocoa-nut tree : across this row of bamboos is lashed,

40 porter's journal*
with the utmost neatness and strength, rows of smaller
bamboos, placed in a horizontal position, and this forms a
frame work for the back part of the house, which also an
swers for one side of the roof. At the distance of five feet
in advance of the aforesaid long pillars, are fixed in the
ground four uprights, extending eight feet above the sur
face, having also a crutch for the reception of a cocoa-nut'
tree, or sometimes a piece of hewn timber neatly fashion
ed for the purpose. This also extends the whole length
of the house, and serves to support the front part of the
roof, which is formed of the same materials, and is secured
in the same manner as the back part of the building. The
ends are, in like manner, closed in, as sometimes are the
sides, for the distance of twelve feet, forming at each end
of the house a small room. The frame work being com
pleted, they proceed to cover it, first with the leaves of
the palm tree, and next with those of the bread-fruit tree,
which are laid on with surprising neatness and regularity,
and give it an appearance of beauty, security, and durabi
lity not to be equalled by our best mode of shingling. The
building is then divided longitudinally into two equal parts,
by placing from one end to the other, in the middle, the
trunk of a cocoa-nut tree : the part toward the front is
then neatly paved with smooth stones : the back part is
covered with the finest mats, and is occupied as a sleeping
place for the whole family : the middle tree serving for them
to place their feet against, and a similar one placedagainst
the back of the building serves them as a pillow. The
external and more useful parts of the house being finished^
they proceed to ornament it by covering the bamboos,
which form the frame work, with different coloured cocoa-
nut sinnet, put on in the most fanciful manner, while the
upright columns are covered first by layers of their finest
and whitest cloth, which is firmly secured by the sinnet
aforesaid, in such a manner, as to give them, at a short dis
tance, the appearance of being handsomely and fancifully
painted. Sometimes, indeed, the columns are richly carv
ed in the form of gods, and give to the whole an air of
grandeur and elegance, which, although in a style differing
from that of every other people in the world, does not the
less astonish.
But, to proceed in my narrative : the Tayees had brought

porter's journal. 41
in the bodies of the five men killed in storming the fort.
We met with no loss on our side or on that of our allies.
We had two wounded, and one of the Indians had his jaw
broke with a stone. I saw him the day afterwards ; itswas
neatly and securely bound up with the leaves of the palm-
tree, and he appeared to suffer but little from the pain.
One of the dead, it appeared, was a native of our valley,
who had married among the Happahs. His relations had
taken charge of his body, which, on being found, had been
carefully wrapped up in matts. The rest I was informed
were lying in the public square, where the natives were
rejoicing over them. I had been informed by the whites,
on my arrival, and even by Wilson, that the natives of this
island were,cannibals : but, on the strictest inquiry, 1 could
not learn that either of them had seen them in the act of
eating human flesh. I was desirous of having this point
put beyond a doubt, though the assurances they had given
me, that they really were cannibals, had strongly inclined
me to believe that it was the case. Indeed, in conversing
with Gattanewa on the subject, he did not hestitate to ac
knowledge that it was sometimes practised by certain cha
racters ; but with much pride and exultation he added,
that none of his family, to the earliest period of their ex
istence, were known to have eaten human flesh, or to have
tasted a hog, which had died or been stolen. He said they
sometimes eat their enemies. Yet, in all their wars, which
had been carried on since Wilson and the others had been
among them, it does not appear that any had been eaten,
according to our acceptation of the word. Several of the
dead bodies of their enemies had fallen into their hands,
and had been seen by the whites in an unmutilated state
for several days after their death, until indeed they had
become too offensive for the natives to bear ; and certainly
it cannot be supposed that they would prefer eating them
in that putrid state, although Wilson declared that that was
the time they feasted on them. Desirous of clearing up
in my own mind a fact which so nearly concerned the cha
racter of a whole people, who otherwise deserved to rank
above the mere savage, I proceeded, the day after the
battle, with Wilson, and accompanied by a marine (my
usual practice when I went among them) to the house of
Gattanewa, with a view of claiming the dead bodies, in
vol. n. 6

42 porter's journal.
order that they might be buried ; and, at the same time>
to endeavour to find out whether they were really addict
ed to a practice so unnatural. The acknowledgments of
Gattanewa left but little doubt on my mind, and yet I found
it difficult to reconcile this practice with the generosity
and benevolence which were leading traits in their cha
racter. They are cleanly in their persons, washing three
or four times a day. They are cleanly in their mode of
cooking and manner of eating ; and it was remarked, that
no islander was known to taste of any thing whatever, until
he had first applied it to his nose, and if it was in the slight
est degree tainted or offensive to the smell, it was always
rejected. How then can it be possible that a people so
delicate, living in a country abounding with hogs, fruit,
and a considerable variety of vegetables, should prefer a
loathsome putrid human carcass, to the numerous delica
cies their valleys afford ? It cannot be : there must have
been some misconception. 1 proceeded to the house of
Gattanewa, which I found filled with women making the
most dreadful lamentations, and surrounded by a large
concourse of male natives. On my appearance there was
a general shout of terror ; all fixed their eyes on me with
looks of fear and apprehension. I approached the wife
of Gattanewa, and required to know the cause of this
alarm. She said, now that we had destroyed the Happahs.
they were fearful we should turn on them : she took hold of
my hand, which she kissed, and moistened with her tears :
then placing it on her head, knelt to kiss my feet. She
told me they were willing to be our slaves, to serve us,
that their houses, their lands, their hogs, and every thing
belonging to them were ours ; but begged that 1 would
have mercy on her, her children, and her family, and not
put them to death. It seemed that they had worked
themselves up to the highest pitch of fear, and on my ap
pearance with a sentinel accompanying me, they could see
in me nothing but the demon of destruction. I raised the
poor old woman from her humble posture, and begged her
to banish her groundless fears, that I had no intention of
injuring any person residing in the valley of Tieuhoy;
that if the Happahs had drawn on themselves our ven
geance, and felt our resentment, they had none to blame but
themselves. I had offered them peace ; but they had pre-

porter's journal. 43
ferred war; I had proffered them my friendship, and they
had spurned at it. That there was no alternative left me.
I had chastised them, and was appeased. Addressing my
self to her daughter, an interesting woman of about twenty-
three years of age, who had come to solicit peace, I told
her I should respect any messenger sent from her tribe
bearing a white flag; that her husband might come in
safety, and that I should be as ready to make peace,
as I had been to punish their insolence. I then ex
horted the wife of Gattanewa to endeavour to impress
on the minds of every person the necessity of living on
friendly terms with us ; that we were disposed to consider
them as brothers ; that we had come with no hostile inten
tions toward them, and so long as they treated us as friends,
we would protect them against all their enemies ; that they
and their property should be secure, and that I should in
flict the most exemplary punishment on such of my people
as should be known to impose on a friendly native ; but that
should a stone be thrown ; or an article stolen from me or
my people, and the offender not be given up to me, I should
make the valley a scene of desolation. The old woman
was all attention to this discourse as delivered through Wil
son the interpreter; and I was about proceeding when she
requested me to stop. She now rose and commanded si
lence among the multitude, which had considerably aug
mented since my arrival, and addressed them with much
grace and energy in a speech of about half an hour; ex
horting them, as I understood, to conduct themselves with
propriety, and explaining to them the advantages likely to
result from a good understanding with us. After she had
finished, she took me affectionately by the hand, and remind
ed me that I was her husband. All alarms now were sub
sided. I inquired for Gattanewa, and was informed that
he was at the public square rejoicing over the bodies of the
slain, but had been sent for. I proceeded for the place, and
met the old man hastening home. He had been out from
the earliest dawn, and had not broken his* fast. He held
in one hand a cocoa-nut shell, containing a quantity of sour
preparation of the bread-fruit, which is highly esteemed by
the natives, and in the other a raw fish, which he occa
sionally dipped into it as he ate it. As soon, however, as
Wilson gave him to understand that the practice of eating

44 porter's journal.
raw fish was disagreeable to me, he wrapped the remain
der in a palm leaf, and handed it to a youth to keep for
him until a more convenient opportunity offered for indul
ging himself. On my way to the square, I observed several
young warriors hastening along towards the place, armed
with their spears, at the ends of which were hung plantains,
bread-fruit, or cocoa-nuts, intended as offerings to their
gods ; and on my approach to the square, I could hear them
beating their drums and chanting their war-songs. I soon
discovered five or six hundred of them assembled about the
dead bodies, which were lying on the ground, still attached
to the poles with which they had been brought from the
scene of action. The warriors were all armed with
their spears, and several large drums, highly ornamented
with cloth, tastefully secured on with sinnet, were placed
near the slain, on which some were employed beating, while
Tawattaa and another priest, elevated above the rest, ap
peared to preside over the ceremonies. Ah! said Wilson,
they are now making their infernal feast on the bodies of
the dead. At this moment my approach was discovered.
They were all thrown into the utmost confusion ; the dead
bodies were in an instant snatched from the place where
they lay, and hurried to a distance among the bushes, and
shouting and hallooing evinced the utmost consternation.
I now believed the truth of Wilson's declaration, and my
blood recoiled with horror at the spectacle I was on the
point of witnessing. I directed them in an authoritative
manner to return the bodies to the place whence they had
taken them, and refused to advance a step farther until
they had done so. With much reluctance they brought
them back ; two of them carefully covered with branches
of the cocoa-tree, the others were entirely uncovered. I
immediately caused them all to be exposed to my view,
and to my great surprise found them unmutilated, except
by the clubs with which they had been despatched. I in
quired immediately into the cause of their carrying them
off in such haste, and was informed that they supposed the
sight of dead bodies would have proved disagreeable to
me. I told them I had come to claim them, in order that
they might be buried, and desired that they might be carried
to the camp, whore a grave was already dug for their in
terment. I told them that I was apprehensive that they

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porter's journal. 45
intended to eat them, and expressed, with the strongest
marks of horror, my detestation of the practice. They all
assured me that they had no intention of eating them, and
promised a compliance with my wishes should I exact it :
but entreated 1 would indulge them with the bodies a day
or two longer to sing over and perform their ceremonies,
and that I would grant them two to offer as a sacrifice to
the manes of their priests, who had been slain ; requesting,
at the same time, that I would send a person to attend the
ceremony and witness their burial ; assuring me that they
would bury them any depth I should wish. Gattanewa,
Tawattaa, and the other priest, then joined their earnest
entreaties to the rest, and informed me that it would be the
cause of great triumph to their enemies should I deprive
them of all the dead bodies, and would attribute to them
none of the honours of the victory obtained over them.
Overcome by their solicitude, I consented to their request,
and being in some measure satisfied that these people were
not cannibals, 1 consented to their keeping two, on their
promise that the others should be sent to the camp. I re
marked, that, as they brought back the dead bodies, every
person carefully avoided touching, not only them, but even
the blood on the poles to which they were slung, and in
removing the covering of cocoa-nut leaves, a stick instead
of the hand was used for the purpose : also that horror was
marked on every countenance when their numerous wounds
of spears were exposed to view ;¦ for it must be observed,
that those who were covered with leaves bore innumerable
marks of the spears which had been thrust into them at the
moment of their death ; the others had . been despatched
with clubs, after they had been shot, the marks of which
were to be seen about their heads. This delicacy in con
cealing the wounded body of an enemy, and their caution
in avoiding the touch of the blood or the dead carcasses,
greatly staggered my belief of their being cannibals, al
though they did not deny that they sometimes eat their
enemies, at least so we understood them ; but it is possible
we may have misunderstood. We had but little opportu
nity of gaining a knowledge of their language while we
remained among them ; but from the little we became
acquainted with, we are satisfied that it is not copious ; few
words serve to express all they wish to say ; and one word

46 porter's journal.
has oftentimes many significations ; as for example, the
word motte signifies / thank you, I have enough, I do not want
it, I do not like it, keep it yourself, take it away, &c. &c.
Mattee expresses every degree of injury which can happen
to a person or thing from the slightest harm to the most
cruel death. Thus a prick of the finger is mattee, to have
a pain in any part is mattee ; mattee is to be sick ; to be badly
wounded is mattee, and mattee is to kill or be killed, to be
broke (when speaking of inanimate objects) to be in
jured in any way, even to be dirtied or soiled is expressed
by the word mattee. Motakee, with slight variation of the
voice, signifies every degree of good, from a thing merely
tolerable, to an object of the greatest excellence ; thus it
is, so, so, good, very good, excellent : it signifies the qualities
and dispositions of persons ; thus they are tolerable, likely,
handsome, or beautiful, — good, kind, benevolent, generous, hu
mane. Keheva, which signifies bad, is as extensive in its use
as motakee, and, by suitable modulations of the voice, has
meanings directly opposite. This is the case with many
other words in their language; indeed with all we became
acquainted with. Kie-kie signifies to eat, it also signifies a
troublesome fellow ; may it not also have many other signifi
cations, with which we are unacquainted ? it may signify
to cut up, to divide, to sacrifice, to keep as trophies ; whether
it has these significations I am unable to say, and Wilson
could not inform me ; but many circumstances induce me
to believe they meant no more, when they informed me
they sometimes ate their enemies. That they offer the
bodies of their enemies as sacrifices to their gods, I had
more than once an opportunity of seeing, while I remained
on the island. Unfortunately the wars we were under the
necessity of carrying on against the hostile tribes furnished
them with too many subjects. Their fondness for their
bones as trophies, is evident to every person. Their skulls
are carefully preserved and hung up in their houses. Their
thigh bones are formed into harpoons, and sometimes are
richly ornamented with carvings ; their smaller bones are
formed into ornaments to be hung round their necks, re
presenting figures of their gods : they are also converted
into fan-handles, form a part of the ornaments of their
war conchs, and in fact compose part of every descrip
tion of ornament where they can possibly be applied*

porter's journal. 47
Many specimens of this kind of ornament are now in my pos
session ; and there are few of the male natives who are des
titute of them. I remarked, however, that none were in the
house, or to be found among the numerous family of the
venerable Gattanewa : and 1 am inclined to believe that
the old man wished to signify this when he was understood
to say that none of his family had ever eaten human flesh.
After this little digression (if such it may be called) which
is due to a people, who do not appear to deserve the stain
which has been cast upon them, I shall proceed in my nar
rative. As I before observed, on my appearance the music (if
it may be called such) ceased ; anxious to know as much
as possible the religion and other ceremonies of this peo
ple, I informed Gattanewa that they might proceed. The
priest mounted on his elevation ; the warriors ranged them
selves in lines about the square ; the priest, after shaking
the dried branch of a palm-tree, to which was hung a
bunch of human hair, repeated a few words, when three
shouts were given by the warriors, as if with one voice,
each shout accompanied with a loud clap of the hands,
after which the drums beat for the space of about five
minutes, during which time they all sung with loud voices
and animated gestures until their voices gradually dying
away, silence ensued — this ceremony was three times per
formed, and at each time with more and more animation :
they repeatedly pointed to the dead bodies, and would, at
times, address themselves to me. Wilson told me they
were singing their victory over their enemies, and returning
thanks to their gods for sending me to their aid. After the
ceremony was over, the priest asked me if it was not mo
takee, very fine, and on my signifying my assent, it gave
the most lively pleasure.
I now inquired if they had heard from the Happahs
since the battle : they told me one of that tribe had that
morning arrived. I directed him to be sent for: he ap
proached, trembling for his safety ; but on my offering my
hand, which I had taught all the natives was a token of
friendship, his fears seemed to subside. I learnt from him
that many of the tribe were badly wounded, and that the
whole were in the utmost dismay, and desired nothing
more ardently than peace. I represented to him the folly.

48 porter's journal.
of opposing their arms to ours, and to convince him of the
superiority of muskets, I fired at a tree some distance off;
the ball penetrated the middle of it, about the height of a
man's heart. 1 then called on all the warriors to try their
spears and slings at the same object; but they all shook
their heads, as an acknowledgment of the inferiority of
their weapons. The Happah was much astonished at the
correctness with which we fired, and said he should pro
ceed to hasten his brethren to a reconciliation. I gave
him a white handkerchief, which was attached to a spear,
and informed him the bearer of that should be respected.
On my return to the camp, I found a large supply of
bogs, cocoa-nuts, bananas, bread-fruit, tarra, and sugar
cane, with several roots of kava, partly the plunder of the
Happahs, but chiefly the contributions of the tribes of
Tieuhoy.

CHAPTER XIV.
MADISON'S ISLAND.
The hogs of this island are generally of a small and in
ferior breed, but there are many as large and as fine as
those of any part of the world. The practice of castra
ting the boars, at which the natives are very dexterous,
greatly improves their size and appearance, as well as their
flavour. The pork is remarkably sweet and delicate,
many of the smaller kind of hogs were brought to us,
which we rarely killed, the larger ones were brought in
such numbers toward the latter part of our stay, as to ena
ble me to feed my people entirely on fresh provisions.
Of these last, six were found fully sufficient to furnish an
ample daily supply to four hundred men.
According to the traditions of the natives, more than
twenty generations ago,* a god named Haii visited all the
islands of the group, and brought with him hogs and fowls,
which he left among them. He first appeared at Hataoo-
tooa Bay, which lies on the east side of the island, and
there dug for water, which he found. The tree under
which he resided, during his stay, is held sacred by the
natives, and is called by them Haii. They cannot tell
whether he came in a ship or a canoe, nor can they tell
how long he remained among them.
It may be worthy of remark here, that the natives call a
white man Othouah, and their gods bear the same appella
tion, as do their priests after their death. A white man
is viewed by them as a being superior to themselves, but
our weaknesses and passions have served to convince them
that we are, like them, human. Yet in the comparison,
every thing in their opinion marks our superiority.
Haii was, no doubt, some navigator, who, near four cen
turies ago, left the aforesaid animals among the natives.
" It, must be observed, that a man is here a grandfather at the age of
fifty, and sometimes much less : hence three generations exist within that
period, which would make, agreeable to their computation, about three
hundred or three hundred and thirty years.
vol. if. 7

50 porter's journal.
Our accounts of voyages made into this sea do not extend
so far back, and even if they did, we should be at a loss
to know him by the name given to him by the natives.
They found it impossible to pronounce our names distinctly.
even after the utmost pains to teach them, and the most
repeated trials on their part. They gave me the name of
Opotee, which was the nearest they could come to Porter.
Mr. Downes was called Onou ; lieutenant Wilmer, Woore-
me ; lieutenant M'Knight, Muscheetie, and the name of
every one else underwent an equal change. These names
we were called by, and answered to, so long as we remained
with them ; and it is not improbable that we shall be so call
ed in their traditionary accounts. If there should be no
6ther means of handing our names down to posterity, it is
likely we shall be as little known to future navigators as
Haii is to us. Although we know not the navigator who,
at that early period, (it is possible, however, that there
may be some error in the chronology of the natives) visit
ed these islands, yet we cannot be so much at a loss to
discover the nation to which he belonged. The natives
call a hog bouarka, or rather Pouarka ; and it is likely
that they still retain the name nearly by which they were
first known to them. The Spaniards call a hog porca,
giving it a sound very little different from that used by the
natives of these islands ; and as the Spaniards were the
earliest navigators in these seas, there is scarcely a doubt
that they are indebted to one of that nation for so precious
a gift. The cocoa-nuts grow in great abundance in every valley
of the island, and are cultivated with much care. This
tree is too well known to need a description ; yet the mode
used to propagate it may not be uninteresting. As the
cocoa-nuts become ripe, they are carefully collected from
the tree, which is ascended by means of a slip of strong
hark, with which they make their feet fast a little above
the ankles, leaving them about a foot asunder. Thev
then grasp the tree with their arms, feet, and knees, and
the strip of bark resting on the rough projections of the
bark of the three, prevents them from slipping down. In
this manner, by alternately shifting their feet and hands,
they ascend with great apparent ease and rapidity the
highest tree, whence they send down the fruit, which is

porter's journal. 51
then hung together in bunches to a cocoa-nut tree, situa
ted near their dwelling, at a sufficient height from the
ground to place them in perfect security. Here they are
left to dry and cure, to be laid up afterwards for a sea
son of scarcity. In this state many are found to sprout
near the stem, and all such are collected together for
planting. This is done after the shell is broken, and a
greater part of the inside is taken out, which, in their
sprouting state, consists chiefly of a soft spongy substance,
with which the inner shell in time becomes filled. This
is. very sweet and agreeable to the taste, and is much es
teemed by them. After this the shell is buried in the
ground, and a small enclosure of stones is made round it
to prevent the hogs from rooting it up. This tree bears
in about five years after it is planted. The cocoa-nut is
said to have been brought from an island called Ootoopoo,
by a god named Tao, many generations since. This island
is supposed by them to lie somewhere to the windward of
La Magdalena, one of the group of Marquesas. While
I am on this subject, I must beg leave to mention several
islands which are supposed by the natives to exist, and
which are entirely unknown to us. So fully are they
impressed with the belief, that large double canoes have
frequently left this and other islands of this group to go in
search of them. The grandfather of Gattanewa sailed
with four large, canoes in search of land, taking with him
a large stock of provisions and water, together with a
quantity of hogs, poultry, and young plants. He was ac
companied by several families, and has never been heard
of since he sailed. Temaa Tipee and his whole tribe,
about two years since, had many large double canoes con
structed for the purpose of abandoning their valley, and
proceeding in search of other islands, under the appre
hension that they would be driven off their land by other
tribes. But peace took place, the canoes were taken to
pieces, and are now carefully deposited in a house, con
structed for the purpose, where they may be kept in a
state of preservation to guard against future contingen
cies. More than eight hundred men, women, and children,
Wilson assures me, have, to his knowledge, left this and
the other islands of the Washington and Marquesas Groups.

52 porter's journal.
in search of other lands. None have ever been heard of
except in one instance. Four canoes sailed from Nooa-
heeva, or Madison's Island, in search of land to leeward ;
they fell in with Roberts' Islands to the N.W. where the
natives go annually to collect the tail feathers of the Tro
pic bird, which there resort. Here one of the canoes re
mained, the others proceeded on their voyage, running be
fore the wind. After remaining some time on the island,
which produces only cocoa-nut and some few other trees,
they determined to return to Nooaheeva. One man and
one woman remained on the island, and built a hut. The
canoe was never after heard of. The man died, and the
woman was found, and taken back by a canoe, which ar
rived there in search of feathers. Three or four days after
the departure of the canoes, on these voyages of discovery,
the priests come lurking to the houses of the inhabitants
of the valley, whence they sailed, and in a squeaking
affected voice inform them that they have found a land
abounding in bread-fruit, hogs, cocoa-nuts, every thing that
can be desired, and invite others to follow them, pointing
out the direction to sail, in order to fall in with this desi
rable spot. New canoes are constructed, and new ad
venturers commit thomselves to the ocean never to re
turn. Ask them how they obtained their knowledge of those
islands, and they tell you from their gods. They name
six Islands, two have already been mentioned, to wit,
Vavao and Ooloopoo. The others are Hitahee, to the
south of St. Christiana, which is said to be a small island.
Nookuaheeand Kappenooa, to leeward of Madison's Island,
four days' sail distant ; and Pooheka, a fine island, said to
lie to the westward of Roberts' Islands, the existence of
which is not doubted by them.
Of bananas they count upwards of twenty different
kinds, some approaching very near the plantain in their
appearance, but it is certain that they have none of the
latter on the island. The manner of ripening the banana
is as convenient and simple as it is expeditious. They dig
in the ground a round or square hole, of about three' feet
in depth, made perfectly level at the bottom, and of the
size suited to the quantity of bananas intended to be put
into it. They then collect an oily nut, much resembling

porter's journal. 53
our common walnut, which is also used by them instead of
candles. These are broken, mixed with the dirt, and
strewed about the bottom of the hole. On this is laid a
layer of grass, with which the sides are also carefully lined ;
after which, the bunches of green bananas are packed in,
and covered with grass, to prevent the dirt from coming
in contact with them. The whole is covered with dirt,
and left four days, at the expiration of which time, they
are taken out, perfectly ripe, and of a beautiful yellow
colour. The tatra is a root much resembling a yam, of a pun
gent taste, and excellent when boiled or roasted. The
natives, by grating it, and mixing it with cocoa-nut oil,
make of it a paste, which is highly esteemed by them.
It grows in a nut soil, and much pains is taken in its cul
tivation. The sugar-cane grows to an uncommon size here, it
being no unusual thing to see the stalks fourteen feet in
length, and ten or twelve inches in circumference. The
only use they make of it is to chew and swallow the juice.
The kava is a root possessing an intoxicating quality,
with which the chiefs are very fond of indulging themselves.
They employ persons of a lower class to chew it for them,
and spit it into a wooden bowl ; after which a small quantity
of water is mixed with it, when the juice is strained into
a neatly polished cup, made of a cocoa-nut shell, and
passed round among them. It renders them very stupid
and averse to hearing any noise ; it deprives them of their
appetite, and reduces them almost to a state of torpor ;
it has also the effect of making their skin fall off in white
scales, weakens their nerves, and no doubt brings on a
premature old age. They applied the word kava to every
thing we ate or drank of a heating or pungent nature.
Rum and wine was called kava ; pepper, mustard, and
even salt, with the nature and use of which they are en
tirely unacquainted, were called kava, as was also our
spittle. A mineral water of a strong taste, several springs
bf which are to be found on the island, and are held in
high estimation by the natives for the cure of scrofulous
and some other complaints, is called vie kava.
The bread-fruit tree has been so often and so minutely
described by other voyagers, that a description of it here

54 porter's journal.
may be thought by some superfluous. I have but little
new to offer on the subject. Yet, as a description of it
may not be disagreeable to such as may chance to peruse
these pages, and as they are written chiefly for the im
provement and information of my son, it is proper that I
should instruct him on every subject which has come with
in my knowledge. The bread-fruit tree of this island
grows with great luxuriance, in extensive groves, scattered
through every valley. It is of the height of fifty or sixty
feet, branching out in a large and spreading top, which
affords a beautiful appearance and an extensive shade from
the rays of the sun; the trunk is about six feet in circum
ference ; the lower branches about twelve feet from the
ground ; the bark soft, and on being in the slightest degree
wounded, exudes a milky juice, not unpleasant to the taste,
which, on being exposed to the sun, forms an excellent
bird-lime, and is used by the natives as such, not only for
catching birds, but a small kind of rat with which this
island is much infested. The leaves of this tree are six
teen inches long and nine inches wide, deeply notched,
somewhat like the fig leaf. The fruit, when ripe, is about
the size of a child's head, green, and divided by slight
traces into innumerable six-sided figures. This fruit is
somewhat eliptical in its shape, has a thin and delicate
skin, a large and tough core, with remarkable small seeds
situated in a spongy substance between the core and the
eatable part, which is next the rind. It is eaten baked,
boiled, or roasted ; whole, quartered, or cut in slices, and
cooked. Either way it was found exceedingly palatable,
was greatly preferred by many to our soft bread, which it
somewhat resembled in taste, but was much sweeter. It
was found also very fine, when cut into slices, and fried in
butter or lard. It keeps only three or four days, when ga
thered and hung up ; but the natives have a method of
preserving it for several years, by baking, wrapping it up
in leaves, and burying it in the earth. In that state it be
comes very sour, and is then more highly esteemed by
them than any other food. The bread-fruit tree is every
thing to the natives of these islands. The fruit serves
them and their hogs for food throughout the year, and fur
nishes large supplies to be laid up for a season of scarcity.
The trees afford them an agreeable and refreshing shade ;

porter's journal. 55
the leaves are an excellent covering for their houses ; of
the inner bark of the small branches they make cloth ;
the juice, which exudes, enables them to destroy the rats
which infest them ; and of the trunk of the tree they form
their canoes, many parts of their houses, and even their
gods. Describe to one of the natives of Madison's Island
a country abounding in every thing that we consider desi
rable, and after you are done, he will ask you if it pro
duces bread-fruit. A country is nothing to them without
that blessing, and the season for bread-fruit is the time of
joy and festivity. It commences in December, and lasts
until September, when the greatest abundance reigns among
them. They sometimes gather it when at the extremity
of the branches, by means of a long stick split at the end,
with which they seize the stem, and dexterously twist it off,
rarely letting the fruit fall to the ground. They com
monly, however, have a small net, kept open at the mouth
by means of a hoop, and attached to a pole, in the manner
of a crab-net ; with this they disengage the fruit from the
branches, receiving it in the net.
The young shoots from the roots are carefully collected,
and planted in a nursery, until they arrive at a sufficient
size to be transplanted ; they are several years old before
they bear.
This day, Mowattaeeh, a chief of the Happahs, of the
tribe of Nieekees, and son-in-law to Galtenewa, came,
accompanied by several others of his tribe, with the white
handkerchief which I had sent them, to treat with me for
a peace. I received him with mildness, and gently ex
postulated with them on their imprudence, in having
insisted on hostilities with me. They expressed the ut
most regret for their past folly, and hoped that 1 would
allow them, in future, to live on the same friendly terms
with me as Gattanewa and his people, stating their willing
ness to comply with every thing I should exact from them
in reason. I informed them that as I had offered them
peace, and they had rejected it, and had put me to the
trouble of chastising them, it was proper that we should
receive some compensation. We were in want of hogs,
and fruit, and they had an abundance of them, and I wished
them to give me a supply once a week, for my people, for
which they should be compensated in iron, and such

56 porter's journal.
other articles as would be most useful to them. Gattanewa
and many of his tribe were present, and appeared charmed
with the terms offered to the Happahs ; said they would
henceforth be brothers, and observing, that 1 had not
yet presented my hand, took it affectionately, and placed
it in that of Mowattaeeh. After a short silence, Mowattaeek
observed, tbat we must suffer much from the rain in our
tents, as they did not appear capable of securing us from
the wet. Yes, said Gattanewa, and we are bound to make
the Hekai (a title which they all gave me) and his people
comfortable while they remain with us. Let every tribe
at peace with him, build a house for their accommodation,
and the people of the valley of Tieuhoy will show them the
example, by building one for the residence of Opotee.
This proposal met with general applause, and people
were immediately despatched to prepare materials for
erecting the fabric next day, at which time the Happahs
promised to bring in their supply, and the day after to
construct their house. In the course of the day, the other
chiefs of the Happahs, came in with their flags, and sub
scribed to the terms proposed. In less than two days, I
received envoys from every tribe in the island, with the
exception only of the warlike tribes of Typees, of the valley
of Vieehee, and the Hatecaahcottwohos, in the distant valley
of Hannahow ; the first confiding in their strength, valour,
and position ; the. others in their distance and numbers for
their protection. The first had always been victorious in
all their wars, and the terror of their enemies ; the others
were their firm allies. Neither had ever been beaten,
they had been taught by their priests to believe that they
never would be, and it was their constant boast, that they
had ever kept their valley free from the incursions of an
enemy. All, with these exceptions, agreed to the terms proposed ;
supplies were brought in by the tribes in great abundance,
and from this time, for several weeks, we rioted in luxu
ries which the island afforded. To the principal persons
of the tribes, I always presented a harpoon, it being to
them the most valuable article of iron, and to the rest
scraps of iron hoops were thrown, for which they took
much delight in contending. Those who got none appear
ed equally satisfied with the rest ; those who were so fortu-

porter's journal. , 57
nate as to obtain a large piece, generously divided it with
the others, and in no one instance did the mode of payment
produce among them riot or dispute. The division was
amicably and satisfactorily settled among themselves, with
out any interposition on my part, or that of the chiefs.
All seemed perfectly satisfied that they would get their
proportion, and the only contention among them was, who
should get the most at their first outset, that they might
afterwards have the pleasure of dividing it among the
others. I have frequently thrown to them whole hoops,
and it was no uncommon thing, for one of them to seize
three, into one of which he would slip his body, while his
arms were thrust through the others, and endeavour to
make his escape from the camp. He would soon, how
ever, be encompassed by numbers, who would each mark,
with slips of bark, six or eight inches of a hoop, which he
would claim as his own. They would all then retire, in a
friendly manner, when the hoops would be broken in
pieces, and each man receive his own. In this manner
were all their affairs transacted without riot, without con
fusion, and without disputes. And so long as I remained
on the island, I never saw or heard of the slightest differ
ence between individuals, except in one instance, and they
were of different valleys and tribes. The utmost harmony
prevails among them ; they live like affectionate brethren
of one family, and the authority of their chiefs appears to
be only that of fathers among their children.
Whether they have any mode of punishing offences, or
whether punishment is ever necessary among them, I
cannot say. I am inclined to be, however, of the latter
opinion. I saw no punishments inflicted, nor did I ever
hear that there was any cause.
Their fruit-trees, except those which are tabbooed, are
without enclosure ; their smaller and more delicate plants,
as well as their roots, have only a wall to prevent the de
predations of hogs. Their houses are open in front, and
their furniture, many parts of which are of great value to
them, is entirely exposed. Their hogs are wandering in
every part ot the valley ; their fishing nets and their clothes
are left exposed on the beach, and spread on the grass ; no
precautions are taken to guard against theft, and I therefore
conclude, that thefts among themselves are unknown.
vol. u. 8

58 porter's journal.
That they, and particularly the women of that class which
cohabited with the sailors, will steal from strangers, I had
abundant proof. These, however, were of the lowest order,
and honesty is not expected from them in any part of the
world. During our operations at the camp, where carpenters,
coopers, armourers, sail-makers, &c. were employed,
it is natural to suppose that small tools, and articles of
great value, were exposed to the natives. As from sunrise
to sunset, the camp was perfectly invested with them, it
would have been impossible to prevent, or to have detected
thefts, had they been so inclined. But as numerous as
they were, constantly assisting us in our labours, mixing
with our men, sitting for hours, eyeing with the greatest
attention the different works, carrying, or handling and
examining tools of every description, entering our tents
and houses, performing for us many domestic services,
assisting us in our wars, carrying for us our arms, our cloth
ing, and provisions, being absent from us whole days with
those precious things, still, during our stay, no article, was
ever missed by any person, except some trifles which were
pilfered from the sailors by the girls, and this was, in all
probability, in retaliation for the tricks which had been
played on them. The clothing of the officers and men,
which was washed at a stream, much frequented by the
natives of both sexes, at the distance of near half a mile
from the camp, was frequently exposed, and might easily
have been carried off unperceived. But none of it was
ever lost, and I am inclined to believe that a more honest,
or friendly and better disposed people does not exist under
the sun. They have been stigmatized by the name of
savages ; it is a term wrongly applied; they rank high in
the scale of human beings, whether we consider them
morally, or physically. We find them brave, generous,
honest, and benevolent, acute, ingenious, and intelligent,
and the beauty, and regular proportions of their bodies,
correspond with the perfections of their minds. They
are far above the common stature of the human race, sel
dom less than five feet eleven inches, but most commonly
six feet two or three inches, and every way proportioned.
Their faces are remarkably handsome, with keen, piercing
eyes ; teeth white, and more beautiful than ivory ; coun-

porter's journyi.. 59
tenancesopen and expressive, which reflect every emotion
of their souls ; limbs which might serve as models for a
statuary, and strength and activity proportioned to their
appearance. The skin of the men, is of a dark copper-
colour, but that of the youths and girls is of a light brown.
The first are as beautiful as those of any part of the world ;
but the latter, although possessing intelligent and open
countenances, fine eyes and teeth, and much acuteness and
vivacity, are far from being as handsome as the men.
Their limbs and hands, (particularly the latter) are more
beautifully proportioned than those of any other women :
but a graceless walk, and a badly shaped foot, occasioned
hy going without shoes, take greatly from their charms.
They possess much cunning, much coquetry, and no fide
lity : the first proves a mind filled with intelligence, and
susceptible of improvement ; the second is said to be
natural to their sex in every part of the world ; and the
third, they do not consider as necessary ; it is not expected
of them by their husbands. Go into their houses, you
might there see instances of the strongest affection of wives
for their husbands, and husbands for their wives, parents
for their daughters, and daughters for their parents ; but
at the camp they met as perfect strangers. Every woman
was left at her own disposal, and every thing pertaining to
her person was considered as her own exclusive property.
^Virtue among them, in the light which we view it, was
unknown, and they attached no shame to a proceeding
which they not only considered as natural, but as an inno
cent and harmless amusement, by which no one was injured :
many parents considered themselves as honoured by the
preference given to their daughters, and testified their
pleasure by large presents of hogs and fruit, which to them
must have appeared munificent. With the young and
timid virgins, no coercive measures were used by their
parents to compel them to make any sacrifices, but endear
ing and soothing persuasions, enforced by rewards, were
frequently adopted to overcome their fears. With the
common sailors and their girls, all was helter skelter, and
promiscuous intercourse, every girl the wife of every man
in the mess, and frequently of every man in the ship ; each
one from time to time took such as suited his fancy and
convenience, and no one among them formed a connexion

60 porter's journal,
which was likely to produce tears at the moment of sepa
ration. With those of a superior class, the case was dif
ferent ; the connexions formed were respectable, and
although their fair friends delighted in playing, on every
occasion, little tricks of infidelity, which they considered
as perfectly harmless, still they showed a fondness for the
person with whom they were connected, and the parting,
in several instances, I am sure, occasioned tears of real
sorrow. I must, however, do them the justice to say, that in prac
tising the little infidelities above mentioned, they did not
appear sensible of doing an injury to their lover; they
were done as acts of retaliation on some of their female
acquaintances ; they were always flattered by a preference
given them, and this preference, enforced by the powerful
charm of a whale's tooth, could at all times purchase the
favours of the best of them. When they had gained their
prize, they could not refrain from boasting of it to their
confidants, and in time it came to the ears of the lady who
supposed she had the stronger claim to the tooth ; this
produced an act of retaliation on her part, not to injure
her lover, but to mortify the lady who had infringed on her
prerogatives. It is true, they are not insensible to jea
lousy, but this feelingjs confined altogether to the females,
who watch as carefully the conduct of their lovers, as the
most jealous Don the wanderings of his spouse. She
appears much offended if he show any attention to another
female, and claims him exclusively as her own : whether
this proceeds from motives of interest, which leads them
to believe that all the little tie ties which he has to bestow
should in time fall to them, or from custom, which gives
to the females of this island a privilege which is supposed
to be confined only to the men in other countries, I cannot
say, but perhaps from both. The young girls of this island
are the wives of all who can purchase their favours, and a
handsome daughter is considered by her parents as a bless
ing which secures to them, for a time, wealth and abun
dance. After they have advanced in years, and have had
children, they form more permanent connexions, and
appear then as firmly attached to their husbands, as
the women of any other country\ indeed, it has often
afforded me the most lively pleasure to witness the strong

porter's journal. 61
affection which husbands and wives have shown for each
other, and the tender care they at all times bestow on their
offspring ; they appeared actuated by one interest, and
both took equal pleasure in fondling their infants. But
Qhe girls, from twelve to eighteen years of age, rove at
will ; this period of their lives is a period of unbounded
pleasure, unrestrained in all their actions, unconfiried by
domestic occupations, their time is spent in dancing, sing
ing, and ornamenting their persons to render themselves
more attractive in the eyes of man, on whom they indis
criminately bestow their favours, unrestrained by shame
or fear of the consequences. That terrible disease which
has proved so destructive to mankind, is unknown to'them,
and they give free scope to the indulgence of their pas
sions, living in the most pleasurable licentiousness. \
The dress of the women is handsome, and far from being
immodest ; it has already been in part described, but a more
minute description may not be unsatisfactory. It consists
of three parts only : The head-dress, the robe, and the
part worn as the petticoat : the first is called pahhee, the
second cahu, and the third ahuwahee. The pahhee consists
of a remarkably fine and white piece of paper cloth, of
open texture, and much resembling a species of finegause,
called by us spider's web ; this is put on in a very neat
and tasty manner, and greatly resembles a close cap.
The hair is put up gracefully in a knot behind, and the
head, when dressed in this manner, bears no slight resem
blance to the prevailing fashion of the present day in
America. The cahu consists of a long and flowing piece
of paper-cloth, of a close and strong texture, which enve
lops the body, extending to the ankles, and has its upper
corners tastily knotted on one shoulder, having frequently
the whole of the opposite arm, and part, and sometimes the
whole, of thebreast exposed. They display many graces
in the use of this part of the dress, sporting the knot
sometimes on one shoulder, and sometimes on the other,
at times carefully concealing, and at others exposing their
charms. Sometimes the knot is brought in front, when
the whole bosom is exposed to view ; at other times it is
thrown behind, to display a well-formed back and shoul
ders, or a slender waist.
The ahuwakee is a piece of cloth which passes twice

62 porter's journal.
round the waist, and hangs down to the calves of the legg,.
performing the part of a petticoat. The whole of this
dress being white, and generally kept clean and neat, gives
to these female islanders an appearance of grace and modes
ty not to be found among any others in a state of nature.
Their ornaments consist of beads strung round their necks,
and circular pieces of ivory or whale's teeth attached to
their ears. They have also another species of ornament,
tastily formed of a dark kind of wood, which receives a
high polish ; it is fashioned something in the form of the
lettqrZ, has its ends tipped with the mother of pearl, and
is otherwise ornamented with beads and small teeth. They
also wear occasionally round their necks a small wild
cucumber, which abounds on the island ; also a large red
berry, which grows on a tree, and resembles, at a distance,
the dried red peppers. The smell of this latter is agree
able, and this is probably what they most esteem it for.
They also are fond of tying round their necks large hunches
of sweet scented flowers, and when not restrained by
tabbooes, they ornament their heads with rich plumage
formed of the hreastand tail feathers of the cock. They
also anoint thernselves with cocoa-nut oil mixed with a
red paint made from turmeric-root, which is here highly
esteemed, and cultivated with much care. This, in a short
time, removes the yellowness of the skin, and displays a
fair and clear complexion, which might vie in beauty with
our handsomest dames. The roses are then blooming on
their cheeks, and the transparency of their skin enables
you to trace^heir fine blue veins. I had an opportunity
of visiting a tribe that had not for a long time been tab
booed. The beauty and gayety of the women astonished
me, and I noticed some of the young girls, who, as respected
the form of their persons, beauty of their faces, and fair
ness of their skins, might have served as the most perfect
models. Agreeably to the request of the chiefs, I laid down the
plan of the village about to be built. The line on which
the houses were to be placed was already traced by our
barrier of water casks. They were to take the form ef a
crescent, to be built on the outside of theenclosure, and to
be connected with each other by a wall twelve feet in
length and four feet in height. The houses were to be fifty

porter's journal. 65
feet in length, built in the usual fashion of the country, and
of a proportioned width and height.
On the 3d November, upwards of four thousand na
tives, from the different tribes, assembled at the camp with
materials for building, and before night they had completed
a dwelling-house for myself, and another for the officers, a
sail loft, a cooper's shop, and a place for our sick, a bake
house, a guard-house, and a shed for the sentinel to walk
under. The whole were connected by the walls as above
described. We removed our barrier of water casks, and
took possession of our delightful village, which had been
built as if by enchantment.
Nothing could exceed the regularity with which these
people carried on their work, without any chief to guide
them, without confusion, and without much noise. They
performed their labour with expedition and neatness.
Every man appeared to be master of his business, and
every tribe appeared to strive which should complete
their house with most expedition, and in the most perfect
manner. When the village was completed, I distributed among
them several harpoons, and as usual gave them an oppor
tunity of contending for old iron hoops. All were perfect
ly happy and contented, and it was the cause of great
pleasure to Gattanewa and his people that I praised the
house they had built above all the rest.
It seems strange how a people, living under no form of
government that we could ever perceive, having no chiefs
over them who appear to possess any authority, having
neither rewards to stimulate them to exertion, nor dread
of punishment before them, should be capable of concei
ving and executing, with the rapidity of lightning, works
which astonished us. They appear to act with one mind,
to have the same thought, and to be operated on by the
same impulse. They can be compared only to the bea
vers, whose instinct teaches them to design and execute
works which claim our admiration. Of all the labours.
that which most surprised me was, carrying the gun to the
mountains. I have since, with much difficulty, and at the
hazard of breaking my neck, travelled the path by which
it was carried, or rather I have scrambled along the sides
of the precipices, and climbed the almost perpendicular

64 porter's journal.
rocks and mountains, to the summits of which they suc
ceeded in raising it ; and 1 never should have believed it
possible that a people so devoid of artificial means of as
sisting labour, should have been able to perform a task so
truly herculean. I inquired by what manner they had di
vided the labour among themselves, in order that each
might share his proportion of it. They told me they had
carried it by valleys, that is, the people of one valley, had
agreed to take it a certain distance, when it was to be
received and carried on by those of another valley, and so
on to the top of the mountain. This was all the informa
tion 1 could obtain on the subject. No doubt they had
recourse to some mode of apportioning the labour among
themselves ; for it was observed that they, from time to
time, relieved each other, and that some were occupied
solely in the transportation of the carriage. The gun was
brought down again, without any desire being expressed
on my part, when it was no longer expected to be of use.
I had felt indifferent about the gun, as we had an abun
dance of them, and if I had any wish on the subject, it
was that it should remain on the mountains as a monument
of their great exertions.
As I before remarked, they have no chiefs who appear
to assume any authority over them. They have only
patriarchs, who possess solely the mild and gentle influ
ence of a kind and indulgent father among his children*
Gattanewa owns much land, and his tenants pay him in
kind. When presents are to be made, he calls upon them
for his due in hogs, cocoa-nuts, bananas, or bread-fruit ;
other landholders follow his example, the contributors
assemble before his house, one with two or more cocoa-
nuts, a bunch of bananas, one or two bread-fruit, a hog^
a stalk of sugar-cane, or a root of tarra. When all are
collected, Gattanewa, his son, or grandson, takes the lead,
and they march in one line for the camp, to the number of
two or three hundred. In the same manner we received
the contributions of all the other tribes, with this difference
only, that all the tribes except those of the valley of
Tieuhoy were always preceded by a person bearing a white
flag. When I asked Gattanewa why this practice was not
adopted by the people of his valley, his reply was, every
body knew Ave were friends.

porter's journal. 65
Although no external marks of respect were shown to
Gattanewa ; although he mixed unnoticed in the crowd ;
although he steered, and sometimes paddled, his own
canoe, caught fish for his family, assisted in the construc
tion of canoes, in the formation of household and other
utensils, and bore the reputation of being one of the most
ingenious and industrious mechanics on the island, still
Gattanewa had his rank, and that rank was known and
respected. To touch the top of his head, or any thing
which had.heen on his head, was sacrilege. To pass over
his head was an indignity never to be forgotten. Gatta
newa, nay, all his family, scorned to pass a gateway which
is ever closed, or a house with a door ; all must be as open
and as free as their unrestrained manners. He would
pass under nothing which had been raised by the hand of
man, if there was a possibility of getting round or over
it. Often have I seen him walk the whole length of our
barrier, in preference to passing between our water casks ;
and at the risk of his life scramble over the loose stones of
a wall, rather than go through the gateway. The mat on
which Gattanewa reposed was held in such respect, that
it could not be touched by a female, not even by his wife
and family, whose mats in turn were tabooed for those of
of an inferior class. Indeed there are women, and some
of the handsomest on the island, whose parents are con
sidered wealthy and respectable, but they dare not walk
or sit on a mat. They are not of royal blood, and this is
a prerogative which seems confined to them.
Gattanewa has his servants, who perform for him and
his family many domestic services, such as cooking, bring
ing water, &c. It does not appear, however, that he has
any claims on their services ; he gives them food, and as
long as it suits them they stay. They mix with his family,
occupy the same room, and a stranger, on entering the
house of Gattanewa, would not know him from one of his
domestics. By the time our village was completed, everything had
been taken out of the frigate, and the powder and provi
sions deposited on board the prizes. The ship had been
thoroughly smoked with charcoal, to destroy the rats,
which, on opening the hatches, were found in great num
bers dead about the large pots in which the fires were
vol. n. 9

66 porter's journal.
made. Several tubs full of them were collected and
thrown overboard, and it was supposed that, exclusive of
the young, which were killed in the nests, and could not
be found, we did not destroy a less number than from
twelve to fifteen hundred. The caulking and other re
pairs of the ship went on with much expedition and regu
larity, and among other defects we found our main-topmast
in a very decayed state. We were however enabled to
replace it with a spare one on board, and every thing pro
mised that we should not meet with many embarrassments
or delays. As soon, however, as our painting commenced,
we felt the want of oil. We caught two remarkably large
sharks, and endeavoured to substitute the oil extracted
from their livers, but found it would not answer. We
next tried black-fish oil, but it did not succeed. Fortu
nately, having a small quantity of the oil of the black whale
on board our prizes, we found it answered nearly as well
to paint as that which is extracted from flax-seed, and ge
nerally known by the name of linseed oil. With this we
were enabled to improve the external appearance of the
ship, but had not a sufficient quantity to paint her inside.
We afterwards, however, found that this island affords an
excellent substitute for linseed oil, in the oily walnuts,
formerly mentioned, as being used by the natives in ripen
ing bananas, and for candles. The oil, of which they
afford a large quantity, is easily expressed, and is nowise
inferior to the best paint oil. As such, it is used not only
by the natives of the Sandwich Islands, where it abounds,
for painting their clothes, but by vessels touching there,
which need a supply of that article.
We found our copper much injured in many parts a
little below the surface of the water, and were enabled,
hy means of the supply we had obtained and secured from
our prizes, to make the necessary repairs, after giving
the ship a slight careen. Her bottom was found, on
examination, to have on it barnacles, in considerable
quantities, together with much grass and moss, which had
no doubt collected at the Gallipagoes. To cleanse it and
free the ship from those embarrassments which must great
ly impede her sailing, the natives were employed, who,
by diving down, with the assistance of the outer shell of
the cocoa-nut, soon removed them. The boatswain, as

porter's journal 67
soon as he had completely overhauled the rigging of the
ship, was employed on shore with a number of hands, where
a rope-walk was established, to enlarge to a suitable size
for a sea stock, the whale line and other small cordage
found on board our prizes, as also to make into small
cordage the junk remaining from our old and condemned
cables. Every thing went on with order and regularity :
every person was employed to the best advantage, and jet
all were allowed sufficient time for amusement and relax
ation. Wrestling, throwing the spear, jumping, and pitch
ing quoits, occupied some of their leisure time.
Temaa Tipee, of the valley of Shoueme, had not been
so punctual as the other tribes in sending in his supplies,
and his example had in some measure occasioned a falling
off on the part of the others. I therefore found it neces
sary to let him know that I had noticed his neglect, and
consequently sent a messenger to him to inquire whether
he was disposed to remain on friendly terms with me, as he
might take his choice, either peace or war. On the re
turn of the messenger, he informed me, that Temaa Ti
pee desired nothing more ardently than pep.ce, and that
he should have been more punctual in the performance of
his engagements, had not the Happahs refused to permit
him and his tribe a passage through their valley. I sus
pected this to be false ; I knew that the Happahs dare not
act so contrary to my wishes. He, however, promised to
bring his supplies by water in future punctually, and in
the course of the day after the return of the messenger,
landed at the beach in front of the village with six large
canoes laden with hogs and fruit. His complaint of the
Happahs had induced me to send a messenger immediately
to that tribe, with a threat of punishment, in case of fu
ture difficulties between them and the tribes with whom
I was at peace. They denied positively having refused
him a passage, and strengthened their assertions with fresh
supplies. On the arrival of Temaa Tipee I remonstrated with him
on the falsehood he had told me. He assured me that as
he returned home from my camp, they had not only
threatened, but had thrown stones at him, calling him
coward, and threatening to drive him off his land. But
on a closer inquiry, I found that I had been misinformed a=

bi". porter'? journal.
to the tribe that had treated him so cavalierly. It was
the warlike tribe of the Typees of the valley of Vieehee,
who had excited so much alarm in the minds of the Shou
emes. They had always been the allies of each other ;
their valleys were only separated by a small ridge ; they
had intermarried and became almost as one tribe. The
principal villages of the Shouemes were situated near the
water, and wholly exposed to our attacks ; while those of
the Typees were considered as secured by their distance
from the sea, and the almost impenetrable forests and per
pendicular mountains by which only they were to be
approached. The first consulted prudence, the others felt
their own strength and security, and losing sight of the
exposed situation of the Shouemes, attributed their conduct
to kcowardice alone, and spurned them as a degenerate
tribe, unworthy of future alliance with them. Temaa
Tipee claimed my protection, which I promised him. He
then requested me to exchange names. I told him I had
but two, one of which, (and the one I most esteemed) I
had exchanged with Gattanewa, the other, however, was at
his service as long as he and his tribe remained faithful to
us. He and all present promised fidelity, and I gave him
the name of David, while I took that of Temaa Tipee.
Tavee (for so he called himself) and all his tribe were
greatly pleased at the compliment, and from that time to
the time of our departure conducted themselves with the
utmost fidelity and friendship, and seldom permitted more
than four or five days to elapse without sending in presents.
Tavee was one of the handsomest men on the island, re
markably fond of ornamenting his person, a strip of red
cloth, a string of beads, or a whale's tooth, had charms for
him which were irresistible, and every thing which he
held most dear were offered to obtain them.
The wife of Tavee was said to be the handsomest wo
man on the island, aud he the fondest husband. Yet
Tavee has repeatedly offered her to me for a string of
glass beads.
Sometime after this I sent a messenger to the Typees to
inquire if they wished to be at peace with us, and to say
that we were strongly disposed to be at peace with all the
tribes on the island; but that this disposition did not proceed
from fear, as I had strength enough to drive their united for-

porter's journal. 69
ces into the sea ; but if they were disposed to be at peace, I
was willing to meet them on the same terms as the other
tribes, arid only required an exchange of presents as a proof
of their friendly disposition. In reply, they required toknow
why they should desire a friendship with us, or why they
should bring us hogs and fruit ? If I was strong enough,
they knew I would come and take them; that my not
doing so was an acknowledgment of my weakness ; and
that it was time enough to think of parting with them when
they could no longer keep their valley. I was desirous of
avoiding as long as possible hostilities with those people,
but was fearful that their example might change the con
duct of others towards us. Their message was delivered
to me in the presence of Gattanewa, of Mouina, and many
of the friendly tribes. Mouina frothed with rage, and was
for proceeding to hostilities immediately ; but Gattanewa
became serious and dejected, and after a silence of a few
minutes told me he would send his son to advise them to be
friendly with us ; nay, said the old man, I will go myself;
they are not aware of the dreadful effects of bouhies, and
they must not suffer in consequence of their ignorance. I
told him to send his son, that he was too old to proceed to
so great a distance, and that I would wait his return before
I determined what course to pursue. In two days he re
turned, and was desired by the Typees to tell Gattanewa
and all the people of the valley of Tieuhoy, that they were
cowards-^that we had beat the Happahs because the Hap
pahs were cowards ; that as to myself and my people, we
were white lizards, mere dirt; and as the most contemp
tible epithet which they could apply, said we were the
posteriors and the privates of the Taeehs. We were,
said they, incapable of standing fatigue, overcome by the
slightest heat and want of water, and could not climb the
mountains without Indians to assist us and carry our arms.
Yet we talked of chastising the Typees, a tribe which had
never been driven by an enemy, and as their gods informed
them were never to be beaten. They dared us to come
into their valley, and said they would convince us they did
not dread our bouhies as much as they were dreaded by
the cowardly tribes of the Taeehs, Happahs, and Shouemes.
Now, said Gattanewa, I consent to war, they deserve chas
tisement ; and Mouina shortly afterwards appeared at the

70 porter's journal.
i.
village boiling with rage, and in rather a peremptory tone
insisted on immediate hostilities. My aim was to render
all the tribes subservient to my views. I then thought it
necessary to check the manner of Mouina, lest it might
become contagious, and I should find a difficulty in keeping
them in that subjugation by which only we could render
ourselves secure. I told him, therefore, that I did not
need his advice, and that I should go to war or make peace
when I thought proper, without consulting him ; that it was
only necessary that he should do as I directed him, and
every thing must be left to myidianagement. I further
told him to leave our village until he could learn to con-
'duct himself more respectfully. He walked off a few
paces among the crowd, then turning round, coolly said, he
believed I was a great coward. Forgetting that this was
the observation of a mere Indian, I seized a musket and
pursued him ; he retreated among the crowd, and on my
approaching him, presenting the musket and threatening
him with destruction, on a repetition' of such expressions,
terror was marked on his countenance. I directed him
immediately to leave the enclosure, and never presume to
enter it again.
I now inquired of Gattanewa the number of war canoes
which he could equip and man ; he informed me ten, and
that each would carry about thirty men, and that the Hap
pahs could equip an equal number of equal size ; he told me
it would be six days before they could be put together and
got in readiness ; but if I wished it, his people should set
about it immediately. I directed them to do so, and de
spatched a messenger to the Happahs directing them to pre
pare their war canoes to be in readiness to go to war with the
Typees, and await my further orders. I gave them as well
as the Taeehs to understand, that it was my intention to
attack them both by sea and by land, and that I should
send a large body of men in boats, and a ship to protect
the landing of them and the war canoes, and that the re
mainder of the warriors of both tribes must proceed by
land to attack them in the part where they were most as
sailable. I had hoped now to terrify the Typees by the
formidable armament which was coming against them, and
was glad to fix on some distant period for the commence
ment of hostilities, anxious to put them off as long aspos-

71
sible. Every thing now bore the appearance of war ; the
Taeehs and Happahs could talk and think of nothing else,
and I found it policy to keep this spirit alive, as it was
likely to secure their friendship. Apprehensive however
of a change of disposition on their part, I now conceived
the design of constructing a fort, not only as a protection
to our village and the harbour, but as a security to the •
Taeehs against further incursions ; and while it enabled us
to give to them the most ample protection, would place
them perfectly in our power, in the event of any hostility
on their part. The place I had fixed on has been in some
measure described as well suiting the purpose. We had
an abundance of old water-casks, which, when filled with
dirt, would afford an excellent breastwork, and small guns
which we could conveniently mount. But before the
commencement of this undertaking, I considered it advise-
able to obtain the consent of the tribes of the valley. I
had for some time past intended leaving my prizes here as
the most suitable place to lay them up, and this fort would
give them additional security. Besides, I believed that the
possession of this island might at some future period be of
importance to my country, and I was desirous of rendering
her claim to it indisputable. With these objects in view,
I called on Gattanewa, and inquired of him and his people,
who had assembled, whether they had any objections to my
constructing the fort. They informed me that they were
much pleased with my intention, as it would enable me to
give them more effectual protection, and requested that
they might be permitted to assist in its construction. I
now required to know of them whether they would always
be faithful to the American flag, and assist us in opposing
our enemies. They replied that they had placed them
selves entirely under my protection and contro], that our
enemies should be their enemies, that they would always
receive my countrymen as brethren among them, and as
far as lay in their power prevent our enemies from coming
among them, knowing them to be such. I had frequently
informed them of our being at war with Great Britain, and
now explained to them the nature of our government, on
which Gattanewa requested that they might not only be
our friends and brothers, but our countrymen. I promised
them that they should be so, and that they should be adopt-

11 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
ed as such as soon as the fort should be completed, when
a salute should be fired on the occasion.
The Indians, instructed and assisted by a few of my
people, levelled the top of the hill, the breastwork of water-
casks were formed and filled with dirt, suitable spaces being
left for embrasures, guns were landed from our prizes and
mounted, and on the 14th of the month our fort was com
pleted, being calculated for mounting sixteen guns, but I
did not conceive it necessary at present to mount more
than four. All worked with zeal, and as the friendly tribes
were daily coming in with presents, all joined in the labour.
The chiefs requested that they might be admitted on the
same footing as the Taeehs, and every thing promised
harmony between us. They would frequently speak of
the war with the Typees, and I informed them I only
waited for their war canoes to be put together and launch
ed. And now I am on the subject of war canoes, I must
break the chain of my narrative for the purpose of de
scribing these vessels, as well as such others as are in use
among the natives.
The war canoes of this island differ not much from those
already described as belonging to the natives of the island
of Ooahooga, or Jefferson's island. They are larger, more
splendid, and highly ornamented, but the construction is
the same, and like them they are furnished with outriggers.
They are about fifty feet in length, two feet in width, and
of a proportionate depth; they are formed of many pie
ces, and each piece, and indeed each paddle, has its sepa
rate proprietor. To one belongs the piece projecting from
the stern, to another the part forming the bow. The
pieces forming the sides belong to different persons, and
when a canoe is taken to pieces, the whole is scattered
throughout the valley, and divided, perhaps, among twenty
families. Each has the right of disposing of the part be
longing to him, and when she is to be set up, every one
brings his piece, with materials for securing it. The setting
up of a war canoe goes on with the same order and regu
larity as all their other operations. These canoes are
owned only among the wealthy and respectable families,
and are rarely used but for the purposes of war or for
pleasure, or when the chief persons of one tribe make a
visit to another. In such cases they are richly ornamented

porter's JOURNAL."
with locks of human hair intermixed with buncTieV-ef gray
heard, strung from the stem projection to the place raised
¦for the steersman. These ornaments are in the greatest
estimation among them, and a bunch of gray beard is in
their view what the feathers of the ostrich, or heron, or the
richest plumage would be in ours. The seat of the cox
swain is highly ornamented with palm leaves and white
cloth; he is gayly dressed and richly ornamented with
plumes. The chief is seated on an elevation in the middle
of the canoe, and a person fancifully dressed in the bow,
which has the additional ornaments of pearl-shells strung
on cocoa-nut branches ijaised in the forepart of the canoe.
She is worked altogether by paddles, and those who use
them are placed, two on a seat, and give their strokes with
great regularity, shouting occasionally to regulate the time
and encourage one another. These vessels, when col
lected in a fleet and in motion, with all their rowers exert
ing themselves, have a splendid and warlike appearance.
They were paraded repeatedly for my inspection, and in
all the reviews they appeared greatly to pride themselves
on the beauty and splendour of their men of war. They
are not however so fleet as might be expected, as our
whale boats could beat them with great ease.
Their fishing canoes are vessels of a larger and fuller
construction, many of them being six feet in width, and of
an equal depth. They are managed with paddles more
resembling an oar, and are, in some measure, used as such,
but in a perpendicular position, the fulcrum resting on the
outriggers projecting from each side. With those they
proceed to the small bays on the coast, where they fish
with the scoop net, and with the hook and line. They
have also smaller canoes, which are commonly nothing
more than the hollow keels of the large ones, after the
upper works are taken off; these are furnished wi^'h out
riggers, and are used for fishing about the harbou^ The
canoes used for the purpose of navigating from one island
to another, a navigation very common, are similar 'n their
Construction to the larger kind of fishing canoes, and are
secured two together by beams lashed across. These are
called double canoes, and: are furnished with a triangular
sail made of a mat, similar to that generally called a shoul-
der-of-mutton sail, but placed in an inverted position, the
VOL. If. 10

74 porter's journal.
hypothenuse forming the foot of the sail, to which is se
cured a boom. These are also worked during a calm with
paddles, and appear capable of resisting the sea for a long
time. The canoes formed for the sole purpose of going
in search of new lands are of a still larger construction,
and are rigged in the same manner. They use also occa
sionally a kind of cattamaran, which they construct in a
few minutes, and a kind of surf board, similar to that of
the natives of the Sandwich Islands. These, however,
scarcely deserve to be enumerated among their vessels, as
they are used chiefly by the boys and girls, and are intend
ed solely for paddling about the harbour.
About this time I discovered a conspiracy on foot among
my prisoners. Their object was to possess themselves of
the Essex Junior, and the plan and method by which they
expected to effect this object was as follows :
They had all been permitted to go on shore and on board
the different vessels whenever they wished, on a promise
of conducting themselves with propriety, and not absent
ing themselves so that they could not be found. They
were, in fact, admitted on parole, and all restrictions re
moved. This extensive indulgence encouraged them in the hopes
of making their escape, and headed by Lawson, the mate
of the Sir Andrew Hammond, they had fixed on the night
of the 1 4th to make their attempt, which was to be effected
by getting such of her crew as remained on board intoxi
cated with rum mixed with laudanum. This was already
prepared to administer, and Lawson was to attend to this
part of the scheme. The third mate, with the prisoners
on shore, was to get possession of the canoes on the beach,
and with them surprise the ship and take her to sea, there
being no other vessel ready to follow her, and no powder
on board the Essex which would enable her to stop them*
Such wts their plan, and such their expectations. I had
been infosmed of it almost as soon as it was conceived,
was willing <l0 humour the scheme, and gave them every
opportunity of making the trial, adopting, at the same
time, suitable means to have them secured and punished
for their perfidy. At the time of the formation of this
plan, and while Lawson and the others were using their
greatest exertions to get rum at any price, our rum casks

JOURNAL. 75
were lying on the gun-deck, under charge of a sentinel,
where they had been put while we were smoking the rats.
Two of the sentinels were detected, one in conniving, and
the other in assisting some persons in stealing rum. I did
not inquire who were those concerned in the theft, lest the
discovery might make known to the conspirators my know
ledge of their scheme. I therefore punished the sentinels
severely for not putting them to death ; informed the crew
generally of the most absolute necessity for extraordinary
vigilance ; and told the marines that for the next neglect
of duty, I should punish the offender to the utmost extent
of my power.
The next evening, after going my rounds at the camp, to
see that every thing was right, I went to bed, and at half
past ten o'clock, not hearing the sentinel at the bake-house
call out alPs well, I inquired the cause. The sergeant of
the guard, on examination, reported to me that the sentinel
was lying down asleep, and, that he had not disturbed him.
I determined now, should this be the case, to punish him
as he deserved. I felt the necessity of vigilance, not only
on account of our prisoners, but on account of the natives.
I felt persuaded that we owed the friendly footing on which
we now stood with them entirely to our convincing them
we were always on our guard, and I was determined that
the safety of the whole should not be hazarded by the
neglect of the marines. I therefa'^ seized my pistol, and
followed by the sergeant »"<* a guard, proceeded for the
bake-house, where ^e found the culprit fast asleep, his
musket lying beside him. 1 directed him to be seized.
and at the same moment he was wounded through the
fleshy part of the thigh. This example had a proper
effect, and rendered every person more vigilant, particu
larly the marines. I shall make no further comments on
this affair: if the punishment should appear a severe one,
let those who censure me place themselves for a moment
in my situation : I was far distant from the means of obtain
ing a judicial inquiry into his offence, which would proba
bly have terminated fatally for him ; promptness and vigi
lance on my part were the only sure guarantees to the
success of a cruise so highly important to the interests, of
my country.
As I before observed, Sunday night was the period fixed

76 porter's JOURNAL.
on by the conspirators for making their attempt. But un
fortunately (or rather fortunately) for them, it so happened
that a ship hove in sight off the mouth of the harbour on
Saturday afternoon, and on discovering us stood off to sea
under a press of sail. The Essex Junior immediately slip
ped her cables, and gave chace to her, and not expectingher
back before Monday, 1 put all my prisoners in irons, and
thus at once frustrated a scheme which had wholly en
grossed them for the last week. With a determination
that I would make them suffer for violating their parole,
I sent them all on shore to the village, and ^et them to
work in building a wall to surround it, which was finished
before my departure from the island.
On Sunday afternoon the Essex Junior arrived. Mr.
Downes had spoke the stranger, which proved to be the
American ship Albatross, from the Sandwich islands, and
had come for the purpose of procuring sandal -wood.
The Albatross did not get in until the next day. The
arrival of this ship gave me no pleasure ; for although the-
meeting with my countrymen in any part of the world but
this, would have proved a joyous event, I was in hopes
that our arrival and operations here would for a longtime
be kept a secret. The evils I apprehended from her ma
king her knowledge of us public, far more than counter
balanced any satisfaction which I expected from her arri
val. Some short time pTior to this, an event took place
which threatened disagreeable consequences. The matter
was however adjusted much to my satisfaction and on the
whole I considered the circumstance which gave rise to it
as the most fortunate that could have happened as it re
lieved me entirely from my anxiety on a subject which of
all others had given me the most uneasiness.
Robert Dunn, quarter-master, had been threatened (by
the officer of the watch) with punishment for some neg
lect of duty. Dunn said that the time for which he en
listed had expired, and if he was punished, he would never
again do duty in the ship. When this was reported to
me, it occasioned me much uneasiness. Most of my crew
were in the situation of Dunn, and it became necessary
to find a remedy for the evil. Promptness and decision
were indispensable, and with as little loss of time as pos
sible I caused all hands to be called on the quarter-deck.

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 77
where I informed them of the offence of Dunn. Then
directing him to strip, I assured him that I should punish
him severely, and to prevent his ever doing duty in the
ship, I should turn him on shore on the island, observing
that his time was out, and it was proper he should have
his discharge. After this, addressing myself to the ship's
company, I expostulated with them on the impropriety, and
the evils likely to result from such conduct as Dunn's, and
expressed a determination to have no man under my com
mand who had it in his power to say his time was out, and
he would no longer do duty. I informed them that the
times of many were out, and from that moment I gave up
all claim on them for their services ; that they were their
own masters, and should have their discharge on the spot.
If they wished to enlist again for the cruise, I would en
list them, give them the usual advance, and on a suitable
occasion give them three days liberty on shore. That
such as refused to enlist, but would bind themselves to do
duty, might remain on board till I would have an opportu
nity of putting them on shore in some civilized place.
They should be supplied with provisions ; but should be
allowed neither, pay nor prize-money. Such as wished
their discharge were called on for their names, in order
that it might be made out in form, and they were all in
formed that the shipping papers were laid open for all
such as wished to enter. I now was about proceeding to
the punishment of Dunn, when most of the officers, petty
officers, and seamen, came forward and solicited his pardon,
stating that he appeared intoxicated at the time he made
the observation, and not sensible of the offence he com
mitted. Dunn also begged forgiveness most earnestly,
and hoped, whatever other punishment I might inflict, I
would not turn him on shore. He was sensible his offence
had been a great one, but pleaded intoxication, and as a
proof of his ^attachment to the ship, requested his name to
be' placed first on the list. I thought it on the whole ad-
viseable to pardon him; the men were dismissed; every -
manof all the ships re-entered except one, who, from some
foolish whim, did not wish to re-enlist, although he was
desirous of remaining doing duty and receiving pay. I
determined not to depart from the principles laid down.
1 stopped his pay, and afterwards sent him to America in

78 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
the New Zealander. This affair (which, when joined to
conspiracies, neglect of duty, and my difficulties with the
tribes, had caused me much uneasiness) was now settled.
The arrival of the Albatross was hailed by our seamen as
the most joyful event. She had brqught from Canton a
cargo suited to this Island, consisting of beads and various
other trinkets, to exchange with the natives for sandal
wood. She soon procured all that was to be obtained,
and disposed of to our seamen the principal part of her
remaining trade at the most exorbitant prices. They had
all received their advance money; it was to them useless
trash, and soon disposed of for such articles as would be
most likely to please their female friends, who, hearing of
the abundance of peepees (for so they called beads) and
other tie lies, with which our men were supplied, flocked
round our settlement from every tribe with whom we were
at peace.
On the 1 9th November, the American flag was display
ed in our fort, a salute of seventeen guns was fired from
the artillery mounted there, and returned by the shipping
in the harbour. The island was taken possession of for
the United States, and called Madison's Island, the fort,
Fort Madison, the village, Madison's Ville, and the bay,
Massachusetts Bay. The following declaration of the act
of taking possession was read and signed, after which the
prosperity of our newly acquired Island was drank by all
present. The object of this ceremony had been previ
ously and. was again explained to the natives. They were
all much pleased at being Melleekees, as they called them
selves, and wanted to know if their new chief was as great
a man as Gattanewa.
DECLARATION.
" It is hereby made known to the world, that I, David
Porter, a captain in the navy of the United States of
America, and now in command of the United States' frig
ate the Essex, have, on the part of the said United States,
taken possession of the island called by the natives Nooa
heevah, generally known by the name of sir Henry Mar
tin's island, but now called Madison's Island. That by
the request and assistance of the friendly tribes residing

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 79
in the valley of Tieuhoy, as well as of the tribes residing
on the mountains, whom we have conquered and rendered
tributary to our flag, I have caused the village of Madison
to be built, consisting of six convenient houses, a rope
walk, bakery, and other appurtenances, and for the pro
tection of the same, as well as for that of the friendly na
tives, I have constructed a fort, calculated for mounting
sixteen guns, whereon I have mounted four, and called the
same Fort Madison.
" Our rights to this island being founded on priority of
discovery, conquest, and possession, cannot be disputed.
But the natives, to secure to themselves that friendly pro
tection which their defenceless situation so much required,
have requested to be admitted into the great American
family, whose pure republican policy approaches so near
their own. And in order to encourage these views to their
own interest and happiness, as well as to render secure
our claim to an island valuable, on many considerations, I
have taken on myself to promise them they shall be so
adopted; that our chief shall be their chief; and they
have given assurances that such of their brethren as may
hereafter visit them from the United States, shall enjoy a
welcome and hospitable reception among them, and be
furnished with whatever refreshments and supplies the
island may afford ; that they will protect them against all
their enemies, and, as far as lies in their power, prevent
the subjects of Great Britain (knowing them to be such)
from coming among them until peace shall take place be
tween the two nations.
" Presents, consisting of the produce of the island to a
great amount, have been brought in by every tribe in the
island, not excepting,the most remote, and have been enu
merated as follows, viz.
" Six tribes in the valley of Tieuhoy, called the Taeehs,
viz. 1 Hoattas, 2 Maouhs, 3 Houneeahs, 4 Pakeuhs, 5
Hekuahs, 6 Havvouhs.
" Six tribes of the Happahs, 1 Nieekees, 2 Tattievows,
3 Pachas, 4 Keekahs, 5 Tekaahs, 9 Muttawhoas.
" Three tribes of the Maamatwuahs, 1 Maamatwuahs,
2 Tioahs, 3 Cahahas.
" Three tribes of the Attatokahs, 1 Attatokahs, 2 Takee-
ahs, 3 Paheutahs.

80 porter's journal.
"Nieekees, one tribe.
" Twelve tribes of the Typees, 1 Poheguahs, 2 Naegu-
ahs, 3 Attayiyas, 4 Cahunukohas, 5 Tomavaheenahs, 6
Tickeymahues, 7 Mooaeekas, 8 Atteshows, 9 Attestapwy-
hunahs, 10 Attehacoes, 11 Attetomohoys, 12 Attakakaha-
neuahs. " Most of the above have requested to be taken under
the protection of our flag, and all have been willing to
purchase, on any terms, a friendship which promises to
them so many advantages.
" Influenced by considerations of humanity, which pro
mise speedy civilization to a race of men who enjoy every
mental and bodily endowment which nature can bestow,
and which requires only art to perfect, as well as by views
of policy, which secure to my country a fruitful and popu
lous island, possessing every advantage of security and
supplies for vessels, and which, of all others, is the most
happily situated, as respects climate and local position, I
do declare that I have, in the most solemn manner, under
the American flag displayed in Fort Madison, and in the
presence of numerous witnesses, taken possession of the
said island, called Madison's Island, for the use of the
United States, whereof I am a citizren ; and that the act
of taking possession was announced by a salute of seven
teen guns from the artillery of Fort Madison, and return
ed by the shipping in the harbour, which is hereafter to be
called Massachusetts Bay. — And that our claim to this
island may not be hereafter disputed, I have buried in a
bottle, at the foot of the flagstaff in Fort Madison, a copy
of this instrument, together with several pieces of money,
the coin of the United States.
" In witness whereof I have hereunto affixed my signa
ture, this 19th day of November, 1813.
Signed, David Porter.
" Witnesses present :
" Signed, John Downes, lieutenant U. S. N.
James P. Wilrner, lieutenant U. S. N.
S. D. M'Knight, acting lieutenant U. S. N.
John G. Cowel, acting lieutenant U. S. N.
David P. Adams, chaplain U. S. N.
John M. Gamble, lieutenant U. S. marines.
Richard K. Hoffman, acting surgeon U. S. N.

JOURNAL. 81
John M. Maury, midshipman U. S. N.
M. W. Bostwick, acting midshipman U. S. N.
William Smith, master of the American ship
Albatross.
William H. Odenheimer, acting surgeon master
U. S. N.
Wilson P. Hunt, agent for the American North
Pacific fur company.
r>' ¦„ ¦„ r'ioZ c Citizens of the U. States."
.Benjamin L/lapp, 3
The wooding, watering, and taking on board the provi
sions and stores, went on expeditiously, and all appeared
to exert themselves to hasten our departure. The Alba
tross remained with us but a few days, when she sailed on
her return to the Sandwich Islands. Previous to her de
parture I sold to her commander the guns mounted on Fort
Madison, solely with a view of doing away any impression
as to my motives in mounting them there. All now sup
posed that it was done only with a view of going through
the formality of taking possession ; but at a suitable time
after her departure they were replaced by others.
On the Albatross going to sea, which was on the 24th of
November, I sent some of my boats to tow her out, and
went on board myself to deliver to the captain all our
letters, carefully put up in lead, to be thrown overboard
in case of capture. I went as far as the mouth of the
harbour, when finding the morning pleasant, and the sea
smooth, I determined to proceed to the bay, which I had
understood was to the westward, for the purpose of giving
it an examination. I accordingly despatched Mr. Shaw
to the frigate for arms, and on his rejoining me we put off,
and arrived in the bay we were in search of in about an
hour and a half. The distance from Massachusetts Bayr
was supposed to be about eight miles, the coast between
being generally iron bound, with the exception of two,
beaches and some coves making in, which did not appear
to offer any shelter or other advantages. The bay, of
which we could see no traces, until we were very close in
with it, is narrow at its entrance, and makes in two coves,
the most eastern of which affords the best shelter and
landing, but appears destitute of inhabitants, and (I con-
vol. 11. 11

82 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
eluded also) of water, as I could perceive no rivulets.
We landed in the western cove, near the village, and at
the mouth of a beautiful rivulet which was meandering
through the valley, and is of sufficient depth for their
largest canoes to enter. On landing, many of the natives
came to the beach, who seemed disposed to treat us in the
most friendly manner ; but apprehensive of being troubled
by their numbers, I drew a line in the sand, at some dis
tance about the boats, and informed them they were lab-
booed. As an additional security to us, I caused all the
arms to be loaded and ready for service on the first alarm,
and sentinels placed over them. Shortly after this the
chief came down to invite me to the public square, the
usual place in all their villages for the reception of
strangers. The women and girls assembled from all quar
ters of the town, dressed out in all their finery to meet us.
They were here free from all the restraints imposed by
the tabboos, abundantly anointed with the oil of the cocoa-
nut, and their skins well bedaubed with red and yellow
paint, as was their clothing. Some were also smeared
with greenish paint, the object of which 1 found, on inquiry,
was to preserve the fairness and beauty of the skin. Of
this they seemed to take particular pains, every one of
them being furnishecLwith a kind of umbrella, formed of a
bunch of palm leaves, to shield them from the effects of the
sun. Their care and attention in this particular had ren
dered them far superior in point of beauty to the females
of our valley, and the difference was so striking as to make
them appear a distinct people. Some of the girls, proba
bly in compliment to us, or to render themselves more
attractive in our eyes, washed themselves in the stream,
threw aside their bedaubed clothing, and soon appeared
neatly clad in cloth of the purest white. I can say, with
out exaggeration, that I never have seen women more per
fectly beautiful in form, features, and complexion, or that
had playful innocence more strongly marked on their coun
tenances or in their manners* All seemed perfectly easy
and even graceful, and all strove by their winning atten
tions, who should render themselves most pleasing to us.
The girls formed a circle round us, and those of a more
advanced age were seated outside of them. The men
showed us every kind attention, and strove to convince u?

of their friendship by bringing us cocoa-nuts, and cooking
for us hogs and bread-fruit after their manner, which were
found excellent. The manner of cleansing and cooking
their hogs is as follows : a hole of a convenient size is dug
in the ground, the bottom and sides of which are lined with
stones, a fire is then made in it, and the whole covered with
more stones. The hog is then strangled, and when the
stones are sufficiently heated, is drawn backwards and for
wards on them to remove the bristles, which, by this prac
tice, are easily taken off. ' He is then carried to the
stream and there gutted and washed clean. The upper
layer of stones and fire are then removed, and the lower
tier and sides are carefully covered with plantain leaves,
on which the hog is laid after having his inside filled with
hot stones enveloped with leaves. The whole is then co
vered with the same kind of leaves, and the remaining
stones are laid on him, over which is placed another cover
ing of leaves, and this is covered with dirt, which had been
taken from the hole. In the course of an hour it is per
fectly cooked, the coverings are carefully removed, the
meat served up on clean plantain leaves, and no mode of
cooking can possibly excel it in point of taste, cleanliness,
or appearance. The bread-fruit is also enveloped in
plantain leaves, and roasted in the embers. When the hog
was cooked it was served up to us in the circle, and we
amused ourselves in dividing the choicest pieces among
the girls, who testified much pleasure at the attention paid
to them. After which we extended our civilities to the
other women, and divided the remainder among the men,
reserving a small portion to ourselves. A daughter of
Gattanewa was among them ; she was the wife of the chief
who had met us on our arrival ; she seemed no less friend
ly disposed than her husband, and embraced me as her
father, reminding me frequently, that from the exchange of
names I had become such. From her filial affection she
bestowed on me a bountiful supply of the red and yellow
paint with which she was covered. She insisted on my
sending away my boats and people, and remaining with
them until the next day, and no excuse tbat I could offer
for my return to the ship would satisfy her. They all
joined in her solicitations, and, as an inducement for me
to remain, promised me the choicest mats to sleep on, and

84 porter's journal.
the handsomest girls in the village to sing me to sleep.
After our repast, all the women joined in a song, which was
accompanied by the clapping of hands; it lasted near half
an hour, and was not unmusical. I inquired the subject of
it, and was informed by Wilson that it was the history of
the loves of a young man and a young woman of their val
ley : they sung their mutual attachment, and the praises of
their beauty ; described with raptures the handsome beads
and whales' teeth earrings with which she was bedecked,
and the large whale's tooth which hung from his neck.
They afterwards joined in a short song, which they appear
ed to compose as they sung, in which I could plainly dis
tinguish the words Opotee, li ties, peepees, &c. (Porter pre
sents beads, &c.) after which they strove in various ways
who should most amuse us, the men in dancing, the girls
in playing scratch cradle, (an amusement well known in
America) at which they are more dexterous than any other
I ever met with. The thread used for this purpose is
made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, and is generally worn
hy the young girls (who greatly delight in this amusement)
round the neck, or made up with much ingenuity and
compactness into a small skein, and is put through the hole
of the ear, where it serves the double purpose of keeping
it distended, and amusing them occasionally. It is really
astonishing to see what variety of forms they will give to
this thread, and with what dexterity and expedition they
will change it from one form to another. Sometimes it
assumes the appearance of the finest network, and in an
instant changes to that of lace. Sometimes the reticula
tions are diamond like, square or polyedrous, and some
times compounded of the whole.
Our time passed rapidly with these kind people, and the
evening approached before we were aware of it. It be
came necessary to hasten to the ship, and we bade them
farewell, with a promise that we should shortly return
and bring with us a larger supply of peepees and other tie lies,
so much desired by them.
This bay, as I before observed, affords good shelter.
The entrance is narrow, the water deep, and the landing
good ; but I should not deem it adviseable to enter with a
large vessel, as the lee point runs out for a great distance,
and must render the egress difficult and dangerous. The

JOURNAL. 85
rocks forming this valley are steep and inaccessible, but
the lower grounds fertile and thickly covered with planta
tions. The village is handsome, and regularly laid out in
streets, and the whole country romantic in the extreme.
I called this bay, in compliment to lieutenant Lewis of the
United States navy, who first discovered it, Lewis's Bay.
On my return to the ship, I directed Mr. John J. King,
master's mate, to take command of the New Zealander,
to proceed to the United States, after taking on board that
ship all the oil of my other prizes, which 1 expected would
complete her cargo. Every article not necessary for her
was sent on shore, and every exertion- was made to
despatch her as soon as possible.

CHAPTER XV.
MADISON'S ISLAND-^TYPEE WAR.
The Taeehs, the Happahs, and Shouemes, now made
fresh complaints of the insults and aggressions of the Ty-.
pees; one tribe they had threatened to drive off the land;
they had thrown stones at, and otherwise insulted indivi
duals of the other tribes. The Taeehs and Happahs be
came very solicitous for war, and began to utter loud
complaints that (as all the other tribes in the island had
formed an alliance with me) they should be tolerated in
their insolence, and excused from supplying us as the rest
had done. The more distant had now discontinued bring
ing in their supplies, and the other tribes had fallen off
considerably, complaining that we had nearly exhausted
all their stock, while the Typees were enjoying abundance;
Lead us to the Typees, said they, and we shall be able to
furnish you from their valley ; you have long threatened
them ; their insults have been great ; you have promised
to protect us against them, and yet permit them to offer
violence to us ; and while you have rendered every other
tribe tributary to you, you permit them to triumph with
impunity. Our canoes are in readiness, our warriors im
patient, and for less provocations, had you not been here,
we should have been engaged in hostilities. Let us punish
those Typees ; bring them on the same terms to which we
have agreed, and the whole island will then be at peace, a
thing hitherto unknown, but the advantages of which we
can readily conceive. These were the sentiments ex
pressed by the chiefs and warriors of the Taeehs and Hap
pahs. Tavee seemed determined to keep aloof from all
quarrels ; he was separated from us by the valley of the
Typees, and they had it in their power to retort on him at
pleasure. He and his people concluded it, therefore, the
wisest to bear their insults, and escape their stones in the
best manner they could; not however without complaining
occasionally to me on the subject. But they seemed de
termined to take no active part with us in the war.

JOURNAL. 87
Finding that it was absolutely necessary to bring the
Typees to terms, or endanger our good understanding with
the other tribes, and consequently our own safety, 1 re
solved to endeavour to bring about a negotiation, and to
back it with a force sufficient to intimidate ttiem.
On the 27th November I informed the Taeehs and
Happahs that I should next day go to war with the Typees,
agreeably lo my original plan, and directed Gattanewa to
proceed on board the Essex Junior, with two persons who
Went to perform the office of ambassadors. These, on the
arrival of the ship in their bay, were to be sent to the Ty
pees, offering the same terms of peace as were accepted
by the others. The Essex Junior sailed in the afternoon,
and I proceeded next morning, at three o'clock, with five
boats, accompanied by ten war canoes, blowing their conchs
as a signal to keep together. One of our boats separated
from the others, passed the bay, and did not rejoin us again
until the middle of the day. We arrived at the Typee
landing at sunrise, and were joined by ten war canoes from
the Happahs ; the Essex Junior soon after arrived arid an
chored. The tops of all the neighbouring mountains were
covered with the Taeeh and Happah warriors, armed with
spears, clubs, and slings ; the beach was lined with the
warriors who came with the canoes, and who joined us
from the hills. Our force did qot amount to a less number
than five thousand men, but not a Typee or any of their
dwellings were to be seen ; for the whole length of the
beach, extending upwards of a quarter of a mile, was a
clear level plain, which extended back about one hundred
yards. A high and almost impenetrable swampy thicket
bordered on this plain, and the only trace we could per
ceive, which, we were informed, led to the habitations, was
a narrow pathway which winded through the swamp. The
canoes were all hauled on the beach, the Taeehs on the
right, the Happahs on the left, and our four boats in the
centre. We only waited for reinforcements from the
Essex Junior, our interpreter, our ambassadors, and Gat
tanewa; and on the ship's anchoring, I went on board to
hasten them on shore, directing lieutenant Downes to bring
with him fifteen men ; these, with the twenty on shore, I
supposed would be fully sufficient to incline them to terms.
On my return to the beach, I found every one in arms, the

88 porter's journal.
Typees had appeared in the bushes, and had pelted our
people with stoues, while quietly eating their breakfast.
They, as well as the Taeehs and Happahs, were all on their
guard, but no hostilities had been offered on our part. I
had brought with me one of those whom I had intended
to employ as ambassadors ; he had intermarried with the
Typees, and was privileged to go among them. I furnish
ed him with a white flag, and sent him to inform the Ty
pees that I had come to offer them peace, but was prepa-'
red for war ; that I only required that they should submit
to the same terms as those entered into by the other tribes,
and that their friendship would be much more pleasing to
me than any satisfaction which I expected to derive from
chastising them. In a few minutes after the departure of
my messenger he came running back, the picture of terror,
and informed me he had met in the bushes an ambuscade
of Typees, who, regardless of his flag of truce, which he
displayed to them, had driven him back with blows, and
had threatened to put him to death if he again ven
tured among them. In an instant afterwards we had a
confirmation of his statement in a shower of stones which
came from the bushes, at the same moment one of them
darted across the pathway and was shot through the leg,
but was carried off by his friends. Hostilities had now
commenced ; lieutenant Downes had arrived with his
men, and I gave the order to march. Mouina, having for
got the difference which had taken place between us, pla
ced himself, as usual, in advance ; we entered the bushes,
and were at every instant assailed by spears and stones,
which came from different parties of the enemy in ambus
cade. We could hear the snapping of the slings, the
whistling of the stones, the spears came quivering by us,
but we could not perceive from whom they came ; no
enemy was to be seen, not a whisper was to be heard
among them. To remain still would have proved fatal to
us ; to have retreated would have convinced them of our
fears and our incapacity to injure them ; our only safety
was in advancing and endeavouring to clear the thicket,
which I had been informed was of no great extent.
We had advanced about a mile, and had received no
injury, nor had we reason to believe we had done any to
the enemy (who we could onlv get a glimpse of as thev

porter's journal. 89
darted from tree to tree) although we had kept up a scat
tering fire on them. We at length came to a small open
ing on the bank of a river, from the thicket on the oppo
site side of which we were assailed with a shower of
stones, when lieutenant Downes received a blow which
shattered the bone of his left leg, and he fell. We had
left parties in ambush in our rear, which we had not been
able to dislodge, and to trust him to the Indians alone to
take back was hazarding too much. I was fearful of
weakening my force by sending a party to escort him, and
to have returned back would have been construed by the
allied tribes into a defeat. They had taken no active part,
they sat as silent observers of our operations, the sides of
the mountains were still covered with them, and myself as
well as the Taeehs, had no slight grounds to doubt the
fidelity of the Happahs. A defeat would no doubt have
sealed our destruction. I had come with a force very
inadequate to reduce them to terms, having received
wrong impressions as to the country through which we had
to pass. But since we had come it was necessary some
thing should be done to convince them of our superiority.
The Indians began to leave us, all depended on our own
exertions, and no time was to be lost in deliberation. I
therefore directed Mr. Shaw with four men to escort lieu
tenant Downes to the beach ; this, with the party I had left
for the protection of the boats, reduced my number to
twenty-four men. As we continued our march the num
ber of our allies became reduced, and even the brave
Mouina, the first to expose himself, began to hang back.
While he kept in advance, he had, by the quickness of his
sight, which was astonishing, put us on our guard as the
stones and spears came, and enabled us to elude them, but
now they came too thick even for him to withstand.
We soon came to the place for fording the river ; in the
thick bushes of the opposite banks of which, the Typees,
who were here very numerous, made a bold stand, and
showered on us their spears and other missiles. Here our
advance was for a few minutes checked, the banks of the
river being remarkably steep, but particularly on the side
we were, which would render our retreat difficult and
dangerous in case of a repulse. The stream was rapid,
the water deep, and the fording difficult and hazardous on
vol. n. 12

90 porter's journal,
account of the exposed situation we should be in while
crossing. We endeavoured in vain to clear the bushes of
the opposite banks with our musketry. The stones and
spears flew with augmented numbers. Finding that we
could not dislodge them, I directed a volley to be fired,
three cheers to be given, and to dash across the river.
We soon gained the opposite bank, and continued our
march, rendered still more difficult by the underwood, which
was here interlaced to that degree, as to make it necessary
sometimes to crawl on our hands and knees to get along.
We were harassed as usual by the Typees for about a
quarter of a mile through a thicket which, at almost any
other time, I should have considered impenetrable. Mou
ina and two or three others of the natives had kept with
us, the others had not crossed the river. We soon came
to a small space cleared of the small trees and the under
wood ; the natives had ceased to annoy us, and we had,
hoped soon to have arrived at their village, which I had
been informed was at no great distance. On emerging
from the swamp, we felt new life and spirits ; but this joy
was of short duration, for on casting up our eyes, we per
ceived a strong and extensive wall of seven feet in height,
raised on an eminence crossing out road, and flanked on
each side by an impenetrable thicket. In an instant after
wards we were assailed by such a shower of stones, ac
companied by the most horrid yells, as left no doubt in our
minds that we had here to encounter their principal
strength, and that we should here meet with much resist
ance in passing this barrier. It fortunately happened, that
a tree which afforded me shelter from their stones, enabled
me, accompanied by Lieutenant Gamble, and Doctor
Hoffman, a very valuable officer, to annoy them as they
would raise above the wall to throw at us. These were
the only muskets which could be employed to any advan
tage. Others kept up a scattering fire without effect.
Finding we could not dislodge them, I gave orders for
pushing on and endeavouring to take it by storm. But
some of my men had by this time expended all their car
tridges, arid there were few who had more than three or
four remaining. This discouraging news threw a damp on
the spirits of the whole party. Without ammunition our
muskets were rendered inferior to the weapons of the

porter's journal. 91
Typees, and if we could not advance, there could be no
doubt we should be under the necessity of fighting our way
back ; and to attempt this with our few remaining cartrid
ges, would be hazarding too much. Our only safety now
depended on holding our ground until we could procure a
fresh supply of ammunition, and in reserving the few
charges on hand until it could be brought to us. I men
tioned my intentions to my people, exhorted them to save
their ammunition as much as possible, and despatched
lieutenant Gamble with a detachment of four men to the
beach, there to take a boat and proceed to the Essex Junior
for a fresh supply. We were from the time of his depar
ture chiefly occupied in eluding the stones which came
with redoubled force and numbers. Our fire had become
slackened, a few muskets only occasionally were fired to
convince them we were not yet disposed to retreat. My
number was now reduced to nineteen men ; there was no
officer but myself; the Indians had all deserted me except
Mouina ; and to add to our critical and dangerous situa
tion, three of the men remaining with me were knocked
down with stones. Mouina begged me to retreat, crying
mattee ! mattee ! The wounded entreated me to permit
the others to carry them to the beach, but I had none to
spare to accompany them. I saw no hopes of succeeding
against the Typees, so long as they kept their strong hold ;
and determined to endeavour to draw them out by a feign
ed retreat, and by this means to gain an advantage. For to
return without gaining some advantage would, I believed,
have rendered an attack from the Happahs certain. I
communicated my intentions ; directed the wounded to be
taken care of; gave orders for all to run until we were
concealed by the bushes, and then halt. We retreated for
a few paces, and in an instant the Indians rushed on us with
hideous yells. The first and second which advanced were
killed at the distance of a few paces, and those who at
tempted to carry them off were wounded. This checked
them, they abandoned their dead, and precipitately retreat
ed to their fort. Not a moment was now to be lost in
gaining the opposite side of the river. Taking advantage
of the terror they were thrown into, we marched off with
our wounded. Scarcely had we crossed the river before
we were attacked with stones. But here they halted, and

92 porter's journal,
we returned to the beach much fatigued and harassed with
marching and fighting, and with no contemptible opinion
of the enemy we had encountered, or the difficulties we
should have to surmount in conquering them.
On my arrival, I found the boat which had been missing,
together with a reinforcement of men from the Essex
Junior, and a supply of ammunition. I was desirous of
sounding the Typees before I proceeded to further extre
mities, as also to impress our allies with the idea that we
could carry all before us. Assuming the air and language
of a conqueror (although I must confess I felt little like
one) I directed one of the ambassadors to proceed to the
Typee fort, to tell them, that with a handful of men we had
driven them into their fortifications, that we had killed two
and wounded several of them, and had now a force suffi
cient to drive them out of the valley ; that I did not wish
to do them further injury, and still offered to them the
terms I had first proposed. They told my messenger to
tell me, that they had killed my chief warrior (for such
they supposed Mr. Downes to be ;) that they had wounded
several of my people, and compelled us to retreat. It
was true, they said, we had killed two of them, and wound
ed many others ; but considering their superior numbers,
what was this compared to the injury they had done us.
They had men to spare, we had not. If we were able to
drive them from their valley, what could I promise myself
by telling them of it. 1 must know they would not believe
me until 1 had done it. They said they had counted our
boats ; they knew the number that each would carry, and
were as well acquainted with my force as myself. They
knew their strength, and the numbers they could oppose ;
and held our bouhies in more contempt than ever; they
frequently missed fire, rarely killed, and the wounds they
occasioned were not as painful as those of a spear or stone.
They added, they knew they would prove perfectly useless
to us should it come on to rain. They dared us to renew
the contest ; and assured us they would not retreat beyond
where we had left them.
Overcome with fatigue, and discouraged by the formida
ble appearance of their fortress, my men also fatigued and
disheartened from the number of wounded, I determined
to leave them for the present, but meditated a severe

JOURNAL. 93
punishment for them. The Happahs had now descended
the hills with their arms ; the Shouemes appeared on the
other side, and " the Typees have driven the white men,"
was the constant topic of conversation. We were still
but a handful, and were surrounded by several thousand
Indians ; and although they professed friendship, I did not
feel safe. I therefore directed every body to embark and
proceed to the Essex Junior, anxious to know the state of
lieutenant Downes. We had scarcely arrived at the ship
before the Typees rushed on our allies, who had remained
behind, and drove them into their canoes and into the
water. We sprang into our boats, and pulled towards the
shore, when they precipitately retreated, and our allies
pursued in turn, and knocked over with a stone one of the
Typee warriors, whose body they triumphantly bore off.
Finding they would not face us in a clear space, and being
perfectly sick of bush fighting, I returned to Massachusetts
Bay with my boats, and directed the Essex Junior to fol
low when the wind suited.
The behaviour of the friendly natives, and particularly
the Happahs, after this supposed defeat of my party, con
vinced me I had now no alternative, but to prove our
superiority by a successful attack upon the Typees. It
was obvious that the whole of the Tribes would join the
conquering side, as is always the case with savages, and I
became fully convinced that the safety of my people, as
well as the interests of my government, would be compro
mised by any delay in the renewal of hostilities. Accord
ingly, the next day I determined to proceed with a force
which I believed they could not resist, and selected two
hundred men from the Essex, the Essex Junior (which
had now arrived,) and from the prizes. 1 directed boats
to be prepared to start with them before daylight next
morning, and cautioned every one to be secret as to my
intentions, not wishing to be annoyed by the noise and con
fusion of either of the tribes of Indians, whom we had
always found useless to us. In the evening, the boats
being leaky and unable to carry the men, 1 caused the party
to be sent on shore, and determined to go by land. We
had a fine moonlight night, and I hoped to be down in the
Typee valley long before daylight. We had guides which
we believed could be depended upon for their knowledge

94 porter's journal.
of the road, and supposing we should he unaccompanied
by many Indians, calculated by our silence to take them
by surprise, and make several prisoners, the possession of
which would probably bring them to terms and save the
necessity of bloodshed, which I wished to avoid if possible.
The Essex's crew composed the main body, the rest being
divided into scouting parties, headed by their respective,
officers. I gave the orders for marching, and sent word of
my intentions to Gattanewa, in order that neither him nor
his people might be alarmed by our warlike movements.
I directed the party sent in advance to halt as soon as they
had gained the top of the mountain until I came up. with
the main body. There I intended encamping for the
night, should our men not be able to stand the fatigue of a
longer march. Several gave out before we reached the
summit, which we did in about three hours, with great
difficulty. But after resting a short time, and finding our
selves refreshed, the moon shining out bright, and our
guides informing us (though very incorrectly) that we
were not more than six miles from the enemy, we again
marched. Several Indians had joined us, but I had impo
sed silence on them, as we were under the necessity of
passing a Happah village, and' was fearful of their discover
ing us, and giving intelligence to the Typees. Not a
whisper was heard from one end of the line to the other ;
our guides marched in front, and we followed in silence up
and down the steep sides of rocks and mountains, through
rivulets, thickets, and reed brakes, and by the sides of pre
cipices which sometimes caused us to shudder. At twelve
o'clock we could hear the drums beating in the Typee
valley, accompanied by loud singing, and the number of
fights in different parts of it induced me to believe they
were rejoicing. I inquired the cause, and was informed by
the Indians they were celebrating the victory they had ob
tained over us, and calling on their gods to give them rain,
in order that it might render our bouhies useless. We
soon arrived at the pathway leading from the top of the
mountains into the valley. But the Indians told us that it
would be impossible to descend it without daylight ; that
the mountain was almost perpendicular, and that in many
places we should be under the necessity of lowering our
selves down with great caution, and that it would be even

porter's journal. 9a
necessary for them to assist us in the day-time to enable us
to get down with safety. Believing from experience that
when the natives considered the roads bad, they would
prove really so to us, and finding that my men were much
fatigued, and averse to risking their necks any longer at
night, added to which, several of my stoutest men had
given out, and were left under charge of the Indians on
the road, I concluded that it would be most adviseable to
wait for daylight before we attempted to descend. We
were in possession of the pathway to the valley, and could
prevent the Happahs from giving them any intelligence of
us ; we were on a narrow ridge running between the val
leys of the two tribes, well situated to guard against sur
prise, and defend ourselves from an attack from either ;
and what added to the convenience of our situation, we
had a stream of water not far distant.
I had left a small party in charge of a hill, which appear
ed to me then a commanding situation ; but after coming
to my present determination, I sent a messenger to call
them in, and after placing guards, we laid down on our
arms. I had fallen into a dose, when an Indian came to
inform me that it was coming on to rain very heavy, and
as he expressed himself, would mattee ! mattee ! bouhie.
This appearance of rain caused loud shouts of joy in the
Typee valley and drums were beating in every quarter.
I cautioned my men about taking care of their arms and
ammunition ; but from the violence of the rain, which
soon poured down in torrents, I had little hope that a
musket would be kept dry or a cartridge saved. Never,
in the course of my life, did I spend a more anxious or
disagreeable night, and I believe there were few with me
who had ever seen its equal. A cold and piercing wind
accompanied the deluge, for I can call it nothing else, and
chilled us to the heart. Without room to keep ourselves
warm by moving about, fearful of stirring, lest we might be
precipitated into eternity down the steep sides of the
mountains, for the ridge had now become so slippery we
could scarcely keep our feet^-we all anxiously looked for
morning, and the first dawn of day, although the wind and
rain still continued, was a cheering sight to us, notwith
standing our apprehensions for the fate of the ammunition
and the condition of our muskets. We were all as perfect-

96 porter's journal.
ly wet as though we had been under water the whole time,
and we scarcely entertained a hope that a single cartridge
or musket had escaped. The Indians kept exclaiming that
our muskets were spoiled, and anxiously wished us to re
treat in time ; but notwithstanding my fears on the subject,
I endeavoured to impress them with a belief that water
could do them no injury. As soon as it was light enough, I
went among my men and inquired into the state of their
arms and ammunition. The first had escaped better than
I had any reason to hope ; but of the latter more than one
half was wet and unfit for service.
The Happah village lay on one side of the mountain, as
I before observed, the Typee on the other, and when it
was light enough to see down into the valley of the latter,
we were astonished at the greatness of the height we were
elevated above them, and the steepness of the mountain
by which we should have to descend to get to them. A
narrow pathway pointed out the track, but it was soon
lost among the cliffs. The Indians informed me that in
the present slippery state of the mountain no one could
descend, and as our men were much harassed with fatigue,
overcome with hunger, shivering, and uncomfortable, I
determined to take up my quarters in the Happah valley
until next day, to enable us to refresh, and I hoped by that
time the weather would prove more favourable. The
chief soon arrived, and I communicated to him my inten
tions, directing him to send down and have houses provided
for us, as also hogs and fruit, all of which he promised
should be done. Before I leftthe hijl, I determined, byfiring
a volley, to show the natives that our muskets had not re-?
ceived as much injury as they had expected, for I believed,
under their impressions, at that inoment, the Happahs
would not have hesitated in making an attack on us, and to
avoid any difficulties with them, f thought it best to con
vince them we were still formidable. I had other motives
also for firing, the Tayeehs and Happahs, I knew, would
accompany us into the Typee valley ; and as I had
put off our descent until the next day, I concluded that it
would be best to give them timely notice of our approach,
that they might be enabled to remove their women and
children, their hogs, and most valuable effects. Although
I felt it necessary to self-defence, to chastise them into

porter's journal. 97
submission, I wished to prevent the innocent from suffering,
or the pillage and destruction of their property. My own
men, I knew, would be sufficiently occupied in fightingto pre
vent their plundering, but the Indians, who accompanied us,
would be intent on that object alone. Added to this, I was
desirous of impressing them with a high idea of our force,
and by this means, terrify them into terms without farther
effusion of blood. I accordingly directed my men to as
semble on the ridge and to fire a volley ; the Typees had
not until then seen us, nor had they the least suspicions of
our being there. As soon as they heard the report of our
muskets, and discovered our numbers, which, with the
multitude of Indians of both tribes who had now assem
bled, was very numerous, they shouted, beat their drums,
and blew their war conchs from one end of the valle^ to
the other. And what with the squealing of the hogs,
which they now began to catch, the screaming of the
women and children, and the yelling of the men, the din
was horrible.
After firing our volley, which went off better than I ex
pected, we descended, with great difficulty, into the village
of the Happahs, and were shown into the public square.
Around this place were several vacant houses, which had,
in all appearance, been vacated on our account. In these
I quartered my officers and men, assigning to each ship's
crew their abode, after which I took possession of the one
I had chosen for myself, in front of which the American
ensign was hoisted. After placing guards, and taking such
precautions as our situation rendered necessary, I retired
to sleep ; rny recommending to others to do the same was
unnecessary. We saw no appearance of cooking hogs,
however, no fruit was brought in, nor did the natives ap
pear disposed to accommodate us further than to abandon
to us their houses : every thing was taken out of them,
and we were left to shift for ourselves in the best manner
we could. I requested a mat to sleep on, but it was long,
before one could be obtained. I wanted a piece of cloth
to wrap round my loins, while my clothes were washing
and drying, and it was with great difficulty I could get it ;
many of my people were complaining of hunger, and could
get nothing to eat, although the valley abounded in hogs
and fruit. The Happahs assembled about us, armed with
vol. h. 13

'.Yt', PORTER'S JOURNAL.
their clubs and spears ; and the women, who had at first
crowded round, now began to abandon us. Every thing
bore the appearance of a hostile disposition, on the part of
the Happahs, and our friends, the Tayeehs, cautioned us to
be on our guard. I directed every one to keep their arms
in their hands, ready to assemble at a moment's warning.
I now sent for their chief and required to know if they
were hostilely disposed. I told him it was necessary we
should have something to eat, and that I expected his peo
ple to bring us hogs and fruit, and if they did not do so, I
should be under the necessity of sending out parties to
shoot them, and to cut down their fruit trees, as our people
were too much fatigued to climb them. I also directed
that they should lay by their spears and clubs. No notice
being taken of these demands, I caused many of their
spears and clubs to be taken from them and broken, and
sent parties out to shoot hogs, while others were employed
in cutting down cocoa-nut and banana trees until we had a
sufficient supply. I now expostulated with them on their
unfriendly conduct, compared their reception of us to that
given by Gattanewa, and appealed to Tawatta and Mouina
(who had both arrived) for the correctness of my state
ment. The chiefs and the people of the Happah tribe now be
came intimidated, and brought and baked hogs in greater
abundance than were required ; friendship was re-estab
lished, and the women returned.
When night approached, proper look-outs were placed,
and fires made before each house. Those of the tribe of
Tayeehs remained with us, the Happahs retired. All not
on guard devoted themselves to sleep, and at daylight,
next morning, we equally divided our ammunition, and
the line of march was formed. All had put their arms in
a good state for service, and all were fresh and vigorous,;
each being supplied with a small quantity of provisions for
the day.
On ascending the ridge, where we had passed such a disa
greeable night, we halted to take breath, and view, for a
few minutes, this delightful valley, which was soon to be
come a scene of desolation. From the hill we had a dis
tant view of every part, and all appeared equally delight
ful. The valley was about nine miles in length, and three

JOURNAL. 99
or four in breadth, surrounded on every part, except the
beach, where we formerly landed, by lofty mountains.
The upper part was bounded by a precipice of many hun
dred feet in height, from the top of which a handsome
sheet of water was precipitated, and formed a beautiful
river, which ran meandering through the valley, and dis
charged itself at the beach. Villages were scattered here
and there, the bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees flourished
luxuriantly and in abundance ; plantations laid out in good
order, enclosed with stone walls, were in a high state of
cultivation, and every thing bespoke industry, abundance,
and happiness,. .Never in my life did I witness a more de
lightful scene, or experience more repugnancy than I now
felt, for the necessity which compelled me to make war
against this happy and heroic people.
Many may censure my conduct as wanton and unjust.
In the security of the fireside, and under the protection of
the laws which are their safeguards, at all times, they may
question the motives of my conduct, and deny the necessity
which compelled me to pursue it. But let such reflect a
moment on our peculiar situation — a handful of men resi
ding among numerous warlike tribes, liable every moment
to be attacked by them, and all cut off; our only hopes of
safety was in convincing them of our great superiority over
them, and from what we have already seen, we must either
attack them or be attacked. I had received many wanton
provocations from them ; they refused to be on friendly
terms with us ; they attacked and insulted our friends, for
being such; and repeated complaints were made to me on
the subject. I had borne with their reproaches, and my
moderation was called cowardice. I offered them friend
ship, and my offers were rejected with insulting scorn. I
sent to them messengers, and they were dismissed with
blows ; hostilities had been commenced by them, and they
believed they had obtained an advantage over us. A mere
thread connected us with the other tribes ; that once
broken, our destruction was almost inevitable. They fear
ed us and were, our friends ; should there be no longer
cause for fear, should they no longer believe us invincible,
instead of hostilities with the single tribe of Typees, we
should, in all probability, have been at war with all on the
island. The Happahs considered themselves a conquered

100 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
tribe, ready, at the first good opportunity, to shake off the
yoke ; the Shouemes and some others, if not conquered by
our arms, were so by the apprehensions of them. They
had been led to believe that no force could resist us, and
had they been convinced that the Typees could keep us at
bay, they must have felt satisfied that their united forces
were capable of destroying us. A coalition would have
been fatal to us — it was my duty to prevent it — and I saw
no means of succeeding but by reducing the Typees before
they could come to an understanding with the other tribes.
By placing all on the same footing, I hoped to bring about
a general peace, and secure the future tranquillity of the
Island. Wars are not always just, and are rarely free from excess
es. However I may regret the harshness with which mo
tives of self-preservation, that operate every where, com
pelled me to treat these high-spirited and incorrigible peo-i
pie, my conscience acquits me of any injustice ; and no
excesses were committed, but what the Typees had it in
their power to stop by ceasing hostilities. The evils they
experienced they brought upon themselves, and the blood
of their relations and friends must be on their own heads.
Had no opposition been made, none would have been kill
ed — had they wished for peace, it would have been grant
ed ; but proud of the honour of being the greatest warriors
on the island, they believed themselves invincible, and
hoped to insult all others with impunity.
A large assemblage of Typee warriors were posted on
the opposite banks of the river (which glided near the foot
of the mountain) and dared us to descend. In their rear
was a fortified village, secured by strong stone walls ; drums
were beatingand war conchs were sounding in several parts,
and we soon found they were disposed to make every
effort to oppose us. I gave orders to descend ; Mouina
offered himself as our guide, and I directed him lo lead us
to their principal village. But finding the fatigue of going
down the mountain greater than I expected, 1 gave orders
to halt before crossing the river, to give time for the rear
to close, which had become much scattered, and that all
might rest. As soon as we reached the foot of the moun
tain we were annoyed by a shower of stones from the
bushes, and from behind the stone walls ; but as we were

JOURNAL. 101
also enabled to shelter ourselves behind others, and being
short of ammunition, I would not permit any person to fire. —
After resting a few minutes, I directed the scouting parties
to gain the opposite bank of the river, and followed with
the main body. We were greatly annoyed with stones,
and before all had crossed, the fortified village was taken
without any loss on our side. Their chief warrior and
another were killed, and several wounded. They retreat
ed only to stone walls situated on higher grounds, where
they continued to sling their stones and throw their spears.
Three of my men were wounded, and many of the Typees
killed before we dislodged them. Parties were sent out in
different directions to scour the woods, and another fort
was taken after some resistance ; but the party, over
powered by numbers, were compelled to retreat to the
main body after keeping possession of it half an hour.
We were waiting in the fort first taken for the return of
our scouting parties — a multitude of Tayees and Happahs
were with us, and many were on the outskirts of the village
seeking for plunder. Lieutenant M:Knight had driven a
party from a strong wall on the high ground, and had pos
session of it, when a large body of Typees, which had been
lying in ambush, rushed by his fire, and darted into the fort
with their spears. The Tayees and Happahs all ran, the
Typees approached within pistol shot, but on the first fire
retreated precipitately, crossing the fire of Mr. M'Knight's
party, and although none fell, we had reason to believe
that many were wounded. The spears and stones were
flying from the bushes in every direction, and although we
killed and wounded in this place great numbers of them,
we were satisfied, from the opposition made, that we should
have to fight our whole way through the valley. It be
came now necessary to guard against a useless consumption
ef ammunition, the scouting parties had returned, and some
had expended all their cartridges. I exhorted them to be
more careful of them, and after having given them a fresh
supply, forbid any firing from the main body, unless we
should be attacked by great numbers. 1 now left a party
in this place, posted in a house, with the wounded, and
another party in ambush behind a wall, and directed Mou
ina to lead us to the next village. Before marching, I sent
a messenger to inform the Typees that we should cease

102 porter's journal.
hostilities when they no longer made resistance, but so
long as stones were thrown I should destroy their villages.
No notice was taken of this message. We continued our
march up the valley, and met in our way several beautiful
villages, which were set on fire, and at length arrived at
their capital, for it deserves the name of one. We had
been compelled to fight every inch of ground, as we ad
vanced, and here they made considerable opposition ; the
place was, however, soon carried, and I very reluctantly
set fire to it. The beauty and regularity of this place was
such, as to strike every spectator with astonishment, and
their grand site, or public square, was far superior to any
other we had met with. Numbers of their gods were
here destroyed, several large and elegant new war canoes,
which had never been used, were burnt in the houses that
sheltered them; many of their drums, which they had
been compelled to abandon, were thrown into the flames,
arid our Indians loaded themselves with plunder, after de
stroying bread-fruit and other trees and all the young
plants they could find. We had now arrived at the upper
end of the valley, about nine miles from the beaeh, and
at the foot of the water-fall above mentioned. The day
was advancing; we had yet much to do, and it was neces
sary to hasten our return to the fort first taken, where we
arrived after being about four hours absent, leaving behind
us a scene of ruin and desolation. I had hoped that the
Typees had now abandoned all further thoughts of resist
ance ; but on my return to the fort I found the parties left
there had been annoyed the whole time of my absence;
but being sheltered from the stones, and short of ammuni
tion, they had not fired on the enemy. This fort was
situated exactly half-way up the valley. To return by the
road we descended the hill would have been impossible,
it became therefore necessary to go to the beach, where
I was informed that the difficulty of ascending the moun
tains would not be so great. Many were exhausted with
fatigue, and began to feel the cravings of hunger, and I
ordered a halt, that all might rest and refresh themselves.
After resting about half an hour, I directed the Indians to
take care of our wounded. We formed the line of march
and proceeded down the valley, and in our route destroyed
several other villages, at all of which we had some skir-

¦orter's jouknal. 103
mishing with the enemy. At one of those places, situated
at the foot of a steep hill, they rolled enormous stones
down, with a view of crushing us to death, but they did
us no injury. The number of villages destroyed amount
ed to ten, and the plunder carried off by the Indians was
very great, for we were too much engaged in fighting to
prevent them, if it had been possible to do so. The Ty
pees fought us to the last, and even at first harassed our
reaF on our return ; but parties left in ambush soon put a
stop to any further annoyance. We at length came to the
formidable fort which checked our career on our first day's
enterprise, and although I had witnessed many instances of
the great exertion and ingenuity of these islanders, I never
had supposed them capable of contriving and erecting a
work like this, so well calculated for strength and defence.
It formed the segment of a circle, and was about fifty yards
in extent, built of large stones, six feet thick at the bottom,
and gradually narrowing at the top to give it strength and
durability. On the left was a "narrow entrance merely
sufficient to admit of one person's entering, and serving as a
sally port. But to enter this from the outside, it was neces
sary to pass directly under the wall for one half its length,
as an impenetrable thicket prevented the approach to it
in any other direction. The wings and rear were equally
guarded, and the right was flanked by another fortification
of greater magnitude and equal strength and ingenuity.
In their fortification consisted the strength of the Ty
pees. The usual fighting place with the other tribes was
on the plain near the beach, and although they had fre
quently been engaged with the forces of several tribes com
bined, they had never before succeeded in compelling them
to retire beyond the river, which, it will be remembered,
is about one quarter of a mile from the fort.
There are but three entrances into this valley, one on
the west which we descended, one on the east, and one
from the beach. No force whatever had before dared to
attack them on the west, on account of the impossibility
of retreating, in case of a repulse, which they calculated
on as certain. The passage on the east led from the val
ley of their friends, and that from the beach was guarded
by fortresses deemed impregnable, and justly so against
any force which could be brought against them unassisted

104 porter's journal.
by artillery. On viewing the strength of this place, I
could not help felicitating myself on the lucky circum
stance which had induced me to attack them by land,
for I believed we should have failed in an attempt on this
place. I had determined, on first starting, not to return
until I had destroyed this fort, and now intended putting
my design in execution. To have thrown it down by re
moving the stones singly would have required more time
than we had to spare, and concluding that, by our united
efforts, we should be enabled to demolish the whole at
once, I directed the Indians and my own men to put their
shoulders to the wall, and endeavour, by efforts made at
the same instant, to throw it down ; but it was built with
so much solidity that no impression could be made on it ;
we therefore left it as a monument to future generations
of their skill and industry. This fortification appeared of
ancient date, and time alone can destroy it. We succeeded
in making a small breach in the wall through which we
passed on our route to the beach, a route which was fami
liar to us, but had now become doubly intricate from the
number of trees which had since been cut down and placed
across the pathway, as much to impede our advance as to
embarrass us in our retreat. We fancied the same had
been practised on the bank of the river.
On my arrival at the beach, 1 met Tavee and many of
his tribe, together with the chiefs of the Happahs. Tavee
was the hearer of a white flag, and several of the same em
blems of peace were flying on the different hills around
his valley. He was desirous of knowing whether I intend
ed going to their valley, and wished to be informed when
he should again bring presents, and what articles he should
bring. He inquired if 1 would still be his friend, and re- "
minded me that I was Temaa Typee, the chief of the val
ley of Shoueme, and that his name was Tavee. I gave him
assurances of my friendship, requested him to return and
allay the fears of the women, who, he informed me, were
in the utmost terror, apprehensive of an attack from me.
The chiefs of the Happahs invited me to return to their
valley, assuring me that an abundance of every thing was
already provided for us.
Gattanewa met me on the side of the hill as I was as
cending. The old man's heart was full, he could not

porter's journal. 105
speak ; he placed both my hands on his head, rested
his forehead on my knees, and after a short pause, raising
himself, placed his hands on my breast, exclaimed, Gattane
wa ! and then on his own, said, Opotee, to remind me we
had exchanged names.
When I had reached the summit of the mountain, I
stopped to contemplate that valley which, in the morning,
we had viewed in all its beauty, the scene of abundance
and happiness. A long line of smoking ruins now marked
our traces from one end to the other ; the opposite hills
were covered with the unhappy fugitives, and the whole
presented a scene of desolation and horror. Unhappy
and heroic people, the victims of your own courage and
mistaken pride. While the instruments of your own pun
ishment shed the tears of pity over your misfortunes, thou
sands of your countrymen (nay, brethren of the same fa
mily) triumphed in your distresses!
I shall not fatigue myself or the reader by a longer ac
count of this expedition. We spent the night with the
Happahs, who supplied us most abundantly, and next morn
ing, at daylight, started for Madison's Ville, where we
arrived about eight o'clock, after an absence of three
nights and two days, during which time we marched up
wards of sixty miles, by paths which had never before been
trodden but by the natives. Several of my stoutest men
were for a long time laid up by sickness occasioned by
their excessive fatigue, and one (corporal Mahan of the
marines) died two days after his return.
The day of our return was devoted to rest ; a messen
ger was, however, despatched to the Typees, informing
them I was still willing to make peace, and that I should
not allow them to return to their valley until they had come
on terms of friendship with us. The messenger, on his
return, informed me, that the Typees, on his arrival, were
in the utmost consternation ; but that my message had
diffused the most lively joy among them. There was no
thing they desired more than peace, and they would be
willing to purchase my friendship on any terms. He in
formed me that a flag of truce would be sent iii next day
to know my conditions.
On the arrival of the Typee flag, which was borne by a
chief accompanied by a priest, I informed them that I still
VOL. II. 14

106 porter's journal.
insisted on a compliance with the conditions formerly offer
ed them, to wit, an exchange of presents, and peace wid»
myself and the tribes who had allied themselves to me.
They readily consented to these terms, and requested to
know the number of hogs I should require, stating that they
had lost but few, and should be enabled to supply us abun
dantly. I told them I should expect from them four hun
dred, for which, they would receive the customary presents
in return. These they assured me should be delivered
without delay.
Flags were now sent to me again from all the tribes in
the island, even the most remote and inconsiderable, witb
large presents of hogs and fruit, and we had never at any
time since we had been on the island experienced such
abundance. It was now the source of regret to me that I
was not supplied with salt, that we might be enabled to
have cured a quantity of pork for our sea stock, which we
might easily have done from the large supply on hand.
Our enclosure, although spacious, was not sufficient to
contain the hogs we received. I therefore was under the
necessity of sending them on board the different ships in
as great numbers as could be kept there. Still, notwith
standing we killed pork on shore for our people every day,
the number of hogs increased so fast that it became neces
sary to turn them out of the enclosure, and let them run,
which was done after marking them by cutting off the right
ear and slitting the left. I however previously informed
the inhabitants of the valley of my intentions, and the
mark I had put on them, in order that they might not kill
them, which they promised they would not do, but on the
contrary, would take care of them, and feed, and fatten
them against my return. The number that I in this man
ner marked and turned loose did not fall short of five hun-
dred, my ships were all full, no more could be taken on
board, and a sufficient stock was reserved in the enclosure
to supply us as long as we should remain here. I did not
regret being overstocked, as it enabled me to leave so
many in this valley, which was in some measure a com
pensation for those we had been supplied with by the in
habitants. Peace now being established throughout the island, and
the utmost harmony reigning, not only between us and the

journal. 107
Indians, but between the tribes ; they mixed with one ano
ther about our village in the most friendly manner, and the
different chiefs with the priests came daily to visit me.
They were all much delighted that a general peace had
been brought about, that they might now all visit the differ
ent parts of the island in safety ; and many of the oldest
men assured me that they had never before been out of
the valley in which they were born. They repeatedly
expressed their astonishment and admiration that I should
have been enabled to effect so much in so short a time, and
that I should have been able to extend my influence so far
as to give them such complete protection, not only iii the
valley of Tieuhoy, but among the tribes with which they
had been at war from the earliest periods, and had hereto
fore been considered their natural enemies. 1 informed
them that I should shortly leave them, and should return
again at the expiration of a year. I exhorted them to re
main at peace with one another, and assured them that if
they should be at war on my return, I should punish the
tribes most in fault. They all gave me the strongest assu
rances of a disposition to remain on good terms, not only
with me and my people, but with one another. The
chiefs, the priests, and the principal persons of the tribes,
affected to be very solicitous of forming a relationship with
me by an exchange of names with some of my family.
Some wished to bear the name of my brother, my son-in-
law, my son, my brother-in-law, &c. and when all the male
stock were exhausted, they as anxiously solicited the names
of the other sex, and as many bore the names of the fe
males of my family as of the males. The name of my
son, however, was more desired than any other, and many
old men, whose long gray beards rendered their appear
ance venerable, were known by the name of Pickineenee
Opotee. The word pickineenee having by some means
been introduced among them by the sailors of the ships
which have touched there.

CHAPTER XV. ,
MADISON'S ISLAND— RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES, CUSTOMS, ¦ke.
Having now nothing to occupy me but the refitting of
my ship, which went on with expedition, and the loading
the New-Zealander with the oil from the Greenwich,
Seringapatam, and the Sir Andrew Hafnmond, I was
enabled to make little excursions occasionally into different
parts of the valley, and visit the natives at their houses,
which was what 1 had not been enabled to do heretofore,
as my various occupations had kept me much confined to
our village. On these occasions I always met the most
hospitable and friendly reception from the natives of both
sexes. Cocoa-nuts, and whatever else they had, were
offered me, and 1 rarely returned home without several
little tie ties as a token of their regard. I generally took
with me seeds of different descriptions, with which I was
provided, such as melons, pumpkins, peas, beans, oranges,
limes, &c. together with peach stones, wheat and Indian
corn, which were planted within the enclosures, in the
most suitable places for them; the natives always assisting
in pulling up the weeds and clearing the ground for this
purpose. The nature of the different kinds of vegetables
and fruit that each kind of grain would produce was ex
plained, and they all promised to take the utmost care of
them, and prevent the hogs from doing them any injury;
I directed them not to pull any of the fruit until they had
consulted Wilson to know if it was ripe. Among all the
seeds sown there was none which gave them so much'
pleasure as the wheat, which they called maie. This is
the name they gave the bread-fruit. They would not
believe, however, at first that it was from this grain we
made our bread (which they also called maie, but some
times potatoe) until I ground some of the grain between
two stones, and showed them the flour. This produced
from them the most joyous exclamations of maie ! maie !
maie ! and all began to clear away spots for sowing the
grain, and bringing me leaves and cocoa-nut shells, begging

porter's journal. 109
that I would give them some to take home to plant. When
we first arrived at this island, we offered them our ship-
bread, but they would not eat it, declaring it was made of
coral rocks, and nowise to be compared to bread-fruit.
But after we had got our oven to work, and issued fresh
bread to the crew, they, particularly the women, became
extravagantly fond of it, and there was no favour they
would not grant, nor any risk they would not run to obtain
a small loaf.1 They would swim off to the ships, about
meal times, in large shoals, and wait there for the sailors
to throw them pieces of bread, although the harbour was
much infested with large and ravenous sharks, and one of
the natives was devoured by them soon after our arrival.
A string of beads, highly as they were valued, could be
purchased for a loaf; and chiefs, after walking many miles
over mountains to bring us presents of fruit and hogs,
would return well satisfied, if I gave them a hot roll from
the oven.
I endeavoured to impress them with an idea of the
value of the seeds I was planting, and explained to them
the different kinds of fruit they would produce, assuring
them of their excellence ; and as a farther inducement to
attend to their cultivation, I promised them that, on my
return, I would give them a whale's tooth for every ripe
pumpkin and melon they would bring me. To the chiefs
of the distant tribes, to whom I distributed the different
kinds of seeds, I made the same promise. I also gave
them several English hogs of a superior breed, which they
were very anxious to procure. I left in charge of Wilson
some male and female goats, and as I had a number of
young Gallipagos tortoises, I distributed several among
the chiefs, and permitted a great many to escape into the
bushes and among the grass.
In one of those excursions, I was led to the chief place of
religious ceremony in the valley. It is situatedhigh up the
valley of the Havvous, and I regret extremely that, I had it
not in my power to make a correct drawing of it on the spot,
as it far exceeds in splendourevery thing of the kind descri
bed by Captain Cook, or represented in the plates which ac
company his voyage. In a large and handsome grove form
ed by bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, and toa-trees (the tree of which
the spears and war clubs are made) and a variety of other

110 porter's journal.
trees with which I am not acquainted, situated at the foot
of a steep mountain by the side of a rivulet, and on a plat
form made after the usual manner, is a deity formed of
hard stone, about the common height of a man, but larger
proportioned every other way. It is in a squatting pos
ture, and not badly executed. His ears and eyes are
large, his mouth wide, his arms and legs short and small ;
and, on the whole, is such a figure as a person would ex
pect to meet among a people where the art of sculpture is
in its infancy. Arranged on each side of him, as well as in
the rear and front, are several others, of nearly equal size,
formed of the wood of the bread-fruit tree. They are not
more perfect in their proportions than the other, and ap
pear to be made on the same model. Probably they are
copies, and the stone god may serve as the model of per
fection for all the sculptures of the Island, as their house
hold gods, their ornaments for the handles of their fans,
their stilts, and, in fact, every representation of the figure of
a man is made on the same plan. To the right and left of
those gods are two obelisks, formed very fancifully and
neatly of bamboos and the leaves of the palm and cocoa-nut
trees interwoven. The whole is handsomely decorated
with streamers of white cloth, which give a picturesque
and elegant appearance. The obelisks are about thirty-
five feet in height, and about the base of them were hung
the heads of hogs and tortoises, as I was informed, as
offerings to their gods. On the right of this grove, distant
only a few paces, were four splendid war canoes, furnished
with their outriggers, and decorated with ornaments of
human hair, coral shells, &c. with an abundance of white
streamers. Their heads were placed toward the moun
tain, and in the stern of each was a figure of a man with a
paddle steering, in full dress, ornamented with plumes,
earrings made to represent those formed of whales' teeth,
and every other ornament of the fashion of the country.
One of the canoes was more splendid than the others, and
was situated nearer the grove. I inquired who the digni
fied personage might be who was seated in her stern, and
was informed that this was the priest who had been killed,
not long since, by the Happahs. The stench here was in
tolerable from the number of offerings which had been
made ; but, attracted by curiosity, I went to examine the

porter's journal. Ill
canoes more minutely, and found the bodies of two of the
Typees, whom we had killed, in a bloated state, at the
bottom of that of the priest, and many other human car
casses, with the flesh still on them, lying about the canoe.
The other canoes, they informed me, belonged to different
warriors who had been killed, or died not long since. I
asked them why they had placed their effigies* in the ca
noes, and also why they put the bodies of the dead Ty
pees in that of the priest ? they told me (as Wilson inter
preted) that they were going to heaven, and that it was
impossible to get there without canoes. The canoe of the
priest being large, he was unable to manage it himself, nor
was it right that he should, he being now a god. They
had, therefore, placed in it the bodies of the Happahs and
Typees, which had been killed since his death, to paddle
him to the place of his destination ; but he had not been
able yet to start, for the want of a full crew, as it would
require ten to paddle her, and as yet they had only pro
cured eight. They told me also that the taboo, laid in
consequence of his death, would continue until he had
Started on his voyage, which he would not be able to do
until they had killed two more of their enemies, and by
this means completed his crew. I inquired if he took any
sea stock with him. They told me he, did, and point
ing to some red hogs in an enclosure, said that they were
intended for him, as well as a quantity of bread-fruit,
cocoa-nuts, &c. which would be collected from the trees
in the grove. I inquired if he had far to go ; they re
plied, no : and pointing to a small square stone enclosure,
informed me that was their heaven, that he was to go
there. This place was tabooed, they told me, for every
one except their priests.
Gattanewa was present at the time this information was
given me by some of the priest's servants or underlings,
who had the charge of the place, and resided in houses
constructed for them in front of the grove. Sometime
previous to this, I had been tabooed at my request, by
Gattanewa. This gave me the privilege of visiting and
examining all their places of religious worship, and I now
took advantage of my right by going into the grove among
the gods, accompanied by the attendants on the place.
Wilson could not accompany me there, and I was not ena-

112 porter's journal.
bled to make inquiry on many subjects. But 1 observed
that they treated all their gods with little respect, fre
quently catching" them by their large ears, drawing my
attention to their wide mouths, their flat noses, and large
eyes, and pointing out to me, by signs, all their other de
formities. I told Wilson to inform them I thought they
treated their gods very disrespectfully. They replied that
those were, like themselves, mere attendants on their di
vinity, as they were on the priest ; that I had not yet seen
their greatest of all gods, that he was in a small house,
which they pointed out, situated at the corner of the
grove. On my expressing a desire to see him, after a
short consultation among themselves, they brought him out
on the branch of the cocoa-nut tree, when I was surprised
to find him only a parcel of paper cloth secured to a piece
of a spear, about four feet long. It in some measure re
sembled a child in swaddling clothes, and the part intended
to represent the head had a number of strips of cloth hang
ing from it about a footin length. I could not help laugh
ing at the ridiculous appearance of the god they wor
shipped; in which they all joined me with a great deal of
good humour, some of them dandling and nursing the god,
as a child would her doll. They now asked me if I should
like to see some of their religious ceremonies, and on my
answering in the affirmative, they seated themselves in a
ring, and placed the god, with the cocoa-nut branch under
him, on the ground. One of them stood in the circle be
fore the god, and as soon as the others began to sing and
clap their hands, he fell to dancing with all his might, cut
ting a number of antic capers, then picking up the god,
and whirling it over his shoulders several times, , laid it
down again, when a pause ensued. They now began-
another song, when the dancer, with no less violence than
before, after whirling the god about, carried it out of the
circle and laid it down on the ground ; then shifted it from
place to place, and afterwards returned it to the cocoa-
nut branch within the circle. After a short pause the
dancer asked the singers several questions with great ear
nestness, and on their all answering in the affirmative, he
took up the god on the branch, and deposited it in the
house. I inquired of Wilson the purport of the song; he
told me they were singing the praises of their god ; but

porter's journal. 113
this was all he could tell me. The inquiries of the dancer
were, whether this was not the greatest of all gods,
whether they were not bound to sacrifice their lives to
preserve him, and whether, if they should lose him, there
would not be an end of their race. They showed me an
abundance of plumes and other ornaments belonging to
their divinity, and in front of the house, where he was
kept, there was a kind of sedan chair, ornamented with
leaves and cloth in the most fanciful manner, which was
for the purpose of carrying their god, on some ceremony.
I endeavoured to ascertain whether they had an idea of a
future state of rewards and punishments, and the nature of
their heaven. As respects the latter article, they be
lieved it to be an island, somewhere in the sky, abounding
with every thing desirable ; that those killed in war and
carried off by their friends, go there, provided they are
furnished with a canoe and provisions ; but that those who
are carried off by the enemy, never reach it, unless a suf
ficient number of the enemy can be obtained to paddle his
canoe there. For this reason they were so anxious to
procure a crew for their priest, who was killed and car
ried off by the Happahs. They have neither rewards nor
punishments in this world, and I could not learn that they
expected any in the next. Their religion, however, is
like a plaything, an amusement to them ; and I very much
doubt whether they, at any moment, give Mt a serious
thought. Their priests and jugglers manage those matters
for them ; what they tell them they believe, and do not
put themselves to the trouble of considering whether it is
right or wrong. If the priest tells them they shall have
rain within a certain period, they believe him ; if it does
not rain agreeably to his prediction, they think no more of
it. They deal greatly in charms and incantations ; by
them fhey believe they can procure the death of their
enemies, and effect the cure of the most dangerous wounds
and sickness. The priests are their principal surgeons and
physicians ; they lose many of their patients ; still the
people believe them none the less. They are not fond of
trouble, and least of all, the trouble of thinking. They
are very credulous, and will as readily believe in one re
ligion as another. I have explained to them the nature of
the Christian religion, in a manner to suit their ideas ;
vo&. n. 15

114 porter's journal.
they listened with much attention, appeared pleased with
the novelty of it, and agreed that our God must be greater
than theirs. Had a catholic priest been with me at the
moment, he might have made converts of every individual
in the valley. It is difficult to obtain a correct idea of
their religion. I do not believe that one native in a thou
sand can explain the nature of it ; the priests themselves
appear much at a loss. Tawattaa attached himself to
Mr. Adams, having learnt that he was our priest; Mr.
Adams endeavoured to collect from him some notions of
his religion, and among other things inquired of him
whether, according to their belief, the body was translated
to the other world, or only the spirit. The priest, after a
considerable pause, at length replied, that the flesh and
bones went to the earth, but that all within went to the
sky. From his manner, however, the question seemed
greatly to embarrass him, and it appeared as though a new
field was opened to his view.
I believe, from what I have seen and learnt of these
people, that their religion is the same as that of the Society
and Sandwich Islands ; a religion that not only perplexed
Captain Cook, but all the learned men who accompanied
him, and as may be naturally supposed, has greatly perplex
ed me. Their priests are their oracles ; they are consi
dered but little inferior to their gods ; to some they are
greatly superior, and after their death they rank with the
chief divinity. Besides the gods at the burying-place, or
morai, for so it is called by them, they have their house
hold gods, as well as small gods, which are hung round
their necks, generally made of human bones. Others are
carved on the handles of their fans, on their stilts, their
canes, atid more particularly on their war clubs. But
these gods are not held in any estimation ; they are sold,
exchanged, and given away with the same indifference as
any other object, and indeed the most precious relicy the
skulls and other bones of their relations, are disposed' of
with equal indifference.
When we were at war with the Typees, the Happahs
and Tayeehs made a strict search in the houses of the
enemy for the skulls of their ancestors, who had been
slain in battle, knowing where they were deposited.
Many were found, and the possessors seemed' rejoiced

porter's journal. 115
that they had recovered from the enemy so inestimable a
a relic. Dr. Hoffman seeing a man with three or four
skulls strung round his waist, asked him for them, and
they were given up immediately, although they had be
longed to his father, brother, and near relations. Next
day several appeared at the village with skulls to traffic
for harpoons. A very old man came to the village as a
representative from one of the tribes, and wishing to make
me a present, but having nothing else to give me, took
from his neck a string of bones cut in the form of their
gods, and assured me they were the bones of his grand
mother. In religion these people are mere children ; their morais
are their baby-houses, and their gods are their dolls. I
have seen Gattanewa with all his sons, and many others
sitting for hours together clapping their hands and singing
before a number of little wooden gods laid out in small
houses erected for the occasion, and ornamented with
strips of cloth. They were such houses as a child would
have made, of about two feet long and eighteen inches
high, and no less than ten or twelve of them in a cluster,
like a small village. By the side of these were several
canoes, furnished with their paddles, seines, harpoons, and
other fishing apparatus, and round the whole a line was
drawn to show that the place was tabooed. Within this
line was Gattanewa and others, like overgrown babies,
singing and clapping their hands, sometimes laughing and
talking, and appearing to give their ceremony no attention.
He asked me if the place was not very fine ; and it was
on this occasion that he tabooed me, in order to give me
an opportunity of approaching the gods, and examining
them more closely. The whole ceremony of tabooing
mc consisted in taking a piece of white cloth from the
hole through his ear, and tying it around my hat as a band.
I wore this badge for several days, and, simple as it was,
every one I passed would call out taboo, and avoid touch
ing me. I inquired the cause of this ceremony of Gat
tanewa ; he told me he was going to catch tortoise for the
gods, and that he should have to pray to them several
days and nights for success, during which time he would
he tabooed, and dare not enter a house frequented by wo
men.

J 16 porter's journal.
White among those people is considered sacred. A
white flag is an emblem of peace, and a white flag marks
out their tabooed and most sacred places. They have
also a method of designating the places which are tabooed
by bundles of long sticks, about half the size of the wrist,
with the bark stripped off and placed on end. These are
planted on all the platforms of stones, where women are
not permitted to approach, and this practice appears more
generally adopted than any other. The sticks employed
on such occasions are of a very light and white kind of soft
wood, (used by the natives for producing fire by friction,)
of the bark of which they make cordage of a handsome
and strong quality.
It remains for me now to say something of their domes
tic economy, their furniture, utensils, and implements. I
have already described their houses, from which it will be
seen that their apartments are few, and that however nu
merous may be the family, they have but one common
sleeping place. This is covered with dry grass, on which
mats are spread for the chief persons ; the servants and
others sleep on the grass alone, or on mats if they have
them. It has been represented by former voyagers, that
the women of this great nation distributed among the
South Sea Islands, are hot permitted to sit at meals with
the men, or allowed to eat pork on any occasion. Those
people are an exception ; men, women, and children eat
together, although each have their messes in separate dish
es, and the women are not prohibited from eating, pork
except during the existence of taboos. Even then they
eat it, if the men are not present, or if they will only have
the complaisance to turn away their faces, and not seem to
notice them ; which they generally do. Among tribes not
tabooed I have seen men and women eating pork together,
which was the case at Lewis's Bay, as I before mentioned.
The men and women are both remarkably fond of pork,
arid from their desire to eat it one would suppose that it
was an article of great rarity and scarcity among them, as
in fact it is. For although the island abounds in hogs,
the natives seldom kill them for the use of their families,
but keep them for their feasts ; and, on such occasions,
they will frequently kill five or six hundred at a time. If
a relation die, they have a feast on the occasion ; and they

porter's journal. 117
vrill save their hogs for years in order to make their feast
abundant, in which consists its chief splendour.
1 gave Gattanewa some hogs of an English breed, and
requested him not to kill any until they had become nume
rous. He told me he would not ; that he intended to have
a feast for his mother, and that he should not give it until he
had an hundred English hogs, when he should kill the
whole of them. When a marriage takes place, they also
have a feast, and in this consists the whole ceremony. The
union is not binding, and the parties are at liberty to sepa
rate when they no longer like each other, provided they
have had no children. The girls are seldom married be
fore they are nineteen or twenty years of age, and their
licentious life prevents them from having children before
that period ; they therefore preserve their beauty to an
advanced age. Before marriage they are at liberty to in
dulge themselves with whom they please, but after mar
riage the right of disposing of them remains with the hus
band. The women, different from those of almost every
other Indian nation, are not subjected to any laborious
work. Their occupations are wholly domestic ; to them
belongs the manufacturing of cloth, the care of the house
and children. The men cultivate the ground, catch fish,
build canoes and houses, and protect their families ; they
are all artificers, and as they have but few wants, they are
perfect in the knowledge necessary to supply them. To
he sure there are certain professional trades, which they
are not all so perfect in, such as tattooing, and the manufac
turing of ornaments for the ears ; for those objects there
are men who devote their whole attention to render them
selves perfect. There are also professed barbers, and
their doctors are, in some measure, professional men.
Their furniture consists of mats of a superior workman
ship, calabashes, baskets, kava cups, formed of the cocoa-
nut, and cradles for their children, hollowed out of a log,
and made with great neatness, some small chests, also hol
lowed out of a solid piece, with covers to them, wooden
howls and stands, calculated to hang different objects on,
so contrived that the rats cannot get on them. Their
plumes and other articles of value, which would otherwise
be injured by the rats, are suspended in baskets from the
roofs of their houses, by lines passing through the bottom

118 porter's journal-
of an inverted calabash, to, prevent those animals from
descending them. Agricultural implements consist only
of sharp stakes for digging the ground; those for fishing
consist of the net, bone and wooden harpoons, the rod
and line, and fish-hooks formed of the mother-of-pearl, of
•which, as well as of the bone and wooden harpoons, par
ticular descriptions may be necessary.
The fish-hooks, made of the mother-of-pearl, are intend
ed chiefly for catching bonetas, and are used in trolling,
without bait; they consist of two pieces, one of which is
nearly as long as the finger. The mother-of-pearl, which
possesses, naturally, a high and beautiful polish, attracts
the fish by its glittering appearance, and serves the double
purpose of a bait, and as a shank for the hook, to the
lower end of which, apiece of bone is secured on the
...concave side, bending upwards, and inwards towards the
shank, and is sharpened at the point, but without any barb.
This serves the purpose of a point to the hook, and where
this bone is attached to the mother-of-pearl, a few hog's
bristles are secured across to give it in towing the appear
ance of a fish. To the hole, where the hope is attached to1
the mother-of-pearl, the line is made fast, and passes to
the upper part of the piece of -shell where it is secured,
forming a chord to the arch which it presents. When the
fish seizes this bait, and becomes hooked by the point of
bone, this cord, by the strain on the line, so secures him
to the hook that he rarely disengages, himself. The con
trivance is ingenious, and has been adopted by all the
South Sea Islanders.
The harpoon is nearly straight, when made either of
bone or wood ; the ends slope off to points in different
directions ; on one side is a notch cut in to secure it to a
pole by means of a slight lashing ; the opposite side has a
jog for the end of the pole to rest against; in the middle
of the harpoon is a hole for the harpoon line to be rove
through. When the fish is struck, the staff disengages it
self, and the harpoon becomes a toggle, which perfectly
secures him. They give the preference, however, to our
iron harpoons, which are, in fact, with them, the most
valuable form which iron can be put into, as they are much
used in striking the sun and devil fish, which frequent the
coasts and bays of this island, and although this fish is

porter's journal Hit
very sluggish, and requires little dexterity to take it, there
are some who are trained to the business, and pride them
selves greatly on their skill. The sons and grandsons of
chiefs are those who are most expert in the use of the har
poon. In the bow of each canoe is an elevated place for
the harpooner to stand, and when he strikes the fish, he
springs with his whole might with the harpoon, and drives
it up to the socket. This appears to be an awkward and
very improper method of using the iron harpoon. But
such was their mode with those made of bone and wood,
which required an extraordinary force to drive them into
the fish, and when they changed their instruments they
continued their old practice. They go out frequently with
the young harpooners to exercise them in striking, and
generally make choice of a time when the sea is rough, to
accustom them to balance themselves in the bow of the
canoe, in which consists the chief of their art. The skin
of the devil fish is used by them to make heads to their
drums. It also, as well as that of the shark, is used for
rasps in the working of wood into different forms, which
is done by securing slips of it to pieces of wood some
thing in the form of a razor strop.
They shave their heads, of rather their barbers shave
them, with a shark's tooth, shells, but now1 most commonly
with a piece of iron hoop ground down to so sharp an
edge as to remove the hair without giving much pain.
The beard of the young men and the hair under the
arms of both men and women, is plucked out by means of
shells, and there are certain other parts of the body where
the females pay as little respect to the works of nature.
The females at times, on what occasion I do not know,
shave their heads close ; but I am induced to believe such
occasions are rare, as some wear their hair long, some cut
short, and some cropped close, while others are close
shaved. They have such varieties in wearing their hair, I
could not discoverany fashion which seemed to prevail over
the others, except among the young men, to which class it
seemed wholly confined. Their custom is to put it up in
two knots, one on each side of the head, and they are se
cured with white strips of cloth, with a degree of neatness
and taste which might defy the art of our best head-dress
ers to equal. The old men wear it sometimes cut short.

120 PORTER^S JOURNAL.
sometimes the head is shaved, and they occasionally have
their head entirely shaved, except one lock on the crown^
which is worn loose or put up in a knot. But this latter
mode of wearing the hair is only adopted by them when
they have a solemn vow, as to revenge the death of some
near relation, &c. In such case the Jock is never cut off
until they have fulfilled their promise. Besides the shark's"1
tooth and iron hoop razors, they make use of a brand of
fire to singe off, and shells as tweezers to pluck out the
beard and hair on different parts of the body.
Tattooing is performed by means of a machine made of
hone, something like a comb, with the teeth only on one
side. The points of the teeth are rubbed with a black paint a
made of burnt cocoa-nut shell ground to powder; and mix
ed with water. This is struck into the flesh by means of a
heavy piece of wood, which serves the purpose of a ham- '
mer. The operation is extremely painful, and streams of
blood follow every blow, yet pride induces them to, bear
this torture, and they even suffer themselves to be tied
dowh while it is performing, in order that their agony may
not interrupt the operator. The men commence tattoo
ing as soon as they are able to bear the pain ; generally at
the age of eighteen or nineteen, and are rarely complete
ly tattooed until they arrive. at the age of thirty-five. The
women begin about the same age ; but have only their
legs, arms, and hands tattooed, which is done with extraor
dinary neatness and delicacy. Some slight lines are drawn
across their lips. It is also the practice with some to have
the inside of their lips tattooed, but the object of this orna
ment I could never find out, as it is never seen unless they
turn out their lips to show it. Every tribe in the island,
I observed, was tattooed after a different fashion, and I was
informed that every line had its meaning, and gave to the
hearer certain privileges at their feasts. This practice of
tattooing sometimes occasions sores which fester and are
several weeks before they heal; it however never produ- .
ces any serious consequences, or leaves any scars behind.
Fleurien, in his account of the Marquesas, says that the
men are in the habit of tying a ligature around the extre
mity of a certain part of the body, which proves that they
are not subject to circumcision. The same is done, as I
before observed, at the Island of Ooahoogah, and it is also

porter's journal. 121
the practice here. But notwithstanding this, they are all
circumcised, not in the manner of Jews, but by having the
foreskin slit ; and the instrument used for this purpose is a
shark's tooth. The operation is performed on children by
the priests, and on those occasions they have feasts, abun
dant in proportion to the wealth of the parents. Nor is
Mr. Fleurien's opinion, as to the object of those ligatures,
more correct. He' supposes it to be a refinement of vo
luptuousness, the only end of which is that of preserving
to the part always covered the greater irritability when it
ceases to be so. Those ligatures are put on from a refine
ment in. modesty, not of sensuality. The uncovered ex
tremity of this member is the only part which they believe
they ought to be ashamed to show, and when this is secured
by the aforesaid ligature, every other covering may be laid
aside without violating decency. It is. rarely worn except
when they are in every other respect naked, and then even
where most private, and when occupied in fishing, and the
greater part of the time in the water, this covering is care
fully kept on, and nothing whatever can Induce them at
such times to dispense with it. Is this depravity ? Is this
want of modesty ? or is it not rather holding up an exam
ple of decency to civilized man, who, with the most un
blushing disregard to shame on such occasions, exposes to
view a part which the merest savage assiduously conceals ?
The shark's tooth is also used by the women to scarify
themselves, to show the excess of their grief, particularly
on the death of a husband. But like those of other parts
of the world, on such occasions, their grief (if excessive)
is not lasting. I have seen a woman, whose wounds were
still unhealed- — deep wounds inflicted on her neck, breast,
and arms, for the loss of her husband, who had been de
voured by a shark. She presented herself at our village,
and joined in the general traffic of favours.
Their implements for the manufacture of cloths consist
only of a beater and a smooth log. They are both of that
kind of hard wood of which the war clubs are made. The
heater is about eighteen inches in length, one end of which
is rounded for the handle, the rest is squared, and slightly
grooved the length of the square. The whole operation
of making the cloth consists in beating the bark out on the
log to the size required, keeping it wet and gently stretch-
VOL. II. 16

122 porter's journal.
ed with one hand, while the other is employed with the
beater. This employment is left to the old women, who
will make three outer garments or cahoos in the course of
a day. The cloth is remarkably neat and regular, nearly
as strong as fine cotton or linen, but will not beatwashing
more than once. It is worn about a week before washing,
after being washed, it is beat out again to give them a gloss
and strength. Thus a woman, with moderate labour, will
in one day make for herself outer garments to last her six
weeks. If the garment should be torn in wearing, or by
any accident, it is only necessary to wet the edges of the
rent, and gently beat the parts together; They are en
tirely unacquainted with the use of the needle ; this simple
mode of repairing their dresses does not require it, nor is
it requisite in their formation, as each part of their Cloth
ing consists of square pieces.
In the manufacturing of whales' teeth into earrings^
pearl shells into fish-hooks, and, indeed, in the working of
all kind of shells, bone, and ivory, a piece of iron hoop
for a saw, and some sand and coral rock, are their only
implements. The iron hoop is used with sand, without
heing notched, in the manner that our stonecutters cut
their slabs, and the coral serves to give them a polish.
The same tools, with the addition of a tokay, which has
already been described, are employed in the formationrof
their spears, war clubs, coffins, cradles, and their various
household utensils. Before the introduction of iron, sharks'
teeth were used for saws, and a kind of stone adze sup
plied the place of the iron tokay, and, indeed, the attach
ment for stone tools is now so great, that many prefer them
to iron. I have frequently seen them throw aside a hatchet,
and make use of a sharp stone to cut down small trees,
sharpen stakes, &c.
I inquired of Gattanewa when iron was first introduced
on the island. He informed me, that many years after
Haii brought them hogs, some people of the same colour
as themselves, (but not tattooed,) having long black hair,
came in a vessel with two masts, and anchored in a bay
called Anahoo, on the other side of the island, and brought
with them some nails, which they exchanged for hogs and
fruit. The nails were so highly esteemed, and found so
useful, that the natives flocked from all parts to have holes

porter's journal. 123
bored through shells and other hard substances, and gave
the proprietors of them a hog each for the use of a nail a
few hours.
Their coffins are dug out of a solid piece of white wood,
in the manner of a trough ; the size is just sufficient to
cram the body in, and it is polished and otherwise finished
in a style which proves they pay a great respect to the re
mains of their friends. When a person dies, the body is
deposited in a coffin, and a stage erected, either in a house
vacated for the purpose, in which the coffin is placed, or a
small house of sufficient size to contain the coffin is built
in front of a tabbooed house, on the platform of stones, in
which the coffin is deposited. The former is practised
with the corpse of women, the latter with those of men;
guardians are appointed to sleep near and protect them.
When the flesh is mouldered from the bones, they are, as
I have been informed, carefully cleansed : some are kept
for relics-^ and some are deposited in the morais.
Their fans, of which they are very careful, are made
with surprising neatness, and consist of a curious piece
of mat workj of a semi-circular form, attached to a han
dle, generally representing four figures of their gods, two
above and two below, squatting back to back. The fans
are made of a stiff kind of grass, or perhaps the palmetto
leaf;- and the handles either of sandal wood, toa, ivory, or
human bones, neatly carved into figures of their gods.
These fans are held in high estimation, and they take much
pains in preserving them clean, whitening them from time
to time with chalk, or some other similar substance. This
appendage to their dress, I am informed, is common to all
the islands of the groups of Marquesas and Washington ;
indeed we saw several at Rooahoogah.
Mr. Fleurien, in his narrative of the voyage of Captain
Marchand, gives the following description of the fans seen
hy that navigator while at St. Christiana : " Among their
ornaments, we may likewise reckon large fans, formed of
the fibres of some plaited bark or coarse grass, which they
frequently whiten with lime, and which they make use of
to cool themselves ; and parasols made of large palm leaves,
which they adorn with feathers of different sizes and vari
ous colours." (Page 15ft, vol. i.)
This description is badly calculated to give a correct

124 porter's journal,
idea of their neatness; I may say elegance, which is not
surpassed by any other work to be found among them. In
his description of their stilts, he is very minute and accu
rate, and equally incorrect in his conjectures as to their
use. He supposes them intended for the purpose of ford
ing the streams, which he believes are occasioned by the
frequent inundations to which he thinks the island is liable.
I can assure Mr. Fleurien that they are used only for
amusement. Can it be supposed, for a moment, that a
nation of people who are amphibious, who are one half
of their time in the water, who are in the habit of bathing
at almost every stream, who are almost destitute of cloth
ing, and perfectly naked from the upper part of the thighs
downwards, would fall on so ridiculous an expedient for
crossing the insignificant rivulets of an island, whose cir
cumference does not exceed twenty leagues, rivulets
which the greater part of the year are nearly dry, and at
all times barely afford sufficient water for a ship ?
They are used, as I before observed, solely for amuse
ment. They enter into their gymnastic exercises, they
run with them, and endeavour to trip one another. They
are curiously wrought ; and as Mr. Fleurien wrote his de
scription of those of the island of St. Christiana, with a
pair of stilts before him, and as the description answers
exactly to those of Nooaheevah, (Madison's Island,) I take
the liberty of using the words of that elegant writer.
" The care they take to build their houses on stone plat
forms, which raise them to a certain elevation above the
ground, has already indicated that their island must be
exposed to inundations ; and the use which they make of
stilts, confirms this opinion. These stilts, to which the
English voyagers appear not to have paid attention, are
contrived iri a manner which announces that the inunda
tions are not regular, but vary in their height : and. want,
which is the parent of industry, has suggested to the in- .
habitants of St. Christiana a method as simple as it is in- j
genious, by which this help, that is necessary to them for
keeping up a communication with each other in the rainy
season, may be employed equally as well in the "highest
waters, as the lowest. For this purpose each stilt is com
posed of two pieces : the one, of hard wood, and of a
eingle piece, may be called the step ; the other is a pole

porter's journal. 125
of light wood, more or less long according to the stature of
the person who is to make use of it., The. step is, eleven
or twelve inches in length, an inch and a half in thickness ;
and its breadth, which is four inches at the top, is reduced
to half an inch at the bottom. The hind part is hollowed
out like a gutter or scupper, in order to be applied against
the pole, as a check or fish is, in sea terms, applied against
a mast ; and it is fastened to the pole at the height required
by that of the waters, by sennit or lashings of cocoa-nut
bass : the upper lashing passes through an oblong hole,
pierced in the thickness of the step ; and the lower one
embraces, with several turns, the thin part, and confines it
against the pole. The projecting part, which I should call
the clog, and on which the foot is to rest crosswise, bends
upwards as it branches from the pole : this clog is an inch
and a half in thickness ; and its shape is nearly that of the
prow of a ship, or of a rostrum, or, if the reader please,
that of a truncated nautilus. The under part of this sort
or shell is -slightly striated throughout its whole surface,
and the striae commence from the two sides in order to join
in the lower part on the middle, and there form a continued
web ; its upper surface is almost flat for receiving the foot,
and it is in like manner ornamented with strias of no great
depth, which form regular series of salient angles and of
re-entering angles. The clog is supported by the bust of
a human figure, in the attitude of a Cariatides, wrought in
a grotesque manner, which greatly resembles a support of
the Egyptian kind ; it has below it a second figure of the
same kind, but smaller, the head of which is placed below
the breasts of the larger one ; the hands of the latter
are placed flat on the stomach, and its body is terminated
hy a long sheath,, in order to form the lower and pointed
part of the step. The arms, as well as the other parts of
the body of the two figures, are angularly striated, like the
upper face of the clog. The natives of Santa Christiana
make a very dexterous use of their stilts, and would, in a
race, dispute the palm with our most experienced herds
men in stalking with theirs over the heaths of Bordeaux.
The pains taken by the former in ornamenting with sculp
ture, those which they had invented, may prove that they
set on them a great value, for this work, executed on a
very hard wood, with the sort of tools which they employ,

1-26 porter's journal.
must cost them much trouble, and require a very consi
derable portion of time : besides, they are seen amusing
themselves in keeping up the habit of walking with stilts ;
this exercise enters into their games, and constitutes a part
of their gymnastics." (Page 178, vol. i. Marchand's
Voyage.)

CHAPTER XVII.
MADISON'S ISLAND— ANIMALS-JNSECTS— FISH— FRUIT— DE
PARTURE FROM THE ISLAND— ARRIVAL AT VALPARAISO.
The only quadrupeds we found on the island were hogs,
rats, cats, and dogs. Cats I did not see, but I was informed
they were to be found wild in the , woods, where they had
retired from the dwellings of the natives. Of dogs I only
saw two, and they belonged to Mr. Maury and the people
with him. But I was informed there were one or two
more on the east side of the island ; neither of these ani
mals appeared to be held in any kind of estimation by the
natives. The cats appeared familiar to them ; and they
are much afraid of the dogs, particularly the two large
mastiffs belonging to us.
Agreeable to the tradition of Gattanewa, who is, perhaps,
the greatest historian among them, cats were first brought
to St. Christiana about forty years since by a god called
Hitahita, and thence some of the breed were brought in
canoes to this island. The people in the canoes, which
brought the cats, said that Hitahita came in a canoe, as
large as a small island ; they had never seen a vessel of
that description before, nor had they ever heard of one.
This god they said killed a man, and from that circum
stance I am induced to believe that he could have been no
other than Captain Cook,* who anchored at that Island
with the Resolution in 1 773, in the bay which he named
after his ship, — but which had before, in 1 595, been called
by Mendana La Madre de Dios. — The day after he an
chored, one of the natives endeavoured to carry off one of
the gang-way stanchions, and was shot in the act. This
circumstance is related in the account of captain Cook's
voyage, and the time agreeing so exactly with the tradi
tions of the natives, there cannot be a doubt of his having
left the cats, although in this journal no mention is made
of his haying done so.
It seems very extraordinary that the natives of that
* Cook was at this time bound to Otaheita, and it is not improbable
tbat the freqnent use of the name of that island, among the crew of his
ships, the sound of which approaches so near to Hitahita, may be the
cause of his bearing this name.

128 PORTER^ JOURNAL.
island possess no traditionary accounts of Mendana's
having been there, for there cannot be a doubt as to the
bay where he anchored. Captain Cook, although he has
filched from it the name given by the Spaniards, iden
tifies the place with that visited by Mendana ; and even
if he had not acknowledged it to be the same, the simila
rity of their descriptions would put if beyond all doubt.
He first says, " on the 6th of April we discovered an island,
when we were in lat. 9°. 20'. and long. 138°. 14'. we were
about nine leagues distance from it.' We soon discovered
another, more extensive than the former, and presently
afterwards a third and a fourth. These were the Mar;
quesas, discovered in 1595 by Mendana. After various
unsuccessful trials to come to an anchor, we came at last
before Mendana's port, and anchored in thirty -four fathoma
water, at the entrance of the bay." After which he gives
the following description of the bay where he anchored.
"The port of Madre.de Dios, which was named Resolu
tion Bay, is situated not far from the middle of the west
side of St. 'Christiana, under the highest land in the island.
The south point of the bay is a steep rock, terminating in
a peaked hill. The north point is not so high, and rises in
a more gentle slope. In the bay are two sandy coves ; in
each of which is a rivulet of excellent water. For wood
ing and watering, the northern cove is most convenient.
We saw here the little cascade mentioned by Quiras,
Mendana's pilot ; but the village is in the other cove."
I conceive it unnecessary to insert the Spanish descrip
tion of the bay ; it is sufficient to show that Captain Cook
felt satisfied that this was the bay of La Madre de Dios, so
named by Mendana, to convince every one that it was the
same. It only seems strange that the natives should have
no accounts of his having been there, although the period
was also marked by the Spaniards with the blood of their
countrymen. Two centuries, however, are to these isl
anders almost an eternity ; and during the time that has
elapsed, some circumstance unknown to us may have obli
terated their traditions.
The animals of the reptile kind ane lizards and centi
pedes— of the first, from some superstitious notions, the na
tives are very much afraid, as they are also of their eggs ; they
are the common small lizard, and perfectly harmless. Of

p6rter's jouknal. 129
thfe centipedes, which are consichgjred by us as poisonous,
they appear to he nowise afraid^ and sjrjall children will
amuse" t$en*selves with them on chips^nd sticks, but I
never saw any of them handle them. ;;'
: Cockroaches *and flies were very numerous, and the lat
ter very troublesome, as well also as a small kind of gnat,
the bite of which often becomes much inflamed, and very
sore and painful. They insinuate themselves, under^ the
wristbands, inside the collar, behind the ears, under the
trowsers, &e. and the pain of their sting can be compared
onfy to splinters on fire thrust, into the, flesh. But what
seems very extraordinary, after being a £&w weeks on the
island, they are no longer troublesome. With the cock
roaches we were soon infested on board the ship. They
were taken on board in the sails j. the wood, and in the
seamen's clothing ; for every night when they came on
shore on liberty, their blankets, and frequently their
mattresses, were brought with them, which were, gene
rally well stocked by those animals on their return on
board. We found here'the common dunghill fowl, in small num
bers, which appear to be esteemed only for the plumage
of the cocks. Three or four were brought to me as pre
sents by the chiefs of the tribes, . but the tail feathers of
all had been previously plucked out. Hens, we saw none—
either, in our valley or that of the Happahs ; and although
several cocks were seen in the valley of the Typees, no
hens were among them. This scarcity of, hens seems
somewhat unaccountable, and had I not seen some cocks
very youngj I should be induced to believe, they were
brought for traffic from some of the, other islands. But it
can hardly be supposed that any of those islanders are such
adepts in trade as to prevent (with views to their own
gain) the breed from getting to Nooaheevah. It seems
probable that where there are cocks there are also hens.
The hens are, perhaps, disregarded, and permitted to run
wild, or are killed and eaten, while the cocks only are pre
served for the beauty of the plumage.
The island affords a variety of birds, four of which only
I had an opportunity of examining. A,dove, which is very
abundant, with beautiful green plumage like a parrot. A
blue kind of paroquet. A bird resembling a lark, and -a
VOL. If. 17

180 PO»TE»?S JOURNAL,
beautiful white bird with black legs and bill, and web-
footed, which is seen frequently hovering over and lighting
on the trees. This must certainly be an aquatic bird, from
its being web-footed, yet I never saw it frequent the water,
although it generally kept about the trees, low down in the
valley. Nothing can exceed the whiteness and delicacy
of the feathers of this bird ; its body is not larger than that
of a snipe ; its wings are long, and apparently intended for
a great flight; its head is large, and rather disproportioned
to its size, and its eyes are prominent and black.
Fish were not caught in abundance, either by the na
tives or ourselves ; our constant occupations did not admit
of our devoting much time to that object, and their mode
of fishing might not have succeeded so well as ours. We
saw in the bay vast numbers of albacores, or, as they are
sometimes called, (and are so called by the natives,) caval-
las, which were in constant pursuit of shoals of small fish,
not dissimilar in their appearance to the anchovy. Of this
small kind of fish, the boys of the ship caught great num
bers with a kind of scoop net, alongside of the frigate. A
small red fish, rather longer and thicker than the finger,
Was frequently brought to me by the natives, and was re
markable for its delicacy. Several other kinds of fish,
some resembling a perch in form and size, and some shaped
like the pargee, but with variegated colours, were also
brought. But I never at any time saw a large fish which
had been taken by them except a devil fish. This last-
mentioned fish, with sharks and porpoises, frequent the bay 5
the manner of catching the latter is truly surprising.
When a shoal comes in, they get outside of them with
their canoes, and forming a semi-circle, by splashing with
their paddles, hallooing, and jumping overboard, so alarm
the fish, that they push for shoal water, and thence to the
beach, where the natives pursue and take them. In this
manner whole shoals are caught.
This island, besides the fruit and vegetables already
mentioned, produces a fruit somewhat resembling a large
bean. While in the pod, and when roasted, its taste is like
that of a chesnut ; it grows on a tree of moderate height,
but is not abundant.
An apple, in shape, and nearly in colour resembling a
red pepper— it is aqueous and cooling, but rather insipid ;

porter's journal. 131
the natives are very fond of it. It contains a hard round
stone in the centre, and I could never learn whether it grew
on a tree or a vine.
The fruit, formerly mentioned as resembling a walnut,
and producing much oil. It appears they were eaten by the
Spaniards, and by Captain Marchand's crew at St. Chris
tiana, and were found to be of an excellent flavour. But
although they were much relished, they were found to be
a pernicious fruit, occasioning all those who had eaten of
them, violent retchings, or violent colics, followed by
strong purging. It is stated that the natives ate of them
without experiencing any of these effects. At Nooahee
vah they are never used but for the purpose of ripening
bananas, agreeably to the method formerly mentioned,
(they possessing a heating quality) except when baked and
used as candles. They give a brilliant light, but require
a person to attend them constantly, as one will not burn.
more than two minutes.
Pine-apples of an inferior quality, forthe want of proper
cultivation, and the castor-oil bean are to be found on the
island. The first is confined to a few tabbooed spots in
the valley of Tieuhoy, the latter grows in the most
flourishing manner, and in the greatest abundance. These
two plants were introduced, as Wilson informed me, by an
English missionary, who, about five or six years ago, re
mained a short time here with a view of converting the
natives to Christianity. I could not learn that he had any
success in his undertaking ; if, however, he had while he
remained, all traces of it were completely worn off when
I arrived. It seems he first endeavoured to convert Gat-
tanewa's wife, as being the most intelligent woman on the
island. She appeared to have a perfect recollection of
some conversations he had with her on religion, through
the medium of Wilson, and among other things, related to
me, that he had informed her that our God was the only
God that every one should worship, that he made the
island of Nooaheevah, and had sent down his Son to let us
know that he was the true and only God. He ridiculed
their gods as blocks, and stones, and rags, which, said
Taiea-taiaa was not right, for we did not ridicule his God,
who, if he wished us to be convinced that we should wor
ship only him, would also send his Son to instruct us. We

!32 porter's journal.
would not kill him, as did the tribe of which the missionary
informed me ; we would thank him for his good intentions^
and give him, as we gave the missionary, shelter and food
while he remained among us. Our gods supply us with
bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, bananas and tarra in abun
dance ; we are perfectly contented, and we feel satisfied
there is no other such island to be found as Nooaheevah,
nor a valley more happy than the valley of Tieuhoy. You
who reside in the moon come to get the produce of our
island ; why would you visit us, if your own gods and your
own island could supply all your wants. The gods of white
men, we believe, are greater than our gods, because white
men are themselves superior to us. The gods of white
men were intended for them alone. The gods of Nooa
heevah were intended solely for us. I must here remark
that these people are fully pursuaded that we reside in the
moon, and that we owe the fairness of our skin entirely to
the colour of that luminary. They are sensible that Eng
land and America are two distinct countries, or rather isl
ands, or valleys situated in the same island ; and they were
astonished, that while the two tribes were at war we should
suffer our prisoners to live.
No people are more strongly attached to their soil than
the natives of Nooaheevah ; no persuasions whatever, no
offers of reward (not even of whales' teeth) can induce
them to leave their beloved island, their friends, and rela
tions. And the only times that I ever discovered anger
strongly marked on their countenances, was when, for my
amusement, I proposed to their children or brothers to
take them to America. Indeed I should haye been glad
that one or two of their young men would have consented
to go with me, if I had been certain of having it in my
power to return them to their native island. But the ap-*,
prehension that this might not be the case, prevented my
being so solicitous as I otherwise should have been. It is
true, they have not the same aversion to leaving theirisland
to search for other lands. But they are taught by tradi
tions that those are not the countries of white men, they
are islands abounding in bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, tarra^
kava, and such other productions as are to them in higher
estimation than any other; they are the lands belonging to
the great nation of which they make a part, who speak

porter's journal. 138
the same language, with slight variations, have the same re
ligion and customs, use the same arms and ornaments, and
are disseminated among the innumerable islands scattered
about the Pacific Ocean. A Nooaheevan, a Sandwich isl
ander, an Otaheitan, and a New Zealander, are all of the
same nation, and their language and appearance do not
differ so much as those of the people of the different coun
ties of England.
The natives of Nooaheevah are more beautiful in their
proportions than either. I have bad those of the three
other places on board my ship, and in point of beauty and
intelligence of countenance they bear no comparison.
The Sandwich Islander, the Otaheitan, and the New Zea
lander, had long resided among white men ; they had fallen
into their vices, and indulged in the same food ; they were
no longer in a state of nature ; they had, like us, become
corrupt, and while the honest guileless face of the Nooa
heevan shone with benevolence, good nature, and intelli
gence, the downcast eye and sullen looks of the others
marked their inferiority and degeneracy. Guilt, of which,
from their intercourse with us, they had become sensible,
had already marked their countenances; every emanation
of their souls could not be perceived by their features, as
by those of the honest naked Nooaheevan. While I am on
this subject, it may not be improper to take some notice of
the traditions of those people, which may lead to some idea
of the manner by which these islands became peopled.
Many conjectures on this subject have been started. Some
suppose they were peopled from the west, but the general
opinion is, that the first inhabitants came from the east, for
few are willing to admit that God created the human spe
cies (great and distinct as are the varieties) elsewhere than
in Paradise. I believe that this island was not inhabited
from the commencement of the world, because its general
appearance indicates that many centuries have not elapsed
since it was thrown out of the ocean by volcanoes. It is
not less irregular in its surface; than the islands composing
the group of Gallipagos, but it is evidently older, and
more covered with verdure, which has consequently pro
duced streams of water, and rendered it more suitable for
the residence of man. The same may be said of all the
islands composing the groups of Marquesas and Washing-

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Missing Page

136* porter's journal.
have been brought from Ootoopoo* an island which is sup.
posed by the natives to be situated somewhere to the
windward of La Magdalena.
None of our navigators have yet discovered an island of
that name, so situated. But in examining the chart of
Tupia, that native of the island of Ulitea, who left it with
Captain Cook on his first voyage, we find nearly in the
place assigned by the natives of Nooaheevah to Ootoopoo,
an island called Ootoo. Po, which signifies night, black, or
dark, may be an addition of our islanders, or an omission of
Tupid's. This chart, although not drawn with the accuracy
which could be expected from our hydrographers, was
nevertheless constructed by Sir Joseph Banks under the
direction iff Tupia, and was of great assistance to Cook
and other navigators in discovering- the islands he has
named. He had himself visited upwards of eighty, of
which he gave the names, and among others, he has named
the islands composing the Marquesas group, as they are
called by the natives. As this was done on the first voyage
of Cook, and as they were not known to Europeans before
that period, but by the name of saints, which the Spaniards
gave them, it could not have been from those he derived
his knowledge of them, but from some of the navigators
of this great nation. Tupia, although the greatest voyager
of his nation, does not pretend that he ever was so far to
windward. The intercourse between the most distant of
those islands does not seem difficult, or even rare, to the
natives, although to us it may seem so extraordinary. We
are apt to forget that those islands are situated in an ocean
seldom troubled by tempests, and from its remarkable
serenity, denominated the Pacific. Of the existence of
Ootoo or Ootoopoo, there cannot be a doubt. Tupia receiv
ed such information from the accounts of other navigators^
as enabled him to give it a position on his chart near fifty
years ago, and the position now ascribed to it by Gattanewa,
differs little from that of Tupia.
Of Nookuahe and Kappenooa, which lay four days sail to
leeward of Madison's Island, J, know not how they obtain
ed their information. But the island of Pooheka, they
say they have seen, of a clear day, from the heights of
Robert's Island, and the smoke from the fires they say are
frequently visible. Four days sailing, agreeably to the

porter's journal. 137
rate estimated by Captain Cook, would place Nookuahe and
Kappenooa about twelve degrees to the west of Madison's
Island, and nearly in this spot Tupia has placed an island
which he calls O-Heevapatto. Captain Marchand, and
Captain Ingraham of Boston, (before him,) both discovered
strong appearances of land to leeward of them, in the
W.S.W. quarter, in theirroute from the southern to the
northern part of Washington Group, and nearly in the
place ascribed by the natives to Pooheka. That land exists
in that quarter, there cannot be a doubt. For two successive
days the clouds were arrested in one point of the horizon,
and several of the seamen declared they plainly distinguish
ed land. No known navigator has yet traversed that part
of the ocean, and except from the information of Tupia
and the natives of Nooaheevah, we are ignorant of this
portion of the world. Perhaps a group of equal importance
to that of which we now treat, may there exist, and I re
gret that the object of my cruise would not admit of my
deviating so far, as to clear up a point so interesting to
geography. ~_
On the 9th of December, I had all my provisions, wood,
and water on board, my decks filled with hogs, and a most
abundant supply of cocoa-nuts and bananas, with which
we had been furnished by the liberality of our Nooaheevan
friends, who had reserved for us a stock of dried cocoa-
nuts, suitable for taking to sea, and calculated for keeping
three or four months.
I now found it necessary to restrain the liberty I had
heretofore given to my people, and directed that every
person should remain on board, and work late and early, to
hasten the departure of the ship. But three of my crew,
determined to have a parting kiss, swam on shore at night,
and were caught on the beach and brought to me. I im
mediately caused them to be confined in irons, and deter
mined to check any farther disobedience of my orders by
the most exemplary punishment. I next morning had
them punished at the gangway, and set them to work in
chains with my prisoners. This severity excited some
discontents and murmurings among the crew, but it effec
tually prevented a recurrence of this offence.
Nooaheevah had many charms for a sailor ; and had part
of my crew felt disposed to remain there, I knew they
VOL. II. 18

138 porter's journal,
would not absent themselves until the moment before my
departure. This severity had the desired effect ; what
ever might have been their disposition, none thought pro
per to absent themselves except a lazy negro, whom I took
ott board through charity at Tumbez, and who, from his
insignificance, was not missed until after we had sailed.
This affair had, however, like to have ended seriously ; my
crew did not see the same motives for restraint as myself;
they had long been indulged, and they thought it now hard
to be deprived of their u/ual liberty. They were restless,
discontented, and unhappy. The girls lined the beach
from morning until night, and every moment importuned
me to take the taboos off the men, and laughingly express
ed their grief by dipping their fingers into the sea and
touching their eyes, so as to let the salt-water trickle
down their cheeks. Others would seize a chip, and hold
ing it in the manner of a shark's tooth, declared they
would cut themselves to pieces in despair ; some threat
ened to beat their brains out with a spear of grass, some
to drown themselves, and all were determined to inflict on
themselves some dreadful punishment, if I did not permit
their sweethearts to come on shore. The men did not
bear it with so much good humour : their situation, they
said, was worse than slavery, and one Robert White de
clared, on board the Essex Junior, that the crew of the
Essex had come to a resolution not to weigh her anchor, or
if they should be compelled to get the ship underway, in
three days' time after leaving the port, to hoist their own
flag. When this was reported to me it became necessary
to notice it, and with such a variety of characters as com
pose the crew of a ship of war, none but energetic mea
sures will answer. I was willing to let them ease their
minds by a little grumbling. It was no more than what I
expected, but a threat of this kind was carrying matters
rather too far. I called all hands on the larboard side ot
the quarter-deck, and after stating to them the necessity
of getting the ship in readiness for sea with all possible
despatch, informed them that was the sole cause of their
confinement, which was by no means intended as a punish
ment to them, as their conduct had not merited amy, but to
the contrary, had met my entire approbation. I then re
presented the serious consequences which would be likely

porter's journal. Ig9
to result, should;all hands so far forget their duty to the ser
vice, and their respect to my orders, as to follow the exam
ple of those who were now under punishment for going
on shore without leave. All seemed impressed with a
sense of the necessity of strict subordination. I now in
formed them of the report which had been circulated,
and assured them that although 1 gave no credit to it,
should such an event take place, I would without hesita
tion, put a match to the magazine, and blow them all to
eternity. 1 added, " perhaps there may be some grounds
for the report, let me see who are and who are not dispo
sed to obey my orders ; you who are inclined to get the
ship under way come on the starboard side, and you who are
otherwise disposed, remain where you are." All hasten
ed to the starboard side. I now called oat White : he
advanced, trembling. I informed them this was the man
who had circulated a report so injurious to the character
of the crew, and indignation was marked on every coun
tenance. An Indian canoe was paddling by the ship ; I
directed the fellow to get into her, and never let me see
his face again. All now returned cheerfully to their duty.
The prizes Seringapatam, Sir Andrew Hammond, and
Greenwich, were safely moored under the fort, and placed
under charge of lieutenant Gamble, of the marines, who,
with midshipman Feltus and twenty-one men, volunteered
to remain with them until my return, or until they could
receive further orders from me. In my orders to lieuten
ant Gamble, I exhorted him to pay every regard to the
most friendly intercourse with the natives, and to endea
vour to introduce among them the cultivation of seeds
of different kinds, which I left with him. My views in
leaving him with these vessels were to secure the meaus
of repairing my ships in case of an action on the coast.
And to avoid his being unnecessarily detained here, I gave
him orders to leave the island in five and a half months
from the time of my departure, if he should not hear of
me before the expiration of that period. My orders to
him, which were very full, I was under the necessity of
destroying at the time of my capture, as well as several
parts of my Journal of this period, as it would have been
highly improper to have let it fall into the enemy's hands.
Should lieutenant Gamble arrive safe, I shall hope to have

140 porter's journal..
it in my power to add them to another edition, and supply
the places of the charts and drawings, of which I have
been ungenerously deprived by the enemy.
1 also gave Mr. King orders to proceed to the United
States with the New Zealander, and prepared to sail with
the Essex and Essex Junior, with a full supply of pro
visions, leaving an abundance for nine months on board
the prizes.
Massachusetts Bay is one of the finest in the world.
Itaffords safe anchorage, good shelter and landing ; conve
nient watering places, abundance of refreshments, and a
welcome and hospitable reception from the natives. It
is easy of egress, and not more difficult of access than
would be desirable for defence. Light and baffling winds
generally make it necessary that large ships should warp
into the harbour. It is every where free from danger;
may be easily defended ; and you may choose your
depth of water, from four to thirty fathoms, clean, sandy
bottom. On leaving this place I had no sick on board my ship ;
my crew had never appeared at any time in-better health.
I had as yet met with only one case of the scurvy, among
them, and this was so extraordinary that I cannot help no
ticing it. It did not appear until a few days before my
departure from the island, and although the man had been
employed and slept on shore during the whole of my stayjw
had the most abundant supply of vegetables and fruit, and
had not, during the time, ate one meal of salt provisions,
still he was so much afflicted with the disease, that I
found it necessary to leave him there with scarcely a
hope that he will recover.
This man was about forty years of age, of slender make,
and apparently of a lethargic melancholy disposition.
He partook of none of the amusements of the rest of the
crew, and probably this disposition might have first laid
the foundation of a disease which lay lurking in the sys
tem, and for the want of a proper stimulus to the mind, at
length shot forth with so much vigour.
Shortly after leaving the port, a circumstance took
place which caused me much sorrow. The Otaheitan I
had on board had received a blow from the boatswain's
mate, the first probably which he had ever received, as

porter's journal 141
his gentle disposition, his activity, and desire to give satis
faction, had endeared him to every person in the ship.
Tamaha was ever lively and cheerful, constantly at work
during working hours, and after the work was over, his
chief employment was in amusing the crew by dancing
after the manner of his own country, or in imitating the
dancers, and the exercise of ours ; he was with all a favour
ite. Tamaha could not bear the shame of a blow ; he
shed a torrent of tears, and declared that no one should
strike him again. We were about twenty miles from
the land, night was coming on, and it was blowing fresh
with a considerable sea. Tamaha jumped overboard un
discovered, and was seen no more.
Whether he took with him an oar, or small spar, to buoy
himself up ; whether he hoped to reach the shore ; or
whether he determined to put an end to his existence, I
cannot pretend to say ; the distance, however, was so great,
and the sea so rough, that I cannot entertain a hope of his
surviving. His loss was greatly lamented by us all, and
his melancholy fate caused a general dejection.
Prior to leaving the bay, I delivered to Mr. Downes
the following orders ; and as it was not absolutely neces
sary that the ships should remain together, I made the best
of my way, regardless of the Essex Junior. But the two
ships sailed so near alike, that we rarely lost sight of
her for more than a' few hours, during several days to
gether. U. S. frigate Essex, Massachusetts Bay, Madison's Island,
9th December, 1813.
Sir,
In case of separation, you will proceed with the ship
under your command for the island of Mocha, off which
place you will cruise until 1 join you, which will be as soon
as possible. If you should take any prizes it will be well
to anchor them there, or at the island of St. Maries, until
we meet.
You must endeavour to prevent (by every means in
your power) the enemy from gaining intelligence of your
being on the coast, as it is my present intention to cruise
between Mocha and Valparaiso as long as our provisions
will last. Should so long a time elapse without your seeing

14& porter's journal.
me, as to justify the belief of my being lost or taken, you
will proceed to Valparaiso to renew your stock of provi
sions, and if after a reasonable time you gain no intelli
gence of me, you will please to act agreeably to your own
discretion. While you cruise off Mocha, keep the island bearing
about east, distant ten or twelve leagues, and it will be ad-
viseable to look occasionally into the harbour.
With sentiments of respect,
Your obedient servant,
Signed, D. PORTER.
Lieutenant John Downes, commanding
the U. S. armed prize-ship Essex
Junior, Massachusetts Bay.
On leaving Madison's Island, I was enabled to pass be
tween Hood's Island and Dominica, and from the preva
lence of N. W. winds, I on the 18th found myself in the
longitude of 131° west.
I shall not fatigue the reader with an account of the un
interesting passage of a month to the coast of Chili. The
first land we made was the island of Mocha, from whence
we ran down and anchored at St. Maries, were we filled
our water-casks, looked into Conception, where we found
only one English vessel, and thence proceeded to cruise
off Valparaiso.

CHAPTER XVIII.
EVENTS AT VALPARAISO, PREVIOUS TO THE CAPTURE OP
THE ESSEX.
It may be recollected by those who have read the first
edition of this Journal, that the narrative ended with my
arrival at Valparaiso. The particulars of the capture of
the Essex are stated in my official letter to the Secretary
of the navy, written on my passage home. That letter
refers to circumstances which require some further state
ments to make them fully understood ; and which I had
not time to prepare and arrange for the first edition of my
Journal. I shall now proceed to give a brief relation of
the events which occurred at Valparaiso, previous to my
capture ; together with the material events of my passage
home to the United States.
On the 3d of February I anchored in the bay of Valpa
raiso, exchanged salutes with the battery, went on shore to
pay my respects to the Governor, and the next day recei
ved his visit under a salute. The Governor was accompa
nied by his wife and several of his officers.
The Essex Junior was directed to cruise off the port, to
intercept the enemy's merchant vessels, and to apprise me
of the appearance of any of his ships of war. In the mean
time, every effort was made to get the Essex ready for sea,
while my crew were allowed by turns to go ashore on
liberty. The attention and hospitality of the people of
Valparaiso seemed to increase; and not having had an
opportunity to return their civilities on my former visit, I
took advantage of the present occasion, to supply the omis
sion. On the evening of the seventh, I invited the officers
of the government, their families, and all the other res
pectable inhabitants, to an entertainment on board the Es
sex. To give Lt. Downes an opportunity to participate
in these gayeties, I directed him to anchor his vessel, but
so as to save a full view of the sea.
The dancing continued until midnight; after which Lt.
Downes repaired to his vessel, got her under way, ahd

144 porter's journal.
proceeded to sea. We had not yet taken down the awn
ings, flags, &c. which we usually employed on these occa
sions for the decorations of ships of war, nor got clear of
the confusion which so large a company naturally occa
sioned, before the Essex Junior made a signal for two
enemy's ships in sight. At this time, one half of my
crew were on shore ; but, having established a signal for
them to repair on board, 1 caused a gun to be fired, and
after directing the ship to be prepared for action, repaired
on board the Essex Junior, and went out to reconnoitre.
Both vessels had the appearance of frigates. Upon this I
directed Lt. Downes to run into port, ahd take a position
where we could mutually defend each other.
On my return to the Essex, at half past seven, one hour
and a half only after the enemy came in sight, I found the
ship completely prepared for action, and every man on
board, and at his post. We had now only to act on the
defensive. At eight o'clock the two ships came into the
harbour; the frigate, which proved to be the Phcebe,
Captain Hillyar, ranging up alongside of the Essex, and be
tween her and the Essex Junior, within a few yards of the
former. The Phoebe was fully prepared for action.
Captain Hillyar very politely inquired after my health ;
to which inquiry I returned the usual compliment. And
here it may be proper to observe, that Captain Hillyar and
myself had been acquainted in the Mediterranean. While
his family resided at Gibraltar, I was in the habit of visiting
them frequently, and had spent many pleasant hours in
their company. For Captain Hillyar and his family I en
tertained the highest respect ; and among the American
officers generally, no officer of the British navy was so
great a favourite as Captain Hillyar. The former paid to
his family greater attentions than to any other persons si
milarly situated ; and on the other hand, were always re
ceived with the like in return. On one occasion, during
the absence of Captain Hillyar, they placed themselves
under the protection of Commodore Rodgers, and came
in his ship from Malta to Gibraltar ; where Mrs. Hillyar
joined her husband. But, to proceed with my narrative :
Finding the Phoebe was approaching nearer than pru
dence or a sfrict neutrality would justify me in permitting,
I observed to Captain Hillyar, that my ship was perfectly

porter's journal. 145
prepared for action, but that I should only act on the de
fensive. He immediately answered, as he leaned over the
quarter, in a careless and indifferent manner: " O, Sir, I
have no intention of getting on board of you." 1 told him
again, if he did fall on board of me, there would be much
bloodshed. He repeated his assurances, with the same
nonchalance, that such was not his intention. Finding,
however, tha,t he luffed up so as to cause his ship to take
aback, whereby her jib-boom came across my forecastle,
1 immediately called all hands to board the enemy, direct
ing them j if the ships' hulls touched, to spring upon the
deck of the Phoebe. At this moment, not a gun from the
Phosbe could be brought to bear on either the Essex or
Essex Junior, while her bow was exposed to the raking fire
of the one, and her stern to that of the other. Her con
sort, which proved to be the Cherub, of 28 guns, was too
far off to leeward, to afford any assistance.
It is quite impossible for me to describe the consterna
tion on board the Phoebe, when they saw every officer and
man of the Essex armed with a cutlass and a brace of
pistols, ready to jump on board. They had been informed
by the boat of an English ship in Port, that the Essex
was in great confusion, from the entertainment, and that
the greater part of her crew were on shore. On wit
nessing this unexpected preparation for his reception,
Captain Hillyar raised both his hands, aud protested
with the utmost vehemence, that he had no intention
of getting on board of me ; that it was altogether an
accident that his ship had been taken aback; that he
was exceedingly sorry she had been placed in that situ
ation ; and that he had no hostile intention in doing so.
The Phoebe was at this moment completely at my
mercy. I could have destroyed her in fifteen minutes.
The temptation was great ; and the equivocal appear
ance of this near approach of the enemy might have
justified my attacking him on the plea of self-defence.
But I was disarmed by these assurances of Captain Hill
yar ; and accordingly, hailing, lieut. Downes, told him
not to commence hostilities #jvithout my orders, as it
was my intention to allow Captain Hillyar to extricate
himself from his disagreeable situation. The Phoebe ac
cordingly separated from the Essex, drifted by my ships,
VOL. II. 19

146 porter's journal.
constantly exposed to their raking fire ; and after getting
clear of them, anchored on the Eastern side of the
harbour, within reach of her long eighteen pounders,
but beyond the range of my carronades. The Cherub
anchored within pistol-shot of my larboard bow, and, upon
this, I ordered the Essex Junior to take a position that
would place the Cherub between her fire and that of
the Essex : an arrangement that gave great umbrage to
her commander, Captain Tucker.
On going ashore, there was a general expression of
astonishment among the officers of the government, and
the people of Valparaiso, at my forbearance in not taking
advantage of the opportunity which had thus presented
itself for destroying the enemy. My reply was, that 1 had
always respected the neutrality of their port, and should
scrupulously continue to do so. Nor, although subsequent
events have proved that Captain Hillyar was incapable of
a similar forbearance, have I ever regretted, for a single~
moment, that I permitted him to escape, when, either' by
accident or design, he had placed himself entirely at my
mercy. At no time, during the engagement which took
place afterwards, or since, would I have changed situa
tions or feelings with that officer.
Captain Hillyar and Captain Tucker, the day after their
arrival, paid me a visit at the house of Mr. Blanco, where
I generally staid while on shore. Their visit was soon
returned, and a friendly intimacy established, not only be
tween the commanders and myself, but the officers and
boats' crews of the respective ships. No one, to bavejudged
from appearances, would have supposed us to have been
at war, our conduct towards each other bore so much the
appearance of a friendly alliance. At our first interview,
I took occasion to tell Captain Hillyar, it was very impor
tant that I should know of him, whether he intended 'to
respect the neutrality bf the port. He replied, with much
emphasis and earnestness : " Fom have paid so much
respect to the neutrality of the port, that I feel myself
bound in honour to respect it." I told him, the assurance
was sufficient, and that it would place me more at ease,
since I should now no longer feel it necessary to be always
prepared for action.
In the course of this conversation, I adverted to a flag he

porter's journal. 147
had hoisted, containing the following motto : " God and
country ; British sailors best rights ; traitors offend both ;"
and asked him the object of it. He said it was in reply
to my motto of " free trade and sailors' rights," which gave
great offence to the British navy — whenever I hoisted that
flag, he should not fail to hoist the other. 1 told him, my
flag was intended solely for the purpose of pleasing our
selves, and not to insult the feelings of others ; that his, on
the contrary, was considered as highly insulting in the light
of an offset against ours ; and that, if he continued to hoist
it, I should not fail to retort on him. The next day, this
flag being hoisted, I displayed one bearing the motto of
" God, our country, and Liberty — tyrants offend them."
Three cheers followed on the part of the crew of the
Phoebe, which were returned from my ship. The thing
was taken in good part by Captain Hillyar ; we talked
freely and good humeuredly of the object of his coming to
that sea ; the long hunt he had after me, and of my views
in coining to Valparaiso. He asked me what 1 intended
to do with my prizes ; when I was going to sea; and va
rious other inquiries were put and answered. I told him,
whenever he sent away the Cherub, 1 should go to sea ;
that it would depend upon him altogether, when I depart
ed ; that, having thus met him, I should seek an opportu
nity of testing the force of the two ships. I added, that
the Essex being smaller than the Phoebe, I did not feel
that I should be justified to my country for losing my ship,
if I gave him a challenge ; but if he would challenge me,
and send away the Cherub, I would have no hesitation in
fighting him.
To these, and similar observations, Captain Hillyar
would reply, that the results of naval actions were very
uncertain : they depended on many contingencies — and
the loss of a mast or a spar, often turned the fate of the
day. He observed, that notwithstanding the inferiority of
my ship, still, if I could come to close quarters with her
carronades, I should no doubt do great execution. On
the whole, therefore, he should trust to circumstances to
bring us together, as he was not disposed to yield the ad
vantage of a superior force, which would effectually block
ade me until other ships arrived, and at all events, prevent
my doing any further injury tb the commerce of Britain.

148 PORSER?S JOURNAL.
As regarded my prizes, I informed him, they were only in
cumbrances to me, and I should take them to sea, and de
stroy them, the first opportunity. He told me I dared not
do it while he was in sight. I replied, " we shall see."
Finding Captain Hillyar determined to yield none of the .
advantages of his superior force, and being informed there
were other ships bound into the Pacific Ocejan, in pursuit
of me, I secretly resolved to take every means of provo
king him to a contest with his single ship. The Cherub
being quite near to the Esses, the respective crews occa
sionally amused themselves with singing songs, selecting
those most appropriate to their situation and feelings.
Some of these were of their own composition. The songs
from the Cherub were better sung, but those of the Essex
were more witty, and more to the point. The national
tune of yankee doodle was the vehicle through which the
crew of the Essex, in full chorus, conveyed their nautical
sarcasms ; while "the sweet little cherub that sits up
aloft," was generally selected by their rivals. These things
were not only tolerated, but encouraged, by the officers,
through the whole of the first watch of the calm, delightful
nights of Chili ; much to the amusement of the people of
Valparaiso, and the frequent annoyance of the crew of the
Cherub. At length, Captain Hillyar requested me to put
a stop to this practice, and I informed him, I certainly
should not do so, while the singing continued on board the
Cherub. About this time, one of my prisoners made his escape,
by jumping overboard, from the Essex Junior. A boat put
off from the Cherub, to pick him up ; and notwithstanding
every effort on our part, he was carried on board the
Cherub. This affair led to the following correspondence
between Captain Hillyar and myself, in which the reader
will perceive some little asperity, and the first which had
showed itself since our meeting. I felt that Captain Hill
yar had violated his pledge in permitting the rescue of this
man, and could not forbear placing it in its true light. The
reason of my not demanding his restoration, must be ob
vious to all, when it is considered how advantageous such
a precedent would be to me, predisposed as the British
sailors are, to desert at every opportunity.

porter's journal. 149
His Britannic Majesty's ship Pha.be, Valparaiso, 9th Feb 1814
Sir, By an Englishman picked up by one of his ma
jesty's sloop Cherub's boats, in a drowning state, Captain
Tucker has been informed, that nine of our countrymen
are suffering the miseries of close confinement, on board
the American shipof war under your orders ; and that the
calamity of imprisonment is aggravated by their being kept
in irons. As this mode of treatment is so contrary to any
I have ever witnessed, during a very long servitude, as
well as the usages of honourable warfare, may I beg (if the
statement is justj) that you will do me the favour to interest
yourself in their behalf. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES HILLYAR.
U. S. Frigate Essex, Valparaiso, 10th Feb. 1814.
Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of yesterday. The information you have re
ceived from the prisoner who made his escape from my
armed prize, and who was assisted in effecting it by the
boat and crew of his majesty's ship Cherub, is correct as
respects the situation of the remaining prisoners of war on
board the Essex Junior, as well as those in the Frigate I
have the honour to command.
When at the Island of Nooaheevah, my prisoners, while
on their parole of honour, made a most diabolical attempt
to possess themselves of my prize by means of poison, with
a view of making their escape. I detected and secured
them ; and when I no longer apprehended further danger,
I liberated them. Since my arrival here, 1 have again
found it necessary to secure them, and those on board my
prize haVe been. confined two days.
I have not perhaps, had as long a servitude as Captain
Hillyar ; nor was it necessary 1 should, to learn honour and
humanity. I deem it only necessary to say, that, of the
many prisoners who have fallen into my hands since hos
tilities commenced between the United States and Great
Britain, none have been confined but for my own security;
or otherwise punished but when they deserved it.
1 have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. PORTER.

ISO porter's journal.
Our next meeting on shore, afteF this correspondence,
was, however, very cordial. I made a proposition to put
all my prisoners on board one of my prizes, without a
cargo, and send her to England, with a passport, to secure
her from capture ; there to take in an equal number of
American prisoners, and proceed with them to the United
States. Captain Hillyar expressed some doubts of the
propriety of this course, and adverted to a similar arrange
ment with the captain of the sloop of war Alert, captured
by me, sent to St. John's, Newfoundland, with my pri
soners, and thence to the United States, with an equal
number of Americans. He wished, if possible, to see the
correspondence respecting this arrangement.
In the course of this conversation, he mentioned the
stories related to him by the man who made his escape
from the Essex Junior, respecting my treatment of pri
soners. Some of these were of the most extravagant and
malicious kind ; and if true, rendered me unworthy of my
country. Thpy had made an impression on the minds of
the British officers, much to my disadvantage, and were
calculated to operate greatly to the injury of the American
prisoners that might hereafter fall into their hands. I felt
it therefore due to my country and countrymen, as well as
to my own honour, that the thing should be perfectly ex
plained and understood. I accordingly wrote him the fol
lowing letter, and received a reply — both of which I shall
lay before the reader. U. S. Frigate Essex, Valparaiso, 23d Feb. 1814.
Sir, As you have expressed some doubts respecting the
correctness of an arrangement proposed by me for the dis
posal of the prisoners of war on board the ships under my
command — and as those doubts were occasioned by a
communication made by admiral Duckworth to the Secre
tary of the navy of the United States, of which you had
not a perfect recollection, I have done myself the honour
to transmit a copy of a letter from the Department, con
taining an extract from the aforesaid communication, by
which you will be enabled to judge, whether the objections
made by the admiral, can be^here applied.
I also do myself the honour to send you^the copy of a
letter from the admiral to myself, as well as several other

journal. 151
communications of a private nature, and beg you to restore
the originals, after you have perused and (if yoa think
them of sufficient importance) taken a copy of them. I
have been induced to do this, from a wish to remove cer
tain impressions which have been made on the public
mind, highly prejudicial to the character of an American
officer ; and I assure you, although I have endeavoured to
perform, and shall continue to do, my duty to my country,
to the utmost of my abilities, I disdain a mean and disho
nourable act, whatever advantages may result from it. It
has been my study to alleviate the miseries of war, and I
have been rewarded in most instances, with the basest
ingratitude. British boats, with British subjects on board, daily pass
and repass between the shore and the ships under your
command, when far beyond the jurisdiction of this port.
It has frequently been in my power to cut them off; but I
have not done so, under the persuasion that American
boats, under similar circumstances, would be permitted
by you to pass unmolested. I beg you to inform me,
whether my opinion is correct ?
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. PORTER.
Captain James Hillyar, fyc. §rc.
H. B. 'M. ship Fha.be, off Valparaiso, 2AlhFeb. 1814.
Sre, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your favour of yesterday, with its enclosures, and I beg you
will accept my thanks for the trouble you have taken.
The copy of Sir John Duckworth's letter, and the extracts
accompanying it, confirm me in my opinion, that the cases
are too nearly similar, to justify my acceding to your pro
position of sending one of your prizes as a cartel ; and the
British government would certainly disapprove of the act.
The letters from your prisoners must be highly gratifying
to your personal feelings — and I hope the individuals who
have benefited by your humane attentions, will feel them-
selvesbound in honour to rescue your character from every
unjust and illiberal aspersion.
I certainly could have no objection to American boats
passing in the way British do to us, under similar circum
stances. They have all the Governor's permission.

152 porter's journal.
I must now appeal to your humanity; repeat to you how
anxious 1 am for the sufferings of my countrymen, at pre
sent your prisoners — and express my request, that you will
liberate them here, as the only expedient I can think of.
If you accede to it, I pledge myself that they shall not be
permitted to serve on board any of his majesty's ships,
under my orders ; and I will write immediately to the
British government, that an equal number of Americans
may be restored to their country.
I have availed myself of yOur permission to copy some
of the papers, and have taken the, names of those who
have acknowledged your goodness to them. The liberal
minded will always do you justice — and a much higher
reward awaits the performance of every Christian duty, to
an afflicted fellow-creature. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES HILLYAR.
David Porter, Esq. fyc. fyc.
It will be understood, from the foregoing letters, that the
Phoebe and Cherub had gone to cruise, off the port. ,The cir
cumstance that hastened their going to sea, was as follows :
A signal from the Spanish Telegraph, on the hill, announced
a sail in the offing. The morning being calm, I ordered
the Essex Junior to get under way, and go in pursuit, tow
ing her with the boats of the Essex. After reconnoitering
the vessel, which proved to be a store ship of the enemy,
the Phoebe and Cherub got under way, and made all sail to
cut off the Essex Junior from the harbour, which they were
¦near effecting, but for the timely aid of the Essex's boats,
which again brought her safe to her old anchorage.
On the 25th of February, I sent a flag of truce on board
the Phoebe, with the following note :
U. S. Frigate Essex, Valparaiso, 25ih Feb. 1814.
Sir, '
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of yesterday,' and agreeably to your request
and assurances, immediately liberated on parole, the Bri
tish prisoners who were on board the vessels under my
command. Their obligation, as well as a certificate of
their liberation, are herewith enclosed.
My feelings have been greatly roused by the scandalous

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 158
reports which have been circulated respecting my con
duct. Yet I hope I shall always have sufficient control
over myself, to prevent any change in my conduct towards
those whom the fortune of war may place in my power ;
for, though such a change might be just, it would not
be generous. I fear I have done injury to my country,
and my fellow-citizens, by the practice of liberating Bri
tish subjects who have fallen into my hands, before they
were exchanged. But the purity of my intentions was
evident to ajmiral Duckworth, and so long as my country
does not disapprove of this mode, I hope I may be the
means of averting some of those evils incident to captivity.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. PORTER.
Captain James Hillyar, fyc. Sfc.
H. B. M. ship Phoebe, off Valparaiso, 26(/i Feb. 1814.
Sir, I received your letter announcing the liberation of
my countrymen, as well as the accompanying obligation
and certificate, and shall immediately transmit copies of
the letter to the British government. I beg you will do
me the honour to accept mf sincere thanks for your
attention to my request, and remain, with sentiments of
respect and consideration, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) JAMES HILLYAR.
David Porter, Esq. fyc. $¦<:.
About this time, I thought it adviseable to know the
sailing of my ship, and that of the enemy. I therefore
chose a favourable opportunity, when the British vessels
were to leeward, and unable to cut me off, to get under
way, and let them chase me. I soon ascertained that the
Essex had greatly the advantage, and consequently be
lieved I coukh at almost any time, make my escape from
them. I did not like, however, to . abandon the hope of
bringing the Phoebe to action ;; and notwithstanding my
own impatience to depart, I determined to keep it under
control, while I endeavoured to provoke my adversary to
combat. vol. ii. 20 </

154 porter's journal.
On the afternoon of the day on which the last letter was
written, it being calm, and the two British ships far in the
offing, I towed one of my prizes, the Hector, to sea ; and,
when within the reach of their guns, set fire to her, and
made my escape from them, notwithstanding every effort
on their part, to cut me off. This insult had the desired
effect. On the afternoon of the 27th, the Cherub was
about two or three miles to leeward of the port, and the
Phcebe was seen standing in for the harbour. At 5 6'clock
she hove about, a short distance from me, with her head off
shore, shortened sail, fired a guh to windward, and hoisted
the flag containing the motto intended as an answer to
mine. As every man on board my ship considered this a
challenge, I did not hesitate a moment, to accept of it as
such. I immediately hoisted my motto, fired a gun, and
got under way. The Phoebe now stood off shore, and
made sail. I followed her — -increased sail — and was closing
with her very fast, when, to my astonishment, she bore up
before the wind, and ran down for her consort. My indig
nation was roused at this conduct, and I directed two shot
to be fired ahead of her, to bring her to ; but she continued
on her course. I consequently hauled my wind, and re
turned into port. When the Phoebe had joined her con
sort, both gave chase to me, and after I had anchored,
came gallantly into the harbour together.
I confess I felt exceedingly indignant at this conduct of
Captain Hillyar, and so expressed myself on shore, among
the inhabitants. Certain of these expressions were com
municated to the British residents in Valparaiso, and by
them to Captain Hillyar. This state of affairs gave rise to
another kind of annoyance. The Cherub was now too far
off to hear the songs of the Essex ; but still feeling sore at
some taunts of my crew, on the score of the late challenge,
addressed some letters to them, bf a very insulting cha-
Xacter, which were brought to me. They informed me,
they had answered them. I thought this a fair opportunity
of rousing Captain Hillyar to offer battle again in earnest.
I accordingly wrote the following letter, with this express
object. V. S. Frigate Essex,' Valparaiso, 14th March, 1814.
Sir, The two enclosed papers have been handed to me
by my ship's company, and were delivered to one of my

JOURNAL. 155
seamen by a British prisoner on parole, as coming from
your ship. One of my seamen has also assured me, that
the crew of an English ship now in port, have showed him
a letter bearing your signature, holding forth encourage
ment to my people, for deserting the cause in which they
are now engaged. The style of the two papers is a suf
ficient evidence, that they were not written by a common
sailor. But, although I have received the most positive
assurances respecting the letter, my knowledge of the cha
racter of Captain Hillyar, will not permit me to believe
him capable of so base an expedient to effect the object of
his cruise — notwithstanding the circumstances, and alleged
object of the Phoebe's flag might induce a suspicion. It
appears that my ship's company have made some, reply to
the first of these papers ; and it is highly probable, that it
was couched in the ordinary language of sailors. The
most insulting epithets have been applied to them, and in
the most public manner. I have not therefore thought it
proper to restrain that indignation my people have felt, in
common with myself, at suchproceedings. Their charac
ter, as well as my own, has been misunderstood ; and if it
is believed that we have wished to shake the loyalty of
your seamen, I can positively assure you, our intentions
have been equally misunderstood. It is not necessary for
us to resort to so pitiful an expedient — and were it neces
sary, I should spurn it. My men are equally prepared with
myself, to do our duty : they have given me innumerable
proofs of their readiness at all times, to die in support of
their country's cause : they have my unlimited confi
dence — I have theirs. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. PORTER..
Captain James Hillyar, fyc. ire.
To this letter Captain Hillyar returned a temperate re
ply, disclaiming in the strongest terms, the conduct I had
attributed to him ; retorting the charge, of his people being
the aggressors in this paper war ; charging my men with
blasphemy ; and finally hinting at various reports he had
lately heard to my disadvantage, but which he wished not
to believe. Some other letters passed between us ; of
which both the originals and copies were lost in my cap-

156 porter's journal.
ture. The crews of the hostile ships also contiuued to
carry on the war, in poetry and prose : and some of the
poetical effusions of our opponents were so highly merito
rious, as to cause a suspicion of their being the production
of Captain Hillyar himself. , , .
On the 16th of March, twelve days before my capture,
the first lieutenant of the Phoebe came on board the Essex,
under a flag of truce, and stated that he had a message from
Captain Hillyar. Presuming it was another challenge, I
required the presence of some of my officers, to which he
consented. When they were assembled, I asked the pur
port of his message. He then stated, that Captain Hillyar
had been informed, I had said that he acted in a cowardly
manner, by running away from the Essex, after challen
ging her, but could not believe the report, and had sent
him on board to ascertain the truth. I told him I had said
so, and still thought so. He then stated, that Captain Hill
yar had entrusted him to tell me, that his firing a gun, and
hoisting the flag, was not intended as a challenge, but as a
signal to the Cherub. I replied, that Captain Hillyar had
informed me, the motto of the flag was intended for my
ship, and that there was not a man, woman, or child in
Valparaiso, that did not think it a challenge. He still
repeated, that Captain Hillyar had desired him to assure
me, it was not a challenge.
I told him in reply, that I had considered it one, but
was bound to believe Captain Hillyar, if he said it was not.
I added that, however it might be intended, I should
always consider it a challenge, whenever he chose to send,
away the Cherub, and perform a similar manoeuvre — and,
under that impression, act precisely as I had.done beforei
Again the officer assured me of the mistake ; adding, ^that
Captain Hillyar was a religious man, and did not approve
. of sending challenges.
I shall now close this part of my narrative, by laying be
fore my readers two certificates, one from the only officer.
now alive, who waspresent at the foregoing conversation
between Lt. Ingraham and myself. I would appeal to the
candour of Lt, Ingraham himself, had he not been killed
in the subsequent aGtion;
"On Sunday the 27th February, 1814, at 5. P. M. the
Phoebe ran close in with the harbour, hoisted an English

PORTER?S JOURNAL. 157
ensign, bearing the motto, " God and pur country ; British
sailors' best rights ; traitors offend them ;" and fired a gun
to windward.' The sloop of war was about two and a half
miles to leeward. The Essex immediately got under way,
hoisted a flag bearing the motto, " God, our country, and
liberty ; tyrants offend them ;" and fired a gun to wind
ward. The Phoebe hove to, until the Essex was within
gun-shot, when she bore up, and ran down for the
sloop. Two shot were fired across her bows, to bring her
to, but without effect. After chasing her as far as was pru
dent, Captain Porter observed, that their conduct was cow
ardly and dishonourable, and returned into port, where we
came to anchor. (Signed) John Downes,
Wm. Odenheim,
Edward Barnwell,
Richard K. Hoffman,
John K. Shaw,
M. W. Bartowe,
Alexr. Montgomery,
Geo. W. Isaacs,
S. L. Duzenbery.
" On the 10th of March, 1814, Lt. Ingraham, first of the
Phcebe, came on board the Essex, under a. flag of truce,
having a letter from Commodore Hillyar to Captain Porter.
Lt. Ingraham informed Captain Porter, that Commodore
Hillyar had heard Captain P. had called him a coward, for
running away from the Essex, and begged to know if it
was the case. Captain Porter informed him that, con
sidering the circumstance of the challenge, and the con
duct of the Phoebe in bearing up, he believed any thing he
could have said on the occasion, justifiable. Lt. Ingraham
assured Captain Porter, that no challenge was intended,
and that the gun was fired by accident. Captain P. said,
he supposed it to be a challenge, at the time, and had ac
cepted it ; and that he should accept another, if given by
the Phoebe ; observing, " it cannot be expected that I
would take upon myself the responsibility of challenging a
36 gun frigate, with a frigate of 32 guns ; as my country
would censure me, should; I prove unsuccessful; but the

158 porter's journal.
difference of force will not prevent my accepting a chal
lenge given by Captain Hillyar.
The Phoebe and Cherub, ever after, kept close together,
and showed a determination of not risking an action, unless
they could both engage the Essex."
(Signed) JOHN DOWNES.
These are the most important circumstances which pre
ceded the capture of the Essex, in the bay of Valparaiso;
the particulars of which are related in the following letter
to the Secretary of the navy :

copv or a letter from captain porter to the

Essex Junior, July 3d, 1814, at sea.
Sir, •,••.»<
I have done myself the honour to address you, repeated?*
ly, since I left the Delaware ; but have scarcely a hope
that one of my letters has reached you, and therefore,
consider it necessary to give you a brief history of my pro
ceedings since that period.
1 sailed from the Delaware on the 27th of October, 1812,
and repaired, with all diligence, (agreeably to the instruc
tions of Commodore Bainbridge,) to Port Praya, Fernan
do deNoronho, and Cape Frio, arriving at each piace on
the day appointed to meet him. On my passage from
Port Praya to Fernando de Noronho, I captured his Britan
nic majesty's packet Nocton — and after taking out abqut
eleven thousand pounds sterling in specie, sent her under
command of lieutenant Finch for America. I cruised off
Rio de Janeiro, and about Cape Frio, until the 12th Janu
ary, 1813, hearing frequently of the Commodore by vessels
from Bahia. I here captured one schooner with bides
and tallow ; I sent her into Rio. The Montague, the ad
miral's ship, being in pursuit of me, my provisions now
getting short, and finding it necessary to look out for a sup
ply to enable me to meet the Commodore by the first of
April, off St. Helena, I proceeded to the island of St.
Catherine's, (the last place of rendezvous on the coast of

JOURNAL. 169
Brazil,) as the most likely to supply my wants, and, at the
same time, afford me that intelligence necessary to enable
me to elude the British ships of war on the coast, and ex
pected there. I here could procure only wood, water,
and rum, and a few bags of flour ; and hearing of the
Commodore's action with the Java, the capture of the
Hornet by the Montague, and of a considerable augmenta
tion of the British force on the coast, several being in pur
suit of me, 1 found it necessary to get to sea as soon as
possible. I now, agreeably to the Commodore's plan,
stretched to the southward, scouring the coast as far as Rio
de la Plata. I heard that Buenos Ayres was in a state of
starvation, and could not supply our wants ; and that the
fovernment of Monteviedo was very inimical to us. The
Commodore's instructions now left it completely discre
tionary with me what course to pursue, and I determined
on following that which had not only met his approbation,
hut the approbation, of the then secretary of the navy.
I accordingly shaped my course for the Pacific ; and
after suffering greatly from short allowance of provisions,
and heavy gales off Cape Horn, (for which my ship and
men were ill provided) I arrived at Valparaiso on the
14th of March, 1813. I here took in as much jerked
beef, and other provisions, as my ship would conve
niently stow, and ran down the coast of Chili and Peru.
In this track I fell in with a Peruvian corsair, which had on
hoard twenty-four Americans as prisoners, the crews of
two whale ships, which she had taken on the coast of Chili.
The Captain informed me that, as allies of Great Britain,
they would capture all they should meet with, in expecta
tion of a war between Spain and the United States. I
consequently threw all his guns and ammunition into the
sea, liberated the Americans, and wrote a respectful letter
to the viceroy, explaining the cause of my proceedings,
which I delivered to her Captain. I then proceeded for
Lima, and recaptured one of the vessels as she was enter
ing the port. From thence 1 shaped my course for the
Gallipagos islands, where I cruised from the 17th Apr.il,
until the 3d October, 1813. During this time I touched
only once on the coast of America, which was for the pur
pose of procuring a supply of fresh water, as none is to be

160 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
found among those islands, which are perhaps the most
barren and desolate of any known.
While among this group, I captured the following Bri
tish ships, employed chiefly in the spermaceti whale fish
ery, viz :

LETTERS

OP MARQUE,

i

Montezuma,

Ions.
- 270

men. 21

guns. 2

pierced
for

Policy,

- 175

26

10

18

-Georgiana.

- 280

25

6

18

Greenwich,

338

25

10

20

Atlantic,

355

24

8

20

Rose, ...

- 220

21

8

20

Hector. -
Catharine,

- 270

25

11

20

- 270

29

8

18

Seringapatam, -
Charlton,

- 357
- 274

31
21

14
10

26 #
18Z/1

New Zealander,

- 259

23

8

18 Z

Sir A. Hammond, -

- 301

31

12

18

3369

302

107

As some of those ships were captured by boats, and
others by prizes, my officers and men had several opportu
nities of showing their gallantry.
The Rose and Charlton were given up to the prisoners :
the Hector, Catharine, and Montezuma, I sent to Valpa
raiso, where they were laid up. The Policy, Georgiana,
ai\d New Zealander, I sent for America ; the Greenwich
1 kept as a store ship, to contain the stores of my other
prizes, necessary for us ; and the Atlantic, now called the
Essex Junior, I equipped with twenty guns, and gave the
command of her to lieutenant Downes.
Lieutenant Downes had convoyed the prizes to Valpa
raiso, and on his return, brought letters, informing me
that a squadron under the command of Commodore James
Hillyar, consisting of the frigate Phoebe of thirty-six guns,
had sailed on the 6th July for this sea. — The Racoon and
Cherub had been seeking me for some time on the coast of
Brazil, and on their return from their cruise, joined the
PORTER'S JOURNAL. lfpl
squadron sent in search of me to the Pacific. My ship,
as it may be supposed, after being near a year at sea, re
quired some repairs to put her in a state to meet them,
which I determined to do, and bring them to action, if I
could meet them on nearly equal terms. I proceeded, now,
in company with the remainder of my prizes, to the island
of Nooaheevah, or Madison's island, lying in the Washing
ton group, discovered by a Captain Ingraham of Boston.
Here I caulked and completely overhauled my ship, made
for her a new set of water casks, her old ones being entire
ly decayed, and took on board from my prizes, provisions
and stores for upwards of four months, and sailed for the
coast of Chili on the 12th December, 1813. Previous to
sailing, I secured the Seringapatam, Greenwich, and Sir
Andrew Hammond, under the guns of a battery, which I
had erected for their protection. After taking possession
of this fine island for the United States, and establishing
Jhe most friendly intercourse with the natives, I left them
under charge of lieutenant Gamble of the marines, with
twenty-one men, with orders to repair to Valparaiso after
a certain period.
I arrived on the coast of Chili on the 12th January, 1814;
looked into Conception and Valparaiso, found at both
places only three English vessels, and learned that the
squadron which sailed from Rio de Janeiro for that sea had
not been heard of since their departure, and were suppo
sed to be lost in endeavouring to double Cape Horn.
I had completely broken up the British navigation in the
Pacific ; the vessels which had not been captured by me,
were laid up, and dared not venture out. I had afforded
the most ample protection to our own vessels, which were,
on my arrival, very numerous and unprotected. — 'The
valuable whale fishery there, is entirely destroyed, and the
actual injury we have done them may be estimated at two
and a half millions of dollars, independent of the expenses
of the vessels in search of me. They have supplied me
amply with sails, cordage, cables, anchors, provisions, me
dicines, and stpres of every description — and the slops on
board them have furnished clothing for the seamen. We
had, in fact, lived on the enemy since I had been in that
sea ; every prize having proved a well found store .ship
for me. I had not yet been under the necessity of draw-
VOL. II. 21

162 ''" PORTER'S" JOURNALs
ing bills on the department for any object, and had been
enabled to make considerable advances to my officers and
crew on account of pay.
For the unexampled time we had kept the sea, my crew
had continued remarkably healthy; I had but one case of
the scurvy, and had lost only the following men by death,
viz : — John S. Cowan, lieutenant,
Robert Miller, surgeon,
Levi Holmes, o. seaman,
Edward Sweeny, do.
Samuel Groce, seaman,
James Spafford, gunner's mate,
Benjamin Geers, )
t u r> j t or- gunners,
JohnRodgers, J '
Andrew Mahan, corporal of marines,
Lewis Price, private marine.
1 had done all the injury that could be done to the British
commerce in the Pacific, and still hoped to signalize my
cruise by something more splendid before leaving that sea.
I thought it not improbable that Commodore Hillyar might
have kept his arrival secret, and believing that he would
seek me at Valparaiso, as the most likely place to find
me, I determined to cruise about that place, and
should I fail of meeting him, hoped to be compensated by*
the capture of some merchant ships, said to be expected
from England.
The Phoebe, agreeably to my expectations, came te
seek me at Valparaiso, where I was anchored with the.Es-
sex, my armed prize the Essex Junior, under the command
of lieutenant Downes, on the look-out off the harbour.
But, contrary to the course I thought he would pursue,
Commodore Hillyar brought with him the Cherub sloop of
war, mounting twenty-eight guns, eighteen thirty-two pound
carronades, eight twenty-fours, and two long nines on the
quarter deck and forecastle, and a complement of a hun
dred and eighty men. The force of the Phoebe is as fol
lows : thirty long eighteen pounders, sixteen thirty-two.
pound carronades, one howitzer, and six three pounders in
the tops, in all fifty-three guns, and a complement of three
hundred and twenty men; making a force of eighty-one

PORTER'S JOURNAL
guns and five hundred men — in addition to which, they
took on board the crew of an English letter of marque
lying in port. Both ships had picked crews, and were sent
into the Pacific in company with the Racoon of twenty-two
guns, and a store-ship of twenty guns, forthe express pur-
Eose of seeking the Essex, and were prepared with flags
earing the motto, " God and country ; British sailors'
best rights ; traitors offend both." This was intended as a
reply to my motto, " Free trade and sailors'1 rights,'''1 under
the erroneous impression that my crew were chiefly Eng
lishmen, or to counteract its effect on their own crews. Z.
The force of the Essex was forty-six guns, forty thirty-two
pound carronades, and six long twelves, and her crew,
which had been much reduced by prizes, amounted only
to two hundred and fifty-five men. The Essex Junior,
which was intended chiefly as a store-ship, mounted twenty
guns, ten eighteen pound carronades, and ten short sixes,
with only sixty men on board. In reply to their motto, I
wrote at my mizen — " God, our Country, and Liberty ;
tyrants offend them."
On getting their provisions on board, they went off the
Siort for the purpose of blockading me, where they cruised
or near six weeks ; during which time I endeavoured to
provoke a challenge, and frequently, but ineffectually, to
bring the Phoebe alone to action, first with both my ships,
and afterwards with my single ship, with both crews on
board. I was several times under way, and ascertained
that I had greatly the advantage in point of sailing, and
once succeeded in closing within gun shot of the Phoebe,
and commenced a fire on her, when she ran down for the
Cherub, which was two and a half miles to leeward. This
excited some surprise and expressions of indignation, as
previous to my getting under way, she hove too off the
port, hoisted her motto flag, and fired a gun to windward.
Commodore Hillyar seemed determined to avoid a contest
with me on nearly equal terms, and from his extreme pra-
dence in keeping both his ships ever after constantly with
in hail of each other, there were no hopes of any advan
tages to my country from a longer stay in port. I therefore
determined to put to sea the first opportunity which should
offer ; and I was the more strongly induced to do so, as I
had gained certain intelligence that the Tagus, rated thirty.

164 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
eight, and two other frigates, had sailed for that sea in pur
suit of me. I had also reason to expect the arrival of the
Racoon from the N. W. coast of America, where she had
been sent for the purpose of destroying our fur establish
ment on the Columbia. A rendezvous was appointed for
the Essex Junior, and every arrangement made for sailing,
and I intended to let them chase me off, to give the Esses
Junior an opportunity of escaping. On the 28th of March,
the day after this determination was formed, the wind came
on to blow fresh from the southward, when I parted my
larboard cable and dragged my starboard anchor directly
out to sea. Not a moment was to be lost in getting sail on
the ship. The enemy were close in with the point form
ing the west side of the bay; but on opening them I saw
a prospect of passing to windward, when I took in my top
gallant sails, which were set over single reefed top-sails,
and braced up for this purpose. But on rounding the point
a heavy squall struck the ship and carried away her main
top-mast, precipitating the men who were aloft into the
sea, who were drowned. Both ships now gave chase to
me, and I endeavoured in my disabled state to regain the
port; but finding I could not recover the common anchor
age, I ran close into a small bay, about three quarters of a
mile to leeward of the battery, on the east side of the
harbour, and let go my anchor within pistol shot of the
shore, where I intended to repair my damages as soon as
possible. The enemy continued to approach, showing an
evident intention of attacking us, regardless of the neu
trality of the place where I was anchored. The caution
observed in their approach to the attack of the crippled
Essex was truly ridiculous, as was their display of their
motto flags, and the number of jacks at their mast heads.
I, with as much expedition as circumstances would admit,
got my ship ready for action, and endeavoured to get a
spring on my cable, but had not succeeded when the ene
my, at fifty-four minutes after three P. M. made his attack,,
the Phoebe placing herself under my stern, and the Cheruft
on my starboard bow. But the Cherub soon finding her
situation a hot one, bore up and ran under my stem also,
where both ships kept up a hot raking fire. I had got
three long twelve pounders out at the stern ports, which
were worked with so much bravery and skill, that in half '

porter's journal. 165
an hour We so disabled both as to compel them to haul off
to repair damages. In the course of this firing, I had by
the great exertions of Mr. Edward Barnewall the acting
sailing master, assisted by Mr. Linscott the boatswain,
succeeded in getting springs on our cables three different
times — but the fire of the enemy was so excessive, that
before we could get our broadside to bear, they Were shot
away, and thus rendered useless to us. My ship had re
ceived many injuries, and several men had been killed and
wounded — but my brave officers and men, notwithstanding
the unfavourable circumstances under which we were
brought toaction, and the powerful force opposed tous, were
nowise discouraged — all appeared determined to defend
their ship to the last extremity, and to die, in preference
to a shameful surrender. Our gaff, with the ensign and
motto flag at the rnizzen, had been shot away — but
free trAbe and sailors' rights continued to fly at the
fore.-^Our ensign was replaced by another— and to guard
against a similar event, an ensign was made fast in the
mizzen rigging, and several jacks were hoisted in different
parts of the ship. The enemy soon repaired his damages
for a fresh attack ; he now placed himself, with both his
ships; on my starboard quarter, out of the reach of my
carronades, and where my stern guns could not be brought
to bear ; he there kept up a most galling fire, which it was
out of my power to return, when I saw no prospect of
injuring him without getting under way and becoming thfe
assailant. My top-sail sheets and halliards were all shot
away, as well as the jib andfore-top-mast-stay-sail-halliards.
The only rope not cut was the flying-jib-halliards ; and
that being the only sail I could set, I caused it to be hoisted,
my cable to be cut, and ran down on both ships, with an
intention of laying the Phoebe on board. The firing on
both sides was now tremendous ; I had let fall my fore-
top-sail and fore-sail, but the want of tacks and sheets had
rendered them almost useless to us. Yet we were ena
bled, for a short time, to close with the enemy ; and
although our decks were now strewed with dead, and our
cock-pit filled with wounded, although our ship had been
several times on fire, and was rendered a perfect wreck,
we were still encouraged to hope to save her, from the
circumstance of the Cherub, being compelled to haul off.

166 porter's journal.
She did not return to close action again, although she appa
rently had it in her power to do so, but kept up a distent
firing with her long guns.- — The Phoebe, from our disabled
state, was enabled, however, by edging off, to choose the
distance which best suited her long guns, and kept up a
tremendous fire on us, which mowed down my brave com
panions by the dozen. Many of my guns had been ren
dered useless by the enemy's shot, and many of them had
their whole crews destroyed. We manned them again
from those which were disabled, and one gun in particular
was tbree times manned— fifteen men were slain at it in
the action. But, strange as it may appear, the Captain of
it escaped with only a slight wound. — Finding that the
enemy had it in his power to choose his distance, I now
gave up all hopes of closing with him, and as the wind, for
the moment, seemed to favour the design, I determined
to endeavour to run her on shore, land my men and destroy
her. Every thing seemed to favour my wishes. We had
approached the shore within musket shot, and I had no
doubt of succeeding, when, in an instant, the wind shifted
from the land (as is very common in this port in the latter
part of the day) and payed our head down on the Phoebe,
where we were again exposed to a dreadful raking fire.
My ship was now totally unmanageable ; yet, as her head
was toward the enemy, and he to leeward of me, I still
hoped to be able to board him. At this moment lieutenant
commandant Downes came on board to receive my orders,
under the impression that I should soon be a prisoner. He
could be of no use to me in the then wretched state of the
Essex; and finding (from the enemy's putting his helm up)
that my last attempt at boarding would not succeed, I di
rected him, after he had been about ten minutes onboard,
to return to his own ship, to be prepared for defending and
destroying her in case of an attack. He took with him
several of my wounded, leaving three of his boats crew on
board to make room for them. The slaughter on board
my ship had now become horrible, the enemy continuing
to rake:us,.and we unable to bring a gun to bear. I there
fore directed 'a hawser to he bent to the sheet anchor, and
the': anchor to be cut from the bows to bring her head
ro/ynd ¦':' this succeeded. We again got our broadside to
bfear, and as the enemy was much crippled and unable to

porter's journal. 167
hold his own, I have no doubt he would soon have drifted
out of gun shot before he discovered we had anchored, had
not the hawser unfortunately parted. My ship had taken
fire several times during the action, but alarmingly so for
ward and aft ; at this moment, the flames were bursting up
each hatchway, and no hopes were entertained of saving
her ; our distance from the shore did not exceed three-
quarters of a mile, and I hoped many of my brave crew
would be able to save themselves, should the ship blow
up, as I was informed the fire was near the magazine, and
the explosion of a large quantity of powder below served
to increase the horrors of our situation — our boats were
destroyed by the enemy's shot ; I, therefore, directed
those who could swim to jump overboard, and endeavour
to gain the shore. Some reached it — some were taken
hy the enemy, and some perished in the attempt ; but most
preferred sharing with me the fate of the ship. We, who
remained, now turned our attention wholly to extinguish
ing the flames ; and when we had succeeded, went again
to our guns, where the firing was kept up for some minutes,
but the crew had by this time become so weakened, that
they all declared to me the impossibility of making further
resistance, and entreated me to surrender my ship to save
the wounded, as all further attempt at opposition must
prove ineffectual, almost every gun being disabled by the
destruction of their crews. I now sent for the officers of
divisions to consult them ; but what was my surprise to
find only acting lieutenant Stephen Decatur M'Knight re
maining, who confirmed the report respecting the condi
tion of the guns on the gun-deck — those on the spar deck
were not in a better state. Lieutenant Wilmer, after fight
ing most gallantly throughout the action, had been knock
ed overboard by a splinter while getting the sheet anchor
from the bows, and was drowned. Acting lieutenant John
G. Cowell, had lost a leg ; Mr. Edward Barnewall, acting
sailing master, had been carried below, after receiving two
wounds, one in the breast and one in the face ; and acting
lieutenant William H. Odenheimer, had been knocked
overboard from the quarter an instant before, and did not
regain the ship until after the surrender. I was informed
that the cock-pit, the steerage, the ward-room and the
birth-deck, could contain no more wounded; that the

16U porter's journal.
wounded were killed while the surgeons were dressing
tbem, and that, unless something was speedily done to pre
vent it, the ship would soon sink from the number of shot
holes in her bottom. And, on sending for the carpenter,
he informed me that all his crew had been killed or woun
ded, and that he had been once over the side to stop the
leaks, when his slings had been shot away, and it was with
difficulty he was saved from drowning. The enemy, fron^
the smoothness of the water, and the impossibility of our
reachinghim with our carronades, and the little apprehen
sion that was excited by our fire, which had now become
much slackened, was enabled to take aim at us as at a tar
get ; his shot never missed our hull, and my ship was cut
up in a manner which was, perhaps, neyer before witness
ed — in fine, I saw no hopes of saving her, and at twenty
minutes after six P. M. gave the painful order to strike the
colours. Seventy-five men, including officers were all
that remained of my whole crew, after the action, capable
of doing duty, and many of them severely wounded, some
of whom have since died. The enemy still continued his
fire, and my brave, though unfortunate companions, were
still falling about me. I directed an opposite gun to be
fired, to show them we intended no further resistance ; but
they did not desist ; four men were killed at my side, and
others in different parts oflhe shipi I now believed he in
tended to show us no quarter, and that it would be as weU
to die with my flag flying as struck, and was on the point of
again hoisting it, when about ten minutes after hauling the
eolours down he ceased firing !
I cannot speak in sufficiently high terms of the conduct
of those engaged for such an unparalleled length of time
(under such circumstances) with me in the arduous and un
equal contest — Let it suffice to say, that more bravery,
skill, patriotism, and zeal, were never displayed on any
occasion. Every one seemed determined to die in defence
of their much loved country's cause, and nothing but
views to humanity could ever have reconciled them to the
surrender of the ship ; they remembered their wounded
and helpless shipmates below. To acting lieutenants
M'Knight and Odenheimer I feel much indebted for their
great exertions and bravery throughout the action, in fight
ing and encouraging tbe men at their divisions, for the

porter's journal. 169
dexterous management of the long guns, and for their
promptness in re-manning their guns as their crews were
slaughtered. The conduct of that brave and heroic officer,
acting lieutenant John G. Cowel, who lost his leg in the lat
ter part of the action, excited the admiration of everyman
in the ship, and after being wounded, would not consent to
be taken below, until loss of blood rendered him insensi
ble. Mr. Edward Barnewall acting sailing-master, whose
activity and courage were equally conspicuous, returned
on deck after his first wound, and remained after receiving
his second until fainting with loss of blood. — Mr. Samuel
B. Johnson, who had joined me the day before, and acted
as marine officer, conducted himself with great bravery,
and exerted himself in assisting at the long guns ; the
musketry after the first half hour being useless, from our
great distance.
Mr. M. W. Bostwick, whom I had appointed acting
purser of the Essex Junior, and who was on board my ship,
did the duties of aid, in a manner which reflects on him the
highest honour, and midshipmen Isaacs, Farragut, and
Ogden, as well as acting midshipmen James Terry, James
R. Lyman, and Samuel Duzenbury, and master's mate Wil
liam Pierce, exerted themselvesin the performance of their
respective duties, and gave an earnest of their value to the
service ; the three first are too young to recommend for
promotion. — The latter I beg leave to recommend for con
firmation, as well as the acting lieutenants, and Messrs.
Barnewall, Johnson, and Bostwick.
We have been unfortunate, but not disgraced — the de
fence of the Essex has not been less honourable to her
officers and crew, than the capture of an equal force ;
and 1 now consider my situation less unpleasant than that
of Commodore Hillyar, who, in violation of every principle
of honour and generosity, and regardless of the rights of
nations, attacked the Essex in her crippled state, within
pistol shot of a neutral shore — when, for six weeks, I had
daily offered him fair and honourable combat, on terms
greatly to his advantage. The blood of the slain must be
on his head, and he has yet to reconcile his conduct to
heaven, to his conscience, and to the world. — The an-
nexed extract of a letter from Commodore Hillyar. which
vol. in 22

17© porter's journal.
was written previously to his returning me my sword,
will show his opinion of our conduct.
My loss has been dreadfully severe, fifty-eight killed, or
have since died of their wounds, and among them lieute
nant Cowell ; thirty-nine were severely wounded, twenty-
seven slightly, and thirty-one are missing — making in all
one hundred and fifty-four, killed, wounded, and missing,
a list of whose names is annexed.
The professional knowledge of Dr. Richard Hoffman,
acting surgeon, and Dr. Alexander Montgomery, acting
surgeon's mate, added to the assiduity and the benevolent
attentions and assistance of Mr. D. P. Adams, the chaplain,
saved the lives of many of the wounded — those gentlemen
have been indefatigable in their attentions to them ; the
two first I beg leave to recommend , for confirmation, and
the latter to the notice of the department.
I must, in justification of myself, observe, that with our
six twelve pounders only we fought this action, our carro
nades being almost useless.
The loss in killed and wounded has been great with the
enemy ; among the former is the first lieutenant of the
Phoebe, and of the latter, Captain Tucker of the Cherub,
whose wounds are severe. Both the Essex and Phoebe
were in a sinking state, and it was with difficulty they
could be kept afloat until they anchored in Valparaiso
next morning. The shattered state of the Essex will, I be
lieve, prevent her ever reaching England, and I also think
it will be out of their power to repair the damages of the
Phoebe, so as to enable her to double Cape Horn. All the
masts and yards of the Phoebe and Cherub are badly crip
pled, and their hulls much cut up ; the former had eigh
teen twelve pound shot through her below her water line,
some three feet under water. Nothing but the smoothness
of the water saved both the Phoebe and Essex. '
I hope, sir, that our conduct may prove satisfactory to
our tountry, and that it will testify it by obtaining our
speedy exchange, that we may again have it in our power
to prove our zeal.
Commodore Hillyar (I am informed) has thought pro
per to state to his government that the action only lasted
forty-five minutes ; should he have done so, the motive may
be easily discovered — but the thousands of disinterested

porter's journal. 171
witnesses, who covered the surrounding hills, can testify
that we fought his ships near two hours and a half; up
wards of fifty broadsides were fired by the enemy, agree
ably to their own accounts, and upwards of seventy-five by
ours : except the few minutes they were repairing damages,
the firing was incessant.
Soon after my capture, I entered into an agreement with
Commodore Hillyar to disarm my prize, the Essex Junior,
and proceed with the survivors of my officers and crew to
the United States, taking with me her officers and crew.
He consented to grant her a passport to secure her from
recapture. The ship was small, and we knew we had much
to suffer, yet we hoped soon to reach our country in safety,
that we might again have it in our power to serve it. This
arrangement was attended with no additional expense, as
she was abundantly supplied with provisions and stores for
the voyage.
In justice to Commodore Hillyar, I must observe, that
(although I can never be reconciled to the manner of his
attack on the Essex, or to his conduct before the action,)
he has, since our capture, shown the greatest humanity to
my wounded, (whom he permitted me to land, on condition
that the United States should bear their expenses,) and
has endeavoured as much as lay in his power, to alleviate
the distresses of war, by the most generous and delicate
deportment towards myself, my officers, and crew. He
gave orders that the property of every person should be
respected ; which orders, however, were not so strictly
attended to as might have been expected ; besides being
deprived of books, charts, &c. &c. both myself and officers
lost many articles of our clothing, some to a considerable
amount. I should not have considered this last circum
stance of sufficient importance to notice, did it not mark a
striking difference between the navy of Great-Britain, and
that of the United States, highly creditable to the latter.
By the arrival of the Tagus a few days after my capture,
I was informed, that besides the ships which had arrived
in the Pacific in pursuit of me, and those still expected,
others were sent to cruize for me in the China seas, off
New Zealand, Timor, and New Holland, and that another
frigate was sent to the river La Plata.
To possess the Essex, it has cost the British government
near six millions of dollars, and yet, sir, her capture was

172 porter's journal.
owing entirely to accident; and if we consider the expedi
tion with which naval contests are now decided, the action
is a dishonour to them. Had they brought their ships
boldly into action with a force sp very superior, and having
the choice of position, they should either have cap
tured or destroyed us in one-fourth of the time they were
about it.
During the action, our consul general, Mr. Poinsett,
called on the governor of Valparaiso, and requested that
the batteries might protect the Essex. This request was
refused, but he promised that if she should succeed in
fighting her way to the common anchorage, he would send
an officer to the British commander, and request him to
cease firing, but declined using force under any circum
stances ; and there is no doubt a perfect understanding ex
isted between them. This conduct, added to the assistance
given to the British, and their friendly reception after the
action, and the strong bias of the faction which govern
Chili in favour of the English, as well as their hostility to
the Americans, induced Mr. Poinsett to leave that country.
Under such circumstances, I did not conceive it would be
proper for me to claim the restoration of my ship,, confi
dent that the claim would be made by my government to
more effect. Finding some difficulty in the sale of my
prizes, I had taken the Hector and Catharine to sea, and
burnt them with their cargoes.
I exchanged lieutenant M'Knight,* Mr. Adams, and Mr.
Lyman, and eleven ^eamen, for a part of the crew of the
Sir Andrew Hammond, and sailed from Valparaiso on the
27th April, where the enemy were still patching up their
ships to put them in a state for proceeding to Rio de
Janeiro, previous to going to England.
Annexed is a list of the remains of my crew to be ex
changed, as also a copy of the correspondence between
Commodore Hillyar and myself, on that subject. I also
send you a list of the prisoners I have taken during my
cruise, amounting to three hundred and forty-three.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. Porter.
The honourable Secretary of the Mivy
of the V. S. Washington.
* For an account of the mysterious fate of Lieutenants M'Knigbt and
jfjyman, see Appendix.

porter's journal. 173
P. S. To give you a correct idea of the state of the
Essex at the time of her surrender, I send you the
boatswain's and carpenter's report of damages ; I also
send you a report of the divisions.

It will be perceived by the foregoing narrative, that
every means was resorted to on my part, to provoke
the enemy to offer battle with his single ship, but without
effect. For this 1 do not blame Captain Hillyar, since the
interests of his country ought to have been, and undoubt
edly were, paramount to every other consideration, on this
occasion. The reader, however, will judge for himself,
whether Captain Hillyar's attack on the Essex, then in a
crippled state, and within the limits of a neutrality, which
he had pledged himself to respect, was, setting aside the
question of legality, either brave or magnanimous.
It was my intention to have explained the alteration in
the conduct of the Chilian government towards myself,
evinced in denying me a right to the protection accorded
me by the laws of nations. But this would swell my nar
rative beyond the limits I had prescribed myself. The
explanation may be found in those changes which have
been so common in that country, torn by different factions,
and in the meanness of that spirit, which takes part ever
with the strongest. When I commanded the most power
ful force in the Pacific, all were willing to serve me : but
when Captain Hillyar appeared, with one still stronger, it
became the great object to conciliate his friendship, by
evincing hostility to me. It will be recollected, by those
conversant with the history of the Chilian Revolution, that
my particular friends the Carreras, were stripped of power,
and thrown into prison, the government of Chili being
usurped by their most inveterate enemies. Added to all
this, Captain Hillyar was acting in the character of media
tor between the viceroy of Peru, and the officers of the
Chilian government ; in which capacity, he at lengfh
caused the country to be delivered up to the royal troops,
under a promise of a general and free pardon to those
then in possession of power. For this service, Captain
Hillyar was made an Hidalgo, and honoured with a con-

174 porter's journal.
spicuous place in a religious procession, commemorative
of the occasion, where he wore the habit of a friar, and
bore in his hand a waxen candle.
Soon after the capture of the Essex, I was sent on board
the Phoebe, by the officer who took possession of the
Essex. I had no' cause lo complain of my treatment while
there. Captain Hillyar's conduct was delicate and re
spectful. The instant of anchoring in Valparaiso, I was
allowed to go on shore on parole, and the same privilege
granted to my officers, as well as those of my crew who
were wounded. The rest were placed under guard, on
board a Spanish merchant ship, hired by Captain Hillyar
for that purpose.
Under present circumstances, I could not expect any
civilities from those in authority at Valparaiso. But the
neglect of the governor and his officers was fully compen
sated by the kind attentions of the good citizens. When
my wounded companions were brought on shore, they
were borne to the place selected by me for a hospital, by
the kind Chilians. The ladies of Valparaiso took upon
themselves the task of providing for their necessities, and.
administering to the alleviation of their sufferings. At all
times, women of the most respectable appearance attended
at the hospital, who tendered their services gratuitously, to
take care of the wounded. Without their aid, I have no
doubt, many would have died, who now live to thank them.
For myself, I shall never forget their gentle humanity ; and
if it should not be in my power to return it, I bequeath the
remembrance as a legacy of gratitude to be repaid by my
country. After providing every thing in my power for the com
fort of my wounded companions, I made a visit to the
capital of Chili. I shall pass over the events of this jour
ney, and hasten to a conclusion. On referring to the cor
respondence between myself and Captain Hillyar, in the
appendix, it will be seen there was an arrangement made,
for disarming the Essex Junior, and converting her into a
cartel; which I considered highly advantageous, as it
ensured the safety of a prize. This case was similar to
that of the Alert, to which Captain Hillyar had objected,
on a former occasion. His motives for acceding to such
an arrangement at this time, were probably founded ift

porter's journal. 157
some apprehensions with respect to my crew, and the pro
bable danger of trusting them on board of the Phoebe,
which carried a large quantity of specie on freight to
England. The remainder of my brave crew were accordingly em
barked in the Essex Junior ; and on taking leave of Captain
Hillyar, after acknowledging his attentions, I seized the
opportunity to tell him, that though I should take every
occasion to do him free justice in that respect, I should
nevertheless be equally plain in making known his con
duct in attacking me in the manner he had done. The
tears came into his eyes, and, grasping my hand, he re
plied, " My dear Porter, you know not the responsibility
that hung over me, with respect to your ship. Perhaps
my life depended on my taking her." I asked no explana
tion at that time, and he gave none. He still has it in his
power, however, to clear up the affair to the world ; and if
he can show that the responsibility rests on his govern
ment, I shall do him justice, with more pleasure than I
now impeach his conduct. Until then, the stigma rests on
him. On leaving Valparaiso, every effort was made to reach
home in time to fit out ships to proceed to the British
channel, for the purpose of intercepting tbe Phoebe and
her prize ; and, favoured by the wind, of which we took
every advantage, we arrived off Sandy Hook, in seventy-
three days. Here we fell in with the Saturn, a British
ship of war, commanded by Captain Nash, who treated
me, in the first instance, with great civility ; examined the
papers of the Essex Junior ; furnished me with late news
papers ; and sent me some oranges — at the same time
making offers of his services. The boarding officer en
dorsed my passport, and permitted the ship to proceed.
She stood on in the same tack with the Saturn ; and about
two hours afterwards, was again broijght to — the papers
examined, and the ship's hold overhauled by a boat's crew
and officer. I expressed my astonishment at such pro
ceedings; and was informed that Captain Nash had his
motives. It was added, that Captain Hillyar had no au
thority to make such arrangements ; that the passport must
go on board the Saturn again, and the Essex Junior be
detained. I insisted, that the smallest detention would be

176 porter's journal.
a violation of the contract on the part of the British, and
declared 1 should consider myself a prisoner to Captain
Nash, and no longer on my parole. I then offered my
sword ; assuring the officer, I delivered it with the same
feelings I surrendered it to Captain Hillyar. He declined
receiving it ; went on board the Saturn ; and returned with
the information, that Captain Nash directed the Essex
Junior to remain all night under the lee of the Saturn.
I then said— I am your prisoner ; I do not consider myself
any longer bound by my contract with Captain Hillyar,
which has thus been violated, and shall act accordingly.
At 7 the next morning, the wind being light from the
southward, and the ships about thirty or forty miles off the
eastern part of Long Island, within about musket shot of
each other, I determined to attempt my escape. There ap
peared no disposition on the part of the enemy to liberate
the Essex Junior, and I felt myself justified in this measure.
A boat was accordingly lowered down, manned and armed ;
and I left with lieut. Downes the following message for
Capt. Nash : " that Captain Porter was now satisfied, that
most British officers were not only destitute of honour, but
regardless of the honour of each other; that he was armed,
and prepared to defend himself against his boats, if sent in
pursuit of him ; and that he must be met, if met at all, as
an enemy." 1 now pulled off from the ship, keeping the
Essex Junior in a direct line between my boat and the
Saturn, and got nearly gun shot from her before they dis
covered me. At that instant, a fresh breeze sprang up,
and the Saturn made all sail after us. Fortunately, how
ever, a thick fog came on, upon which I changed my
course, and entirely eluded further pursuit. During the
fog, I heard a firing; and on its clearing up, saw the
Saturn in chase of the Essex Junior; which vessel was
soon brought to. After rowing and sailing about sixty
miles, I at last succeeded, with much difficulty and hazard,
in reaching the town of Babylon, on Long Island, where,
being strongly suspected of being a British officer, I was
closely interrogated ; and, my story appearing rather ex
traordinary, was not credited. But on showing my com
mission, all doubts were removed, and from that moment,
all united in affording me the most liberal hospitality.
On my arrival by land at New- York, the reception

JOURNAL. 177
given me by the inhabitants, as well as by those of every
other place through which I passed, it becomes not me to
record. It is sufficient to say, it has made an impression
on my mind, never to be effaced.
The Essex Junior, after being detained the whole of the
day following my escape, and ransacked for money ; her
crew mustered on deck, under pretence of detecting de
serters ; her officers insulted, and treated with shameful
outrage; was at length dismissed, and arrived next day at
New- York, where she was condemned and sold. In
the language I used at that time and subsequently, with
regard to the character and conduct of British naval offi
cers, some persons have found great cause of offence. For
my full justification, I rest on the foregoing narrative, with
the documents by which it is supported. Years have
passed away since I first made these assertions ; but they
have brought with them no experience but what confirms
my first impressions.
My escape from unjustifiable detention by the captain of
the Saturn, was asserted to be a breach of parole; and I
have the most undeniable evidence, that admiral Cochrane
mustered the officers of his fleet, on his quarter deck, de
claring to them, that I was out of the pale of honour, and
must be treated accordingly. The correspondence between
the agents of the two governments, in the Appendix to this
volume, will show, by admiral Cochrane's Own distinct ad
mission, that his government, on being made fully ac
quainted with the circumstances, declared me " discharged
from my parole, and as free to serve in any capacity, as if
I had never been made prisoner." Yet, notwithstanding
all this, care has been taken to keep up the impression,
that I remain still under this imputation of a breach of
parole, by withholding, on all occasions, the public recan
tation of a charge publicly made, and — unanswerably re
futed.

VOL. U. 2.i

CHAPTER XIX.
Transactions at nooaheevah, < after captaik
porter's departure : compiled from the
journal of lt. gamble.
Having thus continued the particulars of my cruise
down to the arrival of the Essex Junior at New-York, it
is now time to turn the attention of my readers to the
prize ships left at Madison's Island, under the command pf
lieutenant (now Captain) Gamble, of the Marines, on the
13th of December, 1813 ; and to the events which occurred
subsequently to that date. These were the Greenwich,
Sir Andrew Hammond, and Seringapatam,* and their
crews amounted, in the aggregate, to three officers, and
twenty men, exclusive of six prisoners of war. Lieut.
Gamble was instructed to remain at the Island five and a
half calendar months, and at the expiration thereof, incase
he did not see or hear from me sooner, to repair to the port
of Valparaiso on the Main. On arriving at Valparaiso, if
he did not find the Essex, or instructions from me relative,
to the ships, he was authorized to dispose of the three
prizes then laying at that port, remove their crews to those
under his command, and repair to the United States.
For several days subsequently to the departure of the
Essex, lieut. Gamble employed his men in completing the
cargo of the New Zealander with oil from the other ships,
in order that she might depart for the United States, at an
early day. On the 1 5th, the weather being pleasant, and the
wind ftesh, the natives set fire to the dry grass in the valley,
near the encampment, contrary to the injunctions of lieut.
Gamble. He however, alarmed them considerably , by shoot
ing over the heads of several, in the afternoon, as they were
carrying torches near the houses, and setting fire to the grass.
On the 16th, the wind blowing fresh from the N. E. the Sir
Andrew Hammond parted her lower cable in a severe
squall, and they were under the necessity of waiting for a
land breeze, or a calm, in order to moor her effectually
and safely. Six men on board the New Zealander were
* There was another— the New Zealander ; but she departed' for the
United State's, in a few days.

PORTEa'g JOURNAL. 17|9
this day found sick ; several with a severe attack of the
dysentery, and others with pain in the head and joints.
The next day the wind continued fresh, and the squalls, at
intervals, more severe. At the close of the afternoon, two
of the ships parted their halsers, and caused considerable
trouble before they could again be secured. One of the
white men, who was left on the island to trade with the
natives, called upon lieut. Gamble, saying that he laboured
under a violent attack of the dysentery, with the usual pain
in the head and joints. He was immediately given a
powerful emetic, and directed to take a dose of rhubarb
as soon as it began to operate. This completely restored
him to health in a few days. The squalls continued on the
18th, accompanied with frequent showers of rain. In the
morning, Isaac Coffin, who deserted from the Essex, the
day previous to her sailing, was brought down to the en
campment from. the valley, by one of the traders, who had
been sent in quest of him, and confined in irons on. board
one of the ships. The Typees and Happahs made frequent
inquiries of the traders, relative to the force under the
command of lieut. Gamble, and were told that it amounted
to- one hundred men. Had they been aware of the fact,
however., that the Americans could not muster even thirty
men altogether, and that a number of them were in ill
health, there can be no doubt, as subsequent events will
show, that they would have attacked them at once in their
canoes. The Havvough tribe still manifested a great de
gree of friendship and good order.
The rain ceased on the. 20th, and the weather became-
quite clear and sultry. Lieut. Gamble was informed, that
during the latter part of December, and the months of
January and February, they have here frequent squalls of
wind, and very often torrents of rain. .Indeed, from-, the
17th of December, 1813, until the 1st of May, 1814, (the
period of his departure,), scarcely a day passed without
rain, and high winds from the N. E. The sick were all
recovering, except Pettinger, a Marine, who was greatly
debilitated by an obstinate wound in the left thigh.
It was now deemed prudent to take more effectual mea
sures for the defence of themselves and the ships. To.
this end, all hands were employed in landing six cannon
from the Seringapatam, and mounting them behind the

180 PORTER'S JOURNAL.
breastwork, called Madison's fort, thrown up by my or
ders, on the summit of a high hill, near the encampment,
and completely commanding the bay. What most asto
nished the Americans, however, this day, was the appear
ance of the simple Otaheitan, who, as my readers will
recollect, threw himself from the Essex into the sea,.when
twenty miles from land, in consequence of a blow he re
ceived from the boatswain's mate. His story was at once
amusing, and almost incredible. Tamaha stated, with his
accustomed artlessness, that he became intoxicated in the,
afternoon of the frigate's departure from the Island, and in
the evening, unobserved by any one, fell overboard from
the ship's head. She was then off Comptroller's Bay, and
about twenty miles from the land. He was drawn down
under the frigate, and bruised in several parts of his body.
AfterVemaining in the water one day and two nights, and
making several fruitless attempts to regain the shore, on
account of the violence of the surf, he at length succeeded ;
but found himself so exhausted, by long-continued exertion,
and the bruises he received under the frigate's bottom,
that he was unable to stand, or to help himself in any way
whatever. At this critical moment, to his extreme sur
prise, one of the Typees, against whom he had recently
taken an active part in the war waged against them, came
down to his assistance, and very kindly took him to his
house. He remained there four days, when the humane
and generous Typee brought him to the encampment in a
canoe. Lieut. Gamble very properly rewarded the latter
for his charitable behaviour, and had the satisfaction to see
him leave the encampment under a deep impression of the
noble conduct he had evinced towards an enemy, and of
the value of the bounty he received.
Exclusive of the bruising, there was nothing uncommon
to a Sandwich Islander, in passing under the bottom of a
ship. Lieut. Gamble himself, a few days after, had no
difficulty in engaging one of the nativesof Nooaheevah to
diVe down in five and a half fathoms water, and fasten a
rope to the fluke of an anchor. But lo remain two nights
and a day in the water without food, and, in all probability,
without any thing to buoyhim up, is a circumstance thatmay
justly excite astonishment. The next day, Tamaha obtained
permission to go ashore for the purpose of getting a piece

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 131
of cloth, and a fan, given him by one of the Typees, which
he said, were still in the canoe that brought him down.
Lieut. Gamble, with an eye to his personal safety, charged
him to sleep within the encampment, and to return on
board the Greenwich in the morning. Tamaha promised
to comply with his injunctions, but was not seen again for
several days.
For some time Lieut. Gamble had employed two men
daily, in digging up ground for a garden, and had already
planted several kinds of seed. He was informed, that the
natives of the adjacent valley had recently been in the
habit of killing the swine left behind by me for the use of
the ships. On the 22d, therefore, he sent a messenger to
advise them not to kill any more, and without delay, to
replace those they had killed, by Others from their own
stock. To this they returned for answer, that they knew
he had but twenty men, and that, as Opotee had left the
island, they did not care for him, nor would they restore
the swine. The next day he acquainted Gattanewa
with the predatory incursions of his people, and with the
insolent reply they had sent him ; assuring the chief, that
they had, the preceding day; killed forty swine, and shut
up twice as many in their houses ; and that, unless. they
immediately restored the latter, and replaced the nnmber
killed, by as many from their own stock, he would march
forthwith into the valley, and destroy all they had. The
chief replied, that he had repeatedly warned his people not
to steal the swine, but that they paid no attention to what
he said, and despised his warnings. Seeing that was the
case, he was given to understand, that no war would be
made upon him personally, but only upon those who had
stolen the swine. Some villain had spread a report
among the natives, that the effective force of the whites
amounted only to twenty men, and this, in a great degree,
accounted for their rapacity and insolence^ So bold had
they indeed become at this time,. that one of them, in the
afternoon, even within sight of the encampment, ventured
to carry away a pig. What were their real motives for
this strange conduct, it is hard to conceive. Lieut. Gam
ble had used every effort within his power to conciliate
their esteem, and given them the strongest assurances,, that
he would pay for the cocoa-nuts, bananas, and every thing
else he received from them.

132 porter's journal.
Under existing circumstances, however, it became ab
solutely necessary to attack them before the departure of
the New Zealander, not alone to chastise them for their
rapacity and insolence, and to recover the stolen animals,
but to remove the impression of the weakness of the
Americans, under which they evidently now laboured.
Having therefore made the necessary arrangements to de
fend themselves against an attack, of which there appeared
to be every prospect, in recovering; the swine, at 9 A. M.
on the 24th, he landed the whole of his effective force;
having previously distributed the sick and the lame on
board the different ships, with orders to fire one cannon
from each ship, as soon as they heard the report of his
musket, which was the only signal he could then establish. :
In addition to this, the guns were pricked, primed, and
properly directed to bear upon a village on the summit of
a hill, distant about one mile and a half, where he intended
to commencp the attack. On this hill a great number of
the natives had collected together, for the purpose of an
noying the Americans as they marched up the valley. At
half past 9, Lieut. Gamble commenced his march, with
thirty-five armed men, in siugle file, haviug an officer in
front and rear, in order to show to the greatest advantage.
At 10 A. M. having advanced within a quarter of a mile of
the village, the signal musket was fired, and immediately
answered by the guns from the ships, and one from the
fort. The party then proceeded to the summit of the hill,
without opposition ; and on reaching it, to their great sur- <
prise, instead of two or three thousand of the natives,
prepared to attack them, they found only an old chief, who
advanced with a flag of truce. He stated, that his people,
on seeing so many white men advancing against them, had
all turned cowards, and fled over the hills, and that they
were now willing to replace all the swine' they had killed
by others from their own slock. Lieut. Gamble replied, ,
that this was no more than what he had often requested ;
and since they had chosen to put him to the trouble of
marching against them, each village must agree to requite
him by sending down to the encampment forty swine, to
gether with the thieves who had recently committed so
many depredations upon him. The chief rejoined, that so
far as respected the swine, they would accede to his terms ;

porter's journal. 183
but that, in respect to the thieves, it was impossible to bring
them in, they having absconded oyer the hills, and sought
refuge among the Happahs. Lieut. Gamble now marched
his men over several of their public squares, and found a
number of the natives prepared with swine and cocoa-
nuts, to conciliate his favour. At half past 11, A. M. he
set out for the encampment with five chiefs, and two oT
their greatest warriors, prisoners of war; apprising them,
at the same time, that he intended to detain them on board
the Greenwich, as hostages, until the restoration of the
swine, and surrender of the thieves; and that, in case
these stipulations were not complied with in twelve hours,
he would put them all to death, and march immediately
again into the valley, in quest of his property and the
rogues. Although the1 day closed very pleasantly and.ad-
vantageously for the America. is, yet, as it rained with
great violence in the early part of it, they were under con
siderable apprehension lest their ammunition, though well
secured, might be spoiled.
Lieut. Gamble could account in no other way for the
cowardice of the natives, seeing the extensive preparations
they had made to assail him, than that they must have been
deceived as to the actual amount of the force under his
command. For, having previously understood that he
could muster no more than twenty men, and now con
ceiving, very, probably, from the manner in which he
marched, that he had five times that number, they became
confused and terrified, and without further reconnoitering,
fled in every direction. The effect may, however, be at
tributed, with more propriety, to the firing of the cannon
on board the ships, and at the fort ; as this must necessa
rily have created a greater panic among them ; and, more
over, induced them to believe that a reinforcement could
be called up by the Americans, in case it should become
necessary. Oil visiting the New Zealander this day, lieut. Gamble
found several of her crew attacked with an unusual and
strange swelling in the legs. Upon inquiry, it appealed
that some had suffered with this novel complaint nearly
two weeks. In every case the inflammation seated itself
at the second joint of the leg, and in one or two, the knees
were swollen to the size of the body. By applying pow-

ltii PORTER'S JOURNAL.
erful poultices to them, however; they were gradually-
reduced to their natural size. ,
On the 25th, the natives gave ah earnest of their inten
tion to comply with the exactions of lieut. Gamble* by'
bringing down to the. encampment twenty-seven swi'ne,
and a quantity of cocoa-nuts. They were extremely
*larmed, however, at the detention of the hostages, and
lieut. Gamble, in order to reap the full benefit of the crisis,
despatched one of the chiefs on shore, with a flag of truce,
to inform them of the close confinement of his fellow-pri
soners, and of lieut." Gamble's unalterable determination
to shoot them all, unless the stipulations of the treaty were
fulfilled before sunset. This seasonable measure had its
full effect. As the day was closing, lieut. Gamble went-
on shore, and found eighty swine, with five hundred cocoa-
nuts, brought down for him by the natives, but not one of
the thieves. These, upon inquiry, were found to have
abandoned their dwellings, and secreted themselves
among the Happahs. The next day he brought the hos
tages upon deck, and sent for Wilson, the interpreter, (who
had just returned in an open boat, from Rooahoogah, after
an absence of five days,) to inform them, that if they would
engage, to be vigilant, and use their utmost efforts to ap
prehend the thieves as soon as they returned from among
the Happahs, he would immediately release them. To this
they very readily assented, and were accordingly released.
The chiefs had no sooner gained the shore, than they im*
mediately attacked the swine thieves, and ran one of them
through the body with a spear ; and the survivors, again
taking to their heels, sought their usual refuge with the
Happah tribe.
Having understood, a few days before, from an authentic
source, that Tamaha resided clandestinely, among the
Typees, lieut. Gamble was induced, this day, to despatch a
messenger for him, and to have him brought down to "the
ships. The following morning the messenger returned
with Tamaha, who, from motives of policy, was sent on
board the New Zealander, and in her he sailed again for
the United States, the next day, at 12 A. M. This ship
proceeded without interruption, to within a day's sail of
New- York, when she was unfortunately retaken by a Bri
tish cruiser, many of whom were at that time hovering

porter's journal. 18S
upon the coast. What became of Tamaha, subsequently
to this event, is not known, except that he was claimed as
a subject of Britain, and compelled to serve under her
flag. Lieut. Gamble now employed his men in filling the
ground tier of the ships with salt water; and, to ensure
greater safety in the night, divided them into four watches.
One watch was permitted to go ashore every night, at
4 A. M. under an express proviso to return on board in
the morning, or at any time of the night; when he fired a
musket as a signal of alarm. The New Zealander having
departed, and his effective force being, thereby greatly
reduced, he thought proper to admonish them against the
smallest inattention to the duties assigned them ; and
above all, not to sleep during the watch. But notwith
standing these salutary admonitions,_ so dull, or so incon
siderate, were some of them, that two were caught asleep
in the first watch of the very same night, and, of conse
quence, subjected themselves to chastisement, as well as
to a stoppage of their grog.
The rain commenced again on the 31st. The day pre
ceding, lieut. Gamble visited Lewis's Bay, with a view of
procuring bananas ; which he effected, without any diffi
culty. The natives, though evidently alarmed, received
him with great kindness, and immediately made prepara
tions to bake a hog for his repast ; but, as the night was
fast approaching, he declined the favour, and departed with
the present of two hogs, a quantity of cocoa-nuts, several
bunches of bananas, and a war-club from the old chief.
The natives of the adjacent valley, since the late incur
sion of the Americans, remained very quiet, and manifested
the greatest friendship towards them. They had brought
down to the encampment about five hundred cocoa-nuts,
and otherwise gave unequivocal tokens of their good will
and esteem. On the '2d of January, 1814, the rain came
down in torrents, and for the first time since his arrival at
the Marquesas, lieut. Gamble heard it thunder. Several
of the garden seeds had already come forth, and bore a
very fresh and flourishing appearance ; but as the mice
abounded greatly on the island, he was under considerable
apprehensions that they would totally destroy them.
Having received information on the eighth, that the
vol. ii. ' 24

186 porter's journal.
natives of the valleys bordering on the lee Bay, had gone
to war with a tribe about thirty miles distant, at 10 A. M.
he set out for the Bay, with two boats and twelve armed
men, accompanied by Gattanewa, the aged chief. On
landing, he was informed that the chief of the valley, had
hid himseff among the rocks, and that the people generally
were busily employed in removing their property to the
interior. They had already taken the life of an innocent
man, who came up to the village, ignorant of the com
mencement of hostilities ; and therefore lieut. Gamble
deemed it necessary to demand why they went to war.
He reminded them of the promise they made me, to live in
peace, and not to engage in war unless I directed them;
endeavoured to convince them, that no advantages could
be gained by warring among themselves ; and recapitulated
some of the evils they had already experienced in plunder
ing, and shedding blood. To this it was answered, that the
chiefs, and. the people in general, were averse to the war;
and, on farther inquiry, lieut. Gamble learnt, that about two
hundred of the tribe who resided at the opposite extremity
of the valley, andamong whom the assassin just alluded to,
had taken up his abode, were the sole cause of the dis
turbance. As the readiest way, therefore, of putting an
end to the quarrel, he directed the chiefs to apprehend the
assassin, and deliver him up within two days, upon pain of
being attacked with his Whole force. They replied, that
they had already been in search of him that morning, with
an intention of taking his life, but that, in consequence of
his absconding, with all his abettors, over the hills, they
had not met with success. They added, however, that by
way of inflicting some injury upon the enemy, they had
brought down all the swirie and bananas they could find,
and intended going up again in the morning for more.
These spoils were immediately offered to lieut. Gamble;
but as his chief object was to terminate, at once, all enmity
between the contending parties, he desired them not to
plunder any more, but to use all their efforts in apprehend
ing and bringing down the assassin ; to which they readily
assented. Some persons may perhaps be at a loss to conceive, why
lieut. Gamble should take so deep an interest in the- af
fairs of the natives, and especially, why he should subject

porter's journal. 187
himself to the trouble and the danger of intermeddling with
the disputes of tribes residing comparatively at a distance
from him. But to such, unacquainted, as they must be,
with the real nature of his situation, it will be enough to
say, that he found by experience, that the smallest relaxa
tion in the system of order, established by me for the tran
quillity of the island, was attended with the worst conse
quences ; and that therefore, to follow up the policy of that
system, and to take a lively interest in all their concerns,
were the best possible methods of consulting his own safety,
as well as the harmony and advantage of the natives them
selves. The intercourse I held with them was founded
upon an unalterable determination to indulge them on all
proper occasions — to conciliate their good wishes, as far as
practicable — and to reconcile them to each other, as
speedily as possible, whenever a dispute arose ; and in pur
suing the same course, lieut. Gamble had the satisfaction
to find, that his intercourse with them was placed upon the
best possible footing, at least for the present. On some
occasions indeed, it became necessary to resort to force, ia
order to bring them to a sense of their duty ; but these were
chiefly when evil disposed persons excited their jealousy,
or circulated malicious rumours concerning their neigh
bours or their friends. Haying restored tranquillity among
the tribes at the lee Bay, as far as circumstances would
permit, and made a hearty dinner upon bread-fruit, roasted
bananas, and a hog nicely baked by the natives, lieut.
Gamble set out for the ships, with nineteen bunches of
banana, twenty-one swine, thirty cocoa-nuts, and some
bread-fruit, which the natives insisted on his receiving.
On the 10th, the carpenter was employed in repairing the
boats, and all hands besides, in putting the vessels in order.
Fresh bread was daily issued to the crews, and swine killed
four times a week. No intelligence had been received
concerning the remote natives of the leeward bay, except
that they had slain a native, of the tribe at Lewis's Bay,
recently visited by lieut. Gamble, in revenge for the assas
sination of him who came, ignorant of hostilities, up to the
village of the latter, a few days before. The recent rains
had caused every vegetable in the garden to put on the
most flourishing appearance, and to promise an early
return for the labour and attention bestowed upon their
cultivation.

188 porter's journal.
In breaking up the after hold of the Seringapatam,. six
swivels and four blunderbusses were found, and immedir-
ately landed, to be mounted at the fort. My readers will
find, on referring to the viiith chapter of this Journal, that
this ship, at the time of her capture, mounted several guns,
and was strongly manned. She had already made prize of
an American whale ship ; but, on demanding her com
mission, her commander informed me, with the utmost
terror in his countenance, that he had none. Now, how
ever probable it may be, that the guns I saw on board her
were obtained by the captain, without the knowledge of his
owners, since his arrival iu the Pacific Ocean, yet I leave
them to judge, whether these swivels and blunderbusses
were not concealed in the hold of the ship, previously to
her departure from England, and that, too, with the know
ledge of her owners, and the revenue officers, in order tp
commence a course of piratical depredation upon the sup
posed defenceless whale ships of the United States '!
An instance of extraordinary superstition occurred on
the 15th of January, in the person of Gattanewa, the aged
chief, who had only returned from the valley of Lewis's
Bay two days before. He stated to lieut. Gamble, that he
Was extremely ill, a-nd much alarmed ; the Happah tribe
having, by some means or other, stolen a lock of his haiif
and buried it in a plantain leaf, for the purpose of taking
his life. Lieut. Gamble used every argument to unde-*
ceive him ; and endeavoured to expose the ridiculous
fallacy of the notion to which the old man had given
way. But it was all in vain : die he must, unless the lock
and the plantain leaf were brought to him ; and to obtain
them, he had offered the Happahs the greater part of -his
property. The Happahs, however, were inexorable, and
bent upon his destruction; and the poor, deluded chief
earnestly begged of lieut. Gamble, to advise him what to
do. He complained of an excessive pain in the head,
breast, and sides ; and, taking these afflictions into consi
deration, lieut. Gamble suggested the propriety of using
some medicine, and being bled. He expressed a wish to
be bled immediately ; but as twilight had already, set in,
lieut. Gamble deferred it until morning. The next day,
at 8 A. M. Gattanewa despatched a messenger for lieut.
Gamble, who, on arriving at his house, found at least three
hundred men, women, and children, collected together, to

porter's journal. 189
witness the operation. After taking about seven ounces of
blood from him, he fainted, and the spectators immediately
called out to know whether he had killed him. Lieut.
Gamble directed the interpreter to assure them, that the
loss of seven ounces of blood, would not deprive a man of
life ; and that in the course of two or three hours, the old •
chief would be greatly relieved. The next day, the pains
had nearly ceased, but the disorder of his mind continued
as obstinate as ever; and, in truth, there could be no great
hope of his recovery from it, however much he himself
might feel disposed to think so, while those around him in
cessantly inculcated the idea of its impossibility. On the
17th, lieut. Gamble visited him again, and was much sur
prised to find him better.
As he had no disposition to use the least rigour towards
the natives beyond what necessity required, lieut. Gamble
made known to the swine thieves, that he should exact no
farther damages from them, provided they would build a
house for him, within the breastwork, on the hill, and
another near the water, for his boat. To these terms they
acceded at once, and so industriously did they labour at the
buildings, that before the close of the ensuing day, one of
them was completed. The garden still continued to
flourish, but the mice had entirely destroyed the beans.
¦ An event now occurred of more serious importance to
the welfare of the Americans than any which had yet taken
place since the departure of the Essex. In order to keep
the natives in total ignorance of the weakness of his force,
as well as of the manner in which the duties of the ships
were performed. Lieut. Gamble had given positive orders
to the crews of the Sir Andrew Hammond and Seringa-
patam, not to suffer male or female to come alongside, or
on board, on any pretence whatever. Notwithstanding
this unequivocal regulation, he had for some time sus
pected the crews of these ships of carrying bread secretly
onshore, for the natives, and permitting females to come
on board at night. He was not long left in doubt, for, on
the morning of the 20th, one of the men who had watched
on shore the preceding night, reported, that at the hour of
five he saw a female swim from one of the ships, with a
large bundle of bread. That no scruple might arise, in
regard to the fact, a boat was sent to these ships the fol-

190 porter's journal.
lowing night, at 10 o'clock, with orders to say, in case of
being hailed, that they came to borrow an hour-glass. She
had no sooner arrived alongside of the Seringapatam, than
midshipmen Feltus and Clapp, who had concealed them
selves in the stern-sheets, sprang on board ; and finding the
watch extremely alarmed, they rushed immediately into'
the cabin, where they saw three females in the act of jump
ing out of the windows, one with a large bundle of bread
under her arm. Having secured them properly, the mid
shipmen next visited the Sir Andrew Hammond ; and al
though no fair intruders were found on board, there was
every reason to suspect that they had first landed from her;
•the boat having been discovered by the crew of this ship,
as she was passing to the Seringapatam. This done, the
boat returned to the Greenwich, and lieut. Gamble con
ceived it to be his duty not only to chastise the men, and
stop their grog, but also to inflict a little punishment upon
the female intruders. Let not my fair readers impute a
want of gallantry, and perhaps of humanity, to lieut. Gam
ble, for having, on this occasion, inflicted a slight punish
ment upon three of the most abandoned females of the
island. He is not that man. If they reflect for a moment;
that he was placed with a set of lazy, thoughtless fellows;
who would sooner risk a general massacre, than arouse
from their stupid apathy, in the midst of forty thousand
savages, all anxiously waiting for the first relaxation of vi
gilance, to take advantage of his weakness, they will see the
propriety of preventing, by all possible means, the visits of
those females, who could not but discern and report that
weakness. To my mind it appears perfectly clear, that,
had it not been for these clandestine visits, the sad disaster
which afterwards happened, would not have taken place,
But to prevent, as far as practicable, the occurrence of a
similar scene, midshipmen Feltus and Clapp were directed .
to send on board the Greenwich, from the two other ships,
all the harpoons, lances, and pieces of iron ; and to take an
accurate inventory of all the stores, provisions, and other
articles on board.
For several days the rain had descended in frequent
showers, attended with violent squalls of wind. The
hands of the Greenwich were employed, on the 22d, in
digging up ground for another garden ; and those of the

porter's journal. 191
two other ships in performing various duties on board.
Out of the whole number, only eighteen were, fit for duty;
and as, at the frigate's departure, they had chosen to have
their full allowance of liquor continued, in preference to a
more economical consumption, they had this day the sad
satisfaction of drinking the last can of grog. Gattanewa, the
deluded chief, still continued extremely ill in imagination,
and would not be persuaded that the Happah tribe had any
other intention towards him, than that of taking his life. I
may as well mention here, however, that it was not many-
days before he recovered, without any aid, either from the
stolen lock, or plantain leaf.
A flag-staff having been erected, the day previous, in
Madison's fort, on the 30th the American ensign was
hoisted on it for the first time since my departure, under a
salute of five guns. At the close of the day, some peas and
beans were planted in the new garden, and an army of ants
discovered in full attack upon the water-melon vines of the
old. The supply of swine and vegetables now became preca
rious, and neither could be obtained at Nooaheevah without
fighting, or paying large whales' teeth for them. Being
weak-handed, and without large whales' teeth, lieut. Gam
ble determined on paying a visit to the windward islands,
and accordingly, all hands were employed, on the 2d of
February, in preparing the Sir Andrew Hammond for sea.
He was the more induced to take this step, as the natives
of these islands were always willing to barter swine and
vegetables for bits of old iron, of which he had an abun
dance. And in order to ensure the safety of the properly
left behind, against the pillage of the natives, it was deemed
prudent to take with him a few of the chiefs, as hostages
for the good conduct of their people, and all the traders,
besides eight of his own men. In overhauling the rigging
of the ship, it was found to be nearly all unfit for service ;
the British crew having cut it in pieces on the eve of their
capture ; in order, as they thought, to render her totally
unmanageable. On the 7th, however, at an early hour in
the morning, the ship was unmoored ; and, having received
on board seven of the principal men of the valley, she
stood outofthe Bay. Ou the 10th, at 9 A. M. lieut Gam
ble hove to, off the island of Dominica, and having sent a

192 porter's journal.
boat on shore, was unable to procure more than six swine,
a few bunches of banana, and about fifty cocoa-nuts. The
natives, however, promised to furnish him with a hundred
swine, provided he would come to an anchor in the Bay,
and aid them in a war against their enemies. To these
terms lieut. Gamble could not, for obvious reasons, assent ;
and he therefore stood on to a small Bay, a short distance
ahead ; at which he procured three swine, two pumpkins,
and a bushel of sweet potatoes. He next came to an an
chor at Resolution Bay, and permitted the natives to visit
the ship. The prospect for trade at first appeared unfa
vourable, as the chiefs and men of property had all gone
across to the island of Dominica, for the purpose of warring
against the natives, who had violated one of the taboo laws
against fishing in a certain cove. Indeed, with a single ex
ception, the natives of every place at which the Sir Andrew
Hammond touched, were all found to be at war with their
neighbours, and equally desirous of obtaining the co-opera
tion of lieut. Gamble and his men. But though circum
stances were very inauspicious to a peaceable trader, be
fore leaving the Bay, lieut. Gamble purchased upwards of
thirty swine, six dozen fowls, some cloths of their own
manufacture, a quantity of bread-fruit, and many other ar<
tides of value. The ship was now put before the wind, for
the island of Rooahoogah, but as on nearing it the wind be
came adverse, and quite fresh, it was deemed most prudent
to bear away for Nooaheevah, which, on the 16th, after an
absence of nine days, lieut. Gamble had the pleasure to
reach in safety, and to find all things in proper order. Du
ring this period, the proceeds of his traffic amounted, in the
aggregate, to forty swine, six dozen fowls, a quantity of fine
bread-fruit, two bushels of sweet potatoes, and many other
articles of essential use. The natives of the neighbouring
islands appeared to have an intimate knowledge of what
was going on at Nooaheevah, as they all anxiously inquired
when the ships were to leave the Bay, and when Opotet
was expected to return.
The first dish of lettuce was served up on the 19th ; and
the general appearance of the garden bid fair to produce a
profusion of melons and cucumbers, in the course of two or
three weeks. No event of importance occurred until the
28th, when, as lieut. Gamble was walking aft on the quar-

journal. 193
ter deck of the Greenwich, about four in the morning, he
saw a man apparently bathing in the surf; but soon after,
hearing him call out for help, he was convinced that the
poor fellow was struggling for life. A boat was immedi
ately ordered to pull towards him with all possible expedi
tion ; but alas ! John Witter, a marine, had already disap
peared. The loss even of some one of the worthless scoun
drels with whom lieut. Gamble was surrounded, would, at
this time, have proved severe ; but in parting with this faith
ful German, he felt that one of his main supports had fallen
from him. On the 6th of March, Isaac Coffin left the en
campment without permission, under pretence of washing
his clothes at a brook, distant about half a mile. As he did
not return on the firing of the usual gun at sunset, lieut.
Gamble strongly suspected him to have deserted ; and
therefore at 9 P. M. taking eight of his best men, armed
with muskets, cutlasses, and pistols, he went in search of
him. In marching through the valley, but few of the na
tives were found awake ; and these, after being informed
of the object of his visit, were cautioned to remain quiet.
Having proceeded about two miles within the land, a girl,
who accompanied the party in the character of guide,
pointed to a house not far off, in which, she said, the de
serter would be found. There being no other way for him
to escape, except through a small door, lieut. Gamble pla
ced his men in front of the house, and then went in himself.
He found the fellow dozing in the midst of a group of na
tives ; and, after ordering him a severe flogging, set out ¦
with him for the ships, without being molested by any one.
The natives appeared to be greatly alarmed when lieut.
Gamble reproached them for having knowingly harboured
one of his men; and, on being threatened with punish
ment, gave evident signs of their conviction, that such con
duct towards him was illiberal and unjust.
During the night of the 8th, the rain, as usual, fell, at
intervals, in showers, accompanied by heavy claps of thun
der, and sharp flashes of lightning. On the 10th, the sen
tinel on shore gave the alarm of a sail in sight ! and all
hands were immediately called to prepare for defence.
The stranger, however, proved to be no other than a large
war canoe, standing into the Bay, from Rooahoogah, carry
ing a lateen sail, at least twenty-five feet high, and crowded

194 porter's journal.
with natives. — The garden still continued in a flourishing
state. Several dishes of lettuce had already been served
up; and, on the 14th, lieut. Gamble and his companions
enjoyed the rare luxury of a mess of turnips and cucumbers.
But the frowns of fortune again soon appeared. The
watchman on board the Greenwich, in the night of the
. 1 8th, at 2 o'clock, called out, that the boat was missing
from alongside. The alarm was immediately given, and
on examination, lieut. Gamble discovered that John Robin
son, who had recently suffered punishment for theft, Isaac
Coffin, the deserter, Peter C. Swook, and John Welch, had
made their escape. It could scarcely be credited at first,
that men, even of the lowest order in society, surrounded
by savages, and without the possibility of reaching a civil
ized part of the world, in an open boat, could seriously
think of deserting. But on a nearer investigation of the
matter, such was found to be actually the case. They had
taken with them from the Greenwich, three muskets, and
nearly all the cartridges ; from the Seringapatam, five mus
kets, five barrels of powder, all the carpenter's tools, two
Cords of boat boards, an English ensign, a compass, all the
clothes of Joseph Curtis, two shirts of midshipman Feltus,
a hat belonging to one of the seamen, some provisions —
and many other articles, of minor value. Lieut. Gamble
instantly ordered the only one of the remaining boats to be
manned, in which he could possibly hope to overtake them,
but the villains had taken the precaution to scuttle her,
and she was therefore of no use. Not having a sufficient
number of hands to man two boats ; ignorant of the course
they had taken ; and not knowing in whom to place confi
dence — he determined, for the present, to relinquish the
pursuit. The next morning, while at breakfast, the men
on deck cried out, that the natives were coming down, in a
large body, to attack them. Lieut. Gamble immediately
ran up, and perceived a great multitude of the islanders
within a short distance of the encampment. In these cir
cumstances, not a moment was to be lost; The guns were
cast loose, and loaded with grape-shot, and the men on
shore directed to repair on board the Greenwich, with their
muskets ; but before they left the beach, lieut. Gamble
discovered that the natives were merely bringing down
vegetables, and were wholly unarmed. Being unable,

PORTER'S JOURNAL. 196
however, to account for so large a concourse, apparently
on so trivial an occasion, he directed the matches to be
kept lighted, and the men to remain at their quarters,
whilst he went on shore to inquire the cause. On landing,
he was met by one of the chiefs, who stated, that they
had brought down a quantity of bread-fruit, and several
bunches of banana, which they intended as a present for
him. Lieut. Gamble accepted of the present, but still
could not account for so singular an instance of generosity.
Since the departure of the Essex, not more than fifty of the
natives had visited the encampment at any one time ; but,
on the present occasion, they amounted, in number, to at
least two or three hundred. Perhaps they were impressed
with the idea, that the ships were shortly to leave the
Island, and therefore brought down the bread-fruit and ba
nanas as a last offering of their friendship and good will.
This appears the more probable, as lieut. Gamble learnt
on the 24th, that some malicious person (whom he strongly
suspected to be Wilson, the interpreter,) had reported
among the natives, that Opotee would not return ; and that
the Americans intended to depart, in a few days, with two
of the vessels then at anchor in the Bay.
The women of Nooaheevah possess a considerable degree
of cunning ; and though among us, the following instance
would not be deemed of any consequence, yet, in a rude,
uncultivated islander, it may well pass for an ingenious trick.
Lieut. Gamble noticed, for several days, that none of the
natives ventured out in their canoes to catch fish ; and
upon inquiry, he learnt, that an old woman had reported,
in their hearing, that he intended to carry them on board
one of the ships, and to confine them in irons, as soon as
he caught them out. It seems, she took this effectual
method to punish them for refusing her a regular supply of
fish, which she had recently demanded of them.
In the evening of the 26th, the Seringapatam parted her
lower cable ; and nothing but the fasts between her and
the Sir Andrew Hammond prevented her from running on
shore. The following night, at 5 o'clock, she again parted
the same cable, and drifted in 15 feet water, (she drawing
full 14,) and before the hands had every thing properly
secured, the Sir Andrew Hammond floated within ten feet
of the rocks, and was in the utmost danger. By indefati-

196 porter's journal.
gable exertions, however, they were both drawn into
deeper water, and soon secured, in the best manner that
circumstances would permit. The garden had now, for
some time, yielded them regularly a mess of cucumbers
three times a week ; and on the 4th of April, they had the
pleasure to gather from it several fine musk-melons. The
violence of the rain, during the early part of the 5th, far
exceeded every , thing lieut. Gamble had ever witnessed ;
and on the following morning, torrents were seen in every
direction, rushing down the hills in beautiful cascades.
Such was the extent of the sudden inundation, that the men
on shore were under the necessity of abandoning then-
dwellings, and seek shelter in a lumber house, upon a
more elevated spot. Lieut. Gamble found the water at
least two feet deep in all the other buildings, and alongside
the Greenwich it had become sufficiently fresh to slake his
thirst. The hands were now employed in removing every arti
cle from the shore on board the ships ; and lieut. Gamble,
beginning to despair of my return, deemed it most prudent
to put the vessels in a condition to meet the worst. Ac
cordingly, several boatloads of provisions and other arti
cles were sent on board the Sir Andrew Hammond and
Seringapatam, and stowed so as to bring them down by the
stern. On the 14th, the men commenced rigging the
ships, and otherwise preparing them for sea. The Sir
Andrew Hammond was armed with fourteen carronades;
and the Seringapatam with ten long nine pounders, four
twelve pound carronades, and four long six pounders.
Being considerably straitened in the article of linseed oil,
lieut. Gamble, after several unsuccessful experiments, had
the good fortune to find an excellent substitute in the juice
of a nut, called by the natives Haamah. In mixing this
with paint, it proved to answer equally as well as the lin
seed oil ; and though the nuts were at first reported to be
very scarce, yet seven men, in the course of a day, gathered
twelve baskets, at a place distant about six miles from the
Bay. The natives of the adjacent valley had, for the last six
weeks, been employed in making preparations to celebrate
a great feast, called by them the Coeecah ; which com
menced on the morning of the 28th. From all parts of the

journal. 197
island, they assembled at the grand public square allotted
for that purpose ; and, after feasting and dancing three
days, they returned peaceably to their homes. On this
occasion, at least three hundred swine were baked, and all
the fish which had been taken during the period above-
mentioned, were cooked for preservation, without having
the entrails taken out. Several of the men requested per
mission to go ashore for the purpose of gratifying their cu
riosity at the Coeecah, and lieut. Gamble, having under
stood that it was expressly forbidden by one of their Taboo
laws, to injure any person during the feast, complied with
their request.
The ships having parted their cables so often, two or
three of the anchors were lost. For some time the men
had endeavoured to recover them with grapnels, but in
vain ; and on the 2d of May, one of the natives was engaged
to try his luck in diving. He made choice of an anchor
lying in six and a half fathoms of water, on some part of
which, the noose of a whale line had been previously
hooked ; and dove down to fasten a rope around the fluke.
This service he performed with apparent ease ; and the
men were enabled to raise the anchor, without any farther
difficulty. He received a harpoon and whale's tooth, as a
reward for his trouble, and was so highly gratified, that he
desired to know when he might come down to dive again.
But the dreadful catastrophe now drew near; and my
readers will confess, that, had it not been for the uncommon
firmness and resolution, displayed by lieut. Gamble and his
companions, they could not have survived the struggle.
As this terminated his sojourning on the island, I shall
take the opportunity to remark, that the temperature of
the atmosphere, almost without any variation, stood at 83*
of Fahrenheit, and never exceeded 85°.
On the 3d of May, lieut. Gamble discovered that the
boat-sail had been stolen by some person on board the
Greenwich ; aud, from all accounts, it appeared, that sus
picion could be fixed upon no one, with so much probabi
lity, as upon Belcher, the boatswain's mate. The follow
ing day he was informed by one of the seamen, that most
of the men were forming a scheme, either to mutiny, or
make their escape in one of the ships ; and that Belcher,

198 porter's journal,
and four of the prisoners of war, were the chief instigators
of the plan.
For the present, he determined to pay no farther atten
tion to the subject, than the strictest prudence required ;
and, at the same time, by way of guarding against the
worst, to remove all the arms from shore, and all the mus
kets, pistols, cutlasses, and ammunition from the Serin
gapatam, on board his own ship. On the 6th, matters wore
a more alarming aspect ; and the sudden change in the
countenances of the men, plainly indicated, that an awful
explosion was soon to take place. The situation of lieut.
Gamble became extremely critical and dangerous. He
was at most, enabled to man only one vessel, after muster
ing every effective hand ; and on leaving the Bay, he fore
saw the necessity of destroying two of the ships. Seeing
the expediency, however, of meeting the shock with bold
ness and resolution, he continued to prepare for an attack;
and although every stratagem was used to gain an insight
into the intentions of his men, no one fact could be ascer
tained with sufficient precision to authorize the confine
ment of either of the suspected persons. He considered
Belcher, the only petty officer under his command, a con
summate villain ; and had not the smallest doubt, but that,
if he attempted to confine one half of the men, the residue
would either make an attack upon him, or escape in a ship.
Under such circumstances, it is no wonder that he became
extremely impatient to leave the place. i
The 7th commenced with clear weather, and a light
breeze from the land. Part of the men were employed in
carrying two -large oil tanks, and a quantity of rigging, from
the Greenwich to the Seringapatam ; the cooper and car
penter in caulking her deck ; midshipman Clapp in paint
ing her larboard side ; two of the marines on shore, in ex
tracting oi! from the Haamah nuts ; and another on board
the Greenwich, in repairing the muskets. At 2 P. M.
lieut. Gamble went on board the Seringapatam, for the pur
pose of stowing the tanks to the best advantage ; and having
ordered one of the men to get into the larboard tank to
receive the articles which were to be deposited in it, he
went upon deck. In passing the main hatch, a few mo
ments after, he observed them throwing the articles very
carelessly into the tank ; and again ordered the same fellow

porter's journal. 199
into it, as before. Upon this, the villain called out, in a
loud voice, that he would not obey the order, nor do any
more work on board the ship. Scarcely had the words
escaped his lips, when all the men on deck threw down
their hats, and made .the same declaration. One of them
then drew a large knife from his bosom, and desired his
accomplices to lay hold of lieut. Gamble; whereupon the
latter made an effort to get into a boat, then alongside the
ship; but before he had reached the gunwale, he was
seized withgreat violence, by six or seven of the mutineers,
and, after a short struggle, thrown back upon the deck.
His hands were immediately tied behind him, and his legs
crossed, and bound so. tight as to cause him tireat pain.
This done, he was thrown down upon the birth-deck —
from thence dragged into the cabin — and forthwith thrust
into the run, by three men, in the roughest manner.* He
was soon joined by his unfortunate companions, midship
men Feltus and Clapp, who were thrust down in the same
harsh manner. The scuttle was then nailed down, and a
sentinel placed to guard it. While in the act of tying
him upon deck, lieut. Gamble inquired what they meant
by treating him in this manner; and he was answered by
Martin Stanley, who raised a maul over his head, that if he
spoke another word, he would beat his brains out. Not
intimidated, however, by this ferocious threat, lieut. Gam
ble repeated the question; and in particular, demanded
the reason of their mutinous conduct. In reply, it was
stated, that they had . been detained as prisoners long
enough, ' in the damned place,' and were now determined
to regain their liberty. As soon as the three officers were
properly secured in the run, as before stated, the mutineers
gave three cheers, and hoisted the English flag. They
next proceeded in two parties, the one on shore, to spike
the guns in the fort, and bring off all the powder, and the
other to the ships Greenwich and Sir Andrew Hammond,
to spike their guns also, and to plunder them of small arm«,
and other valuable articles. Having accomplished these
objects, they sent for Robert White, who was expelled by
me from the Essex, for attempting to excite mutiny in her
* Some of my readers may perhaps require to be told, that the run is
that part of a ship directly under the cabin floor, without a window, or the
smallest aperture to admit the light.

200
crew ; and having received him on board, they bent some
of the sails, unmoored the ship, and with a light breeze
stood out of the Bay. Lieut. Gamble and his companions
found their confinement almost insupportable, on account
of the close air of their prison, and having several times
requested to be admitted into the cabin, the two latter
were at length released. By the persuasions of midship
man Clapp, however, the former was also soon after
brought into the cabin, and seated on a chest, near the sky
light, with two men to guard him, armed with his own
pistols, loaded and cocked. Lieut. Gamble again desired
one of these men to inform him, who were of his party, and
what were their names. He answered, that they amounted
at least to twelve or fourteen in number ; and that their
names were, Thomas Belcher, boatswain's mate.
Robert George, seaman.
Richard Power, do.
James Duncan, cooper. (Prisoner of war.)
William Stiles, do.
Martin Stanley, ord. seaman.
Joseph Curtis,
James Morrison, (Prisoner of war.)
Lewis Ronsford, do.
James Bantum,
Jeremiah Workman,
Robert Lambries, (Prisoner of war.)^
William Clark, do.
Among all these, lieut. Gamble had the satisfaction to
find, there was not a single American ; and it is therefore
with peculiar pleasure, that I here insert the names of
those who took no part with the mutineers.
William Worth, seaman.
Richard Sansbury, O. seaman.
Joseph Burnham, do.
Benjamin Bispham, marine.
Peter Caddingtoti, do.
John Pittenge'r; do.
Thomas Gibbs, cook.
John Thomas, servant.

journal. 201
About 8 o'clock in the evening, after much difficulty, the
ship got out of the Bay. Shortly after, Ronsford, one of
the men who guarded lieut. Gamble, fired off one of the
pistols, the ball passing nearly in a horizontal direction,
just below the ankle, of the latter, through his left heel :
whether by accident or design, lieut. Gamble could not
ascertain ; but the act had no sooner been perpetrated,
than several muskets were pointed at him, through the
skylight, and nothing but the expostulations of the guard
prevented their contents from being lodged in him. At
9, the maintopsail was backed, and the officers were in
formed that a boat was in readiness to receive them.
Lieut. Gamble expostulated with them upon the wanton
barbarity of turning him into an open boat, without arms
and ammunition to defend himself against the natives ;
and, after a few moments' consultation, they agreed to
furnish him with two muskets, and a keg of cartridges.
Midshipmen Feltus and Clapp, William Worth, and Rich
ard Sansbury, had already entered the boat, and in passing
over the deck, lieut. Gamble found each man armed with
a musket and a pair of pistols. Their situation in the boat
did not tend much to lessen the misfortunes by which they
were surrounded. They were at least three miles from
the entrance of the Bay — the boat was half full of water —
midshipman Clapp was employed incessantly in baling —
and, although weakened by the loss of blood, and enduring
great pain from his wound, lieut. Gamble was under the
necessity of steering, while the remaining three exerted
themselves at the oars. After toiling two hours, however,
they had the good fortune to reach the Greenwich, and
found on board her Ross and Burdenelle, two of the tra
ders, who resided near the Bay. These men represented,
that Wilson, the interpreter, was the chief instigator of all
that had happened ; that he had assured the natives, they
had now nothing to fear from the Americans, as they were
destitute of arms and ammunition. Having passed a rest
less night, lieut. Gamble and his party employed them
selves, during the whole of the 8th, in removing the sails,
and other articles of value, from the Greenwich to the Sir
Andrew Hammond, and in making preparations to embark
the remainder of the property on shore. The natives
already began to plunder, and Worth had the misfortune to
vol. ii. 26

202 porter's journal.
he robbed, the night previous, of all his clothes, by Wil
son, or some worthless fellow in his employ. To prevent
the recurrence of similar depredations, and with an eye to
greater security, the Sir Andrew Hammond was moored
farther out in the Bay.
Early on the 9th, the midshipmen and hands went ashore
for the purpose of launching a raft, which had been used
to remove articles to and from the ships ; and this having
been effected, after some difficulty, with the assistance of
the natives, they returned on board, at 8 o'clock, to break
fast. At the expiration of an hour, they againproceeded
to the shore, and commenced loading the raft. Shortly
after, Burdenelle, the trader, came down in haste, to in
form the party, that Wilson was then at his house ; and,
without farther ceremony, Worth and Coddington, armed
with the signal musket, ran up immediately to secure him.
In the meantime, the midshipmen, with Burdenelle, visited
the Sir Andrew Hammond, to report what had happened,
and to request a boat to convey Wilson on board. To this
lieut. Gamble assented with great reluctance, on account
of the distrust he felt towards the natives, under present
circumstances, and the fatal consequences which ' must
ensue, in case his friends were attacked by a superior
force. But, after the lapse of half an hour, the boat re
turned without Wilson, he having made his escape to a dis
tant tribe. Midshipman Feltus and Burdenelle were now
extremely anxious to ransack his house, for the purpose of
recovering the property which the villain had stolen in
their absence, and especially the powder he received from
the mutineers. They had been assured by the natives,
that Wilson should not receive the least assistance or pro
tection from them ; and for this reason, were the more de
sirous of undertaking the laudable, though somewhat ha
zardous, task. At half past eleven they set out, accom
panied hy four men, armed with three muskets only ; and,
although scarcely able to walk, on account of the acute
pain of his wound, lieut. Gamble got upon deck, and ear
nestly cautioned them against having any intercourse with
the natives, or running any risk of an attack. So many
suspicious events had occurred since his return to the
island, that it was impossible for him utterly to devest his
mind of a fearful jealousy towards the natives ; especially

porter's journal. 20S
when he reflected, that no longer than the night previous,
they had robbed the traders of all their muskets, and other
wise evinced an uncommon degree of hostility. To add to
the miseries of his situation, lieut. Gamble, now that he
needed them most, had the mortification to find that the
mutineers had stolen his trumpet and spy-glass, as well
as several very valuable charts.
The anxieties of lieut. Gamble, in regard to the fate of
his friends who had just gone ashore, proved, in the end,
to be too well founded. Midshipman Clapp, who had re
mained upon deck since the departure of the boat, came
into the cabin about half past twelve, and announced that
the boat was then in the surf, surrounded by a number of
the natives. Lieut. Gamble went immediately upon deck,
and taking with him a keg of cartridges, a lighted match,
and other necessary implements, proceeded, in a leaky
boat, with midshipman Clapp, Sansbury, and Bisphatn, to
the other ship ; leaving only Pittenger, the cripple, be
hind.* They had not yet reached the Sir Andrew Ham
mond, when the natives were discovered in possession of
the boat, and, a few moments after, running in all direc
tions, with the property of the traders, as well as the swine
and other effects, belonging to the encampment. On
reaching the ship, several of her guns were immediately
loaded, and fired at the enemy, within the encampment,
and on the beach ;, but just as the second round was about
to be discharged, two white men were seen throwing up
their arms in token of distress ; and immediately after,
swimming, with all possible exertion, towards the ship.
Seeing the urgency of the occasion, midshipman Clapp,
with Sansbury and Bispham, instantly sprang into the boat,
then half filled with water, and with their utmost efforts,
rowed towards the unfortunate men.
Lieut. Gamble now remained alone on board the ship,
enduring the severest pain from his wound, and labouring
under a violent fever — while two boats, crowded with
savages, were approaching him, and a great number be
sides, were endeavouring to launch a war canoe for the
same purpose. Aware, however, that a few shots from the
cannon could alone repel them, and prevent their massa-
* It is here necessary to mention, that the mutineers did not spike any
of the guns of the Sir Andrew Hammond, except those which were loaded.

204 sorter's journal.
creing every soul in the boat, as well as himself, he made
a last desperate effort, and hobbled upon one leg, from
gun to gun, firing them off as fast as he could. And, not
withstanding the many difficulties under which he laboured*,
so happily did he direct the pieces, that the two hostile
boats were forced back — the natives on shore were driven
from their war canoe — and midshipman Clapp enabled to
save the lives of the exhausted men, who were struggling
amidst the waves.
The two men proved to be Worth and Coddington, the
latter severely wounded in the head, by a stone thrown
from the sling of a native. He swam at least half a mile,
with the blood streaming from his ears and wound, and on
gaining the ship, was scarcely able to ascend from the
boat without assistance. They reported, what lieut. Gam
ble, with a heavy heart, had anticipated :• that midshipmen
Feltus, Burdenelle, Thomas Gibbs, and John Thomas, were
massacred by the natives ; and that Ross, the trader, who
was engaged at his house, in preparing to leave the island,
must inevitably have shared the same fate.
In reflecting upon this melancholy event, my readers
cannot but form some idea of tbe poignant feelings under
which I labour, in common with lieut. Gamble. To the
latter, especially, the stroke came with redoubled severity ;
for he loved young Feltus with the tenderness of a brother,
and ever felt a deep anxiety in his fate. In the sixteenth
year of his age, and possessed of every accomplishment that
could command respect and admiration, he was at the
same time actuated by a noble ambition, which no unto
ward circumstances could repress. He bid fair to become
an ornament to his profession, and an honour to his coun
try. Those who knew him personally, admired his youth
ful gallantry ; and placed, as he was, under the command
of lieut. Gamble, by his own request, I cannot but lament,
that so cruel a destiny should have awaited his intrepidity
and spirit.
Being now reduced to the necessity of leaving the island,
as speedily as possible, lieut. Gamble despatched a boat to
the Greenwich, for Pittenger, and some articles, of which
he then stood in need. Himself and midshipman Clapp
were employed, during the interval, in firing upon the
enemy, and Worth in bending the only sails that circum-

porter's journal. 205
stances would permit — the spanker and jib. Some of the
guns were occasionally directed at the fort, where a multi
tude of the enemy had collected together, with Wilson at
their head, and were endeavouring to extract the spikes
from the guns. At 4 P. M. the Greenwich was set on fire ;
and all things being in readiness, the cable of the Sir An
drew Hammond was cut, aud with a fine breeze from the
land, she stood out of the Bay. The night was dark, and
the course of the ship was guided chiefly by the flames of
the Greenwich.
In the morning, lieut. Gamble was under the disagreea
ble necessity of cutting away the anchor, which still hung
in the water ; the crew not having sufficient strength to
raise it on the bow of the ship ; and in attempting to hoist
up the boat, it broke in two parts — so that he found him
self obliged to put to sea in a leaky ship, without a boat or
an anchor to help himself in distress. At 8 A. M. of the
following day, they set the mizzen topsail, and employed
themselves immediately, in bending the other sails. The
only seaman on board was Worth, whose good manage
ment in working the ship out of the Bay, prevented her
from being stranded on the rocks.
Having only six cartridges left, and without the means of
conducting a voyage to the continent, lieut. Gamble, after
mature deliberation, considered it best to steer the ship for
the Sandwich Islands, at some one of which, he hoped to
meet with relief. It was probable that he might there man
his vessel in a more effectual manner, from some of the
American ships who were in the habit of frequenting those
Islands ; or, at least, receive such assistance as would ena
ble him to proceed in safety to Valparaiso. The state of
his crew was as follows :
Himself— Severely wounded in the heel.
Midshipman Clapp — In good health.
Bisphano, . do.
CoddingtOn — Wounded in the head.
Worth — A fractured leg.
Sansbury — Rheumatism.
Burnham — An old man, just cured of the scurvy.
Pittenger — A cripple.

206 porter's journal.
So that, of the whole number on board, only two were
actually fit for duty, and only one acquainted with the
management of a ship. Nothing material occurred until
they reached the island of Owyhee, which was on the 23d.
The weather had continued pleasant, and no accident of
any kind happened to retard their progress. On rounding
the Southern extremity of the Island, a number of the na
tives came off in canoes, with some cocoa-nuts to trade*
They informed lieut. Gamble, that Tamahamaah, the king,
resided at Taeigh Bay ; and fifteen of them, expressing a
wish to remain on board the ship that night, he ordered
them to sleep on the birth-deck, while the crew remained
on the quarter deck, with pikes by their sides — the only
weapon on board the ship. In coasting along the N. W.
side of the Island, on the 24th, several canoes came off in
the afternoon, with swine, poultry, fruit, and vegetables ;
and the ship being a great distance from the shore, lieut.
Gamble permitted the natives to stay on board that night.
In the morning, they left the ship, with the greater part of
their swine, &c. not having seen any thing on board for
which they would willingly exchange them. They now
stood towards the northern part of the island, and, at sun
set, three natives came off in a canoe, with a few water
melons ; but, contrary to their custom, as soon as these
were disposed of, they returned in great haste to the shore.
At daylight, on the 28th, they hove to, off the northern
point of the island ; the weather being so cloudy and hazy,
as to prevent their seeing the land. The ship, however,
had not been long in this situation, before she was disco
vered to be in the midst of the surf and breakers, and ap
parently within pistol-shot of the shore. Lieut. Gamble
immediately ordered her to be wore round, and in a few
moments, had the good fortune to see her clear of the most
imminent danger. They now passed between several of
the Islands, and in the afternoon of the 31st, came to off
Whyateetee Bay, on the S. W. side of the island of Waohoo.
An American, by the name of Harbottle, came off in a
canoe, and gave a very flattering account of the state of
things on shore. He kindly undertook to pilot the ship
into the Bay ; and at lieut. Gamble's request, despatched
the canoe ashore, with a note for Captain Nathaniel Win-
ship, a native of America, describing the state of the vessel,

porter's journal. 207
and earnestly requesting his assistance to bring her into the
Bay. By the advice of Captain Winship, lieut. Gamble dis
played the American flag, in order to show the people on
shore to what nation he belonged. Soon after, several
canoes visited the ship ; and in a short time he had a suf
ficient number of men on board to work her into the Bay.
Captain Winship sent him an anchor, and some provi
sions for the crew, with an invitation to come and sup
with him on shore ; of which lieut. Gamble very gladly
accepted. The next day, some of the natives were de
tected in stealing clothes from the men ; and in conse
quence thereof, an order was given, that no canoes but
those belonging to white men, or to the king, should visit
the ship. Lieut. Gamble greatly regretted not finding at
this Island, the captains William Davis and Jonathan Win
ship, with their ships, (according to previous intimation,)
as from these he had calculated tp receive such assistance
as would enable him to proceed to the main. But they
had gone upon a secret expedition ; and from the accounts
received on shore, he foresaw the necessity of returning, as
early as possible, to Owyhee, in order to procure the outfits
he then needed. Tamahamaah resided at Owyhee, and all
naval stores were generally sold under his eye. As there
was a prospect, however, of shipping a number of Ameri
can seamen, who were wandering about Whyaleetee Bay,
he determined not to weigh anchor until he had made the
attempt; and in the course of a few days, succeeded be
yond expectation. While on shore, he was informed, byr
Captain Winship, that a. ship had looked into the harbour
on the 22d, and then stood off again under all sail. From
the description given of her, as seen at a distance, lieut.
Gamble did not doubt but that she was the Seringapatam,
with which, my readers will recollect, the mutineers, at
the Island of Nooaheevah, made their escape. Captain
Winship treated lieut. Gamble with that frank liberality
and kindness, which distinguish the Americans, in every
part of the world j and entertained him constantly, at his
house, with such comforts as the nature of his situation
could afford. Nor were some of the natives less back
ward in bestowing their favours. The two chiefs, or head
men of the Island, Maha an&Mytie, visited the ship, accord-

208 porter's journal.
ing to custom ; and as soon as they returned on shore, ex
pressed their satisfaction by sending off a quantity of fresh
vegetables for the use of the crew.
At daylight on the 3d of June, a signal gun was fired
from the ship, and a number of canoes immediately put off
to tow her into the inner harbour, for the purpose of being
anchored in a safer place. At eight o'clock, she was, with
some difficulty, brought through the narrow channel of the
Bay, and moored in perfect security, within a short dis
tance of the shore. For this service, the natives received
each apiece of new iron hoop, and left the ship, well satis
fied with their reward. Besides Captain Winship, lieut.
Gamble here met with three Americans, Navarrow, But
ler, and Marshall ; who had recently been officers of Ame
rican ships, and were now living unemployed on the Island.
From Mr. Navarrow midshipman Clapp was so fortunate
as to purchase a pair of pistols, and some clothes, of which
he stood greatly in need. Mr. Marshall had been mate of
the American ship Lark, Captain Holmes, from New-
York, which, in the month of April, upset in a gale of wind,
in the latitude of the Sandwich Islands. The crew re
mained upon the hull of the vessel two weeks, when she
drifted among the rocks, on the island of Mowee. The
natives no sooner discovered the wreck, than they ran
down immediately to it, and plundered the officers and
crew of every article they possessed.
At sunset on the 4th, the natives reported that they had
seen a strange sail off Diamond hill ; and lieut. Gamble,
being extremely desirous of leaving the island as soon as
possible, set all hands to work the following morning, in
repairing some serious defects in the ship. Two of the
hands were sent on shore to patch up an old boat which
Captain Winship had given him, being the best in his pos
session ; and from Haamah Mytie he was fortunate enough
to purchase a good canoe, for ten dollars ; for Haamah My
tie would trade for nothing but cash. The crew were now
of sufficient strength to manage the ship in the worst of
weather, nine men having entered for an indefinite period,
and received each an advance, not exceeding fifteen dollars,
in new iron hoops. Taking all things into consideration,
Captain Winship was quite comfortably situated at Wkya-
teetee Bay. He had already resided on the Island upwards

PORTER1 S JOURNAL. 209
of two years, and had so far succeeded in introducing the
arts of civilized life into this remote quarter of the globe,
as to make a sufficient quantity of butter and cheese for
his own use. A melon appeared every day of the year
upon his table, and his garden produced all kinds of vege
tables in abundance.

V»L. II. 26

CHAPTER XX.
CONCLUSION OF LIEUT.
Having received a box of tea from a Spanish gentleman
who had resided on the Island upwards of twenty years, to
gether with several goats, swine, and vegetables, from dif
ferent persons near the Bay, lieut. Gamble weighed anchor
on the 1 1th of June, and left Waohoo, one of the richest of
the Sandwich Islands. Maha, and about forty of his people,
took passage in the ship, with five tons of paie, a food ex
tracted from the taro root, and a quantity of dried fish,
which they were taking to Tamaahmaah, the king. They
had been prevented, for some time, by the roughness of the
sea, from" carrying this tribute in their canoes ; and there
fore very eagerly embraced the opportunity which the Sir
Andrew Hammond afforded.
But the hour of misfortune again approached. At day'
light on the 13th, a strange sail was discovered, close in
with Owyhee, and directly ahead. Being now too near to
effect a retreat, and having every reason to suppose her to
be the American ship Albatross, daily expected at Waohoo,
lieut. Gamble concluded to stand towards her. On nearing
her, he was impressed with an idea that she might perhaps
be the Seringapatam ; and therefore, to make her recap
ture certain, he ordered the guns to be cast loose, and as
many of them to be loaded as the powder and ball on board
would permit. At half past 7, the stranger showed a sig
nal at the foremast head, but being destitute ,of spy-glasses
and trumpets, lieut. Gamble was unable to distinguish it,
or to ascertain, by hailing, what it meant. He was still,
however, under the impression, that she was either an
American ship from Canton, or one of the Northwestern
traders ; having understood, from some person on board,
that these vessels had established for themselves a set of
signals, and were in the habit of displaying them on meet
ing with a ship. His doubts were soon cleared up. At 8
it fell perfectly calm, and the stranger, having hoisted
American colours, lieut. Gamble was now convinced, that

JOURNAL. 211
she was a ship of war, and an enemy. Shortly after he
received a shot, and was immediately taken possession of
by the British national ship Cherub, Captain Tucker, one
of the captors of the Essex. Lieut. Gamble was ordered
to repair, forthwith, on board the Cherub, and, apprehen
sive of being pilfered in his absence, he requested midship
man Clapp to take care of his things : but the latter having
also been brought on board in the second boat, they had
the mortification to find themselves robbed of a number of
valuable articles, including a sextant, two tea-spoons, seve
ral books, and the pistols, which midshipman Clapp had re
cently purchased.
On reaching the Cherub, lieut. Gamble was politely re
ceived by Captain Tucker, and introduced to the gentle
men of the wardroom ; while midshipman Clapp was made
acquainted with his future companions in the steerage.
Captain Tucker requested his surgeon to dress the wound
in lieut. Gamble's heel, with which he very cheerfully
complied. But no stroke of adversity came with so much
pain to the feelings of lieut. Gamble, as the capture of the
Essex, with which he was now, for the firsi time, made ac
quainted. He had already suffered ureter a series of afflic
tions which but few men besides codld have endured, and
now, to hear of the loss of thaUhip, seemed to fill up the
cup of his misery. It was some alleviation of his feelings,
however, to hear even Optain Tucker confess, that he
never saw a ship make «o desperate a resistance ; and that
"he had expected to see her colours lowered an hour
before ' Free tpade and sailors' rights' came down."
In the afternoon of the 1 6th, the Cherub and her prize
came to an anchor in Ranheina Bay, at the island of Mowee,
for the parpose of procuring wood and water. In the mean
time, heut. Gamble was surprised to hear, that his men
had been robbed of the greater part of their clothing, and
that several of their chests had been forcibly broken open.
He made a representation of this ungenerous conduct to
Captain Tucker,, but without effect. The unfortunate
natives too, who had taken passage in the Sir Andrew:
Hammond, (with the exception of Maha, and four or five
others,) were compelled to jump overboard ; and must cer
tainly have perished, had they not been picked up by some
of the fishermen ; as the ships were at that time at least six

212 porter's journal..
miles from the land. I must here apprize my readers, that
the swine and vegetables purchased by lieut. Gamble at
Waohoo, previous to his capture, were paid for in new iron
hoops ; and that as these hoops were Weighed out to Ta
maahmaah'' s agent, on that island, he requested lieut. Gam
ble to take them with him to Tamaahmaah, as the swine and
vegetables all belonged to him.. Accordingly, when the
ships arrived at Mowee, which was in the vicinity of Ta-
rnaahmaafCs residence, lieut. Gamble explained these facts
to Captain Tucker, and was very desirous of having, the
hoops immediately landed. But Captain Tucker refused
his assent to so just a proposition, averring that everything
insthe Sir Andrew Hammond must go home, as prize of
war ; and it followed of course, tfiat not only was Ta-
maahmaah wrongfully deprived of these iron hoops, but the
poor natives who had taken passage in her, were deprived
of their five tons of paie and dried fish. What were the
motives of Captain Tucker for this conduct, it is hard to
determine. Perhaps, however, he was desirous of injuring
the credit of the Americans with the natives of the Sand
wich Islands. If this was his object, he might have spared
himself the trouble. Tamaahmaah knows too well who are
his real friends, and wVio are not, to be the dupe of such an
artifice. The ships now made the \>est of their way for the island
of Atooi, a fellow by the name of Betty (who had resided at
the Islands 16 years, and collected considerable property
by supplying American ships,) having informed Captain
Tucker, that the American ship Charon, Whittemore, was
then at that Island. At daylight on the lfifh, in sight of
the Island, a sail was discovered on the weather beam, and
and at 9 o'clock, the Cherub came up with, and captured
her. She proved to be the Charon, but without a cargo,
and her captain just then happened, luckily, to be on
shore. Her crew were immediately removed to the
Cherub, and a prize-master and men sent on board. Early
on the 1 9th, another sail was discovered, with her fore and
mizzen-top-gallant-masts struck, and the Cherub immedi
ately gave chase. At 9, she displayed Portuguese colours,
and the Cherub, having hoisted the American ensign and
pendant, fired a shot and brought her to. A boat was then
Jjespatched for her commander, and having returned with

JOURNAL. 213
Mr. Thomas, an American gentleman, who exhibited the
ship's papers, she was, after a short detention, permitted
to proceed. The Cherub, in company with the Charon
and Sir Andrew Hammond, soon after, hove to off Whymea
Bay, at the island of Olooi, and Captain Whittemore
having, for some cause or other, come off to the Charon,
the evening before, he was brought on board the Cherub,
and, to the surprise of lieut. Gamble, introduced into the
steerage of the ship. There being property near this Bay,
to the amount of eighty thousand pounds, belonging to the
Captains Whittemore and Jonathan Winship, the latter
then being on the Island, Captain Tucker, for four days,
employed every stratagem to gain possession of it, without
effect. He at first began to wheedle the proprietor or
king of the Island ; using all his efforts to entice him on
board the Cherub ; but the king declared his determination
to protect the property at the risk of his life, and would by
no means condescend to pay Captain Tucker a visit. He,
at the same time, despatched several messengers in suc
cession, to inform him, that he would supply the ships
with whatever swine and vegetables they might want, pro
vided they came to an anchor; but not otherwise. Not
disheartened, however, by this resolute behaviour of the
king, Captain Tucker next adopted a more imposing
scheme. His first lieutenant, Mr. Whitewood, being looked
upon as a very artful and plausible man, was sent on shore
in the evening, to see Captain Winship, and to pay his re
spects to the king. Of his conference with the latter, little
is known, except that he persisted, as usual, in his deter
mination not to visit the ship, and to protect, to the utter
most, the neutral property under his care. Captain Win
ship received him with the politeness of a gentleman, and
soon convinced him of the folly of his errand. Not willing,
however, to dismiss the baffled emissary, without some
compensation for his trouble, Captain Winship presented
him with six bottles of Madeira wine ; together with seve
ral other articles for the use of the ship, and then bade him
a hearty adieu. Soon after his return on board the
Cherub, Captain Whittemore was very properly removed
from the steerage into the ward-room, and introduced to
the gentlemen who occupied that part of the ship.
On the 22d, Captain Tucker despatched the Charon

214 porter's journal.
and Sir Andrew Hammond for Rio de Janeiro, by the way
of Valparaiso ; and deeming it necessary to send midship
man Clapp in the former, for the purpose of condemning
her in the vice-admiralty court, lieut. Gamble was in con
sequence, to his extreme regret, separated from that valu
able friend. The Cherub now bore away for the island of
Waohoo, but, owing to light winds, and a strong current set
ting to leeward, she did not reach it until the 28th. It ap
peared, at first, to be the intention of Captain Tucker to
look into Whyateetee Bay, and to try his fortune with the
proprietor or king. But that king was Maha, whom Cap
tain Tucker had so shamefully treated on board the Sir
Andrew Hammond, at the time of her capture ; and there
was also another Winship near him, to consult and advise-
with. Captain Tucker was likewise well aware that he
had exasperated the king of Otooi, as well as Maha, and
the survivors of his forty companions, by depriving them
of their paie, dried fish, and iron hoops ; and that it was
more than probable, some of these had returned to Waohoo,
and stirred up a just resentment against him. Under these
circumstances, therefore, he considered it prudent not to
touch at Waohoo, and stood directly for Owyhee.
My readers may well imagine, that the situation of JieuL..
Gamble on board the Cherub, was not one of the most
agreeable. Unable to take exercise on account of the
severity of his wound ; shut up among strangers, on board
a ship of war, in a warm climate ; at an almost hopeless
distance from his native country, and with no prospect of
reaching it within a reasonable period : it is no wonder
that he regretted even his separation from the island of
Nooaheevah, and sighed heartily for Gattanewa and his
tribe. For the rest, his fellow-prisoners who fared with:
the crew, complained frequently of the want of food ; and;
although they had all, except Pittenger, regained their
health, yet this poor fellow still laboured under the tor
ments of a morbid leg, and often endured the most excru
ciating pain.
Nothing worthy of note occurred until the 4th of July,.
except the mustering of the ship's company and prisoners
of war, on the Sunday preceding, and the reading of the
morning service by Captain Tucker. This being the an
niversary of the declaration of our Independence, the gen-

porter's journal. 215
tlemen of the ward-room, with a liberality of feeling which
does them great credit, ordered a suitable dinner, with an
extra bottle of wine ; and Captain Whittemore and lieut.
Gamble had the happiness to commemorate that glorious
event, notwithstanding their confinement as prisoners of
war, on bbard an enemy's ship.
Having reached Owyhee on the 6th, Captain Tucker
sent a messenger on shore, with an invitation to the king
to come on board and dine with him. At three o'clock
P. M. His Majesty appeared, attended by his prime minis
ter, Mr. Pitt, (! ! !) and a numerous retinue. Lieut. Gamble
was honoured with a seat at the table, near these great
personages, and was not a little amused to see them in
dulge so freely in the wine and other luxuries of the dessert.
The next day, lieut. Gamble, by request, accompanied
Captain Tucker on shore, and visited the king's hoUse.
Here they met with an Englishman by the name of Jen
nings, who had commanded the brig Forrester, bound from
England to the N. W. coast of America ; but the said Jen
nings having shot one of his crew for attempting to excite
a mutiny, was very safely set on shore at Owyhee, by the
survivors. Shortly after, a man, calling himself John
Young, entered the royal mansion ; and not aware that
lieut. Gamble was an American, he gave Captain Tucker
a very particular account of the ships of the United States,
then in those seas. He. stated, that the Albatross, Captain
Smith, was daily expected from Canton, with twenty thou
sand dollars in specie, and a quantity of dry goods ; and the
O'Cain, Captain Winship, from the Russian settlements on
the N. W. Coast. He described minutely the state of
affairs on the islands of Waohoo, Otooi, and Owyhee, and
appeared extremely anxious to place the property of the
Americans in the hands of their enemy. This ungrateful
man had resided more than twenty-five years on Owyhee,
and during that period had received from the American
traders, exclusively, upwards of ten thousand dollars in
cash, for supplies. After going through with his narrative,
lieut. Gamble thought proper to announce his real charac
ter; when the astonished ingrate, with shame upon his
countenance, sneaked slily out of the way. Nothing farther
transpired at the king's residence ; and at 4 P. M. they
returned on board the ship. The day following, the king,
attended by Young, and four of his wives, (weighing each

216 porter's journal.
400 pounds!) dined on board with Captain Tucker; and
having taken leave of the ship towards evening, she got
under sail for the island of Mowee, to procure a fresh sup
ply of wood and water. The weather continued clear and
pleasant, and at times sultry ; the thermometer vibrating.
generally between 81° and 83° of Fahrenheit.
At 5 P. M. of the lQth, the Cherub was moored, head
and stern, in Ranheina Bay, at the island of Mowee, and the
hands immediately commenced bringing on board wood;
water, vegetables, and swine. On the morrow, lieut.
Gamble went on shore with the purser, but the weather
was so excessively warm, and the walking so unpleasant, on
account of the red dust with which the ground was covered,
that they retured again on board, after a short stay. The
next day, the Ship was unmoored, and with a light breeze,
stood to theN. W. for the island of Waohoo. At half past
one she came to, off Whyaieelee Bay, and waited for a canoe
to come alongside. , Shortly after, William Davis, one of
the traders, approached, and kindly offered to pilot the
ship into the Bay ; but Captain Tucker, for obvious reasons,
did not consider it prudent to avail himself of the offer,
choosing rather to remain where he was. Davis stated,
that Captain Winship had for some days past, been ex
tremely ill with a calculus, to which he had long been sub
ject, and stood in great need of medical aid. Captain
Tucker, with great liberality, assured lieut. Gamble and
Captain Whittemore, that if Captain Winship would come
off to the ship, he should receive such assistance as it was
in his power to afford him, and requested them to forward
a note to Captain Winship to that effect ; adding that the
latter should be at liberty to return on shore, whenever he
thought proper. This proposition was very readily acceded
to, and the sufferer in a short time appeared on board,
scarcely able to stand. He received instructions from the
surgeon of the Cherub, in regard to the treatment of his
disorder, and then returned on shore with Davis, in good
spirits, although apparently enduring great pain. The
Cherub now made sail, and stood for the island of Olooi,
being disguised with a false poop, and other stratagems, in
order to decoy the king, or Captain Winship, of the O'Gain,
on board ; Captain Tucker having learnt, that the latter
was, with his ship, at this island, by the last accounts re?
ceived from it. Accordingly, on the 15th, at meridian, he

porter's journal. ,217
hove to, off Wkymea Bay, and displayed the American
flag: but no person appearing to take notice of it, he bore
away for the island of Oneehow. In the morning, at 1 1
A. M. the ship was brought to, off the S. W. point of the
island, and soon after, a canoe, with seven of the natives,
came alongside. They informed him, that the O'Cain and
the Mercurio (the Portuguese ship, of which mention is
made a few pages back) had left the island for the main,
two days since ; and Captain Tucker, despairing of any
farther success among the Sandwich Islands, now bent his
course apparently for the Marquesas.
And here I cannot avoid recording a specimen of the
Captain's manners, at a time when, of all others, he should
have set a better example to those around him, considering
the station he filled. A few days before leaving the Sand
wich Islands, he sent for Mr. Lathrop, the late chief mate
of Captain Whittemore's ship, and put several questions to
him, with a view of ascertaining the state of Captain
Whittemore's property at Otooi, and the best means of
gaining possession of it. To these questions, Mr. Lathrop,
very justly and very honestly, did not conceive it his duty
to give answer; and Captain Tucker, instead of doing jus
tice to the motives of this upright man, turned him out of
the cabin, in the most ignominious manner, and with lan
guage unbecoming his station and character.
On the 21st, six days after leaving the Islands, being in
lat. 12°. 42'. N. and 155°. 53'. W. longitude, Captain Whitte
more, Mr. Whitewood, the first lieutenant, and the sailing-
master, went upon deck, for the purpose of taking an ob
servation ; but Captain Tucker would not lend them a sex
tant, and of course they were disappointed. What were
his reasons for this strange conduct, I cannot pretend to
determine. During the passage to Valparaiso, which was subse
quently found to be the destination of the ship, no events
of any particular interest occurred. This passage was per
formed hy the Cherub in the unexampled space of ten
weeks ; whereas the dullest merchant vessels commonly
perform it in six. In fact, from the favourable state of the
weather, it was the general opinion on board, that they
ought to have gained sight of the Continent in eighteen
days after leaving the Sandwich Islands. From this cir-
vox. ii. 28

21 8' porter's journal.
eumstanee, it will very naturally be inferred, that Captain
Tucker does not possess that practical knowledge of sea
manship, to which officers of his grade have usually at
tained. On the 13th, an order was issued, that the fire in the
galley should thenceforth be extinguished daily, at 2 P. M.
in consequence of which, lieut. Gamble was deprived of a
eup of tea in the afternoon ; one of the best comforts his
delicate health required. These, and other regulations of
a similar nature, as will be seen anon, were not lost upon
the fertile genius of Jack ; and Captain Tucker had soon
the satisfaction of being generally known throughout the
ship, by the whimsical title of ' Mr. G'arrick.''
At 6 A. M. on the 16th, land was descried from the
mast-head, and being then in lat. 14°. 58'. south, and long.
147°. 48'. west, it could have been no other than Prince of
Wales' Island — at least, this was the general opinion on
board. Having lost sight of it on the weather quarter, at
10 A. M. of the same day, Recreation Island was disco
vered, bearing S. E. in lat. 15°. 13'. south, and long. 148%
•53'. west, nearly. This island was first discovered by
Roggewin, in 1712 ; and in all probability, has seldom or
never been visited since. On the 17th, land was again
descried from the mast-head, which proved to be Miatea,
one of the Society Islands ; although Captain Tucker at
first mistook it, very strangely, for Otaheite. It now ap
peared to be his intention to call at the latter for refresh
ments ; and after three days search, he was so fortunate as to
find out Matavai Bay; almost as well known to navigators, as
the harbour of New-York. The charts of the harbour are
generally known to be correct ; and no difficulty can occur
in running by them directly into the Bay ; yet, from some
novel cause or other, the captain did not conceive it pru
dent to run his ship in, without a previous examination ;
and Mr. Oakey, the master, was accordingly despatched
for that purpose. In the course of an hour, Mr. Oakey
signified that there Was good anchorage in the Bay ; but
the ship had now drifted far to leeward ; and she was con
sequently compelled to haul off for the night. The next
day, however, at 10 A. M. she was brought safely to an
anchor in the Bay, in 12 fathoms water, Point Venus bear
ing N. N. E. ahd the Bluff S. W. by S.
As soon as the ship was perfectly secured at her moor-

porter's journal. 219
ings, the crew commenced repairing the rigging, and bring
ing wood and water on board. The weather was exceed
ingly warm during the night, and the thermometer mostly
stood at 83°. of Fahrenheit. In the course of the following
day, upwards of one hundred canoes came off to the ship,
loaded with several kinds of fruit and vegetables ; but Cap
tain Tucker peremptorily forbade any person on board
trading with them. Sick as he was, lieut. Gamble could
not gain permission to moisten his parched lips with the
juice of an orange, nor Mr. Lathrop, (Captain Whitte
more's mate) who had subsisted for more than two months,
upon a scanty allowance of salt beef and pork, to purchase
a pineapple, which one of the natives offered him for some
trifle in his hand. What were the strange motives which
induced Captain Tucker to adopt such a preposterous
course of conduct, I am at a loss to conceive. Being in
formed on the morning of the 20th, that this very original
commander had ordered the prisoners to assist in hoisting
the water-casks on board, lieut. Gamble immediately ap
prized them, that it was perfectly optional to obey or diso
bey the order ; and that therefore they might retire, if they
chose, from the work. The poor fellows, however, had
been promised an additional supply of food, as a reward
for their labour, and their allowance being but scanty, they
preferred remaining at work. The next day, one of the
men who had charge of the wooding party, came off in
haste to the ship, and informed Captain Tucker that two of
his comrades had made their escape. Captain Tucker ap
peared greatly surprised, seeing he had appointed a guard
of marines to attend the parties on shore, for the express
purpose of preventing desertion. A number of Otaheitans,
however, were immediately sent in pursuit of the fugitives,
and at three o'clock in the afternoon, one of them was ap
prehended, and brought on board. The same day, Cap
tain Tucker was so good as to appoint his gunner factor to
the ship's company, for trading with the natives : but as
the ship weighed anchor at 10 o'clock the next morning, no
time was allowed to notify the natives of this indulgence;
and, of course, it was perfectly useless. Had it been other
wise, tbe company might have provided themselves with a
stock of fruit and vegetables for a long voyage, which they
were now obliged to undertake in a comparatively dis-

22.® porter's journal.
tressed state. The island produces: potatoes, yams, plan
tains, bananas, cocoa-nuts, taro, water-melons, lemons,
limes, oranges, &c. &c. in abundance.
At 4 P. M. of the 22d, the ship standing to the west, be
tween the islands of Otaheite and Emao, a canoe came
alongside, with an answer from the resident British Mission
aries, to a letter Captain Tucker had previously sent them;
and with a notification of their intention to visit the ship.
But the Captain kept on his course, and the Society Islands
were soon out of sight. On the 25th, at 9 A. M. all hands
were mustered to witness the punishment of the deserter,
King, who received three dozen lashes for the pains he had
taken to quit his king's service at Otaheite.
From the 23d of August until the arrival of the Cherub
at Valparaiso, on the 23d of September following, nothing
of material interest transpired. In approaching the coast,
the thermometer fell gradually to 5G°. and on the 20th of
September, the water became deeply tinged, and many
aquatic birds flew about the ship. Captain Tucker entered
the port of Valparaiso under the American ensign and pen
dant, and with ' Free trade and sailors' rights' at his
foremast head. As the ship drew near, lieut. Gamble was
extremely disappointed at seeing the old Spanish flag dis
played in the forts; but a boat soon came alongside, with the
agreeable intelligence, that the patriots were still advan
cing in their great work, and intended shortly again to
hoist their own flag. The viceroy of Peru had refused to
sanction the preliminaries of peace, drawn up by Captain
Hillyar, between the governments of Peru and Chili,
chiefly because by one of the articles, the Patriots were
required to receive all foreign vessels under the Royal flag.
As soon as the governor and citizens of Valparaiso descried
the American colours on board the Cherub, they believed
her to be a ship of that nation, and became highly animated
with the idea of so welcome a visiter; but on seeing them
replaced by the British flag, their countenances suddenly
fell, and every thing betokened the deepest chagrin. Be
sides several Spanish vessels, there were lying here at this
time, the Sir Andrew Hammond, the Charon, an English
brig, and the Montezuma, one of the prizes to the Essex.
The two first had arrived 34 days previous, from the Sand"
wich Islands, and lieut. Gamble had once more the pleasure

porter's journal. 221
of meeting with his friend and fellow-sufferer, midshipman
Clapp, with whom he went ashore in the afternoon.
Among the strange pieces of news which they learnt at this
place, was a story, calculated to bias the minds of the pa
triots — that the king of England, after sending 20,000
troops to the United States, under the command of 'lord
Wellington,' had created the said ' lord' emperor of North
America, in reward for his good conduct !
On gaining the shore, lieut. Gamble repaired immedi
ately to the house of that excellent man, Mr. Blanco, the
American vice-consul ; who received him in his arntej as a
father, and entertained him in the most friendly manner,
during the whole of his stay at Valparaiso. This friendship
was not alone confined to Mr. Blanco ; the people in ge
neral were rejoiced to see an officer of the Essex, and
always spoke in the highest terms, of the conduct of her
brave crew, on the day of their capture. Lieut. Gamble
found here about twenty of the crew of the Essex, in a
destitute condition ; and was told that several others had
enlisted in the army at Santiago. Whatever may have
been the behaviour of the former subsequently to my de
parture from Valparaiso, I am pretty well convinced, that
their sufferings must have been owing entirely to their
own misconduct ; for the generous patriots will never let
an honest tar suffer, while the means of relief are to be had.
As Captain Tucker, contrary to every principle of sound
reason and humanity, would not permit Captain Whitte
more to leave the ship for a moment, whilst the other prison
ers were all allowed to go on shore, and even to take lodg
ings in the town, lieut. Gamble thought proper to repre
sent the matter to the Governor, through the medium of
Mr. Blanco, in order to obtain some relief. The grounds of
this extraordinary oppression, I confess myself unable to
comprehend. Captain Whittemore had invariably sup
ported the character of a gentleman, and had on no occa
sion excited the ill humour of the commander of the
Cherub. There was one circumstance, however, that
probably operated with some force upon the mind of the
British captain. My readers will remember how actively
he laboured, by fair and by foul means, to get hold of Cap
tain Whittemore's property at the island of Otooi, and how
completely his views were frustrated. Now, to people of

222 porter's journal.
a particular turn of mind, no better reason could offer for
punishing a fellow-creature, than a refusal to sacrifice to
their rapacity the honest gains of industry, under colour of
prize of war.
Notwithstanding appearances were at first, unfavourable,
in the course of a day or two Captain Whittemore received
permission to go on shore, from the commander of the
Cherub, accompanied by the agreeable intelligence, that
this indulgence was owing entirely to the interference of
the Governor. Encouraged by this instance of lenity,
lieuf.^amble was induced to apply for a similar relaxation
in regard to his men, who had already been confined four:
months oh board the ship, upon short allowance ; pledging
himself, at the same time, for their good behaviour, and
punctual return : but Capt. Tucker stopped him short, with
a positive denial. Unfortunately for Captain Whittemore,
he did not long enjoy the privilege of going ashorej. for on
the fifth day after the granting of it, he, by some unavoida
ble accident, was prevented from being on board precisely
al sunset; and, as might have been expected, the indul
gence was promptly countermanded.
The whole town was thrown into a sudden alarm on the ¦
night of the 1st of October, and the people generally took
up arms, on account of some secret news which had just
been received from Santiago. On the day following, . in
telligence reached them, that the patriot general O'Hig-
gins, after gallantly defeating a superior force, of the ene
my, and dispersing themwith great loss, had treacherously
surrendered his whole army to the Royalists ; who, in con
sequence, were hourly expected to march into Santiago.
This disheartening news excited the greatest consternation '
at Valparaiso; and,, to add to the misfortunes of its inhabi
tants, an order was received by the Governor from the
, President of Chili, requiring him to spike all the cannon
in the forts — throw the shot into the sea— blow up the ma
gazine — set fire to the shipping — burn the town — and then
to repair as speedily as possible, with all his troops, to San
tiago. An order like this could not fail to operate in the
most distressing manner, upon'the citizens. The unhappy
women were driven almost to distraction, at seeing their
husbands torn from them perhaps for ever; and thejr ears
were incessantly stunned with the cries of misery from.

porter's journal. 223
every part of the town. Despair and death hung upon the
countenances of all ; for, knowing the vindictive ferocity of
the Royalists, they anticipated from their hands a general
confiscation of property, and banishment, or death. So
awful, indeed, had the crisis become, that lieut. Gamble
was earnestly advised to repair on board the Cherub, for
the sake of ensuring the safety of his person.
Having held a consultation with the proper officers, the
Governor, in part, carried into execution the order he had
received, by spiking the cannon, and throwing the powder
and shot into the sea : after which he proceeded with his
troops to Calleatto, there to remain until farther orders.
The citizens of Valparaiso being now utterly defenceless,
began to think of making a virtue of necessity, and with few
exceptions, assumed the badge of the Royalists, making
great preparations to receive the new Governor in style.
On the 5th, it was announced in public, that the army of
the Patriots had been totally defeated, and that the Presi
dent of Chili, with Don Lewis Carrera, his brother, had
made their escape with three hundred men, and a great
sum of money. The Royalists soon after entered Santi
ago, and bestowed great honours upon a young man, who
had been punished and imprisoned by the Patriots for con
veying secret information to the enemy. On the 6th, this
person was expected at Valparaiso, and great preparations
were made to receive him. The old Spanish flag was again
hoisted ; and Mr. Blanco, with several other patriots, were
under the necessity of going out to meet him, for the pur
pose of escorting him into town. The streets were strewed
with flowers, and the Royal standard was displayed from
the windows of almost every house. At 12 o'clock, this
august personage (who, a few days before, had received
300 lashes from the Patriots !) made his appearance, at
tended by a retinue of 200 horsemen, shouting ' long live
the king !' which was promptly echoed by the populace.
No outrages of any kind were committed ; and the rabble
appeared to be strictly guarded from plundering the citi
zens. The next day, the new governor arrived in a
Spanish sloop of war from Conception, and was received
apparently with great friendship. The citizens all sent in
their adhesion, except Mr. Romenes, who resolved to sup
port the character of a Patriot, and under present circum-

224 porter's journal,
stances, to remain perfectly neutral. He alone exhibited
the true firmness of a resolute mind; for the rest, with the
singular dexterity of cowards, sacrificed every honourable
feeling to gain tbe good will of the rapacious tyrants who
now ruled over them. In the evening, Mr. Blanco gave a
splendid entertainment in honour of the Governor's arri
val, and lieut. Gamble was invited to- attend. Among
the group at the entertainment, he recognized the Go
vernor — a small man, about sixty-five years of age, and no
way distinguished in his appearance. He had spent his
days chiefly in the Spanish navy, and was then actually in
command of a sloop of war.
On the 9th, Captain Tucker dressed his vessel in the
colours of different nations, taking due care to drag the
American flag in the water, and at 10 A. M. with the prizes,
fired a grand salute in answer to one of 21 guns from the
Spanish sloop of war and forts. The Governor gave a
dinner and a ball, at the first of which neither Mr. Romenes
nor Lt. Gamble were invited, because, as Mr. Blanco stated,
they had not paid their respects to his Excellency. An
order was issued on the 1 1th, forthe people to come forward
and take the oath of allegiance, and for the town to be illu
minated three nights in succession. Notwithstanding this
great display of pageantry, the Patriots, in spite of their
well-timed dissimulation, gave evident signs of alarm.
The next day, Captain Tucker notified his intention of
sailing on the 13th, and Lt. Gamble, in consequence thereof,
took leave of his friends and repaired on board. But
instead of sailing at the time appointed, the Captain again
dressed his vessel in various colours, and at noon fired a
i salute of 21 guns in answer to a grand salute from the Spa
nish sloop and forts. On the morning following, however, a
gun was fired, and the signal hoisted for getting under way
— but the Cherub still remained where she was. At sunset
on the 14th, the forts and ships tired a salute of 21 guns,
and at 8 o'clock in the evening Captain Tucker sent up
three sky-rockets, and burnt five blue lights. The cause of
all this noise and confusion, Lt. Gamble could not at first
conceive ; but early in the morning, a signal was made of
three ships in sight, and at 10 o'clock the British frigates
Tagus and Briton, with the Raccoon sloop, came to anchor
in the Bay.

porter's journal. 22 j
The frigates had just returned from a cruise of four months
among the Gallipagos and Washington islands, without
meeting a single vessel of any description, and their crews,
for more than six weeks, had been upon short allowance.
Several of their men were dangerously ill, and not a'fewjin
a convalescent state. On coming to an anchor, they fired a
salute of 13 guns, which was promptly returned by the fort.
The next day, Lt. Gamble obtained permission to visit the
Briton, for the purpose of learning some particulars relative
to the island of Nooaheevah. Her Captain, Sir Thomas
Staines, informed him, that Midshipman Feltus and all his
companions, excepting Ross, were beyond doubt massacred
by the natives before the Sir Andrew Hammond got clear
of the Bay. Ross fled into the mountains and remained
there for some time ; but being at length exhausted with
hunger, he was obliged to throw himself upon the mercy of
an old chief, who very kindly took him under his protection.
The villain, Wilson, complained that he had been robbed by
the men under command of Lt. Gamble, and declared that
he was perfectly ignorant of the intention of the savages to
murder young Feltus and his friends. The guns were all
removed from the fort, and the houses demolished. The
remains of the Greenwich were still visible, but, excepting
a few copper bolts, nothing was taken from the wreck. Peter
C. Swook, one of the perfidious rogues who deserted in an
open boat, previous lo the mutiny at Nooaheevah, entered on
board the Briton at St. Christiana ;* his three companions,
who with him had safely gained that port, paid a visit to the
ship at the same time, but declined entering.
The Raccoon had made a useless voyage to Columbia
river, and was last from Lima. The American traders at
the mouth of this river, sold their furs and their whole es
tablishment to the Hudson-Bay company, some time before
the arrival of the Raccoon. In coming out of the river ou
her way home, she struck twice upon a sand bar, and besides
knocking off her false keel, and starting several planks from
the bow, she was otherwise so seriously injured as to require
three pumps to be kept going in order to keep her afloat.
In consequence of this, the Captain was obliged to heave her
out at St. Francisco on the coast of California.
" St. Christiana is one of the Marquesas Islands, and about three days'
sail from Nooaheevah.
VOL. II. 2.9

|=

226 porter's journal.
On the 15th, shortly after the frigates and sloop had come
to anchor, the Cherub got under way, and at noon, having
received the Captain with Mr. Romenes and his family on
board, she commenced sailing to and fro across the Bay for
their amusement. At 5, P. M. she again anchored, and Mrs.
Romenes with her companions, after saluting Lt. Gamble
in the most affectionate manner, took leave of the ship.
The Captain announced, the next day, his intention of waiting
for the Raccoon, which it was supposed would probably dc
tain them a week longer; but on the 18th, at 2. P. M. a
signal was made for the prizes to weigh anchor, and at 6
the Cherub followed out of the Bay.
During their stay at Valparaiso no rain had fallen, and the
weather daily became more mild and pleasant. Potatoes,
-cabbage, and sallad were the only vegetables they could
procure, and there was no fruit to be had excepting oranges.
The troubled state of their country very probably prevented
the Chilians from paying that attention to the culture of
their gardens, which under more favourable circumstances
they would not have neglected to bestow upon them.
My readers perhaps will be pleased at my indulging them
in this place, with Lt. Gamble's account of a comic adven
ture, which occurred on board the Cherub, a few days
previous to her departure from Valparaiso Bay. Her Captain
(now called Mr. Garrick) assembled his crew upon the
quarter deck, and addressed them " in a very refined and
eloquent speech." He stated that England was now at
peace with all the world, America being too contemptible to
be considered as an enemy. That king George intended to
flog the Yankees as a schoolmaster would flog his scholars ;
(here the sailors laughed) and that the States would soon
again be brought under their legitimate king, &c. &c.
During the passage to Rio de Janeiro, whither the Cherub
and her two prizes were now bound, no event of great
interest occurred. In approaching Cape Horn, the thermo
meter fell gradually from 58° to 36°, and the weather became
tempestuous with frequent storms of hail and rain. In lat.
56°. 15'. south, long. 73°. 49' west, the sun rose a little
before 4. A. M. and set at 8 P.M.; so that the day consisted
at least of 1 8 hours. November 7th the island of Diego Ra
mirez in sight, bearing N. E. distant about 25 miles, a number
of Capepigeonscame flyingaroundthe ship, and the albatross.

porter's journal. 227
which had not been seen since the departure from Valpa
raiso, now hovered about in flocks. On the 8th, the Cherub
had feirly entered the Atlantic ocean, and I need not de
scribe to my readers the joy of Lt. Gamble, in being once
more blessed with a prospect of reaching his native land.
For six months he had been confined to the ship as a pri
soner of war, and it is no wonder that he was now more
anxious than ever to be freed from the capricious authority
of an enemy, who seemed to be governed by no settled
principle of courtesy in his conduct to his prisoners.
On the 10th, the wind blew a violent gale from the
W. S. W. and the prizes were lost sight of. At 9 A. M.
the helmsman being rather inattentive to his duty, the ship
broached to, in a heavy swell, and a sea which struck her,
knocked in the after gun-deck ports, and stove in all the
bulwarks of the larboard waist. The ship took in a great
quantity of water ; the trunks in the gun-room were afloat ;
and on the birth-deck the water was a foot deep. The
pumps were kept constantly going for two hours ; and if
was with the utmost difficulty she could be guarded against
a similar accident in encountering the heavy swells. After
passing a stormy night, rendered dismal at times by violent
squalls of hail and rain, at daylight the Sir Andrew Ham
mond was discovered on the larboard quarter ; but the
Charon was not to be seen. Great anxiety was felt for the
safety of this ship, having only 9 men on board, and of this
number only two were seamen.
On the 18th, the thermometer stood again as high as
58°. — At 5 P. M. a sail was discovered on the weather
bow, apparently standing to the north ; and at 6 the next
morning, the Charon again joined company, after an ab
sence of ten days. Lieut. Gamble had now so far reco
vered from his wound as to be able to take exercise without
his crutch ; and this he was in the habit of doing on the
quarter deck. But what bounds are there to the senseless
whims of a conceited commander ?-^-On the evening of the
25th, while walking the quarter deck as usual, he received
an order to go below, without the least provocation or
cause therefor. Conduct like this, I leave to the com
ments of my readers.
On the 27th, at 2 P. M. a sail was discovered, bearing
N. AV. distant about seven miles. She was soon made out

228 porter's journal.
to be a large ship, standing for the Cherub under a press
of canvass ; and at 4 P. M. the Achilles, of 74 guns, (but
mounting 86) hove to on the weather beam, and ordered
Captain Tucker on board. By the return of the boat,
lieut. Gamble learnt that she was last from Riode Janeiro,
in search of the American frigate Guerriere, which had
several times been seen off the mouth of the harbour.*
He was more pleased to learn, however, of the capture of
the British ships Reindeer and Epervier, by the U. S.
ships Peacock and Wasp, and of the arrival of the Epervier
at Savannah, with some thousands of pounds specie on
board. The next day at 2 P. M. land was discovered,
bearing W. N. W., distant about eight miles ; and at 6 the
next morning, the Cherub, with her prizes, came to an
anchor in Rio de Janeiro Bay, about four miles below fort
Santa Cruz. — On the 29th, at noon, they again weighed
anchor to proceed into the harbour; and passing by the
Portuguese guard ship, the Queen, a beautiful vessel of
74 guns, they anchored in the safe and commodious har
bour before the town. At this time, there were lying in
the harbour, the British sloop of war Penguin, (afterwards
sunk by the U. S. ship Hornet) and a large ship with 200
eonvicts on board, bound to port Jackson.
The day following, lieut. Gamble was so fortunate as to
obtain permission to lodge iii town ; and on landing, he had
the pleasure to meet with several American gentlemen,
not a few of them, like himself, extremely desirous to go
home. His first business was to address a note to Mr.
Sumpter, the American minister, describing his situation ;
and the next day he was received by that gentleman in the
most friendly manner, and invited to his house. He met
with little encouragement as to an early prospect of pro
ceeding to the United States ; but there being here at this
time upwards of 60 American prisoners of war besides
himself, a hope was held out, that some neutral vessel
might be chartered to carry them home, under a passport
from the British admiral then in command. The weather
was now excessively warm, and the thermometer generally
stood at 84°. and 88°. Captain Whittemore and his officers
tame ashore on the 2d of December, .and lieut. Gamble,
* The Guermre was at this time fitting for sea at Philadelphia.

porter's journal. 229
with his friend, Mr. Clapp, were furnished by Mr. Sumpter
with horses to visit him at his seat, three miles from town.
On the 18th, a grand salute was fired, in commemoration
of the Queen's birthday, now fourscore years of age. On
this occasion, the chapel of the Prince Regent was orna
mented in the most splendid style. The sumptuous dresses
of the priests, combined with the glitter of the massive
gold and silver candlesticks in every part of the building,
could not fail to have a very dazzling effect.
After being detained a month on board the Cherub, in
the harbour, the rest of the prisoners of war were landed ;
and Mr. Sumpter, after many fruitless attempts, was at
length enabled to purchase a fishing smack, of 80 tons
burthen, to convey them home. By the 8th of February,
1815, the heat had become so oppressive as to make it al
most insufferable to venture out; the mean temperature of
the air being about 89°. No rain had fallen for some days ;
and the dust of the streets, together with the heat of the
atmosphere, prevented the citizens from walking or riding
any distance with comfort, except when the cool sea-
breezes blew into the Bay. To his extreme surprise and
regret, Mr. Sumpter was this day notified by the British
consul-general, that the cartel could not be permitted to
proceed, in consequence of instructions received from
England, on the 28<A of December last. Many doubted this
allegation ; for they could not believe that admiral Dixon
and the consul-general were so far lost to a sense of honour,
as to put Mr. Sumpter to the trouble and expense of pur
chasing a vessel, and, by their own act, constituting that
vessel a cartel in due form, and then, a month after, when
the cartel was on the eve of sailing, to countermand these
solemn stipulations, solely on account of instructions re
ceived forty-two days before. If it be admitted, that in
structions to that effect were actually received on the 28th
of December, as alleged by the consul-general, then was
not he, or admiral Dixon, in duty bound to apprize Mr.
Sumpter of that fact, before they assented to his purchase of
the vessel, and before even they themselves constituted that
vessel a cartel ? For my own part, I confess myself unable
to construe the matter in any other light, than as a wanton
breach of honour, and a shameful violation of the terms of
a written agreement, officially entered into between fhe
Jegal representatives of two separate states.

230 porter's journal.
A brig from England brought the preliminaries of peace
between that country and the United States of America,
on the 25th, and on the 17th of March, lieut. Gamble and
Captain Whittemore engaged passages in a Swedish ship
for Portsmouth, England. The ship sailed on the 23d,
but the former was prevented, by a severe bilious attack,
from going in her; and Captain Whittemore proceeded on
the voyage alone. Being advised, however, by his physi
cian, to leave the place as soon as possible, lieut. Gamble
agreed for a passage to England in the British packet, and
made the necessary preparations for his departure. But
the English minister refused to grant him a passport — and
of course he was obliged to remain. On the 10th of April,.
however, he once more engaged a passage in the Swedish
ship Good Hope ; and after a farther delay of six weeks,
was so fortunate as to enter upon the Voyage to Havre de
Grace, in France, whither the vessel was bound.
The track of this voyage is so well known, that I need
scarcely detain my readers with any farther remarks. But
as some of them, no doubt, will be anxious to accompany
lieut. Gamble to the United States, seeing they have already
followed him so far, I shall, for their satisfaction, take a rapid,
view of this part of his narrative, before closing this work.
The Good Hope being deeply laden, and, withal, a dull
sailer, no great prospect appeared of a speedy passage.
Her general progress through the water varied from two to
four knots ; and, owing to adverse winds and currents, she
was 300 miles farther from the port of destination, on the
7th day out, than when at Rio de Janeiro. After being
sixteen days at sea, however, she again came up with the
latitude of her departure, and at midnight, on the 14th of
June, crossed the Equinoctial line. The phosphoric glit
tering of the sea, on the evening of the 25th, far exceeded
every thing of the kind lieut. Gamble had ever witnessed.
The surface of the water had a grand and brilliant appear
ance, and the wake of the ship, as far as the eye could
reach, seemed like one vast sheet of fire.
But a happier prospect, in due .course of time, began to
dawn upon the exhausted spirits of lieut. Gamble; forthe
Good Hope, like the snail, slozo and sure, by the 30th of
July brought him in sight of the American flag ; and the
next day he had the good fortune to remove on board the

journal. 231
Oliver Elsworth, fifteen days from Havre de Grace, bound
to New- York. The captain of this ship treated him in the
politest manner ; and on the 27th of August, after encoun
tering a dreadful gale, lieut. Gamble had the inexpressible
joy, to come once more within view of his native land, after
an absence of two years and ten months.

APPENDIX.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM COMMODORE HILLYAK TO ME.
Phcebe, April 4lh, 1814.
My dear sir, Neither in our conversations, nor in the
accompanying letter, have I mentioned your sword.
Ascribe my remissness in the first instance lo forgetfulness ;
I consider it only in my servant's possession with my own,
until the master may please to call for it; and although I
omitted, at the moment of presentation, from my mind
being much engrossed in attending to professional duties,
to offer its restoration, the hand that received will be most
gladly extended to put it in possession of him who wore it
so honourably in defending his country's cause.
Believe me, my dear sir, very faithfully yours,
(Signed) James Hh.lya?'.;
Captain Porter.
A return of the killed, wounded, and missing, on board
the late United States frigate Essex, of thirty-two guns
ai;d two hundred and fifty-five men, David Porter, Esq.
commander, in an action fought on the 28th of March,
1814, in the port of Valparaiso, with the British frigate
Phoehe, of thirty-six guns and three hundred and twenty
men, James Hillyar, Esq. commander, and the sloop of
war Cherub, mounting twenty'eight guns, and one hundred
and eighty men, commanded by T. Tucker, Esq.
Killed in action, and have sincp died of their wounds.
James P. Wilmer, first lieut. George Hill, ward-room
John G. Cowel, acting 3d cook.
lieutenant. George Wyne, seaman,
Henry Kennedy,boatsWain's Joseph Ferrell, ditto,
mate. Samuel Miller, ditto,
vol. ii. 30

234

APPENDIX.

W. Smith, boatswain's mate.
Francis Bland, qr. master.
Rheul Marshall, qr. gunner.
Thomas Baily, boats yeo.
John Adams, cooper.
Wm. Johnston, carp. crew.
Henry Vickars, ditto,
Zach. Mayfield, arm. crew.
William Christopher, cap
tain forecastle.
Nathaniel Jones, capt. mast.
Joseph Thomas, captain
maintop.
John Russel, ditto,
Francis Green, captain's ser
vant. '
Frederick Hall, seaman,
James Anderson, ditto,
George Hallet, ditto,
Thomas Terry, ditto,
Charles E. Norgran, ditto,
John Powell, ditto,
Thomas Davis, ditto,
James Sellers, ditto,
John Clinton, ditto,
Robert Brown, ditto,
John Jackson, ditto,

Thomas Johnson, seaman,
Philip Thomas, ditto,
Thomas Nordyke, ditto,
William White, ditto,
Thomas Mitchell, ditto,
William Lee, ditto,
Peter Allan, ditto,
John Alvison, ditto,
John C. Kilian, ditto,
Benjamin Hazen, ditto^ ',
Peter Johnston, ditto, '
Thomas Brannock, ditto,
Thomas Brown, ditto,
Cornelius Thompson, ditto,
John Lings, ditto,
GeoTge Douglass, ditto,
John Ripley, ditto,
James Folger, ditto,
Daniel F. Casimere, ditto,
William Jennings, ditto,
Mark Hill, ditto,
William Lee, ditto,
George Beden, ditto,
Thomas Russell, ditto,
Lewis T. Earle, ditto,
Henry Buff, ditto,
Wm. Williams, ditto.— 58.

Severely wounded.
Edward Barnewall, acting

master,
Edward Linscott, boatswain,
Wm. Kingsbury, boatswain,
Essex Junior,
George Rensinger, master at
arms,
Bennet Field, armourer,
Otis Gale, armourer's crew,
Jasper Reed, ditto,
John M'Kinzey, ship car
penter,

Isaac Vallence, capt. stew
ard,
Leonard Green, quarter-
gunner,
Enoch M. Miley, ditto,
William Whitney, captain
foretop,
Thomas Milburn, captain
mast,
Ephraim Baker, captain
waist,
Emero Males, seaman.

APPENDIX.

235

John Stone, seaman,
John Lazaro, ditto,
William Wood, ditto,
Francis Trepanny, ditto,
John Penn, ditto,
George Williams, ditto,
James Postell, ditto,
William Cole, ditto,
Henry Barker, ditto,
John Glasseau, ditto,
James Goldsborough, ditto,
Jacob Lodaway, ditto, Slightly
D. G. Faragut, midshipman,
George W. Isaacs, ditto,
John Langley, carpenter,
John Wible, carpenter's
mate,
John Reuss, carpenter's
crew,
Benj. Wadden, carptr.'s yeo,
William Boyd, carpenter's
crew,
David Navarro, sail-maker,
John Francis, captain's cox
swain, i
Levi M'Cabe, quarter-mas
ter,
George Stotenberg, captain's
after-guard,
Wm. M'Donald, drummer,

Peter Anderson, seaman,
John Johnson, ditto,
Peter Ripple, ditto,
Thomas Oliver, ditto,
George Shields, ditto,
William Hamilton, ditto,
Thomas Andrews, ditto,
Daniel Gardner, ditto,
William Nichols, ditto,
Benjamin Bartley, ditto,
Samuel M'lsaacs, ditto. — 39.

wounded. George Brown, captain's ser
vant,
Shubal Cunningham, sea
man,
Robert Scatterby, ditto,
Antonio Sallee, ditto,
William Matthews, ditto,
George Love, ditto,
William Concord, ditto,
Daniel Hide, ditto,
James Middleton, ditto,
Daniel Smith, ditto,
Joseph Williams, ordinary
seaman,
Frederick Hartwell, ditto,
William Burton, ditto,
John Jacks, ditto. Total, 26.

Missing.

George Martin, gunner's- James Chase, seaman,
mate,
Adam Roche, quarter-gun
ner,
John Thompson, quarter
master,
Francis Davis, seaman,

Barth. Tuckerman, ditto,
Matthew Lawder, ditto,
William Holmes, ditto,
John Bagnell, ditto,
Thomas Hobbs, ditto,
Robert Harrison, ditto,

236 APPENDIX.
Edward Leford, seaman, James M'Rea, seaman,
Thomas Parsons, ditto, James Mahony, ditto,
Hugh Gibson, ditto, John Deacon, ditto,
James Domas, ditto, Simon Rodgers, ditto,
Thomas Carroll, ditto, Elias W. Saddus,. ditto,
Charles Moore, ditto, John Owens, boy,
William Holland, ditto, William Forseyth, ditto,
Henry Humphries, ditto, George Slousher, marine,
William Taylor, ditto, Thomas Ayres, ditto, ,
Charles M'Carty, ditto, George Gable, do. Total 31.
* ,
RECAPITULATION.
Killed and have since died of their wounds, - 58
Severely wounded, - ... - 39
Slightly wounded, - 2,6
Missing, - - - - 31
Total, 154
After some conversation on the subject, the following
correspondence took place : Valparaiso, April 4th, 1814.
Sir, Taking into consideration the immense distance we
are from our respective countries, the uncertainty of the
future movements of his Britannic majesty's ships 'under
my command, which precludes the possibility of my making
a permanent arrangement for transporting the officers and
crew late of the Essex, to Europe, and the fast approach
ing season which renders a passage round Cape Horn in
some degree dangerous : I have the honour to propose for
your approbation, the following articles, which I hope the
government of the United States, as well as that of Great
Britain, will deem satisfactory : and to request that, should
you conceive them so, you will favour me with the ne
cessary bond for their fulfilment.
1. The Essex Junior to be deprived of all her arma
ment, and perfectly neutralized ; to be equipped for the
voyage solely and wholly at the expense of the American
government; and to proceed with proper American officers
and crew (of which I wish to be furnished with a list for

APPENDIX. 237
the purpose of giving the necessary passport) to any port
of the United States of America that you may deem most
proper. 2. Yourself, the officers, petty officers, seamen, marines,
&c. composing your crew, to be exchanged immediately on
their arrival in America, for an equal number of British
prisoners of similar rank — Yourself and officers to be con
sidered on their parole of honour until your and their ex
change shall be effected.
Iu case of the foregoing articles being accepted, the
Essex Junior will be expected to prepare immediately for
the voyage, and to proceed on it before the expiration of
the present month ; should any of the wounded at that pe
riod be found incapable of removal, from not being suffi
ciently advanced in their recovery, the most humane atten
tion shall be paid them ; and they shall be forwarded home
by the first favourable conveyance that may offer.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) James Hillyar.
Captain David Porter,
Late Commander of the United States Frigate Essex, Valparaiso.
Valparaiso, April 5th, 1814.
Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your several favours of yesterday's date —
The conditions offered by you for our return to the Uni
ted States are perfectly satisfactory to me, and I entertain
no doubts of their being equally so to my country. I there
fore do not hesitate to pledge my honour (the strongest
bond I can give) that every article of the arrangement
shall on our part be fully complied with. A list of the
Essex Junior's crew shall be furnished you as soon as it can
be made out, and her disarmament effected with all possible
despatch. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) David Porter,
Commodore James Hillyar, commanding his
Britannic majesty's frigate Pnmbe,
Valparaiso.
Commodore Hillyar sent me a paper certifying, that he
had exchanged certain individuals therein named, making

APPENDIX.
part of the crew of the Sir Andrew Hammond, for an equal
number of the most severely wounded of my crew ; this
occasioned the following letters : Valparaiso, 4th April, 1814.
Sir, I have received a paper signed by you, dated yes
terday, stating that you had exchanged certain wounded
prisoners, making part of my crew, for the captain and crew
of the prize ship Sir Andrew Hammond, which paper I have
taken the liberty to return to you, and protest in the
strongest terms against such arrangement.
In the first place, the wounded and helpless individuals
therein named, do not wish such exchange. One died last
night, and several others expect to share his fate.
Secondly, should I from any circumstance be separated
from them, which would be more likely to be the case than
if they remained prisoners, their situation would be more
deplorable than it is at present. Thirdly, this arrange
ment has been made without my consent; and on terms
far from offering equal advantages to the United States.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. Porter.
Commodore James Hillyar, commanding
H. B. M. frigate Phabe.
H. B. M. ship Phcebe, Valparaiso, April 4, 1 8 14.
Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of this day's date, protesting against the arrange
ment I made in the paper you returned, and to express a
regret that my wish, which was to alleviate and not in
crease, the afflictions of your wounded officers and crew,
has failed of being gratified. I am sorry you have thought
proper to mention the dead and the dying, as I so fully ex
plained to you this morning, that in the event of the loss of
any, other names should be added to the list. I shall now
direct captain William Porter to consider himself still a
prisoner of war on his parole ; but as I have ordered the
people to go on board the Essex to work, under the im
pression that no difficulty would arise, will liberate in
exchange for them an equal number of prisoners, as their
names, being seamen, will be found to follow each other dn

APPENDIX.

239

your late ship's books, and give up also two mates or mid
shipmen, for the two mates which are of the English party.
I hope this may prove satisfactory to your government and
self. I am yours, &c.
(Signed) James Hillyar.
Captain D. Porter. Valparaiso, 5th April, 1814.
Sir, The arrangement which you have suggested re
specting the exchange of the seamen of the Sir Andrew
Hammond, for an equal number of the seamen of the late
United States Frigate Essex, as they siand on the list fur
nished you, is perfectly satisfactory. It will be a great
satisfaction to the three officers who accompany the Essex,
to know that after your object in taking them with you
shall be effected, there will be no difficulty in their pro
ceeding immediately for the United States. I take the
liberty therefore to suggest that fhey might be exchanged
here for Captain William Porter and his three mates.
This will be an accommodation to all parties, and reconcile
the officers so exchanged to a separation from their friends.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) D. Porter.
Commodore James Hillyar, commanding his
majesty's frigate Phabe.

A LIST OP PRISONERS LIBERATED ON PAROLE, TO PROCEED
TO THE UNITED STATES IN THE ESSEX JUNIOR.
David Porter, captain, H. W. Ogsden, midshipman,
William H. Odenheimer, George Isaacs, ditto,
acting lieutenant, D. G. Farragut, ditto,
Edward Barnewall, acting James Terry, acting ditto,
master, Samuel Dusenburg, ditto,
Richard K. Hoffman, acting Wm. Pierce, master's mate,
surgeon, Edward Linscott, boatswain,
Samuel B. Johnson, acting George Green, boy,
marine officer, Francis Barrel, ditto,
M. W. Bostwick, acting pur- George Bartlet, seaman.
ser, James Duffey, boy,
Alexander Montgomery, act- James Nickerson, ditto,
ing surgeon's mate, Isaac Bly, seaman.

240

APPENDIX.

Benjamin Hamilton, quarter-
gunner,
Samuel Leach, seaman,
George Stolenburg, ditto,
James Midford, ditto,
Peter B. Vole, ditto,
William Robins, ditto,
John Hoilum, ditto,
Joseph Johnson, ditto,
William Boyd, ditto,
Charles Duveal, ditto, -
Daniel Smith, ditto,
James Middleton, ditto,
John Cresup, ditto,
James Galley, ditto,
John Downhill, ditto,
John Haden, cook,
Robert Stanwood, seaman,
Daniel Ross, quarter-gun
ner,
Nicholas Johnston, seaman,
Robert Scatterly, ditto,
Adam Williams, ord. seaman,
Mark Antonio, seaman,
Thomas O. Loud, boy,
Nicholas Ricter, seaman,
John White, seaman,
James Clark, ditto,
George Rex, ditto,
William Cullers, ditto,
Marshal Gelles, ord. seaman,
Robert Taylor, ditto,
Mark Scott, seaman,
Thomas Edwards, gunner's
yeo.
John Gallagher, seaman,
James Spencer, boy,
Samuel Howard, seaman,
Francis Lemos, ord. seaman,
John Batchelor, seaman,
Robert Isgrig, ditto,

London Reed, ordinary sea
man,
John Robinson ditto,
Amboy Howland, ditto.
John Harris, ditto,
Abraham Jackson; ditto,
Gadet Gay, ditto,
James Ocean, boy,
Paul Mosure, ordinary sea
man,
Peter Amey, seaman,
John Terry, ditto,
Samuel Jones, ordinary sea
man,
John Harclay, ditto,
Samuel West, quarter-mas
ter,
Andrew Smith, seaman,
Thomas Ewing, ditto,
Frederick Barnes, ditto,
Daniel Lombard, ditto,
Anthony Cook, ditto,
Barnet Sparling, ditto,
Shubael Cunningham, ditf»s
Gave Robertson, ditto,
Samuel Johnson, ditto,
William Foster, ditto,
Jeremiah Bewell, ditto,
Sylvester Smith, ditto,
George Brown, ditto,
James Redding, ordinary
seaman,
Thomas Coleman, steward,
John Davis, ordinary sea
man,
Matthew Tuckerman, ditto,
Severn Denton, seaman,
John Johnson, ditto,
Bennet Field, armourer,
George Kensinger, master at
arms,

APPENDIX.

!41

Johu Stone, seaman,
Francis Trepanny, ditto,
George Williams, ditto,
Jacob Lodaway, ditto,
Thomas Milburn, ditto,
John Penn, ditto,
Henry Barker, ditto,
William Hamilton, ordinary
seaman,
Daniel Gardner, ditto,
William Kingsbury, boat
swain's mate,
William Nichols, ordinary
seaman,
James Postell, seaman,
Benjamin Bartley, ordinary
seaman,
James Goldsborough, sea
man,
William Wood, ditto,

Peter Anderson, seaman,
Peter Ripple, ditto,
John Glasseau, ditto,
Isaac Valance, quarter-mas
ter,
George Love, seaman,
Samuel M'lsaacs, boy,
William Godfrey, seaman,
Jasper Reed, ditto,
Frederick Hartwell, ordina
ry seaman,
Ephraim Baker, ditto,
Charles Hayes, quarter-guu-
ner,
Otis Gale, seaman,
William Whitney, seaman,
Leon Green, quarter-mas
ter,
William Cole, seaman.

MARINi

P. G. Small, sergeant,
John B. Yarnall, private,
William Whitney, ditto,
Henry Ashmore, ditto,
John Fulsner, ditto,

George Fritz, private,
John Andrews, ditto,
Thomas King, ditto,
Isaac Stone, ditto,
Total.

13-2

.;0PY Or THE PASSPORT GIVEN BY CAPT. H1LLVAK TO THK
ESSEX JUNIOR.
By James Hillyar, Esq. Captain of his majesty's ship
Phoebe, and senior officer of his majesty' s ships in
Valparaiso Bay. ¥
I HEREBY CERTIFY, that I have, on the part of his
Britannic Majesty, entered into an agreement with Captain
David Porter,' of the United States navy, and late com-
VOL. II. " 31

242 APPENDIX,
mander of the frigate Essex, who, on the part of his govern
ment, engages as follows, to wit :
That himself, his officers and crew, will proceed to the
United States in the ship called the Essex Junior, as a
cartel, commanded by lieut. John Downes, of the- United
States navy, and having a crew, consisting of the officers
and men named in the annexed list.
That the said Captain Porter, his officers and crew, a list
of which is subjoined, will remain on board on parole, not
to take arms against Great Britain until regularly ex
changed ; and that he pledges his honour to fulfil the fore
going conditions.
I therefore request, that the said ship the Essex Junior,
may be permitted to pass freely to the United States, with
out any impediment — and that the officers commanding his
majesty's ships of war, as well as private armed vessels?
and all others in authority under the British government,
as also those in alliance with his said majesty, will give the
said David Porter, his officers and crew, and the crew of
the aforesaid ship called the Essex Junior, every aid and
assistance, to enable them to arrive at the place of their
destination. And as it may become necessary for the Essex Junior to
touch at one or more places for the purpose of obtaining
refreshments and supplies, it is requested, that in such case,
all to whom this passport may be presented, will give the
persons on board said ship every facility in supplying their
wants, and permit them to depart with her, without hin
drance. Given under my hand, on board his majesty's ship
Phoebe, at Valparaiso, April, 1814.
(Signed) James Hillyar

Navy Department, July IS, 1814.
Sir, I have before me ybur letter of the 9th, which has
been exhibited to the President, and received his attention.
The conduct of the commander of the Saturn has excited
in his breast, as it must in every liberal and correct mind,
the most indignant feelings.

APPENDIX. 243
The history and the presence of the brave remnant of
the crew of the Essex, was alone calculated to inspire a
generous sympathy, and courteous demeanour, though the
highest safeguard known to civilized warfare had not gua
ranteed their exemption from molestation ; and it is difficult
to reconcile the absence of those feelings with the character
which Captain Nash doubtless aspires to.
The circumstances of your escape from the Essex Junior,
while under detention, would, it is believed, sustain your
self and your government in dissolving your parole ; but as
the Essex Junior was suffered to proceed under the original
passport, though indecently detained and rudely treated,
the scrupulously exact and liberal conduct of the government
of the United, States, in despite of the injustice and illibe-
rality which it has received from the hands of the enemyl
may possibly induce the President to waive the right which
the violation. in this case would enable him to assert.
The matter, however, is still under consideration, and
will be decided upon in due time.
Your officers will, for the present, and until further
order can be taken, remain attached to the Essex Junior.
Your crew will be immediately paid off, upon a requisition
being made upon the agent at New- York forthe amount of
the balances due them, which shall be remitted to him with-*
out delay. I have this day accepted purser Shaw's bills for
$.29,000, approved by yourself.
You will proceed to join your friends at your pleasure ;
and, after having consoled them for your long absence, and
reposed yourself, we shall be gratified with your presence
here. The court of inquiry will be ordered to be held either in
Philadelphia or New- York, as may best suit your conve
nience. I confirm the purchase of the Essex Junior, for
the navy of the United States, at the sum of $25,000. You
will please to transmit to this department the valuation
made by the persons appointed by you for that purpose.
I am very respectfully, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
W. Jones.,
Captain David Porter, U- S. Navy,
New- York.

244 APPENDIX.
copy of a letter from captain porter to the
secretary of the navy.
Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 13tb instant.
You have no doubt before this received the passport
given by Captain Hillyar, as well as further particulars
from Captain Downes, in relation to the conduct of the
captain of the Saturn. Captain Downes and the rest of
the officers are fully of opinion that my escape alone was
the cause of the liberation of the Essex Junior. 1 was a
prisoner on parole, the conditions on which that parole
was accepted were not respected ; I was consequently fio
longer bound ; I had the right of absolving rnyself from
parole ; I did so, and tendered myself a prisoner, offering
to return my sword — the acceptance of which was refused^
I could obtain no satisfactory information as to their inten
tions, and made my escape. Under such circumstances, I
hope my country will never subject me to the humiliation
of an exchange. It would be the cause of more triumph to
the British naval officers than even the capture of the
Essex. I am willing to take upon myself the risk of all
consequences which may result from my being again taken
prisoner. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) ,. D. Porter.
To the honourable Secretary of the Navy,- -
Office of Commissary General of Prisoners, August 10, 1314.
Sir, I beg leave to transmit you, herewith, copies of
three letters, of the 3d, 4th, and 9th instant, which have
passed between Col. Thomas Barclay, the British Agent
for prisoners of war, and myself, in relation to an exchanget
proposed by me, of Captain Porter and the officers and
crew of the United States' late frigate Essex.
You will remark, Sir, that the British Agent, although
he considers, under the practice of his government, that
their paroles " are null, and the officers and men at liberty
to serve in like manner as if they had not been made pri
soners," declines to exchange them against British officers
and crews similarly situated : for these and other reasons,

appends. ;J4ri
given in my letter to him of the 9th instant, 1 have been
instructed by the Secretary of State to declare the officers
and crew of the Essex discharged from parole.
I have, therefore, the honour to announce to you, that
Captain David Porter and other officers and the crew of the
United States' late Frigate Essex, captured in March last,
by the British ships of war under the command of Captain
Hillyar, are accordingly declared discharged from their
paroles taken by the said Captain Hillyar, and as free to
serve, in any capacity, as if they had never been made
prisoners. I have the honour to be,
With great respect, Sir,
Your most obedient servant, J. Mason.
The Honourable William Jones,
Sec'ry of the Navy.
The foregoing is a copy of a letter this day received
from the Commissary General of prisoners, in conformity
with which the Commander and the other officers and the
crew of the United States' late Frigate Essex are hereby
declared " discharged from their paroles, and are as free
to serve, in any capacity, as if they had never been made
prisoners." You will therefore, govern yourself by this
declaration, and communicate it to every officer and man
concerned, in order that they may hold themselves in rea
diness for such service as may be required of them by this
Department. I am, very respectfully,
Your ohedient servant,
W. Jones.
Navy Department, Aug. 11. 1814.
Captain David Porter, V. S. Navy,
Chester, Penn.

SMITH THOMPSON, ESQ. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
Department of State^ Washington, Id March, 1821.
Sir, rp
The late Commodore) Decatur having intimated a
wsh that an Inquiry should be instituted, through this De-

246 appendix.
partment, in relation to his nephew, Lieutenant M'Knight
and his companion, Midshipman Lyman, the necessary in»
structions were immediately given upon the subject ; and
I have the honour to send you, for the information of Colo-'
nel Decatur, the enclosed extract from a communication of
Mr. Rush to this Department, in pursuance of the instruc
tions referred-to ; by which it appears that these unfortu
nate young men were transferred from the Swedish vessel,
in which tbey had embarked at Rio de Janeiro, to the Uni
ted States sloop of war Wasp, (which is supposed to have
perished at sea) on their voyage to England.
I am, with great respect, Sir,
Your obedient and very humble servant,
John Quincy Adams..
mn. rush to the secretary of state..
[COPT.]
London, April 7, 1820.
Sir, On the receipt of your despatch, No. twenty-two,.
respecting Lieutenant M'Knight and Midshipman Lyman,
which has heretofore been acknowledged, I thought it
it would be best, before addressing myself to the Swedish
Vice Consul at Dartmouth, to request of the Swedish mi
nister at this Court, Baron Steirneld, that he would have
the goodness to write a line to him, to §ay who I was, think
ing thereby to ensure the more effectually a due attention
to my communication.
Accordingly on the twenty-second of last month, the
day after I was honoured with your despatch, I addressed
to the minister a note, of which a copy is herewith sent,
and on the twenty-fourth received an answer, accompanied
by a letter directed to the Vice Consul, as I had requested.
On the same day I proceeded to write myself to the Vice
Consul such a letter as appeared best calculated to obtain
all the information it might be iu his power to afford, touch
ing these two American officers, and transmitted with it
the letter from the minister. A copy of my letter is en
closed. It seems that the Vice Consul had left Dartmouth
for London before my letter reached him ; but that he re
plied to it from London on the third day of this month. I

appendix. 247
send his original letter. According to one of the sugges
tions in it, I thought proper to see him in person, and o
the 4th instant wrote a note inviting him to an interview
yesterday. He came, and brought the extracts from the
log-book, which he had professed himself ready to produce.
These also I send, for greater satisfaction, in his own
handwriting, reserving copies.
lt will be seen from them, and with great interest, that
the young men did in truth embark as his passengers from
Rio de Janeiro for England, in the Swedish brig Adonis, on
the twenty-second of August, 1814, but that on the ninth
of October following they left his vessel, and went on board
the United States' sloop of war Wasp, which crossed their
path upon the ocean. They have thus, no doubt, perished
with all who were in that gallant ship. I have not thought it
necessary to ask any more formal statement from Mr. Mol
ten. There is no reason to question the fairness of that
he has afforded. He bears every appearance of being a
highly respectable man. He had not before heard of the
loss of the Wasp but through a vague rumour. These
young gentlemen had evidently endeared themselves to
him on their passage ; he uttered a warm tribute to their
merits, and joined in deploring their melancholy fate.
I am, &c.
(Signed) Richard Rush.

CAPTAIN MOLLEN TO RICHARD RUSH, ESQ.
Aprils, 1820.
Sir, I have had the honour to receive your respected
favour of the 24th ult., together with the Baron de Steir-
neld's of the same date. I waited on the Baron last
Thursday, and communicated to him what I knew re
specting Messrs. Mc Knight and Lyman, and would have
attended your pleasure on Saturday, but was unexpectedly
prevented. The present is to solicit the favour of your appointing
the day and time I may have the honour of waiting on you
for the same purpose, and to know if you would wish me

248 APPENDIX.
to bring extracts from the Log-book, which is in my pos
session still. ¦¦>¦
1 would not have presumed to take this precaution, only
I am rather in ill health, and the distance being very great,
as I am in London, I think a personal communication on
this subject would be the most satisfactory to yourself;
but I am equally willing to give a written statement of the
facts if you please.
Ready at all times to attend your commands,
I have the honour to remain,
With the greatest respect, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
J. G. Molle.v.
No. 48, Broaif-street, Raicliff. EXTRACTS.
Extracts from the Journal kept on board the Swedish
brig Adonis, during a voyage from Rio de Janeiro*
towards Falmouth, in the year 1814.
August 22 — Left Rio de Janeiro. Stephen Decatur
McKnight, and James Lyman, passengers for England.
Oct. 9— In lat. 10° 35' north, long. 30° 10' west, sea
account, at 8 o'clock in the morning discovered a strange
sail giving chase to us, and fired several guns ; she gaining
very fast. At half past 10 o'clock hove to, and was
boarded by an officer dressed in an English doctor's uni
form, the vessel also hoisted English ensign. The officer
proceeded to examine my ship's papers, &c. &c, likewise
the letter-bags, and took from one of them a letter to the
victualling office, London. Finding I had two American
officers as passengers, he immediately left the ship, and
went on board the sloop of war ; he shortly after returned,
took the American gentlemen with him, and went a second
time on board the sloop. In about half an hour he re
turned again with Messrs. McKnight and Lyman, and they
informed me that the vessel was the United States sloop of
war the Wasp, commanded by Captain Bleaky, or Blake,
last from France, where she had refitted ; had lately sunk
the Reindeer, English sloop of war, and another vessel

APPENDIX. 249
which sunk without their being able to save a single person,
or learn the vessel's name — that Messrs. McKnight and
Lyman had now determined to leave me and go on board
the Wasp — paid me their passage in dollars at 5s. 9d. and
having taken their luggage on board the Wasp, they made
sail to the southward. Shortly after they had left, I found
that Lieut. McKnight had left his writing desk behind; and
1 immediately made signal for the Wasp to return, and stood
towards her ; they, observing my signals, stood back, came
along side, and sent their boat aboard for the writing desk,
after which they sent me a log-line and some other pre
sents, and made all sail in direction for the line ; and, I
have reason to suppose, for the convoy that passed on
Thursday previous."
In addition to the above, 1 beg leave to state, that, in
consequence of the forementioned letter having been taken
away, I gave notice at the post office at Falmouth of my
having been boarded by the Wasp, and Messrs. Mc Knight
and Lyman joining her.
[No. l'.]Z
Rio de Janeiro, August 1H, 1814.
Sir, Having been directed by Capt. Porter, in pursuance
of some arrangement entered into between him and Capt.
Hillyar, of the Phoebe, to come with the latter to this place,
or to go to England, should it be required of us — We ac
cordingly arrived here, and Capt. Hillyar, according to his
promise, having given us the option of parting with him
here, or accompanying him to England, we have been in
duced, to prefer the separation here, because the time of
his return to England is uncertain, and may be distant, and,
because we are extremelyanxious, being'already exchanged,
to return into the service. He has furnished us with pro
tections, and we find an opportunity of going to England in
a Swedish vessel, which will sail the day after to-morrow;
and as there appears no chance of going more directly
home, we are under the necessity of asking the favour of
you to furnish us with the means of making the voyage te
England, and from thence to the United' States. We
calculate that nine hundred dollars will answer our
vol.- in 32

250 APPENDIX.
purpose, and we will be much obliged if you can make any
arrangements to procure us that sum.
We have the honour to be
Your obedient servants,
c,, , S. D. McKnight.
h,Sned' Jambs Lyman.
To Thos. Sumpter, jr. Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States. [No. 2.]
GENTLEMEN, Rio de Janeird, 19th August, 1814.
With every disposition imaginable to accommodate
you personally, and to promote your views of getting home,
I am sorry to say that I am entirely destitute of funds either
public or private. The only mode in which I can serve
you, and it appears to me to be the most regular, will be
to endorse your bills on the Secretary of the Navy for the
sum you desire, which may perhaps enable you to sell
them here, though not without a great. loss, or perhaps to
agree with the Captain to receive your passage money in
England, where probably you may sell the. bill with little or
no loss. This I will do, and have requested Mr. Rutter,
should this arrangement answer, to make out bills in the
above manner. This arrangement will enable you also,
should you be enabled to obtain funds from any American
Agent, to dispense with selling these bills.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Lieut. McKnight, ) „.• Your obedient servant,
Mid'n. James Lyman. $ (Signed,) Thomas Sumpter, Jr.
[No. 3.]
SIR, Rio de Janeiro, August 19, 1814.
Lieutenant McKnight and Midshipman Lyman,
having been sent here by Captain Porter, with tbe Captain
of the Phoebe, which captured the Essex, and they being
anxious to get home by the way of England, the only one
open to them at present, and having applied to me to ad1-
vance them nine hundred dollars to enable them to do so,
I have not been able to accommodate them in any other
way than by endorsing their bills for that sum on the Secre
tary of the Navy. The neutral Captain with whom they
embark has agreed to receive payment in England for their
passage, and should they not find any provision there, they
will sell these bills for that purpose. I have the honour to
advise you of this circumstance, and request the favour of

APPENDIX. 251
you to explain the motive of my conduct to the Secretary
of the Navy, as they will on their part, so that the bills
may be taken up, and the matter settled with that Depart
ment according to the provisions prescribed in such cases,
of which I have no knowledge. You will perceive, that
for want of some previous arrangement by Captain Porter
to meet such a case, I could hardly refuse these gentlemen
this sort of arrangement. I have been also under the ne
cessity of advancing ninety millreas here to Mr. Lyman,
and other small sums for some of the wounded of the Essex
who have been landed here, which I shall add to my ac
counts and draw for when I may find an opportunity of sel
ling bills on your Department, which cannot now be done
here without a very great loss, which I shall endeavour to
avoid by sending them to another place for sale.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) Thomas Sumpter, Jun,
To the honourable James Monroe,
Secretary of State. [No. 4.]
Memorandum from the office of Laurence Western, Esq.
Swedish Consul at Rio de Janeiro.
John Gabriel Mollen, formerly master of a Swedish brig,
(the Adonis,) who sailed from Rio de Janeiro, the 21st
August for a port on the continent, to touch at England for
orders, and there arrived. At present Mollen is Swedish
Vice Consul at Dartmouth in England. For further par
ticulars, apply at the Swedish Consul's Office in London.
N. B. This Memorandum was given me in July, 1819.
(Signed) Thomas Sumpter, Jun.
The Supercargoes name was David Campbell, employed
at that time by the house of Joseph and Olof Hall, and
Dixon, of Gottenburgh. [No. 5.]
THESE ARE TO CERTIFY, that Mr. Stephen Decatur
McKnight, late a lieutenant of the United States Frigate
Essex, has, since his capture, been regularly exchanged;
that he has proceeded in his majesty's ship under my com
mand, to Rio de Janeiro, for the purpose of making an
affidavit necessary for the condemnation of the Essex,
and, under a promise from me, that he should be allowed
to go to America by the first favourable opportunity, con-

252 APPENDIX.
sidering himself as on his parole of honour, not to act
against Great Britain until his arrival there, or under the
immediate protection of his own flag, free from molestation
or detention.
I do therefore request, that the said lieutenant McKnight
may be permitted to proceed accordingly ; and should the
Swedish brig he now sails in, arrive in England, that he
may be allowed to embark from thence for the United
States, in such a manner a&the lords commissioners of the
admiralty, or the commissioners of the transport board, may
be pleased to direct.
Given on board his majesty's ship Phoebe, at Rio de
Janeiro, this 19th of August, 1814.
(Signed) James Hillyar, Captain.
SIR, Rio de Janeiro, 24lh Sept. 1819.
Without being able to boast of any personal ac
quaintance with you, and without pretending to assume an
interest in what concerns your family, beyond that which
their public services have entitled all their countrymen to
partake of, I take the liberty of offering to you all the in
formation which I have been able to collect concerning
Stephen Decatur McKnight, your nephew, of the Essex
Frigate, whom I had the pleasure to know in the year
1814, and to esteem very highly, and whose probable loss
on his way home I never can hear or thmk of without great
sorrow. The regard which I and all my family contracted for
him during his short stay with us in that year, induced us
to make frequent inquiries after him since his departure;
but although we bave long had reason to apprehend that
some accident had befallen him, we were never able to
hear any thing certain of his fate, and that of his companion
midshipman, Lyman.
I was surprised to hear in July from Captain Henry, of
the Congress frigate, to whom 1 repeated my inquiries
about him, that Mr. McKnight's relations had never heard
any thing of him after he left this port, and that they be
lieve, that the vessel in which he sailed for England never
arrived there. My surprise at being informed that this was
their opinion, arose from the following circumstances:
Having learned in 1816, that neither of these young gen
tlemen had ever returned to the United States, I inquired -
at the time, and found, nevertheless, that the vessel in

APPENDIX. 253
which they sailed for England had arrived there in safety.
I therefore presumed, until I saw Captain Henley, that
they must have been lost on the voyage, between England
and the United States, and that their friends knew all that
could be known or desired to be known, of their misfortune.
As they carried with them bills drawn by them on the
Secretary of the navy, and endorsed by me for the express
purpose of paying their passage, and copies of letters, such
as these now enclosed to you, numbered 1, 2, 3, the last of
which represents a special letter of advice to the Secretary of
state, intended to accompany the bills ; it becomes difficult
to account for the vessel's arriving without them, and for
their not being heard of in any way by the Secretary of the
navy, or Secretary of state. You will perceive that if they
arrived in England in the vessel in which they sailed, it was
necessary for them to sell the bills there, which these letters
refer to, to pay their passage that far ; or otherwise, that
they should have been furnished by our agent for prisoners
there, with other means of doing so, and of going home,
which would have brought their names in his accounts, and
their arrival in, and their departure from, England, would
have come to the knowledge of our government in one of
these ways. On the other hand, as they left me without
any other means of paying the Swedish captain than those
to be derived from the sale of those bills in England, it was
natural to presume, if they found an opportunity by leaving
him, at sea, of getting home sooner, or of re-entering the
service more expeditiously, which was the worthy motive
of their impatience to depart from hence, and which was
provided for in the paper, (No. 5,) that they would still
have been obliged to transfer the bills to him for the same
reason : and on this supposition the bills ought equally to
have reached the Treasury soon after the arrival of the ves
sel in England, and the date of the transfer, or some other
circumstance attending it, would probably have indicated
how far they went in the Swedish vessel. But at all events,
whatever became of the bills, as she reached England in
safety, and her Captain is still there, according to the Me
morandum, (No. 4,) he certainly must be able to give
some account of them. The first question for him to an
swer is, if they did not reach England in his vessel, what
did he do with them 1 The next is, if he was not paid
from these bills, how was he paid ?
I can see no way of resolving them, except by supposing

254 APPENDIX.
that they might have found another vessel at sea, and also
the means of satisfying his demand otherwise in that vessel
into which it was to suppose they passed from his, It cer
tainly may be known from Captain Mollen how, when, and
why, he parted with them. If they entered any other ves
sel, the fate of that vessel may be traced further, and may
throw more light upon theirs than has hitherto been ob
tained. Perhaps they met with some of our cruizers ; it
may be with the unfortunate Wasp, which, according to
what I remember of her cruise in that summer, may have
crossed their path and taken them on board. There were,
however, some privateers and letters of marque, which,
about that period, left the American and European coasts
for the purpose of cruizing in the Indian and China seas,
of whose return to the United States I have never heard.
If it could be known, that from any cause they got on board
any of the latter, and that any of them were wrecked upon
the coasts of Africa or Asia, the discovery of these facts
might authorize further inquiries after them ; people who
are wrecked on barbarous and desert coasts are not always
lost. I should be sorry needlessly to excite fallacious
hopes, or to contribute to revive unavailing anxieties on so
delicate a subject as this is ; but I really find it strange
that this Captain should never have made any report, which
seems to be the case, on his arrival in England, of such ah
incident as that of two passengers, whose destination was
there, and whose profession was military, having left his
ship at sea : I can see no reason why he should not have
reported the fact at the first port he entered, either as a
matter of obligation, custom, or news ; and I can see none
for theirs, desiring him to conceal the fact. Again, they
may have been taken out of his ship by some British com
mander, who might have paid no respect to Captain Hill
yar's exchange and protection, which I believe the British
commander, who met with Captain Porter on our coast,
was inclined to disregard ; but 1 am equally at a loss to
know why such commander or the Swede should suppress
the publication of the fact.
No. 5 is a copy of Mr. McKnight's protection, which was
taken by myself from the original given him by Captain
Hillyar. That officer, who I know esteemed these young
men, and your nephew in particular, very highly, gave
him letters to England, and among them one for Mrs. Hill-
%var, who,'"as I understood, lived not far from Portsmouth

APPENDIX. 255
or Plymouth, desiring her to receive him and his compa
nion into her house, to furnish them money if they wanted,
and to treat them as if they were his children.
It would have been natural for them, if they left the
Swedish ship voluntarily, to have sent on Mrs. Hillyar's
letters, and even to have written to her. As Mr. Adams,
who soon followed them to England with Captain Hillyar,
was probably at his house, he might have known whether
she received any notice of them from such letters.
It is true that it seems almost too late to found any hopes
of success upon the inquiries which a knowledge of these
facts may now revive on the part of their friends ; but when
it is considered how many things are possible which do
not appear to be probable, and after all, how nearly possi
bilities are allied to probabilities, sometimes on the side of
good fortune as well as of evil, their friends, I am sure, will
excuse me for throwing before them these glimpses, by
which their course, after they left this place, may be traced
farther than it has yet been followed, and which may at
last direct them to certainty respecting them, which to many
minds is less affecting on such occasions than such doubts
as hang about the history of these mysterious young men.
I have, sir, delayed sending you these papers longer than
was necessary, since I received the information from Cap
tain Henley. It was because I then expected to have been
in the United States sooner than I am now certain of find
ing a conveyance sufficiently safe and commodious for
transporting thither, at this season of the year, so large a
family as I am encumbered with. I therefore will detain
them from you no longer on that account, and I accompany
them with the observations I have made on the subject to
which they relate, not more for the purpose of acquitting
myself of a melancholy duty to their relations than from the
anxiety which I feel to have what seems to me to be a mys
terious transaction explained, as far as possible, by the
Swedish captain. I am sorry that I did not know some
years that it was believed in the United States, that the
vessel they were in, as well as themselves, never reached
England, when these traces of them might have been more
useful perhaps than they may be now.
If this communication should be thought by you to con
tain any thing interesting to Mr. McKnight's friends, it will
also be so to those of Mr. Lyman.
I think he told me he was a native of Connecticut ; that

256 APPENDIX.
he went to the N. W. Coist and to Chili, in an American
brig, which was sold in the latter country before he entered
the service in the Essex, under Captain Porter. Perhaps
this officer can remember and trace his connexions, and he
will, no doubt, willingly give them any information which
these papers may convey to them.
At all events, it will convey some consolation to Mr.
McKnight's friends, to know the circumstances which re
gard him, if they should never know any more ; that, young
as he was, he had already by his gallantry and good con
duct, entitled himself to be esteemed by his countrymen
and their enemies. For myself, 1 felt a pride, under the
circumstances in which our acquaintance was formed, at
meeting with such an American as he was, and I enjoyed
much pleasure from witnessing the true devotion which he
showed for the cause of his country, which he promised to
serve both with advantage and dignity. I have been ex
tremely loath to reconcile my mind to the conviction, that
he had perished. I remember that he had a mother living
when he was here, of whom he spoke with much affection,
and I think also of a sister or sisters, for whom he took
with him some presents.
If this should be the last news they may hear of him, it
will not be destitute of some comfort for them. Besides
his signature to one of these letters, and our regard for him,
the only remembrances which we find in our possession, is
an Indian sling, which he brought from the Washington
Islands, and which he gave me as such at our parting. Per
haps, at his age, he considered it a trophy (for I hear that
he displayed great valour there as well as in the action at
Valparaiso ;) however this may be, I do myself the honour
to put it in your hands, Sir. It is not because I set too lit
tle value on it that I am willing to part with it; but because
his family will find many more motives for valuing it than
I can have, and by thus accepting it from me, they will
at the same time do me the favour of accepting the only
mark of respect which 1 have the means of showing, both
for his memory, if that is all that lives, and for their feel
ings towards him.
I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) Thomas Sumpter, Jun.
To Commodore Stephen Decatur. T11L E.\».

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