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HISTORY

CATHOLIC CHURCH OF SCOTLAND

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HISTOKY

OF THE

Catftalic Cfturcft (ft Jj>C0tlanlr

FROM THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY
TO THE PRESENT DAY

BY
ALPHONS BELLESHEIM, D.D.
CANON OF AIX-LA-OHAPELLE
TRANSLATED, WITS NOTES AND ADDITIONS,
BY
D. OSWALD HUNTER BLAIR, O.S.B.
MONK OF FORT AUGUSTUS

IN FOUR VOLUMES
VOL. II.
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER III. TO THE SUPPRESSION
OF THE CATHOLIC RELIGION, A.D. 1286-1560

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
MDCCCLXXXVII

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH DURING THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY (1287-1400). p.
Disputed succession to the throne — Pretensions of Robert Bruce-
Appeal to Edward I. — Treaty of Brigham (1290) — Death of the
Maid of Norway (Sept; 1290) — Coronation of John Baliol
(1292) ; his deposition (1296)— Pope Boniface VIII. and Scot
land ; his letter to Edward I. — Bruce crowned at Scone (1306)
— Victory of Bannockburn (1314) — Papal legates to Scotland —
Bruce under the ban pf the Church ; his absolution (1328) —
Treaty of Northampton — Death of Bruce (1329) — State of the
kingdom — Scottish Church councils at Dundee (1310), Perth
(1321), and Scone (1324) — Bishop Fraser of St Andrews
(1279-1297)— Proceedings against the Knights-Templars (1309)
—Foundation of the Scotch College at Paris — Accession of
David II. (1329-1370) ; his flight to France— Battle of Durham
(1346) — Divorce of Queen Margaret — Councils at Aberdeen
and Perth — Foundation of first Collegiate Church (1342) —
Annexation of Man to England (1342) — Reigns of Robert II.
(1371-1390) and Robert III. (1390-1404)— Ecclesiastical ques
tions in Parliament — Synodal statutes of St Andrews — Dis
tinguished Scottish prelates — Burning of Elgin Cathedral
(1390)— Murder of William, Bishop of Orkney (1383),

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER II.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, UP TO THE
ERECTION OF ST ANDREWS INTO A METROPOLITAN SEE (1400-1472).
Scotland on the side of the anti-Popes — King James I. (1424-1436) ;
his education in England — General Council of the realm — Zeal
of the king for religion — His murder (February 1436-1437) —
Wyclifism in Scotland ; execution of Resby (1407) and Crawar
(1433) for heresy — St Andrews University founded (1410) ;
cbnfirmed by Benedict XIII. (1414) — Pope Martin V. acknow
ledged by the Scotch Parliament (1418)^-Rights of bishops as
to testaments — Bishop Cameron of Glasgow — Papal legates to
Scotland — Mission of iEneas Piccolomini (1435) — Division of
the diocese of the Isles ; Iona an episcopal seat — King James
II. (1437-1460) — Bishop Kennedy of St Andrews — Marriage
(1449) and death (1460) of James IL— King James III. (1460-
1488) — Rupture with England and revolt of the heir-apparent —
Efforts of the Holy See in the cause of peace — Battle of Sauchie
and death of James III. (1488) — Scotland and the Council of
Basle (1433) — Abbot Thomas of Dundrennan and the anti-Pope
— Adherence of Scotland to Eugenius IV. — Claims made by the
Crown to episcopal property — Settlement of the question in
Parliament (1450) — Foundation of Glasgow University (1451)
— Bishop Graham of St Andrews ; his see erected into an arch
bishopric (1472) — Opposition of York, Drontheim, and the Scot
tish king and bishops to the new metropolitan — Deposition and
death of Archbishop Graham (1478) — Character of Bishop
Kennedy — Religious foundations of this period, . . 44

CHAPTER III.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH UNDER JAMES IV. AND JAMES V.
(1488-1524).
Accession and marriage of James IV. — War with England — Death
of King James at Flodden (1513) — Regency of Albany (1513-
1528)— Disloyalty of the Scottish nobles — Distracted state of the
country — Bestowal of the primatial dignity upon St .Andrews
(1487) — Erection of the archbishopric of Glasgow (1492) — Fresh

CONTENTS. Vll
prosecution of Lollards (1494) ; their tenets — Archbishops of St
Andrews : the Duke of Ross (1497-1503) ; Alexander Stuart
(1509-1513)— Foundation of St Leonard's College (1512)— Rival
candidates for the primacy — Election of Andrew Foreman —
Diocesan statutes of St Andrews — Bishop Gavin Douglas of
Dunkeld— Bishop Elphinstone of Aberdeen (1482-1514) ; founds
Aberdeen University (1497) ; his public and private virtues —
Archbishop Beaton of Glasgow — James IV. and the Fran-

CHAPTER IV.
FROM THE DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP FOREMAN TO THE MURDER
OF CARDINAL BEATON (1521-1546).
Translation of Archbishop Beaton to St Andrews — Lutheranism
in Scotland — Trial and execution of Patrick Hamilton (1528)
— Institution of the College of Justice (1534) — Alliance of Scot
land with France — Marriage of James V. (1537) — Intrigues of
Henry VIII.— Burning of heretics (1533-1539)— Scotch Pro
testants abroad ; Aless, Machabseus, and Buchanan — Reformers
within the Church ; Mair, Winram, Logie, Richardson — Seaton
the Dominican — David Beaton : his education ; envoy to France ;
Lord Privy Seal ; Bishop of Mirepoix ; Cardinal (1538) and
Archbishop of St Andrews ; Henry VIII.'s jealousy of him —
War with England (1542) — Rout of Solway Moss and death of
James V. (1542) — Cardinal Beaton and the heretics — Trial of
Borthwick (1540) — James V. and the clergy — Imprisonment
of the Cardinal — Patriotism of the Scottish clergy — Marco
Grimani, nuncio to Scotland (1543) — Beaton appointed legate
(1544) ; conspiracy against him sanctioned by Henry VIII. —
Provincial Council at St Andrews (1546) — Scotland and the
Council of Trent — Riot in Glasgow Cathedral — Wishart " the
MartyT " : his early life ; connection with the traitorous party ;
his share in the plot against the Cardinal ; his trial and execu
tion for heresy (1546) — Assassination of Cardinal Beaton — His
character — Letter from the Regent to the Pope — Abbot Hamil
ton of Paisley — System of nomination to bishoprics — Bishop
Gavin Dunbar of Aberdeen — Erection of collegiate churches
and hospitals, . . . . . . .133

Vill CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.
FROM THE DEATH OF CARDINAL BEATON TO THE SUPPRESSION
OF THE CATHOLIC RELIGION (1546-1560).
State of Scotland after Cardinal Beaton's death— The rebels in St-
Andrews Castle— John Knox : his parentage ; he unites him
self to the murderers of Beaton ; his call to the ministry ;
carried prisoner to France— The Scottish clergy at Pinkie
(1547)— Departure of the infant queen for France (1548)—
Mary of Guise becomes Regent (1554)— Hamilton, Archbishop
of St Andrews— Bishop Reid of Orkney (1541-1558)— Provin
cial Council at Edinburgh (1549)— Statutes enacted— Council
of 1552 ; fresh enactments — Catechism ordered to be printed ;
its publication, and probable authorship — The Twopenny Faith
— The progress of Protestantism — Execution of Adam Wallace
— Release of Knox from the galleys (1549)— His ministry at
Geneva and Frankfort ; his return to Scotland (1555) — Ecclesi
astical proceedings against Knox ; his appeal to a General
Council ; he returns to Geneva (1556) ; is condemned by the
Church Courts — The Protestant preachers — Knox refuses to
come back to Scotland ; Establishment of the "Congregation"
(1557) — Revolutionary acts of the Protestants — Their toleration
by the Regent — Execution of Walter Mylne for heresy (1558) —
Proposed compromise — State of affairs in 1559 — Disorders
among the clergy — Provincial Council at Edinburgh (March
1559) — " Articles of Reformation " — Statutes of the Council —
Difficulties in the way of reform — Abbot Quintin Kennedy : his
writings ; the " Compendious Tractive " ; his challenge to
Willock — Return of Knox to Scotland (1559) — Meeting of the
Congregation at Perth — Knox's sermon — Commencement of the
work of destruction — Action taken by the Regent — Important
accessions to the Protestants — The " rascal multitude " at St
Andrews, Lindores, Balmerino, and Scone — The Congregation
at Edinburgh (June 1559) — Robbery of the Treasury and the
Mint — Royal proclamation against the rebels — Their retreat 
Knox and Queen Elizabeth — The Protestants and the English
Government — The Treaty of Berwick (February 1560) — Pro
gress of "reform" — English invasion of Scotland. — Death of
the queen-regent (June 1560) — Treaty of Edinburgh — Triumph
of the Congregation — Increase of Protestants — Assembly of the

CONTENTS. IX
Estates (August 1560) — The Confession of Faith ; its sanction ;
action of the Episcopate respecting it — Abolition of the ancient
Church — Penal laws against Catholics — Parliament and the
property of the Church, . . . . .187

CHAPTER VI.
MATERIAL CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH AT THE TIME
OF ITS SUPPRESSION.
Wealth possessed by the Church — The nobility and the Reforma
tion — Division of the ecclesiastical plunder— Contrast between
the nobles and the clergy ; patriotism of the latter — Gross in
justice inflicted on the religious orders — The monks as landlords
— Greatness of the change wrought by the Reformation — Causes
of its success— Abuses prevailing in the Church — Want of learn
ing among clergy and people — Difficulty in uprooting the
Catholic religion — End of the medieval period of Scottish
Church history, . . . . . .311

CHAPTER VII.
EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND BEFORE THE REFORMATION.
Medieval and monastic schools — Work done by them — Registers
kept in monasteries — The national universities — Scotchmen
educated abroad — Distinguished Scottish scholars : Marianus,
David Scotus, Richard of St Victor, Godrich, Benham, Taylor,
Scott, Duns Scotus, Dempster, Bassoll, Blair — Scottish his
torians : Fordun, Bower, Boece — Scottish scholars on the Con
tinent : Fraser, Hepburn, Tayre — Scottish poets : Gavin
Douglas, Dunbar, Lindsay — Compulsory education — Influence
of the Church — Early Scottish religious art — Celtic churches
and monasteries in Ireland — Remains in Scotland — Round
towers : Brechin, Abernethy ; their probable date — Celtic
manuscripts : the Book of Deer, and of Durrow ; Gospels of
Lindisfarne ; peculiarities of Celtic MSS. — Other relics : bells
and crosiers ; crosier of St Fillan ; privileges attached to it — Ven
eration paid to relics — Battle-ensigns ; the Brecbennoch — Sculp
tured monuments ; divided into three groups ; their ornamenta
tion — Symbolism of the monuments ; its threefold character ;

CONTENTS.
the bestia/ries — Inscribed monuments — Ogham inscriptions —
Runic monuments — The Ruth well cross — Medieval architec
ture of Scotland— Norman period (1057-1153), Kirkwall and
Kelso — Transition and Early English (1153-1285), Glasgow,
Elgin, &c. — Later Gothic style ; French and Spanish influence ;
Melrose and Roslin — The Celtic Liturgy ; its peculiarities ; its
harmony with other Western liturgies — Alleged "orientalism"
of the Celtic Church — Medieval Scottish Liturgy — Varia
tions in the Uses of Sarum, York, &c. — The Arbuthnott Missal
— The Aberdeen Breviary — Kalendars of the Scottish Saints —
Conclusion, . . . . . . .326

APPENDIX.
I. Instructions to Latino Juvenale, Papal Nuncio to Scotland,
1538,  413
II. List of Collegiate Churches and Hospitals, . . . 414
III. Erection of the Chapter of Kirkwall, 1544, . . .419
IV. Specimen of the Catechism of Archbishop Hamilton, . 420
V. Articles of the Faith, as laid down in the Provincial Council
of 1559, . . . . . . .421
VI. Form of Visitation of the Sick, from the Book of Deer, . 423
VII. Succession of Scottish Bishops down to the Suppression of
the Ancient Hierarchy, ..... 424

HISTORY

OF THE

CATHOLIC CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

CHAPTER I.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH DURING THE WAR OF IN
DEPENDENCE AND THE EOURTEENTH CENTURY.
(1287-1400.)
Princess Margaret, the granddaughter and Accession
& . & of Mar-
successor of Alexander III., was in Norway at garet.
the time of the king's death. Her right to the
crown had already been formally recognised by
a Parliament held at Scone in 1284, and it was
now requisite to appoint a regency to act in her
name. The Parliament accordingly assembled on
April 11, 1286, and proceeded to nominate six
guardians of the realm.1 The administration of geney.
1 It is upon this occasion that Fordun first applies the word
parliament to the assembly of the Estates. There is no evidence,
however, that it was attended by any representatives of the burghs.
The first appearance of the third estate, of which we have undoubted
record, was in the Parliament summoned by Bruce in 1326 : although
VOL. II. A

2 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
the northern part of the kingdom was committed
to Bishop Fraser of St Andrews, Duncan, Earl
of Fife, and Alexander, Earl of Buchan ; while
Bishop Wishart of Glasgow, Lord Comyn of
Badenoch, and James, High Steward of Scotland,
were intrusted with the government of the south
ern division. The rival parties of Robert Bruce
and John Baliol were already preparing to assert
their claims, in case of the throne again becom
ing vacant ; and the peace of the kingdom was
threatened by a still more dangerous enemy,
Edward I. of England, the old foe of Scottish
independence. Edward was in France when he
received the news of the precarious condition of
affairs in Scotland. In order to carry out his
long-cherished hopes of uniting that kingdom
with his own, he commenced negotiations for the
marriage of his son Edward with the heiress of
the Scottish crown. He was in no hurry, how
ever, to carry out his project at once. King Eric
of Norway, the father of the young queen, was
himself only eighteen years of age, and naturally
looked to Edward, the uncle of his deceased wife,
for counsel and protection. He had little con
fidence in the turbulent Scottish nobles, and re
solved to keep his infant daughter for the present
under his own care in Norway.
it is most probable that the burgesses were actually first admitted
to the great council of the realm in 1292, in the third Parliament of
Baliol — the same which, by declaring war against Edward I. beo-an
the long struggle for Scottish independence. — Translator.

DISPUTED SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE. 3
A powerful party had meanwhile formed among Pretensions
i o ¦ ¦> i • n»r , -i • of Eobert
the Scottish barons agamst Margaret s claim to Bruce.
the throne. At its head was Robert Bruce, who
based his right to the crown on his descent,
through Isabella, from David, Earl of Hunting
don, brother of William the Lion. The English
and Scottish nobles who espoused his cause en
tered into a league or covenant, by which they
bound themselves to support and adhere to one
another against all opposing parties, saving al
ways their allegiance to the King of England
and the eventual successor to the Scottish crown.
The power of the barons roused the jealousy of
the regents of the kingdom, and the peace and
unity of the realm was dangerously disturbed.
In order to restore tranquillity, a measure of more Appeal to
than doubtful expediency was resolved upon —
namely, to demand advice and assistance of King
Edward, the hereditary enemy of Scotland. The
Bishop of Brechin, the Abbot of Jedburgh, and
Geoffrey de Mowbray were accordingly sent as
ambassadors to the English Court, to lay the
state of affairs before the king. At the same
time plenipotentiaries arrived from Norway, to
treat with Edward respecting the return of the
young princess. A fresh embassy was despatched
from Scotland, with extended powers : 1 Edward
1 Robert Bruce was included in this embassy, a fact which seems
to show that he desired to lead Edward to believe that he had
abandoned his ambitious views relative to the Scottish crown. —
Translator.

4 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
himself appointed four commissioners to act on
the part of England, and the representatives of
the three countries met at Salisbury. The result
of the conference was a treaty of four articles,
giving to Edward large powers of interference in
the internal affairs of Scotland. No direct allu
sion to the projected marriage of the young queen
was contained in the treaty, which, however, in
cluded several provisions which were doubtless
mtended to bear upon it, and to prepare the
people of Scotland to receive it favourably.1 Ed
ward had already secretly procured a dispensation
from the Pope, the prince and princess being
within the forbidden degrees.
As soon as the provisions of the Treaty of
Salisbury were published, the Estates of Scotland
assembled at Brigham, near Roxburgh, whence
they despatched a letter to the King of England,
expressing their joy at the proposed union, and
assuring him of their full concurrence. A letter
was sent at the same time to King Eric of Nor
way, requesting him to fulfil the terms of the
treaty by sending over the young queen before
the Feast of All Saints. By way of ensuring the
compliance of Norway, Edward sent to the Court
of Eric, Beck, Bishop of Durham, who distributed
considerable sums among the Norwegian officials,
1 One of these provisions was that Margaret should not marry
without the counsel and consent of the King of England. See
Rymer, Fcedera, vol. ii. pp. 446, 447.— Translator.

TREATY OE BRIGHAM, 1290. 5
and finally obtained their promise that Margaret
should at once be sent to England. Immediately
on the bishop's return, Edward appointed him,
with five other commissioners, to attend a meet
ing of the Scottish Estates, held at Brigham in
July 1290. It is not necessary to dwell upon
the details of the important treaty concluded at Treaty of
-r> ¦ i n rv> • • Brigham.
Brigham. Suffice it to say that its whole tenor
recognises the complete independence of the Scot
tish crown and kingdom, and nowhere hints at a
union of the two countries under one sovereign.
The independence of the National Church is like
wise guaranteed, and all her ancient privileges,
including the free election by cathedral chapters,
confirmed and secured ; while no bishop is to be
required to leave the kingdom to do fealty to
any foreign sovereign. The substance of this
treaty forms, in truth, a grave charge against
King Edward, and the guilt and misery of the
struggle which so shortly followed its ratification
must be laid at his door. How much respect he
had for the provisions of the treaty he showed
soon afterwards, when he thought fit to propose
to the Estates of Scotland that, considering the
rumours of certain dangers which menaced that
kingdom, all the castles and fortified places in
the realm should be handed over to him. This
demand, however, was peremptorily refused by
the Scots. A still greater blow was in store for
Edward. The news reached England in Septem-

6 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
ber 1290, that the young queen had sailed from
Norway; but the hopes of the two kingdoms
were destined to be cruelly frustrated. The prin
cess was seized with illness on the voyage : the
fleet anchored at Orkney, and here, in September
Death of 1290, died the "Fair Maid of Norway," in the
the "Maid _.. . -. . ,-,
of Nor- eighth year of her age. She was buried m tne
noble cathedral of St Magnus, at Kirkwall.1
Sorrow and dismay fell upon the kingdom; for
the royal house, even in the female line, was now
extinct, and the country lay at the mercy of the
powerful rival parties headed by John Baliol and
Robert Bruce.
Eivai Both the claimants to the crown were de
scended from David, Earl of Huntingdon, brother
to King William the Lion. Bruce, however, was
the nearer of the two, being the son of Isabella,
David's second daughter, while Baliol was the
grandson of his eldest daughter Margaret. Baliol
claimed precedence over Bruce, as being de
scended from the eldest daughter of David, al
though a generation more removed than was his
rival. King Edward of England was appointed
umpire to decide the question. He settled it in
Coronation favour of Baliol, who was crowned at Scone on
of Baliol.
St Andrews Day, 1292.
Baliol's reign was of short duration. The ser
vility of his demeanour towards Edward did not
serve to raise him in the estimation of his sub-
1 Walcott, Ancient Cliwch of Scotland, p. 173.

SACK OE BERWICK, 1296. 7
jects, and appeals were openly made from his
authority to that of the English sovereign. It
thus came about that Baliol in the first year of
his reign was summoned no less than four times
to appear before the King of England. The final
rupture between the two monarchs was caused by
the breaking out of war between England and
France in 1294. Edward summoned the Scottish
king and nobles to attend him in person to the
field. The Parliament of Scotland assembled at
Scone ; but instead of complying with Edward's
demands, they proceeded to enter into an alliance
with France, and declared war against England.
Edward at once marched into Scotland with a English
. invasion of
powerful army, and inflicted a speedy and ter- Scotland.
rible vengeance upon his enemies. On Good
Friday, 1296, the wealthy and important town
of Berwick was taken and sacked by the English Sack of
troops ; and so thorough was the work of destruc
tion, that it never recovered its former pre-emi
nence. Baliol's renunciation of his homage, which
he sent to Edward by the hands of the Abbot of
Arbroath, only infuriated that monarch the more.
" Fool and traitor ! " were his words, " what
madness is this ? If he will not come to us, we
will go to him ! " 1 A few weeks later the Scot-
1 Wyntoun, Cronyiil, b. viii. 1. 1661 : —
" 'A! cefolfelun, telfolyfettis.'
In Frawnkis quhen this he had sayd thare,
In Frawnkis he sayd yhit forthirmare
' S'il ne voit venir a nos, nos vendrum aVy.'"

8 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
tish army was utterly defeated on the bloody
field of Dunbar (April 27, 1296). Edward ad
vanced triumphantly to Perth, and there with
all solemnity and feudal pomp celebrated the
Feast of St John Baptist, surrounded by the
flower of his nobility. In the midst of the fes
tivities, messengers arrived with the tidings of
Baliol's unconditional submission. It was scorn
fully intimated to him that he should go forth
with to Brechin, and there await the arrival of
the conqueror. Here, in presence of the Bishop
of Durham and the English barons, the unfortu-
Degrada- nate monarch was stripped of the royal insignia,
Baiioi. the mantle, sceptre, and crown. A white staff,
the sign of vassaldom, was placed in his hand,
and thus degraded he was forced to read a formal
confession of his crimes against his feudal lord.
He then delivered his eldest son to Edward as a
hostage, and with him was sent to London, where
he remained for three years a prisoner in the
Tower. He was afterwards permitted to retire
His death, to France, where he died in obscurity in 1305.
Edward, on his return from the north, took with
him from Scone the famous stone on which the
Scottish kings had for centuries been crowned
and anointed. He placed it in the Abbey of
Westminster, where it still remains after a lapse
of nearly six hundred years.
tion of " In the year 1300, Edward granted a truce to
vm. the Scots, chiefly through the interposition of

POPE BONIFACE VIII. AND SCOTLAND. 9
Pope Boniface VIII. An embassy had in the
early part of this year been despatched to Rome,
entreating the Pope's intervention on behalf of
Scotland. It was represented to him that Scot
land had been from the earliest times a fief of
the Holy See ; and not only was this view upheld
by the Scottish representatives, but the regent
Soulis, in his instructions to the embassy, re
minded them that the same objection had been"
raised when King Edward had first laid claim to
feudal superiority over Scotland. Pope Boniface
accordingly addressed a letter to the King of
England, and intrusted its delivery to Robert
Winchilsea, Archbishop of Canterbury. After
a difficult and dangerous journey, the prelate
reached the castle of Caerlaverock, near which
Edward was encamped, and delivered to him the
papal brief. Boniface in this document affirmed
that the feudal superiority over Scotland had
belonged from time immemorial to the Holy See,
and proved by various arguments that England
had no right to the fealty of the Scottish crown.
The Pope further pointed out that the guardian
ship of the Maid of Norway had not been in
trusted to King Edward, but to a representative
body of Scottish nobles ; that the independence
of Scotland had been guaranteed by the provisions
of the treaty of Brigham ; and finally, that what
ever steps might have been taken by a disunited
nobility derogatory to ancient Scottish rights

10 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
and liberties, ought no longer to be considered
binding. Boniface concluded by exhorting the
king to set free the Scottish prisoners detained
by him, and to leave to the realm of Scotland its
right of self-government unimpaired.1
Edward's first feeling, on receipt of the papal
brief, was one of violent resentment. However,
summoning the archbishop to his presence, he
informed him that he was resolved to decide the
matter, not according to his individual senti
ments, but with the advice and counsel of the
magnates of his kingdom, thus giving evidence
of the deep veneration which he entertained
towards the Apostolic See. Accordingly, at a
Parliament held at Lincoln, a letter was drawn
Rejoinder up in reply to Pope Boniface, the king having
nsh barons, previously secured the goodwill of his nobles by
the confirmation of various long -delayed privi
leges. In this letter the English barons respect
fully but firmly declined to admit the papal
intervention in the matter in dispute, asserting
that England had from the beginning of her
history lawfully claimed and enjoyed superiority
over the kingdom of Scotland, and that the king
could not submit the question of this undoubted
right to the judgment of the Pope. They added
that they themselves were bound by oath to pro
tect the liberties of the realm, and ended by
entreating the Pope to leave the king undis-
1 Rymer, Foedera, vol. i. p. 407.

POPE BONIFACE VIII. AND SCOTLAND. 11
turbed in the enjoyment of his rights.1 By way
of supplement to this document, Edward two
months later addressed a private letter to Boni
face, in which he set forth at length the grounds
of his claim, and the reasons which he considered
as justifying his invasion of Scotland. Whether
influenced by these representations or not, the
Pope appears to have no longer favoured the Papal lean-
Scottish cause. On August 15, 1302, he ad- England.
dressed a letter to the bishops of Scotland, and
another to Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow, desiring
them to desist from opposition to Edward, and
threatening them, in case of non-compliance, with
further measures.2 Abandoned by the Pope, and
deserted also by Philip of France, the Scotch still
continued their heroic efforts to shake off the
yoke of England. Edward pursued his object
with relentless severity, sparing none who fell
into his hands. Among his victims was the
1 Rymer, Fcedera, vol. ii. p. 875.
2 The Pope's language in these letters is singularly plain. " The
stone of offence and the rock of scandal," " author and abettor of
disturbance, dissension, and discord," " obnoxious to God and to
men," are among the terms he employs towards these too patriotic
prelates. See Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 170, 171. — Translator.
Boniface VIII. has recently been attacked for claiming supe
riority over Scotland. It must be remembered, however, that his
predecessor Nicholas IV. had already refused to allow the claim of
Edward, on the ground that he could not interfere with the rights
of the Holy See. Besides, as Cardinal Hergenrother has pointed
out {Catholic Church and Christian State, pp. 250 seq.), all that
Boniface did was to repeat the arguments put into his mouth by
the Scottish commissioners, without expressing any decided view of
his own on the question.

12 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
wiiiiam valiant and patriotic William Wallace. Comyn
Wallace. . x 1 "D V 1 \
and Bruce (grandson of the rival of John Lialiol)
were now the chief claimants to the crown of
Scotland. The contest between them ended on
February 10, 1306, when Bruce, in a moment of
Murder of passion, stabbed his rival in the Minorite Church
Comyn, -1 ,
andcoro- at Dumfries. Bruce now assumed the kingly
nation of .
Bruce. power, and was solemnly crowned by the Bishop
of Glasgow at Scone. Hard pressed, however,
by his enemies, he was forced to fly to the moun
tain fastnesses, and thence to take refuge in Ire
land. While in hiding there, he was, with his
His excom- adherents, solemnly excommunicated by the papal
tion. legate in England, the Cardinal of St Sabina.
But the great obstacle to Scottish independence
neathof was now to be removed, by the death of the
Edward I. . J
redoubtable King Edward, which occurred on
July 7, 1307. His last request was a charac
teristic one. It was that his heart should be
taken to Jerusalem, and his body, reduced by
boiling to a skeleton, should be carried with his
army to Scotland, and there remain so long as
that country continued unsubdued. Robert Bruce
had now to defend his crown against a very dif
ferent antagonist — one who had indeed inherited
the ambitious plans of his father, but without the
genius or the energy to execute them. The war
continued for a time with varying success ; but
Bannorck-f the glorious victory of Bannockburn, in the year
1314, and the utter rout of the English army

hum.

PAPAL LEGATES IN SCOTLAND. 13
secured the independence of Scotland. Unable
to defend his dominions against the Scots by force
of arms, Edward sought the help of the Papal
Court at Avignon; and in the year 1317 two
cardinals arrived in England, charged by Pope
John XXII. with the mission of restoring peace
between England and Scotland. The legates papai
themselves remained at Durham, sending thence Scotland.
the Bishop of Corbeil, with an ecclesiastic named
Aymer, to wait upon King Robert. The papal
letters withheld from Bruce the title of king,
styling him merely governor of Scotland ; x and
Robert accordingly refused to receive them. To
the explanation of the nuncios, that it was not
the custom of the Church in controverted questions
to say anything prejudicial to either party, Bruce
rejoined that by refusing him a title which was
universally recognised, the Church had already
prejudged his cause ; and he further informed
them that he could by no means consent to the
proposed truce without the consent of his Parlia
ment. Adam of Newton, the guardian of the
Franciscan convent at Berwick, was next charged
with the duty of publishing the papal truce in
the Scottish camp. Robert again declined to
receive any documents which did not bear his
kingly title, but the messenger nevertheless ful-
1 The brief Rex excelsus, addressed to the Cardinals Gaucelin and
Luke, styles Edward "Begem Anglise illustrem," while it merely
entitles Bruce '' nobilem virum in prsesentiarum Regnum Scotise
gubernantem." — Translator.

14 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
filled his mission by publicly proclaiming a two-
years' truce on the authority of the Pope.
On learning from their representative how he
had been received by the Scottish monarch, the
Bruceagain cardinal legates proceeded solemnly to excom
municated, municate Bruce and his adherents. Edward was
at the same time compelled, owing to the opposi
tion of his Parliament, to disband his army. The
sentence of the legates was confirmed by the Pope
in the bull Apostolical considerationis, dated June
13, 1320.1 Bruce, convinced by the language of
the Roman authorities that the Papal Court had
been misled by the representations of his enemies,
had meanwhile assembled a Parliament at Ar
broath ; and thence, on April 6, a letter was
addressed to the Pope, depicting in vivid colours
the grievous wrongs inflicted upon Scotland by
the English kings, and warning his Holiness that
should he continue to give credence to English
calumnies, the consequent loss of life and destruc
tion of souls would be laid to his charge by God.
These representations appear to have had some
effect, for we find the Pope a little later con
descending to give his reasons for withholding
the kingly title from Bruce,2 and in a subsequent
letter suspending the sentence of excommunica-
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 203.
^ 2 Ibid., p. 208. " Non ferat tegre tuse Magnitudinis providentia,
si nostras textus epistote te Regem Scotise non affirmat. Profecto
quidem hoc prompte et placide faceret, nisi consuetudo repugnaret
curiae, et altera haec assertio aliqualiter derogaret."

DEATH OF ROBERT BRUCE, 1329. 15
tion, and exhorting Robert to conclude peace with
England. It was not, however, until the year
1328 that Bruce was finally and fully absolved Hisabso-
. , lution.
from the censures of the Church, in a brief dated
October 15 of that year.1 A few months pre
viously peace had been concluded between the
two kingdoms at Edinburgh ; and by a treaty
signed at Northampton, Edward recognised the Treaty of
. Northamp-
compiete independence of Scotland, and acknow- ton.
ledged Robert as king. The compact was sealed
by the betrothal of David, only son of the King
of Scotland, to the Princess Joan, sister to Edward
III. of England. On June 13, 1329, Pope John
XXII. issued a bull, in which, after reference to
the ancient custom whereby the Scottish kings
had received the royal insignia from the bishops
of St Andrews, he decrees that they shall in
future be not only crowned but also anointed by
the bishops of that see, or, failing them, by the
bishops of the see of Glasgow.1
King Robert, prematurely broken down by ill
ness, was unable to be present at the nuptials of
his son, which were solemnised at Berwick with
, great magnificence. He received the youthful
pair at Edinburgh, and immediately retired to his
castle at Cardross, where he died on June 7- 1329, Death of
c t-i Eobert
aged fifty-seven years, iroissart has left us a Bruce.
touching narrative of Robert's dying request to
his faithful friend, Sir James Douglas. " Sir
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 240. 2 Ibid., p. 244.

16 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
His dying James, mv dear friend, none knows better than
request. J -,
you how great labour and suffering I have under
gone in my day for the maintenance of the rights
of this kingdom ; and when I was hardest beset,
made a vow which it now grieves me deeply that
I have not accomplished. I vowed to God that
if I should live to see an end of my wars, and be
enabled to govern this realm in peace and security,
I would then set out in person and carry on war
against the enemies of my Lord and Saviour, to
the best of my power. Never has my heart ceased
to bend to that point ; but our Lord has not con
sented thereto ; for I have had my hands full in
my days, and now at the last I am seized with
this grievous sickness, so that, as you all see, I
have nothing to do but to die. And since my
body cannot go thither and accomplish that which
my heart hath so much desired, I have resolved to
send my heart there, in place of my body, to fulfil
my vow. I entreat thee, therefore, my dear and
tried friend, that for the love you bear to me you
will undertake this voyage, and acquit my soul
of its debt to my Saviour." On the knight's
promising faithfully to obey his commands,
" Praise be to God ! " said the king, " I shall
die in peace, since I am assured that the best
and most valiant knight of my kingdom has
promised to achieve for me that which I myself
could never accomplish." 1 So died Robert Bruce,
1 Froissart, vol. i. pp. 28, 29. [Quoted by Tytler, Hist., vol i p
158.]

STATE OF SCOTLAND, 1329. 17
one of the greatest monarchs who ever wore the
Scottish crown. Naturally religious, chivalrous,
and full of enthusiasm in the cause of his
country's independence, his subsequent virtues
atoned for the savage act that stained his ac
cession to the throne ; and his heroic deeds long
continued to live in Scottish song, and in the
hearts of his countrymen.
King Robert was twice married. By his first
wife Isabella, daughter of the Earl of Mar, he
had a daughter Marjory, who married Walter,
High Steward of Scotland. From this union
sprang a son, Robert, who afterwards ascended
the throne as Robert II. , and founder of the
dynasty of Stewart.
Meanwhile, the interregnum which followed the state of the
death of Alexander IIL, the English invasion,
the nominal rule of Baliol, and the depredations
of Edward L, had been the cause of many evils to
the Scottish nation ; and the prosperity in which
Alexander had left the kingdom had been dis
astrously checked. In many parts of Scotland,
more especially in the remoter districts, right
and law were no longer recognised. For two
hundred years England and Scotland, although
separate kingdoms, had been practically one peo
ple ; but this union was now fatally interrupted.
The good understanding which had prevailed be
tween the clergy of the sister countries was now
abruptly broken off. Nobles and clerics of Eng-
VOL. II. B

18 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
lish birth left Scotland in large numbers, and the
remembrance of the common origin of the two
peoples seemed utterly forgotten. The effects of
the war were no less disastrous to the Scottish
Church than to the country at large. Clergy
and laity had degenerated alike ; and we find for
the first time the bishops appearing in the guise
of feudal barons at the head of their armed
retainers, and taking an active part in the war
against England. Nor did they scruple to take
solemn oaths of fealty to Edward, and to break
them at the first opportunity. We cannot won
der if under such circumstances the state of reli
gion and morality among the people was far from
satisfactory. We have but scanty records of the meetings of
the Scottish clergy during these forty years of
disturbance and unrest. In 1310 a provincial
Provincial council appears to have assembled at Dundee,
council at _ *¦
Dundee; and to have declared their adhesion to the cause
of King Robert. We know nothing more of their
at Perth; deliberations.1 Another council met at Perth on
July 9, 1321. All that we have recorded of it
is that Agnes of Morthington confirmed by oath,
before the assembled prelates, the sale of some
lands to one John Bruning for three hundred and
1 This council is styled in the deed of adhesion " Concilium gen
erate Scotieanum," by which Fr. Thomas Innes understood a Pro
vincial Council of the Scottish Clergy. Others, however, have
interpreted it to mean a general assembly of the Estates— in other
words, a Parliament.— Translator.

RIGHTS CLAIMED BY THE CROWN. 19
sixty merks. Little more remains of the proceed
ings of the council held three years later at Scone, at Scone.
A protest, however, of the Bishop of Glasgow is
extant, bearing the seal of the conservator, and
complaining of lay interference in the collation of
benefices. The Scottish kings had long claimed Eight of
1 ¦ i c • i/-> i-i/>n Presenta-
the right of presentation to benefices which fell tion ciaim-
, . ed by Scot-
vacant between the death of a bishop and the tish kings-
taking of the oath of fealty by his successor.
This claim had not passed without resistance.
The grandfather of Robert Bruce had protested
against the right of Alexander III. to present to
the churches of Annandale (of which he was the
feudal lord) during a vacancy in the see of Glas
gow. The protest was unavailing, but the royal
claims were later opposed in Rome itself. Pope
Alexander IV., indeed, while refusing to annul
the appointment of John of Cheam to the bish
opric of Glasgow, at the king's request, neverthe
less confirmed to the latter the temporalities of
the see until the new bishop had taken the oath.1
John XXII., however, in the year 1323, bestowed
upon John of Lindsay not only the spiritualities
of the see of Glasgow, but the administration of
the temporalities also. The Pope likewise re
served to himself the prebend in Glasgow Cathe
dral, vacated by the promotion of the new prel
ate, and bestowed it upon an Italian, Nicholas
Guercino, whose uncle had consecrated the newly
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 86.

20 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
appointed bishop.1 King Robert had meanwhile
presented Walter of Twynam to the vacant pre
bend, and demanded his institution at the hands
of the Bishop of Glasgow, immediately on his
return to his see. In order to avoid giving
offence to the Pope on the one hand, and the
king on the other, the bishop chose a middle
course. While confirming the royal nomination,
he expressly reserved at the same time the rights
of the Pope. The fact of the Episcopal protest
bearing the seal of the conservator, seems to show
that the bishop brought the matter before the
provincial council, and procured the ratification
of his act by that assembly.2
Seeofst At the time ofthe death of Alexander III., the
Andrews. .
see of ot Andreivs was occupied by a prelate of
Bishop great ability, William Fraser, who was appointed
one of the regents of the kingdom. He had been
Chancellor of Scotland, was elected to the bishop
ric in 1279 — "the Culdees being excluded," says
Fordun, "as in the preceding election" — and
received consecration from Pope Nicholas III. in
the following year.3 During the short reign of
Baliol, Bishop Fraser was sent by that monarch
to France, to negotiate about the marriage of his
son Prince Edward, and he appears to have died
before his return to Scotland, in August 1297.
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 226.
2 Regist. Ep. Glasg., i. p. 230. Robertson, Statuta, i. p. lxxvi.
3 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 124.

Fraser,

THE TEMPLARS IN SCOTLAND. 21
Bishop Fraser has been represented in some quar
ters as having been a partisan of King Edward,
and a traitor to his country ; but these charges
appear unfounded. In November 1297, William
Lamberton, Chancellor of Glasgow, was chosen as Bishop
_ , Lamber-
I1 raser s successor. In connection with this elec- ton.
tion we have an interesting glimpse ofthe Culdees,
who renewed then." ancient claim to participate in
the choice of the bishop. William Comyn, their
provost, went to Rome in order to protest against Protest of
li-ii • ° theCul-
the election by the prior and canons. The Pope, dees.
however (Boniface VIII.), refused to listen to
them, confirmed the election of Lamberton, and
issued a mandate for his consecration by the
Bishop of Porto.1 In November 1309, Bishop
Lamberton, by desire of Pope Clement V., con
ducted an inquiry in connection with the. proceed
ings against the Knights - Templars. He was The
assisted by John de Salerio (described as a "cleric Templars.
of the Pope "), and forty-one witnesses were ex
amined, including the only two knights of the
order then in Scotland, and several abbots and
other ecclesiastics. Walter de Clifton, the se
nior preceptor in Scotland, gave evidence as to
the rites of initiation into the order. To the
various articles of accusation, on each of which
he was separately interrogated, he returned an
absolute negative. The depositions of the other
witnesses, including the abbots of Dunfermline,
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 165. Fordun, Scotichron., vi. c. 44.

22 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
Holyrood, and Newbottle, and the Franciscan
guardian of Haddington, did nothing to substan
tiate the charges. An unfavourable impression,
indeed, seemed to be prevalent regarding the
order ; but partly, no doubt, owing to the secrecy
with which all their proceedings were conducted,
very little appeared to be definitely known about
them.1
Cathedral During the episcopate of Bishop Lamberton,
Andrews, the Cathedral of St Andrews was completed ; and
on July 5, 1318, it was solemnly consecrated in
presence of King Robert Bruce, seven bishops,
fifteen abbots, and a large number of the nobles.
Bishop William belonged to the number of those
prelates who repeatedly swore fealty to Edward
of England, and as frequently returned to their
allegiance to the national cause. Edward, in con
sequence, prepared a petition to Pope John XXII.
to depose the bishop, and to appoint Thomas de
Rivers, an English minorite, to the see. The
Pope refused to comply with the king's re
quest, although the latter alleged that Clement
V. had already bestowed the see upon Rivers.
1 Wilkins, Concilia, vol. ii. p. 380. It is generally allowed that
the downfall of the Templars was owing more to the cupidity of
Philip the Fair of France, than to any real necessity for their ex
tinction. In Germany, Spain, and Portugal they were acquitted of
all charges laid against them, and they were condemned in England
on utterly inadequate evidence. At the suppression of the order
in 1311, most of their property went to the Knights of St John.
They possessed, at one time or another, some fifteen houses in
Scotland. — Translator.

DISTINGUISHED SCOTTISH PRELATES. 23
Bishop Lamberton died in the year 1328, and
was succeeded by James Bene, Archdeacon of St Bishop
Andrews. The Culdees, headed by their provost
William Comyn, appear to have again opposed
the election, without, however, persisting in an
appeal to Rome.
Among the prelates who supported most openly
the cause of Scottish independence was Robert
Wishart, Bishop of Glasqow. He had, it is true, See of
r ^ ' ' Glasgow.
sworn allegiance to Edward, but he nevertheless Bishop
attached himself early to the party of Wallace
and Bruce. It was he who crowned Robert at
Scone, on March 27, 1305, having previously
absolved him from the sacrilegious murder of
Comyn. In the following year, immediately
after the battle of Methven, Bishop Lamberton
of St Andrews and the Abbot of Scone were taken
prisoner by the troops of the Earl of Pembroke,
and sent to England in chains. A similar fate
overtook Bishop Wishart, who remained a pris
oner in England until after the battle of Ban
nockburn in 1314. King Edward endeavoured
to induce the Pope to deprive him of his see, but
without success. On his death in 1316, Stephen BishopDony-
de Donydower was chosen bishop ; but he appears dower.
to have died before consecration, and to have
been succeeded (although the records of this
period are somewhat confusing) by John de Bishop
Lindsay. The see of Dunkeld was occupied from about DunLid.

24 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
Bishop the year 1290 to 1309 by Matthew Crambeth.
Bishop His successor, William Sinclair, is related to have
Sinclair. himgeif hea<le<l his vassals on the English inva
sion in 1317, and to have driven them back to
their ships. He was high in favour with King
See of Robert, who styled him his own bishop. Bishop
Bishop David of Moray, who was consecrated at Anagni
David- on June 28, 1299, was distinguished alike for his
zeal in the Scottish cause and as a patron of
learning. A stanch adherent of King Robert,
he taught his people that in fighting against
England they gained as much merit as by con
tending with heathens and Saracens. Bishop
David was at one time forced to fly before the
English advance, and to take refuge in Orkney.
Towards the end of his life he founded some
burses in the University of Paris for Scottish
students ; and he may thus be considered in a
Beginning sense the founder of the Scotch Colleffe in that
ofthe .... .
Scotch city.1 Of this institution, which became the
College J
in Paris, source of so many blessings to Scotland, we shall
have occasion to speak later on. In the see of
Brechin, Bishop John was succeeded about the
year 1328 by Adam, who was consecrated by the
Bishop of Sabina, probably at Avignon.2 At the
beginning of the fourteenth century Nicholas de
Dunblane. Balmy le was Bishop of Dunblane. On his death,
Bishop Edward II. of England petitioned the Pope to
Balmyle. -e
1 Reg. Episc. Morav., pp. 253, 254.
2 Regist. vetus de Aberbrothoc, pp. 184, 339.

ACCESSION OF DAVID II. , 1329. 25
prefer Richard of Pontefract, an English Domin
ican, to the vacant see. The request, however,
was refused, and Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, BishopMaurice.
was appointed bishop. It was this same Maurice
who, on the morning of the battle of Bannockburn,
June 24, 1314, celebrated Mass on an eminence
in front of the Scottish lines, and exhorted the
soldiers to a brave defence of their country. The
see of Galloivay was at this period still subject See of
i • ¦ i • -\r -itt n i Calloway.
to the ecclesiastical province of York. We find,
accordingly, that Thomas de Dalltoun, who was Bishop
consecrated Bishop of Galloway on August 15,
1294, assisted as a suffragan of York at two pro
vincial councils held within the cathedral of that
city, with reference to the charges brought against
the Knights-Templars. In Orkney, William sue- see of
ceeded Dolgfin as bishop in 1310. Ten years Bishop
later the Archbishop of Drontheim commissioned ' am'
a prebendary of his cathedral and the Arch
deacon of Man to visit Orkney and inquire
into certain complaints brought against Bishop
William. David II. was a child of five years old when he Accession
¦ p > of David
succeeded to the throne by his father s death — a n.
fact which foreboded ill for the peace of Scotland.
The young king was crowned at Scone, wTith his
consort Joan, in 1331, the ceremonies of corona
tion and anointing being performed, in terms of
the bull of John XXII., by the Bishop of St
Andrews. The regency meanwhile remained in

26 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
the hands of the Earl of Moray, whose prudence
was equal to his valour, and who kept down the
turbulent nobility with a firm hand. His death,
however, which occurred in 1332, was quickly
followed not only by feuds and disturbances, but
Conspiracy by a conspiracy against the young king, entered
him. into by the barons whom Bruce had disinherited
for taking part with England. In a battle fought
Battle of on Dupplin Moor towards the close of the year
Dupplin. L L J
1332, between the party of Edward Baliol, who
had renewed his pretensions to the throne, and
the adherents of King David, the latter were
totally defeated, and Baliol was shortly afterwards
Coronation crowned King1 of Scotland at Scone. The young
of Baliol. ° i
king fled to France, where he remained for nearly
ten years. His education at the French Court
was not of a kind to fit him for the difficulties
which lay before him. To a character naturally
impetuous and prone to violent passions, he united
an immoderate love of pleasure and a total ab
sence of all those great qualities which were
Return of requisite for his position. On his return to Scot
land in 1341, he found himself involved in war
with Edward III. of England. With something
of his father's intrepidity, but little or nothing
of his skill and judgment, David determined to
invasion of invade England in person. He accordingly led
an army into Northumberland, and besieged and
captured the castle of Liddel. The English forces,
however, assembled in overwhelming numbers;

CAPTURE OF KING DAVID, 1346. 27
and on October 17, 1346, David's army was
utterly defeated at Durham, and he himself taken Battle of
. Durham.
prisoner, carried to London, and confined m the TheWng
Tower.1 He was not permitted to return to prisoner.
Scotland for eleven years, and the rest of his
long reign is occupied by a series of intrigues
and negotiations between the king himself and
the nobility of England and Scotland, by which
the hard-won independence of his country was all
but sacrificed. David's last years were embit- Divorce of
. the queen.
tered by his relations with his queen, Margaret
Logy, whom he had married in 1362, after the
death of his first wife, Joan of England.2 In the
last year of his reign David held a Parliament
at Perth, and at it sentence of divorce was pro
nounced against Margaret. Little or nothing is
known of the person or character of the queen,
or of what ground there may have been for such
a proceeding. She is related to have been fond
of lavish expenditure, and addicted especially to
costly pilgrimages ; and her influence appears to
have induced David to imprison the High Steward
(afterwards Robert II.) and his sons. The real
reason of the divorce, however, is unknown to us.
The sentence was pronounced in the Lent of
1370 ; and the queen immediately collected her
treasures and took ship for France, in order to
1 Tytler {Hist., vol. i. p. 192) describes the haughty pomp with
which Edward conveyed his royal captive to the Tower.
2 Burton, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 337.

28 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
appeal in person to the Pope at Avignon. King
David at the same time sent ambassadors to the
Pope, who were charged to uphold the justice
of his cause. But they were unable to prevail
against the favourable impression which had been
made by the representations of Margaret ; and so
strained did matters become that the Pope threat
ened Scotland with an interdict, which was only
averted by the death of the queen while she was
journeying to Rome. No record has come down to
us as to the judgment ultimately pronounced by
the Holy See ; but the matter seems to have been
carried beyond the date of King David's death,
for we find Robert II. appealing to Charles V. of
France four years afterwards, to use his influence
in obtaining a decision from Rome.1
The ecclesiastical history of Scotland during
the reign of David II. presents few facts of in
terest or importance. We have on record the
Provincial meeting of a provincial council in the Blackfriars'
council at
Aberdeen; Church at Aberdeen, on November 26, 1359.
The only transaction that has come down to us
is the attestation of a bull of Pope Adrian IV.,
dated 1157, and confirming its possessions to the
at Perth, see of Aberdeen.2 Another council met at Perth
before the close of the century, probably about
1 Robertson, Index to Charters, p. 100. The embassy of the King
of Scotland to France is said to have been sent at the instance of
Queen Margaret, but we have no record of how it was received —
Translator. 2 Reg. Episc. Aberdon., vol. i. pp. 84-86.

FIRST COLLEGIATE CHURCH FOUNDED, 1342. 29
1390. The letter from the conservator, the
Bishop of Moray, summoning the council, has
been preserved.1 It speaks ofthe grievous suffer
ings and wrongs under which the Church in the
north was labouring — in allusion, doubtless, to Burning
the ravages of the Wolf of Badenoch, brother of °
King Robert III., who, in the early part of that
king's reign, burned the city and cathedral of
Elgin.2 The chronicle of Moray depicts in vivid
language the state of the country at that period.
" There was no law in Scotland, but the great
man oppressed the poor man, and the whole king
dom was one den of thieves. Slaughters, rob
beries, fire-raisings, and other crimes passed un
punished, and outlawed justice was banished from
the realm." 3
During the second half of the fourteenth cen
tury, we first find recorded the foundation of a Collegiate
church. 6 s
collegiate church — a proof of the influence still
exercised by religion on men's hearts. These
collegiate churches were establishments of second
ary importance to the great cathedral and mon
astic institutions, and consisted generally of a
dean and a certain number of canons, whose prin
cipal duty was the solemn performance of divine
service. The earliest foundation of this nature
: Robertson, Statuta, pp. 3, 4, No. ii.
2 The " Wolf of Badenoch " afterwards did penance for this crime
on his bare knees and clothed in sackcloth. Bishop Trail of St An
drews gave him absolution, by command of the Pope. — Translator.
3 Reg. Episc. Morav., pp. 381 seq.

30 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
Dunbar, appears to have been at Dunbar, where a col
legiate church was established about 1342 by
Patrick, Earl of March, for a dean, an archpriest,
and eighteen canons.1 Some forty of these estab
lishments were founded in Scotland before the
Reformation.2 The notices which have come down to us of the
Scottish bishops, during this period of strife and
commotion, show that they suffered not less than
the nation at large from the distracted condition
Flight of of the country. Bishop Bene of St Andrews
Bishop .
Bene. abandoned his see after the battle of Dupplin,
in terror of the English, fled to Flanders, and
died at Bruges on September 22, 1332.3 The
choice of the canons fell upon William Bell, Dean
of Dunkeld, who accordingly went to Avignon
to procure his confirmation from the Holy See.
Edward III. had meanwhile petitioned for the
appointment of Robert of Ayleston, Archdeacon
of Berks ; and although the Pope refused to
comply with his request, he appeared afraid to
vacancy confirm the election of the canons. The see con-
in the see .
of st An- sequently remained vacant for nine years, and
arews. j *
was only filled in 1342 by the consecration of
Bishop de William de Landel, parson of Kinkell. John
Landel. .
Lindsay, Bishop of Glasgoiv, who had also taken
refuge in France, embarked in August 1335 to
1 Chalmers, Caledonia, vol. ii. p. 511.
2 See post, p. 184; and, for a complete list of the collegiate
churches of Scotland, Appendix II.
3 Fordun, Scotichron., Bk. vi. c. 45.

DEATH OF DAVID IL, 1370. 31
return to Scotland. The ship in which he sailed
was attacked by the English, and the bishop re- violent
ceived a mortal wound.1 He was succeeded by Bishop
__ Lindsay of
William Rae, who was followed in his turn by Glasgow.
Walter Wardlaw. Bishop Wardlaw, when Arch
deacon of Lothian, had obtained leave from Ed
ward III. to officiate in those parts of the Merse
which were subject to England. The see of Man see of Man.
was held successively by Bernard, Thomas (a
Scotchman), and William Russell, Abbot of
Rushin. Russell was consecrated at Avignon by
Pope Clement VI.2 The Isle of Man had been
conquered by Edward III. in 1334, during the
episcopate of Thomas, and its civil connection
with Scotland had thus come to an end. The itsreia-
consecration of the new bishop by the Pope was Drontheim.
possibly at the instance of the English monarch,
in order to break off the relations between the
diocese of Man and that of Drontheim in Nor
way. No change, however, appears to have been
as yet brought about ; and we find William con
tinuing to govern the western islands as well as
Man. In the year 1350 he held a diocesan
synod, which enacted several canons.3
The long and inglorious reign of David II. Death of
. ti 1 1 • • David II.
came to an end in 1370. Both his marriages
1 The Register of Glasgow, however (Pref., p. xxxvii), states that
the bishop and some of his companions died of grief at the fate of
the remainder. — Translator.
2 Chronicon Mannice, p. 46.
3 Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iii. pp. 10-12.

32 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
had been childless, and Robert Stuart, son of
the High Steward and of Marjory, daughter of
Accession Robert Bruce, succeeded to the throne as Robert
n. II. He was crowned at Scone by the Bishop of
St Andrews on March 25, 1371. The new king,
who was fifty -four years old at his accession, had,
whilst regent during his predecessor's captivity,
shown himself possessed of valour and ability.
As king, however, he gave little proof of vigour
or administrative talent, and he passed a great
part of his time in retirement on his manors in
Ayrshire. It must be borne in mind that both
England and Scotland had been now to great
extent exhausted by nearly seventy years' con
tinuous war, and stood sorely in need of some
repose. Fighting seldom ceased upon the Bor
der ; and in the more serious encounters which
took place the old heroism was not wanting,
and the Scotch, as in the chivalrous battle of
otterbum. Otterburn in 1388,1 were generally victorious.
King Robert II. died on April 9, 1390, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, John, Earl of Car-
rick, who was crowned at Scone on August 14
of the same year. The new monarch, on account
of the identity of his name with that of the un-
Accession fortunate Baliol, changed it at his coronation,
of Robert °
in. and was known as Robert III. Of a character
1 Froissart (vol. xi. pp. 400 seq.) has painted in most picturesque
colours the incidents of this gallant fight. Brilliant as it was, how
ever, it had no great or lasting results, and thus differed widely from
the glorious victories of the war of independence.— Translator.

ROBERT, DUKE OF ALBANY. 33
mild and upright, and deep religious principles,
Robert, with his virtuous queen, Annabella Drum
mond, recalled to his people the days of David I.
and Matilda. The valour and energy which were
hereditary in the house of Stewart, were not
wanting in him ; but having been lamed by an
accident in his youth, he was incapable of much
personal vigour or activity. In proportion as the
danger from a foreign foe diminished, the inde
pendence and turbulence of the great feudal
barons increased ; while the Saxon populations of
the Lowlands were continually exposed to the
ravages of the wild and lawless Highland clans.
Owing to the king's infirmity, much of his power
had passed into the hands of his brother Robert,
Duke of Albany. This ambitious and unprin- Albany.
cipled prince did nothing to repress the unruly
nobles, and did not scruple to imprison and cause
to be foully murdered David, Duke of Rothesay, Murder of
j l -n i ll Rotneaay-
the kings eldest son.1 Robert became alarmed
for the safety of his only surviving son, James,
and determined to send him over sea to France,
to be educated at the Court of that kingdom.
The ship in which he sailed, however, was at
tacked by English cruisers, and the prince, in
spite of the truce existing between the two coun
tries, was carried prisoner to London. Albany, capture
who had the reins of power completely in his James.
1 He was starved to death in the year 1401, with circumstances
of the utmost barbarity. — Translator.
VOL. II. C

34 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
hands, seems not to have made the slightest pro
test against this gross violation of international
right, which harmonised, indeed, only too well
with his ambitious plans. King Robert III. did
not long survive the captivity of his son. Worn
out not so much with age as with grief at the
Death of disasters that had fallen upon his family, he died
Robert III. ± . J .
on April 4, 1406, after a reign of scarcely six-
Hischar- teen years. Estimable in the highest degree as

acter.

a man and a Christian, he was sadly wanting in
the qualities requisite for a successful sovereign
in these turbulent times. " Had he been born in
the rank of a subject," Tytler justly remarks,1
" he would have been amongst the best and
wisest men in his dominions ; but as a king, his
timidity and irresolution rendered all his virtues
of none avail, and permitted the government to
fall into the hands of a usurper."
Loosening The field of ecclesiastical history during: the reign
of the tie . . J . °
between of Robert 111. is singularly barren of important
and state, events. The period was one in which the State
appeared to have shaken off to some extent the
salutary influence of the Church, and the close
connection which had existed between them dur
ing the middle ages was considerably loosened.
The exile of the Popes at Avignon had just come
to an end, and the painful spectacle of a disputed
papal election was again, after many centuries,.
presented to Christendom. The result of this
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 34.

ECCLESIASTICAL QUESTIONS IN PARLIAMENT. 35
state of things was manifested in a visible weak
ening of respect for spiritual power ; and in Scot
land, as elsewhere, we find traces of the antagon
ism between Church and State, which was after
wards to assume such fatal proportions.
The continual feuds among the nobility were
not favourable to the holding of Provincial Coun
cils. We find, in fact, that an appeal to the Decision of
Conservator of the Council, made by William of cai ques-
Busbi against the appointment of John Mason by Pariia-
the Bishop of Moray to the Benedictine Priory of
Urquhart, was decided by the king in Parliament,
with the advice of the assembled clergy.1 An
other Parliament, which met at Scone in 1401,
enacted that any one who thought himself un
justly excommunicated was empowered, within
the space of forty days, to appeal from the bishop
to the Conservator, and from him to the Provincial
Council, which was to have full jurisdiction in
such cases as long as the papal schism should
continue. " To this ordinance," it is added, " the
clergy consented, during the schism, like the rest
of the king's lieges." 2 This assembly was not, as
has been supposed, a combination of a parliament
and an ecclesiastical council, but a true parlia
ment, in which the bishops had a seat and a voice
as barons of the realm. We have glimpses, dur
ing this period, of other questions affecting the
1 Robertson, Statuta, p. li, note 6.
2 Acts ofthe Parliaments of Scotland, vol. i. p. 214.

drews.

36 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
relations of Church and State. In spite of the
prohibitions both of David II. and his successor,
we find frequent instances of the appropriation of
the property of deceased bishops by officials of
the State. Gregory XL issued a bull agamst such
usurpation on March 19, 1375.1
Synodal To the close of the fourteenth century belong
statutes
of st An- a collection of synodal statutes of St Andrews,
which are still extant, although we have no means
of knowing their exact date, or under what bishop
they were enacted. From one of these statutes
we gather that the system of parochial registers
of deaths was introduced at this period into the
Scottish Church. The following is a summary of
the statutes in question : 1. Every rector and
vicar to have a copy of the statutes, and to be
able to read and understand them, lest any in
convenience be caused, through their ignorance,
to the archdeacons and other officials. This copy
to be brought to the annual synod, on pain of a
fine of forty solidi. 2. Rectors and vicars to reside
on their benefices, under penalty of a fine of ten
merks for rectors and a hundred solidi for other
beneficiaries. 3. The parsonage-houses being too
small for the proper reception of the prelates com
ing to make their visitation of the parishes, every
incumbent to make arrangements for building
(super mdificando disponat) what is necessary,
in proportion to his means, before the following
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 353.

SYNODAL STATUTES OF ST ANDREWS. 37
synod ; and this under penalty of a fine of a Synodal
1 i i 7 • 7 • /-ii statutes
hundred solidi. 4. Clerical concubinage abso-ofStAn-
° drews.
lutely forbidden. Three months is given as the
extreme limit for carrying out this command ;
and the penalty for disobedience is (besides sus
pension from saying mass) a fine of forty solidi
after the first warning, ten merks after the second,
and privation of benefice after the third. 5. Clerics
from other dioceses not to be allowed to say mass
without ordination-papers and dimissorial letters,
which are to be approved by the officials of the
diocese into which they come. 6. Members of re
ligious orders coming into the diocese not to have
the cure of souls, or to administer the sacraments,
without the licence of the Ordinary, which licence
is to be preserved by the religious. 7. Certain
priests being in the habit, more for the sake of
gain than out of devotion, of accepting stipends
and saying several masses on one day, without
necessity, such a practice is forbidden, on pain of
a fine of a hundred solidi, to be applied to pious
uses. 8. A similar fine to be imposed on those
who induce lay men or women to give stipends
for such masses. 9. A certain number of priests
appointed to hear confessions in each deanery.
10. Every church to be provided with a fitting
number of priests and clerics, that the divine
service may not suffer. 11. No priest to celebrate
mass wearing a tunic that does not fall below the
knees. Violation of this rule to be punished by a

38 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
Synodal fine of ten merks, half to go to the informer, and
statutes . -.
of st An- half to pious uses. 12. Every rector, vicar, and
drews. •¦¦_ ^ ,
parish priest to possess a seal, circumscribed with
his name, for the authentication of citations and
other documents sent to him for execution by the
bishop and archdeacon. 13. Priests not to carry
about them the long knives called hangers, except
when equipped for a journey. 14. No ecclesiastic,
either directly or indirectly, to lease his benefice
to laity. Any one violating this regulation to be
deprived of his benefice for a year, the income
thereof being applied to the fabric of the church
of St Andrews. 15. No beneficed clergyman,
without special licence of the Ordinary, to accept
any secular administration, the affairs of the king,
queen, and royal family always excepted. 16.
Marriages not to be solemnised without banns.
Priests breaking this rule to incur suspension
ipso facto for three years, without hope of future
promotion, except by special dispensation. 17.
Betrothals to take place in presence of the parish
priest and trustworthy witnesses. The banns to
be proclaimed on the following Sundays ; and the
nuptial benediction to be given not in private
chapels or in secret, but solemnly and publicly in
the parish church. 18. Ecclesiastics desiring to
defend their characters, if attacked, not to have
recourse to secular tribunals. 1 9 . Excommunicated
persons not to be admitted to Christian burial. 20.
All rectors, vicars, parish priests, and chaplains

SUCCESSION IN SEE OF ST ANDREWS. 39
to assemble in consistory once a-year, in order to Synodal
J J statutes
receive instruction as to the celebration of mass, °f st An-
drews.
the administration of the sacraments, and the
cure of souls. 2 1 . Each priest to bring with him
to the consistory a list of those among his parish
ioners who stand in need of correction and amend
ment. 22. A list also to be brought of those who
have deceased in each parish, with a statement of
their condition of life, age, and testamentary dis
positions,1 in order that provision may be made,
if need be, for their last wishes being properly
executed. 23. Whereas obedience is better than
sacrifice, ecclesiastics refusing, without reasonable
and manifest cause, to obey the lawful commands
of their bishops, are to be suspended from their
office. 24. Sentence of excommunication for
various offences of greater or less heinousness.
Among these are arson, poisoning, perjury, sac
rilege, witchcraft, robbery, violence offered to
parents or to ecclesiastical persons, assisting the
Saracens against Christians, and, finally, falling
away from the unity of the Church.2
On the death of William, Bishop of St An- See. of st
x m Andrews.
drews, in September 1385, the choice of the
canons fell on their prior, Stephen de Pay. The
bishop -elect, however, while on his way to the
papal Court, was taken prisoner by an English
1 It was not until the lapse of nearly two centuries that similar
registers were ordered (by the Provincial Council of 1552) to be kept
of the baptisms and marriages in each parish. See post, p. 213.
2 Robertson, Statuta, pp. 64-72.

40 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
vessel, and died at Alnwick on March 2, 1386.
Bishop His successor was Walter Trail, who, according
to Fordun, was referendarius to Clement VII.,
whose side he espoused during the papal schism.
Bishop Trail exercised great influence in Scotland
during the reign of Robert IIL, and did much to
neutralise the power of the ambitious Albany.
On account of his favouring the anti-Pope, Boni
face IX. bestowed the see of St Andrews upon
Archbishop Fitz - Alan of Canterbury — an ap
pointment which the Scotch refused to ac
knowledge. On the death of Bishop Trail in
1401, Thomas Stewart, Archdeacon of St An
drews, a natural son of Robert II. , was elected,
Bishop but refused the dignity. Henry Wardlaw, pre-
Wardlaw. £> J J > t
centor of Glasgow, was ultimately appointed to
the see by Pope Benedict XIII. The king in
trusted his son James, Earl of Carrick, to his
care ; and the young prince received an edu
cation befitting his rank in the castle of St
Andrews.1
see of One of the most prominent prelates in Scot-
Glasgow. x J-
Bishop land at this period was Walter Wardlaw, Bishop
vv flTTl 1 R. "W of Glasgow, who had been raised to the dignity
of cardinal by the anti-Pope, Clement VII., in
1385. On his death, in 1387, a Franciscan named
John Framysden was appointed to the see by
1 The strength of the castle was doubtless a consideration with
King Robert in selecting the place of his son's education. He might
well tremble for his safety, remembering the tragic end of Rothe
say, the heir to the crown. — Translator.

BURNING OF ELGIN, 1390. 41
Pope Urban VI. The Scotch, however, refused
to recognise him, and Matthew of Glendoning, a Bishop
canon of the cathedral, was chosen as Wardlaw's
successor.1 We have already spoken of the calamity which
about this time overtook the town and cathedral Burning of
Elgin.
of Elgin. Alexander, Bishop of Moray, was un
fortunately on bad terms with Alexander, Earl of
Buchan, the wild and lawless brother of Robert
IIL, known as the Wolf of Badenoch. The Earl,
to gratify his malice, made a raid upon Elgin, and
burned down the town and cathedral, described
by the bishop, in a letter which he wrote to the
king for redress, as the " chief boast of the land
and glory of the kingdom." Buchan was excom
municated for this outrage, and had to do penance
and make compensation before he received absolu
tion.2 The successor of Bishop Alexander was
William of Spynie, who was consecrated at Avig
non in 1397 by Benedict XIII. The see of Aber- see of
deen about this time was filled by Gilbert de Bishop
Greenlaw, who held for many years the office of reen aw'
chancellor of the kingdom. We must not omit to
record the name of John Barbour, who was arch- Barbour.
deacon of Aberdeen during the episcopate of
Greenlaw and his predecessor, and may justly be
styled the father of Scottish literature.3 It would
1 Reg. Episc. Clasg., p. 293.
2 Regist. Episc. Mora-v., p. 360.
3 It would be incorrect, however, to speak of the poems of Bar
bour and other early Scottish poets as written in Scottish. They

42 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1287-1400.
See of appear that the bishops of Galloway were still
Galloway. rr . r .
ecclesiastically subject to York, and, m common
with the English Episcopate, adhered to the
Bishop rightful Pope. We find Bishop Oswald, in 1179,
obtaining a safe -conduct from Richard, King of
England, in connection with some business in-
see of trusted to him by Pope Urban VI. The see of
Man. J r
Man, on the other hand, supported the anti-
Bishop Pope, and Bishop Duncan, who succeeded Wil
liam in 1374, was consecrated at Avignon on the
25th of November in that year. We unfortun
ately lose the best authority for the succession to
the see by the abrupt termination of the Chron
icle of Man in 1376. It is generally supposed,
however, that on the death of Bishop Duncan in
Supposed 1380, the diocese was divided into two sees, and
division of '
of Mdancese tiiat ^ol3ert Waldby, an Englishman, became
Bishop of Man, while the Isles were assigned to
a Scotchman named John.1 Grub2 considers
that the diocese continued undivided, and that
Robert, who became its bishop on the death of
Duncan, was afterwards translated to Leinster,
being succeeded by John in the see of Man. " It
increases," he adds, " the improbability of a separ
ate see at this time, that the lords of the Isles,
themselves speak of the language as Ynglis, and it is generally ad
mitted to have been merely a northern type of Anglo-Saxon.—
Translator. 1 Walcott takes this view, and adds that the Scottish bishop of
the Isles had a seat in Parliament in 1430.
Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. p. 360.

2

SEE OF ORKNEY. 43
who ruled over what is called the Scottish part of
the diocese, were in close alliance with the Eng
lish sovereigns, by whom they were supported in
their attempts to throw off the supremacy of
the kings of Scotland." In 1383, William, Bishop See of
of Orkney, was murdered, but we have no record
of the circumstances. His successor appears to
have been named Henry.1
1 Torfa?us, pp. 177, 178.

44

CHAPTER II.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH IN THE FIFTEENTH CEN
TURY, UP TO THE ERECTION OF ST ANDREWS
INTO A METROPOLITAN SEE.
(1400-1472.)
Regency of At the time ofthe death of King Robert IIL, in
aD>' 1406, James, Earl of Carrick, the heir to the
throne, was still a prisoner in England. The
three estates of the realm assembled without
delay at Perth, acknowledged James as their
lawful king, and proceeded to nominate the Duke
of Albany as Regent. In order to weaken the
influence of England, and to hasten the release of
their young sovereign, it was resolved to send
ambassadors to France for the purpose of renew-
AUiance ing the ancient alliance with that country. Sir
with & J
France. Walter Stewart, and Lawder, Archdeacon of
Lothian, were selected to lead the embassy, which
proved completely successful. King Charles VI.
of France, his brother Louis of Anjou, and the
Duke of Berry, confirmed in three separate docu
ments the ancient treaties with Scotland, which

SCOTLAND AND THE ANTI-POPES. 45
found henceforth in France a steadfast and faith
ful ally against the encroachments of England ;
and many circumstances combined to draw closer
the bond of union between the two countries.
Not only were the reigning houses of Scotland
and France brought into near connection, but the
spiritual relation between the French and Scot
tish Churches became more intimate than it had
yet been. Fortunate as this alliance was in many
respects for the northern kingdom, whose people
were thus enabled to acquire a civilisation, culture,
and refinement to which they had hitherto been
strangers, it cannot be denied that from one point
of view it was of questionable advantage to our
country. Among the few European States which Scottish
• t-« • 1 n support of
espoused the cause of the anti-Popes against that of the anti-
the rightful Pontiffs, Scotland must unfortunately
be reckoned ;l and there can be little doubt that
her action in this matter is to be attributed to the
influence of France. The party feeling continued
unabated until the final settlement of the question
by the Council of Constance in 1417; and we find
that the censures pronounced by Pope Urban VI.
against the supporters of the anti-Pope, Clement
VII. , were promulgated in Scotland. Theiner 2
1 France, Spain, and Savoy were the only other countries which
supported the anti-Popes. The deplorable schism lasted for forty
years, from 1378 until 1417, when three rival candidates for the
Papacy were all dejiosed by the Council of Constance, and Martin
V. (Colonna) elected in their room. — Translator.
2 Monumenta, p. 365.

46 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
gives a letter from the Pope to his nuncio in
England and Scotland, directing that the moneys
received by those appointed to preach against the
anti-Pope (whom he styles "iniquitatisalumnum")
should be lodged with certain Luccese merchants
in London.
Meanwhile the government of Scotland remained
in the hands of the Regent Albany, who in his
manner of conducting it consulted rather the
promptings of his own ambition than the real
interests of the country. The principal aim of
his administration appeared to be to secure the
release of his son, Murdoch Stewart, from his
captivity in England, and at the same time, by
a succession of intrigues, to prevent the return
of his lawful sovereign, James I. Henry V. of
England obliged his royal captive to accompany
him in his expedition against France, and en
deavoured to induce him to send back to their
own country the seven thousand Scottish troops
who, under the Earls of Buchan and Wigtown,
were supporting the French arms. James, how
ever, refused to comply with this demand ; and
the death of Henry V. shortly afterwards opened
Retum of the way to his return to his own dominions.
Scotland. The Duke of Gloucester, who became regent of
England during the minority of Henry VI., con
cluded a truce with Scotland, and arranged for
the release of King James, on condition of the
payment of forty thousand pounds to cover the

mar
riage.

EDUCATION OF JAMES I. 47
expenses of his long residence in England. The
young king, before his departure, was united in
marriage to Joanna, daughter of the Earl of His
Somerset, and immediately afterwards set out for
his own kingdom. He passed the festival of
Easter at Edinburgh, and thence proceeded to
Scone, where he was solemnly crowned and
anointed, with his queen, on May 21, 1424. The
rite was performed by his ancient tutor and faith
ful adherent, Wardlaw, BishojD of St Andrews ;
while to Murdoch, Duke of Albany, the late
regent, fell the privilege of placing the king upon
the throne.
However unjust in itself and calamitous to Effect of
° his English
Scotland may have been the conduct of Henry IV. education.
in detaining James for twenty years in captivity,
it was to the Scottish monarch himself in many
respects highly beneficial. He thus received an
education in the English Court of which he would
never have had the advantage in his northern
home. Besides being thoroughly schooled in all
chivalrous exercises, he studied under distin
guished teachers the various arts and sciences.
His residence in England was contemporary with
the revival of letters, and particularly of poetry,
in that country ; and the fame of Chaucer and
Gower kindled in the breast of the young Scottish
prince a love for the poetic art, which was not
extinguished amid the cares and burdens of his
after-life. The knowledge which he acquired of

48 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
jurisprudence and the art of government, combined
as it was with an intellect naturally discerning
and acute, was an excellent preparation for his
high and difficult position. Nor can the changes
at that time taking place in the state of the
country have been, as Tytler has well pointed
out, without effect upon his mind — " the repeated
risings of the commons against the intolerable
tyranny of the feudal nobility, and the increased
wealth and consequence of the middle classes of
the State ; events which in the moral history of
those times are of deep interest and importance,
and of which the future monarch of Scotland was
a personal observer." 1
James I. had thus during his long exile received
a training which fitted him to take his place in fu
ture years among the best and ablest monarchs who
have ever worn the Scottish crown. He deserves
this position indeed, not less for his consistent
protection of the interests of religion than for the
New insti- great improvement in the condition of the country
+iiTinT\o "^
which took place during his reign. It was at the
first Parliament held by James that we find the
The"Lords institution ofthe " Lords ofthe Articles " — certain
of the Ar- .
tides." members chosen from the three estates of the
realm, who formed a kind of committee to decide
on the measures to be introduced, and who after-
conrtof WardS pla^ed so imPortant a part in the history
selion. of the country. The establishment of the Court
1 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 50.

tutions.

GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE REALM. 49
of Session, for the administration of justice to the
whole ofthe king's subjects, also dates from this
period. The new court, presided over by the
chancellor of the kingdom and certain other per
sons deputed by the sovereign, was to sit three
times in the year, at such places as the king
should appoint. The day fixed for the first
session was the 30th of September ; for the second,
Monday in the first week of Lent ; and for the
third, the vigil of St John the Baptist.1
We notice in the reign of James I. the term TheGener-
,, . . al Council.
" general council first applied to the assembly of
the three estates of the realm, as implying, pos
sibly, a higher degree of solemnity and author
ity than the word parliament. "It is difficult,
however," remarks Tytler,2 "to understand the
precise distinction, or to discover wherein this
superior sanctity consists ; for in looking to its
internal constitution, we find that the members
who composed the General Council were exactly
the same as those who sat in the Parliament ; the
bishops, abbots, priors, earls, barons, and free
tenants who held of the king in capite, and cer
tain burgesses from every burgh in the kingdom."
Evil-doers were punished with merciless severity, severity of
and the hand of the king fell not less heavily on
the nobles than on the common people. Albany,
1 Acts ofthe Parliaments of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 11.
2 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 76.
VOL. II. D

50 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
the former regent, with his two sons Walter and
Alexander, and his father-in-law the Earl of
Lennox, were tried and found guilty of treason,
and executed at Stirling. Alexander, the rebel
lious Lord of the Isles, was utterly defeated, and
his mother, the Countess of Ross, was confined in
the monastery of Inchcolm. James gave many
ms inter- proofs of his interest in the progress of trade and
est in com- . ,
merce. commerce. A deputation arrived in Scotland m
the year 1425 from Flanders, to solicit the return
to that country of the Scottish trade, which had
been diverted to Middelburg, in Zealand, on
account of hostilities committed by the Flemings
against the Scotch. The king granted their
request, taking the opportunity at the same time
to secure extended privileges for the Scottish
merchants trading in Flanders. In the course of
the same year an embassy was despatched to
Scotland by Charles VII., King of France, hard
pressed at this time by the success of the English
Marriage arms, in order to negotiate a marriage between
of Mar- T . °
garetof Louis of Anjou, heir to the French throne, and
Scotland .
to Louis of the infant Princess Margaret of Scotland. Bishop
Leighton of Aberdeen, Lawder, Archdeacon of
Lothian, and Sir Patrick Ogilvie, were selected
as ambassadors to convey to the French Court the
consent of King James to the proposed alliance.
The marriage was solemnised some years later
with great magnificence at Tours. Isabella, the
younger sister of Margaret, became the wife of

JAMES I. AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 51
Francis, Duke of Brittany, who afterwards mur
dered his brother.1
It will readily be believed that in his zeal for zeal of
_ James I.
the welfare of his kingdom King James took the for religion.
deepest interest in the progress of religion and
the prosperity of the Church of Scotland. To
two points especially he directed his attention.
These were the suppression of heretical opinions,
and the raising of the standard of priestly life
among the ecclesiastics of the country. In the
Parliament of 1425 it was directed that every
bishop should make inquisition in his diocese as
to the existence therein of Lollards or other
heretics ; and if any such were found, that they
should be punished according to the laws of the
Church, and, if necessary, with the assistance of
the secular arm.2 In a letter addressed on March
14, 1425, to the Superiors of the Benedictine and
Augustinian Orders, the king laments the decay
of religious discipline, and urges the religious
communities to observe their rules with greater
strictness, and to show themselves worthy of the
munificence exhibited to them by his ancestors.3
1 Michel, Les Ecossais en France, vol. i. p. 182.
2 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8.
3 Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 25, 26. "Proinde expergisci vos con venit,
•et ad cor reducere, qualiter in regno nostro monasticse religionis
perfectio quam maxime remissa, praelatura ad exterminium tendit,
ubilibet diffamata in opprobrium reducta. . . . Vestras religiosas
paternitates in visceribus Jesu Christi exhortando, requirimus et
naonemus, quatenus excusationibus in peccatis et dilationibus
quibuscumque semotis, ad reformationem hujusmodi vestrse sacrse

52 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
He exhorts them further, for the attainment of
this end, to be punctual in assembling at proper
times in their general chapters. On June 8
of the same year the king wrote to the Bishop
of St Andrews, directing him to take measures
for recovering to that see the possessions of
which the cupidity and nepotism of his prede-
scottish cessors had deprived it.1 The General Council of
representa- . _
tives at the Rasle assembled m 1431, and King James sent
Council of ....
Basle. thither the following dignitaries as representa
tives of the Scottish Church : John Cameron,
Bishop of Glasgow ; John Crannoch, Bishop of
Brechin ; the Abbots of Melrose and Dundrennan ;
Donald Macnachtane and Nicholas of Atholl
(dean and precentor of Dunkeld) ; and two others,
probably friars, whose Christian names, John and
David, alone have come down to us.2
In the midst of his plans of reform, and in the
Murder of prime of life, James was struck down by the hand
James I. of an assassin. His severe and rigorous rule, and
especially the merciless treatment dealt out to
Albany and his sons, had sown deep the seeds of
religionis, nimium ut prsemisimus collapsse, loco et tempore congruis
convenire studeatis.''
1 The tenor of these letters is hardly consistent with the saying,
commonly attributed to James I., that his ancestor King David I.
had been a " sore saint for the crown." The story is first told by
John Mair a century after the king's death, and is mentioned only
as a report. "Dixisse fertur, Maneas ille, Rex pientissime, sed
reipublicse Scotia? et Regibus inutilis." The anecdote was not one
likely to lose in Protestant hands. See ante, vol. i. p. 311.
2 Robertson, Statuta, p. 248.

MURDER OF JAMES I. 1436. 53
discontent among some of the nobility; and a
conspiracy was formed against his life, headed by
Sir Robert Graham and the Earl of Athole.
James spent the Christmas of 1436 in the Do
minican convent at Perth, where he remained
for some weeks surrounded by a numerous and
brilliant Court. At last, on the night of the 20th
February, Graham found an opportunity of exe
cuting his bloody purpose. " Cruel tyrant ! " he
exclaimed, as he dealt the fatal blow, "never
hadst thou compassion on thy kindred, therefore
expect none now." James in vain besought for
a confessor to prepare him for death. "None
shalt thou have," replied the ruffian, " save this
sword ! " and so saying he plunged his sword
repeatedly into the body of the devoted monarch,
who was pierced with no less than sixteen
wounds. James was buried in the beautiful
church of the Carthusians at Perth, which he
himself had founded.
Soon after the death of Robert III. preachers First ap-
i i t , n • • • p pearance of
nad. made their appearance m various parts of wyciifism
Scotland, disseminating the erroneous doctrines land.
of Wyclif, which had been already condemned at
synods held in London in 1396 and 1401, and
again at Oxford in 1408. John Resby, an Eng- Reshy.
lish priest, was the most prominent figure in the
movement, which, working for some time in secret
and comparatively unnoticed, at length aroused
the vigilance of the ecclesiastical authorities.

54 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
msar- Resby was seized and brought before a council
raignment. „ T
of the clergy, under the presidency of Laurence
of Lindores, a doctor of theology of great distinc
tion. He was charged with having taught and
upheld no less than forty erroneous propositions,
of which Bower l specifies two — that the Pope de
facto was not the Vicar of Christ, and that no
one could be Pope, or Christ's Vicar, unless he
were a man of personal sanctity. The new sect
denied, in addition, the sacrament of penance and
the necessity of confession. The overwhelming
arguments adduced by Lindores2 failed to wean
the unhappy apostate from his errors ; and he
was finally, as an obdurate heretic, handed over
to the secular tribunals, which, in accordance
with the severity of the existing law, sentenced
Hisexecu- him to the flames. The sentence was carried
tion.
out at Perth in 1407, the condemned books and
writings being consumed in the same fire. The
extermination, in its first beginnings, of this dan
gerous heresy was no doubt a matter of policy as
well as religion with the Regent Albany. He
was, it is true, according to Wyntoun,3 a zealous
1 Scotichronicon, 1. xv. c. 20. " Qui quidem . . . periculosissimas
tamen conclusiones intersperserat in sua dogmatizatione. Quarum
prima fuit quod Papa de facto non est Christi Vicarius. Secunda,
nullus est Papa, nee Christi Vicarius, nisi sit sanctus."
2 Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 37) allows that Lindores tri
umphantly refuted his opponent, but he has no words of condemna
tion for Resby's obstinacy in refusing to be convinced. — Translator.
3 Cronyhil, bk. ix. 1. 2773 —
" He wes a constant Catholyke ;
All Lollard he hatyt and heretike."

Spread of
heretical

PAUL CRAWAR THE HUSSITE. 55
Catholic. But he was not a man likely to lose
sight of what was due to his own position, and
to State authority ; and the tenets of Resby as
to the necessity of personal spotlessness in the
holders of high office were likely to prove dan
gerous if carried to their logical extent. As e
matter of fact, his writings and pamphlets were teaching.
secretly preserved by his adherents long after his
death, and doubtless sowed the seeds of the re
ligious and social revolution which was to burst
over Scotland little more than a century latp.
We see from various sources that the spread of
Lollard opinions in Scotland did not cease with
the death of their first propagator. We find in
the year 1416 all Masters of Arts in the newly
founded University of St Andrews directed to
take an oath to defend the Church against Lol
lards and their supporters ; and nine years after
wards, a special Act against the Lollards was
passed by the Scottish Parliament.1
Not many years after the first appearance
of the doctrines of Wyclif in Scotland, we find
recorded the arrival of an emissary from the
Hussite community of Bohemia, charged with
the task of propagating their doctrines among
the Scottish people. Paul Crawar, who was de- Paul
1 x _ Crawar.
spatched by the citizens of Prague on this mis
sion, was a physician by profession ; and under
the pretence of exercising his art he seized every
1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 7.

56 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
opportunity of disseminating the heretical tenets
of Huss. He was, like Resby, brought by Lau
rence of Lindores before the ecclesiastical court,
where he defended himself with great ability.
His skill in replying to the questions put to him
and his wide acquaintance with the text of Scrip
ture were admitted to be remarkable.1 It soon
transpired, however, that his system was merely
an amplification of the Wyclifite errors, and that
his profession of medicine was nothing but a cloak
to conceal his real occupation as a teacher of
Hisprinci- heresy. Bower has recorded the principal heads
pal tenets. J x _ x
of the doctrine of Crawar and his adherents.
These were the indiscriminate reading of the
Bible, the subjection of ecclesiastical authority
to the civil power, and the right of lay tribunals
to try and punish clerical offenders. They taught,
moreover, that purgatory was a fable, pilgrimages
an imposition, and the power of the keys, abso
lution from sins, and transubstantiation alike
human inventions. Further, they are said to
have denied the resurrection of the dead, to have
preached community of goods, and to have led
immoral and licentious lives.2 They were also
1 Scotichron., 1. xvi. c. 20. " Hie in sacris litteris et in allegatione
Biblise promptus et exercitatus inveniebatur ; sed ad insipientiam
sibi, omnes quasi illos articulos erroneos Pragenses et Wiklivienses
pertinaciter tenebat."
2 Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 82) insinuates that the last
three articles in Bower's catalogue, which are naturally less credit
able to Crawar as a pioneer of Protestantism than those preced
ing, are an invention of the historian. This is hardly candid,

ST ANDREWS UNIVERSITY FOUNDED, 1410. 57
accused of despising and rejecting the prescribed Religious
rites and ceremonial of divine worship, and of the sect.
inventing a form of service of their own. Their
Communion office commenced with the Lord's
Prayer, followed by the reading of a passage
from the New Testament descriptive of the Last
Supper. All forms of consecration were abolished,
and ordinary bread was used. Crawar proving
obstinate in his errors, was pronounced an obdu
rate heretic, and being condemned to death, was Condemna-
tion and
burned at St Andrews, on July 23, 1433. Among death of
his judges was the king's confessor, John of Fogo,
Abbot of Melrose, who afterwards played an im
portant part in withdrawing Scotland from allegi
ance to the anti-Pope. Boece 1 tells us that his
zeal for the purity of the faith gained him high
commendation from the king, who bestowed on
him many gifts.
It is a relief to turn from this gloomy picture Foundation
& J \ of the first
to chronicle an event full of bright promise for Scottish
° x university.
the future, and which marks the beginning of the
fifteenth century as an epoch in the intellectual
history of Scotland. This event was the founda
tion of her first university. Aspiring Scottish
youths had for some time past been accustomed
to resort to foreign universities, in search of that
higher education which was no longer afforded
as they rest upon precisely the same authority as the others. —
Translator. 1 Scotorum Historia, 1. xvii. (ed. 1575).

58 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
them in the cathedral and monastic schools of
their own country.1 In order to obviate this ne
cessity, Henry Wardlaw, Bishop of St Andrews,2
determined to found a university in his own
cathedral city ; which he accordingly did, in con
junction with his prior and chapter, soon after
Pentecost in the year 1410. Among the names
Earliest of the first professors we find that of Laurence
'" uu"'"1'" 0f Lindores. Four masters were appointed to
instruct in canon law : these were Richard Cornel,
Archdeacon of Lothian ; John Litstar, Canon of
St Andrews ; John Shevey, Official of St Andrews ;
and William Stevens, afterwards Bishop of Dun
blane. The professors of philosophy were John
Gill, William Fowlis, and William Crosier. For
several years lectures continued to be given in
the new institution, before its solemn confirma-
confirma- tion by the Holy See. In 1414, however, appli-
xnuanti- ca^lori was made to Peter de Luna, then living at
Pope). fae cagt}e 0f Penniskola in Arragon, and acknow
ledged by the Scottish Church as Benedict XIII.,
1 A large number of Scotsmen (including Bishop Wardlaw him
self) completed their philosophical studies at the University of
Oxford, where,;however, they appear to have been far from popular,
partly on account of the side they espoused in the papal schism.
In 1382, King Richard II. wrote to the authorities of the Univer
sity, forbidding them to moles^ the Scotch students, notwithstand
ing their " damnable adherence " to the anti-Pope. — Translator.
2 Wyntoun thus speaks of this prelate {Cronyhil, b. ix. cap. 23) —
" Mastere Henry off Wardlaw
That like till vertue wes to draw . . .
A theologe solempne wes he,
Kend and knawyn of gret bownte\ "

CHURCH QUESTIONS IN PARLIAMENT. 59
for his formal recognition of the university. On
the day following the Feast of the Purification in
that year, Henry Ogilvy arrived at St Andrews
with the necessary bulls. These were read on
the next day, being Sunday, before the assembled
clergy, and were deposited in the archives of the
university. A solemn service of thanksgiving
followed, and the evening was devoted to fes
tivity, bonfires in the streets, songs and dances,
testifying to the joy and enthusiasm of the
people. On the Tuesday a magnificent proces
sion took place, in which four hundred of the
clergy joined, besides those in minor orders and
the novices. High Mass was solemnly sung by
the Prior of St Andrews, and a sermon was
preached by the Bishop of Ross. No distinct
colleges had as yet been erected, and the pro
fessors and students found accommodation in
various buildings within the city of St Andrews,
the principal assemblies of the university being
probably held in the monastery of the canons-
regular.1 During the period of which we have been treat- Discussion
of poolpsi-
ing, the meeting of several provincial councils is asticai
ii- • i iiii questions
recorded in various years ; but although these in Pariia-
continued to assemble, ecclesiastical questions
appear at this time to have been discussed and
determined in Parliament ; and the clergy exer
cised their legislative powers less in their cor-
1 Scotichronicon, lib. xv. cap. 22.

60 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
porate capacity than as one of the three estates
which together made up the General Council of
the realm. We have an example of this in the
Parliament which was summoned at Perth by
Recogni- the Regent Albany in 1418. The whole of
Scotland Christendom had by this time acknowledged the
of the J °
rightful title of Pope Martin V. (Otto Colonna), who
had been elected to the Holy See at the Council
of Constance ; and Scotland was the solitary ad
herent of the anti-Pope Benedict XIII. The
Abbot of Pontigny was charged by the fathers
of the Council with the task of prevailing upon
the Scottish nation to submit to their rightful
spiritual head ; and the Emperor Sigismund
wrote to the Regent urging him to use his in
fluence and authority for the attainment of this
end. Benedict meanwhile used every means to
induce Albany to remain faithful in the support
of his claims, and was so far successful that
Albany permitted an English Franciscan named
Harding to plead the cause of the anti-Pope
before the assembled" clergy. Harding was
opposed by the unanimous voice of the newly
founded University of St Andrews ; 2 but relying
1 " Contra eum tota Universitas insurgebat," says the chronicler.
It is singular to reflect that this was the same body which a few
years before had sought the confirmation of the anti-Pope for their
newly erected institute, and had received his bull of approbation
with every token of joy and enthusiasm. It must be remembered,
however, that the question of the rightful Pontiff, which was then
an open one, had now been decided by a General Council of the
Church ; and the action of the University was therefore a sign not

SCOTLAND AND THE ANTI-POPE. 61
on the support of the Regent, he maintained his
views with the utmost obstinacy, not scrupling,
in his public declamations before the General
Council, to distort the words of Holy Writ, and
to deduce from them conclusions at once erroneous
and scandalous. These, however, being sent to
Rome for examination, were formally condemned,
chiefly through the exertions of Abbot Fogo of
Melrose, who is described by Fordun as " magister
in sacra pagina dignissimus." Scotland there
upon renounced the cause of the anti-Pope, and
declared her allegiance to Pope Martin V.
The Parliament which met in 1425 enacted, as other ec-
els si tis ti c 3.1
we have already seen, that every bishop should enactments
J J r inParlia-
provide for the searching out and due punish- ment-
ment of heretics and Lollards, and also ordered
processions and special prayers for the welfare of
the royal family.1 Similarly, in 1427, a measure
was adopted by Parliament for expediting civil
processes before ecclesiastical courts, and was
of inconsistency or ingratitude, but of their loyalty to constituted
authority. The act of adherence of the Faculty of Arts of St
Andrews to Martin V. is cited by Robertson {Statuta, p. lxxix) from
the Acta Rectorum, folio MS., in the library of the University. —
Translator. 1 Acts of Pari, of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8. " Item, anentis here-
tikis and Lollardis, that ilk bischop sail ger inquyr be the inquisi-
tione of heresy, quhar ony sik beis fundyne, ande at thai be punyst
as lawe of Halykirke requires. . . . Item, it is ordanyt that ilk
bischop gif bidding be his lettres patent till his clergy to mak
processionyss and speciale prayeris for the welefare and the heleful
estate of oure lorde the king and our lady the quen and thar barne-
tyme.''

62 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
ordered to be enacted by the Provincial Council.
And in 1428 Parliament directed that inquiry
should be made in each parish as to the preva
lence of leprosy, and that those affected with the
disease should, if laymen, be " denuncit " to the
king ; if clerics, to their bishop.1 It would seem
that, as far as purely ecclesiastical questions were
concerned, the express concurrence of the clergy
was considered indispensable in order to give the
enactments of the General Council the force of
law. This is evident from more than one of the
examples we have given, and it is not unreason
able to suppose, with Robertson, that it was the
same with the rest. In the Parliament of 1426,
indeed, an enactment seems to have been passed
by the estate of the clergy only. This provided
that every bishop should, in his next synod, order
a special collect to be said by all the clergy for
the prosperity of the king and queen, on pain of a
certain pecuniary fine. A statute to this effect
was to be made at the next ensuing Provincial
Council.2
Provincial The first Provincial Council of which a formal
Council at
Perth. record has been preserved, met in July 1420,
in the Dominican Church at Perth, and was at
tended by six bishops, four abbots, the Prior of
St Andrews, with a large number of deans, arch
deacons, and other clergy, and the procurators of
1 Acts of Pari, of Scoti., vol. ii. p. 16.
2 Robertson, Statuta, p. 272.

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL OF PERTH, 1420. 63
four bishops and eight abbots. After Mass, the
invocation of the Holy Ghost, and a sermon to
the clergy, the Bishop of Dunblane was elected
Conservator, and the statutes and privileges were
read. The main business of the Council was to
declare the rights of the bishops to confirm wills, Declaration
. L of rights of
and to name executors in the case of persons hishops as
1 to testa-
dying intestate.1 The elder members of the ments-
clergy present declared upon oath that this right
had belonged to the Ordinaries from time imme
morial ; and further, that they were entitled to
sequestrate the property of the deceased until
such time as their testaments received episcopal
confirmation, and to require executors to take an
oath to administer the property conscientiously,
and to render an account thereof to the bishop.
All this, they said, was notorious, and known to
every one. It was, moreover, the custom to
divide the property of the deceased into three
portions, a third being given to the wife (suppos
ing he were married), a third to the children, if
any, and the remaining third for funeral expenses
and prayers for the soul of the defunct. Twelve
pence in the pound was to go to the Ordinary as a
recompense for his trouble, and for the costs of
the confirmation. These customs were declared
1 Robertson, Statuta, p. Ixxxi. Mr Robertson is hardly correct
in stating that the bishops claimed the right of themselves adminis
tering the goods of persons dying intestate. The words of the origi
nal are, " consueverunt decedentibus ab intestato dare executores." —
Translator.

64 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
by the Council to be just and laudable, and
were ordered to be observed. The seals of
the six bishops present were appended to the
decree.1
Encroach- Another Provincial Council appears to have
ment by
Parliament met in 1427, at the same time as Parhament
on the
Pf™eeges was sitting at Perth. This Parliament, as we
church. have already seen, passed a law for the expediting
and abridgment of civil causes tried in the ecclesi
astical courts, and ordered that it should be forth
with enacted by the Provincial Council.2 Such a
proceeding was not unnaturally considered as an
encroachment on the rights and privileges of the
Church, and a derogation to the authority of the
Holy See. The chief promoter of the passing of
the obnoxious statute was John Cameron, Bishop
of Glasgow, a distinguished prelate and canonist,
who had filled in rapid succession the posts of
secretary to the king, keeper ofthe great seal, and
chancellor of the kingdom, and had been sent by
James I. on several occasions as his ambassador to
Action England. Pope Martin V. now summoned him
taken hy ° r „....,
the Holy to Rome to answer for having instigated the
See in con- ° °
sequence, passing of measures prejudicial to the liberties of
the Church and to the authority of the Apostolic
See. King James treated the charges brought
against his chancellor as an imputation on him
self, and forthwith sent to Rome an archdeacon
1 Robertson, Statuta, pp. 77, 78.
2 Acts of Pari, of Scoti., vol. ii. p. 14.

DISPUTES WITH ROME. 65
and a bishop L to remonstrate with the Pope, ex
cusing the non-appearance of Bishop Cameron
on the ground of his important duties in Scot
land. The plea was not accepted by the Holy
See ; and William Croyser, Archdeacon of Teviot-
dale, and one of the Pope's immediate household,
was despatched to Scotland as special nuncio,
with orders to cite the chancellor before the
Roman Court. Croyser served the citation, and
immediately hurried back to Rome. He was,
however, tried in his absence for rebellion and
treason by a court of nobles, gentry, and bur
gesses, and deprived of all his benefices. Eugenius
IV., who had meanwhile succeeded to the Papal
See, and to whom the archdeacon appealed, an
nulled by a bull, dated May 8, 1435, all the
proceedings taken against him by the king and
Parliament, and pronounced severe censures on
those who had taken part in them.2 The bull
was renewed in the following year, and its due
execution was intrusted to Cardinals Nicholas of
S. Croce, John of S. Peter ad Vincula and
Dominic of S. Mary in Via Lata, and to the
abbots of Kelso, Melrose, and Balmerino. Eugenius
addressed, besides, a letter to the king, stigmatis
ing certain of the Scottish bishops as "tyrants
1 These were Archdeacon Lawder of Dunkeld and the Bishop of
Brechin. The text of the Royal Commission appointing them
1 is given by Robertson {Statuta, p. lxxxii), from an MS. in the
Advocates' Library.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 373-375.
VOL. II. E

66 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
rather than Christians, Pilates rather than prel
ates, and tortuous vipers," and urgently exhorting
him to restore to the Archdeacon of Teviotdale
the offices and benefices of which he had been
deprived.1 King James, it seems, was unwilling to proceed
to a formal rupture with the Holy See ; and at
the moment when the tension was at its greatest
he was wise enough to yield. The Bishop of
Glasgow and the Abbot of Arbroath were de-
Despatch spatched to Rome to request the Pope to send a
of a papal . . "
legate to legate to Scotland. lhe petition was granted
Scotland. & .
after some delay; and in the summer of 1436
Antony of San Vito, Bishop of Urbino, set out
for Scotland. The expenses of his journey,
amounting to a thousand ducats, were advanced
by the Scottish ambassadors, who received a
papal brief empowering them to recover the sum
from the Scottish clergy.2 Furnished with a safe-
conduct from Henry VI., dated November 22,
1436, the legate passed through England and
arrived at Perth, where he was to meet the king
and the clergy in Parliament. The day of the
meeting, however, was postponed; and before it
could take place the murder of King James 3
threw everything into confusion. We hear no
more of the mission of the legate ; but towards
1 Raynald, Annal. Ecclesiast., ann. 1436.
2 Ibid. Theiner, Monumenta, p. 375.
3 Chron. Jacobi I, pp. 15, 27, 29.

MISSION OF .ENEAS PICCOLOMINI. 67
the close of the year 1439 is recorded the arrival
in Scotland of Croyser as nuncio, with powers to
absolve the Bishop of Glasgow — now no longer
chancellor — from the censures which he had in
curred.1 The Court of James I. was visited by a papal
envoy even more distinguished than the Bishop
of Urbino. The learned and accomplished iEneas ^Eneas
ci-i • t->- i • Piccolo-
Silvms Piccolomini (afterwards raised to the papal ™ni in
throne as Pius II.) was sent to Scotland in 1435
by the Cardinal of Santa Croce, in order " to
restore a certain prelate to the favour of the
king." We need not dwell here upon the in
cidents of his journey, the terrible storms he
encountered at sea, and his subsequent adven
tures among the wild Border folk, all of which
the envoy has himself described in graphic and
vivid terms. It is sufficient to mention that the
object of his embassy was successfully achieved,
and that the king on his departure not only
paid his expenses, but made him some handsome
presents.2 The alleged purpose of iEneas's jour
ney to Scotland was in all probability a mere
cover for political negotiations which were the
1 Chron. Jacobi I., pp. 15, 27, 29. "Eodem anno Legatus Domini
Eugenii Papse in Scotiam intravit, paulo ante festum Natalis
Domini, Episcopus videlicet Urbinatemis." See also Theiner,
Monumenta, p. 375.
2 Pii Secundi Comment. Rerum Memorabil., pp. 4, 5. Pinturicchio
has depicted the reception of iEneas by James I. in the series of
frescoes in the library of Siena Cathedral, illustrative of the life of
Pius II.

68 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
Probahie real object of his mission. It is not unlikely that
object of .
his mission, his visit to Scotland was undertaken in the in
terest of the French king, who was desirous of a
renewed alliance with Scotland, in order to check
mate the King of England, whom the defection
of Burgundy had greatly irritated against France.
With the purpose, doubtless, of escaping observa
tion, only a single secretary accompanied the
envoy.1
Distin- Among the more distinguished of the bishops
guished ° ° r
prelates in during the reign of James I. may be mentioned
the reign of ° ° ¦'
James i. (besides Bishop Cameron of Glasgow) Robert
Cardney, Bishop of Dunkeld ; John Crennoch,
Bishop of Brechin, who accompanied the Princess
Margaret to France for her betrothal to Louis of
Anjou ; and William Stephen, Bishop of Dun
blane, who was one of the first professors of the
University of St Andrews, and was chosen Con
servator of the Provincial Council held at Perth
in 1420. Two successive Bishops of Moray re
ceived their consecration from the anti Pope
Benedict XIII., — John de Innes at Avignon on
January 23, 1407 ; and Henry de Lichton at
Valencia on March 8, 1415. Bishop Finlay of
Argyle had been Provincial of the Dominicans in
Scotland, and had, in the year 1418, together
with Griffin, Bishop of Rochester, been charged
by the Holy See with' the task of withdrawing
1 Voigt, Enea Silvio de Piccolomini und sein Zeitalter (Berlin,
1856), p. 91.

DIOCESE OF THE ISLES DIVIDED. 69
Scotland from the anti-Pope.1 He accompanied
James Stewart, son of Murdoch, Duke of Albany,
in his flight to Ireland in 1425. Pope Martin V,
at the king's request, commissioned the Bishops
of St Andrews and Dunblane to institute an in
quiry into the unauthorised absence of Bishop
Finlay from his diocese.2 The result has not
come down to us. It was probably about this
time that the diocese of the Isles was divided. Division of
The Isle of Man had been subject to England ofthe'isiet.
since the middle of the fourteenth century,
whereas the Hebrides had, as we have seen,
been finally united to the Scottish Crown under
James I. The English Bishops of Man were
suffragans of Canterbury until the reign of Henry
VIII., when they were annexed to the province
of York. The Northern Isles now became, eccle
siastically as well as civilly, subject to Scotland ;
and the bishops of the new see after some time
fixed their residence at Iona. They had, how- iona an
ever, for many years no jurisdiction in Iona itself, seat.
whose abbots continued to yield obedience to the
ancient primatial see of Dunkeld.3 It was not
until the end of the fifteenth century that, at the
1 Raynald, Annal., ann. 1418. "Eadem vesania acti quidem
Scoti, spreta Synodo CEcumenica Constantiensi, Antipapie adhaere-
bant. Ad quos in sinum ecclesiee reducendos Griffinus Roffensis
Episcopus et Finlanus Ordinis Praedicatorum theologus renuntiati
fuerunt Apostolicas Sedis internuntii."
2 Scotichron., 1. xvi. c. 10. Rymer, Fmdera, x. p. 344. The brief
is dated May 13, 1426.
3 Mylne, Vital Episc. Dunkeld., p. 13. Scotichron., 1. xvi. c. 17.

70 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
request of James IV., Pope Alexander VI. united
the see of the Isles and the abbacy of Iona, which
were thenceforward held by the same individual.1
Accession James II. was a boy in his seventh year when
and coron-
ation of he succeeded to his murdered father. As soon as
James II. .
the panic caused by the bloody deed had abated,
a Parliament assembled in Edinburgh, to take
measures for the regency of the kingdom, and ar
range for the coronation of the youthful monarch.
The neighbourhood of the Abbey of Scone to the
scene of the murder rendered it unsuitable, or
even dangerous, for the performance of the solemn
ceremony, which it was decided should take place
in Edinburgh. James was accordingly conducted
in state from the castle of Edinburgh to Holyrood
by the principal nobles, clergy, and burgesses of
the kingdom, and solemnly crowned and anointed
on March 25, 1437. The custody of the young
king and his sisters was intrusted to the queen-
mother. The period of James's minority was one
of great unsettlement for the country. The dis
affection and violence of the nobles, already evi
denced in the tragic end of James I., was not
diminished by the loss of his firm hand at the
helm of State, and the long minority of his suc
cessor. Their jealousy was aroused by the mar
riage of the queen to Sir James Stewart of Lorn.
2 Innes, Orig. Paroch. Scotice, vol. ii. p. 292. In the year 1498
James petitioned Alexander for the erection of the abbacy of
Colmkill [Iona] in the " Bischoppis sete of the His, quhil his prin
cipal! Kirke in the Ile of Man be recoverit fra Inglismen."

BISHOP KENNEDY. 71
Stewart was thrown into prison at Stirling, and
the young king was removed from his mother's
custody, and lodged in Edinburgh Castle. The
history of this time is little more than a confused
record of the ambitious schemes and constant Feuds of
feuds of the great houses of Crichton, Crawford, ity.
and Livingstone, and especially the formidable
family of Douglas, which in wealth, power, and
influence rivalled royalty itself. William, Earl
of Douglas, with his brother David, were executed
for high treason in 1440 ; and another earl, a few
years later, perished by the king's own hand.
Happily for his country, James II. developed as he
grew towards manhood a character at once firm and
prudent, and well fitted to cope with the diffi
culties of the times. He was fortunate in having
by his side a wise and faithful adviser in James BishopKennedy.
Kennedy, Bishop of St Andrews, and chancellor
of the kingdom, a prelate distinguished alike by
his birth, his learning, and his piety.1 A sister's
son of James I., he was thus nearly connected
with the young king, and had received a training
and education befitting his high rank. In 1438
he was appointed Bishop of Dunkeld ; and two
years later, on the death of Bishop Wardlaw, was
elected to the see of St Andrews. The disordered
and lawless condition of the country during the
1 Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 138, 196) gives a lively
picture of the virtues and noble qualities of this illustrious bishop.
See post, p. 95.

72 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
long minority of the sovereign filled him with
grief and anxiety. The dissipation of Church
property, corruption in the highest offices of
State, and the nomination of worthless depend
ants of the barons to the most important posts,
were among the crying abuses of the time ; and
no sooner was Kennedy appointed chancellor,
thus uniting in his own person the highest eccle
siastical and civil authority, than his reforming
hand was immediately felt. Irritated by his in
terference, a party of the nobles, headed by the
Earl of Crawford, proceeded to plunder and lay
waste, with every circumstance of atrocity, the
lands belonging to the see of St Andrews. The
Bishop replied to this outrage by a solemn
and public excommunication of the Earl and
his adherents.
Marriage of King James married, in the year 1449, Mary,
J EUTJ.6S XL,
only daughter of the Duke of Gueldres. A fleet
of eighteen vessels escorted to Scotland the royal
bride, who was accompanied by the Archduke of
Austria, the Duke of Brittany, and the Lord of
Campvere (all brothers-in-law to the king), the
Dukes of Burgundy and Savoy, and a brilliant
retinue of knights and barons. James bound
himself, in case of a male heir being born to the
house of Gueldres, to renounce all claim to that
dukedom ; and he settled upon the queen, in the
event of her surviving him, a dowry of ten
thousand crowns, secured upon certain lands in

DEATH OF JAMES II. , 1460. 73
Scotland. The marriage of the royal pair was
solemnised in Holyrood in June 1449.
Fortified by the support and counsel of his faith- The king
ful chancellor, James, soon after his marriage, took refractory
° nobles.
vigorous action to reduce to submission those
among his nobles whose overgrown power had so
long been a standing menace to the peace and
security of the realm. The chiefs of the Living
stones were thrown into prison and their fortresses
wrested from their possession ; while the head of
the great family of Douglas, who openly defied >
the royal authority, paid for his audacity with his
life. His successor fled across the Border, and
joined himself to the Duke of York, then at deadly
feud with the house of Lancaster. James II. , who
had formed an alliance with Henry VI., advanced
against the Yorkist party at the head of a large
army, and laid siege to the Border fortress of
Roxburgh. Here he met his death by the acci- Death of
° , J . James II.
dental bursting of one of his own cannon, m
August 1460, when only in the thirtieth year of
his age.
On receiving the melancholy tidings of her
husband's death, the queen -mother, Mary of
Gueldres, immediately repaired to the camp before
Roxburgh, bringing with her the infant king; and,
forgetful of her own sorrows, urged the nobles to
continue their efforts to secure that important
fortress. Fired by her enthusiasm, they continued
the assault, and the castle was taken by storm on

74 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
the same day. Immediately thereafter the young
king was conducted to Kelso, and there crowned
coronation with the customary solemnities. During his min-
of James . , „
ni- ority the administration remained m the hands oi
the queen and ofthe faithful and experienced Ken
nedy. James III. had attained his sixteenth year
when the imprisonment by the Earl of Orkney
of the bishop of that see called forth a strong-
remonstrance from Christian, King of Denmark
and Norway, and feudal superior of the Orkney
and Shetland Isles. This incident led to corre
spondence between the two monarchs, and ulti
mately to proposals for an alliance between the
young King of Scotland and Princess Margaret of
Denmark. Ambassadors were commissioned to
proceed to Denmark to conduct the necessary
negotiations, the costs of the embassy being de
frayed by a parliamentary vote of three thousand
pounds, to be borne in equal portions by the
nobility, clergy, and burgesses of the kingdom.1
Cession of The arrangements were successfully concluded,
Orkneyand -i i . ¦
Shetland and the marriage treaty provided for what was in
land. effect a cession of Orkney and Shetland to the
Marriage Scottish Crown. The marriage was solemnised at
ofthe king. . . °
Holyrood in 1469, with every circumstance of
pomp and rejoicing.
The relations of the young king with his power
ful and ambitious nobles were rendered doubly
difficult owing to his natural disposition, which
1 Acts of Pari, of Scoti., vol. ii. p. 90.

UNSETTLED STATE OF SCOTLAND. 75
showed neither the ability nor the firmness char
acteristic of his father's rule. James III. was
deficient alike in the administrative prudence and
close attention to the affairs of State which were
absolutely necessary in his responsible position.
The chronicles of his reign present little more
than a continuous record of revolt and intrigue on
the part of the great barons against a monarch
who was unable to make himself respected or
feared by his people. For some years, indeed,
under the wise and enlightened rule of Kennedy,
the kingdom enjoyed a period of comparative
prosperity, to which the history of the latter unsettled
... n, tit state ofthe
portion of this reign offers a melancholy contrast, country.
The insurrectionary movements among the nobility,
of which almost every country in Europe was at
this time the theatre, and the universal weaken
ing of the respect for hereditary monarchy, were
not without their influence in Scotland ; and the
culmination of James's misfortunes appeared to be
reached when his brother, the Duke of Albany,
who was already more than suspected of treason
able designs against the throne, openly renounced
his allegiance to the Scottish Crown, and joined
himself to Edward IV. of England. War was war with
° England.
on the point of breaking out between the two
countries, and James was advancing in force to
the frontier, when a papal nuncio appeared in the
camp and forbade him as a Christian king, under
pain of excommunication, to turn against a neigh-

76 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
bouring State that sword which should only be
drawn in defence of Christendom against the
Turk. While the King of Scotland, in obedience
to his spiritual father, disbanded his army,1
Edward, on the other hand, heedless of the papal
remonstrance, not only carried fire and sword
across the Border, but contrived to seduce many of
the Scottish nobles from their wavering allegiance
to their sovereign. These treacherous and un
scrupulous barons, in order better to ensure the
success of their schemes of ambition, did not
hesitate to adopt the unnatural course of poison
ing the mind of the heir-apparent, then a boy in
Revolt of his fifteenth year, against his father, and thus
the heir- . . ...
apparent, inducing him to unite himself to their side. They
succeeded the more readily as the recent death
of the queen-mother, Margaret of Denmark, had
freed the young prince from the wise control
under which he had hitherto been kept. Already
estranged from his father by constant misrepre
sentations, and flattered by the adulation of the
nobles, he was easily persuaded to place himself
at the head of the insurgent army.
Efforts of Meanwhile King James had not been backward
the Holy °
See in the in appealing to the intervention of the Pope in
peace. defence of his sovereign rights. Sixtus IV. at his
request addressed a brief in 1483 to the bishops
and nobles of Scotland, in which he deplores the
seditious conduct of certain of the king's subjects,
1 Acts of Pari, of Scoti., vol. ii. p. 138.

BATTLE OF SAUCHIE, 1488. 77
and urges the duty of loyalty to their lawful
monarch. Two years later the Bishop of Imola
was charged by Pope Innocent VIII. with the
task of reconciling the king and his nobility, and
of bestowing upon James at the same time the
gift of the Golden Rose.1 Again, in 1488, the
learned Adrian Castalesi of Corneto was despatched
as nuncio to Scotland to mediate between the
contending parties. On his arrival, however, he
found that they had already come to terms,
although the weak and humiliating concessions
made by James on the field of Blackness to his
rebellious subjects offered little hope of permanent
peace. Hardly, indeed, had the too confiding
monarch, on the strength of this agreement, dis
banded his troops and loaded his principal sup
porters with rank and honours, than the insur
gents resumed their schemes, and mustered in
even larger numbers than before. James hastily
reassembled his army, and the opposing forces
met at Sauchieburn, only a mile from the famous Battle of
field of Bannockburn. The king was supported
by the Duke of Montrose, the Earls of Menteith
and Glencairn, and other nobles who had remained
loyal to his cause ; while the insurgent lines were
led by Lords Hailes and Gray, the main army
being commanded by the young prince. Torn by
the conflicting passions of his unnatural position,
he is said to have given strict orders that the person
1 Raynald, Annal., ann. 1484. Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 496-499.

78 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
of his royal father should be held sacred. James,
hard pressed by his enemies, was persuaded by
the nobles who surrounded his person to take
refuge in flight. As he galloped off the field, his
horse suddenly swerved ; the king was thrown
from the saddle, and was carried, severely injured
by the fall, into a neighbouring cottage, where he
at once asked for the assistance of a confessor.
A trooper of the insurgent army, disguising him
self as a priest, obtained admission to the king's
presence, and bending over the unfortunate mon-
Murderof arch as if to hear his confession, stabbed him to
the heart. Thus perished James III., a prince
possessed of many good qualities, and unusually
accomplished for the time ; but between whom
and his rude and illiterate barons there could be
little sympathy, and whose natural indolence and
love of retirement singularly unfitted him for his
position in that age and country. James was
only in his thirty-fifth year at the time of his
death. By his marriage with Margaret of Den
mark he left three sons : James, his successor on
the throne ; James, Marquis of Ormond, after
wards Archbishop of St Andrews ; and John,
Earl of Mar.
Scotland We must now revert to the Council of Basle, to
council of which, as has been already seen, the zeal of James
I. for religion had led him to send no less than
eight representatives of the Scottish Church.1
1 See ante, p. 52.

SCOTLAND AND THE ANTI-POPE. 79
As is well known, the Council found itself almost
at the outset of its proceedings in difficulties with
the newly elected Pope, Eugenius IV. Eugenius,
by his bull Inscrutabilis of July 29, 1433, de
clared null and void all action taken by the
Council apart from himself. The papal pro
nouncement, however, unfortunately failed to
secure the adhesion of all parties. Among the
recalcitrants were the members of the Convocation
of Canterbury, who, in August 1433, declared
against the Pope ; and several of the Scottish
representatives at the Council followed the same
course. Prominent among these was Thomas, Thomas of
... „ nundren-
Abbot of Dundrennan, who was named, together nan.
with John of Segoria and Thomas of Corcelles, by
the Council to arrange the preliminaries for the
election of a new Pope in room of Eugenius,
whom they pretended to depose.1 With a zeal
worthy of a better cause, Thomas matched himself
against the Archbishop of Palermo, the Bishop of
Burgos, and other redoubtable champions of the
opposite party. Contemporary accounts speak
highly of the eloquence and debating power of
Abbot Thomas,2 of whose previous career we know
very little. He belonged to the family of Living-
1 ./Eneas Silv., Comment, de Cestis Basiliens. Concilii (Basil., 1551),
p. 48. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vi. p. 783.
2 .ZEneas Silv., Comment, de Gestis Basiliens. Concilii, p. 4. "Erat
inter ipsos theologos et auctoritate et scientise copia prsecipuus
Ebrunensis Episcopus . . . erat et Abbas quidam Scotus ; qui
tamquam acerrimi pugiles et in theatro pugnantes, adversarios
quoslibet prosternebant.,:

80 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
stone, just then rising to power in Scotland, and
appears to have been born about 1388, and to have
graduated as master of arts in the University of
St Andrews in 1414. He entered the Cistercian
Order, and became Abbot of Dundrennan at the
early age of forty. Immediately after the election
of the anti-Pope Felix V., in 1439, Thomas ap
pears to have become aware of the ill-advised part
he had played in the proceedings, and to have
submitted to the orthodox Pontiff. In the follow
ing year we find him preferred to the bishopric of
Dunkeld, on the translation of Kennedy, bishop
of that see, to St Andrews. But the king re
fused to admit him to the temporalities of the
diocese ; and although he preserved the episcopal
title, he seems never to have entered upon pos
session of the see, various rich benefices, how
ever, being bestowed upon him in compensation.
Amongst others he received from Pope Nicholas
V. a grant of the church of Kirkinner. This was
revoked by Calixtus III., but was restored by
Pius II. at the request of King James II. , to
. whom the abbot was confessor. In his old age,
being nearly blind, he received a coadjutor in the
abbey of Cupar, of which he was commendatory
administrator. He died in the year 1460.1
Excom- The majority of the Scottish clergy were far
munication « . . .
of the anti- from approving the proceedings of their repre-
party. sentatives at the Council of Basle. Eugenius IV.
1 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 401, 415-418, 426-429.

PAPAL NUNCIOS IN SCOTLAND. 81
addressed in July 1440 a bull to Kennedy, Bishop
of St Andrews, in which he lays under excom
munication the adherents of the anti-Pope in
Scotland, and charges the bishop with the pub
lication of the sentence.1 The papal thunders
were not without effect. Three years later a
Parliament assembled at Stirling confirmed a Adherence
decree of the Provincial Council formally repudi- Scottish
J . r Church
ating Felix V., and acknowledging Eugenius IV. andPariia-
as Pope.2 Severe penalties were at the same PoP.e E;i\
r r genius IV.
time decreed against abettors of the schism.
Thus happily ended a dissension which for the
second time in a century had miserably divided
Christendom, and whose calamitous consequences
in Scotland are vividly depicted by contemporary
historians.3 Another Provincial Council was held
in June 1445, of which we only know that the
Bishop of Brechin was conservator.
We have seen that the Bishop of Urbino ar- Papal
nuncios in
rived in Scotland as papal legate in 1436, and Scotland.
was to have met the Parliament and clergy in
general council at Perth in the following year,
when the murder of James I. put an end to all
negotiations. We have no further information as
to the result of the legate's visit ; but it appears
1 Raynald, Annal., ann. 1440. The bull was renewed by Nicholas
V. in 1447. Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 377, 378.
2 The Parliament enacted that "ferme and fast obedience be
kepit till our Haly Fadir the Pape Eugene." — Acts of Pari, of Scoti,
vol. ii. p. 33.
3 Scotichron., lib. xvi. c. 6.
VOL. II. F

82 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
that two years later Andrew Meldrum, a knight
of St John, journeyed through England to Scot
land on a mission connected with religious mat
ters, and that a papal nuncio, Alfonso de Cruci-
fubreis, was despatched at the same time to
the Scottish Court. Nothing is known of the
object of their mission, but it was not improb
ably connected with the desired suppression of
heretical opinions, which, as has been already
seen, had by that time made considerable pro
gress in Scotland.
claim of In the middle of the fifteenth century we find
to the per- recorded the final settlement of a question which
sonality of
deceased had been a source of constant dispute between
bishops. x
Church and State in Scotland. The Crown had
for a long period been in the habit of claiming the
personality, or movable property, of bishops upon
their decease, whether they died intestate or not.
The practice had been condemned by a bull of
Pope Alexander IV., dated November 20, 1259,1
but from the records of the Scottish Treasury, the
prohibition seems to have been recalled by an
other bull in 1282.2 As a matter of fact, we find
that the right was frequently exercised during
the following century. Edward I., as feudal lord
of Scotland, granted permission to the- Bishop of
Glasgow to dispose of his movable property by
1 Quoted by Robertson {Statuta, p. c) from an MS. in the Advo
cates' Library.
'- Acts of Pari, of Scoti, vol. i., App. to Preface, p. 2.

2

UNJUST CLAIMS OF THE CROWN. 83
will on January 23, 1292. On January 8 of the
same year he directed the goods and chattels of
the deceased Bishop of Caithness, then in his (the
king's) hands " according to the custom of Scot
land," to be delivered to the Prior of Coldingham
and the bishop's brother, and by them expended
for the good of his soul.1 King David II. , with
the consent of his Parliament, renounced all claim
to episcopal property ; and his act was confirmed Papal con-
1 x L L J i-i t> demnation
by no less than three bulls issued by Pope of this
J . supposed
Georgy XL2 For a time these proved effectual risht-
in suppressing the abuse, which, however, was
again revived in the reign of Robert III. On
May 4, 1403, we find that monarch granting to
the Bishop of Aberdeen certain movables which
had fallen to the Crown by the death of the
Bishop of St Andrews — to wit, a piece of St
Andrew's cross, some arras with the story of the
Three Kings of Cologne thereupon, a painting of
beasts and birds on linen, and a large breviary.3
The question appears now to have remained for The ques-
. „ tion before
some time in abeyance ; nor was the character of Pariia-

ment.

1 Rotuli Scot, vol. i. p. 7.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 346, 353.
3 Regist. Episc. Aberdon., p. 208. " Robertus Dei gratia Rex Sco-
torum . . . Sciatis quod concessimus reverendo in Christo Patri
Gilberto episcopo Aberdonensi cancellario nostro unam Crucem
argenteam in qua continetur qujedam pars ligni Crucis beati Andrea?
Apostoli, dus pannos, unum videlicet laneum de Arras de historia
Oblationis Trium Regum de Colonia ad beatam Virginem, et alium
linteum pannum pictum cum bestiis et volatilibus, et unum mag
num Portiforium : Quae f uerunt quondam Domini Walteri ultimi
episcopi Sancti Andrese.''

84 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
James I. one to encourage much hope of any
voluntary concession from that monarch. No
sooner, however, did his successor, James II. , as
sume the reins of power, than the bishops at once
brought their grievance before the Parliament in
June 1445. Thirty-six persons were deputed by
Parliament to hear the cause of the prelates, who
were represented by six of their number and nine
abbots ; while six lords, four knights, and six bur
gesses appeared for the laity. The third bull
issued by Gregory XI. was formally read, and a
copy of it attested by the authority of the Con
servator and the Clerk of the King's Rolls.1 Noth
ing further was done in the matter until the Par
liament of 1450. On 24th January of that year,
the eight bishops of St Andrews, Dunkeld, Glas
gow, Moray, Dunblane, Brechin, Ross, and Ar
gyle knelt before the king in presence of the
earls, barons, freeholders, and burgesses, and
prayed him to redress the wrong done to the
Church by the confiscation of the property of the
Final re- bishops after their death. The petition, which
nunciation . _ .
of the claim had the powerful support ofthe young queen, the
Ua'nJLt"' f°undress °f Trinity College and Hospital at
Edinburgh, was granted by King James, and his
consent was ratified by Parliament. A charter
was drawn up under the great seal, giving every
bishop full power of disposing of his movable
property by will, but expressly reserving to the
1 Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iii. pp. 544-547.

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1465. 85
Crown the right to the real estate of the see Reserva-
¦. ,. . . tion of the
during a vacancy, as well as to the presentation right to
to benefices in the bishop's gift. The latter pro- perty.
vision was confirmed by two successive Provincial
Councils, which met at Perth in 1457 and 1459 j1
and three years later an Act of Parliament was
passed, forbidding under severe penalties the in
fringement of what is described as an old and
praiseworthy privilege enjoyed by the Crown
from time immemorial. The commendable zeal
with which the bishops defended their right to
dispose of their personal property contrasts
strangely with their facile compliance with those
far more dangerous claims — claims which had no
foundation whatever in ecclesiastical law, and
were fraught with the most calamitous conse
quences to the Scottish Church.
In July 1465 another Provincial Council assem- Provincial
bled at Perth, in which the Bishop of Dunblane
renounced the great tithes of certain lands in
Abernethy, in favour of the Abbey of Arbroath.
The wording of the record seems to show that
the Council was held annually, by indult of the
Apostolic See.2 The next Council, however, ap
pears to have been held in 1470, when the Bishop
of St Andrews, who had been chosen conservator,
gave judgment between the Rector of the Uni-
1 Robertson {Statuta, p. 79) gives the text of the decree of the
Council of 1459.
2 " In Concilio Cleri ex antiqua et probata consuetudine et indulto
Apostolico generaliter et annuatim tento."

86 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
versity of St Andrews and the Provost of St
Salvator's College, with reference to the right of
conferring degrees in arts and theology, which
had been apparently bestowed upon the college
by a bull of Pope Paul II. St Salvator's owed
Founda- its existence to the enlightened munificence of
tion of St />rwAi i • 1 l •
Salvator's Bishop Kennedy of St Andrews, who, amid his
College. . r . Jm ; .
multifarious duties as chancellor and first bishop
of the realm, was not unmindful of the cause of
learning and science. The college was founded
for the maintenance of a provost, who was to be
a master of theology, a licentiate, and a bachelor
of theology ; four priests, masters of arts ; and six
poor scholars. The generosity of the bishop also
provided for the endowment of chaplains of the
collegiate church.1 The new foundation was
confirmed by Popes Nicholas V.2 and Pius II.
Foundation A still more important seat of education owed
oftheUni- . . r
versity of its existence about this period to Nicholas V.,
Glasgow. >¦
whom a historian of our time has justly entitled
the greatest of the restorers of learning.3 Bishop
Turnbull, who had been translated from Dunkeld
to the see of Glasgow in 1447, early conceived the
idea of the foundation of a second university in
his episcopal city. The project was warmly ap-
1 The church is the only portion of the collegiate buildings which
still exists. It contains the tomb of the founder, a fine piece of fif
teenth-century work, although now much mutilated. — Translator.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 383-385.
3 Macaulay, Rectorial Address to the University of Glasgow
{Speeches, vol. ii. p. 263).

ST ANDREWS AN ARCHBISHOPRIC, 1472. 87
proved by Pope Nicholas, and the new institution
was formally erected by a papal bull dated De
cember 26, 1450. Provision was made for the
study of theology, civil and canon law, arts and
other faculties.1 The office of chancellor was to
be held by the Bishop of Glasgow and his suc
cessors ; and the same privileges were conferred
upon the professors and students as were enjoyed
by the papal university of Bologna. In 1453
King James II. granted a charter of protection to
the university,2 and in the same year the Bishop
and chapter of Glasgow granted to all members
of the institution similar privileges and exemp
tions to those possessed by the University of St
Andrews. A few years later we find the grant
of a house and land by James, Lord Hamilton, to
the faculty of arts. It would appear, however,
from contemporary writers, that even so late
as 1521 the number of students frequenting the
university was comparatively small.3
To the year 1472 belongs an event which forms Erection
f Cit A
an era in the history of the Scottish Church, drewsinto an arch-
Bishop Kennedy had been succeeded m the see of bishopric
x J and metro-
St Andrews, in 1466, by his half-brother, Patrick poiitansee.
Graham, Bishop of Brechin. The nomination was
obnoxious to a faction of the nobles, more espe
cially to the family of Boyd, then powerful at the
1 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 382, 383.
2 Regist. Episc. Glasg., vol. ii. pp. 385-388, 396-399.
3 Major, De Gestis Scotorum, p. 19.

88 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
Scottish Court ; and the bishop -elect thought it
prudent to repair secretly to Rome, where he
obtained confirmation of his translation to St An
drews from Pope Paul II. Fearing difficulties at
home, Bishop Graham delayed his return to his
see ; and new complications meanwhile arose
owing to the revival by Neville, Archbishop of
York, of the ancient claim of that see to suprem
acy and jurisdiction over the Scottish Church.
Graham strenuously defended the independence
of the National Church ; and so successfully did
he plead his cause, that Sixtus IV. (the successor
Bun of of Paul II.) issued a bull, dated August 27, 1472,
tus iv. in which the see of St Andrews was erected into
an archbishopric, and metropolitan church for the
whole of Scotland. The bull sets forth the incon
venience that has arisen in the famous kingdom of
Scotland, with its many noble cathedral churches,
from the absence of a metropolitan see, and con
sequent difficulties with regard to appeals from
ordinaries, and other matters ; and proceeds to
confer upon the see of St Andrews, as the most
noted and venerable in the realm, the archiepis-
Suffragan copal and metropolitan dignity. The twelve sees
of Glasgow, Dunkeld, Aberdeen, Moray, Brechin,
Dunblane, Ross, Caithness, Galloway, Argyle, the
Isles, and Orkney, are assigned to St Andrews as
its suffragans. The bull further concedes the
pallium and cross to the Archbishop of St
Andrews, and to its cathedral chapter all the

sees.

ST ANDREWS AND ITS SUFFRAGANS. 89
rights and privileges enjoyed by metropolitan
chapters.1 Pope Sixtus notified the erection of the arch
bishopric in a letter to King James, and he wrote
also to the Scottish bishops, and to their respec
tive chapters, enjoining on them obedience to the
new metropolitan.2 In order to confirm and
strengthen his authority, the Pope conferred upon
the Archbishop the office of apostolic nuncio for
three years,3 and for the fitting support of his
dignity he added to the mensal benefices of the
see the priory of Pittenweem, or the Isle of May,
and seven parish churches.4 The exemption
hitherto enjoyed by the abbeys of Kelso and
Holyrood, and the collegiate churches of St Sal-
vator at St Andrews and St Giles at Edinburgh,
was at the same time withdrawn, and they were
placed under the jurisdiction of the metropolitan.5
The papal bull, as we have seen, subjected to
St Andrews not only the nine Scottish dioceses
which had long acknowledged that see as holding
a certain precedence over themselves, but three
others which had hitherto been under the juris
diction of foreign metropolitans, although civilly
and politically united to the kingdom of Scotland.
For more than five centuries the see of Galloway
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 465. 2 Ibid., pp. 467, 468.
3 According to Raynald {AnnaL, ann. 1472), Graham was ap
pointed nuncio with the special object of furthering a crusade
against the Turks. — Translator.
4 Theiner, Monumenta, pp. 468, 469. 6 Ibid., p. 470.

90 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
had been subject to York, while those of Orkney
and the Isles had continued to form part of the
Opposition province of Drontheim in Norway. The Arch-
of York. bishop of York, George Neville, brother of War
wick the " king - maker," was at this time in
prison, on a charge of high treason. He protested
against a measure which deprived him of a suffra
gan, but in vain. " An enemy," was the Pope's
reply, " ought not to have metropolitan rights in
Scotland." Forty years later, not long after the
fatal day of Flodden, Henry VIII. of England
asked of Pope Leo X. the restoration of the
supremacy of York, but the appeal was unsuccess
ful.1 The last that we hear of this long -vexed
question is during the episcopate of Archbishop
Lee, Wolsey's successor in the see of York.
Drake 2 mentions that Archbishop Lee looked to
a General Council for redress. We need hardly
add that when the Council of Trent assembled,
the time for such an appeal was past.
Opposition While York thus lost her jurisdiction over Gal-
ofDron- . J
theim. loway m the south of Scotland, the bull of 1472
deprived Drontheim of two of her suffragans in
the north. The Sudreys, or Hebrides, had, since
the reign of James I., been actually, as they had
long been nominally, united to the Scottish Crown,
and had formed, since the separation of the
diocese of the Isles into two portions, a purely
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 512.
2 Hist, and Antiquities of York, bk. ii. ch. iii. p. 539.

OPPOSITION OF DRONTHEIM. 91
Scottish see. There was therefore no reason for
their continuing ecclesiastically subject to the
metropolitan of Norway, who seems indeed, in
this case, to have accepted the act of Pope Six-
tus without protest. With the see of Orkney, The see of
1 J Orkney.
however, it was different. Only four years had
passed since the marriage of James III. to Mar
garet of Denmark had practically united Orkney
and Shetland to the Scottish kingdom ; and the
people of these islands were still Norse in race and
in tongue, and followed the laws and customs of
Norway. The actual Bishop of Orkney had sworn
fealty to the reigning King of Denmark, and his
predecessor had assisted at the coronation of the
King of Norway.1 A see and a people thus circum
stanced were not to be abandoned by the northern
metropolitan without a struggle, and it was more
than half a century before his claim was finally
relinquished. In 1524, Olav Engelbertson, Arch
bishop of Drontheim, commissioned Wardenberg,
Provost of Gustrova and apostolic scribe, then re
siding at Rome, to obtain copies from the papal
archives of the bull of Pope Sixtus and other
documents, and to advise him as to the best
means of recovering the church of Orkney to his
jurisdiction. Wardenberg's reply,2 and the tran-
1 Torfaeus, Orcades, pp. 183-189, 195-197.
2 "Judicium et informatio Zutpheldi Wardenbergi, prsepositi
Gustroviensis et scriptoris Apostolici, quid agendum sit ab Archi-
episcopo Nidrosiensi in negotio recuperandi Ecclesiam Orcadensem,
olim suffraganeam dicta? Sed is Archiepiscopalis, sed nunc fraudu-

92 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
scripts of the various documents, were copied from
the Norwegian archives by Professor Munch of
Christiania, and reprinted in the Scottish Maga
zine of 1849. It would appear from these that
the archbishop did not proceed in the matter
beyond preliminaries. He found, doubtless, that
an ecclesiastical arrangement which had lasted for
upwards of fifty years was not easily disturbed ;
and the first mutterings, besides, were beginning
to be heard of the storm of revolution which was
soon to sweep away the Norwegian Church with
so many others.
Opposition The new dignity of St Andrews, however, was
within the . . .
kingdom, opposed with even greater warmth within Scot
land itself. Neither the king nor the episcopate
had been consulted in the matter, and both were
equally vigorous in resisting it. The bishops
especially, who had hitherto paid a merely nom
inal and temporary obedience to a conservator ap
pointed by themselves, were far from welcoming the
increased power and authority now conferred upon
St Andrews.1 Nor was their discontent allayed
by the fact of the new archbishop's commission, as
apostolic nuncio, to tax the tenth of their bene-
Accusa- , fices for a new Crusade. The unfortunate prelate
tions . x
brought was assailed on every side, and the Scottish and
lenter (sicut allegatur) Arehiepiscopis S. Andrese subjectam." Gor
don {Scotichronicon, vol. ii. p. 226 seq.) gives a translation of the bull
of Pope Sixtus and the relative documents.
1 Innes, De Synod Vet. apud Scotos, in Wilkins, Concilia, vol. i. p.

DEPOSITION OF ARCHBISHOP GRAHAM, 1478. 93
the Roman Courts alike rang with accusations and against
i • • • -r • t or. Archbishop
complaints against him. It is difficult, m the Graham.
obscurity which involves the whole affair, and
considering the evident animus of the Archbishop's
accusers, to ascertain what foundation there was
in the charges brought against him. All that is
certainly known is, that on January 5, 1474, John
Huseman, a priest of the archdiocese of Cologne,
doctor of canon law, notary apostolic and pro
vost of the collegiate church of St Patroclus at
Soest, was sent by Pope Sixtus as nuncio to Scot
land, in order to investigate the accusations made
against Archbishop Graham.1 Among these were
disobedience to the commands of the Pope, saying
Mass sometimes thrice a-day while under excom
munication and interdict, assuming the title of
Pope, and as such appointing nuncios and proto-
notaries, nominating to a vacant bishopric, and
pretending to revoke certain papal indulgences on
the ground that they had been granted for the sake
of lucre.2 The nuncio, after examining the arch
bishop and a large number of witnesses, sent a re
port of the proceedings to Rome. The evidence
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 478.
2 The extraordinary nature of these charges seems to warrant the
conjecture (for which, however, there is no direct evidence) that the
archbishop's reason had given way under his troubles. Mr Grub
{Eccles. Hist., pp. 385, 386) seems to doubt whether heresy was one
of the charges brought against him. The words of the bull of de
position are quite clear on the point : " Constat . . . heresis et scis-
matis crimina diversimo de contraxisse ; " and again, "prsefatum
Patricium hereticum, scismaticum," &c. — Theiner, ibid., pp. 480, 481.
— Translator.

94 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
was referred by the Pope to three cardinals, with
the result that the archbishop was found guilty of
all the charges against him, and on January 9, 1478,
His depri- was sentenced to be deprived of his dignities, de-
degrada- graded from his orders, and imprisoned for life in a
monastery. He was first taken to Inchcolm, thence
to the abbey of Dunfermline, and finally to the
castle of Lochleven, where he died in 1478, and
was buried in the ancient priory of St Serf. We
have no record of the evidence on which the un
happy prelate was found guilty ; but to accuse
the Holy See, as certain historians have done, of
condemning him solely on the representations of
Archdeacon Sheves, his declared enemy, is incor
rect.1 The deposition of Sheves was certainly
taken, and doubtless had its weight ; but the
Pope in the bull of deprivation expressly refers to
the testimony of the king, the clergy and people,
the chapter and University of St Andrews.2
William Sheves succeeded Archbishop Graham in
the see.
Bishop The most distinguished prelate by far during'
Kennedy. . .
this period of our history — one of the most illus
trious, indeed, that ever adorned the Scottish
1 Spottiswood, Hist, ofthe Church of Scotland, vol. i. pp. 117, 118.
Tytler, in his account of the proceedings, appears to have followed
Spottiswood, whose unsupported testimony on such a point is cer
tainly not above suspicion. — Translator.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 479. " Et quia tam Regis, quam Capi-
tuli, Cleri et populi, ac Universitatis prsedictarum asserentium ejus-
dem Archiepiscopi insolentias, simonias, inquietationes atque moles-
tias amplius aequanimiter ferre non posse.''

CHARACTER OF BISHOP KENNEDY. 95
Church — was Bishop James Kennedy, of whom
we have already spoken, and who was succeeded
in the see of St Andrews by the unfortunate
Archbishop Graham. Bishop Kennedy died on
May 10, 1466, at a crisis when his eminent ser
vices could ill be spared to his country, distracted
by the ambition and intrigues of the nobility.
" In him," remarks Tytler, in a passage which is
a striking tribute from a Protestant historian to a
Catholic bishop, " the country lost the only states
man who possessed sufficient firmness, ability, and
integrity to direct the councils of government.
He was indeed, in every respect, a remarkable
man ; a pious and conscientious churchman, muni
ficent, active, and discriminating in his charity ;
and whose religion, untinged with bigotry or
superstition, was pure and practical. His zeal for
the interests of literature and science was another
prominent and admirable feature in his character,
of which he left a noble monument in St Sal
vator's College at St Andrews, founded by him in
1456, and richly endowed out of his ecclesiastical
revenues. . . . Although in his public works,
in his endowments of churches, and in everything
connected with the pomp and ceremonial of the
Catholic faith, he was unusually magnificent, yet
in his own person, and the expenditure of his
private household, he exhibited a rare union of
purity, decorum, and frugality ; nor could the
sternest judges breathe a single aspersion against

96 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
either his integrity as a minister of State, or his
private character as a minister of religion." 1
Abuses Notwithstanding the public and private virtues
relgn'hf e of Bishop Kennedy, it cannot be said that the
reign of James III. was, on the whole, beneficial
to the Scottish Church. We find during this
period the cathedral and monastic chapters sys
tematically deprived of their canonical rights of
election, and the intrusion, through the influence
of the nobles, of utterly incompetent persons into
the most important offices. The pernicious sys
tem of commendatory abbots, which had proved
so disastrous to the Church of Scotland in past
ages, was again revived ; and laymen, often mere
boys, were appointed to positions for which they
were of course entirely unfit.2 A source of still
greater evils to the Church, as we have already
pointed out, was the decree passed by the Pro
vincial Council in 1457, and renewed two years
later, which confirmed to the Crown the uncon
ditional right of presenting to benefices during
the vacancy of an episcopal see. It was not

1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 196.
2 A flagrant example of this was the annulment, about the year
1472, by James III. of the election to the abbacy of Dunfermline.
"In demortui Fermidulensis abbatis locum Henricus Chrichtonus
regis auctoritate substitutus, exemplo pessimo ccenobiarcharum elec-
tionem a monachorum suffragiis ad aulse atque aurse f avorem trans-
tulit." — Conasus, De duplici statu religionis apud Scotos (Rome,
1628). See also Leslie, Hist, of Scotland (ed. 1675), p. 304. Chrich-
ton was Abbot of Paisley. The monks had elected Alexander
Thomson, one of their own number. — Translator.

NEW RELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS. 97
until the following century that the Scottish
Church realised the full magnitude of the evil that
had been wrought by this imprudent concession.
Among the numerous religious foundations dur- Eeiigious
• i p 1 • i i • founda-
mg the period of which we have been treating, tions.
one of the most important was the Carthusian
monastery at Perth, founded by James I. in 1429.
The first prior was Oswald de Corda, whose learn
ing and piety are highly commended by Bower.1
Most of the other religious houses founded at this
time belonged to the Franciscan Order, which had
just been kindled to new fervour under the influ
ence of St Bernardine of Sienna. The learned
and saintly Cornelius of Zieriksee came to Scot
land with six of his fathers, at the invitation of
James I. He declined at first to take possession
of the beautiful church built by the king for the
new community at Edinburgh, as being more
magnificent than was compatible with the poverty
of his Order ; and it was only by the intervention
of Pope Pius II. , at the king's request, that he
was at length induced to accept it.2 A convent
of Franciscan Observants was founded at St An
drews in 1458 by Bishop Kennedy, and another
at Perth, about the same date, by Lord Oliphant.
The superior of the latter house was Father
Jerome Lindsay (of the Earls of Crawford), who
1 Scotichron., 1. xvi. c. 18.
2 Gaudentius, Bedeutung und Verdienste der Franziskanerordens
(Bozen, 1880), p. 135. This church perished by fire on January 19,
1845. — Translator.
VOL. II. G

98 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1400-1472.
was a doctor of canon and civil law of the Uni
versity of Paris, and had been admitted into the
Order by Father Cornelius at Cologne. In 1480
a Franciscan house was founded in Aberdeen by
Thomas Spence, bishop of that see, and Bishop
Laing also founded one in Glasgow in 1472. The
inhabitants of Ayr founded a convent of the same
Order in that town about 1474 ; while they were
established in Elgin a few years later by John
Innes, who had been struck by the edifying life and
salutary influence of the Franciscans of Aberdeen.1
Proposed Before passing from the reign of King James
canonisa- . °
tion of 111., mention must be made of his pious queen,
Margaret. Margaret, daughter of Christian, King of Den
mark — a princess whose many virtues had greatly
endeared her to all classes of the Scottish people.
Shortly after her death recourse was had to
Pope Innocent VIII. by the king and principal
nobles, with the object of obtaining her formal
canonisation. On June 10, 1487, the Pope ad
dressed a letter to the Archbishop of St Andrews,
the Bishop of Glasgow, the Bishop-elect of Aber
deen, and the Abbot of Holyrood, asking a num
ber of questions relative to the introduction of
the process of beatification of the deceased queen.2
No record, however, of any further proceedings
has come down to us.
1 Gaudentius, Bedeutung und Verdienste der Franziskanerordens,
pp. 136-139.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 499.

99

CHAPTER III.
THE SCOTTISH CHURCH UNDER JAMES IV. (1488-
1513), AND DURING THE MINORITY OF JAMES V.
(1513-1524).
James IV. was only in his seventeenth year at Accession
J J _ of James
the time of his father's death. There is no iv.
proof that he had been the instigator of the
rebellion against that unfortunate monarch, but
it would be equally untrue to assert that he was
a perfectly passive instrument in the hands of
the conspirators. There is abundant evidence
to show that he was deceived and led astray
by the misrepresentations and flattery of the
leaders of the insurrection. " He was dazzled,"
remarks Tytler, " by the near prospect of a
throne ; and his mind, which was one of great
energy and ambition, co-operated without much
persuasion in their unworthy designs. After
some time, indeed, the remonstrances of a few
faithful adherents of his father awakened in him
a violent fit of remorse, but his first accession to
the throne does not appear to have been embit-

100 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
tered by any feelings of this nature ; and the
voice of self-reproach was drowned for the time
in the applauses of a flagitious but successful
faction." x
Immediately after the interment of the late
king in the abbey of Cambuskenneth, the Court
proceeded to Scone for the coronation of James
IV., which was followed by the distribution ofthe
various offices of State. In order to strengthen
the good understanding which now prevailed with
His mar- the neighbouring kingdom, a marriage was ar-
ranged between the young monarch and Mar
garet, daughter of Henry VII. of England. A
papal dispensation was obtained (the parties
being related within the prohibited degrees), and
the marriage was solemnised at Holyrood, in
1503, by the Archbishop of St Andrews.2 The
king now applied himself with much zeal and
energy to the affairs of State. He especially
improve- directed his attention to the .state of the High-
ment of °
the High- lands, aiming particularly at the dispersion and
weakening of the clans, and the attachment of
their leaders to himself by the bestowal of gifts
and honours. A regular correspondence was
established with the farthest parts of these re-
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 245.
2 By what was regarded as a more than suspicious coincidence,
the Lady Margaret Drummond, whose intimate relations with the
young king were well known, perished, it was supposed by poison,
together with her two sisters, in the midst of the preparations for
the royal nuptials.

RELATIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 101
mote districts, and their inhabitants became
gradually accustomed to habits of industry and
a respect for the law, to which they had previ
ously been strangers. James further succeeded,
by the affability of his manners and his love of
social pleasures, which were in strong contrast to
the character of his predecessor, in attracting to
himself in a remarkable degree the affections both
of nobles and people.
The accession of Henry VIII. to the throne of
England in 1509 did not tend to improve the
relations between that country and Scotland.
The assistance given by Henry to the Duchess
of Savoy against the Duke of Gueldres, the near
relative of the Scottish king, the capture and
plundering of a French vessel by English cruisers
off the Scottish coast, and the refusal of Henry
to hand to his sister, the Queen of Scotland, cer
tain valuable jewels left to her by her father,
were among the incidents that widened the
breach between the two countries. In the year
1512, an envoy from Pope Julius II. came to
Scotland, with the object of withdrawing James
from his alliance with the French nation, against
which England and the papal Court were leagued.
James, however, resolutely refused to desert his
ancient ally. He despatched his uncle, the Duke
of Albany, on an embassy to the German Court,
to ask the mediation of the emperor between
France and the Pope, and he also sent the

102 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Bishop of Moray to France on the same pacific
mission.1 At the same time, he made every
preparation within his own kingdom for the
threatened outbreak of hostilities ; and in the
following year, although against the advice of
the oldest and wisest of his councillors, he de-
warwith spatched an embassy to England with a declara
tion of war. We need not dwell on the disastrous
consequences of this step. In the fatal fight of
Flodden, fought on September 9, 1513, the king
Death of himself was slain, together with his natural son,
at Flodden. the Archbishop - elect of St Andrews, and the
flower of the Scottish nobility. Among those
who fell were no less than thirteen earls, the
Bishops of Caithness and the Isles, the Abbots
of Inchaffray and Kilwinning, and the Dean of
Glasgow. The king's body was with difficulty
recovered from the heaps of slain amid which it
lay, so disfigured by wounds as to be almost un
recognisable. Such was the dismay of his people
at the news of his death, and such their affection
for his person, that they long refused credence to
the fatal tidings ; and the report was spread
through the country that the king had gone on
a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, whence he would be
fore long return to claim the crown. James was
in his forty-second year when he fell at Flodden.
His charac Varying accounts have been given of his char
ter. i ¦ i
acter, which was, m truth, made up of widely
1 Epist. Reg. Scotiee, i. 126-128.

ACCESSION OF JAMES V., 1513. 103
differing elements. His firmness in the adminis
tration of justice and zealous attention to the
affairs of State, the measures which he promoted
for the amelioration of the Highlands, and his
lively interest in the development of the com
merce and industries of the country, have earned
the warmest commendations. At the same time,
his extravagant love of pleasure and amusement,
and the notorious dissoluteness of his private life,
formed a serious blot on his character, and offered
an example that could not fail to be prejudicial
to the morals of his people.
The infant King James V., who now succeeded Coronation
of James V.
to the throne, was crowned at Scone with the
usual solemnities. The fifteen years which elapsed
before he took the reins of government into his
own hands were a period pregnant with evils to
the country. The regency, up to the year 1528,
remained in the hands of the Duke of Albany, the
heir-presumptive to the throne. In May 1517,
we find the regent writing to Pope Leo X., to
convey the filial homage of the young king to
that Pontiff, whom he styles the true Vicar of
Christ and Catholic successor of blessed Peter.1
A few months later he addressed another letter
to the Pope, praying for the confirmation, during
the minority of the king, of the privilege whereby
the nomination to vacant benefices exceeding two
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 520. "Te verum Christi Vicarium,
beati Petri catholicum successorem adorabit et venerabitur."

104 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
hundred ducats in annual value, was reserved to
the Crown.1 In 1524 Albany left the country,
and the government passed into the hands of the
Earls of Arran and Angus, who were in secret
alliance with Henry VIII. of England. King
James, then a boy in his twelfth year, was sud
denly, with the consent of the queen-mother, de
clared of full age, while the real power remained
in the hands of the English faction. The Bishops
of St Andrews and Aberdeen, who had strongly
opposed the assumption of supreme authority by
a mere child, were thrown into prison. On Octo
ber 5, 1524, the king wrote to Pope Clement VII.,
announcing that he had assumed the government,2
and three weeks later he wrote again, informing
his Holiness that Albany had been relieved of the
regency.3 Pope Clement replied in a letter dated
November 29, offering his congratulations to the
young king, expressing his joy at the friendly
relations existing between England and Scotland,
and exhorting James to uprightness and modera
tion in his dealings with friends and foes.4
Degeneracy The records of this period present us with a
of the Scot- . . x r
tish nobles, striking and painful picture of the disloyal, self
ish, and mercenary spirit which largely pervaded
the Scottish aristocracy. When Albany, in the
year 1523, determined to take the offensive
against England, the nobility of the country, so
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 523. 2 Ibid., p. 542.
3 Ibid., p. 546. * Ibid., p. 547.

DISLOYALTY OF THE SCOTTISH NOBLES. 105
far from giving him a chivalrous support, behaved
with a treachery and pusillanimity as despicable
as it was surprising. Their leading members
were, in fact, in the pay of England ; and the
queen-mother herself was only induced to remain
in Scotland by means of ample bribes and prom
ises still more ample. " To such a degree of
organisation," says Tytler,1 " had the system of
bribery and private information been carried, that
whilst the Duke of Norfolk maintained his spies
even in the palace of the king, the original cor
respondence of the period presents us with the
exact pensions allowed to the Scottish adherents
of the English Court, from the queen and Arran
to the lowest agent of this venal association."
Under such circumstances we cannot wonder that
order and authority were weakened throughout
the realm. The country was in fact distracted
by three great parties : that of Albany, supported
by France and led by the able and energetic
Chancellor Beaton ; that of Arran and the queen-
mother, in whom was vested the guardianship of
the young king and the actual government of the
kingdom ; and lastly, the faction of the Earl of
Angus, who had sold himself to England. The
character of the queen -mother, who in many re- The queen-
spects bore a singular resemblance to her brother
Henry VIII., was not one calculated to make the
most favourable impression on the people of Scot-
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 330.

106 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
land. Immediately after the birth of her second
son, Alexander, in 1514, she bestowed her hand,
with a haste that could hardly be considered
decorous, on the young Earl of Angus. Ten
years later, in 1524, we find her affections trans
ferred to Henry Stuart, second son of Lord Evan-
dale. Her love for her husband had turned to
hatred, and all efforts made to reconcile her to
him were unavailing. Angus, on his side, whose
only aim was to possess himself of the large
estates of the queen, renounced all desire of a
reconciliation with her as soon as he found that
the Council of State would not sanction his de
signs. A process of divorce was commenced in
the ecclesiastical courts, and a decree of nullity
of marriage was pronounced on March 11, 1527,
by the Cardinal Bishop of Ancona, on the ground
of a pre-contract of marriage on the part of
Angus.1 The queen-mother at . once contracted
a marriage with Henry Stuart, without asking
the consent either of the king or the Council of
State. Irritated at this proceeding, the lords of
the Council despatched a military force to Stirling
Castle, the residence of the queen and her hus
band. Stuart was forcibly removed, and was
sentenced to a term of imprisonment as a pun
ishment for his presumption.
1 The process was a costly one, as we learn from a letter to
Albany (preserved in the archives at Paris), informing him that
the queen's agents in Rome " pingues expectant propinas, ita quod
omnes non possunt contentari cum 600 ducatibus." — Translator.

DISTRACTED STATE OF SCOTLAND. 107
For several years the distracted country groaned Distracted
J J ° state of the
under the tyrannous sway of the house of Doug- country.
las, which had risen to more than its ancient
power and influence, and spread anarchy and dis
order throughout the land. " Murder, spolia
tions, and crimes of various enormity," says
Tytler,1 "were committed with impunity. The
arm of the law, paralysed by the power of an
unprincipled faction, did not dare to arrest the
guilty ; the sources of justice were corrupted, and
ecclesiastical dignities of high and sacred char
acter became the prey of daring intruders, or
were openly sold to the highest bidders." It was
not until the year 1528 that the king was en
abled, with the assistance of Beaton his faithful
ex-chancellor, to shake off the oppressive yoke of
the Douglases. By a well-planned stratagem he
escaped from their guardianship and repaired to
Stirling, whence he issued a proclamation forbid
ding any member or follower of the house of
Douglas to approach Avithin six miles of the
Court. Henceforth James was in reality what
he had hitherto been only in name — the supreme
head of the realm.
The ecclesiastical records of this period present
us with a not over-edifying picture of the con
tests with regard to precedence which followed
the erection of the archbishopric of St Andrews,
and the prominent part taken by the higher
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 338.

108 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
clergy of the Scottish Church in the political con
vulsions which were agitating all classes of the
people. We have already seen that William
Sheves, who had been Archbishop Graham's co
adjutor in the see of St Andrews, and had been
one of the most bitter opponents of that unfortu
nate prelate, succeeded him in the archbishopric.
NewprM- It was not long before he received from Rome
leges to the _°
see of st even greater privileges than had been granted to
Andrews. o i o o
his predecessor. The action of Bishop Spence of
Aberdeen, who had obtained in 1473 a brief from
Sixtus IV., exempting him during his lifetime
from the jurisdiction of St Andrews,1 doubtless
urged Sheves to take steps to have his rights
fully confirmed by the Holy See. Accordingly,
on March 27, 1487; he obtained a bull from Inno
cent VIII. bestowing on him the dignity of pri
mate of all Scotland and legatus natus, with the
same privileges as those enjoyed by the Arch
bishops of Canterbury.2
Protest of Scarcely was the bull of Pope Innocent pub-
Glasgow. v •¦ .
hshed, than a vigorous protest was raised by the
1 Theiner {Monumenta, p. 473) gives the text of the papal brief,
of which there is no mention in the Regist. Episc. Aberd. The
exemption in question ceased, of course, with the death of Bishop
Spence in 1480. — Translator.
2 The bull is quoted by Robertson {Statuta, p. cxviii) from the
Lib. Georgii Makeson notarii publici in archivio Romane Curie
matriculati. Archbishop Sheves commemorated his new dignities
by a medal struck in Flanders, bearing the circumscription,
WlLHELMVS • ScHEVEZ • SANCTI • ANDREE • ARCHIEPISCOPVS • LEGATVS •
natvs • et • totivs • Scotia • primas • (Robertson, p. cxix).

ARCHBISHOPRIC OF GLASGOW ERECTED, 1492. 109
see of Glasgow, supported by the Scottish Parlia
ment, against the new pre-eminence granted to
St Andrews. Glasgow, the "mother of many
races," as William the Lion had styled her three
centuries before,1 had claimed from time imme
morial the honourable title of Daughter of the
Roman Church.2 Successive Pontiffs had taken
her under their especial protection, and it was her
boast to have ever been directly and immediately
subject to the Apostolic See. Such was her re
nown, that a Scottish king — James IV. — had
deemed it an honour to be numbered among her
canons.3 On May 25, 1488, Innocent VIII., in considera
tion of the illustrious past of this venerable see,
granted to her the same privilege that Sixtus IV.
had conceded to Bishop Spence of Aberdeen —
namely, exemption from the jurisdiction of the
Primate during the lifetime of the then bishop.4
Glasgow, however, was far from being satisfied
with this concession, and the matter was taken
in hand by Parliament, doubtless at the instance
of the royal canon. On January 14, 1489, a law
was passed which set forth that the honour and
welfare of the realm demanded the erection of
Glasgow into an archbishopric, with the same
1 So styled ("mater multarum gentium") in a charter dated
about 1190.
2 See ante, vol. i. p. 319.
3 Reg. Episc. Glasg., vol. ii. pp. 465, 482,
4 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 502.

110 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
privileges as those enjoyed by York.1 Stringent
penalties were enacted on all who should oppose
the scheme. The Chancellor wrote to inform the
Pope of the passing of the law ; and King James
besieged the Holy See with repeated petitions for
the desired erection, expressing in strong terms
his astonishment at the Pope's delay in comply -
Erectionof ing with his request. Innocent at length yielded,
archbishop- ° J1 .
ricofoias- and by a bull dated January 9, 1492, raised
Glasgow to the dignity of an archbishopric, with
Dunkeld, Dunblane, Galloway, and Argyle for its
suffragan sees. The cross was granted to the
new archbishop, but not the use of the pall, or
the dignity of primate and legatus natus. Glas
gow, however, and its suffragan sees, during the
lives of the present occupant, were to enjoy ex
emption from the primatial and legatine authority
of St Andrews.2 This compromise, unfortunately,
proved satisfactory to neither of the rival prel
ates, and the strife broke out afresh. At length
the Parliament actively interfered, and on Janu
ary 26, 1493, enacted that the archbishops should
lay the matter before the Holy See, to whom the
king would communicate the judgment of the
estates of the realm; and that the prelates
should rest content with the decision thus ob
tained, on pain of confiscation of their revenues.3
1 Acts of Pari, of Scoti., vol. ii. p. 213.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 506.
3 Acts of Pari, of Scoti, vol. ii. p. 232.

PROSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS, 1494. Ml
For a time the contest ceased. The king en
deavoured to obtain for the Archbishop of Glas
gow the dignity of cardinal ; but although his
request was supported by Ferdinand and Isabella
of Spain, it was not granted by the Pope.
A Provincial Council appears to have been held
at St Andrews in 1487, under Archbishop Sheves,1
but all record of its proceedings is lost. The
statement of Leslie 2 that the archbishop was
compelled by the king and the Duke of Albany
to resign the primatial see, retaining only that
of Moray, which he held in commendam, is not
corroborated by contemporary evidence. It would
appear that he died in St Andrews, in January
1497, and was buried before the high altar of the
cathedral. Sheves left behind him a high repu
tation for his skill in science. Dempster states
that " he had made such progress in astrology,
theology, and medicine, that he had scarcely his
equal in France or Britain."
In the year 1494 we hear of fresh proceedings TheLoi-
against the Lollards. The deaneries of Kyle and
Cunningham, in the archdiocese of Glasgow, ap
pear to have been the scene of their teaching.
Thirty persons, including several women, were
1 The only authority for this is an entry in the chartulary of St
Andrews — viz., a copy of a summons to the Abbot of Arbroath to
be present at the council. — Translator.
2 Hist, of Scotland (edit, cit.), p. 311. Spottiswood {Hist., vol.
i. p. 119) mentions this incident, which, however, he does not seem
to believe. — Translator.

112 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
summoned by Archbishop Blackadder to answer
before the king for the heretical tenets which
they held and taught. Among them were Adam
Reid of Barskimming, George Campbell of Cess-
nock, John Campbell of Newmilns, and Andrew
Shaw of Polkemmet. Adam Reid was the spokes
man of the accused, and seems to have defended
the doctrines of himself and his companions with
considerable skill. Their chief tenets were :
That images and relics are not to be kept or
venerated ; that it is unlawful to fight in defence
of the faith ; that Christ gave the power of bind
ing and loosing to St Peter alone, and not to his
successors ; that Christ ordained no priests to
consecrate ; that after the consecration in the
Mass there remains bread, and that Christ's
natural body is not there ; that tithes ought not
to be paid to ecclesiastics ; that Christ at His
coming abrogated the power of secular princes ; x
that every faithful man or woman is a priest ;
that the Pope deceives the people with his bulls
and indulgences ; that the Mass profits not the
souls in purgatory ; that the bishop's blessing is
of no value ; that the excommunication of the
Church is not to be feared ; that in no case is it
lawful to swear ; that priests may marry, as under
the old law ; that true Christians receive Christ's
1 This article, which lay at the very root of the Lollard and other
heresies, is rather significantly omitted by Mr Grub {Eccles. Hist.,
vol. i. p. 390). — Translator.

DISTINGUISHED PRELATES. 113
body daily ; that prayers should not be addressed
to the Blessed Virgin, but only to God ; that
prayers are of no more value in church than out
of it ; and that the Pope is the head of the
Church of Antichrist. It will be seen that these
tenets are in the main identical with those held
by the propagators of the Hussite and Wyclifite
heresies. For some unexplained reason, the ac
cused parties were dismissed without punishment,
being merely admonished to take heed of novel
doctrines, and to content themselves with the
faith of the Church.
Among the distinguished prelates of this period Bishop
must be mentioned Thomas Lauder, Bishop of (Dunkeld).
Dunkeld, who was noted for his personal piety
and the wisdom and vigour of his episcopal ad
ministration. Mylne L tells us that in 1457 he
held the diocesan synod in his cathedral for the
first time, former assemblies, on account of the
proximity of Dunkeld to the wild Highland clans,
having been held in the Carmelite convent of
Tullilum, near Perth. Bishop Lauder died in
November 1476, and was succeeded by James
Livingstone, Dean of Dunkeld, who for some time
held the office of chancellor of the kingdom.
Archbishop Sheves died early in 1497, and see of st
t t\ £ T> Andrews :
early in the same year James, Duke of Ross, JaraeS;
brother to King James IV., was raised to the Boss?°
primatial see of St Andrews. He is styled in
1 Vitce Episc. Dunkeld., pp. 8, 21-26.
VOL. II. H

114 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
official documents " James, Archbishop of St
Andrews, Duke of Ross, Marquess of Ormond,
Earl of Ardmenach, Lord of Brechin and Nevar,
perpetual commendator of Dunfermline, and
chancellor of the kingdom." As he was only
twenty-one years of age at the time of his elec
tion to the metropolitan see, the Pope granted
a dispensation for the occasion. Immediately
afterwards the archbishop - elect set out for
Rome, in order to obtain the papal confirmation.
Whether he was ever consecrated is uncertain.
No record remains of such an event, nor is it
alluded to by contemporary historians. James
died in 1503, and was interred with great pomp
in the cathedral of St Andrews.
Alexander The next nomination to the highest ecclesias-
tical dignity in the realm, vacated by the death
of the Duke of Ross, cannot but be regarded
(whatever the personal qualifications of the can
didate) as a deplorable instance of the prevalent
subservience of the interests of religion to political
or personal considerations. Alexander Stuart, the
natural son of James IV. by Mary Boyd of Bon-
schaw, was at this time only sixteen years of age.
His father, who had early destined him for the
Church, had given him the advantage of an ex
cellent education, hjs tutor being Dr Thomas
Panther, the royal secretary, a person of high
repute for learning and scholarship. The youth
was afterwards intrusted to the care of Sir

Stuart.

ARCHBISHOP STUART, 1509-1513. 115
Thomas Halkerton, provost of the collegiate
church of Crichton, who accompanied him on
his travels in France and Italy. Stuart studied
for some time at Padua and Sienna, under the
direction of the celebrated Erasmus of Rotterdam.1
In the year 1509, at the instance of the king,
Alexander was nominated to the see of St
Andrews, which had been vacant for nearly six
years, a dispensation from the impediment of
illegitimacy being granted him by Pope Julius
II. The youthful archbishop -elect returned in
the following year to Scotland, where he was
received with high distinction, and soon loaded
with additional dignities. The office of chan
cellor was conferred on him in 1511, and he
received from Julius II. the appointment of legate
a latere, and the abbey of Dunfermline and
priory of Coldingham in commendam. The
favour and predilection hitherto shown by James
IV. for the see of Glasgow was now transferred
to that held by his son. The exemption from the
jurisdiction of St Andrews granted to Glasgow
by the Pope ceased with the death of Archbishop
Blackadder, which occurred in Palestine, whither
he had gone on a pilgrimage. The king imme-
1 Erasmi, Opera, i. p. 363. "Nos olim quum Sense Alexandrum
Archiepiscopum titulo D. Andreas, Jacobi Scotorum Regis filium,
rhetorum studiis exerceremus, isque qui sibi jam videbatur nonnihil
profecisse, rogaret, ut tantum indicatis propositionibus summis, reli-
quam omnem inventionem ipsi relinqueremus paruimus adolescenti
ingenioso, mirseque spei."

116 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
diately petitioned Julius against the renewal of the
exemption.1 The Pope complied with his request,
but James was nevertheless unable to prevent
the grant of a similar exemption to the see of
Moray during the lifetime of Bishop Forman, who
was at the same time commendator of Dryburgh
and Pittenweem, and of Cottingham in England,
and Archbishop of Bourges in France.2 The
young primate appealed to the Holy See against
the grant ; 3 but while the matter was still pend
ing, it was cut short by his premature death.
He fell on September 9, 1513, fighting by the
side of his royal father on the fatal field of
Flodden.
Foundation A year previous to his death, the archbishop
jj^s Coi- had evinced his zeal for learning by founding, in
conjunction with John Hepburn, Prior of St
Andrews, a new college in his primatial city. A
hospital, anciently used for the reception of pil
grims, and the church of St Leonard, with large
endowments in houses and lands, were devoted to
the new institute. The foundation-charter of the
archbishop and chapter was confirmed by James
IV. in 1513, and thirty years later by Cardinal
Beaton as primate and papal legate. At the same
date (1544) the statutes of the college, which had
1 Epist. Reg. Scot., vol. i. pp. 100, 101, 109.
2 This see had been conferred upon him at the instance of King
Louis XII., in return for certain political services.
3 Formul. Inst. Eccles., foil. 172, 173 (MS. Bibliothec. Univ. S.
Andr. ; quoted by Robertson, Statuta, pp. cxxv, cxxvi).

COMPETITION FOR THE PRIMACY, 1513. 117
been drawn up by Prior Hepburn, were approved
by Lord James Stewart, commendator of the
priory ; Alexander Mylne, Abbot of Cambus-
kenneth and administrator of the priory ; the
subprior, John Winram, and the canons.1
It was at first intended to fill the vacancy in Rival can-
J didates
the primatial see by the translation thither of the for the
1 J primacy.
learned and saintly Elphinstone, Bishop of Aber
deen, who was to be replaced by Bishop Andrew
Stewart of Caithness. Aberdeen was at the same
time to be exempted from all jurisdiction of St
Andrews. The design, however, was not carried
out, probably owing to the refusal of Elphinstone ;
and the result was a warm and far from seemly
competition for the primacy on the part of three
rival candidates. These were, Andrew Foreman,
Bishop of Moray ; Prior Hepburn of St Andrews ;
and Gavin Douglas, provost of the collegiate
church of St Giles at Edinburgh. Douglas was
supported by the queen-mother and her second
husband the Earl of Angus, who was his nephew ;
Hepburn looked to the assistance of his family,
the powerful house of Bothwell ; while Foreman,
who was an able and experienced statesman and
diplomatist, relied on his influence at Rome.
1 Camerarius {De Scotorum Fortitudine), writing in 1631, thus
speaks of St Leonard's : " Secundum Collegium est S. Leonardi, in
quo prater humaniores literas ex fundatione a quatuor professoribus
docetur Philosophia. Magna est inter hujus et prioris collegii
studiosos in Uteris wmulatio, quae quousque aliquando procedit, ut
ne ad manus veniant vix cohiberi possint."

118 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Hepburn had been elected by the chapter, which
was a strong argument in his favour ; but he
enforced his claims in an extraordinary manner,
by seizing the castle of St Andrews from the
Douglases and forcibly holding it against them.
Archbishop The contest was ended in 1514, when Bishop
Foreman was nominated by Pope Leo X. Arch
bishop of St Andrews and legate a latere.1
Douglas at once withdrew his claim ; but Hep
burn was only induced to do the same by the
mediation of the Duke of Albany, on condition of
being allowed to retain certain benefices and such
of the rents of the see as he had already collected.
The new primate received the abbey of Dunferm
line in commendam. King James was desirous
to obtain for him a cardinal's hat, and Pope Julius
appears to have been disposed to comply with his
wishes. The archbishop went so far as to make
arrangements for borrowing five thousand ducats
to meet the necessary expenses.2 The matter,
however, fell through, and the expected dignity
was never conferred upon him.
The new primate at once directed his attention
to the consolidation of the authority of the metro
politan see. He appealed to Rome for a recall of
the exemption which had- been granted by the
Pope to the prior and chapter of St Andrews,
1 Or rather, cum potestate Legati & latere. A legate a latere, pro
perly so called, is always a cardinal. See Van Espen, Jus Eccles.
Univ., p. i, tit. xxi., cap. 1. — Translator.
2 Robertson, Statuta, p. cxxvi, note.

SYNOD UNDER ARCHBISHOP FOREMAN. 119
on the ground that it had been surreptitiously
obtained. In one of the archbishop's letters on
the subject, he emphatically denies that the Holy
See has any civil jurisdiction beyond its own tem
poral dominions.1 The primate further succeeded
in obtaining the limitation of the exemption of
Glasgow to the lifetime of its then archbishop,
and in procuring the restoration of the sees of
Dunkeld and Dunblane to the province of St
Andrews. The short but vigorous episcopate of Archbishop Diocesan
Foreman was marked by the holding of an im- stAn-
J ° . drews.
portant diocesan synod, the enactments of which
are still extant, and throw an important light on
the condition of the Scottish Church during the
period immediately preceding the Reformation.
The following is a summary of the statutes in
question : —
1. The abbots, priors, archdeacons, deans, pro
vosts, rectors, vicars, and beneficed clergy cited to
the synod, are exhorted to assist thereat devoutly
and reverently, laying aside all levity and un
becoming behaviour. The clergy are to appear at
the synod vested in clean surplice, and with their
hair short. At eight o'clock they are to go in
procession to the church, and there assist atten
tively at the office and sermon. No one is to
1 " Nee Sanctissimus Dominus noster Papa quemquam in crimin-
alibus vel civilibus exemere nisi in dominiis et terris sibi et Romane
Ecclesie immediate in temporalibus subjectis consuevit."— Robert
son, Statuta, p. exxvii, note.

120 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Diocesan leave the synod before the close without per-
Synod of J .
st An- mission, on pain of excommunication. 2. All pay
ments due on account of fines incurred, or for any
other reason, to be duly made during the synod,
under the same penalty as above. 3. The crying
evils of clerical non-residence and concubinage,
which the archbishop, willing to temper justice
with mercy, has hitherto refrained from visiting
with the full rigour of the canon law, are to be
now put down with a strong hand. Clergy fail
ing to reside on their benefices, to keep the build
ings in good repair, and to provide the requisite
church furniture, are to be deprived of a fourth of
their income. Those who, after the third warn
ing, do not put away their concubines, are to be
deprived for ever of the cure of souls. The names
of all delinquents are to be submitted by the
deans to the diocesan synod next following. 4,
Such chapels, oratories, and monasteries as are not
sufficiently endowed for the decent and reverent
performance of divine worship, are placed under
interdict, and it is forbidden to officiate in them,
on pain of suspension. 5. All faculties for hear
ing confessions, as well as for publishing indul
gences and collecting alms, are hereby withdrawn,
an exception being, however, made in favour of
the Dominican and Franciscan friars. Any one
henceforth using such faculties, to be ipso facto
excommunicated. Those having the cure of souls
will have their faculties renewed after due ex-

SYNODAL STATUTES OF ST ANDREWS. 121
amination before the archbishop himself or his Diocesan
• i • Synod of
commissaries. 6. The parish priests are, on pain stAn-
1 x x draws.
of excommunication, to submit to the synod the
names of all excommunicated persons within their
parishes, as well as of those deceased, whether
their testaments have already been confirmed or
not. 7. Parish priests are also, in the interest
of the children of deceased persons, to lay before
the synod copies of the testaments of those who
have died in their parishes during the past year.
These are to be registered by the archbishop's
secretaries, in order to ensure that the children
duly receive their portions, and also that the
bequests for pious purposes are properly executed.
8. The deans are to bring with them to the
synod the books of correction and visitation, as
well as the registers of testaments above men
tioned. 9. The parochial clergy are to bring to
the synod the book known as ' Manipulus Cleri
corum,' so that they may be examined, if neces
sary, with reference to cases reserved to the
Pope and the bishops, and the souls of the faithful
may thus suffer no detriment through their igno
rance. 10. The evils are set forth attending two
prevalent customs : one, that of secret espousals,
whereby the subsequent marriage of either party,
in the lifetime of the other, was liable to be an
nulled ; L the other, that of persons after espousal
living together as man and wife, before the
1 That is to say, " carnali copula subsecuta."

122 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Diocesan solemnisation of the marriage ceremony. Parish
Synod of . . ¦, t i i
st An- priests are four times a-year publicly to denounce
drews. x ^ x J
clandestine espousals. These are always to be
made, according to the ancient discipline, in pre
sence of a priest and a sufficient number of
witnesses. Carnal intercourse between espoused
persons, previous to the ceremony of marriage,
is strictly prohibited ; and this is to apply also
to widows. Inquisition is to be made annually
into the observance of these decrees, and those
contravening them, whether clerics or contracting
parties, are to be subjected to a pecuniary fine.
11. The solemnisation of marriage at forbidden
times of the year, or without the triple proclama
tion of banns, is strictly forbidden. Priests in
fringing this law are liable to suspension, and the
contracting parties to a fine of forty solidi, or, if
nobles or magnates, ten pounds. 12. Clerics to
wear garments of befitting length, with round
hats and hair cut short. They are not permitted
to wear coats of mail or to carry weapons. 13.
Clerics who have incurred fines for any delinquen
cies are forbidden to ask or receive help from
secular persons. 14. All persons who pass stat
utes prejudicial to ecclesiastical privileges and
liberties incur the greater excommunication ipso
facto. 15. The same penalty is incurred by
those who presume to violate the sanctity of
churches and cemeteries by fighting and blood
shed. 16. Whoever take by violence letters ad-

SYNODAL STATUTES OF ST ANDREWS. 123
dressed by the ordinary, or his officials, to the Diocesan
1 ¦ i n , . Synod of
parochial clergy, or otherwise prevent their due st An-
• • itt draws.
transmission and delivery, likewise incur the
greater excommunication ipso facto. 17. The
clergy are forbidden to ask or receive any money
for the execution of the letters of the archbishop
or his officials. 18. As it is the custom, not
only throughout the diocese, but in the archi-
episcopal city itself, to carry the Most Holy
Sacrament through the streets privately and
without due honour, it is enacted that the priest
carrying it shall always be vested in surplice and
stole, and be attended by at least one light and a
bell, and this on pain of a fine of forty solidi.
19. The rite of purification after childbirth is not
to be administered to concubines of the clergy,
unless with due security that they will abstain
in future from illicit intercourse. Chaplains con
travening this canon are to be fined twenty solidi.
20. In order to prevent the danger of infants
being overlaid by their parents or nurses (as
frequently happens), the latter are not to take
them into their own beds until their second year,
but to lay them carefully in cradles. 21. The
beneficed clergy are themselves to administer the
sacraments to their parishioners, and to dismiss
their substitutes. 22. The deans are to make
strict inquisition into the number and nature of
the chaplaincies in their respective deaneries, and
to see that the intentions of the founders are duly

124 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Diocesan carried out. 23. Clergy having cure of souls are
Synod of °J °
st An- 0n the Wednesday of the synod to present a com-
drews. j j i.
plete list of all the clerics attached to their
churches. 24. All rectors, vicars, curates, and
chaplains are to be present in propria persona in
their churches on Saturdays at vespers, and on
Sundays at High Mass and vespers. The bells
are to be rung and the candles burning on the
high altar ; and vespers, matins, and Mass are to
be duly celebrated aloud, in such a manner that
the faithful may be excited to devotion, and this
under penalty of a fine of two solidi. 25. Persons
remaining for more than a year under excommuni
cation are to be publicly denounced by the clergy.
26. In order that the number of students in the
University of St Andrews may increase and
flourish, for the advancement of learning and
sacred science among the religious of the diocese,
and the greater advantage to the Church in her
warfare against heresy, it is enacted that the
abbots, priors, and commendators of the religious
houses of the diocese are to send to be educated
in the university within two months from the
date of this decree, two monks from each ofthe
following monasteries — St Andrews, Arbroath,
Dunfermline, Scone, Cupar, Lindores, Cambus-
kenneth, Holyrood, and Newbattle ; and one each
from Kelso, Dryburgh, Coldingham, and Bal-
merino. 27. The deans are at once to provide
themselves with copies of these statutes, and to

BISHOP GAVIN DOUGLAS. 125
take care, on pain of deprivation of their offices, Diocesan
that copies are provided for all the clergy at their st An-
~J drews.
own expense. The archbishop expressly reserves
to himself and his commissaries absolution or re
laxation from the penalties incurred by infringe
ment of these decrees. 1
The energy and ability displayed by Arch
bishop Foreman during his tenure of the primacy,
entitle him to a high place among the Scottish
prelates of the sixteenth century. The synodal
statutes cited above are sufficient evidence of his
genuine desire to ameliorate the condition of the
clergy, to put down abuses, augment the solem
nity of divine worship, and advance the interests
of learning. The archbishop died towards the
close of the year 1521. An endeavour was at
once made by the powerful family of Douglas to
obtain the primacy for Gavin Douglas, who was Bishop
now Bishop of Dunkeld, but in consequence of his Douglas
.... . . of Dun-
political intrigues had been obliged to retire to keia.
England. The Scottish Government, on learning
the efforts that were being made to secure his
nomination to the primacy, immediately seques
trated the revenues of the see, and addressed a
petition to Pope Leo X. against the appointment
of Douglas. His death, which occurred the follow
ing year, relieved the Government oftheir anxiety.
Bishop Douglas, although a learned and accom
plished prelate, was more of a politician than a
1 Robertson, Statuta, pp. cclxx-cclxxxv.

126 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
churchman ; and it has been said of him, probably
with truth, that he had the ascendancy of the
house of Douglas more at heart than either the
good government of his diocese or the welfare of
his country.1
Bishop We must not pass over in silence the name of
stone of one of the most distinguished bishops who at
deen. this or any other period of her history adorned
the Scottish Church. William Elphinstone was
born, probably in the year 1431,2 at Glasgow,
where he was educated in grammar, logic, and
philosophy, and afterwards practised for some
time as an advocate in the ecclesiastical courts.
In his twenty-sixth year he was ordained to the
priesthood, and appointed to the parish of Kirk-
michael. Here he remained for four years, and
then with the assistance of his uncle Laurence he
went to France, and studied for some time in the
universities of Paris and Orleans. On his return
to Glasgow, Bishop Muirhead appointed him
official of the diocese. In 1474 he was chosen
rector of the university, and four years later he
became official of Lothian. Both at this time,
and subsequently during his episcopate, import
ant embassies were frequently intrusted to him.
Under James III. and James IV. he was de
spatched on missions to Louis XI. of France and
1 Grub, Ecclesiastical Hist., vol. i. p. 402.
2 The date given in the preface to the Regist. Episc. Aberdon. is,
however, 1437.

BISHOP ELPHINSTONE OF ABERDEEN. 127
Edward IV. of England ; and in the charter
erecting the burgh of Old Aberdeen, James IV.
mentions the various embassies of Bishop Elphin
stone to England, France, Burgundy, and Austria.
His services to Church and State were rewarded
by his nomination to the see of Ross in March
1482, by King James III. ; and the following
year he was translated to Aberdeen. The bishop
remained faithful to King James during the
troubles which marked the closing years of that
monarch's reign, and from February until June
1488 (when James was slain) he held the office of
chancellor of the kingdom. Under James IV. he
was for several years Keeper of the Privy Seal.
Amid the duties appertaining to his high
temporal dignities, Bishop Elphinstone was not
neglectful of his episcopal office. The venerable
cathedral of his see owed much to his muni
ficence. He erected the great central tower,
which he furnished with bells, and he also roofed
the whole church with lead. He framed statutes
for the better government of the chapter, and
paid special attention to the restoration of the
ancient ecclesiastical music.1 He also laid the
foundation and provided for the building of a
1 One of the statutes directs that no one is to receive the dignity
of canon, "nisi qui in sacra theologia doctor cum effectu creatus,
aut in eadem facultate licentiatus fuerit ad annuntiandum et pre-
dicandum verbum Dei populo Christiano, atque personalem residen-
tiam in dicta nostra ecclesia more trium dignitatum post decanum
personaliter faciet."

128 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
bridge over the Dee. The compilation and print
ing of the Aberdeen Breviary, including the
legends of the ancient Scottish saints, were the
fruit of his enlightened zeal. To Bishop Elphin
stone, indeed, was largely due the introduction
into Scotland of the art of printing, which had
been established in England some thirty years
before. The Aberdeen Breviary was printed by
Chapman, of Edinburgh, in 1509-1510, and was
intended to be the first of a series of liturgical
books which were, by order of the Privy Council
of Scotland, to supersede those of Salisbury.
Foundation The good bishop had nothing more at heart
of Aber- & r &
deen Uni- than the advancement of the cause of true learn -
versity. ing, so necessary in these critical times. Con
scious of the advantages which he had himself
derived from his residence in the most famous
seat of learning in Christendom, he was desirous
of extending the benefits of university education
to the people of his northern diocese. In the
year 1494 he obtained a bull from Pope Leo X.,
establishing the University of Aberdeen, for . the
study of theology, canon and civil law, medicine,
and the arts. A royal charter, dated May 22,
1497, confirmed the new institution with all its
privileges ; and eight years later the bishop found
ed the college and church of St Mary within the
university, with an -endowed body of professors
for teaching in the various faculties. The first
principal was Hector Boece, the well-known his-

CHARACTER OF BISHOP ELPHINSTONE. 129
torian of Scotland, and biographer of the bishops
of Aberdeen. Boece had been professor of philo
sophy in the University of Paris, where he had
been intimate with Erasmus, as well as with Bishop
Elphinstone. Among the earliest alumni of dis
tinction in the new university are recorded the
names of Arthur Boece (brother of the Principal),
James Ogilvy, Alexander Galloway (who was four
times chosen Rector), and John Adamson, provin
cial of the Dominicans, and reformer of that Order
in Scotland.
The private life of Bishop Elphinstone was no virtues of
less exemplary and edifying than were his public, phinstone.
virtues. " If," says his biographer, " we account
any man worthy of immortality for his virtue, or
anything more excellent than virtue, whereby
youth passes uncorrupted, manhood illustrious,
age blameless, and every station of life with mod
esty, piety, integrity, sanctity, and no practice
unworthy of the Christian religion, that man was
William, who in every period of his life, from the
earliest to the latest, devoted himself to virtue.
An immodest word was to him immodesty itself.
He delighted in the frequent commemoration of
Christ's passion, on which he used to discourse
learnedly and devoutly, and he always passed the
eve of Good Friday in haircloth and prayer, with
out sleep. The sweet name of Jesus was never
absent from his thoughts, and day and night,
sleeping or waking, was always in his mouth.
VOL. II. I

130 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
Such was his compassion to the poor and afflicted,
that he always heard and relieved their distress
with tears." All through his life, even when
advanced in age, he was assiduous in the study
of the Sacred Scriptures and the fathers of the
Church. The closing years of the bishop's life
were disturbed by the disastrous war with Eng
land, which his wise counsels had been powerless
to avert. The fatal tidings of Flodden caused
him a shock from which he never recovered, and
he survived it only for a year. In October 1514
he was seized with mortal sickness at Edinburgh.
He received the sacraments of the Church with
the utmost fervour and devotion ; and on the
twenty-fifth day of the month, conscious to the
His death, end, he peacefully breathed his last. He was
interred before the high altar of his college church
in Aberdeen, beneath a monumental canopy of
stone. This, as well as the brass effigy of the il
lustrious bishop, has long disappeared ; but a black
marble slab still marks his last resting-place.1
His sue- Three candidates appeared for the vacant see
cessor in
the see. of Aberdeen on the death of Bishop Elphinstone.
The Duke of Albany (the Regent) nominated
James Ogilvie, professor of civil law in Aberdeen
University ; Pope Leo X. was desirous of ap
pointing Robert Foreman, Dean of Glasgow;
while the choice of the canons fell upon Alex-
1 Boece, Aberdon. Episc. Vitee, pp. 73-77. See also Regist. Episc.
Aberdon., vol. i. p. xliii seq., vol. ii. pp. 249, 304.

ARCHBISHOP BEATON. 131
ander Gordon, precentor of Moray, a kinsman of
the Earl of Huntly. The claims of the two for
mer were ultimately withdrawn, and Gordon
received the appointment. There is, however,
no evidence of his ever having been consecrated.
He died in June 1518.1
Archbishop Blackadder of Glasqow had died, as Archbishop
1 a Beaton of
we have seen, while on a pilgrimage to the Holy Glasgow.
Land. He was succeeded by James Beaton,
Bishop -elect of Galloway, who was consecrated
at Stirling on April 15, 1509. He received at
the same time the abbacies of Arbroath 2 and
Kilwinning in commendam, and also held the
office of chancellor of the kingdom. Archbishop
Beaton took an active part in the struggles which
distracted Scotland during the minority of James
V. Beneath his episcopal habit he was accus
tomed to wear a coat of mail ; and the sarcasm
that this strange attire drew upon one occasion
from the lips of Gavin Douglas, the witty Bishop
of Dunkeld, is well known. Striking his breast,
Beaton declared on his conscience that he had no
hostile intentions towards the opposite party.
"'Alas! my lord,' said Douglas, as the steel
plates of Beaton's armour rang to the blow, ' I
1 Boece, op. cit., pp. 62, 77-79.
2 Theiner {Monumenta, p. 522) gives the letter of the Regent to
Pope Leo X. requesting the grant of Arbroath Abbey to the arch
bishop. The Processus Consistorialis, also printed by Theiner (pp.
624 seq.), gives an interesting and detailed description of the
abbey.

132 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1488-1524.
perceive your conscience clatters.' " x The arch
bishop was only saved from a violent death at
this time by taking refuge in the church of the
Dominicans.
James iv. Among the religious foundations of this period
and the . -, o •
Franciscans was the Franciscan church and convent at Stir-
of Stirling.
ling, founded by King James IV. in 1498. A
letter, dated January 28, 1486, from the pro
vincial, John Haye, to the general of the Order,
mentions that the church was to serve also as
the chapel of the royal palace. It was the con
stant practice of King James, during Holy Week,
to withdraw himself entirely from State affairs,
and remain in strict retreat in the convent at
Stirling. He followed the rule of the friars in
every particular, permitting no exemptions in his
own favour ; and on Good Friday he shared in
the brethren's scanty meal, which was taken
kneeling. Father Patrick Ranny, guardian of
the convent at Stirling, learned from the king
himself that ever since the day of his father's
death, for which he held himself in great measure
accountable, he had constantly worn an iron chain
next his skin.1
1 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 316.
2 Gaudentius, Kirschengeschichte des 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts,
p. 137.

133

CHAPTER IV.
FROM THE DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP FOREMAN TO
THE MURDER OF CARDINAL BEATON (1521-1546).
Archbishop Foreman, who died in 1521, was
succeeded in the primatial see by James Beaton,
Archbishop of Glasgow — Gavin Dunbar, prior of Archbishop
Whithorn, and former tutor to King James V.,
being appointed to the see of Glasgow. During
the interval between his election and consecra- struggles
of the see
tion, he succeeded in obtaining from Clement VII., of Glasgow
° 'for exemp-
who had just ascended the pontifical throne, the tion-
confirmation of a bull of Leo X.,1 exempting the
see and province of Glasgow from all authority
of St Andrews.2 The remonstrances of Arch
bishop Beaton procured a temporary restriction
of the exemption, and Glasgow was declared to
be free from metropolitan, but subject to prima
tial and legatine authority.3 The influence of the
1 According to Robertson {Statuta, p. cxxviii), this bull has dis
appeared, its provisions, however, being set forth in subsequent
bulls of Popes Clement VII. (1524-1531), Paul III. (1539), and
Julius III. (1553).
2 The bull of Clement VII. is dated July 8, 1524.
3 Reg. Episc. Glasg., vol. ii. p. 547.

134 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
young king, however, was brought to bear in
favour of his former tutor, with the result that
on September 21, 1531, Glasgow was once more
exempted altogether from the jurisdiction of St
Andrews. In addition to this, King James in
duced the Pope, in a letter dated November 30,
1530, to deprive the primate of all legatine au
thority, even within his own diocese.1
Lutheran- f, The Lutheran opinions appear to have been in-
ism in Scot- / # •L x x
land. Produced into Scotland as early as 1525, in which
/year the Scottish Parliament passed an Act forbid-
/ ding the importation of Lutheran books into the
kingdom, and the dissemination of Lutheran doc
trines. These seem to have penetrated as far
north as the diocese of Aberdeen. A Dominican
named James Criton was despatched by Clement
VII. to the Scottish Court, in order to remind the
king of his duty to the Church, and the necessity
of guarding against the entry of heresy into the
realm. James wrote to the Pope on January 1,
1526, assuring him that the interests of religion
were safe in his hands, not only against Luther
anism, but against every other form of heresy.2
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 594.
2 Ibid., p. 552. " Literas Sanctitatis Tuse gratissimas accepimus
per devotum religiosum ac familiarem nostrum Jacobum Criton
ordinis divi Dominici . . . Nam quod Lutherii fautores attinet, et
quam dampnabilis hujus novi promulgatoris disciplina nobis invisa,
et pro parte virili oppugnata, aliorum sit judicium. Sanctissime
Pater, satis constat nos majoresque nostros non modo hujus teter-
rimEe pestis, verum etiam a primordio, quo orthodoxa fides regnum
nostrum illuminaverit, ab omni labe cujusvis hseresis hactenus in-
violatos illesosque stetisse."

PATRICK HAMILTON. 135
In Clement's reply, dated January 11, he thanks
the monarch for his fidelity and zeal, adding that
on the maintenance of the Catholic faith depends
in great measure the stability of the royal au
thority.1 It was not long before James had an
opportunity of proving the reality of his protes
tations. One of the first preachers of the new doctrines Patrick
in Scotland was Patrick Hamilton. Born in 1504,
and connected both with the royal family and the
powerful house of Arran, he was early appointed,
according to the custom of the time, to the
commendatory abbacy of Feme. It is doubtful
whether he was ever ordained priest. Being
suspected of holding heretical opinions, he judged
it prudent to go abroad ; and becoming acquainted
with Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg, and
with Lambert at Marburg, he professed himself
before long a convert to the new religion. On his
return to Scotland, he commenced at once to pro
pagate the Protestant tenets, and was in conse
quence arrested and imprisoned in the castle of
St Andrews. The heretical opinions charged His tenets.
against him included the following : that every
true Christian may know himself to be in a state
of grace ; that the corruption of sin remains in
infants after baptism ; that faith, hope, and
charity are so linked together that he who hath
one of them hath all, and he that lacketh one
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 553.

136 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
lacketh all; that God is in a sense the cause of
sin, by withdrawing His grace ; that auricular
confession is not necessary to salvation ; that
there is no purgatory ; that the Pope is anti-
Christ, and that every priest has as much power
as the Pope.1 Arraigned before the ecclesiastical
court on the charge of teaching these doctrines,
Hamilton remained obdurate in his errors, and
was sentenced to be deprived of all clerical digni
ties and privileges, and handed over to the secular
power. In accordance with the rigorous laws of
the time against heresy, he was condemned to
msexecu- be burned. The sentence was executed at St
tion for
heresy. Andrews, in front of St Salvator's College, on
February 29, 1528. Two months later the Uni
versity of Louvain addressed an official letter to
Archbishop Beaton, congratulating him on his
vigorous measures in defence of the Catholic faith.
It must be remembered that these severe measures
were not dictated by a spirit of persecution. They
were the logical carrying out of a principle which
had been recognised from the earliest times in
every country of Christendom — namely, the right
and duty of the secular arm to draw the sword in
defence of the Church. So far was this principle
from being disowned by the Protestant party,
that it was enforced both in word and deed by
1 Spottiswood, History, vol. i. p. 124. Hamilton set forth his
doctrines in a small Latin treatise, which was translated by Foxe,
and incorporated by him in his Book of Martyrs.

DISPUTE BETWEEN KING AND CLERGY. 137
the leaders of the Reformation, and vigorously
put in practice by those princes who adopted the
new tenets.
Although the king and the great bulk of the wide dif-
Scottish people were still true to the Catholic Protestant-
faith, the condemned doctrines had nevertheless
spread widely through the country, and their
diffusion was increased rather than checked by
the sympathy excited by the tragic end of
Hamilton, who was only in his twenty-fifth year.
sMeanwhile a serious cause of difference had arisen
between the king and the clergy, in connection Question
& . between
with the newly founded College of Justice. A tax the ldns
J ° and clergy.
of ten thousand pounds a-year, imposed by James
on ecclesiastical benefices for the support of the
new institution, was reduced by the bishops to
fourteen hundred. Even for this, however, the
formal ratification of a Provincial Council was
required ; and accordingly, an Act of Parliament
was passed on June 12, 1535, declaring that it
was thought expedient by the Three Estates of
the realm that a General Provincial Council
should meet in the following March ; that the
Archbishop of St Andrews be required by the
king to summon the Council, and should he refuse
to do so, that the king apply to the Pope for a
brief authorising two other bishops to act in
his place. Archbishop Dunbar of Glasgow, the
chancellor, consented to the enactment, "without
prejudice off his archbishopric of Glasgow, priue-

138 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
lege and jurisdictioune granted to him and his
successouris." 1 The primate summoned the Synod
in the usual form, setting forth the ordinance of
Parliament, the desire of the king, and the consent
of the Archbishop of Glasgow ; but taking care to
add that the right of convoking the Synod be
longed of right to the Archbishop of St Andrews
as Primate of all Scotland and legatus natus of
the Holy See. Archbishop Dunbar on his side
makes no mention whatever, in his letters to his
suffragans, of the summons of the primate, speak
ing merely of the enactment of the king and
Parliament, and the consent thereto of the clergy
of the realm, " extra tamen prejudicium privilegi-
orum nobis et ecclesie nostre Apostolica auctoritate
concessorum." 2 The Council was summoned to
meet on Ash Wednesday 1536, in the Blackfriars'
Church in Edinburgh. All that is known of the
proceedings, which lasted a week, is that the
object of the convocation of the Synod was secured
by the imposition of an annual tax on the clergy
institution for the support of the new College of Justice.
of the Col- ....
lege of Jus- This institute, which James had probably founded
with the advice of his old preceptor, the Arch
bishop of Glasgow, was to consist of fourteen
judges, half lay and half clerical. The president
was always to be an ecclesiastic. The institute
1 Acts of the Pari, of Scoti, vol. ii. p. 342.
2 Robertson {Statuta, pp. ccxlvii-ccli) gives the text of the letters
addressed by the two archbishops to their respective suffragans.

JAMES V. AND THE FRANCISCANS. 139
received the confirmation of Pope Clement VII.
in the year 1534, and Abbot My hie of Cambus-
kenneth was appointed its first president.1 The
king appears to have urged upon the Council the
abolition of the obnoxious mortuary dues exacted
by the parochial clergy, and also an arrangement
by which tithes could be leased for a certain fixed
payment. The royal wishes, however, were un
heeded, although James accompanied them with a
threat that he would compel the clergy to grant
feus of the Church lands at low rents.
Notwithstanding his somewhat arbitrary and James v.
• and the
high-handed dealings with the clergy, James V. friars-
continued steadfast in his attachment to the
Catholic faith, and in his efforts to promote the
best interests of the Scottish Church. In a letter
addressed to Clement VII. in 1531, he warmly
commends to the protection and favour of the Pope
the Franciscan friars in his, kingdom, of whose
good observance and purity of life he speaks in
the highest terms.2 Clement, on his side, did not
1 A painting in the Parliament House in Edinburgh represents
James V. handing the papal confirmation to the first president of
the new court.
z Theiner, Monumenta, p. 597. " Et cum Fratrum Minorum de
observantia ordo sanctimonia vitae et puritate in omnium hominum
conspectu clarissime luceat et resplendeat, et a quondam clarissimo
patre nostro et a nobis in maxima semper veneratione habitus."
This spontaneous tribute to the virtues of the friars on the part of
James V. is strangely at variance with the supposed fact, for which
Buchanan himself is the only authority, that he incited that writer
to attack the Order in his scurrilous poem, the Franciscanus. Mr
Robertson, who quotes Buchanan's statement as undoubted fact,
omits all mention of the king's letter cited above. — Translator.

140 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
fail to exhort the Scottish king to remain firm in
obedience to the Holy See, and in resisting the
influence of his uncle, Henry VIII. of England.
In 1532 he despatched Sylvester Darius, his
chaplain, and auditor of the sacred palace, as
nuncio to the Court of King James, in order to
confirm the ancient privileges whereby Scottish
subjects were exempt from being summoned, in
the first instance, before a court outside the limits
of the kingdom.1 In the same year the Pope
wrote to King James expressing his gratitude for
his promise to join in a crusade against the Turks.
Henry VIII. meanwhile left no means untried to
secure the adherence of his nephew to the new
religion. Dr Barlow, his chaplain, and Lord
William Howard were sent on an embassy to
Scotland in 1535, with the object of negotiating
a marriage between James and his cousin, the
Proposed Princess Mary of England, and of inviting the
conference J ° o
james'v JoxmS king to meet Henry VIII. in conference at
vinHem7 York, to discuss the question of the Reformation.
James received the embassy courteously, and
accepted the proposal of a conference. Acting,
however, by the advice of his Privy Council, who
were mostly ecclesiastics, and were flatteringly
styled by Barlow " the Pope's pestilent creatures
and very limbs of the devil," he declined to accept
the treatise sent him by his uncle, entitled ' The
Doctrine of a Christian Man.' The conference
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 601.

EMBASSY TO PARIS, 1536. 141
at York was postponed, owing probably to a
letter from Pope Paul III., in June 1536, earn
estly requesting James to await the arrival of
a new nuncio before proceeding to England.
Soon afterwards the same Pontiff sent Dionysius
Laurerius, the general of the Servites, to announce
to the King of Scotland that a General Council
was about to assemble at Mantua.1 In the begin
ning of 1537 James received from the Pope, at Papalfavours
the hands of Antony Campeggio, the cap and to King
J Srin.es.
sword blessed on Christmas night. The nuncio,
in laying this gift at the feet of the Scottish
monarch, commended his attachment to the Holy
See,2 addressed him by the title of Defender of
the Faith, and severely censured the scandalous
conduct of the King of England in putting for
ward his pretended religious scruples as a cloak
for his lust and ambition.3
Meanwhile, an embassy had been despatched
to Paris in the year 1536, in order to arrange
a matrimonial alliance between the young King
of Scotland and the royal family of France. The
subjects of James were anxious for his marriage,
1 This was the celebrated Council which afterwards met at
Trent. — Translator.
2 Raynald, ann. 1537. "Ad te igitur, quern Catholicum prin-
cipem et hujus Sanctse Sedis devotissimum filium habemus, hunc
ensem cum pileo per dilectum filium Antonium comitem de Cam
peggio . . . mittimus, Deum suppliciter deprecantes, ut tibi,
qui tuum regnum venenis vicinarum hseresium, quamvis saepe sol-
licitatus, nunquam inquinari passus es, felicitatem concedat."
3 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 356.

142 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
for his life hitherto had been very far from im
maculate. In a letter written several years be
fore to Pope Clement VII., we find him petition
ing that Pontiff for a dispensation to enter the
ecclesiastical state for his three natural children,
Marriage one of them born in adultery.1 A marriage was
concluded between James and Magdalen, the
only daughter of the King of France ; 2 and the
ceremony was solemnised with much pomp in the
cathedral of Notre Dame, on New Year's Day,
1537. After a stay of nine months in Paris, the
royal pair set out for Scotland, where they were
welcomed with every mark of joy and festivity.
Their happiness, however, was but short-lived.
The young queen fell a victim to rapid consump
tion, and expired within two months of her
arrival in Scotland, to the deep sorrow of the
whole nation.
intrigues Henry VIII., as may be supposed, did not view
viii. ' with indifference the close alliance of his nephew
with the crown of France, and the marked favour
shown him by the Pope. In order to counteract
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 599. In another letter, dated Decem
ber 16, 1538, the king requests the perpetual commendatorship of
Holyrood Abbey for his natural son Robert {ibid., p. 611).
2 The Scottish ambassadors (among whom was David Beaton, the
future primate) had already subscribed at Cremieux a treaty of
marriage between James and Mary of Bourbon, daughter of the
Duke of Vendome. The document, which is dated December 6,
1536, is preserved in the Advocates' Library. The Scottish king,
however, on his arrival in France transferred his affections to the
Princess Magdalen.

STATE OF PARTIES IN SCOTLAND. 143
these influences, he exerted himself to foster dis
content among the Scottish nobles, and to support
the efforts of the banished house of Douglas to
return from exile ; and he was further successful
in corrupting the fidelity of Sir Adam Otterburn,
the Scottish ambassador in England. Henry also
formally protested against the title of Defender
of the Faith being bestowed upon the King of
Scotland. The state of parties at the period of the return situation
of James to his dominions is thus depicted by land.
Tytler : x " On the one hand is seen Henry VIII.,
the great foe to the supremacy of the see of
Rome, supported in Scotland not only by the
still formidable power and unceasing intrigues of
the Douglases, but by a large proportion of the
nobles, and the talents of his sister, the queen-
mother. On the other hand, we perceive the
King of Scotland backed by the united talent,
zeal, and wealth of the Catholic clergy, the loyalty
of some of the most potent peers, the cordial co
operation of France, the approval of the emperor,
the affection of the great body of his people, upon
whom the doctrines of Luther had not as yet
made any very general impression, and the cordial
support of the Papal See." The historian whom
we have quoted goes on to dwell with compla
cency on the " slow but uninterrupted progress
towards the reception of the great principles of
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 359.

144 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
the Reformation" in Scotland. The record of
events will show whether this progress is to be
ascribed to the intrinsic vitality of the new doc
trines, or to the mechanical pressure of external
force, aided by the circumstances of time and
place.
Burning of The execution of Patrick Hamilton was shortly
liGrfitics
followed by the enforcing of the same extreme
penalty against other adherents of the new
opinions. The first of these was a Benedictine
monk named Henry Forrest, who was burned at
St Andrews, probably in 1533. In the following
year, David Straiton, a layman of some position,
and a priest named Norman Gourlay, were tried
before the king and the Bishop of Ross, acting
for the primate. They also were condemned, and
were burned at Greenside, near Edinburgh, on
August 27, 1534. A like judgment was pro
nounced on Thomas Forret, a canon-regular of
Inchcolm ; Duncan Simson, a priest of Stirling ;
a layman named Robert Forrester ; and two
Dominican friars, named Beveridge and Keillor.
The latter had written a miracle-play, in which
the prelates of the Scottish Church were satirised
under the characters of the chief priests and
Pharisees who persecuted Christ. The above
were all burned at Edinburgh on March 1, 1539 ;
and in the same year, a Franciscan friar named
Jerome Russell, and one Kennedy, a layman,
suffered a similar fate at Glasgow. It should be

ALEXANDER ALESS. 145
noted that the proceedings which were taken
against these persons were sanctioned not only
by the ecclesiastical law, but by the express pro
visions of an Act of Parliament passed in the
year 1535, which renewed the ancient prohibition
agamst the introduction of heretical doctrine, for
bade the discussion of the Lutheran tenets, except
with a view to their refutation, and ordered all
who were in possession of any Lutheran writings
to deliver them up to the bishop within the space
of forty days.1
While there were thus found some who pre
ferred to suffer death rather than relinquish the
Protestant tenets, a large number either abjured
their opinions or took refuge on the Continent.
Among the latter was Alexander Aless, who had Alexander
° . Aless.
studied grammar and philosophy at St Andrews,
where he was ordained priest and appointed a
canon. Patrick Hamilton is said to have per
suaded him to embrace Protestantism, and he was
for a time in prison on a charge of teaching
heresy. At a synod held at St Andrews in 1529,
Aless preached a violent discourse against the
excesses of the clergy. He afterwards betook
himself to England, where he was received into
favour by Cranmer and Cromwell, and brought
by them under the notice of Henry VIII. After
Cromwell's beheadal in 1540, he went to Ger
many, where he filled the post of professor of
1 Acts of Pari, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 349.
VOL. II. K

146 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
theology, first at Frankfort-on-Oder and after
wards at Leipsic. At the celebrated Diet of
Worms in 1540, Aless was one of those deputed
to attend on the Protestant side ; but he was
not permitted by the Chancellor Granvell to
speak, and Melanchthon therefore took his place.
When the latter, ten years later, drew up the
Repetitio Confessionis Augustanai to be submitted
to the Council of Trent, the name of Aless appears
among the prominent Protestant theologians
whose signatures were appended to the docu
ment.1 In the questions raised by Osiander at
Naumburg, and by Melanchthon a little later at
Nuremberg, Aless also took a conspicuous part.
He did not favour the extreme party, siding
rather with those who maintained the necessity
of good works; and on November 29, 1560, he
defended this doctrine in a public disputation at
Leipsic.
His con- Aless was the author of a number of contro-
troversy . .
^Coch- versial writings, the best known of which are
those written against Cochlseus. The latter, in
his well-known commentary on the life and works
of Luther, refers to his disputation with Aless.
The main subjects of controversy were the pro
hibition by the Scotch bishops of the New Testa
ment in the vernacular,2 and the reply made by
1 From an MS. in the Thomas Library at Leipsic. "Alexander
Alesius Scotus, Doctor Theologies et Decanus collegii theologici in
Academia Lipsica." [Communicated by Professor Lechler, Leipsic]
2 An licet laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula.

laeus.

PROMINENT SCOTCHMEN. 147
the Lutheran princes to the eight articles of
Clement VII., with reference to the assembly of
a General Council.1
John MAlpine (styled in Latin Machabseus), Macha-
prior of the Dominicans at Perth, went to Eng
land about the year 1535, and afterwards became
a professor at Copenhagen. About the same
time, George Buchanan escaped from prison and Buchanan.
fled to the Continent. John Mair, provost of Mair.
St Salvator's College, who, according to Knox,
was regarded as an oracle in religious matters,
was one of those who desired that the reformation
in the Scottish Church should come from within
rather than without, and who remained true to
the Catholic faith. John Winram, sub-prior of Winram.
Disputatio inter Cochlseum et Alexandrum Alesium, 1535. Contra
decretum Episcoporum Scotise. Argentor., 1542.
1 Defuturo Concilio rite celebrando. Octo articuli a Romano Pon-
tifice Clemente Septimo principibus Germanise per nuntium Apos-
tolicum proposita. Responsio Lutheranorum principum super
eisdem. Epistola Joannis Cochleei ad Archiepiscopum S. Andreas
in Scotia. Dresden in Misnia, 1533. The conclusion is set forth
as follows : " Summa igitur summarum hsec est, amplissime Pater ac
reverendissime domine, quod Lutherani concilio causam suam com-
mittere non audent, diffidentes Spiritui Sancto, qui concilio prasesse
debet juxta Christi promissiones." See Lam mer, Vortridentin.
Theologie, p. 97.
The following year (1534) Cochlasus published his Pro Scotice
Regno Apologia Johannis Cochleei adversus personatum Alexandrum
Alesium Scotum. Ad Serenissimum Scotorum regem, 1534. Ex
Dresda Misnias, Idibus August., 1534. This was a reply to Aless's
letter to King James with reference to the prohibition of the Bible
in the vernacular. According to Cochlseus, this letter was in reality
written by Melanchthon. {Op. cit., p. 1.)
Mackenzie {Lives of the most eminent Scottish Writers, vol. ii. pp.
144 seq.) gives a detailed biography of Aless.

sou.

148 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
St Andrews, was on the other hand inclined
to favour the new opinions ; and the same
Logie. may be said of Gavin Logie, the Principal of St
Leonard's College. The influence of the latter,
indeed, on the side of the Lutheran tenets,
was so well known, that it was commonly said
if any one inclined to Protestantism, that he
had drunk of St Leonard's well.1 Logie found
himself obliged to quit Scotland, probably about
1535, but it is not known what became of him.
Richard- Another of the same party was Robert Richard
son, a canon-regular of Cambuskenneth. He pub
lished at Paris, in 1530, a commentary on the
rule of his Order,2 in which he denounced in
severe terms the relaxation and want of discipline
prevalent in religious Orders, and the irregular
and disedifying lives of the superiors. At the
same time, he speaks in the highest terms of
Abbot Mylne, who was well known as a stanch
adherent to the Catholic party. The unmeasured
language employed by Richardson, or more prob
ably his subsequent leanings towards the Lu
theran doctrines, obliged him to retire to Eng
land, probably about 1538. In the same year is
recorded the flight to England of Robert Logie,
canon of Cambuskenneth and novice-master there,
and of another canon named John Richardson.
1 See Knox, Historie of Reformation (ed. 1644), p. 14.
2 Exegesis in Canonem Dim, Augustini, recens edita per Fr. Rober-
tum Richardinum, Celebris ecclesia? Cambuskenalis canonicum.
Lutet., 1530.

FRIAR SEATON. 149
Grub, however, supposes that " John " is here a
mistake for " Robert." x It is certain, at all
events, that a priest named Robert Richardson
returned to Scotland from England in 1543, and
preached the Lutheran doctrines until again com
pelled to fly in order to escape prosecution at the
hands of Cardinal Beaton.
Another vehement assailant of the prevalent Friar
x Seaton.
abuses of the time was Alexander Seaton, a
Dominican friar, and confessor to King James V.
In spite of his violent tirades against the bishops,
he was so high a favourite not only of the king,
but of the people at large, that the ecclesiastical
authorities for a time hesitated to proceed against
him. After a time, however, he seems to have
lost the good opinion of the king, and to have
found it expedient to betake himself to England.
He wrote to James from Berwick (whither he
had arrived still wearing his religious habit),
stating the reasons which had impelled him to
flight, and proffering advice as to the attitude to
be adopted by the king with regard to the re
ligious questions then pending. "I believe." he
writes, " the Cause of my departing is unknowne
to thy gracious Majesty : Which only is, because
the Bishops and Churchmen of thy Realme have
had heretofore such Authoritie upon thy subjects,
that apparently they were rather King and thou
the Subject ; which unjust Regiment is of itself
1 Ecclesiast. Hist., vol. ii. p. 13.

150 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
false, and contrarie to Holy Scripture."1 After
this preface, Seaton goes on to bring an accusa
tion against the Scottish bishops of condemning
unheard those brought before the ecclesiastical
courts. He petitions, therefore, to be heard and
judged under the protection of the royal jurisdic
tion, and offers at the same time to hold a dis
putation, on the basis of Scripture, with the
ignorant monks, who are unable even so much as
to read their breviaries. He further proceeds to
inform the king that there is incumbent upon
him the duty of protecting the poor and helpless
against those prelates, who by their insatiable
greed and constant exactions are devouring the
substance of his unfortunate subjects. Seaton,
as might have been expected, conformed while in
England to the schismatic church of Henry VIII.
In 1541, however, he appears to have been in
duced by Bishop Gardiner of Winchester to re
tract at Paul's Cross certain of his erroneous
doctrines. He died the same year.
One more name may be mentioned, although
Knox is the only authority for the little we know
Airth. of him. William Arithe or Airth, a friar, appears
to have preached in Dundee, about 1534, against
false miracles and the irregular lives of the
bishops. When called to account by the Bishop
of Brechin for his language, he betook himself to
St Andrews, and there, in the presence of the
1 Keith, Church and State in Scotland (ed. 1734), Appendix, p. 4.

EARLY YEARS OF DAVID BEATON. 151
provost of St Salvator's, Prior Hepburn, the
Abbot of Cambuskenneth, and George Lockhart,
provost of the collegiate church of Crichton, he
repeated the same discourse. He too fled into
England ; but he does not appear to have aban
doned the Catholic faith, as he was afterwards
imprisoned by Henry VIII. for defending the
authority of the Pope.1
Amid the dangers which on all sides menaced David
the Scottish Church, there was one individual
who, alike from his high position, energetic and
statesmanlike character, and wide theological
learning, was eminently fitted to uphold the laws
of Church and State in defence of the ancient
religion of the country. David Beaton, third son
of John Beaton of Balfour, in Fife, and Isabella
Monypenny, was born in 1494. By the marriage
of James, first Earl of Arran, to the daughter of
Sir David Beaton of Creich, the future cardinal
was nearly related to the third earl, afterwards
regent of Scotland and heir-presumptive to the
throne. Educated up to his sixteenth year at His educa-
St Andrews, David repaired in 1511 to the Uni
versity of Glasgow, his uncle James Beaton being
then archbishop of that see. He completed his
education at Paris, where he attained remarkable
proficiency in canon and civil law; and in 1519,
when only in his twenty-fifth year, he was ap
pointed by James V. envoy at the Court of France. °
1 Knox, Historie, pp. 14-16.

152 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
France. His uncle the archbishop bestowed upon
him the rectories of Campsie and Cambuslang ;
and on his translation to the primatial see in
1523, he resigned to his nephew the commenda
tory abbacy of Arbroath, obtaining for him at the
same time from Pope Adrian IV. a dispensation
from wearing the monastic habit for two years.
In 1525 David returned to Scotland, and took his
seat in Parliament as Abbot of Arbroath. One
of the first acts of the young king on assuming
the reins of government was to confer upon
Lord Privy Beaton the important office of Lord Privy Seal ;
and from that period he constantly advanced in
favour with his sovereign. As has been already
mentioned, he was despatched on an embassy to
France in 1533, in conjunction with Sir Thomas
Erskine, in order to renew the alliance with King
Francis I., and to negotiate a marriage between
James and a princess of the French royal house.
Beaton on this occasion ingratiated himself so
highly at the French Court, that he became
Natural- naturalised in that kingdom. He was present at
ised in ...
Prance. the solemnisation of the marriage of King James
to the Princess Magdalen, and after the ceremony
returned with them to Scotland. The death of
the young queen took place, as we have seen,
within a few months of her marriage ; and shortly
afterwards we find Beaton again on an embassy
to France, requesting on the king's behalf the
hand of Mary of Guise, widow of the Duke of

BEATON CREATED CARDINAL, 1538. 153

Longueville. It was during his present visit to
the French Court that King Francis conferred
upon him the bishopric of Mirepoix, which was Bishop of
a suffragan see of Toulouse, and brought him an
annual revenue of ten thousand livres. Beaton
received the papal confirmation to this see on
December 5, 1537. He successfully concluded
the negotiations for the marriage of James with
Mary of Guise, conducted the royal bride to Scot
land, and himself solemnised the marriage in the
cathedral of St Andrews. In the following Feb
ruary he assisted at the coronation ceremony in
the abbey-church of Holyrood.
Meanwhile Francis I. gave further proof of the
favour in which he held the Bishop of Mirepoix,
by soliciting Pope Paul III. to raise him to the
dignity of cardinal. King James made the same
request in two letters dated August 15, 1538.
In these the king dwells on his unshaken attach
ment to the Holy See, and declares it to be a
step demanded by the necessity of the times that
the future primate of Scotland should be invested
with a dignity which, would enable him fitly to
represent the majesty of the Church, and thus be
better able to stem the progress of error.1 In the
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 609. "Hoc omnes, qui bene volunt
Rom. sedi, petunt, hoc exposcunt tempora, necessitas efflagitat, ut
si videlicet quispiam apud nos Cardinalitise dignitatis amplitudine
decoratus, qui ecclesiae majestatem in his regionibus referat, qui
furentes insanis erroribus animos ad sanitatem non minus reducere
possit quam velit."

154 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
following September King James wrote repeating
the request; and on December 16, 1538, we find
him writing to express his thanks to the Pope for
his determination to elevate Beaton to the sacred
purple, at the same time renewing his protesta
tions of fidelity to the Holy See,1 and petitioning
the Pontiff to confer the office of legate on the
new cardinal. Four days later, on December 20,
Beaton Beaton was raised to the cardinalate, with the
madecardinal, title of St Stephen on the Ccelian ; but the lega
tine authority was not conceded to him until
some years later, on January 30, 1544. Latino
Juvenale was appointed nuncio to convey to the
cardinal the insignia of his rank, and he was also
intrusted with the mission of explaining and
justifying at the Scottish Court the attitude of
the Holy See towards England.2 A month after
Beaton became cardinal, his uncle, the Archbishop
Archbishop of St Andrews, died, and was succeeded in the
of St An
drews, primacy by his nephew, who had six months pre
viously been appointed coadjutor in the see, with
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 611. "Illud vero et ssepemunero pro-
missimus, et perpetuo promissum volumus, nos nulli nee Regi nee
Principi, nee cuique etiam mortali in ista Sanctissima Sede Apos-
tolica et observanda et colenda concessuros unquam, id cum f acimus,
proprium sane et legitimum hujus regise functionis, beneficentia
divina nobis commissas nos facere arbitramur omcium, ut cum se
idonea nobis offeret occasio, ostendere conabimur, quid ecclesiae
Dei, quid regio muneri, quid Sanctissimis debeamus majorum
nostrorum vestigiis, nee aliunde quam ex hoc fonte manare nobis
persuademus, si quid nobis nostrisve subditis aliquando prospere
successit." 2 For the instructions to the nuncio see Appendix I.

HENRY VIII. AND IRELAND. 155
the right of successor. In the following year the
Pope, at the request of the new primate, nomin
ated William Gibson Bishop of Libaria in partibus
infidelium, to act as a coadjutor to the cardinal,
with an annual income of £200, paid out of the
revenues of the see of St Andrews.
The commanding abilities and high position of
Cardinal Beaton, and the favour in which he
stood with the Scottish king and people, could
not fail to arouse the jealousy and irritation of
Henry VIII., who saw in his character and policy
the frustration of his own plans regarding Scotland.
Henry had already, in 1539, despatched Sir Ralph
Sadler on an embassy to James, instructing him
to discover his nephew's sentiments with respect
to the anti-English alliance between France and
the empire, to ascertain how he was really dis
posed towards the reformed opinions, and to un
dermine, if possible, his confidence in the cardinal,
by showing him certain letters from the latter to
the Pope, which had accidentally fallen into
Henry's hands, and would, he supposed, awaken
the jealousy and suspicion of King James. The
embassy, however, was barren of result ; and .a
second one, undertaken in 1541 with the same
object, was equally unsuccessful. Henry's resent
ment at this failure was increased by the conduct
of the chieftains of Ireland, who, irritated by
Henry's rupture with the Catholic Church, and
still more by his assumption, for the first time, of

156 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
the title of King of Ireland, sent a deputation
to King James to offer the Irish crown to that
monarch. The bestowal by Paul III. on the King
of Scotland of the very title of Defender of the
Faith, which his predecessor Leo X. had conferred
upon Henry for the defence of the Catholic doc:
trine of the sacraments against Luther, was the
last drop in the cup of the royal theologian ; and
Outbreak his anger culminated in the open outbreak of
of war with ......
England, hostuities between the two kingdoms in the
autumn of 1542. The first engagement, fought
at Hadden - Rig in Teviotdale, terminated in
favour of the Scotch ; and Cardinal Beaton, in
writing to announce the victory to the Pope,
took occasion to point out that the sole cause of
the rupture was the loyal refusal of James to
forsake the cause of the Holy See and his ally
the King of France.1 Unfortunately, here as
Disloyalty elsewhere, the treachery and disaffection of de-
of the no- J
hies. generate nobles proved fatal to the success of the
Scottish arms. " They were led," remarks Tytler,2
"by those nobles who regarded the conduct of
the king with disapproval and even of indigna
tion. Many of them favoured the doctrines of
the Reformation, some from a conscientious con-
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 613. "Tanti autem belli causa non
alia sane extitit, nisi quod Serenissimus Dominus meus a Sancta
ista Sede Apostolica deficere, illiusque insaniam sequi noluerit,
Christianissimique Gallorum Regis, soceri sui, partes deserere,
suasque contra ilium sequi recusarit.''
2 Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 373.

DEATH OF JAMES V., 1542. 157
viction of their truth, others from an envious eye
to those possessions of the Church which, under
the dissolution ofthe English religious houses, they
had seen become the prey of their brethren in Eng
land ; many dreaded the severity of the new laws
against treason, and trembled for their estates,
when they considered they might thus be rendered
responsible for the misdeeds of their deceased
predecessors ; while others were tied to the in
terests of the Douglases." Under such leaders,
the issue of a meeting with the English forces
could not be doubtful. Three thousand Scottish
soldiers fled on Solway Moss before three hundred R0Ut of
English troopers. King James, whose own valour Moss.
was undoubted, never recovered the disgrace. He
died in his palace of Falkland, of a broken heart, Death of
James V.
on December 13, 1542, when only thirty years of
age. He left an only daughter, Mary, an infant
of six days old, who succeeded to the crown, and
whose reign was destined to close even more
tragically than his own. The resemblance be
tween the character of James V. and that of the His charac-
first Scottish monarch of the name, as far as re
garded vigour, talent, and energy in defending
the rights of the throne, has been justly pointed
out.1 In personal purity of life, however, as well
as in zeal for the truest interests of the Church,
James V. compares very unfavourably with his
illustrious ancestor.
1 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 375.

158 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
The news of the death of King James had not
yet reached Rome in January 1543, in which
month we find Paul III. granting to the King of
Scotland a large subsidy from the Church revenues
of the kingdom, for the prosecution of the war
with Henry VIII. — that " son of perdition " (so
the Pontiff styles him), " who is labouring for no
other end than to make himself master of Scot
land, and destroy the Catholic faith in Scotland,
as he has already done in England." 1 It was not
until May 1543 that the Regent conveyed to the
Pope the tidings of the king's death. He excuses
the delay on the plea of engrossing occupations,
which " hardly leave him time to breathe ; " 2 and
he requests that the revenues of the abbeys held
in commendam by the infant children of the de
ceased monarch may, until they attain the canon
ical age of twenty-two, be administered by him
for the benefit of the State, then in urgent need
of funds for carrying on the war with England,
the necessary sums being deducted for the main
tenance of the royal children.
Proceed- Cardinal Beaton, on his accession to the pri-
rngs against x
heretics macy, had continued the policy of proceeding
Beatonal against heretics which had been sanctioned by
Borthwick. his predecessor. In May 1540, Sir John Borth-
wick was summoned to appear at St Andrews on
1 State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. v. p. 46.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 614. " Gravissimis occupationibus, quse
sic obruunt, ut respirare vix liceat."

TRIAL OF BORTHWICK. FOR HERESY. 159
a charge of heresy. Among those present at his
trial were Gavin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow,
the Bishops of Aberdeen, Brechin, Galloway, and
Dunblane, the Abbots of Dunfermline, Melrose,
Lindores, and Kinloss, and many of the leading
nobles. Cardinal Beaton addressed the assem
blage in an eloquent harangue, setting forth the
situation of the Scottish Church, the dangers
which menaced her, and the efforts which were
being made to root the Catholic religion out of
the country. He then proceeded to denounce
Borthwick as a heretic, and ordered the articles
of accusation against him to be read. According
to these the accused had openly taught : 1. That
the Pope had no more authority over Christians
than any other prelate. 2. That indulgences are
of no effect, but tend only to abuse the people
and to deceive their souls. 3. That the Pope is
guilty of simony, by selling spiritual gifts ; and
that marriage is lawful for bishops. 4. That those
heresies, commonly known as the heresies of Eng
land, are to be understood as true, and conform
able to God's law. 5. That the Scottish people
and clergy have not the true Catholic faith, but
that his own belief was better than that of all the
clergy of Scotland. 6. That the clergy (as Huss
and Wyclif had formerly taught) ought not to
have any temporal possessions, but that all these
should be taken from them, as had been done
in England. 7. That the King of Scotland,

160 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
Defender of the Faith, intended to appropriate to
his own use all the property of the Church. 8.
That he (Borthwick) desired and prayed that the
Church of Scotland might be brought to the same
pass as the Church of England had already come
to. 9. That the ecclesiastical law and sacred
canons are of no force or effect. 10. That religion
is not to be observed, but altogether abolished
and destroyed.1 As Borthwick did not appear to
answer these charges, sentence was pronounced
against him in his absence. His goods were con
fiscated, and he himself burned in effigy, on the
28th of May. Borthwick fled to England, and
entered the service of Henry VIII., who after
wards sent him on an embassy to the Protestant
princes of Germany.
James v. Notwithstanding the high favour which James
Scottish V. extended to the person and policy of Beaton, he
clBrsrv.
was fully alive to the various abuses which pre
vailed in the Scottish Church. It was alleged,
although, as we have seen,2 on very doubtful
authority, that Buchanan was encouraged by the
king to satirise the Franciscan Order in a scurri
lous poem ; and he appears to have sanctioned by
his presence the performance of Sir David Lind
say's play of " The Three Estates," which is said
to have " contributed more to the Reformation in
Scotland than all the sermons of John Knox." 3
1 Keith, Clvwrch and State in Scotland, Appendix, pp. 6, 7.
2 See ante, p. 139, note 2.
3 Pinkerton, Scottish Poems reprinted, vol. i. p. xvii.

CARDINAL BEATON IMPRISONED, 1543. 161
A contemporary letter represents James as having
threatened the bishops that unless they reformed
their lives he would send some of them to be dealt
with by his uncle of England ; l and in his last
Parliament, held in 1541, he renewed his exhor
tations to the same effect, declaring that it was
the negligent and disorderly lives of so many
ecclesiastics that had brought the Church and
churchmen into contempt.2
The death of James V. , who, with all his faults,
had never shown the slightest leaning towards
the new opinions, enabled the Protestant party
to assume a much bolder attitude than hitherto.
Arran, the Regent, openly favoured the Reformed
doctrines, and received into his service two apos
tate Dominican friars named Williams and Rough.
The Scottish Parliament, on March 15, 1543,
passed an Act, on the proposal of Lord Maxwell,
who had embraced Protestantism while a prisoner
in England, permitting the reading of the Old
and New Testaments in the vernacular.3 In the
absence of the Cardinal, who had been thrown imprison-
into prison by the English faction on a false Beaton.
charge of treason, the Archbishop of Glasgow for
mally protested against the passing of this Act
until it should have been discussed by a Provin
cial Council.
1 State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. v. pp. 169, 170.
2 Acts of Parliament of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 370.
3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 415.
VOL. II. L

162 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
Projected Another question that was brought before the
marriageof Queen same Parliament was the proposed marriage of
Mary to . r r to
*e Prmce the infant queen to the eldest son of the King of
England. Henry had previously induced a num
ber of the Scottish nobles to sign a secret bond or
obligation, in which they bound themselves to
acknowledge him as lord paramount of Scotland,
to endeavour to get all the Scottish fortresses,
and the government of the kingdom, delivered
into his hands, and to have the infant queen in
trusted to his guardianship ; and finally, in case
these demands were refused by the Scottish Par
liament, to assist him by every means in their
power in the conquest of the country. Among
the parties to this disgraceful convention were
the Earls of Angus and Cassillis, Lords Maxwell,
Somerville, and Oliphant, Sir George Douglas,
the Master of Maxwell, and others, all of whom
were in receipt of pensions of various amount from
Henry, as the reward of their treachery.1 For
tunately, however, the influence of these renegade
nobles was not powerful enough to secure the
accomplishment of their nefarious plans. The
Parliament accepted the principle of the proposed
union between the infant queen and the Prince of
Wales, but resolutely refused to entertain the
other propositions of the English king.
Liberation Meanwhile the imprisonment of the Cardinal
01 1,1 1 L" \j3lT-
dinai. had been followed by an interdict extending over
1 Calendar of State Papers (Scoti.), vol. i. p. 44.

PATRIOTISM OF THE CLERGY. 163
the greater part of the kingdom. The divine ser
vice was suspended ; the sacraments were no
longer administered ; and so deep was the feeling
caused by this state of things among the people,
who still in great part clung to the old religion,
that it was deemed prudent to liberate Beaton
without delay. No sooner had he recovered his
freedom than he summoned a general convention
of the bishops and clergy at St Andrews, and
laid before them the imminent danger that men
aced both Church and State from the insolent
and overbearing demands of England. A sum of
ten thousand pounds, to be levied by a tax upon Patriotism
p -i °^ ^he
all benefices exceeding forty pounds in annual clergy.
value, was enthusiastically voted in support of
the expenses of a war in defence of national in
dependence ; and such was the patriotic ardour
of the clergy, that they declared themselves ready
not only to sacrifice all they possessed in the
national cause, but, if need were, to take up arms
in person.1 The intrigues of the Regent with
Henry VIII., who had held out hopes of giving
him his daughter Elizabeth in marriage, and even
1 Sadler, State Papers, vol. i. p. 204. "They have resolved that
they will, for the maintenance of the war, give all the money they
have, and also their own plate and their Church's plate — as chalices,
crosses, censers, and all — leaving nothing unspent in that quarrel,
and fight themselves if need require." Teulet {Relat. Politic, de la
France avec I'Ecosse, vol. i. p. 211) mentions that some of the clergy
actually fought at Pinkie, in 1546, under a banner inscribed
Afflicts spons^; ne obliviscaris. See Robertson, Statuta, p.
cxliv.

164 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
of raising him to the throne of Scotland, rendered
it imperative for the national and Catholic party
Energetic to take vigorous measures. The zeal and energy
Beaton. 0f Beaton were successful in awaking the patriot
ism of the country, in securing the person of the
young queen, and in inducing a portion of the
nobility to forsake their unnatural alliance with
the arch-enemy of Scotland. Among the latter
was Arran himself, who, partly through the in
fluence of his illegitimate brother, the Abbot of
Paisley, was persuaded to abjure his Protestant
opinions in the Franciscan Church at Stirling.
Papal Six months later, in October 1543, Marco Gri-
nuncio to
Scotland, mani, patriarch of Aquileia, was despatched by the
Pope as nuncio to Scotland.1 We have no precise
information as to the special object of his mission,
but he was doubtless instructed to confirm the
Regent in his adherence to the Catholic cause,
and to assure him of the continued support of the
Holy See in the threatened hostilities with Eng
land. He seems also to have strongly advised
against the proposed marriage of Mary to the
Prince of Wales. The nuncio was entertained
during the winter with much hospitality and
splendour by the Scottish nobles ; and on his
departure in March 1544, he expressed in glow
ing terms, at the Courts of France and Venice,
and the Apostolic See itself, the favourable im-
1 Bishop Leslie is mistaken in his statement {Hist., p. 445) that
the nuncio was Contarini, Patriarch of Venice. — Translator.

TERGIVERSATION OF THE NOBLES. 165
pressions he had received of the Scottish kingdom
and people.1 It was during his sojourn in Scot
land, in January 1544, that the Pope at length
bestowed upon Cardinal Beaton the office and dig
nity of legate.
In the month of December 1543, the Parlia- Pariiamen-
. tary pro-
ment again met, and proceeded to take vigorous ceedings
, . against the
measures against Angus and the rest of his party, disloyal
who had subscribed the disloyal convention with
Henry. Angus himself was cited on a charge of
treason ; Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange was
deprived of the treasurership, which was conferred
upon Abbot Hamilton of Paisley ; and the Car
dinal received the high dignity of Chancellor of
the kingdom. The Parliament, moreover, an
nulled the treaty of marriage with England, on
the ground of the injustice and bad faith exhibit
ed by Henry VIII.; and it further set forth the
grave complaints that were daily made regarding
the spread of heresy in the kingdom, and enjoined
the bishops to make strict inquisition on the sub
ject, and to proceed against all offenders according
to law. These energetic measures were a com
plete check to the hopes of the disloyal nobles ;
and the Earls of Lennox, Angus, Glencairn, and Their con-
Cassillis, who a few months before had been in the behaviour.
pay and service of the King of England, did not
hesitate, in order to escape the just penalty of
their treason, to sign a document binding them-
1 Keith, Church and State in Scotland, p. 40.

166 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
selves " to remain true, faithful, and obedient ser
vants to their sovereign lady and her authority,
to assist the lord governor for defence of the
realm against their old enemies of England, to
support the liberties of Holy Church, and to main
tain the true Christian faith." Tytler 1 may well
call this a striking picture of the meanness and
dishonesty of the English party, who have reaped
in the pages of some of our historians so high a
meed of praise as the advocates of Protestantism.
There is, in truth, no more remarkable contrast
in Scottish history than that presented between
the odious and contemptible conduct of these rec
reant lords, who were at the same time the sup
porters and patrons of the Reformed doctrines, and
the noble and patriotic figure of Cardinal Beaton,
devoting all the energies of his powerful mind to
the maintenance of the national religion and the
national independence.
Conspiracy Henry VIII. was too acute not to perceive that
againstcardinal as long as the Cardinal lived, his own unscru-
pulous schemes regarding Scotland had little
chance of fulfilment ; and he had no hesitation in
conniving at, if not openly encouraging, a plot for
his assassination. Crichton, Laird of Brunston,
a man characterised by all the violence and san
guinary ferocity of the dark ages, entered into
correspondence with Henry, offering on certain
conditions to procure the assassination of the
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 20.

Beaton.

WISHART, THE "MARTYR." 167
Cardinal. He despatched George Wishart (the First ap-
pearance
same who was afterwards known as the Martyr1) of "Wish-
¦' ' art, the
to the Earl of Hertford at Newcastle, to arrange Martyr."
the particulars of the plot. Wishart thence pro
ceeded to the English Court to communicate the
affair to Henry. That monarch, we are told, re
ceived Wishart and the letter which he brought
from Crichton with much satisfaction, and pro
mised his protection to the conspirators. For
three years a correspondence on the subject was
carried on between Crichton, the Earl of Cassillis,
and Sir Ralph Sadler. During this time Henry Policy of
. . . Henry
remained cautiously in the background, keeping vm-
himself informed, however, of the progress of the
conspiracy through Sadler, whom he authorised
to make arrangements for the reward of the con
federates. Among the secret correspondence of
the State Paper Office is a letter from Cassillis
to Sadler offering to kill the Cardinal, " if his
majesty would have it done, and promised when
it was done a reward." This letter was shown by
Sadler to the Earl of Hertford, and by him trans
mitted to the king. Henry sent an answer
through his Privy Council to the following effect :
" His majesty hath willed us to signify to your
lordship that his highness, reputing the fact not
1 The identity of Brunston's emissary with " Wishart the Mar
tyr,'' which Protestant historians have not unnaturally wished to
discredit, has been established beyond doubt by the recently pub
lished correspondence preserved in the State Paper Office. — -Trans
lator.

168 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
meet to be set forward expressly by his majesty,
will not seem to have to do in it, and yet not mis-
liking the offer, thinketh good that Mr Sadler, to
whom that letter was addressed, should write to
the earl of the receipt of his letter containing
such an offer, which he thinketh not convenient
to be communicated to the king's majesty. . . .
He shall say that if he were in the Earl of Cas-
sillis's place, and were as able to do his majesty
good service there as he knoweth him to be, and
thinketh a right good will in him to do it, he
would surely do what he could for the execution
of it, believing verily to do thereby not only an
acceptable service to the king's majesty, but also
a special benefit to the realm of Scotland." 1 By
this astute reply " Henry," remarks Tytler,2 " pre
served, as he imagined, his regal dignity ; and
whilst he affected ignorance of the atrocious de
sign, encouraged its execution, and shifted the
whole responsibility upon his obsequious agents."
Sir George Douglas sent to inform Hertford, with
brutal frankness, that if the king wished the Car
dinal dead, and would promise a good reward for
the doing thereof, the matter could easily be ar
ranged. Henry, however, shrank from openly
countenancing so outrageous a deed, although
1 This extraordinary letter, which is printed in the State Papers
(Henry VIII.), vol. v. p. 449, is partly in the handwriting of Sec
retary Paget and partly of the Lord Chancellor Wriothesley.—
Translator. 2 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 32.

SCOTLAND AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 169
ready secretly to encourage it. For a time,
therefore, the execution of the plot was delayed.
In January 1546, another general convention convention
of the clergy was summoned by the Cardinal to clergy.
meet in the Blackfriars' Church at Edinburgh.
The emergency was in truth pressing : the Eng
lish had crossed the Border, and the great abbeys
of Melrose, Jedburgh, Kelso, and Dryburgh, with
many of the smaller churches and monasteries,
had already been given to the flames. The as
semblage unanimously voted a second contribu
tion of thirteen thousand pounds, to be levied
as before on benefices exceeding forty pounds in
annual value.1 Two months later, the Cardinal,
in virtue of his powers as metropolitan and legate
a latere (to which latter dignity he had been
raised, it will be remembered, in January 1544),2
convoked a Provincial Council at St Andrews. Provincial
T _ _ . . Council at
Its first proceeding was to impose a tax of two st An-
r> i drews-
thousand five hundred pounds to pay the ex
penses of Scottish representatives at the Council Scotland
of Trent.3 No prelate, however, appears to have Council of
1 Robertson, Statuta, p. cxliv.
2 According to a letter from Shrewsbury to Henry VIII. {State
Papers, vol. v. p. 443), the vessel bearing Beaton's legatine commis
sion was captured by an English privateer, and the document, with
others, was sent to Henry. It is now in the Record Office. Brady
{Episcopal Succession, vol. i. p. 126) cites the appointment of Beaton
as legate for Scotland from the Consistorial Acts in the Barberini
library, but he gives the date wrongly as 1541.
3 Quoted by Robertson {Statuta, p. 287) from the Taxationes super
Scoticana Ecclesia (MS. in the Register House).

170 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
been actually sent from Scotland to the Council.
Cardinal Beaton himself, although repeatedly
summoned by Paul III. to attend, had found it
impossible to absent himself from the country in
the critical position of Church and State. King
James, as early as February 1541, had written to
the Pope asking him to dispense with the Car
dinal's attendance;1 and on May 2, 1543, Beaton
himself wrote excusing his non-compliance with.
the papal summons, on the ground of the state of
public affairs in Scotland.2 The Cardinal's plea
may well be accepted as reasonable when it is re
membered that, in addition to the cares of State
and the government of the Scottish Church, he
had also to contend against the spread of heresy
and the daily increasing religious divisions in
his unhappy country. In a letter addressed on
December 23, 1544, to Cardinal Cervini, after
wards Pope Marcellus II. , Beaton speaks in
strong terms of the distracted state of Scotland,
and of the overwhelming nature of his labours for
the cause of Church and State.3 To add to his

1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 613.
2 Ibid., p. 614. In this letter Beaton thus alludes to his im
prisonment and subsequent liberation : " Dolo et fraude circum-
ventus in captivitatem et custodiam ad tres menses cum dimidio
arripior, instigante ad id ac nonnullos corrumpente Anglorum
rege. . . . Eodem rege invito gementibusque adversariis ad pris-
tinam libatatem sum restitutus, idque non sine maximo omnium
bonorum desiderio et gratulatione, summaque mese innoeentise tes-
tificatione." 3 Poid., p. 615. " Vitam transegi laboriosissimam in magnis

RIOT IN GLASGOW CATHEDRAL, 1545. 171
troubles, he became involved in the year 1545 in Dispute
.. . between
an unseemly contest with his rival metropolitan «"> metro-
politans of
of Glasgow. In a letter to the Pope detailing f- An- ,
^ i o drews and
the affair,1 the Cardinal narrates that, when he 61ass°w-
went to Glasgow, accompanied by the Regent and
the Queen-Dowager, the Archbishop insisted on
having his cross borne before him and blessing
the people, in defiance of the well-known law
that neither archbishop nor patriarch is entitled
to use his cross in presence of a legate of the
Holy See. The refusal of Archbishop Dunbar to
comply with this law gave rise to a scandalous
riot in the cathedral of St Mungo, blows being
freely exchanged, and the crosses of both metro
politans broken.2 There seems no doubt that this
unfortunate disturbance took place in 1545, in
which year it is recorded in the Diurnal of Oc-
currents of the contemporary Pollok Chronicle.3
Bishop Leslie, however, who wrote not more than
twenty-five years later, assigns it, probably by
mistake, to the year 1543, and states that the
et gravibus angustiis, ut meis periculis aliorum pericula declin-
arem.'' 1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 617.
2 The Cardinal had unquestionably the right on his side in this
disedifying wrangle, which it is to be hoped was occasioned rather
by the mutual jealousy of the followers of the rival prelates than
of the archbishops themselves. See Van Espen, Jus Eccles. Univ.,
p. i. tit. xxxi. cap. 2. " Quin ea erat dignitas Legatorum, ut nee
Archiepiscopi, immo nee Patriarchae possent Dominicse crucis vexil-
lum sibi jubere prasferri ubicunque prsesens esset Summi Pontificis
Legatus utens insigniis Apostolicae dignitatis."
3 P. 39.

172 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
occasion of the riot was the reception of the
papal nuncio, the Patriarch of Aquileia (whom he
styles the Patriarch of Venice) in Glasgow.1
George The proceedings of the Provincial Council at
Wishart. .
Edinburgh appear to have been interrupted by
the apprehension and trial of George Wishart,
whom we have already seen to be mixed up in
the plot for the assassination of the Cardinal.
Early life. Little is known of Wishart's early life, but he is
generally supposed to have been the son of James
Wishart of Pitarro, and to have owed his instruc
tion in the new doctrines to Erskine of Dun, well
known as a bitter enemy to the Catholic Church.
Wishart is said to have been for some time a
schoolmaster in Montrose, and to have got into
trouble there for teaching the New Testament
in Greek. There is little authority, however, for
these statements ; but it is probably true that
he fled to England in 1538, preached at Bristol
against the invocation of the Blessed Virgin, and
afterwards openly recanted in the same place.
We next hear of him at Corpus Christi College at
Cambridge, where his charity to the poor and a
naturally attractive disposition made him gener
ally esteemed. In 1543 he returned to Scotland,
in the train of the commissioners who had been
sent to England to negotiate the marriage of the
young queen. Thenceforward we find him in
1 Hist, of Scotland, p. 448. The good bishop is by no means
infallible in his chronology.

WISHART AND THE ENGLISH FACTION. 173
close connection with that party which was msconnec-
headed by the Earls of .Cassillis. Glencairn, and thetraitor-
• ' ous party.
Marshall, and the Laird of Brunston — men who
combined, as we have seen, the part of traitors to
their queen and country with that of zealous pro
moters of the Reformed religion. Protected by
the arms and influence of these more than ques
tionable patrons, Wishart preached in Perth,
Dundee, Montrose, and Ayr, thundering against
the errors of Popery and the lives of the clergy in
a style that stirred up the populace to frequent
outbreaks of fanatical violence. At Dundee the Effects of
n -i -r\ • • t-i • • ^is preaeh-
convents of the Dominican and Franciscan friars fog.
were destroyed by the mob ; the abbey of Lin*
dores was sacked, and the monks expeUed ; and
when a similar outrage on the Blackfriars at
Edinburgh was prevented by the prompt inter
ference of the citizens, Wishart did not scruple to
threaten them with the vengeance of heaven for
their opposition to the work of destruction. For
more than two years Wishart continued to preach
in various parts of Scotland, and it was during
this period that he was selected by his friend the
Laird of Brunston as a fitting emissary to convey
to England the particulars of the plot for murder
ing the Cardinal.1 Beaton received information
1 Grub {Ecclesiastical Hist., vol. ii. p. 26) endeavours to exculpate
Wishart from the charge of connivance in the conspiracy against
the Cardinal, on the ground of his " stainless character." This, it
is hardly necessary to point out, is simply begging the question.
Noscitur a sociis ; and, apart from the direct evidence against him,

174 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
of the scheme and of Wishart's share in it, and
took measures for his apprehension. The preacher
on his side redoubled his precautions. " When
he preached," says Tytler,1 " he was surrounded
by mail-clad barons and their armed retainers,
and a two-handed sword was carried before him
by some tried follower."
Hisappre- At length, on January 16, 1546, Wishart was
arrested by the Earl of Both well at Ormiston,
and delivered to the Cardinal, who caused him to
be taken to St Andrews. His trial took place in
the metropolitan cathedral, towards the end of
February, in presence of the two archbishops and
other prelates. A sermon was preached upon the
occasion by Winram, the sub-prior of St Andrews,
on the parable of the wheat and the cockle. The
preacher set forth the nature and cause of heresies,
and pointed out how they might be known, and
concluded by justifying the punishment of heretics
by the temporal sword. After the sermon, the
Accusa- articles of accusation were read. Wishart was
against charged with denying the doctrine of the sacra
ments, free-will, purgatory, and the invocation of
saints, and teaching that the sacrament of the
altar is only bread, that every layman is a priest,
and that the Pope has no more power than any
other man. He was also accused of upholding
Wishart's acknowledged and long-continued intimacy with traitors,
renegades, and murderers is not much in his favour. — Translator.
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 42.

him

EXECUTION OF WISHART, 1546. 175
the lawfulness of the marriage of priests, and of
preaching in spite of the prohibition of the eccle
siastical and civil authorities. Wishart made a
long reply, attempting to justify his tenets by
the text of Scripture, and concluding by a violent
invective against the doctrines of the Catholic
Church, which he characterised as pestilential,
blasphemous, and abominable, not coming by the
inspiration of God, but of the devil.1 Remaining
obdurate in his errors, Wishart was condemned to His con-
demnation
death, and was burned at St Andrews on March and execu
tion.
28, 1546.2
The execution of Wishart produced a profound
impression throughout the country, and the ene
mies of the Cardinal judged the time at length The plot
. ' . against
ripe for putting their atrocious design into ex- cardinal
r . r . ° & Beaton.
ecution. Crichton had already complained in
his letters to Wharton" that Henry VIII. had
neither definitely expressed his wishes, nor ex
plicitly promised a reward. On October 6, 1545,
he wrote to the king, through Hertford, men
tioning that the Cardinal was contemplating a
journey to France, and adding, " I hoip to God
1 Knox, Historie of Reformation, p. 91.
2 It is perhaps worth while to point out the ad captandum style
in which Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 45) inveighs against
the " inhuman torments '' inflicted upon Wishart. As he himself
relates a few lines previously (following Knox, who in this matter
was not likely to minimise the facts), the prisoner was strangled
before the fire was applied ; so that he suffered no more inhuman
torments than are endured by the criminal who dies on the scaffold
to-day. — Translator.

176 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
his jornay shal be shortit to his displesour ; " x
and on October 20 he again wrote to Henry,
expressing a desire for an interview with Sadler
at Berwick ; " which I wold," he says, " war as
secrete as war possibil, for yf it cum to knowledge
it is the losing to me both of lyfe and heritage." 2
During the next six months we see the nets of
intrigue and conspiracy gathering closer and
closer round the doomed prelate ; and at length,
in May 1546, a pretext was found for the execu
tion of the long-cherished plot, in a dispute which
had arisen between the Cardinal and Norman
Leslie, the young Master of Rothes, regarding the
sale of an estate in Fife. Norman, with his uncle
John Leslie, Kirkaldy of Grange, and James Mel
ville, undertook the work of butchery. On May
28 they arrived at St Andrews, and at daybreak
on the following morning they obtained admission
Murder of into the castle, and despatched the Cardinal with
the Cardi- r_
nai. repeated strokes of their swords. Knox 3 is re
sponsible for the statement that Melville, whom
he describes as "a man most gentle and most
modest," added blasphemy to murder by avowing
himself the messenger of God, who was sent to
slay Beaton as an enemy of Christ and His holy
Gospel.
Hischarac- Thus perished, in the forty-fifth year of his
age, David Beaton, Primate and Chancellor of
1 State Papers (Henry VIII.), vol. v. p. 549.
2 Ibid., p. 551. 3 Historie of Reformation, p. 72.

MURDER OF CARDINAL BEATON, 1546. 177
Scotland. The preceding pages have shown with
how strong and skilful a hand, during this stormy
period of Scottish history, he held the reins of
power, and with what unswerving faithfulness he
protected the rights of the infant queen agamst
a disloyal and mercenary nobility. He stands
out on the page of history a true patriot, ever on
his guard against the wiles of the ancient and
hereditary foe to the freedom and independence
of Scotland, and alert to warn the representatives
of the nation against the intrigues of those who
plotted her destruction. Nor was he less vigi
lant in the discharge of the spiritual functions of
his high office, in watching over the interests of
the Scottish Church, and protecting her to the
best of his power from the fatal inroads of schism
and heresy. As to the Cardinal's personal char
acter, it has been violently attacked, and no less
warmly defended ; and we cannot perhaps do bet
ter than sum up the question in the words of a
singularly dispassionate and impartial Protestant
writer. " Cardinal Beaton's moral character,"
observes Mr Lyon,1 " has been as much mangled
by Knox, Buchanan, and Sir David Lindsay, as
his body was by his assassins. The unproved
assertions of avowed enemies can be of no weight
against any man, and would be rejected in every
court of justice. It has been asserted, or hinted,
that he poisoned his master (the king) and forged
1 History of St Andrews (ed. 1843).
VOL. II. M

178 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
his will ; x that he had an intrigue with the
queen; that he caused or endeavoured to cause
various murders to be committed ; 2 and that he
kept numerous mistresses. But they who bring
those charges against him betray so much hatred
of the man, that without more evidence than
they have ever yet produced, they cannot be
credited. The charges were never raised till
after his death. They are often absurd and con
tradictory, and they are strenuously denied by
his admirers — Leslie, Winzet, and Barne — who
are fully as worthy of credit as his enemies. For
these reasons, I think it unnecessary to enter
upon a formal investigation of them. The accu
sations and the denials may be considered as
neutralising each other ; and for the facts them
selves, we have scarcely sufficient evidence from
history to decide upon them positively."
charge of With regard to the charge of persecution corn-
persecution .
against monly brought against Cardinal Beaton, account

him

1 Buckle, who cannot be considered as prejudiced in favour of
Catholicism, points out {Hist, of Civilisation, vol. iii. p. 70) that
there is not the slightest evidence for this assertion, except the un
supported statement of Arran, and " the testimony," he adds, " of
Scottish historians, who do not profess to have examined the hand
writing, and who, being themselves Protestants, seem to suppose
that the fact of a man being a cardinal qualifies him for every
crime." — Translator.
2 Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 42) speaks without any
qualification of Wishart twice escaping " the plots which that un
scrupulous prelate [Beaton] had laid for his life ;" although he is
candid enough to add in a note that there is no contemporary evi
dence whatever for this statement. — Translator.

CHARACTER OF BEATON. 179
must be taken, before he is condemned for in
humanity, of the age in which he lived, and the
sentiments commonly prevailing at that time.
Not more than seven persons are recorded to
have suffered death under the Cardinal ; and if
we compare this small number, none of whom are
said to have been tortured, with the hundreds of
lives sacrificed with every circumstance of atrocity
under some of his contemporaries, we shall prob
ably agree with a recent writer x that he " de
serves rather to be commended for his moderation
than denounced for his barbarity." The assas
sination of Beaton (notwithstanding the words
which Knox puts into the mouth of his murderer)
was no sudden outbreak of fury against a perse
cutor of religion, but — as Tytler justly remarks,
and as has been indeed abundantly proved — " an
act of long-projected murder, encouraged, if not
originated, by the English monarch, and, so far
as the principal conspirators were concerned, com
mitted from private and mercenary considera
tions." 2
An excellent picture of Beaton, formerly in the Portraits
1 1 of the Car-
Scots College at Rome, now hangs on the walls dinai.
of the Catholic College at Blairs, in Aberdeen
shire. It is in his doctor's bonnet — painted prob
ably before he obtained the cardinal's hat ; but
the brown hair is slightly silvered, and the whole
1 Hosack, Mary Queen of Scots, vol. i. p. 14.
2 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 48.

180 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
aspect bespeaks a man past his youth. His broad
brow and dark eye, clear northern complexion
and high features, make up on the whole a re
markably handsome face, with an undeniable air
of nobility and command.1 There is another
portrait of the Cardinal in one of the apartments
of Holyrood Palace. It depicts him in a black
dress, with white bands, and wearing the red
skull-cap of a cardinal.
On July 29 1546, two months after the Cardi
nal's death, a Parliament was assembled, and the
conspirators, who after their atrocious deed had
seized the castle of St Andrews, where they were
now firmly intrenched, were declared guilty of
treason, all persons being strictly interdicted from
affording them any assistance in their rebellion.2
A month later the Regent sent a letter to the
Pope and the College of Cardinals, by the hands
of Patrick Lydell, expressing his grief and indig
nation at the murder of the Cardinal, whom he
styles the companion and sharer in all his labours
and dangers, one to whom he confided every plan
and thought, and whom he venerated as a father.3
1 The above description is from an article in the Quarterly Review
(vol. lxxxix. p. 44).
2 Acts of Parliament of Scoti, vol. ii. pp. 478, 479.
3 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 618. " Videbamus enim summo dolore
extinctum esse virum optimum, reipublicse amantissimum, et san
guine nobis conjunctissimum, laboris omnis periculique comitem
et socium, apud quern omnia nostra consilia, cogitationes omnes
effundere solebamus, et eum denique amissum quern patris loco
coluissemus."

ABBOT HAMILTON OF PAISLEY. 181
Arran's letter sets forth the difficulties in the
way of the condign punishment of the assassins.
These had shut themselves up in the castle of St
Andrews, where they kept prisoner the eldest
son of the Regent (and heir-presumptive to the
throne), who had been intrusted by his father to
the Cardinal's care. Arran feared, moreover,
that should an attempt be made to force the
stronghold, the conspirators would invite to their
assistance the English fleet, which was already in
command of the Firth of Forth. The Scottish
emissary was further charged to lay before the
Holy See the melancholy situation of Scotland, to
renew on the part of the Regent his protestations
of attachment to the Catholic faith, and to im- Appeal to
. , the Holy
plore some material assistance towards the prose- See for
. . help.
cution of the war with England. By way of
enforcing this petition, Lydell was to remind the
Pope that since their first conversion to Christi
anity (which event is assigned to the year 263
A.D.) the Scottish people had never wavered in
their adherence to the Holy See, and had never
before applied to it for help.1
Next to the great figure of the Cardinal-pri
mate, one of the most prominent and influential
prelates of Scotland at this time was John Hamil- Abbot
• • Hamilton.
ton, Abbot of Paisley, the illegitimate brother of
1 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 618. " Informationes Sanctissimo
Domino nostro Papse et S. Collegio de regno Scotise, datae a Patritio
Lydell oratore Scotise gubernatoris.''

182 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
the Regent. On the death of Bishop Crichton of
Dunkeld, Hamilton succeeded to that see.1 In
July 1547 we find Arran writing to Pope Paul III.
to recommend another of his brothers, James
Hamilton, to the vacant see of Glasgow, stipu
lating at the same time for a thousand pounds of
the archiepiscopal revenue to be granted to two
more of his brothers. David and Claud.2 The
request was not granted, but that it should have
been made at all is a lamentable instance of the
laxity of the times. The records of other dioceses
Prevalent show how commonly the scions of noble houses,
system of „.,,.. .
nomination often of illegitimate birth, were nominated to the
to bishop- °
rics- vacant bishoprics. In 1545, William Gordon, son
of the Earl of Huntly, became Bishop of Aberdeen
in succession to William Stewart. Bishop Andrew
Stuart of Caithness was succeeded in 1541 by
Robert Stuart, son of the Earl of Lennox, a youth
in his twentieth year, who had only just received
the clerical tonsure.3 He afterwards became a
Protestant. David Panter, secretary to the Re
gent, became Bishop of Ross, in 1545.4 The see
of Glasgow was worthily filled at this time by
Archbishop Gavin Dunbar, of whom we have already spoken,
and whose accomplishments have been celebrated
in the elegant verse of Buchanan. He was ac
knowledged even by his enemies to be a prelate
1 In December 1544 — "cum dispensatione super defectu natal-
ium." — Brady, Episc. Success., vol. i. p. 131.
2 Theiner, Monumenta, p. 620.
3 Brady, Episcopal Succession, vol. i. p. 149. 4 Ibid., p. 145.

FOUNDATION OF BIGGAR, 1546. 183
of learning and piety, if not of consummate
worldly prudence. Archbishop Dunbar died on
April 30, 1547. Another prelate of the same
name, uncle to the Archbishop of Glasgow, was
Bishop of Aberdeen from 1518 to 1532, and was Bishop
perhaps, next to Bishop Elphinstone, the most Aberdeen.
illustrious occupant of that see. He was dis
tinguished alike for his zeal for the divine ser
vice x and his charity to the poor. The words of
the deed of foundation of the hospital which he
established at Aberdeen bear testimony to his
piety and munificence.2
A few months before the death of Cardinal Foundation
Beaton we find recorded one of the last religious °
foundations in Scotland. This was the erection
by Malcolm, Lord Fleming, of the collegiate church
of Biggar, in Lanark. It was dedicated to the
Blessed Virgin, and was endowed for a provost,
eight prebendaries, four choristers, and six poor
bedesmen, whose duty was to pray at stated
times for the founder and his family.
1 Bishop Dunbar had printed at Antwerp, in 1527, an Epistolary
de tempore et de Sanctis, for the use of his cathedral church. See
Regist. Episc. Aberdon., vol. ii. p. 236.
2 " Prselatos Ecclesiae universos patrimonii crucifixi non dominos
sed custodes et dispensatores fore, satis constat ; et quod de ecclesiae
fructibus cuicunque praelato prseter Ecclesia? et vitae necessaria
superest, praelatus ipse pauperibus erogare in pios usus dispensare
tenetur . . . memoresque verborum omnipotentis Domini dicentis,
Frange esurienti panem tuum, et egenos vagosque indue in domum
tuam . . . quoddam hospitale apud ecclesiam nostram Cathedraleni
extra cimiterium facere, construere, et ut sequitur dotare decerni-
mus." — Regist. Episc. Aberdon., vol. i. p. 401.

184 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
Collegiate The erection and endowment of this church,
erected which affords an interesting proof that on the
before the . . . „
Keforma- very eve of the Reformation the spirit ot piety

tion

and religious munificence was not yet extinct,
even among the effete and degenerate nobles, was
the last, as we have said, of those numerous col
legiate foundations • which commenced with that
of Dunbar, at the end ofthe fourteenth century.1
The number of these establishments, amounting
altogether to close upon forty, may seem some
what out of proportion to the size of the country
and the number of the parochial clergy. It has
been asserted, indeed, that they drew away so
many of the latter from the cure of souls, that
serious detriment was done to the people in con
sequence.2 Such a statement, however, certainly
goes beyond the truth. Here and there it may
have been the case ; that it was so generally is
disproved by the fact that many of the collegiate
churches were parish churches at the same time,
express mention being frequently made of a vicar
or curate to whom was intrusted the parochial
charge. Nor is the accusation that these estab
lishments encouraged idleness among the clergy
any better founded. To most if not to all of
Schools them were attached elementary schools which were
attached to .
them. taught by the clergy belonging to the foundation.
1 See ante, p. 29. A complete list of the collegiate churches and
hospitals in Scotland will be found in Appendix II.
2 Walcott, Ancient Church of Scotland, p. 356.

PRE- REFORMATION HOSPITALS. 185
We must not omit to mention the numerous The hospi
tals.
hospitals which, either in connection with the
collegiate churches or as separate institutions,
were among the most interesting features of
Catholic Scotland. They not only offered per
manent shelter to the sick and aged, but served
also as hostelries where pilgrims and travellers
were received and entertained. Others were
specially devoted to cases of leprosy, which was
by no means an uncommon disease in medieval
Scotland. The form of the hospital was generally
similar to that of the church ; the nave formed
the common room, the beds were placed in the
transepts, and the whole was screened off from
the eastern end of the building, where was the
chapel. This was the arrangement of the ancient
Maison Dieu at Portsmouth, which now forms the
garrison church. The hospitals were usually in
charge of a warder or master, assisted by nurses.
There was a chaplain on the staff, and the inmates
were bound to pray daily for their founders and
benefactors. The arrangements of the leper-
hospitals, or lazar-houses, was necessarily some
what different, and usually consisted of separate
cells ranged round a central quadrangle, with a
chapel, common hall, and detached dwelling for
the convalescent.1
The long list of foundations, whether of col
legiate churches or of hospitals, during the cen-
1 Walcott, Ancient Church of Scotland, p. 384.

186 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1521-1546.
tury and a half that preceded the Reformation,
bears striking testimony to the faith and piety
that still animated the hearts of the Scottish
people. If the fervour and discipline of the
regular orders had in some cases become relaxed,
and the number of monastic foundations during
this period was in consequence comparatively
small, the charity of the faithful did not on that
account run dry or cease to flow. It was merely
diverted into another channel ; the result being
the erection of those numerous institutions which
— whether dedicated directly to religious worship,
devoted to the cause of Christian education, or to
the shelter and succour of the poor, the aged, and
the afflicted — alike reflected honour on their pious
founders and conferred great and lasting benefits
on the country.

187

CHAPTER V.
FROM THE DEATH OF CARDINAL BEATON TO THE
SUPPRESSION OF THE CATHOLIC RELIGION.
(1546-1560.)
The sudden death of the Cardinal Archbishop of state of
ciat p ni • ^ Scotland at
ot Andrews was fraught, it need hardly be said, the death
° J of Cardinal
with the most momentous consequences both for Beaton.
Church and State in Scotland. The Regent lost
in him, as he wrote to the Pope, his most trusted
counsellor, while the Catholic party, who had
justly regarded him as their principal champion,
were struck with the utmost consternation. The
hopes of that faction, on the other hand, who
aimed, with the assistance of Henry VIII., at
the total abolition of the old religion, were pro
portionately raised by the removal of their most
powerful opponent. The complicity of the English
monarch in the assassination of the Cardinal,
already sufficiently clear, is further evidenced by
his correspondence with Lord Wharton, Warden
of the Marches, who, immediately after Beaton's
murder, sent him letters which he had received

188 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
from his spies in Scotland,1 containing full par
ticulars of the deed, and urging immediate action
on the part of the king. A deputation was about
the same time sent to Henry VIII. from the con
spirators to ask his assistance in holding the castle
of St Andrews against the forces of the Regent.
The envoys were favourably received, and Henry
sent through one of them, Henry Balnaves, the
sum of eleven hundred and eighty pounds to be
Eebeisin distributed among the party. They were before
drews long joined in their stronghold by a number of
Castle. s ¦> P /
the adherents of the English faction, who feared
to fall under suspicion and punishment for com
plicity in the murder of the Cardinal. Among
those who thus sought refuge from justice in the
society of rebels and murderers was the arch-
reformer John Knox. We must pause for a
moment to give some account of this remarkable
man, who was henceforth to play so prominent a
part in the history of his distracted country.
John Knox. Knox was born at Gifford, in Haddingtonshire,
in 1505, of respectable parents of the middle class,
and was sent in 1531 to pursue his studies at the
University of Glasgow. He earned distinction in
the branches of scholastic philosophy and theology,
and was in due course ordained to the priesthood.
The date of his first professing adherence to the
Reformed doctrines is very uncertain ; and indeed
little or nothing is known of his history previous
1 Calendar of State Papers (Scotland), vol. i. p. 58.

KNOX'S "CALL TO THE MINISTRY." 189
to the murder of Cardinal Beaton. The statement
of Beza that he had some time before been con
demned as a heretic and degraded from his orders
is not confirmed by any evidence ; and there is
little better authority for the assertion of Dr
M'Crie that he first openly declared himself a
Protestant in 1542. However this may be, the
fact of his joining the conspirators in the castle of
St Andrews was a decisive proof that he had re
solved in future to cast his lot with the Protestant
cause. He was accompanied thither by the Barons
of Long Niddrie and Ormiston and their sons, whose
education he conducted, delivering also occasional
lectures on the Scriptures to the inmates of the
castle. In the intervals between his discourses,
the members of his flock, who had grown bolder
as the probability of their being dislodged from
their stronghold became less, sallied forth into
the surrounding country, carrying fire and sword
among the terrified inhabitants, and giving them
selves up to every sort of intemperance and de
bauchery.1 It was from this edifying congrega- Hiscaiito
i -r i -nr ¦-, t • tlieminis-
tion that John Knox received, as a divine sum- try.
mons, his call to the public ministry. For a time,
he tells us, he hesitated to accept, declaring " that
he would not run where God had not called him,"2
and perhaps doubting, as he well might, the
1 Such is the testimony of Buchanan, who was at least not
prejudiced on the Catholic side. — Rerum Scoticarum Historia, 1st
ed. (1582), fol. 179.
2 Historie of Reformation, p. 74.

190 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
divine origin of the invitation. The solemn
appeal, however, of John Rough, the apostate
friar,1 at length decided him no longer to decline
the office, for which we have every reason to sup
pose that he considered himself eminently fitted ;
and accordingly, without further ceremony, being
then in the forty-first year of his age, he assumed
the public office of a preacher of the new religion.
Reduction In the meantime the Regent, finding himself
drews. unequal to the task of reducing the fortress of St
Andrews, appealed to France for assistance. A
squadron of sixteen vessels, commanded by Leo
Strozzi, a Knight of Rhodes and Prior of Capua,
appeared off St Andrews, and the siege of the
castle recommenced with such vigour by sea and
land that within a week the conspirators were
forced to capitulate. They were at once con
veyed prisoners to France on board the fleet.
. Some of them were lodged in dungeons in various
parts of Brittany, while others, among whom was
John Knox, were chained on the galleys and
treated with great severity.
Disaffec- The advantage gained by the capture of St
tion of the , ?• ¦
nobles. Andrews, and the dispersion of the band of cut
throats and fanatics who had taken refuge there,
was unfortunately neutralised by the widespread
1 Historic of Reformation, p. 75. " Brother, in the name of God,
and in the name of those that presently call you by my mouth, I
charge ye that ye refuse not this holy Vocation, and that ye take
upon you the publike office and Charge of Preaching, even as ye
looke to avoyd God's heavy displeasure."

THE SCOTTISH CLERGY AT PINKIE, 1547. 191
disaffection among the nobles, more than two
hundred of whom had secretly bound themselves
to the service of the enemy.1 Secure of their
support, the Duke of Somerset crossed the Border
on September 2, 1547; and advanced towards the
capital. Such of the nobles as were not dead to
all sense of patriotism rallied round the Regent ;
but in spite of their gallant stand against the
invaders, the Scottish forces were defeated with
great loss at Pinkie, near Edinburgh, on the 10th
of September. Among the combatants, but them
selves unarmed, were a large number of the clergy,
who, true to their patriotic resolve, had taken the
field in person in defence of their faith and coun
try. Many of them were slain, and the white
banner under which they marched — on which was
depicted the figure of a female weeping before a
crucifix, with the legend Afflictce sponsce ne ob-
liviscaris — was torn and trampled under foot.
Complete as was his victory, Somerset was not vigorousmeasures
able to follow it up with advantage, owing partly oftne
r o a sr j qUeen.
to intrigues which compelled his speedy return m°th(=r.
to England, and also in great measure to the
vigorous and politic measures taken by the queen-
mother. Mary of Guise had already secured the
person of the young queen in Dumbarton Castle ;
and she now proposed, in order to strengthen the
1 The register of their names, with the terms on which they had
sold themselves to England, was discovered in the castle of St An
drews on its capture.

192 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
bond between the Scotch and their French allies,
a marriage between Mary and the Dauphin of
France, and also the removal of the queen to
the French Court for her education. These pro
posals so effectually secured the goodwill of
France, that in June 1548 a large force of foreign
troops landed at Leith, commanded by the Sieur
d'Esse, and including three thousand Germans
under the Rhinegrave, and a body of Italians led
by Leo Strozzi and his brother Peter. A Parlia
ment was at once summoned to meet at Hadding
ton, protected by the French and Scottish armies.
The alliance with France was formally renewed,
and the marriage of the young queen to the
Dauphin agreed upon, as well as the acceptance
of the proposal of the French king to receive and
educate her in his own Court. On August 7,
Departure 1548, she set out from Dumbarton, and safely
fant queen escaping the English fleet which had been sent
for France. .
to intercept her, landed, after a tempestuous
voyage, on the coast of France, which was to be
her home for thirteen years, and where she was
to know the only uncloiided happiness of her
melancholy life.
Discomfl- Supported by their foreign allies, the Scottish
English, forces were now enabled to make a successful
stand against the invaders. The English arms
were everywhere defeated, and one by one they
were forced to abandon their various strongholds
in the country, the last relinquished being the

CHANGE IN THE REGENCY, 1554. 193
castle of Broughty. Compelled at length to sue
for peace, they agreed to evacuate Scotland, and
to demolish the forts which they had raised on
the Border; and in April 1550, after a war of
nine years' duration, peace was proclaimed at
Edinburgh. It might doubtless have been con
cluded considerably sooner had the reins of power
been in stronger hands than those of Arran, whose
weak and vacillating character, frequent changes
of religion, and petty selfishness, had forfeited the
respect and confidence of all parties in the State.
On April 12, 1554, he resigned the office of the
regency, receiving in compensation the dukedom
of Chatelherault, and being formally acknowledged
as next heir to the crown. The queen-mother,
Mary of Guise, was appointed Regent, and at Mary of
once entered upon the government of the realm, pointed
She was a princess of excellent abilities and judg
ment, of manners at once dignified and engag
ing, and possessing an intimate knowledge of the
people intrusted to her rule. Herself a faithful
.daughter of the Catholic Church, she directed all
her efforts to heal the unhappy divisions, both
religious and political, which distracted the nation.
The accession of Mary to the English throne, and
the restoration of the Catholic religion in that
country, were fortunately coincident with the
queen - regent's assumption of supreme power ;
and it was not until the accession of Elizabeth in
1558, and the consequent re-establishment of the
VOL. II. n

194 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Reformation in England, that fresh complications
arose with that country.
Archbishop The murdered Cardinal Beaton was succeeded
in the see of St Andrews by John Hamilton,
Bishop of Dunkeld and Abbot of Paisley, and
half-brother to the Regent Arran. The Act of
Consistory confirming his nomination is dated
November 25, 1547; it dispenses Hamilton from
the defect of illegitimacy, and permits him to
retain the abbacy of Paisley.1 Four years later,
on the ground of the weak health of the primate,
a coadjutor was appointed to the see in the person
of Gavin Hamilton, an ecclesiastic of the diocese
of Glasgow. Four hundred pounds annually are
assigned to him from the archiepiscopal revenues, .
and he is specially enjoined not to exercise his
functions as coadjutor without the express author
ity of the Archbishop. The commendatorship of
the Benedictine monastery of Kilwinning was
also granted to him.2
Archbishop Hamilton was succeeded at Dun
keld by Robert Crichton, nephew to the former,
bishop of the same name. The see of Ross was
practically vacant for several years, as Bishop
Panter (the former secretary to the Regent, and
a prelate of distinguished learning and talents)
remained abroad for several years after his nomina
tion to the bishopric in 1545. He was conse
crated in 1552, in Jedburgh Abbey, in the pres-
1 Brady, Episcopal Succession, vol. i. p. 127. 2 Ibid.

BISHOP REID OF ORKNEY. 195
ence of the Regent and a number of the nobility.
Bishop Panter's successor was Henry Sinclair,
Dean of Glasgow and President of the Court of
Session. The chapter of Glasgow, on the death
of Archbishop Gavin Dunbar, elected Alexander
Gordon, brother of the Earl of Huntly. In the
Act of his institution to the see, dated March 5,
1550, provision is made for the reservation of
four hundred gold ducats annually in favour of
two clerics of the dioceses of Lyons and Bologna.1
Gordon received the pallium in the same year,
but he was never consecrated. A few months
later he resigned the see, and was nominated
Archbishop of Athens in partibus, with the grant
of the Abbey of Inchaffray in commendam. On
the same day, James Beaton was appointed to
the archbishopric of Glasgow. He was only a
layman at the time, and was ordained in Rome,
and consecrated there on August 28, 1552. The
nominal Bishop of the Isles at this time was John
Campbell, who, however, was never either con
firmed or consecrated. Like his predecessors, he
was commendator of Iona and Ardchattan.
Unquestionably the most distinguished name Bishop
in the Scottish hierarchy during those closing Orkney.
years of its existence is that of Robert Reid,
Bishop of Orkney. The son of a gentleman who
fell on the fatal field of Flodden, he received his
education first at St Salvator's College at St An-
1 Brady, Episcopal Succession, vol. i. p. 155.

196 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
drews, and afterwards at the University of Paris.
On his return home at the completion of his
studies, honours came upon him in rapid suc
cession. He was at once appointed sub -dean,
and afterwards official of the diocese of Moray.
In 1526 he became commendator of the abbey of
Kinloss, and four years later of the priory of
.Beaulieu.1 James V. nominated him a Senator
of the College of Justice, and in 1550 he suc
ceeded Alexander Mylne as President of that
Court. Reid was also frequently employed in
diplomatic missions to England, Italy, and France.
On one of his visits to the latter country, he
persuaded the learned Ferrerius of Piedmont to
accompany him to Scotland, and to write the
lives of the abbots of Kinloss.2 On July 20, 1541,
Paul III. appointed Reid to the vacant bishopric
of Orkney, charging the revenue of the see with
a pension of twenty pounds in favour of a youth
ful cleric named James Thornton, a boy of four
teen, and another of eighty marks to John Stuart,
1 Bishop Reid rebuilt the priory from the foundations, and he
also erected the nave of the priory church. His arms (a stag's head,
with a crosier issuing from the antlers) and initials are still to be
seen above the west door. The learned author of the History of
Beauly Priory (p. 219) supposes, from the addition of the crosier,
that the nave was built during Reid's episcopate. He would, how
ever, be entitled to use the crosier as Abbot of Kinloss. Ferrerius
gives the date as 1540. — Translator.
2 Ferrerius remained for several years at Kinloss. During his
stay there he instructed the younger monks of Beaulieu, whom the
abbot brought to Kinloss for the purpose, in Aristotle, Cicero, Vir
gil, and other authors.— Translator.

RESTORATION OF KIRKWALL. 197
an illegitimate son of James V., also described as
a cleric, although only in his eighth year.1 The
new bishop was consecrated in Edinburgh on the
first Sunday of Advent, 1541, and thenceforward
we find him devoting himself unweariedly to the
care and improvement of his remote diocese. He
restored the venerable cathedral of St Magnus Re-erection
of Kirk-
at Kirkwall, and established there a school for wail.
the youth of the islands. He also made a new
erection of the cathedral chapter, which was to
consist of seven dignitaries, the first being a
provost (not a dean, as was usually the case),
seven canons or prebendaries, thirteen chaplains,
a sacristan, and six choristers. The details of
this foundation, which is of peculiar interest, as
the last before the overthrow of the Scottish
Church, are given in the Appendix.2 The charter
of erection is dated on October 28, 1544, and
it was confirmed by Cardinal Beaton in June
of the following year. In 1557- Bishop Reid,
together with the Archbishop of Glasgow, the
Bishop of Ross, first Secretary of State, Lords
Cassillis, Rothes, Fleming, and Seton, the Prior
of St Andrews, and Erskine of Dun, were com
missioned by the Estates of Scotland to go to
France to witness the espousals of Queen Mary
with the Dauphin. They were also present at
the solemnisation of the marriage on April 24,
1 Brady, Episcopal Succession, vol. i. pp. 151, 152.
2 Appendix III.

198 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
1558, in the cathedral of Notre Dame. While
they were on their return home, in September
of the same year, the Bishop of Orkney died at
Dieppe, after a very brief illness.1 The sudden
death, at the same time and place, of three more
of the Scottish commissioners, awoke a suspicion,
which, however, is not confirmed by any evidence,
that they had been poisoned through the agency
of the princes of Lorraine, whose schemes had
been thwarted by the marriage of Mary to the
Dauphin.2 Bishop Reid left by his will certain sums to
be applied for the education of the sons of poor
gentlemen at the Scottish universities, and also
for the education of young gentlewomen. He
likewise bequeathed eight thousand merks for
the foundation of a college in Edinburgh. The
money was for some time appropriated by the Re
gent Morton, but was at length (in 1581) applied
by the magistrates of Edinburgh to the purchase
of a site on which were erected the University
buildings. Bishop Reid may therefore be justly
1 No monument was ever erected to this illustrious prelate in his
native land. He lies buried in the chapel of St Andrew, in St
James's Church, at Dieppe, where a copper tablet, set up in 1870,
bears an inscription to his memory. — Translator.
2 " Knox," says Mr Grub {Ecclesiast. Hist, vol. ii. p. 42, note),
"relates the death of the Bishops of Galloway, Ross, and Orkney
[they all died in the course of the same year], in language which
would be unbecoming, even if the circumstances mentioned were
true. The utter falsehood of the charge against Bishop Reid may
well make us suspect the correctness of what he tells us of the other
two."

BISHOP BOTHWELL. 199
regarded as the founder of Edinburgh Univer
sity.1 His successor in the see of Orkney was
James Bothwell. He was duly appointed by
Paul IV.,2 and took possession of the temporal
ities, but never received consecration. Bothwell
afterwards conformed to Protestantism. He per
formed the ceremony of marriage (according to
the Protestant rite) between Queen Mary and his
namesake, the Earl of Bothwell, in May 15, 1567,
and two months later he crowned the infant king
James VI., anointing him, to the intense disgust
of John Knox. Bothwell accompanied the Regent
Moray in 1568 to York as one of the commis
sioners against the Queen. He died in 1593, and
was buried in the nave of Holyrood Abbey Church.
1 Mr Cosmo Innes, writing in the Quarterly Review (vol. lxxii.
pp. 393, 394), pays an eloquent tribute to the virtues, learning, and
piety of the last Catholic Bishop of Orkney, and to the " blessed
influence " which he exercised over his remote diocese. The accom
plished writer concludes his article in words which are well worth
quoting, as the judgment of a non-Catholic Scottish scholar nearly
half a century ago. Speaking of the recently published records of
the Scottish Church, he says : " The student of these records has in
his hands the evidence of a system of government by due grada
tions, and with internal discipline of admirable organisation and
efficacy, which during ages of civil violence and misrule saved the
Church almost free from the insubordination and the calamities that
distracted the realm. While he fully appreciates the manifold
blessings of the Reformation, he may be excused for withdrawing
his eyes for a while from those grisly fathers of the Kirk, whose
faults as well as their virtues have become hallowed for the popular
imagination, till the nation — clergy and laity — seems to forget that
Christianity existed before Knox, and exists beyond Scotland."
— Ibid., p. 397. — Translator.
2 Brady, Episcopal Succession, vol. i. p. 152.

200 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Ten months after the death of Cardinal Beaton,
a convention of the clergy assembled at Edin
burgh, and petitioned the Regent and his Coun
cil to enforce the laws against the followers of
Luther, who now boldly and openly preached
their heretical doctrines in the very presence of
the Court itself. The petition was favourably
received, and the assistance of the secular power
promised in the suppression of heresy according
to the laws of the realm.1 At the same conven
tion a canon was passed, agreeably to the decree
enacted by the Council of Trent in the previous
year, enjoining that there should be a licentiate
or doctor of divinity in every cathedral church,
to expound the Holy Scriptures to the people.2
Accordingly, in the following July we find the
Bishop of Aberdeen appointing John Watson,
licentiate of divinity, to lecture twice a-week in
theology, in the cathedral, and to preach there
once a-month to the people, and once a-year in
each of the capitular churches of the diocese.3
convention In August 1549, Archbishop Hamilton sum-
ciergy. moned a convention of the clergy at Linlithgow.
Several statutes were enacted, which were con
firmed by subsequent Provincial Councils. Three
months later a Provincial National Council met,
under the presidency of the same prelate, in the
1 Robertson, Statuta, p. cxlvi.
2 Cone. Trident., Canon, et Decret, sess. v. cap. 1.
8 Regist. Episc. Aberdon., vol. i. pp. 317-320.

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL AT EDINBURGH, 1549. 201
Blackfriars' Church at Edinburgh. Sixty ecclesi
astics were present at it, including the bishops of
Aberdeen, Moray, Galloway, Dunblane, Orkney,
and Argyle; the vicars -general of Glasgow and
Dunkeld, which sees were vacant ; fourteen ab
bots, commendators or priors ; seven doctors of
divinity, of whom two, owing to age and infir
mity, were represented by proxy ; x three Do
minicans and four Franciscans ; besides deans,
provosts, canons, and others. Among the more
distinguished members of the synod were the
learned and pious Bishop of Orkney, of whom
we have already spoken ; Quintin Kennedy, Ab
bot of Crossraguel, the zealous and able cham
pion of the Faith against Knox and Willock ;
and Winram, sub-prior of St Andrews, afterwards
a superintendent of the Protestant Church. An
other prominent figure was that of James, the
commendatory prior of St Andrews, the future
Earl of Moray, Regent of Scotland, and leader of
the Reformation, at this time a youth of eighteen.
Mass having been solemnly sung, the sessions
of the Council commenced in the refectory of the
convent — for " the Scottish Provincial Council, like
the Scottish Parliament, knowing no distinction
of houses, sat in one chamber " 2 — and the pro-
1 One of these was John Mair, the former preceptor of Knox and
Buchanan, and author of a History of Scotland. Robertson
{Statuta, p. cxlviii) seems to imply that Man- was present in person,
which was not the case. — Translator.
2 Robertson, Statuta, p. cxlviii.

202 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
ceedings opened by the preaching of a sermon to
the assembled fathers. The statutes of the con
vention of Linlithgow, having been read by the
secretary and notary, were confirmed by the
Council, and a number of new ones enacted. The
following is a summary of the canons passed at
this important assembly : —
statutes of 1. Considering the grave scandal which has
vinciai been caused to the Church by the incontinence
Council of
1519. 0f the clergy, it is enacted that the decree of the
Council of Basle De Concubinariis is to be strictly
enforced with all its provisions, which are to apply
also in the case of convents of nuns. 2. The
clergy are not to keep their illegitimate children
with them in their houses, to promote them to
benefices, nor to enrich them from the patrimony
of the Church. 3. The clergy are forbidden to
mix themselves up with secular or mercantile
business, to the neglect of their spiritual duties. 4.
Round hats and garments of befitting shape and
colour (not yellow, green, or other unbecoming
hue) to be worn by ecclesiastics. Short coats are
not permitted to be worn in towns or villages, or
in the church, but only when on a journey. 5.
Beards are forbidden to the clergy, and the pro
per tonsure is to be worn. 6. Prelates and other
ecclesiastics are enjoined to keep a frugal and
temperate table, shunning superfluous delicacies,
that they may be able to give more to the poor.
They are also carefully to observe the fasts of the

CANONS ENACTED AT EDINBURGH, 1549. 203
Church, and not to scandalise the laity by their statutes of
J J the Pro-
evil example. 7. The clergy are to observe the v^^la
decree of the third Council of Toledo, which en- 1549-
joins the reading of Holy Scripture during meals.
8. Prelates and other ecclesiastics are in future
to wear garments of befitting colour, and made of
wool rather than of silk. 9. Prelates are not to
keep in their service gamblers, fornicators, drunk
ards, brawlers, blasphemers, or profane swearers,
but Catholics of approved life and character, who
may be an example to the good and a terror to
the wicked, " since," as saith St Bonaventura,
" the evil conduct of the household is the shame
of the master."1 10. The Ordinaries are at once
to make a visitation of the monasteries of the
canons-regular, and other non-exempt houses, and
of the convents of nuns, and to report to the
next Council thereupon. With regard to exempt
monasteries, inquiry is to be made in the sur
rounding parishes as to the common opinion con
cerning their religious observance, the state of
their buildings, and their manner of administering
their property, and report to be made to the next
Council accordingly. In cases of houses claiming
exemption, the number of religious must be fur-
1 " Quum insolentia families patrisfamilias dedecus videtur."
We have the impartial testimony of George Buchanan {Epigramm.,
lib. i. No. 43) that in this respect good Archbishop Dunbar of
Glasgow was a model to his brother prelates : —
" Splendida ccena, epulie lautas amhitione remota. . . .
Doctrina, ingenio, simplicitate, fide.
Ipse alios supra facundo prominet ore.''

204 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of nished, and commendators must bring to the next
the Pro- . . °
vinciai Council their letters of appointment, that the
Council of _ . . .
l5i9- extent of their obligations and privileges may be
clearly known. Meanwhile all abbots, priors, and
other superiors are earnestly expected to labour
for the reform of monastic discipline, which has so
greatly fallen away, and to strive to return to the
fervour of primitive times, that so religion may
flourish, and the murmurs of the people may be
stopped. 11. Abbots and other religious superiors
are to use all diligence in procuring the return of
fugitives to the monastery ; calling in, if neces
sary, the assistance of the bishop, and of the
secular authority. 12. Prioresses are in like
manner to see that all nuns who have left the
cloister are brought back as speedily as possible.
13. Those guilty of notorious crimes are to be first
charitably admonished by the bishops, and if this
is ineffectual, to be subjected to all the censures
of the Church, including interdict ; the aid of the
secular arm being invoked if necessary. 14. In
order to put an end to the scandal of deans and
other visitors receiving bribes for hushing up
public and heinous offences, they are henceforth,
before entering upon their office, to take an oath
to administer it faithfully. 15. According to the
injunctions of the Council of Trent, every Ordin
ary is to preach publicly at least four times in the
year ; and if unaccustomed to this duty, they are
to fit themselves for it by study, and by receiving

CANONS ENACTED AT EDINBURGH, 1549. 205
into their houses men skilled in sacred learning.1 statutes of
16. The decrees of the above-mentioned Council vinciai
1 . . Council of
regarding the appointment of masters of grammar, isl
and of lecturers in theology and Sacred Scripture,
and also respecting preachers of the Word of God
and questors of alms,2 are to be strictly enforced.
17. Rectors of parishes, who in the judgment of
the Ordinary are competent for the office, are to
preach at least four times a-year. Those unable
to preach are to fit themselves for so doing by
study in the public seminaries, in the meantime
appointing, with the approval of the Ordinary,
substitutes at their own cost. 18. There is to
be attached to every cathedral a theologian and
a canonist : the former to lecture at least once a-
week on Sacred Scripture, and to preach in the
cathedral and other churches, in presence (if they
1 Concil. Trident., Canon, et Decret., sess. xxiv. cap. 4.
2 Ibid., sess. v. caps. 1, 2. The decay of preaching was a favourite
theme of the reformers and satirists of the time. Richardson, in
his Exeges. in Canon. Div. Augustini, already mentioned (foil. 188,
189), writes : " Praslati certe sunt ut canes muti, non valentes in
claustro latrare ; incedunt cum regibus et magnatibus in urbibus et
palatiis, unde non auditur eorum vox in claustro." So Dunbar
{Poems, vol. ii. p. 24): —
" Sic pryd with Prellatis, so few till preiche and pray,
Within this land was nevir hard nor sene."
And Lindsay, in his drama on the Three Estates {Poetical Works,
vol. i. p. 345) :—
" Ane Bischopis office is for to he ane preichour,
And of the law of God ane publick teichour.
Eicht sa, the Parsone unto his parochoun
Of the Evangell suld leir thame ane lessoun.
Thare suld na man desyre sic dignities,
Without he he ahill for that office. "
—Robertson, Statuta, p. 288.

206 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of will) of the bishop and canons ; the latter to lec-
vinciai ture on ecclesiastical law to the canons and other
Council of . .
1549. clergy. The Ordinary is to assign to these lec
turers benefices of the value of a hundred pounds
and a hundred merks respectively. 19. There is
also to be in each monastery a theologian (either
a religious or a secular) who is to lecture every
day on sacred science, and to preach in the mon
astery church, receiving for his support a benefice
of a hundred merks. 20. Every monastery is to
send a certain number of subjects to one or other
of the national universities to study theology for
at least four years.1 21. The method and form of
preaching is laid down : first, the exposition of
the epistle or gospel ; and secondly, catechetical
instruction. 22. Scripture is to be taught and
interpreted according to the sense of the Catholic
Church and the ancient doctors, and theological
lectures are to be given on the Master of the
Sentences (Peter Lombard), St Thomas Aquinas,
St Bona ventura, and other approved authors. 23.
Rectors of universities are to take care that no
one be admitted to study arts or dialectics until
examined and found proficient in grammar and
Latin. The Archdeacon of St Andrews is to pro
vide a competent master of good character for the
grammar-school there. 24. Candidates for ordi-
1 A detailed list follows of the various monasteries, and the
number of religious to be sent by each. St Andrews and Dun
fermline only are to send three, and the other houses one or two
of their members.

CANONS ENACTED AT EDINBURGH, 1549. 207
nation must have the necessary qualifications — statutes of
. .the Pro-
virtue, sufficient learning, and a title, amounting cincial.1 f
to at least twenty pounds Scots. Clerics ordained 1549-
by foreign bishops are not to be permitted to
exercise their functions until examined and found
competent. 25. Inasmuch as very many of the
parochial clergy have been found not to be pro
perly qualified for the cure of souls, they are all
to undergo an examination before the end of the
present year, in presence of the Ordinary or his
commissioners, on the various duties of their
office. Those who do not appear will be removed
from their cures. 26. Residence is strictly en
joined on all beneficed and pensioned clergy, on
pain of deprivation ; and they likewise are to be
examined by the bishop. 27. Only those are to
accept a benefice or cure who are able and willing
faithfully to execute the duties attached to it.1
28. They should be of lawful age, approved char
acter, sufficient learning, and in holy orders. An
1 An instructive commentary on this and the succeeding regula
tion is furnished by the following extract from the Gratulatorius
panegyricus (Paris, 1540), addressed by Archibald Hay to Cardinal
Beaton on his elevation to the Sacred College : " Quam multos
videmus, qui post exactos scurriliter annos, post consumptum in
rebus turpissimis aetatis florem, ad primates ecclesiae confugiunt, ut
in ignavise suae patrocinium atque ad senectutem luxuriose transi-
gendam, pingue sacerdotium obtineant. . . . Plurimos aliquando
beneficiorum multitudine onerabant, quorum in sermo, ea erat vita,
ut dubium fuerit, Christianine fuerint an Ethnici." — (Poll. 33, 35.)
Hay was Principal of St Mary's College, St Andrews, from 1542
until his death in 1547. For other contemporary testimonies on
the same subject, see Robertson, Statuta, pp. 290-293.

208 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of income of at least twenty pounds annually is to
the Pro- , n 1 • j_l
vinciai be secured to all vicars and others having the
Council of
1549. cure 0f souls, that they may be able freely to
execute their office. 29. The decrees of the
Council of Trent regarding the holding of plu
ralities only under certain specified conditions, of
the visitation by Ordinaries of united benefices
and of all churches, even exempt,1 are ordered to
be strictly observed. 30. The parochial clergy
are either to serve their cures in person, or to
provide a competent substitute, who is to be ap
proved by the Ordinary. 31. The testaments and
inventories of the property of persons deceased to
be properly registered, and the executors to give
an annual account of their administration to the
bishop's commissaries. These regulations are in
future to apply in the diocese of Orkney as well
as in the rest of Scotland. 32. All notaries are
to be examined by the Ordinary or his commis
saries, and those found incompetent are to be
suspended. The protocols of deceased notaries
are to be preserved by the official of each diocese.
33. The Ordinaries are to make strict inquisi
tion into the state of the hospitals, chaplaincies,
and other religious foundations in their dioceses,
examining, where possible, the charters of foun
dation, and providing that the objects therein
specified are duly carried out. 34. In the pre
sentation to benefices, proper precautions are to
1 Concil. Trident., Canon, et Decret, sess. vii. caps. 4-8.

CANONS ENACTED AT EDINBURGH, 1549. 209
be taken to protect the rights of the patron and statutes of
. . , . thePro-
to prevent disputes. 35. A detailed catalogue is vinciai
. r r . ° Council of
given of the benefices which are to be applied by 15i9-
the various dioceses and monasteries to the benefit
of the preachers. The list includes thirty -five —
twelve for the dioceses, and twenty-three for the
monasteries. Those superiors who have no bene
fice at their disposal are to pay suitable pensions
instead. The ancient custom is to be observed
of commencing the sermon with a Rater Noster
and the Angelic Salutation,1 for the divine bless
ing on the preaching, and concluding it with a
prayer for the faithful departed. 36. The bishops
are to appoint in every diocese pious and learned
theologians, to make diligent inquisition as to
heresies, especially those against the doctrine of
the sacraments and condemned books,2 and to
report thereon to the Ordinaries. Religious su
periors are to do the same in their respective
monasteries and convents. 37. The Ordinaries

1 Erasmus, we need not be surprised to find, has a sneer for this
venerable and pious practice. " Non est probabile," he remarks,
" earn consuetudinem a gravibus viris inductam, sed ab inepto
quopiam, qui quod didicerat apud poetas propositioni succedere in-
vocationem. pro Musa supposuit Mariam." — {Opera, torn. ix. coll.
1165.) Quoted by Robertson, Statuta, p. 295.
2 Acts of the Pari of Scoti, vol. ii. pp. 488, 489. An Act passed
in 1551 forbade "bukis concerning the faith, ballatis, sangis, blas-
phematiounis, rymes alsweill of kirkmen as temporall and utheris,
tragedeis alsweill in Latine as in Inglis toung," under pain of con
fiscation or banishment. Bishop Leslie bears testimony that the
dissemination of heretical literature was largely employed in order
to propagate the Protestant doctrines.
VOL. II. O

210 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of are to proceed against heretical persons according
vinciai to the prescriptions of the sacred canons. 38.
Council of tit lip
1549. The bishops and other clergy are exhorted for
the love of Christ to reform their own manner of
life in accordance with the statutes of this present
Council ; so that while endeavouring to correct
others, they may not be the cause of scandal and
further relapses by 'their own bad example. 39.
Rectors of churches and other ecclesiastics are to
strive zealously for the preaching of the pure
Word of God, and the proper performance of the
rites of the Church, while false doctrine is to be
publicly confuted and condemned. For this end
abbots, priors, and other superiors are to make ar
rangements for a certain number of their religious
to preach at intervals in the parish churches.
40. The parish priests are to note down the
number of times that the religious preach in their
churches, and to report to the bishop accordingly ;
and they are, moreover, to give notice of the
sermons beforehand to their parishioners, in order
to secure a good attendance. 41. Some of the
heretical tenets are enumerated against which
inquisition is specially to be made, and preachers
are to instruct and caution their hearers. These
include (l) speaking against the sacraments (espe-'
cially the sacrifice of the mass), and the rites and
ceremonies connected with their administration ;
(2) contemning the censures of the Church ; (3)
denying the beatitude of the saints in heaven,

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1552. 211
(4) the immortality of the soul, (5) future re- statutes of
ward for works of faith and charity, (6) the yinciai
J x ' Council of
prayers and intercession of the saints, (7) the 1549-
lawfulness of images in Christian churches, and
(8) the authority of General Councils in dogmatic
decrees ; (9) opposing any of the decrees of Gen
eral or Provincial Councils; (10) the non-observ
ance of the fasts and festivals of the Church. 42.
Regulations as to the conduct of proceedings in
the ecclesiastical courts. 43. Indiction of the
next Provincial Council for the 14th of August
next following.1
There is no record of any Council having met ProvincialCouncil of
on the date just mentioned. One, however, was 1552.
assembled by the Primate in January 1552, in
the Blackfriars' Church at Edinburgh. Its first
care was to re-enact a number of the more im
portant canons passed by the previous Council,
which, owing to the difficulties of the times, had
not yet taken effect. Various new statutes were
also enacted, including the following: 1. Sen- statutes of
tence in matrimonial causes not to be pronounced vmdai
np • i • • p t Council of
by the officials or commissaries of any diocese, 1552.
until the question has been duly discussed and
weighed by the Ordinary. Witnesses in such
cases are to be examined with all possible care
and diligence ; and the depositions of witnesses
belonging to other dioceses must be duly attested
by their Ordinaries, or their officials or commis
1 Robertson, Statuta, pp. 81-127.

212 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of saries.1 2. Attention is called to the widely
the Pro- . . ,
vinciai prevalent neglect of the divine mysteries, and.
Council of r & a
!552. the small attendance at mass and sermon on Sun
days and holy days, even in the most populous
parishes. The names of absentees are to be care
fully noted by the clergy, and reported to the
deans, with a view to the due punishment of the
offenders. Irreverence and buffoonery in church
during the sermon, and games and secular traffic
carried on in the porch and the churchyard, are
to be rigidly suppressed. 3. The statute regard
ing the visitation of hospitals is to be put in force
before the Michaelmas next following. 4. The
censures of the Church having lost much of their
terrors through the corruption of the times, it is
ordered, with a view to the revival of their due
effect, that the names of excommunicated persons,
of whatever position or rank, be inscribed in the
parish books, and published every Sunday with
out fear or favour. 5. Further, the names of
those under excommunication for twenty days are
to be affixed to the church doors and other public
places, and there to remain until they are ab
solved. 6. The clergy, at the beginning of divine
service, are to read out the names of the excom-
1 This statute was directed against the facility of divorce, which
had grown into an abuse. Archbishop Hamilton reported to Rome
in 1554, "Ut multi . . . nulla dispensatione obtenta matrimonium
contrahant cum suis consanguineis . . . postea mutatis propositis
vel quaerunt divortia vel rejiciunt uxores " {Lib. Official. S. Andr.,
pp. 164, 165 ; cited by Robertson, Statuta, p. 297).

ENACTMENTS OP THE COUNCIL OE 1552. 213
municated, and call upon them to withdraw, statutes of
p the Pro"
warning them that in case of refusal they incur a vmciai
° J Council of
censure reserved to the Supreme Pontiff, as well 1552.
as the penalties provided by Act of Parliament.
7. The alienation, or letting out on long lease, of
Church property, with the object of enriching
themselves or their friends and relations, and the
consequent impoverishment of their successors, is
strictly prohibited to all rectors and vicars. 8.
Former statutes forbidding clandestine marriages
are confirmed and ratified. In future every pro
clamation of banns is to be carefully registered by
the parish priest, as also every baptism, with the
names of the child, its parents and godparents,
and the date, attested by two witnesses. These
registers are to be reckoned among the most valu
able possessions of the Church.1 9. Any priest
officiating at a clandestine marriage to be im
prisoned for a year on bread and water, and sus
pended for three years ; while the contracting
parties are to undergo such penalty as the bishop
may impose. 10. Considering how urgently the
office of preaching the Word of God has been en
joined by Christ, the Chief Shepherd, on the pas
tors of His flock ; considering, moreover, that the
horrible heresies which have sprung up of late
years in various parts of the realm, have now, by
1 No mention is here made of registers of deaths. These, how
ever, had been ordered to be kept nearly two hundred years before,
in a diocesan synod of St Andrews held in the fourteenth century.
See ante, p. 39. — Translator.

214 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of the providence of God, the help of the State, and
™ciai the vigilance of the Church, been almost sup-
Councilof * . „
1552. pressed; and having regard, finally, to the tact
that neither the prelates nor the inferior clergy
of the kingdom are, as a rule, sufficiently learned
properly to instruct the people in the faith, or to
convert those in error, — the Council decrees that
a catechism is to be compiled for the instruction
of the clergy as well as of their flocks, written in
the Scottish tongue, and drawn up by the most
learned prelates and theologians of the Scottish
Church. It is to be printed and published in the
name of the Primate and the Provincial Council
now sitting, and is to contain a brief, clear, and
Catholic explanation of the Ten Commandments,
the articles of faith, and the doctrine of the sacra
ments, as well as an exposition of the Lord's
Prayer and the Angelic Salutation. The arch
bishop is to deliver a sufficient number of copies
of the catechism, when printed, to the clergy of
his own diocese, and also to the other bishops, for
distribution among their rectors, vicars, and cu
rates. Copies are not to be given indiscriminately
to laymen, but only to such grave, well-disposed,
and discreet persons as the bishop may approve,
and who desire instruction rather than the grati
fication of mere curiosity. The clergy are further
directed every Sunday and holy day,1 before high

i «r

' Omnibus Dominicis et festivis diebus." Curiously rendered by
Professor Mitchell in his preface to the catechism (Edin. 1882), " on

archbishop Hamilton's catechism. 215
mass, to read to the people out of the catechism statutes of
in a clear, distinct, and articulate manner, for the vinciai
p -i -ip i i n Council of
space of half an hour, vested in surplice and stole, 1552.
without adding, changing, or omitting anything
whatever. They are, moreover, enjoined not to
mount the pulpit unprepared, but frequently to
rehearse beforehand what they are going to read,
so that they may not by stammering and stut
tering become a laughing-stock to their hearers.
All controversy between priest and people regard
ing what is read is forbidden under severe pen
alties ; and any neglect of these various points on
the part of the clergy is to be visited by fine and
imprisonment, diligent inquisition on the subject
being made by the deans in their visitations. The
reading of the catechism is only to be dispensed
with on such days as there is a public sermon
delivered by a religious or other preacher.1
In accordance with the decree ofthe Council, the The cate-
# chism of
Catechism was drawn up, and appeared in August Archbishop
1552, some seven months after the meeting of
all dominical and festival days " (p. ii). The very meaning of the
" Lord's Day " would seem to have disappeared before the all-per
vading presence of the Scottish Sabbath. — Translator.
1 The regulation against the unrestricted use of the catechism by
the faithful has been remarked by some writers with disapproba
tion. Protestant objectors, however, will do well to remember that
the two catechisms of Luther were not compiled, any more than
that of Archbishop Hamilton, for the indiscriminate perusal of the
laity. In the prefaces, Luther addresses himself particularly to the
clergy ; and the headings of the chapters show that the catechism
was intended to be read aloud, by fathers of families and others, for
purposes of instruction.

216 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
the Council. Very few copies are extant of the
original edition of the work,1 to which singular
interest attaches, both as a memorial of the Scot
tish Church on the eve of the Reformation, and a
monument of the Scottish tongue in the middle of
the sixteenth century. The full title runs thus : —
" The Catechisme — That is to say, ane comone
and catholik instructioun of the christin people in
materis of our catholik faith and religioun, quhilk
na gud christin man or woman suld misknaw : set
furth be ye maist reverend father in God, Johne,
Archbishop of sanct Androus, Legatnait and
primat of ye kirk of Scotland, in his provincial
counsale, haldin at Edinburgh, the xxvi day of
Januarie, the 3eir of our Lord 1551, with the ad-
uise and counsale of the bischoppis and uthir pre-
latis, with doctours of Theologie and Canon law of
the said realme of Scotland present for the tyme."
Then follows a sentence from St Augustine,2
translated thus : " Agane reasone na sober man,
agane scripture na christin man, agane the kirk na
peaceabil or quiet man will judge, or hald opinioun."
1 A copy belonging to the late Dr Laing was sold for £148. That
in the Fort Augustus library is a small quarto of 438 pages (two
pages of the errata and the colophon being wanting), in what appears
to be the original binding. It was brought in 1860 from the sup
pressed Scottish Abbey of St James at Ratisbon. The Catechism
has been twice reprinted within the last ten years : once, in fac
simile, in 1882 (Edin., Paterson) ; and again in 1884, with a preface
by the Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone.— Translator.
2 "Contra rationem nemo sobrius, contra scripturam nemo
Christianus, contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit." — St Aug.,
De Trinitate, 1. iv. c. 6.

archbishop Hamilton's catechism. 217
On the next page are some Latin stanzas, ad
dressed "Ad pium Lectorem." Next comes fhe
general introduction, in the form of an address
from the Primate to the Scottish clergy, and a
copious table of contents. After a short prologue
follows the Catechism proper, in which are con
tained an exposition of the Ten Commandments,
the Creed, and the seven sacraments, and instruc
tions on prayer, especially the Our Father,1 on the
Angelic Salutation, and on praying to saints and
for departed souls. The Catechism concludes with
an exhortation to the clergy to study and read it
with all care and diligence, and to the people to
hear it attentively, notwithstanding that it is less
full and perfect than might be desired.
The plea of hasty compilation implied in the
last words might well be accepted, considering the
circumstances of the times, and the steady inroads
of heresy on all sides. The Catechism is neverthe
less complete as far as it goes, and bears little
mark of haste about its composition. The style is
clear and simple, the theological definitions accu
rate and well expressed, and supported by nu
merous citations from Scripture and the fathers.
The tone of the whole work is, in fine, unmistak
ably Catholic, and no impartial reader can peruse
its pages without the conviction that the Scottish
Church remained to the last uncompromisingly
1 A specimen of these instructions will be found in Appendix
IV.

218 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
true and loyal to the ancient faith.1 It is not
known who was the actual author of the Cate
chism, but it has been very generally attributed
to Winram, sub-prior of St Andrews.2
We may close our notice of this remarkable work
by citing the testimony to its value given by two
prominent Protestant historians. " No divine at
this day," wrote Bishop Keith a century and a
half ago,3 " need be ashamed of such a work. . . .
It appears that whoever slighted this book, have
been resolved to slight everything that should
come from such a hand. This composure, tho'
there were none else, shows that the clergy in
those days have not been such dunces as some
people would make us apprehend." And Mr Hill
Burton, in his History of Scotland,*" says : " The
1 Mr Gladstone, in his prefatory note to Mr Law's edition of the
Catechism, emphasises the absence from its pages of any instructions
on the authority of the Pope; and implies that the Scottish Church
of 1551 was not indisposed to dispense with him. There is no
ground, we need hardly say, for such a supposition. Whatever may
have been thought of the Pope's temporal interference, his spiritual
jurisdiction as head of the Church was unquestioned, at least by
Catholics. If it is not insisted upon in the Catechism, it could only
be because no one dreamed of disputing it. — Translator.
2 Winram's authorship has been questioned, owing to the dis
covery of an old catalogue of the library of St Leonard's College, in
which the Catechism of Winram is entered as a separate work from
that of Archbishop Hamilton. It is probable, however, as Pro
fessor Mitchell has pointed out (Pref. to Catechism, p. xvii), that
the Catechism described as Winram's is merely his original draft of
Hamilton's. Otherwise we must suppose that every copy of Win
ram's own work has disappeared. — Translator.
3 Affairs of Church and State, p. 63, note (d).
4 Vol. iv. pp. 43, 44.

THE "TWAPENNY FAITH." 219
Catechism is a fine piece of composition, full of
a spirit of charity and gentleness. It carefully
avoids whatever might irritate those who have
a remnant of the old faith, by which they might
still be drawn back."
The Catechism of Archbishop Hamilton must The "Twa-
renny
not be confused (as has been done by various Faith."
writers 1) with the Godlie Exhortatioun pub
lished by the authority of the Primate in 1558,
and ordered to be read by the clergy to the faith
ful before administering to them the Holy Com
munion. This little treatise, which according to
Knox 2 was known among the people as Hie
Twapenny Faith, probably from the price charged
for it by itinerant pedlars, consists of only four
pages, black-letter, printed by John Scott in St
Andrews. It contains a brief exposition of the
doctrine of the Blessed Sacrament, urges on the
faithful the duty of communicating worthily, and
concludes by an exhortation to the clergy to see
that their parishioners are duly prepared for Holy
Communion.

1 Spottiswood, History, vol. i. p. 182. Keith, Affairs of Church
and State, p. 63, note (d).
2 Historie, p. 119. The only original copy known to exist of the
Godlie Exhortatioun, which is a tract of four pages (black-letter),
is one bound with a number of other tracts, for many years in the
possession of the Catholic priest at Dumfries. This volume is now
at Blairs College. The Exhortatioun was reprinted in facsimile in
the Bannatyne Miscellany (vol. iii.), and it is also published in
Robertson's Statuta (p. 177) at the end of the decrees of the Pro
vincial Council of 1558-59.— Translator.

220 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
The pro- The strenuous efforts made by the rulers of the
gress of # , -..-..
Protestant- Scottish Church for the reformation of discipline
ism. x g
and the instruction of the people in the doctrines
of the faith seem to have stemmed for a time the
advance of the innovators. From the death of
Cardinal Beaton until the year 1553 we do not
hear of any noteworthy preachers of Protestant
ism. One illiterate peasant from Ayrshire, named
Adam Wallace, took upon himself to come for
ward as a champion of the new doctrines. He
Condemna- was tried in Edinburgh in the autumn of 1550,
tion and _°
Wallace on a cnarge °f teaching heresy ; and refusing to
abjure his errors, was condemned to death. On
the accession of Mary to the English throne in
1553, the Protestant cause in Scotland was
strengthened by the flight from England of a
number of the preachers, who were no longer safe
in that country under a Catholic queen. Among
these were John Willock and John Douglas, both
apostate friars, also William Harlow, a tailor from
Edinburgh, and a Dundee baker named Methven.
Willock had been a Dominican or Franciscan at
Ayr, and afterwards chaplain to the Duke of Suf
folk in England. Subsequently he went to Fries
land, where he practised medicine, and whence
he was despatched to Scotland on a political
mission to the queen-dowager. The arrival of
these preachers in Scotland doubtless encouraged
the Protestant party in that country, who, how
ever, did not yet venture to assemble in public.

JOHN KNOX IN ENGLAND, 1549-1553. 221
We must now return to John Knox, whom we Release of
. . Knox from
left serving his term of punishment at the French the galleys.
galleys, to which he had been condemned as an
accessory after the fact to the murder of Cardinal
Beaton. He was released in February 1549, by
the intercession of King Edward VI., and im
mediately betook himself to the Court of that
monarch, where he received a formal commission
to preach the Protestant doctrines. For two
years he exercised his ministry at Berwick-on-
Tweed ; and so violent were his invectives against
the Catholic faith, and especially against the doc
trine of the Holy Eucharist, that he was sum
moned in 1550 to answer for his language before
the Court of the Bishop of Durham. In the. fol
lowing year the returned convict was appointed
a chaplain-in-ordinary to Edward VI., and was
likewise offered the bishopric of Rochester, which,
however, he had the grace to decline. He was
consulted as to the revision of the Protestant
Articles of Religion, and it is said to- have been
at his suggestion that the " Black Rubric," on
the question of kneeling during Communion, was
inserted in the Book of Common Prayer.
During the year 1553 Knox continued to preach
in the middle and south of England. When, how
ever, shortly after Mary's accession to the throne,
the laws against heresy were re-enacted and put
in force, he judged discretion to be the better
part of valour, and quitted the country. He be-

222 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Knox at took himself first to Geneva, where he formed an
intimate acquaintance with Calvin, then at the
height of his reputation. The disposition of
Knox, naturally gloomy and ungenial, had be
come, as we gather from his letters written at
this period, further embittered by the recent
events of his life, and the consciousness of his
cowardice in absenting himself from Scotland at
this critical time. His residence at Geneva con
firmed his attachment to the rigid and repellent
religious system associated with the name of
Calvin, and that system found in him henceforth
a stanch and devoted adherent. During his stay
at Geneva, Knox received an invitation to accept
the charge of the English Protestant congregation
at Frankfort-on-the-Main. He complied with the
call, but not without reluctance, foreseeing, doubt
less, that his position would be a difficult one.
In truth, it was not long before his relations with
his new flock turned out to be far from satisfac
tory. A question arose as to the adoption of
the Book of Common Prayer ; and as may be
imagined, the predilection of Knox for the bald
and simple form of worship in use at Geneva did
not incline him to sympathise with those of his
congregation who preferred to adopt the semi-
Catholic service-book of Edward VI.1 The feel-
1 The details of the contest between the more liturgical portion
of the Frankfort congregation, who, led by Dr Cox (former tutor to
Edward VI.), advocated the use of the Anglican service-book, and

RETURN OF KNOX TO SCOTLAND, 1555. 223
ing against Knox, already high, was greatly in
creased by the publication of his " Faithful Ad
monition to the Professors of God's Truth in
England," a work in which he inveighed against
Queen Mary and her counsellors in language that
was condemned even by the leading Protestants
themselves. In March 1555, Knox found himself
compelled to resign his charge at Frankfort. Re
turning to Geneva, he ministered for a time to
the English congregation there. Meanwhile he
received more favourable accounts of the progress
and prospects of Protestantism in his native
country ; and deeming it now safe to return, he
left Geneva in August, and arrived in Edinburgh His arrival
n ix in Edin-
m the course of the following month. It seems burgh.
to have been about this time that he married
Marjory Bowes, a person of respectable English
family. It was the policy of the Regent, Mary of Guise,
not to molest the adherents of the new doctrines,
so long as they did not preach in public or dis
turb the peace of the realm. We find Knox ac
cordingly confining his ministrations for the pres
ent to private houses. Among those who resorted
to his sermons were Erskine of Dun, who was
said to be a man of more than average attain
ments, Sir James Sandilands, commonly called
the party of Geneva, although not without interest, hardly belong
to Scottish ecclesiastical history. They are narrated at some length
by Weber {Geschichten der akatolischen Sekten), vol. ii. pp. 481 seq.

224 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Lord St John, Archibald Lord Lorn (afterwards
Earl of Argyll), Lord James, half-brother to the
Queen, the Earl of Glencairn, and the Earl Mar
shall. Some of' these, although favouring the
Protestant tenets, hesitated to break off entirely
from the ancient Church, and still continued to
attend Mass. Knox vehemently opposed this
course, and a warm disputation took place be
tween the reformer and Maitland of Lethington
as to whether it could be permitted. Maitland
defended the practice by the example of St James
and the elders of Jerusalem, who are related in
the Acts of the Apostles to have counselled St
Paul to pay his vows in the temple. Knox re
fused to admit the parallel. The paying of vows,
he said, was sometimes commanded by God,
whereas the Mass was and always had been
" odious idolatry." He did not scruple to add
that he greatly doubted whether the advice of
St James came from the Holy Ghost, but was not
rather a " worldly wise counsell " of his own.1
These arguments, such as they were, seem to
have been effectual, and the Mass, Knox tells us,
" now began to be abhorred of such as before used
it." Not long after this conference the reformer
visited Erskine at Dun, in Angus, and he after
wards resided for a time with Sir James Sandi-
lands at Calder, in Lothian. About Easter-time
in the following year (1556) we find him adminis-
1 Knox, Historie, p. 100.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST KNOX. 225
tering the Communion at the house of the Earl of
Glencairn, on the Clyde, and a little later at Dun,
on which occasion a number of the neighbouring
gentry appear to have embraced the Protestant
opinions.1 Hitherto, with a leniency that seems somewhat Ecciesias-
ii • 1 it ti ti°ai pro-
unaccountable, considering the public scandal ceedings
against
caused by the declared hostility of Knox to the Kn°x.
Church of which he was an ordained priest, the
ecclesiastical authorities had taken no proceedings
against him.2 When these were at length deter
mined upon, the manner of their execution un
fortunately resulted rather in the increase than
the diminution of his followers. On May 15,
1556, Knox was summoned to appear in the
Blackfriars' Church at Edinburgh. Owing, how
ever, either to some informality in the proceed
ings, or to the reluctance of the bishops to pro
ceed to extremities, the summons was quashed,
and Knox, on his arrival in Edinburgh, instead of
finding himself a prisoner before the ecclesiastical
court, preached, on the very day on which he had
been summoned, " in a greater audience than ever
before he had done in that town." 3 Emboldened
by his good fortune, the reformer was induced by
the Earls of Glencairn and Marshall to address
a letter to the queen-regent, in which he called
upon her to protect the teachers of the new doc
trines, and declaimed in his usual violent terms
1 Knox, Historic, p. 100. 2 Ibid., p. 101. 3 Ibid.
VOL. II. P

226 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
against the Catholic faith, whieh he styles a
"mortal pestilence." The queen read the letter,
and handed it a day or two afterwards to the
Archbishop of Glasgow, with the mocking remark,
"Please you, my lord, to read a Pasquill."
Knox's vanity was greatly wounded by this re
ception of his letter. He made copious additions
to it, and reprinted it two years later at Geneva.
" The allusions fn the second edition," remarks a
Protestant historian, "to the prophet Jeremiah
and King Jehoiakim, to Elias and Jezebel, would
be ludicrous, if they were not arrogant and pro
fane." 1 It has been considered somewhat re
markable that Knox, in the preface to this docu
ment, appeals from the unjust sentence of the
bishops to a General Council.2 " There is no
reason, however," says the writer already quoted,
" to suppose that the reformer would have sub
mitted to the adverse judgment of any synod
whatever. Deference to ecclesiastical authority
was repugnant to his whole principles and prac
tice, and it is idle to draw conclusions as to his
serious opinions from expressions which were
mere words of form or policy." 3 Submission to
any form of authority, indeed, was opposed to the
essential spirit of the reformers ; for the claim
1 Grub, Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 46.
2 Knox, Historie, Appendix, p. 80. " From them, their sentence
and tyrannie, and from all those that list to maintain them in the
same, I do appeal to a lawfull and generall Councel."
3 Grub, Ecclesiastical History, loc. cit.

KNOX'S FLIGHT FROM SCOTLAND, 1556. 227
which they asserted of having received their
mission directly from God, necessarily excluded
all idea of subjection to any human tribunal
whatsoever. The next step in the career of Knox was one Knox's
„ flight to
which his biographers have found it somewhat Geneva.
difficult to reconcile with their admiration of his
character. He received in the year 1556 an in
vitation to again undertake the charge of the
English Protestants of Geneva ; and although his
infant congregation in Scotland might well be
supposed still to stand in need of his pastoral care
and supervision, he accepted the offer, severed
himself from his flock and his noble protectors and
patrons, and returned to Geneva. Knox himself,
in his History, has preserved a discreet silence as
to the real cause of his departure from Scotland.
" Timidity," says one historian, " was not among
his faults,1 and mere apprehension of danger would
never have made him leave." The fact, however,
remains that it was precisely at this time that
rigorous proceedings were threatened against the
reformer on the part of the ecclesiastical authori
ties, and that he was accused to the Regent of
being an enemy to order and a dangerous dema-
1 Dr Laing, on the other hand, one of Knox's warmest admirers,
remarks, " On more than one occasion Knox displayed a timidity,
or shrinking from danger, scarcely to have been expected from one
who boasted his willingness to endure the utmost torture or suffer
death in his Master's cause." — Works of Knox, vol. vi., preface,
p. 66.

228 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
gogue. A contemporary document, entitled " An
Apology for our Departure," and attributed on
good grounds to Knox, shows beyond doubt that
fears for his life prompted his sudden departure.1
Self-preservation is one of the most powerful in
stincts of our nature, and the reformer is not to
be blamed for his somewhat undignified disap
pearance in the hour of danger. We need only
point out that men whose first thought in the
moment of peril is to secure their own safety,
leaving to others the defence of their doctrines,
can hardly claim (as some of their admirers have
done for them) the title of martyrs to the cause
of truth.
His con- Notwithstanding Knox's absence from Scotland,
demnation . ,..,
by the he was duly tried before the ecclesiastical courts,
Church J
courts. found guilty of heresy, and burnt in effigy at the
market-place in Edinburgh. The effect of this
step, delayed as it was until the offender him
self was safely out of reach, was, if anything, to
strengthen his adherents and further to embolden
himself. Hardly had the news of his condemna
tion reached him, than he published a lengthy
document, entitled "The Appellation of John Knox
1 Tytler, Hist of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 84, note. " Judging with all
charity," observes this historian, "it must be admitted that whilst
his writings at this season had all the impassioned zeal, his conduct
betrayed some want of the ardent courage, of the martyr." Viewed
in connection with this, it must be admitted that the oft-quoted
words of Morton at Knox's grave, " Here lieth one who never
feared the face of man," lose somewhat of their point. — Translator.

KNOX'S CONDEMNATION AND APPEAL. 229
from the cruell and most unjust Sentence pro
nounced against him by the false bishops and
clergie of Scotland ; with his Supplication and
Exhortation to the Nobility, States, and Com
monalty of the same Realme." Herein he ap
pealed against his condemnation on the threefold
ground — first, of his absence from the country,
and consequently from the jurisdiction of the
prelates who had judged the cause ; secondly, of
his never having received any formal summons to
appear ; and thirdly, of the incompetence of the
tribunal which had condemned him, on account
of the crimes of which he had accused its mem
bers, and which he was ready to substantiate
when called upon. The " Appellation " went on
to defend the right of the divinely appointed
prophets and preachers of Christ to appeal from
the judgment of the visible Church to the civil
authority. The latter, it further maintained, was
bound not only to protect the true religion, but
to punish with death those who deprived the
people of the bread of life, the Word of God.1
Encouraged by the example of their absent
1 Knox, Historie, Appendix, pp. 1-33. Mr Grub, in his summary
of this remarkable document {Eccles. Hist, vol. ii. p. 48), has soft
ened down its teaching with some adroitness. In it Knox lays
down with great clearness and at considerable length the doctrine
that not only rulers, but every member of the commonwealth, is
bound to punish idolatry and similar crimes with death ; thus
plainly sanctioning the theory of indiscriminate assassination, which
doubtless fully justified in his eyes the murders of Beaton and
Rizzio.— (Pp. 22 seq.)— Translator.

230 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Protestant champion and leader, the lesser lights of Protest-
preachers. x . '
antism now made their appearance with greater
frequency and boldness. John Douglas, the ex-
Carmelite, now chaplain to the Earl of Argyll,
preached openly in Edinburgh and the vicinity,
while the districts of Angus and Mearns were
evangelised by Paul Methven, the baker of Dun
dee. The spread of the new doctrines was en
couraged by the hesitating attitude of the Regent,
whose anxiety for the preservation of peace,
especially among the nobles, made her reluctant
to take any steps against the reformers. At
length, however, at the requisition of the Arch
bishop of St Andrews, she issued a summons for
Methven to appear before a convention of the
clergy. The preacher appeared in Edinburgh on
the appointed day, but accompanied by such a
rabble of his followers, that the Regent, dreading
a tumult, caused proclamation to be made order
ing all persons not having lawful business in
Edinburgh to depart to the Border for fifteen
days.1 Far from complying with the command,
a number of them forced themselves into the
queen's presence at Holyrood, headed by one
Chalmers of Gadgirth, who thus addressed her :
" We know, madam, that this is the device of the
1 According to Knox, this was done on the advice of Dury,
Bishop of Galloway, who proffered his counsel to the queen in the
following doggerel couplet : —
" Madam, hecause they are come without order,
I rede [advise] ye send them to the Border."— Translator.

THE REFORMERS AND THE QUEEN-REGENT. 231
bishops who now stand beside you. We avow to
God we shall make- a day of it. They oppress us
and our poor tenants to feed themselves ; they
trouble our ministers and seek to undo them and
us all. We will not suffer it any longer." 1 We
shall see a little later how much justice there was
in the charge that the Scottish prelates and
clergy were the oppressors of the poor. Read
between the lines, the bold words of Chalmers
portended what was soon to come to pass — the
division of the property of the Church among the
rapacious nobles, who were to be thus bribed to
protect and befriend the teachers of the new doc
trines. For the time the Regent succeeded in paci
fying the Protestants, and the storm blew over.2
Everything seemed now to conspire in favour
of the hopes of the reformers, and the disaf
fected nobles were not slow to take advantage
of the improvement in their prospects. On March
10, 1557, Lords Glencairn and Lorn, Erskine of

1 So quoted by Tytler {Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 84). Knox
{Historie, p. 103) makes Chalmers address the Regent in terms
somewhat coarser and more outspoken. — Translator.
2 Knox, Historie, p. 103. There is something touching in Mary's
gentle appeal, in her simple broken Scotch, to these rude invaders
of her privacy : " My joys, my hearts, what ails you 1 Me means
no evil to you, nor to your preachers. The bishops shall do you no
wrong. Ye are all my loving subjects. . . . Me will hear the con
troversy that is betwixt the bishops and you : they shall do you no
wrong. ... 0 my hearts, should ye not love the Lord your God
with all your heart and with all your mind, and should ye not luif
your neighbours as yourselfes?" Knox's charitable comment on
this is, " O crafty flatterer ! " — Translator.

232 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Dun, and James Stuart, wrote to Knox urging
him to return home. The persecution, they said,
had ceased, the friars were daily losing favour
with the queen, and there was every hope of the
increase of " God's flock." x After taking counsel
with Calvin, Knox resolved to comply with the
request. On October 24 he reached Dieppe, only
to be met there with such discouraging letters
from Scotland, that he turned once more and
made his way back to his beloved Geneva.
Thence he addressed a letter to his Scottish
friends and supporters, rating them soundly for
their want of courage, and urging them to persist
in their purpose, even at the hazard of their
lives.2 This letter proved effectual. The Pro
testant leaders assembled in consultation, and pro
ceeded to subscribe, on the 3d of December, the
Establish- bond or covenant which marks an important
the " Con- epoch in the history of the Reformation. By this
gregation," . .
December they bound themselves to do all m their power
3, 1557. J . r
to maintain the Congregation (as the Protestant
party were henceforth styled), to support faithful
ministers, and utterly to "forsake and renounce
the congregation of Satan, with all the supersti
tious abomination and idolatry thereof." By the
congregation of Satan was of course signified the
Catholic Church, with which all hope of recon
ciliation was thus formally abandoned.3
1 Knox, Historie, p. 107. 2 Ibid., pp. 107-110.
3 The first signature to the bond is that of the Earl of Argyll,

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONGREGATION, 1557. 233
The Solemn League and Covenant having been its revoiu-
. ° ° tionary
thus formed for the express object of the over- measures.
throw of the ancient faith, practical measures
were at once adopted for the furtherance of its
aims. It was ordered by the Congregation that
in all parishes of the realm the Book of Common
Prayer should be read weekly on Sundays and
festivals, publicly in the churches. This was to
be done by the curates of the parishes, if quali
fied : "if they be not, or if they refuse, the most
qualified in the parish are to read the same." x
This resolution was put in force without delay,
wherever the authority of the Lords of the Con
gregation extended. The Catholic clergy were
ejected, and the Protestant preachers installed in
their place. Douglas, the apostate friar, preached
openly in the house of the Earl of Argyll. Ur
gent letters were despatched to Knox at Geneva,
and also to Calvin, begging him to exert his
authority to procure the return of Knox to
Scotland. These bold and defiant measures might well
awake the alarm of the authorities of the Scottish
Church. They represented to the Regent the
the same who, as Tytler proves, sold himself to England for a
thousand crowns. It was also subscribed by Lord Glencairn, the
notorious traitor and pensioner of Henry VIII., and by Morton,
whose whole life was spent in treason, conspiracy, and crime, and
who was finally executed for his share in the murder of Darnley. —
Translator. 1 Knox, Historie, p. 111.

234 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
treasonable character of the covenant entered into
by the Congregation, and of its subsequent acts.
The Catholic faith, they maintained, was still
recognised as the established religion of the
realm, and enjoyed the protection of the laws ;
and it was now exposed to the open attacks of a
faction of private individuals, who, without the
slightest warrant or authority from the State, had
assumed to themselves the power of legislation.
The revolutionary character, indeed, of the Re
formation movement in Scotland was now suffi
ciently evident. " Observe," remarks the Protes
tant Bishop Keith, in reference to the ordinance
of the Congregation above cited, " how these men
give orders to the whole realm. Such an act
would be justly adjudged high treason now ; I
know not what it might be then." 1
Tolerance Mary of Guise, however privately well disposed
Guise. towards the Catholic cause, was deterred by polit
ical considerations from sanctioning any active
measures in its behalf. The marriage of her
daughter to the Dauphin was still under consid
eration ; and until it had been fully agreed to by
the Parliament, the Regent would countenance no
proceedings against the Lords of the Congrega
tion. Meanwhile the primate, who was himself,
as even his enemies have allowed, sincerely averse
to persecution, addressed a letter to Argyll, in
which he urged him to dismiss his apostate chap-
1 Hist, of Affairs of Church and State, p. 66.

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF MYLNE, 1558. 235
lain, promising to send him a learned and devout
priest in his place. The archbishop adds that he
has been greatly blamed for his remissness in not
suppressing false doctrine, as he is bound to do
by virtue of his office ; 1 and he concludes by
warning the earl of the dangerous consequences
that will ensue if a remedy is not found for
the evils of which he complains. The temper
ate remonstrance of the primate had no effect.
Argyll rejoined in a lengthy document, probably
composed by Douglas ; and he died very shortly
afterwards. Bishop Keith, in his account of this
incident, pays a high tribute to the wisdom and
moderation of Archbishop Hamilton,2 and even
Buchanan allows that he was " not at all a man
of blood." Tytler is therefore probably correct
in supposing that he was not the instigator of
the trial of Walter Mylne for heresy, which took Trial and
. , execution
place withm a month of the primate s correspond- of waiter
r r r Mylne.
ence with Argyll. Mylne, who was the last to
suffer death on account of his religious tenets
before the overthrow of the ancient Church, had
been parish priest of Lunan, in Angus. He had
spent some time in Germany during his youth,
had early professed the Protestant opinions, and
under Cardinal Beaton had been thrown into
prison, whence, however, he contrived to escape,
and to return to his native district. When
1 Knox, Historie, pp. 112, 113.
2 Affairs of Church and State, p. 67.

tants.

236 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
eighty years of age, he emerged from his retire
ment, and appeared in public as a preacher. In
April 1558, he was apprehended and tried for
heresy at St Andrews. He was found guilty
and condemned to the stake ; the sentence being
pronounced, it was said, by one of the archbishop's
household, as no secular judge could be found to
officiate.1
Eenewed The execution of Mylne was the cause, as might
efforts of ...
the Prates- have been expected, of increased animosity to the
clergy on the part of the leaders of the Congre
gation, who spared no effort to augment the
numbers of their adherents throughout the coun
try. Agents were sent into every part of the
kingdom, charged to use all possible means to
obtain the subscriptions and support of the peo
ple. The Protestant lords, in November 1558,
resolved to embody their wishes in a formal
petition to the Regent. It was demanded, first,
that the Congregation should be allowed to meet
publicly or privately for common prayer, in order
to commend to God the " holy Universall Church,
the Queene their Soveraigne, and her honourable
and gracious husband ; " 2 secondly, that at these
meetings any qualified person should be allowed
' Buchanan, Rerum Scoticarum, fol. 189. Keith, however, re
marks with reference to this story, "What precise truth is in it
cannot be determined, unless there were more certain documents
to instruct the same." — Op. cit, p. 68.
2 Knox, Historie, p. 128. We shall see later how this solemn en
gagement was kept. — Translator.

PROPOSED COMPROMISE. 237
to interpret hard passages of Scripture ; thirdly,
that baptism and the Lord's Supper should be
administered in the vulgar tongue, and the latter
under both kinds ; and lastly, that the lives of
the prelates and clergy should be reformed.1
The petition was presented to the Regent at
Holyrood by Sir James Sandilands, in November
1558. However little Mary of Guise may have
sympathised with these demands, she thought it
expedient to temporise, and promised that they
should have her anxious consideration.
Buchanan 2 relates that the Catholic clergy compro-
were willing to concede that prayers should be by the
pp ii • i • • i • i Catholic
offered and baptism administered m the vernac- party.
ular, provided that this were done in private,
and also that the teaching of the Church were
upheld regarding the Mass, purgatory, prayers
for the dead, and the invocation of saints. The
compromise was rejected by the Protestant party;
but the Regent, whose chief anxiety at this time
was, as has been said, to obtain from Parliament
the ratification of her daughter's marriage, and
the kingly title for the Dauphin, promised tolera
tion of the two points mentioned above, on con
dition that no public assemblies were held in
Edinburgh or Leith. The Protestants, in grati
tude for this concession, imposed silence upon
Douglas, who was to have preached in Leith
1 Knox, Historie, p. 128. Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p. 80.
2 Rerum Scoticarum, fol. 190.

238 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
about this time. Meanwhile they submitted to
the Regent another petition, for presentation to
the Parliament then on the point of meeting, in
which they prayed that the laws authorising the
proceedings against heretics be suspended until
the present religious controversies were decided,
and that none of the Congregation be condemned
for heresy unless convicted out of the Word of
God. Mary, however, refused to sanction the
presentation of this petition ; upon which the
leaders of the Congregation drew up a formal
protest, which is said to have been read in Par
liament, although it was not allowed to be entered
in the records.
Condition Such was the position of affairs at the com-
ln i559?s mencement of the year 1559. The concessions
which the Catholic party were prepared to make,
in order to safeguard if possible the essential doc
trines of the Church, and the rejection of those
concessions by the Protestants, show that the
breach between the opposing sides was now irrep
arable. It cannot be denied that the luxury, dis
order, and dereliction of duty that characterised
many of the Catholic clergy furnished only too
plausible a pretext for the violent and lawless
proceedings of their opponents. A document
still extant throws a painful but salutary light
on the laxness of discipline which prevailed in
one diocese, at least, on the eve of the Reforma
tion. The Bishop of Aberdeen, it appears, had

DISORDERS IN THE CHURCH. 239
asked the advice of his chapter on the question Disorders
of ecclesiastical reform and the . suppression of cese of
x x Aberdeen.
heresy ; and in a memorial dated January 5,
1559, they submitted to him certain suggestions
for this end. In the first place, they urged him
to cause the clergy of the diocese, including the
chapter, to break off their illicit connections and
reform their lives. Secondly, the bishop should
provide for preaching to be made throughout the
diocese, and for at least one sermon to be deliv
ered before the beginning of Lent, and one more
between that and Easter, in every parish church.
Thirdly, to cause all who neglected to attend
Mass, at least on Sundays and holidays, to be
summoned before the bishop and chapter, and
examined as to their faith. The memorial con
cludes by an earnest appeal to the bishop himself
to " show good and edifying example ; in special,
in removing and discharging himself of company
of the gentlewoman, by whom he is greatly slan
dered ; without which be done, diverse that are
partners say they cannot accept counsel and cor
rection of him which will not correct himself."
The bishop is also entreated to avoid the com
pany of heretics, and " when his lordship please
to visit the fields to repose himself, he choose
such company as beseems his lordship's own
estate." l Among the subscribers to this docu
ment we find the name of John Leslie, parson
1 Regist. Episc. Aberdon., vol. i. pp. lxi-lxv.

240 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
of Murthlach, afterwards the celebrated Bishop
of Ross. It is,, in truth, a convincing and melan
choly testimony to the decay of moral and re
ligious discipline in the Scottish Church, and to
her urgent need of reform, not, indeed, at the
hands of an irresponsible body of revolutionary
fanatics, but by the wise and salutary measures
of the great Council of Trent — measures which
there is no reason to doubt would have worked
the same wonderful results in Scotland as they
did in other parts of Christendom.
Provincial On March 1, 1559, a Provincial Council, sum-
Council of ...
1559. moned by the primate, Archbishop Hamilton,
met at Edinburgh, and sat continuously until
the 10th of April. Notwithstanding the lively
colours in which the archbishop depicted the
urgent needs of the Church, the attendance of
clergy was at first by no means numerous ; and
three weeks after the opening of the Council, we
find the Archbishop of Glasgow and the vicar-
general of the vacant diocese of Galloway repeat
ing in peremptory terms the citation to their
diocesan clergy to be present.
The first question that came before the Council
was the consideration of a petition that had been
presented by the Congregation to the Regent, and
by her laid before the assembled clergy. The
Protestants' demands included, first, that the
vulgar tongue should be adopted for public
prayers and the administration of the sacra-

PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1559. 241
ments ; secondly, that bishops should in future
be elected by the nobility, and the parochial
clergy by the parishioners ; and thirdly, that
priests unfit for the pastoral office should be re
moved from their cures, and replaced by compe
tent persons. These various points having been
duly discussed and considered by the Council, the
following answer was returned. First, that the
Council had no power to alter the order of public
worship and the administration of the sacra
ments, observed for centuries in the Catholic
Church, and therefore could not sanction the
proposed change of language. For private devo
tion, every one was free to use what language he
pleased. Secondly, as regarded the appointment
to bishoprics and other ecclesiastical offices, the
Council desired that the prescriptions of the canon
law should be strictly adhered to, in which case
no abuses could take place. As in Scotland the
right of presentation generally belonged to the
sovereign, subject to papal sanction, this matter
would be referred to the consideration of the
queen and her Council. Thirdly, with regard to
preaching, the administration of the sacraments,
and the qualifications of the clergy, there could
be no better regulations than those contained in
the canon law and the provisions of the various
Provincial Councils ; and these in future should
be enforced in all points. As to the residence of
the clergy, and their personal discharge of the
VOL. II. Q

242 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
duties of their office, these also were provided for
by the ancient canons and the ordinances of the
Council of Trent, the observance of which would
be strictly enjoined.
"Articles Besides the petition of which we have spoken,
mation." the Council also had under consideration certain
Articles of Reformation, which had been pre
sented to the Regent by a number of temporal
lords and other laymen, and which she now re
mitted to the Council through the Chancellor of
the realm. These Articles have been preserved
among the Acts of the Council.1 It is not known
from whom they emanated ; but their tone, ex
cepting in a few unimportant points, is Catholic
throughout, and it is evident that they pro
ceeded from a party well affected to the Church,
and sincerely desirous of the reform of abuses by
legitimate means. They commence by recalling
the public admonition given by James V., in his
last Parliament,2 to the bishops and clergy to
reform their lives and avoid scandal, and by
urging them to this necessary step without de
lay. The Articles next following petition that
there may be sermons preached in every parish
church on all Sundays and holidays, or at least
at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, and every
third or fourth Sunday ; that no one be allowed
to preach without previous examination as to his
doctrine and manner of life ; that no one be ad-
1 Robertson, Statuta, pp. 146-151. 2 See ante, p. 161.

ARTICLES OF REFORMATION. 243
mitted to the cure of souls unless properly quali
fied to administer the sacraments and to read
the Catechism to the people ; that expositions of
the doctrine of the sacraments of the Holy
Eucharist, baptism, and matrimony be published
in English for the instruction of the people ; and
that prayers and litanies be said in English on
Sundays and holidays, after Mass, and evening
prayers said also in the vulgar tongue. There is
no change suggested in the language of the Mass
itself. The seventh and eighth Articles urge the
abolition of mortuary fees, church dues, and
Easter offerings, or at least that they be no
longer compulsorily exacted by the clergy on pain
of excommunication ; and likewise demand the
shortening of the forms of process in the consis-
torial courts. In conclusion, the Articles petition
that no one be allowed to dishonour or speak
irreverently of the blessed sacrament of the
Eucharist, and that the sacraments be adminis
tered only as before set down, and by persons
duly admitted and ordained thereto ; and finally,
that no one "be so bold as to burn, spoil, or
destroy kirks, chapels, or religious places, and
ornaments thereof, or attempt anything for de
forming or innovating the laudable ceremonies
and rites thereof used in Holy Kirk." 1
1 It should be mentioned that it is by no means so clear as
appears in the text that there really were two separate sets of
Articles presented to the Regent,, and by her laid before the Pro
vincial Council. The former set, supposed by our author (following

244 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of The canons which the Council now proceeded
the Council
of 1559. to enact were intended no doubt to serve as an
answer to the above Articles of Reformation, and
to ameliorate the evils of which they complained.
They were as follows : 1. The decrees of the
Council of Basle contra concubinarios are to be
strictly enforced against all offenders, including
the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates.
And in order to set a good example in this
respect to others, the two archbishops hereby
agree to submit themselves to the counsel and
admonition of the following six ecclesiastics : the
Bishop of Dunkeld ; the Bishops - designate of
Galloway and Ross ; Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig ;
Greyson, provincial of the Dominicans and dean
of theology at St Andrews University ; and Win
ram, sub - prior of St Andrews. These are to
meet in Edinburgh twice yearly, and, should
they find cause, to admonish the archbishops in
all Christian charity ; the matter to be referred,
if necessary, to the Provincial Council, or, as a
last resort, to the Pope. 2. Neither prelates nor
Grub and others) to have emanated from the Protestants, are de
scribed by Bishop Leslie {De Reb. Gest. Scotorum, p. 504) ; while the
latter, attributed to the reforming party within the Church, are
preserved, as we have said, with the Acts of the Council. There is
certainly considerable difference between them ; but Bishop Leslie,
although he wrote in 1571, only twelve years after the Council met,
is far from being a model of accuracy ; and it is not at all impos
sible, as Lord Hailes and Mr Robertson suppose, that the supposed
two sets of Articles are really identical. See Robertson, Statuta,
pp. 300, 301. — Translator.

CANONS OF THE COUNCIL OF 1559. 245
other ecclesiastics are to keep their illegitimate statutes of
r ° the Council
children with them in their houses for more than of 1559-
four days in every three months, and that not
publicly, on pain of a fine of two hundred pounds
in the case of an archbishop, a hundred pounds if
a bishop, and a proportionate amount, at the dis
cretion of the Ordinary, in the case of the inferior
clergy. 3. Archbishops and bishops are forbidden
to collate their sons to benefices in their own
churches ; such collation to be ipso facto null
and void, and a new presentation to be made.
The queen is to be asked to petition the Pope
not to grant any dispensations contrary to this
statute. 4. Prelates who marry their daughters
to barons or landed gentry having a rental of
more than a hundred pounds, are not to endow
them from the patrimony of the Church ; x nor
are they to grant to their sons lands or baronies
of more than that annual value. 5. No ecclesi
astic, of whatever rank, must retain in his house
hold persons suspected of heresy, or who refuse to
attend Mass, contemn the sacraments, and hold
erroneous opinions in matters of faith. All such
are to be instantly removed, according as the
prelate himself shall answer before the Supreme
1 This is one of the abuses satirised by Sir David Lindsay in his
Three Estates {Poetical Works, vol. ii. p. 79) : —
" That Prelatis dochtonris of this natioun
Ar maryit with sic superfluitie,
Thay will nocht spair to gif twa thowsand pound
With their dochtouris to ane nobill man."

246 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of Judge.1 6. The clergy are not to engage in
the Council ° °J ° °
of 1559. trade or secular business. Should any prelate or
other ecclesiastic be found to traffic in provisions,
fish, salt, butter, wool, or anything else, he is to
forfeit the profits. 7. The canons of former
Councils as to clerical dress and tonsure are
to be observed ; and archbishops and bishops,
when appearing in public or in the church, are
always to wear linen rochets. 8. Prelates and
other ecclesiastics are exhorted for the love of
Christ to celebrate more frequently the holy
sacrifice of the Mass, that so the people may be
stirred to greater piety and devotion. The Or
dinaries are to inquire whether all priests and
beneficiaries say daily the canonical hours, and
assist at Mass at least on Sundays and festivals.
9. The visitation of monasteries, including those
exempt, is to be strictly carried out according to
the provisions of previous Councils and the Triden-
tine decrees. The Visitor is to inquire into and
correct any abuses that may exist ; to see that
the monks and nuns are properly provided as to
food, clothing, and other necessaries, and that
dilapidated buildings are put into repair. He is
also to take care that prioresses of nuns give in
to their Ordinary every year an accurate account
1 Ninian Winzet {Tractatis, pp. 5, 6), addressing the "Bischoipis
and utheris pastores " in 1562, writes in bitter irony, " Zour wyse,
saige, and grave familiar servands, void of al vanitie, bodely lustis,
and heresie, ar spoken of to zour prayse, God wate." (Printed in
Keith, Appendix, p. 205.)

CANONS OF THE COUNCIL OF 1559. 247
ofthe income of their respective convents. 10. statutes of
x m the Council
Provision is made for the rebuilding and repair, of 1559.
where required, of churches throughout the coun
try. It is strictly forbidden to cut down trees
in churchyards without permission from the pro
per authorities. 11. All beneficiaries must be in
holy orders, and pluralists must be prepared to
exhibit their dispensations. 12. Every curate in
charge of a parish church is to have a manse
and garden, with a stipend of twenty merks an
nually in the dioceses of Aberdeen, Moray, Ross,
Orkney, and Caithness, and twenty-four merks
in the other dioceses. 13. Former statutes against
those impeding rural deans or episcopal commis
sioners in the execution of their office are to be
strictly enforced. Offences committed by laymen
against the ecclesiastical laws are to be met by
pubhc penance in the parish church or cathedral,
or by fines — the sums thus obtained to be devoted
to some religious purpose. 14. The bishops are
to preach in their dioceses not only four times in
the year, as already ordered, but more frequently,
as enjoined by the Council of Trent. Each bishop
is to make a complete visitation of his diocese in
person, at least every two years, and during the
visitation to preach either himself or by a sub
stitute. The statute ordering that there be a
canonist and a theologian attached to every
cathedral, and a theologian in every bishop's
household, is to be at once put in force. 15.

248 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of Similarlv, the parochial clergy are to preach more
the CouncU J r bJ. . r
of 1559. frequently than heretofore enjoined. If too young,
or otherwise incompetent for this duty, they must
forthwith make themselves fit by study in the
schools, providing, meanwhile, substitutes to
preach for them : those, however, who are past
fifty years of age, and have never been accustomed
to preach, may attend the sermons of their sub
stitutes. Besides the regular sermons, there are
to be instructions and reading of the Catechism
also, on Sundays and holidays. 16. The method
and form of preaching, as laid down in the pre
vious Council, is hereby approved and ordered to
be observed. 17. Eight Articles follow, containing
a brief exposition of certain points of the Catholic
faith, on which the clergy are directed specially
to instruct the people.1 18. That the people may
better understand the nature and effects of the
sacraments of the Church, short exhortations or
declarations regarding them are ordered to be
published. These are to be publicly read by the
priest before the administration of each sacra
ment ; and in the same way by the bishop before
administering confirmation or orders, and by the
confessor in the sacrament of penance.2 19. The
1 A literal translation of these Articles, to which a peculiar in
terest attaches, as the last dogmatic declarations of the Scottish
Church, will be found in the Appendix (App. V.) — Translator.
2 The only one of these declarations still extant, and probably
the only one that ever appeared, is the Godlie Exhortatioun, on the
Holy Eucharist, which, as already mentioned, was popularly known
as the Twapenny Faith. — Translator.

CANONS OF THE COUNCIL OF 1559. 249
statute regarding the sending of religious to study statutes of
at the universities is at once to be put into exe- of 1559.
cution. Superiors of monasteries are to give in to
the Ordinary, before the 1st of August next, the
names of the religious sent in accordance with
this decree. 20. It is ordered that, considering
the scandals that have arisen from the collation
to benefices of persons in every respect unfitted
for their office, no one be henceforth promoted to
any benefice whatever, unless he be found, after
diligent examination by the Ordinary, to be com
petent to fulfil the duties belonging to it. A
petition is to be presented to the queen praying
her not to present or nominate any one to vacant
bishoprics, abbacies, or other dignities, except
such as are duly qualified thereto by age, char
acter, and learning. 21. Provision is made for
protecting the rights of children, wards, and
others, in cases of persons dying intestate.
Fifteen days before the executors are permitted
to administer the effects, public notice is to be
given in church at the time of divine service,
inviting all who have any interest in the matter
to come forward and make good their claims.
22. The grievances regarding mortuary-fees is to
be redressed, by their being no longer exacted
from the poor. 23. Feuing or leasing out of
Church lands is strictly prohibited, with certain
specified exceptions. 24. The greater tithes are
to be collected by the clergy for themselves, or

250 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
statutes of else to be leased to the farmers and labourers on
the Council ._ . .
of 1559. the glebe for a moderate sum. 25-28. Provision
is made for curtailing and otherwise reforming
the forms of process in the ecclesiastical courts.
29. The age of twenty-one years is fixed as the
age of majority according to ecclesiastical, as it
already is according to civil law.1 30-32. Regu
lations are laid down for the collection of pecuni
ary fines, the due attendance at Mass of every
parishioner, and the form of letters issued by the
Ordinary or his official. 33. In order to avoid
every appearance of scandal, the lesser tithes are
not to be collected at Easter, but before the
beginning of Lent, the Easter offerings being left
to the spontaneous liberality of the faithful. 34.
Whereas Methven, Harlay, Grant, Willock,
Patrick, and other apostates from the faith and
the Church's unity, have introduced a novel
method of baptism, thus rendering it doubtful in
many cases whether the sacrament has been duly
administered, it is ordered that all infants bap
tised by these persons be conditionally rebaptised
within fifteen days, according to the form insti
tuted by Christ and received in the Church.
Similarly, it is forbidden to administer or receive
the sacraments of the Eucharist or matrimony,
except in accordance with the prescribed forms,
on pain of the greater excommunication.
1 The ecclesiastical law, following the Roman, fixed the age of
majority at twenty-five. — Translator.

THE LAST COUNCIL OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 251
Septuagesima Sunday, 1560, having been ap- close of
t XI1.6 ItlSt
pointed as the date of the next meeting of the cj™?cil
synod, the assembly broke up, and its members ^^
dispersed, little dreaming, probably, that they
had assisted at the last Provincial Council of the
Scottish Church which was to meet for upwards
of three hundred years.1 When the day chosen
for the next assembly arrived, Protestantism was
already practically triumphant, and a few months
later witnessed the final crash — the overthrow of
that historic Church whose last official act had
been the promulgation of a body of laws admir
ably adapted in themselves, as no unprejudiced
judge will deny,2 to bring about the reforms so
urgently demanded alike by friends and foes. As
their dogmatic declarations faithfully reflect the
teaching of the Universal Church, so, too, the
practical measures which they enjoin are in full
conformity with her earnest desire to grapple
with the crying evils of the times. Nevertheless, Difficulties
i i • 1 *n the way
lt is open to doubt whether, even had time been of reform.
allowed, those measures could ever have been put
into execution. The statute requiring all who
held any ecclesiastical preferment either to under
take its duties or to resign it within six months,
1 Three hundred and twenty-six years after the downfall of the
ancient faith in Scotland, the restored hierarchy met once more in
Provincial Council, at Fort Augustus, under the presidency of an
Archbishop of St Andrews (August 1886). — Translator.
2 Even Lord Hailes allows that Knox's account of the canons is
" exceedingly partial and erroneous."- — Translator.

252 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
was one which could hardly be expected to have
any effect in the too common case of those who
had entered upon their benefices without either
the slightest qualification for their office or the
remotest intention of fulfilling it. The gross
abuses that had grown up, in spite of Popes and
councils, in connection with the presentation to
benefices, were, in truth, the rock on which the
Scottish Church finally split. The system of
tommendatory abbacies, priories, deaneries, and
ther ecclesiastical dignities, had already resulted
in the alienation to laymen of great part of the
I property of the Church ; and the work was only
' completed when sacrilegious hands were at length
laid upon the venerable fabric itself. However
wise and salutary the measures of reform enacted
by the Council of 1559, it seemed as if they came
too late to stem the flood that was rising to over
whelm the ancient faith of Scotland. The very
severity which was intended to strike terror into
those who, by their unworthy lives, disgraced the
offices they held, only drove them, if we are to
believe the testimony of a contemporary historian,
into overt rebellion from the authority and teach
ing ofthe Church.1
\ l Leslie, De rebus gestis Scot, p. 505. " De reliquis duobus arti-
culis, ne plus sibi quam veritati indulsisse viderentur, in earn sen-
tentiam itum est, ut omnia ad antiquorum exemplar, ac Concilii
Tridentini normam conformarentur, ut episcopi, abbates, priores,
decani, archidiaconi, pastores, ac cujuscumque ordinis religiosi intra
sex menses, vel munus quisque suum prsesentes obvient, vel bene-

ABBOT KENNEDY OF CROSSRAGUEL. 253
While the Provincial Council was holding its Abbot
. . _, _. . . Quintin
deliberations in Edinburgh, the Catholic cause in Kennedy.
the west of Scotland found an able and zealous
champion in the person of Quintin Kennedy, the
last Abbot of Crossraguel. Kennedy was the
youngest son of Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, and had
received his education at the University of St
Andrews,1 and afterwards at Paris. On his re
turn from France he became vicar of Girvan, in
Carrick; and in 1547, on the death of his uncle,
William Kennedy, Abbot of the Cluniac monas
tery of Crossraguel, Quintin was appointed his
successor. In this capacity he assisted at the
Provincial Council of 1549. The zeal, piety, and
learning of Abbot Quintin well fitted him to cope
with the dangers that attacked the Church. In
the year 1558, at the request of his nephew, the
Master of Cassillis, he published " A compendious
Tractive, conform to the Scriptures of Almighty
God, reason, and authority, declaring the nearest
and only way to establish the conscience of a
Christian man in all matters which are in debate
concerning faith and religion." Some account of
ficiis ecclesise quamprimum cederent. Nonnulli religiosi et alii qui
solutius per totam vitam degentes, tam arcta ecclesise disciplina
nolebant adstringi, aut qui omnis plane eruditionis expertes provin-
ciam suam non poterant ullo modo tueri, bello ecclesise Romanse
quasi indicto, ad haereticos aperte deficiunt, ac infestissimis animis
ecclesiae rem evertendam curant."
1 His name is recorded among the students incorporated in 1540
at St Salvator's College. {Charters of the Abbey of Crossraguel, ed.
1886, vol. i. p. xl.) — Translator.

254 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
the Tract will not be without interest, and will
give an idea of the clear and cogent nature of
the arguments employed in this, one of the few
remaining specimens of pre-Reformation contro
versy.1
The "Com- The Avork is described by Keith2 as a small
pendious . ...... .
Tractive." quarto of fifty-eight leaves, divided into eighteen
chapters. It is dedicated to the Master of Cas
sillis, to whom there is a short prefatory address,
followed by another to the reader. The author,
after referring most of the prevalent errors of
the day to a wrong understanding of the Word
of God, proceeds to define the proper place and
function of Holy Scripture. By reason of the
numerous methods of interpreting the Scripture,
it is necessary that there be some authorised
judge to determine its true meaning. The Bible
is a faithful witness to the truth in matters relat-
1 The following is a list of Abbot Kennedy's other works : —
2. De Publico Ecclesia? Sacrificio.
3. Contra errores Germanorum in fide : capita quatuordecem
defensa contra Georgium Sophocardium.
4. Responsio ad Joannis Davidsoni opus.
5. De vetitorum abstinentia.
6. De illicito Presbyterorum matrimonio.
7. De cultu imaginum.
8. Palinodia Willoxio reddita xxix. : mdlxii.
9. Querimonia super Knoxii fraude et impietate.
10. Oratio pro obedientia supremis potestatibus, habita die ul
timo Augusti, MDLXII.
11. De prsesentia Corporis in Sacramento Altaris.
— (Mackenzie, Lives, vol. iii. p. 69 ; Charters of Crossraguel, vol. i.
p. xiii.)
2 Affairs of Church and State, p. 199 (Appendix).

THE "COMPENDIOUS TRACTIVE." 255
ing to faith (according to the Lord's words, " Ye
search the Scriptures, and they are they which
testify of me " x) ; but for that very reason it can
not also be the judge in such matters. Scripture
itself, experience, reason, and authority, alike
agree that the only true judge is the Church,
whose duty it is to decide according to the tes
timony of Holy Writ. What, then, the writer
goes on to ask, is the Church ? The word may
be applied to the whole mystical body of the
faithful, whereof Christ is the Head ; or, in a more
restricted sense, to the rulers and elders of that
body. It is to the Church in this sense, as the
author abundantly proves from the testimony of
history, beginning with the first council of Jeru
salem, that alone belongs the right of deciding
in matters of faith, and interpreting the true
sense of Holy Scripture.
The tract goes on to speak of the supposed
necessity for all to read the Bible. " Why," it is
commonly said, " should not every man read the
Scripture, and so work out his salvation ? Must
not each man bear his own burden, and answer
for his OAvn soul, which neither monk nor priest
can do for him ? " Such sayings, our author
points out, must be understood in their proper
sense. What is necessary for his salvation it
were indeed wrong to withhold from the poorest
Christian. But this is by no means the case. In
1 St John v. 39.

256 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Our
Father — the prayer that our Lord Himself has bid
us daily offer to Him — are contained all the faith
and doctrine that a Christian man requires. As
to the question whether lay folk may read the
Bible for themselves, the Church has not defi
nitely determined the point ; but the author's
judgment is that they may well do so for the
profit of their souls and increase of virtue, but
not out of mere curiosity touching the doctrines
of the sacraments, predestination, free-will, and
justification. The Church is accused, continues the abbot, of
setting up her laws above the law of God. He
disproves this charge by showing that, in case
of necessity, it is permitted to transgress the
Church's laws, which is never allowed with the
law of God. Whatever may be the abuses that
have grown up in connection with the laws of the
Church, that is no reason for abolishing what is
good in itself. Is not God's law daily broken and
contemned? yet who would dare to say that it
ought therefore to be done away? If any man
think (what is doubtless true) that there are
some constitutions of the Church no longer suit
able to the times, let him complain thereof to the
higher powers, and not think to correct them
himself with no authority. "For I dare boldly
say," goes on the author, "there shall more in
conveniences follow on all things which are done

THE "COMPENDIOUS TRACTIVE." 257
without order, than to thole [suffer] the abuse, to
the time God provide a remedy by order." 1
While denouncing in severe terms the irregular
lives led by many churchmen, the abbot argues
that there is no reason why Christians should on
that account waver in their faith, or refuse obe
dience to the ecclesiastical authority. He shows
this from the words of Christ, who bade His dis
ciples do whatever the scribes and Pharisees com
manded them to observe, although they were not
to follow them in their works. The source of all
the evils under which the Church is labouring is
acknowledged to be the deplorable abuse of eccle
siastical patronage which everywhere prevails.
We will allow the quaint and striking eloquence
of the author to speak for itself on this point.2
" Thou mayest see daily by experience," he says,
" a bairn and a babe, to whom scarcely wouldst
thou give a fair apple to keep, get, perchance, five
thousand souls to guide ; and all for avarice, the
root of all vice, that their parents may get the pro
fit of the benefice to their own singular commodity,
and the poor simple bairn scarcely get to bring
him up virtuously ; the convent and place where
God should be daily honoured and served goes clean
to ruin. And those who are the procurers and
upholders of such monstrous farces in the Kirk of
1 Keith, op. cit, p. 202 (Appendix).
2 The spelling has been modernised, and an obsolete word altered
here and there. — Translator.
VOL. II. R

258 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
God, are the most principal criers out on the
vices of kirkmen. If the Kirk had the old
ancient liberty (as perchance some time it had)
that a bishop was freely chosen by his chapter,
the abbot and prior by the convent and of the
convent, then should be qualified men in all
estates of the Kirk — then should all heresies be
stemmed, and the people well taught. This were
the way to come in at the door to be a minister
in the Kirk of God, which our Saviour speaks of,
where now be tyranny and avarice (for the most
part) ; as it were thieves and brigands, we creep
in at windows or back-doors. . . . The day,
the day, the terrible day shall come when the
unhappy avaricious man shall lament the time
that ever he had the brother, or son, to whom he
bore such fleshly and ungodly favour as to raise
him up to be a guider and ruler of Christ's flock,
which could not guide himself; the unfortunate
prince shall lament the time that ever he was so
unjustly subject to the unreasonable desire of his
subjects ; the miserable ignorant, raised up in
authority, shall curse the time that ever he took
on him the charge which was noways convenient
for him. In the meantime, the poor simple
people, so dearly bought by the blood and death
of Jesus Christ our Saviour, miserably perishes,
the Kirk suffers scandal, God is dishonoured, all
heresies, wickedness, and vice reign. As to me,
I will say nothing ; but humbly beseech the Lord

abbot Kennedy's zeal for the faith. 259
God to illuminate the hearts of the magistrates
(specially such as have the authority to be the
raisers-up of faithful ministers in the Kirk of
God), to provide such qualified pastors as will
do conformably to their vocation, and as may be
to the glory of God. And also I beseech the liv
ing God, that they who are already ministers in
the Kirk of God (specially who occupy the place
of the Apostles by office and authority) call to
remembrance the severe and rigorous sentence of
the apostle, saying, ' Woe be unto me if I preach
not ' ; and also the words of the prophet, saying,
'Woe be unto you pastors of Israel, who feed
yourselves and not my flock.' Whereby, the pas
tors doing their debt and devoir to the simple
people committed to their cure, all heresies, wick
edness, and vice should be suppressed, the Kirk
freed from scandal, and God honoured, to whom
be glory for ever." 1
The burning words of the good abbot were the
outcome of a heart instinct with the deepest love
and loyalty to the Catholic Church. Without
shutting his eyes to the abuses which like some
foul parasite had grown up and clustered round
her, he knew that those external excrescences in
no way detracted from her essential perfection as
the handiwork of God. It was meet indeed that
they should be removed, but only by laAvful
authority and legitimate means ; for there was
1 Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p. 203 (Appendix).

260 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
little distinction between use and abuse in the
minds of the self-constituted reformers, who, as
he well knew, aimed at nothing less than the
demolition of the whole fabric of the Church.
The publication of the " Tractive " created a
considerable impression, and its arguments, we
are told, were the means of reconciling many
waverers to the communion of the Church.1 For
several years it remained unanswered ; and it
was not until 1563 that a reply was published
by John Davidson, Principal of the College of
Glasgow, at the instance of the Earl of Glencairn.
" Davidson's answer," allows Mr Grub,2 " is much
inferior to the ' Tractive,' as well in learning as
in style and expression." The stock charges
against the Catholic Church are spun out at
tedious length, the general tone, however, of the
writer being mild and free from bitterness.
Davidson had been a fellow-student of his oppo
nent at the university, and he alludes in his
reply to the "auld Parisiane kyndnes that was
betuixt us." 3
Abbot In March 1559, we find Abbot Kennedy en-
Kennedy . .
and the gaged m religious controversy in another quarter.
6x-rri£ir _.T_.nn _
wmock. Willock at this time was preaching at Ayr (where
he had formerly been a friar) against the doc
trine of the sacrifice of the Mass, alleging that
1 Davidson himself admitted this. {CJiarters of Crossraguel, vol.
i. p. xiii.) See Leslie, De Reb. Gest Scotorum, p. 540.
2 Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 63.
3 Charters of Crossraguel, vol. i. p. xii.

KENNEDY AND WILLOCK's CONTROVERSY. 261
his views were supported by Scripture as ex
pounded by SS. Irengeus, Hilary, Chrysostom,
and other fathers. The Abbot of Crossraguel
arrived in Ayr on Easter eve ; and shrewdly
suspecting that Willock had only enlisted the
fathers in his cause in the belief that their writ
ings were unknoAvn to his hearers, declared him
self ready to prove that whoever asserts the Mass
to be idolatrous is himself a heretic ; and in
the interpretation of Scripture on the point, he
would be judged by the fathers and doctors to
whom. Willock himself had appealed. The ex-
friar, while accepting the challenge, stultified
himself by stating that he would only abide by
their authority as far as they were in accordance
with the Scriptures — " which," as the abbot re
marks, " was as gude as" right nought." In addi
tion to this slippery line of argument, Willock
broke the terms of the agreement between him
self and his opponent by arriving on the scene of
the contest with " some four or five hundred to
fortifie him," instead of twelve followers merely,
as the abbot had stipulated in order to avoid any
chance of tumult. On the 7th of April, Abbot
Kennedy wrote from Maybole a full account of
the proceedings to the Archbishop of Glasgow.
The letter, and the correspondence of the abbot
with Willock, were printed by Keith x from manu
scripts in the Scots College at Paris.
1 Affairs of Church and State, pp. 193-199 (Appendix). Alluding

262 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Measures Mary of Guise, as we are specially told, kept
taken by J « n i
the Regent the festival of Easter, 1559, with the full solem-
against
heresy. nity of Catholic ceremonial ; and about the same
period we find a change taking place in her eccle
siastical policy. At the urgent instance of her
brothers, the princes of Guise, she had consented
a short time previously to join the league for
the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in
Europe ; and the arrival of Beltancourt on an
embassy from the French Court, with the object
of concluding negotiations on the subject, was at
once followed by repressive measures against the
spread of the Protestant doctrines.1 A procla
mation was issued, forbidding any one to preach
or to administer the sacraments without the
express authority of the bishops. The prohibi
tion was entirely disregarded by the Reformed
preachers, several of whom were consequently
summoned to appear at Stirling, and answer for
their violation of the law. The adherents of
the Congregation determined to stand by their
pastors, and mustered at Perth in considerable
numbers.2 At this critical moment, when an actual conflict

to the reductio ad absurdum which marks the share of Willock in
the above correspondence, Mr Lawson (the editor of Keith's works)
remarks, " If private judgment is to be the rule of religious truth,
then truth, instead of being one, as we know it is, will be multi
form." — Affairs, vol. iii. p. 404.
1 Tytler, Hist of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 89, 90.
2 Knox, Historie, p. 135.

RETURN OF KNOX TO SCOTLAND, 1559. 263
between the opposing parties seemed inevitable, Return of
John Knox returned to Scotland. Since his de- Scotland.
parture in 1556, he had continued to fill the
position of minister to the English Protestants at
Geneva; and thence he had issued, in 1558, his
" First Blast of the Trumpet against the mon
strous Regiment of Women," directed primarily
against Mary of England, but intended without
doubt to apply also to the then Government of
Scotland. Although frequently solicited by his
party in Scotland to return home, Knox did not
deem it expedient to accept the invitation, until
the accession of Elizabeth to the English throne
secured him a safe retreat across the Border,
should he again find himself forced to quit Scot
land. Accordingly he left Geneva early in 1559,
and landed at Leith on the 2d of May. On
his arrival becoming knoAvn to the Government,
he was at once proclaimed an outlaw ; but escap
ing the hands of justice, he made his way, after
a stay of two days in Edinburgh, to Dundee,
where he found himself safe under the powerful
protection of the Protestant lords.1
Meanwhile the 10th of May, on which day the Meeting of
preachers had been summoned to Stirling, was at gation at
hand, and the leaders of the Congregation, with a
numerous body of their followers, were assembled
at Perth. Knox 2 says that they were unarmed ;
1 Knox, Historie, p. 135.
2 Historie, loc. cit. " Without armour, as peaceable men."

264 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
but we can hardly suppose this to have been so
in the case of the barons and their retainers, the
avowed object of whose presence at Perth was
to protect the preachers, and intimidate the Gov
ernment into abandoning the proceedings against
them. Erskine of Dun, whose influence with the
Protestants was considerable, went alone to Stir
ling, with a view of arranging matters amicably, if
possible, with the Regent. In the hope of obtain
ing some concessions to his party, he prevailed
upon them, at the queen's request, to remain at
Perth, and not advance to Stirling. In the mean
time the day arrived on which the preachers
should have appeared before the Court ; but as
none of them answered to the summons, they
were declared rebels according to law,1 and
their sureties, including Erskine himself, were
fined.2 However harshly the Congregation may ' have
judged the action thus taken by the Regent to
vindicate the law, their own subsequent proceed
ings are sufficient to show how little they deserved
indulgence at her hands. Day after day they
1 See Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p. 84, note (a).
2 Tytler, following Keith and Spottiswood, asserts that the
Regent promised Erskine to cancel the summons against the min
isters, and that her subsequent action against them was consequently
a distinct breach of faith. I can find no contemporary authority for
this statement, which is not corroborated by Bishop Leslie, or by
Knox himself, who says nothing more than that the queen " pro
mised to take some better order." See Grub, Eccles. Hist., vol. ii.
p. 67, note. — Translator.

COMMENCEMENT OP WORK OF DESTRUCTION. 265
occupied the pulpits of the various churches of
Perth, holding forth in the most violent language
on the so-called idolatry of the Mass,1 and on the
duty of rooting it out of the land. Knox himself
preached on this subject on the 11th of May, Knox'sssrmoii
in the parish church of St John. At the conclu
sion of his sermon, a priest appeared at the high
altar, and prepared to celebrate Mass, first open
ing what Knox describes as a "glorious taber
nacle " — probably a triptych, with folding doors,
containing painted or sculptured images of the
saints. Upon this, we are told, a boy, who had
formed part of the congregation at Knox's dis
course, cried out, " This is intolerable, that when
God by His Word hath plainly condemned idol
atry, we shall stand and see it used in despite."
The priest in indignation struck the precocious
reformer, who at once seized a stone, and hurling
it at him, broke to pieces one of the images above
the altar. The effect upon the mob was electri
cal. Already excited almost to frenzy by Knox's
inflammatory harangue, they rose as one man,
and in a brief space of time had dashed to pieces inaugura-
every ornament of the church. This done, they work of
sallied forth, and reinforced by those whom Knox, tion.
in a vain attempt to divert the blame from him-
i Has the gross absurdity of this oft-repeated charge been ever
better exposed than by Johnson's pithy answer to his inquisitive
friend ? " Boswell. What do you think of the idolatry of the
Mass ? Johnson. Sir, there is no idolatry. They believe God to be
there and adore Him'' — (Boswell, Life, vol. i. p. 561.) — Translator.

266 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
self and the other leaders of the party, styles the
" rascal multitude," x attacked the religious houses
of the toAvn — the number and splendour of which
had won for Perth the appellation of the " Fair
City," which it still retains — and reduced them to
a heap of ruins. At the end of two days nothing
was left but the bare walls of the Franciscan and
Dominican convents, and of the magnificent mon
astery of the Carthusians, the foundation and
burial-place of James I., and one of the finest
religious establishments in the kingdom.2 The
work of destruction at Perth was speedily fol
lowed by like outrages in Cupar-Fife. The parish
church was attacked by the rabble, and all the
altars and images of the saints were destroyed.
Such were the ill-omened deeds of violence that
began the work of the Reformation in Scotland.
It is folly to attribute them to chance, or to the
hasty blow given by the priest at the altar of St
John's. Not only did Knox and his companions
1 It would be interesting to know Dr Macleod's authority for his
statement {St Giles' Lectures, 1st Series, p. 148) that " Knox did his
best to check ' the rascal multitude ' which ruined the churches of
Perth." Knox himself certainly says nothing to warrant this asser
tion. — Translator.
2 Knox adds to his relation various details as to the abundant
supply of provisions and other stores which were found in the plun
dered monasteries. "These incidents," observes Lawson (ed. of
Keith, vol. i. p. 192), " are of course recorded by Knox as proofs of
the sensuality of the monks ; but it must be recollected that there
were numerous claims upon them by noblemen and others, who
were entertained by them profusely." We may add that monastic
hospitality was not less profuse towards the poor and needy.

DEFIANT ATTITUDE OF THE CONGREGATION. 267
directly instigate them by their denunciations
from the pulpit, but by their subsequent proceed
ings they sanctioned, if they did not actually
assist, in their perpetration. The outrages of the
multitude, as Mr Grub has well pointed out,1
could not have continued two days successively,
had the nobles and preachers shown the least
anxiety to check them.
The queen-regent received the tidings of these indigna-
occurrences Avith the deepest grief and mdig- Regent.
nation, deploring especially the destruction of
the Carthusian Church, the monument of royal
liberality and burial-place of kings and queens.
The perpetrators of the outrages were menaced
with the utmost rigours of the law ; in the mean
time, however, safely intrenched in Perth, they
defied Church and State alike. On May 22 they
addressed a letter to the Regent, couched in a Manifes-
tops l^snpd
tone of assumed deference, and respectfully de- hy the con
gregation.
manding liberty of worship. Another letter was
sent to the nobles of the queen's party, contain
ing an elaborate justification of their proceedings,
which, they declared, had been in obedience to the
command of God, " who plainly commands idol
atry, and all monuments of the same, to be de
stroyed and abolished." 2 In a third communi
cation, to the clergy of the Scottish Church, the
Congregation intimated in unmistakable terms
the line of its future policy. The character of
1 Ecclesiast. Hist, vol. ii. p. 69. 2 Knox, Historie, p. 140.

268 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
this document is sufficiently indicated by its title.
It is addressed " To the generation of Anti-Christ,
the pestilent prelates and their shavelings within
Scotland, the Congregation of Christ Jesus within
the same, sayeth  " The clergy are warned
that they will be dealt with as murderers and
enemies to God and man, wherever apprehended,
unless they cease betimes from their " blinde
rage." A war of extermination is to be com
menced against them (such as God commanded to
be executed against the Canaanites) until they
desist from their " open idolatry." This extra
ordinary document concludes by blasphemously
uniting, in language which even Tytler, although
he has no words of condemnation for its author,
allows " cannot be read without sorrow," x expres
sions of hate and vengeance with the holy Name
of God and the Gospel of His Son. On which
side the " blind rage " really lay, was sufficiently
testified by the desolate ruins of Perth and
Cupar. Justly incensed by this fresh insult to the
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 94. So Keith {Affairs of Church and
State, p. 87) remarks : " As the reader will observe the pestilent
spirit and unmannerly stile of this paper, far, indeed, from the
meekness that would have become the reformers of abuses in
Christianity, so by the tenor thereof, and of their other letters to
the queen-regent, &c, 'tis pretty evident they had a moral cer
tainty of victory, arising from the numbers that joined them ;
otherwise 'tis much to be doubted if they would have writ in such
a strain." It was the support of England, as we shall see later, on
which they relied in their schemes of rebellion.

IMPORTANT ACCESSIONS TO PROTESTANTISM. 269
Church, the Regent proceeded to lead her army
against Perth. Meanwhile the rebel forces were
augmented by the arrival of the Earl of Glen
cairn from the west of Scotland at the head of
nearly three thousand men, with whom was the
ex -friar Willock. Hostilities were on the point
of commencing, when, through the mediation of
the Earl of Argyll and Lord James Stuart, an
arrangement was concluded between the opposing
parties. The Protestants agreed, on certain con
ditions, to vacate Perth, and the Regent entered
the town on the 29th of May. Knox1 and
Buchanan 2 assert that the articles of capitu
lation were violated by the queen, who main
tained that she was not bound to keep faith with
heretics, and that princes must not be strictly
expected to keep their promises. This state
ment, however, is, to say the least, extremely
doubtful ; 3 and the defection of the Earl of Argyll Defections
and Lord James Stuart to the Protestant cause, Catholiccause.
which took place at this time, is with much less
probability to be attributed to the violation by
the Regent of the terms of the treaty than to
their own well-known inclinations to Protestant
ism, which they now found it advisable openly to
profess for the first time.
Whatever may have been the motive which led
Argyll and Lord James at this juncture to unite
1 Historie, p. 148. 2 Rerum Scoticarum, lib. xvi. fol. 191.
3 See Grub, Ecclesiast Hist, vol. ii. p. 68.

270 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
themselves to the Congregation, their accession to
its numbers was an important one, and they at
once took a leading part in its proceedings. A
fresh covenant was drawn up, which they were
the first to sign, and the Congregation was sum
moned to assemble at St Andrews. On his way
thither, accompanied by the barons of St Andrews,
Knox preached at Crail and Anstruther, two sea
ports in Fife, with the result that the churches
in these towns were at once wrecked by the mob.
He next publicly announced that he would preach
at St Andrews on the 11th of June. Arch
bishop Hamilton endeavoured to prevent the
carrying out of this intention, but his efforts were
frustrated by the determined resistance of the
Protestants, and Knox delivered his sermon on
the day announced. It was in his usual vein.
The subject was the casting out of the buyers and
sellers from the Temple, and the preacher drew
a parallel between Jerusalem and Scotland, and
dwelt on the duty of those in authority to follow
the example recorded in the Gospel. Encouraged
by the hardly veiled commands of the apostle of
reform, provost, magistrates, and citizens hurried
The"ras- to the work of destruction, commencing with the
tude" at st noble cathedral. Nothing was spared. Windows
Andrews. it n • i
were dashed to atoms — chalices, candlesticks,
shrines of gold and silver carried off to be melted
down — liturgical books and manuscripts, records,
registers, and charters cast into the flames. The

DEMOLITION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 271
venerable structure, which had been a hundred
and sixty years in building, and in which reposed
the earthly remains of so many of Scotland's
worthiest and noblest sons, was in as many hours
" reduced to a melancholy ruin, which may," as
has been truly observed, " be justly termed Knox's
monument." x The Franciscan and Dominican
convents shared the fate of the cathedral.2
The reformers were now thoroughly warmed Destruc-
i • -i • iii- tionofLin-
to their sacrilegious work, and the destruction of dores.
church and cloister proceeded apace. The Bene
dictine Abbey of Lindores was the next to suffer.
The altars were thrown down, the vestments and
liturgical books were heaped together and burned
before the eyes of the monks, who were compelled
by the mob to strip off their religious habits.
The neighbouring monastery of Balmerino under- Baimerino
went the same fate. The venerable Abbey of
Scone was now to be the victim of the blind
fury of the populace. A letter had already been
addressed by the Lords of the Congregation to
the Bishop of Moray, the commendator of the
abbey, informing him that the only hope of its
preservation from destruction lay in his consent -
1 Lawson, ed. of Keith, Affairs, vol. i. p. 205, note.
2 Contemporary writers, although they speak generally of the
destruction of the churches of St Andrews at this time, do not spe
cifically mention the cathedral. It is certain, however, that it was
reduced to ruins at the time of the Reformation, and there is no
room for doubt that the work of demolition was begun and prob
ably completed immediately subsequent to Knox's sermon. Grub
calls this " a tradition of very general reception." — Translator.

272 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
ing to join their party. Without even waiting
for an answer to this communication, a rabble of
the toAvnspeople of Dundee and Perth attacked
the monastery. Some effort appears to have been
made by Argyll and Lord James to stay the work
of destruction, but in vain ; and in two days the
noble abbey and the historic palace, with which
were connected so many of the most stirring
events in the annals of the country, were reduced
to ruins. A few smoking walls were all that
remained of the stately pile in which for centuries
the Scottish kings had been anointed and crowned.
Knox admits that those men who were most
esteemed made strenuous efforts to save it from
destruction 1 — a fact which, as Bishop Keith truly
observes,2 " might have made Mr Knox ashamed
of his own conduct, by which he inflamed the
passions of the multitude, and even urged them
forward to these disorderly proceedings, that are
such a scandal to themselves, and so contrary to
the spirit of true Christianity. He ought to have
blamed himself when he saw the dismal con
sequences which attended his fiery counsels;
since, as he himself relates, neither the principal
lords and gentlemen, nor even he, the instigator,
was able to put a stop to that religious, or rather
irreligious, fury. 'Tis an easy matter," sagely
concludes the historian, " to raise the Devil, but
few know how to lay him again."
1 Historic, p. 156. 2 Affairs of Church and State, p. 93.

THE CONGREGATION AT EDINBURGH. 273
Leaving behind them the smouldering ruins of
Scone, the rebels, of whom Argyll and Lord James
were now the acknowledged leaders, continued
their progress southward, spreading havoc and
desolation wherever they went. At Stirling and
Linlithgow (the birthplace of their young queen)
churches and monasteries were plundered and
destroyed ; and the extensive abbey of Cambus
kenneth was likewise razed to the ground. On
the 29th of June the Congregation entered Edin- The con-
burgh. Hitherto order had been preserved in the at Edm-
7 . burgh.
capital through the exertions of the provost, Lord
Seton ; but he was powerless any longer to pre
vent the work of spoliation. Every religious
edifice in the city was sacked and demolished, not
even the royal abbey-church of Holyrood itself
escaping the hand of the spoiler.1 The rebels
then proceeded to rob the royal treasury, and
to take violent possession of the Mint and the
coining instruments belonging to it.2
1 Historie, loc. cit. It is noticeable that we hear no more of the
" rascal multitude," on whose shoulders Knox (as his admirers are
never tired of reminding us) at first endeavoured to shift the blame
of these deeds of violence and pillage. He has no scruple now in
identifying the work of the mob with the " reform " introduced by
the Congregation ; and when the business of plunder and destruc
tion was over before their arrival, his only comment is, " thereby
we were the lesser troubled in putting order [Knox's favourite
euphemism] to such places." — Translator.
2 Leslie, De Reb. Gest. Scotorum, p. 509. It must be stated that
Tytler's account of these proceedings is singularly uncandid. He
ignores altogether the violent deeds of the Congregation in Edin
burgh, assumes that Kirkaldy's letter to Percy, declaring that they
had nothing in view but the " advancement of Christ's religion," was
VOL. II. S

274 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
In the midst of these stirring events, the schemes
of the Reformers were threatened with frustration
by an event which occurred in France. This was
the death of King Henry II. , who was succeeded
by his son Francis II. , the husband of Mary Queen
of Scots. As was to be expected, the French at
once realised the necessity of offering an active
support to the Crown and Church of Scotland,
both of which were seriously menaced by the
Protestant party. A considerable body of troops
was despatched from France, and placed at the
disposal of the Regent. Towards the end of
Arrival of September, Nicholas de Peileve", Bishop of Amiens
legate. (afterwards Cardinal and Archbishop of Sens),
arrived at Leith as apostolic nuncio and legate a
latere of Pope Paul IV. He was accompanied by
Furnet, Brochet, and Forriteir, three distinguished
doctors of the Sorbonne. The nuncio's first step
was the solemn reconciliation of the collegiate
church of St Giles, which had been desecrated
by the heretics. The celebration of Mass and the
other offices of the Church were again carried out
in due form, and the labours and eloquence of the
Paris doctors were rewarded, as Leslie assures us,
a perfectly honest statement of their intentions, and (strangest of all)
leaves it to be inferred that the significant fact of their seizure of
the Mint — which Knox himself admits, and which, coupled with the
secret correspondence with England, opened many eyes to the true
aims of the rebel party — was a mere report, trumped up into an
accusation by the Regent. What, we may well ask, had the plunder
ing of the treasury and the seizure of the coinage of the realm to
do with the " advancement of Christ's religion " 2 — Translator.

PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE REBELS. 275
by the confirmation of many waverers in the
Catholic faith.1
The arrival of the French troops was an addi
tional source of irritation in the already disturbed
state of feeling in Edinburgh, and every effort
was made by both parties to enlist the sympathy
of the people on their side. In the month of
July a proclamation was issued by the Regent, Royaipro-
p 1 i i ri • i clamation
setting forth that the Congregation under pretence against
of religion had put themselves in arms ; and
calling to mind her promise to summon a Par
liament in the following January, or sooner if
need be, to settle the religious question, and
meanwhile to allow liberty of conscience to every
man. " Nevertheless," the proclamation ran, " the
said Congregation, being of mind to receive no
reasonable offers, hath since, by open deed, de
clared that it is no religion, nor anything thereto
pertaining, that they seek, but only the subversion
of our authority and usurpation of our crown ;
in manifest witnessing whereof, they daily receive
Englishmen with messages unto them, and send
suchlike into England." 2 Mention is also made
of the treasonable seizure of the Mint, and the
Congregation is ordered to quit Edinburgh forth
with. We shall see before long what was the
nature of the communications between the rebels
1 Leslie, De Reb. Gest. Scotorum, pp. 516, 517. Keith, Affairs of
Church and State, p. 102.
2 Knox, Historie, p. 157. Keith, Affairs of Church and State, pp.
94, 95.

27.6 THE SCOTTISH CHURGH, 1546-1560.
and the agents of Queen Elizabeth. On the
28th of August the Regent issued a second
proclamation, exposing the groundlessness of the
apprehensions regarding the French troops, and
calling attention in firm but temperate terms
to the seditious and disloyal language employed
by many of the preachers.1 Knox himself admits
that the effect of these proclamations on the popu
lar mind was considerable. Many persons, indeed,
who had hitherto secretly or publicly sympathised
with the Protestant cause, now drew back, having
no desire to be identified with treasonable designs
against the Crown and Government of the realm.
Accessions Meanwhile, however, the ranks of the nobility
testant were furnishing fresh recruits to the Congregation.
Among these were the weak and vacillating
Chatelherault, formerly regent, and Lord Gor
don, eldest son of the Earl of Huntly, who,
hitherto the most powerful champion of the
Catholic cause, was himself now showing signs of
wavering. Emboldened by this accession to their
strength, the Congregation recommenced its con
genial work of sacrilege and plunder. The noble
abbeys of Paisley and Kilwinning were sacked
and gutted, and almost immediately afterwards
Dunfermline shared their fate. The Reformers
now turned their attention once more to affairs of
state, and took upon themselves to discuss the
question of the deposition of the Regent. Opin-
1 Knox, Historie, p. 172.

party.

ATTEMPTED DEPOSITION OF THE REGENT. 277
ions differed as to the expediency of this measure,
and the impartial counsel of the preachers was
sought and given. Knox and Willock strongly
advised that Mary should be deprived of office,
and their views were adopted. A document was Pretended deposition
addressed by the Congregation to the Regent, in- °fthe,
forming her that her functions were suspended,
on the ground that she had acted contrary to the
wishes ofthe young queen. " The queen-regent,"
wrote Knox the same day to one of his English
correspondents, " with public consent of the lords
and barons assembled, is deprived of all authority
and regiment among us. . . . The authority of
the French king and queen is yet received, and
will be, in word, till they deny our most just re
quests." x Even Tytler can find nothing to say
for this act of insolent insubordination. " It must
be admitted," he observes,2 " that this violent and
unprecedented measure, although attempted to be
concealed under the name and authority of the
sovereign, was an act of open rebellion, and that
to attempt to justify their proceedings under the
allegation that they were born councillors of the
realm, was a specious but unsound pretence."
The Congregation, however, found themselves Retreat of
, , ip • i • the Con-
aS yet unequal to the task of carrying their gregation.
audacious plans into execution ; and on the 6th
of November they were obliged to abandon Edin-
1 Quoted by Grub, Ecclesiast Hist, vol. ii. p. 73.
2 Hist of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 113.

278 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
burgh1 and retreat to Stirling. Had they not
been supported from without, it cannot be doubted
that the authority of the Regent would now have
been completely re-established. It was at this
critical juncture that the rebel lords succeeded in
enlisting the powerful aid of Elizabeth of England,
which ultimately turned the scale in favour of the
Protestant cause.
On July 1, 1559, Kirkaldy of Grange had
written to Sir Henry Percy, describing the doings
of the Congregation. " The manner," he says,
" of their proceeding in reformation is this : they
pull down all manner of friaries and some abbeys,
which willingly receive not the Reformation. As
to parish churches, they cleanse them of images
and all other monuments of idolatry, and com
mand that no masses be said in them ; in place
thereof the Book set forth by godly King Edward
is read in the same churches." 2 The use of the
Service-book of Edward VI. here referred to was,
of course, sanctioned by Knox, who in all such mat
ters was supreme in the Congregation ; and the
fact bears remarkable testimony to the convenient
inconsis- elasticity of his religious views. Four years ago,
tency of _
Knox. as we have seen,3 he had stoutly resisted, on con
scientious grounds, the adoption of this same Ser
vice-book, with its half-Catholic, half-Protestant
1 According to Tytler, they quitted the capital amid the shouts
and insults of a great proportion of the citizens.— Translator.
2 Hist, of Scotland, p. 100. State Papers (Scotland), vol. i. No. 48.
3 See ante, p. 222.

KNOX AND QUEEN ELIZABETH. 279
ritual, by his flock at Frankfort ; and rather than
sanction its introduction, he had resigned his
ministry in that town. Now, however, the para
mount object of the Congregation was to secure
the goodwill of Elizabeth ; and Knox was not
the man to let his personal convictions stand in
the way of the success of his party. But the
Reformer's ill-advised denunciations of female rule
were even a greater crime in the eyes of the
'"' Virgin Queen " than his Calvinistic leanings ;
and the supreme head of the Anglican Church
had in truth a sound detestation of Knox and all
his works. His applications for leave to preach
in the north of England were repeatedly refused,
and he was not even allowed to set foot within
the queen's dominions. Even the powerful in
fluence of Cecil was unable to soften her antipathy.
The latter, writing to Sadler and Crofts (the Gov
ernor of Berwick), says, — " Of all others, Knox's
name is most odious here, and I wish no mention
of him hither." Knox himself was quite ready to
eat up his words. He wrote to Cecil to that effect
on July 12, begging his intercession with Eliza
beth ; l and eight days later he addressed a
cringing letter to the queen, declaring that her Knox's
t • i-iin i ¦ truckling
displeasure was so grievous and intolerable to his to Queen
, . „ . Elizabeth.
wretched heart that only the testimony of his clean
conscience prevented him from sinking in despair.2
1 State Papers (Scotland), Elizabeth, vol. i. No. 57.
2 Ibid., No. 65. Knox, Historie, pp. 224-227.

280 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Her antip- Elizabeth's personal aversion to Knox, however,
athy to . .
him. did not prevent her giving every encouragement
to the schemes of the Congregation. " In any
wise," wrote Cecil to Sir James Crofts (July 8,
1559), "do you endeavour to kindle the fire, for
if it should quench, the opportunity thereof will
not arise in our lives ; and that the Protestants
mean to do would be done with all speed, for it
will be too late when the French power cometh." x
The Queen of England was specially desirous to
break the power of the great Catholic house of
Guise, and therefore viewed with secret pleasure
the revolt from the authority of the Regent,
headed by Lord James Stuart, and his rumoured
ambition to secure the crown for himself. Sir
Ralph Sadler was sent from the English Court to
Berwick to ascertain whether he really aimed at
the possession of the Scottish throne. "If he
do," wrote Cecil in his instructions to Sadler, " it
shall not be amiss to let him follow his own de
vice therein, without dissuading or persuading
him anything therein." 2 As yet, however, no
substantial aid was forthcoming from the English
Court in support of the cause of the Congregation,
who were much in need of such assistance. Knox
was despatched to Berwick, on a mission more
befitting a general, it might be thought, than a
1 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. i. No. 65. Tytler, Hist, vol.
iii. p. 100, note.
2 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. i. Nos. 88-90.

NEGOTIATIONS WITH ENGLAND. 281
minister of the Reformed Gospel. In a secret
interview with the governor, he undertook that
the Congregation would seize and garrison Stir- Negotia-
ling, on condition that the English would supply tween the
funds not only to pay the troops, but also for the ^°enEa°dlish
" comfortable support " of some of the more needy ^f"
nobles.1 The Reforming lords, in fact, saw no
reason why they should not be paid by Eliza
beth for their treason to their own Government,
as their predecessors had been by Henry VIII.
Knox, indeed, plainly intimates as much ; for in
a letter to Cecil, dated August 15, in which he
urgently requests a reply to his proposals, he thus
concludes : "It was much marvelled that the
queen's majesty wrote no manner of answer,
considering that her good father disdained not
lovingly to write to men fewer in number, and
far inferior in authority and power, than be those
that wrote to her Grace." 2 Knox undoubtedly
alludes in this passage to the correspondence be
tween Henry VIII. and the murderers of Cardinal
Beaton, and it manifestly implies his approval
both of their proceedings and of the encourage
ment which they received from the English mon
arch. His appeal to the filial feelings of Elizabeth
was apparently effectual ; for in a few days Sadler
arrived at Berwick, bringing with him three
1 From the MS. Instructions (State Paper Office), in Knox's own
hand. 2 State Papers (Scot!.), Eliz., vol. i. No. 97.

282 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
thousand pounds for the Congregation. In the
following month Balnaves (who had been con
cerned in Beaton's assassination, and was an
intimate friend of Knox) arrived in Berwick, and
further explained to the English emissary the
intentions of his party.1 These included the de
position of the Regent, the investing of Chatel-
herault or his son with the supreme authority,
and the conclusion of a treaty with England.
Balnaves returned to the north with an additional
subsidy of two thousand pounds.
The Treaty After negotiations extending over several
of Berwick. .
months, an understanding was at length arrived
at between the leaders of the Congregation and
the English Government. On February 27, 1560,
a treaty was signed at Berwick between the Duke
of Norfolk on behalf of Queen Elizabeth, and Lord
James Stuart and others, representing the Lords
of the Congregation. An alliance, offensive and
defensive, against France was agreed to, and the
treaty was subscribed not only by the leading
nobles of the Congregation, but also by the abbots
. of Kinloss and Culross, and the commendators of
Arbroath, Kilwinning, and Incholm.2 It must be
The reii- noted that everything relating to religious queS-
gious ques- . J ° ° ° ^
tion ig- tions was carefully excluded from the terms of the
nored. •>
treaty.3 It purported to be nothing more than a
1 Knox, Historie, p. 229.
2 The text of the treaty is given by Knox {Historie, pp. 233 seq.)
and Keith {Affairs of Church and State, pp. 117-119).
3 Tytler admits that this omission throws a curious side-light on

TREATY OF BERWICK, FEBRUARY 1560. 283
political arrangement devised to overthrow the
authority of the Regent, and to exhibit the Con
gregation in a new and striking light as the patri
otic defenders of their country against French
aggression. The designs of the party against the
Church were purposely kept in the background,
with the object of gaining the support of a larger
number of adherents. This fact is particularly
noteworthy, as illustrating the duplicity of the
Protestant leaders, and as serving to dispose of
the preposterous theory which would maintain
that the Catholic people of Scotland unanimously
and spontaneously abandoned their faith and
hastened to embrace the new Gospel. As a
matter of fact, the Reformation was only success
fully imposed upon the country when Elizabeth
at length resolved to support the cause of the
Congregation, and to adopt a policy which, how
ever expedient for her purposes at the time, " was
in itself," as an unprejudiced historian has ob
served, " wicked and unjust, and though appa
rently successful, was fraught with evils which

the lofty professions of Knox and his party. " A somewhat mor
tifying view," he says {Hist, of Scoti, vol. iii. p. 116), "is presented
to us of the early Reformers in this country, when we find that after
all the solemn warnings denounced against trusting too exclusively
to an arm of flesh, Knox and Balnaves consented to purchase the
co-operation of mere human power, by omitting all allusion to
that great cause of religious reformation which they had so re
peatedly represented as the paramount object for which they had
taken up arms, and were ready to sacrifice their lives." — Trans
lator.

284 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
produced results fatal to the happiness and well-
being of both kingdoms." 1
Further Although religion was, as we have seen, a for-
' ' ref onus "
in Scot- bidden subject at Berwick, yet by their proceedings
land. elsewhere during the progress of the negotiations,
the Congregation gave ample proof that their
godly zeal for reform had not grown cold. In
January 1560, the barons ofthe Mearns, who had
all along displayed special enthusiasm in the good
cause, crossed the Dee to Aberdeen, where they
demolished the Dominican and Carmelite convents.
The houses of the Franciscan and Trinitarian
friars only escaped a similar fate through the
active interference of the citizens ; while the
venerable cathedral of St Machar was saved by
the vigorous efforts of the official, John Leslie,
afterwards Bishop of Ross, assisted by the Earl
of Huntly.2 Meanwhile Chatelherault, Glencairn,
The Con- and their followers, were making Glasgow the
gregation .
at Gias- scene of their labours m the cause of reform. Not
gow. content with sacking and plundering the churches,
they attacked and took possession of the arch
bishop's palace, and then proceeded to issue
forged proclamations, in the name of the King and
Queen of Scots, abolishing the ecclesiastical courts,
and ordering the Catholic clergy to renounce their
1 Grub, Ecclesiast Hist, vol. ii. p. 74.
2 Leslie, De Reb. Gest. Scotorum, p. 520. Keith, Affairs, p. 121.
The chancel of the cathedral was demolished by the Reformers a
year or two later. — Translator.

ENGLISH INVASION, APRIL 1560. 285
faith and conform to the Congregation.1 These
audacious measures, however, were defeated by
the prompt action of the Regent. A body of
troops was sent to Glasgow under the command of
Lords Semple, Seton, and Ross : the rebels fled at
their approach, the archbishop recovered posses
sion of his palace, and order was speedily restored
in the city.2
In pursuance of the provisions of the Treaty Arrival in
of Berwick, an English army of eight thousand of English
men, led by Lords Grey and Scrope, Sir James April iseo.
Crofts and Sir Henry Percy, entered Scotland
in the first weeks of April ; while at the same
time a fleet, consisting of fourteen war -vessels,
under Admiral Winter, appeared off Leith. The
14th of the month witnessed the commence
ment of hostilities, and the inauguration of the
policy by which Elizabeth hoped to establish the
Protestant religion in Scotland. For a time, how
ever, fortune by no means smiled on the Congrega
tion and their English allies, and their repeated
attacks upon Leith were resolutely repulsed by the
Regent's troops.3 Reinforcements were sent from
England to aid in the assault, but the garrison
and people of Leith continued to hold out gal
lantly against the besiegers. Meanwhile the
surrounding country was devastated by the Con-
1 Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p. 111.
2 Ibid. Leslie, De Reb. Gest. Scotorum, p. 519.
3 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. iii. Nos. 73-80.

286 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
gregational troops, the Cathohc clergy being the
chief sufferers. The palaces and property of the
Bishops of Ross, Dunkeld, and Dunblane were
seized from their owners ; the noble abbeys of
Dunfermline, Kelso, and Melrose, the last a mar
vel of architectural beauty, were plundered and
demolished ; and the benefices of the inferior
clergy were confiscated, agents being appointed
to collect the rents.1
niness and In the midst of these scenes of strife and vio-
death of ... .
the queen- lence, an event was at hand which was to be a
regent. grievous blow to the Catholic hopes. The queen-
regent had long been in ill-health ; and we can
not wonder if her grief2 at the unhappy state of
Scotland, distracted by the miseries of a civil
war which she had so earnestly striven to avert,
served to hasten her dissolution. Feeling her
end approaching, she desired an interview with
the leaders of the Congregation, including the
Duke of Chatelherault, Lord James Stuart, and
the Earls of Glencairn and Marischal. They
were accordingly admitted into Edinburgh Castle,
where she was lying sick ; and the account of
what passed is singularly touching. Mary ex
pressed her deep sorrow at the troubles that had
1 Leslie, De Reb. Gest Scotorum, p. 527.
2 In a conference which she held with some of the rebel lords as
to the terms of peace, the Regent, we are told, could not refrain
from tears. Norfolk, in one of his letters to Cecil (May 15), speaks
with unfeeling brutality of the queen's blubbering {State Papers,
Scoti., Eliz., vol. iii. No. 87). — Translator.

DEATH OF MARY OF GUISE, JUNE 1560. 287
fallen upon the country, and earnestly exhorted
the nobles to aim at securing peace, and to be
true and loyal to their lawful queen. "And at
last," we are told, " she burst forth into tears,
asking pardon of all those whom she had in any
manner of way offended, and most heartily for
giving those who had offended her, wishing them
also pardon and forgiveness at the hand of God."1
The dying lady then embraced the nobles one by
one, giving the rest who stood by her hand to
kiss, in token of her sincerity and charity. One
might have hoped that she would have now been
allowed to die in peace, with the consolations of
that religion which she had loved so well and prac
tised so faithfully. Her last moments, however,
were disturbed by the insults of the preacher Wil
lock, whom the Protestant lords urged her to re
ceive. The expiring queen willingly professed, as
a Christian and a Catholic, that there was no sal
vation saye in the death of Christ ; but when
called upon by Willock to renounce the " abomin
ation of the Mass," she remained meekly silent.
She expired on the following day, June 10, 1560.2
It has been generally allowed that Mary of Her char-
Guise possessed many of the qualities requisite in
the peculiarly difficult position which she was
called upon to fill. To a clear understanding and
1 Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p. 128.
2 Ibid. Leslie, De Reb. Gest Scotorum, p. 525. Knox gives the
date as June 9, and Mr Grub {Eccles. Hist., vol, ii. p. 76), for some
unexplained reason, as June 11. — Translator.

288 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
a resolute will, she happily united a conciliatory
disposition and a sincere piety, which gained the
•esteem even of those whose policy and religion
Aspersions were most opposed to her own. Knox alone, of
Catholic and Protestant historians alike, permits
himself, without a shadow of proof, to cast the
vilest aspersions on her moral character,1 and to
gloat over her last illness and death in the most
revolting and offensive language.2 It is in truth
difficult to read without indignation the foul and
calumnious slanders uttered by the apostle of re
form, whose own moral character was so far from
immaculate,3 against a princess whose only crime
in his eyes was her constant fidelity to the cause
of lawful authority and of the Catholic Church.
Knox carried his enmity even beyond the grave ;
1 " He asserts," remarks Hosack {Mary Q. of Scots, vol. i. p. 49,
note), " that she was the mistress of Cardinal Beaton, and even that
the Cardinal was the father of Mary. He further insinuates that
she was the mistress of D'Oysell [the French ambassador], &c." —
Translator. 2 Knox, Historie, pp. 243, 245. The words are too gross for
quotation. 3 We have no wish to enter into the unsavoury subject of Knox's
reputed immoralities. It will be sufficient to observe (1) that three
of his contemporaries, Nichol Burne, James Laing, and Archibald
Hamilton, agree in testifying to notorious vices of which he was
guilty at various times ; (2) that these charges were repeated as
well-known facts in a work published by Fr. Alexander Baillie in
1628 ; (3) that there appears to be no contemporary evidence what
ever in refutation of them ; and (4) that they cannot be considered
as disposed of by the mere denial (however strongly worded) of
M'Crie and other modern admirers of the Reformer's life and char
acter. See Wilmot, Scottish Reformation, pp. 55 seq. Stevenson,
Scotland and Rome, p. 59. — Translator.

TREATY OF EDINBURGH, JULY 1560. 289
and we cannot doubt that it was at his instiga
tion that the last indignity was offered to the
Regent by refusing Catholic burial to her remains.
" Question being moved," says Calderwood,1
" about her burial, the preachers boldly gainstood
to the use of any superstitious rites in that realm,
which God Himself had begun to purge. Her
burial was deferred till further advisement ; her
corpse was lapped in a coffin of lead, and kept in
the castle from the 10th of June till the 19th of
October,2 at which time it was carried by some
pioneers to a ship, and transported to France."
The mortal remains of Mary of Guise at length
found repose in the Benedictine Abbey of Rheims,
of which her sister was at that time abbess.
The war had meanwhile dragged on for several Negotia-
. . tions for
months without any result save the misery and peace.
desolation which it entailed upon the country.
All parties were by this time heartily anxious for
peace, and commissioners were despatched from
England and France in order to negotiate the
terms of pacification. These were drawn up in
the form of concessions granted by the King and
Queen of Scots to the nobility and people of Scot
land, and were finally agreed upon at Edinburgh Treaty of
• • \ t Edinburgh.
(subject to the sanction ot the sovereigns) on July
8, 1560. They provided for the holding of a
1 MS. Calderwood (British Mus.), vol. i. p. 421 (Tytler, Hist of
Scotland, vol. iii. p. 121).
2 The Diurnal of Occurrents, however, gives the date as March
16, 1561. — Translator.
VOL. II. T

290 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
Parliament on the 1st of August next following,
these concessions being meanwhile notified to the
king and queen for their confirmation. Peace
and war were not to be made by the king or
queen without the consent of the Estates. A
council of state was to be formed, consisting of
twelve persons, seven selected by the queen and
the remainder by the Estates. The high offices
of state were to be held only by natives, no
ecclesiastic being eligible as treasurer or con
troller. An Act of Oblivion was to be passed by
the Parliament, exempting those who had con
travened the laws of the realm from all pains and
penalties. There was to be a general peace and
reconciliation among all the queen's subjects, of
whatever party. Neither nobles nor other per
sons were to assemble in arms, or to call in foreign
soldiers, under penalty of being considered and
dealt with as rebels. Bishops, abbots, and other
churchmen who had received any injury in person
or property, would receive reparation from the
Parliament ; x and all persons were forbidden to
do them any wrong. The questions regarding
religion, which were of too great importance to
be meddled with by the commissioners, would be
remitted to the king and queen for settlement,
by persons specially chosen for that purpose in
the ensuing Parliament.2
1 We shall see before long how this provision was carried out.
2 Keith, Affairs of Church and State, pp. 137-143.

TRIUMPH OF THE CONGREGATION. 291
It will be seen that the terms of the Treaty of
Edinburgh do not authorise any hostile measures
against the Church. On the contrary, the right
of her prelates to sit in Parliament is recognised,
and redress is promised to them for the injuries
they have received in the late troubles. No for
mal encouragement, on the other hand, is given
to the designs of the Congregation. Elizabeth,
indeed, in order to keep up the fiction of her hav
ing interfered solely to assist in securing the po
litical independence of Scotland, had given orders
that no reference was to be made in the treaty to
the religious questions at issue.1 Personally, as
we know, she had not the slightest sympathy
with the opinions of the Scottish Protestants,
and still less for their great leader and apostle.
The provisions of the treaty, nevertheless, in
cluding, as they did, a general amnesty to the
rebel lords and their followers, and the permission
to assemble a Parliament within a few months,
were a virtual victory for the Congregation. On
July 17, Chatelherault, Lord James, Argyll, and Triumph
other nobles, wrote to Queen Elizabeth, thanking gregation.
her for her assistance in procuring the settlement
of the treaty, and assuring her that the realm was
more beholden to her than to its own sovereign
for the security and liberty of the subjects.2 The
conclusion of the treaty was in truth regarded
with very much less satisfaction in France than it
1 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. iv. No. 9 seq. 2 Ibid., No. 85.

292 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
was by the leaders of the Congregation and at
the English Court. The French commissioners
had been specially instructed absolutely to ignore
the Treaty of Berwick, and to take care that no
protection was extended by the new agreement to
the Protestant leaders, who were regarded by
their sovereign simply as rebels in arms against
the lawful authority of the realm. By permit
ting, therefore, the insertion of the clauses which
gave complete amnesty and condonation to the
Congregation and their followers, the commis
sioners had altogether exceeded their instructions.
The same remark may be applied to that article
of the treaty which authorised the assembling of
a Parliament without the issue of any writ by
the sovereign. Francis and Mary justly consid
ered this as an infringement of the royal prerog
ative, and refused to sanction it. The point is an
important one, as bearing directly on the question
(which was afterwards actually raised) as to
whether the meeting of the Estates which took
place in the following August was really a Parlia
ment at all, and consequently on the force and
legality ofthe statutes enacted by that assemblage.
increase of The brightening prospects of Protestantism had
to Protes- meanwhile induced many persons who had hither
to been afraid or ashamed to confess their opin
ions, openly to profess adherence to the doctrines
of the Reformation. Among those who thus went
with the stream were Alexander Gordon, styled

tantism.

NEW CONVERTS TO PROTESTANTISM. 293
Archbishop of Athens and Bishop of Galloway
(although he had never received consecration) ;
John Winram, the sub-prior of St Andrews, who
had, as we know, been formerly one of the most
energetic champions of the Church ; and John
Greyson, the provincial of the Dominicans. The
latter, on March 17, 1560, read a public profes
sion of Protestantism in the parish church of St
Andrews. In this document, which has been pre
served in the records of the kirk-session of St
Andrews,1 the ex-friar expresses his sorrow for
having so long maintained and defended " divers
kinds of superstition and idolatry," and then pro
ceeds to renounce and abjure the Pope, the sacri
fice of the Mass, purgatory, the invocation of the
saints, prayers for the dead, transubstantiation,
confession, and the celibacy of the clergy.2 The
convert to Protestantism was apparently unequal
to providing any articles of belief in the place of
those which he disposed of so sweepingly. His
profession of faith (if we may call it so) consists
of nothing but negations, and we search it in vain
for any declaration whatever of positive doctrine.
John Row was another who conformed to Protes-
1 Printed by Lee, Lectures on the Hist ofthe Ch. of Scot, vol. ii.
pp. 107, 108.
2 Mr Grub {Eccles. Hist., vol. ii. p. 77) makes the singular remark
that the document "shows how far the Protestant doctrines were
at this time adopted by those who belonged to the reforming school
within the Church." We need hardly point out that no "school
within the Church " could for a single moment hold the opinions
cited, without ipso facto ceasing to belong to it. — Translator.

294 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
tantism about this time. He had been educated
at the University of St Andrews, where he prac
tised as an advocate in the Church courts. He
afterwards resided for eight years in Rome, in the
capacity of agent there for the Scottish Church ;
and while in Italy he took the degree of doctor of
laws at Padua. He is said to have been in high
favour with both Pope Julius III. and Paul IV.
In 1559, his health having broken down, Row re
turned to Scotland, and in the following year we
find him among the ranks of the Reformers, hav
ing been persuaded, it would seem, by Knox and
Lord James Stuart, to embrace the Protestant
opinions.1 The name of Adam Heriot, a canon of
St Andrews, is also recorded among those who
became Protestants about this time.
increased The Congregation lost no time in utilising the
activity of ..... ..
the Con- advantages which it had gained m the provisions
gregation. ° ° .
of the Treaty of Edinburgh, by increased activity
in the chief centres of population throughout the
country. Preachers were appointed to the prin-
pal towns, Knox being named for Edinburgh,
Goodman to St Andrews, Heriot to Aberdeen,
Row to Perth, Methven to Jedburgh, Christison
to Dundee, Ferguson to Dunfermline, and Lind-
1 The absurd story of Row's conversion through the exposure of a
pretended miracle at Loretto is not supported by a particle of con
temporary evidence. Knox would have been the last man to omit
recording an incident so much to his taste, and his silence may be
considered effectually to disprove its authenticity. See Grub, Eccles.
Hist, vol. ii. pp. 80-83. — Translator.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT, AUGUST 1560. 295
say to Leith. Superintendents were at the same
time named for the various districts, Glasgow be
ing intrusted to Willock, Angus and the Mearns
to Erskine of Dun, Argyle and the Isles to Carse-
well, parson of Kilmartin, Fife to John Winram,
and Lothian to John Spottiswood.1 A day was
appointed for the holding of a solemn service in
St Giles's Church, in thanksgiving for the Treaty
of Edinburgh. Knox has preserved in his His
tory 2 what purported to be a prayer delivered on
the occasion, probably by himself. It refers, in
the violent terms characteristic of the Reformer,
to the misery and idolatry from which they had
been delivered through the instrumentality of
their " confederates of England," and calls upon
God to confound the counsels of all who attempt
to break the godly league contracted with that
country.3 The prayer concludes with a petition,
which, it may be hoped, was made in all sincerity,
for the grace of Christian charity — a virtue, it
must be owned, that had not been hitherto con
spicuous in the Congregation.
As provided by one of the articles of the Assembly
treaty, the Estates duly assembled at Edinburgh Estates at
i p i i Edinburgh.
on the 1st of August, the numbers of those
1 Knox, Historie, p. 253. Keith, Affairs of Church and State, p.
145. 2 Pp. 252, 253.
3 DJid. "Nothing is more odious in Thy presence, O Lord, than
the ingratitude and violation of an oath and covenant made in Thy
name." Did Knox recall, in uttering these words, his own solemn
ordination vows, and how he had kept them ? — Translator.

296 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
present being, as was to be expected, unusually
large.1 Among the ecclesiastics who were present
were the Archbishop of St Andrews and the
Bishops of Dunkeld and Dunblane ; the titular
Bishops of Galloway, Argyle, and the Isles ; the
Prior of St Andrews ; the Abbots of Lindores,
Cupar, New Abbey, Feme, and Kinloss ; and the
Commendators of Arbroath, Holyrood, Jedburgh,
Newbottle, Dundrennan, Dryburgh, Inchcolm,
Culross, Kilwinning, Deer, Coldingham, and St
Mary's Isle.2 The Archbishop of Glasgow had
already quitted Scotland, and was living in Paris ; 3
the Bishops of Aberdeen, Ross, and Moray did
not attend, and the remaining sees were vacant.
The Earl of Huntly, who was still looked on as
the leading Catholic noble, excused himself on
the ground of sickness.4
Laymen It must not be forgotten that a large propor-
ecciesiasti- tion of the ecclesiastics above mentioned were so
cal digni
ties, only in name. Many of them were cadets of
noble houses, whose chief anxiety, in view of the
expected spoliation of the Church, was to retain
in their families the lucrative benefices which
were at present in their gift. Such were Lord
James Stuart, Prior of St Andrews ; his brother
Robert, Commendator of Holyrood ; and Lord
1 Knox, Historie, loc. cit. " The assembly was great."
2 Keith, Affairs, p. 146.
3 Leslie, De Reb. Gest Scotorum, p. 529.
4 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. v. No. 6 ; Thomas Randolph to
Cecil.

THE LESSER BARONS IN PARLIAMENT. 297
James Hamilton, Commendator of Arbroath.
John Stuart was titular Abbot of Coldingham ;
Patrick Leslie, son of the Earl of Rothes, Abbot
of Lindores ; Donald, son of the Earl of Argyll,
Abbot of Cupar - Angus. Jedburgh and New-
bottle were in the possession of the powerful
family of Kerr ; while Superintendent Winram,
sub-prior of St Andrews, sat as Commendator of
Portmoak. Many of these spiritual dignitaries,
as we know, not only were mere laymen, but
ranked among the most prominent supporters of
the Congregation. The strength of the Protes
tant party in the Parliament was further aug
mented by the large number of lesser barons who The lesser
claimed to sit in the assemblage, and who pro
fessed Protestantism at least as much, it is safe
to assume, in the hope of enriching themselves
from the spoils of the Church as from conscien
tious conviction. Their right to sit and vote
in this Parliament has been clearly shown to be
more than questionable.1 The Treaty of Edin
burgh, it is true, provided that all might attend
it " who are in use to be present." But it was
notorious that for nearly a century hardly more
than one or two of the inferior barons had sat in
Parliament, and this in each case by special writ.
" It might well, therefore," remarks Keith, " be
1 Keith, Affairs of Church and State, pp. 147, 148. State Papers,
vol. v. No. 8 ; Randolph to Cecil, enclosing a copy of the claim of
the lesser barons to sit in Parliament.

298 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
deemed somewhat unusual for a hundred of them
to jump all at once into the Parliament, especially
in such a juncture as the present."
Doubtful The real question at issue, however, was not
the assem- whether the lesser barons were really entitled to
Wy. . . .
the seat in Parliament which they claimed, but
whether the meeting of the Estates in August
1560, assembling as they did without the sover
eign's writ, and in pursuance of a treaty whose
provisions she had refused to sanction, had in
truth any right to be styled a Parliament at all.1
Many of those present warmly disputed the legal
ity of the assemblage in default of any commis
sion from the king and queen, and the discussion
on the subject lasted for eight days. The objec
tion was finally overruled by vote of the members,
and it was decided that the Parliament should
continue to sit.2 The election of the Lords of
the Articles (on whom, it will be remembered,
1 Except as bearing on the legality of the statutes subsequently
enacted against the Church, this question, which is complicated by
the ambiguity of certain articles of the Treaty of Edinburgh, is one
pertaining rather to the civil than the ecclesiastical history of Scot
land. The reader will find an exhaustive dissertation on the subject
in the Appendix to the Bannatyne edition of Spottiswood's History
(vol. i. p. 378). It is sufficient to mention here that most historians
who have treated of the matter agree that the validity of this so-
called Parliament was more than questionable ; and this opinion is
shared even by those who, like Robertson, exult in the work of
destruction which it accomplished. See Robertson, Hist, of Scotland
(ed. 1802), vol. i. p. 235. Keith, Affairs of Church and State, pp.
148, 149. Tytler, Hist of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 133. Burton, Hist.
of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 89. — Translator.
2 Spottiswood, History, vol. i. p. 325.

PETITION OF THE PROTESTANTS. 299
devolved the duty of introducing all measures)
speedily showed what was the spirit of the assem
blage. The temporal lords, in choosing according
to custom certain of the spiritual estate to serve
in that capacity, took care to elect only such as
were known to favour the new religion ; and the
indignant protest of the Catholic prelates at so
unfair a proceeding was entirely disregarded.1
The Parliament, thus constituted, commenced
its sittings under the presidency of Maitland of
Lethington, who had been chosen Speaker or
" harangue - maker." 2 The first business that
came before the assembly was the presentation
of a petition from the Protestants, couched as Protestant
n . . , petition.
usual m the most intemperate language, and
praying for the total abolition of the doctrine
and teaching of the Catholic Church. Special
mention is made of the dogmas of transubstantia
tion, the adoration of Christ in the sacrament of
the altar, the merit of good works, purgatory,
and prayers for the dead — which doctrines, the
petitioners charitably declare, cannot but bring
damnation to the souls of all infected with them.
The whole body of the clergy are next attacked
in the most gross and violent terms, the peti
tioners formally undertaking to prove that " in
all the rabble " there is not one lawful minister,
1 Spottiswood, History, vol. i. p. 326. Keith, op. cit., p. 149.
2 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. v. ; Randolph to Cecil (August
8-10).

300 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
but that all without exception are thieves, mur
derers, rebels, and traitors, and therefore un
worthy to be suffered in any reformed common
wealth. The Parliament is adjured in the name
of Christ to compel the clergy to answer these
charges, or else to deprive them of all authority
and charge in the Church, and voice in the Par
liament of the realm. The memorialists boldly
assert, in conclusion, that this petition is not theirs
but God's, speaking through His servants, and
pray that those to whom it is presented may
have " upright hearts, and true understanding "
of what is requested of them.1
The names of the subscribers to this extra
ordinary document, " which Tytler says "it is
difficult to read without emotions of sorrow and
pity," do not appear. Previous to its presenta
tion, Knox had been vigorously exerting himself
to work up the feelings and passions of his sup
porters into full harmony with its sentiments.
While, on the one hand, the self-constituted Par
liament was meditating the final assault on the
venerable fabric of the Scottish Church, and the
weal or woe of countless souls was, as it were,
trembling in the balance, Knox, on the other,
was delivering in Edinburgh, "on some texts of
the prophet Haggai," a course of inflammatory
discourses, which he himself allows were " special
and vehement." Not content with his usual
1 Knox, Historie, pp. 254-256.

THE CONFESSION OF FAITH. 301
attacks upon the Church, he repeatedly called
upon the nobles to restore the ecclesiastical prop
erty of which they had become possessed, and to
devote it to the support of the preachers. This
advice was far from palatable to the Protestant
lords, who by no means relished the application
of so practical a test to their pure zeal for the
Gospel. However, " albeit some mocked," 1 says
Knox, " yet others were godly moved ; " and it
was from this section of the party that the peti
tion to Parliament emanated. It was probably
the composition of Knox himself, and contained,
besides what has been already specified, a pointed
allusion to the patrimony of the Church, and the
use to which it was desired to apply it.
On the presentation of the petition, it was Presenta-
-r> *'on ^° 1>ar"
ordered, after some discussion, that the Pro- liamentof
' the " Con
testants should draw up and lay before Parlia- *f ^°n„of
ment a summary of the doctrines which they
desired established. Accordingly, within four
days they presented a document purporting to be
the " Confession of Faith professed and believed
by the Protestants within the Realm of Scotland."
It was first, according to the usual form, exam
ined and approved by the Lords of the Articles,
who on the 17th of August brought it before
1 Knox, loc. cit. One of the mockers was the Speaker of the Par
liament, Maitland of Lethington, whose ironical comment on the
preacher's words was, " We may now forget ourselves, and bear the
barrow to build the house of God."— Translator.
2 Knox, Historie, p. 252.

302 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
the full assembly. The feeling appears to have
been general that there was no need of prolonged
discussion on the subject. To the Catholic party
it might well seem useless, in face of the packed
and overwhelming majority of their opponents ;
while the latter doubtless deemed it altogether
superfluous. Such was their violent determina
tion to brook no opposition to their wishes, that
the Duke of Chatelherault is said to have threat
ened his brother, the Primate, with death if he
spoke a word against them.1 Some objection,
however, was raised by the prelates when the
time arrived for putting the question to the vote.
Action of The Archbishop, with the Bishops of Dunkeld
the bishops.
and Dunblane, demanded delay ; they expressed
their willingness to reform abuses which had
crept into the Church, but urged that time was
required for study and deliberation before passing
such a measure as the one before them.2 The prel
ates did not choose to say anything on the merits
of the case, or in refutation of the doctrines of the
Confession, in consequence of which the Earl
Marischal, with more sarcasm than truth, assumed
that they were unable to gainsay it. Besides the
1 Tytler asserts this on the authority of Keith {Affairs of Church
and State, p. 150). He has, however, overlooked Keith's admission
{ibid., p. 488, note) that the passage in the letter of Archbishop
Hamilton to which he had referred does not imply what he had
supposed. See post, p. 306, and note. — Translator.
2 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. v. No. 10 ; W. Maitland to
Cecil (Aug. 18).

IRREGULARITY OF THE PROCEEDINGS. 303
three bishops and the Abbot of Kilwinning, the
Earls of Cassilis, Caithness, and Athole, and
Lords Somerville and Borthwick, alone voted
agamst the adoption of the Confession, the two
latter giving simply as their reason, " We will be
lieve as our fathers believed." l The new stand- Sanctionthe Con-
ard of faith was accordingly passed, and received fession.
the formal sanction ofthe assemblage.
It is hardly necessary to point out that, by its unconsti-
-r» tutional
action m this matter, the self -constituted Parha- proceedings of Par-
ment was directly violating the last article of the lament.
Treaty of Edinburgh, which had expressly pro
vided that the religious question at issue should
be remitted to the king and queen for settlement,
commissioners being specially chosen for that pur
pose. The assembly had itself appealed to the
provisions of the treaty in order to prove its
claims to be considered a lawful Parliament.
That treaty had only been concluded, as we have
seen, in consequence of the French commissioners
altogether exceeding the instructions they had re
ceived, and had never been ratified by the sov
ereign. But even had it the full force which was
1 According to Knox {Historie, p. 230), only these two lords \nd
the Earl of Athole voted against the Confession. A letter from Ran
dolph to Cecil {State Papers, Scoti., Eliz., vol. v. No. 11, Aug. 19)
mentions only Caithness and Cassilis ; while Archbishop Hamilton,
writing to Archbishop Beaton (Keith, Affairs, p. 489), states that the
two latter earls were absent fr(5m the voting. The Primate ought
to have known ; but if they wereabsent, it was only on this occasion,
for their names occur on the roll of those present at the Parliament
(Keith, Affairs, p. 146). — Translator.

304 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
claimed for it by the Parliament, it is clear that
it expressly withheld from them the power of re
ligious legislation, and that the act by which they
sanctioned the adoption of the Protestant Con
fession was undoubtedly illegal.
Irregular, however, as the whole proceedings
unquestionably were, it appears difficult alto
gether to justify the part taken in them by the
bishops. Matters had evidently reached a crisis.
It seemed impossible to be blind to the fact that
the Church was face to face with destruction,
from which no human power could save her. It
cannot but appear singular that the representa
tives of that Church should be content at such a
moment with a simple protest, on the ground of
the impossibility of discussing matters on such
short notice. It was an occasion, one might sup
pose, when the Episcopate might well have as
serted its position, and set forth the monstrous
evils that the threatened legislation portended
not only to the Church, but to the nation at
large. They might have dwelt in particular on
the religious side of the question, and boldly
opposed to the errors of the Confession the full
truths of Catholic teaching. Considering that
the manifesto of the Reformers was laid before
the Parliament on August 5, and that the debate
was not opened until the 17th, there would seem
to have been amply sufficient time not only to
have studied the document, but to have prepared

ATTITUDE OF THE CLERGY. 305
an effectual rejoinder to it. Whatever may have
been the motives that prompted the attitude of
the bishops, its only apparent result was to excite
the scorn of their opponents, and to increase the
difficulties of their own position.
Considerable hght is thrown on this question The atti-
. -rr . tude of the
by two interesting documents printed by Keith catholic
from the archives of the Scotch College at Paris.1
The first is a memorandum, in the writing of
Archbishop Hamilton, from which it appears that
the bishops had looked for the settlement of the
religious question by a properly constituted Par
liament, duly summoned by royal authority, and
that they had taken steps to have instructions to
that effect given to the royal commissioner who
was to come from France for the opening of the
Parliament. These anticipations, as we know,
were frustrated by the assembly of the Estates
in August 1560 without any authority from the
Crown ; and the bishops appear thereupon to
have considered that no course was left to them
except a dignified protest against the action of
this body. It would seem, indeed, from the
second document, which is a letter (dated August
18) from the Primate to the Archbishop of Glas
gow, then in Paris, that the prelates hardly real
ised the true nature of the crisis. " I must
make." the letter begins, " this little billet to
your lordship, more that remembrance be not
1 Affairs of Church and State, pp. 485-488.
VOL. II. U

306 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
lost between us than for any matters of import
ance.'"1 "I neither can nor will think," he goes
on, " that our sovereign will let all this country
be oppressed wrongously by subjects ; but I will
not judge till I see the uttermost." The letter
goes on to give an extraordinary picture of the
bloodthirsty violence of the ministers of the new
gospel. " All their new preachers," he writes,
"persuade openly the nobility in the pulpit to
put violent hands, and slay all kirkmen that will
not concur and take their opinion ; and openly
reproach my lord duke that he will not begin
first, and either to cause me to do as they do, or
else to use the rigour on me by slaughter, sword,
or at the least, perpetual prison.2 And with time,
if that be allowed, no man may have life without
they grant their articles, which I will not." 3
1 These words, it must be remembered, were written the very day
after the adoption by Parhament of the Protestant Confession as
the standard of faith for the realm. They could not have been
penned had the Archbishop been really aware of the full force of
that act. But they are perfectly intelligible (as is, indeed, the whole
attitude of the bishops throughout the proceedings) on the supposi
tion that they attached little or no weight to the acts of the so-
called Parliament of 1560 ; and it is not necessary to adopt Mr Grub's
hypothesis {Eccles. Hist, vol. ii. p. 85), that " their chief anxiety was
for the restitution of their estates," rather than for the maintenance
of the Catholic religion in the country. It may be added that
Bishop Leslie in his History does not apparently even think it worth
while to mention the Confession at all. — Translator.
2 It was this passage which misled Keith into supposing that the
duke had actually menaced his brother with death in the Parlia
ment. — Translator.
3 Eleven years later, the writer was to seal these bold words with
his blood on the scaffold. — Translator.

PENAL LAWS AGAINST CATHOLICS. 307
The work of the Reformation was not yet com- Enactment
^ of penal
plete. The establishment of the new doctrines law? ^
x against
could not, in the eyes of the leaders of the Con- Catholics-
gregation, be suffered to coexist with toleration
for those who adhered to the ancient faith. Fur
ther legislation was necessary in order to put the
finishing stroke, as it was fondly hoped, to the
Catholic Church of Scotland ; and three more
Acts were accordingly passed on the 24th of
August. The first of these abolished for ever the
jurisdiction of the Pope ; the second repealed all
former statutes in favour of the Catholic Church ;
the third, after setting forth that the sacraments
of baptism and the Lord's Body had been cor
rupted by the Church of Rome, and that not
withstanding the spread of the Reformation many
still administered the sacraments in secret accord
ing to the rites of that Church, enacted that all
who should either hear or say Mass in future
should be punished for the first offence by con
fiscation of all their goods and "punishment of
their bodies," for the second by banishment from
the kingdom, and for the third by death.1
It was by these means that the doctrines of inconsis-
the new religion were to be impressed on the the Pro-
TACT JVTJTS
hearts of the Scottish people. The very men
who had most vehemently accused the Church of
cruelty and intolerance, " now injured the cause
they advocated by similar severities, and com-
1 Knox, Historie, p. 151.

308 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
peUed the reception of what they pronounced the
truth, under the penalty of death." a It need
hardly be said, however, that there is a wide
distinction to be drawn between the action of
the Church in this respect and that of her re
bellious children. The former, as claiming to be
the sole infallible interpreter of the Divine Rev
elation, was only consistent in doing her utmost
to restrain and prohibit other interpretations
than her own. If the crime of heresy in the
middle ages was punished by death, the blame
in the matter, if blame there be, is attributable
not to the Church, but to the severity of the
criminal laws of the State. For Protestantism,
on the other hand, with its countless develop
ments and forms of belief — which laid no claim to
be an infallible teacher of men, but whose essen
tial principle was the all-sufficiency of the Scrip
tures, which every man was free to interpret as
he pleased, — for such a system as this to compel
adherence to its tenets under pain of death, was
not only unjust but absurd. The laws of the
Church against heresy were enacted in defence
of the rights and privileges which had been
hers undisputed for centuries. Protestantism
had, and could have, no rights or privileges to
defend.
Co-opera- The correspondence preserved in the State
anentsh PaPer Office shows that Randolph, the English
1 Tytler, vol. iii. p. 130.

CONFISCATION OF CHURCH PROPERTY. 309
agent in Edinburgh, took a prominent part in the
transactions of this momentous year. His senti
ments towards the Catholic hierarchy may be
gathered from a passage in one of his letters to
Cecil at this time,1 in which he speaks of the
question of the ratification of the Treaty of
Berwick, which was about to be brought before
Parliament. " The Bishop of Dunblane," he
writes, " is also now come ; it is not to reason
upon religion, but to do, as I hear, whatsoever
the Earl of Argyll will command him. If God
have prepared him and his metropolitan to die
obstinate Papists, yet I would wish that before
they go to the devil they would show some token
that once in their lives they loved their country,
and set their hands to the contract, as hardly I
believe they will."
Nothing was now wanting to complete the work Conflsca-
of destruction save the crowning act of confiscation ecciesias-
# tical pro
of the property of the Church ; and it was fitting PertV-
that the Parliament of 1560 should sum up its
lawless proceedings by a final violation of the
treaty to which it owed its existence. In terms
of one of the articles of that treaty, some of the
prelates applied to Parliament for the restitution
of their sequestered property. The matter was
postponed until the last day of the assembly, and
was then dismissed on the pretended ground that
1 State Papers (Scoti.), Eliz., vol. v., August 15 ; Randolph to
Cecil. Quoted by Tytler, History of Scoti, vol. iii. p. 130.

310 THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1546-1560.
no one was present to support the petition. It
was further expressly enacted that all leases, or
feus of Church lands, granted subsequently to
March 6, 1558, by the Archbishop of St Andrews,
the Bishops of Dunkeld and Dunblane, the Abbot
of Crossraguel, the Priors of Whithorn and Plus-
cardine and others, were to be null and void.
The Parliament was prorogued on the 24th of
August.
Effect of It is with a feeling of profound melancholy that
1560. c k ' we close our record of these eventful months. We
have seen the Scottish Church, by the fiat of an
unauthorised assembly, cut off from the centre of
Catholic unity, the Pope forbidden to exercise his
lawful spiritual jurisdiction over the faithful, and
the ancient religion driven from the land where
it had held possession for so many centuries. The
thousands who still remained true to the faith of
their fathers were deprived at one blow of the
holy sacrifice of the Mass and of the sacraments
which had been the channels of innumerable
graces to their souls. Crushed down beneath a
code of laws of the most merciless severity, and
forbidden under the most stringent penalties to
practise the duties enjoined on them by the
Church, a dark night seemed, indeed, to have
settled down on the Catholics of this unhappy
country.

311

CHAPTER VI.
MATERIAL CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH
AT THE TIME OF ITS SUPPRESSION.
It was, we know, the wealth of the Scottish wealth
of the
Church which, by exciting the cupidity of the Scottish
needy and unscrupulous barons, was the most
powerful incentive to their zeal for the work of
reformation consummated by the Parliament of
1560. It will therefore not be uninstructive to
glance briefly at the material resources of the
Church at this time, as we know them from the
most authentic sources at our disposal.
The extent of the riches amassed in the course
of centuries by the bishops, religious corporations,
and other ecclesiastical bodies, has been a favourite
theme with M'Crie x and other writers of the same
stamp. Nor need it be denied that the wealth
of the Church was at this period very considerable.
The saying of Luther, " Under the Papacy giving
had no end," was certainly not less verified in Scot
land than in other parts of Christendom ; and we
1 Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 15 seq., &c.

312 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
have seen how, century after century, the devout
munificence of Scottish Catholics found its scope
in the foundation and endowment of religious in
stitutions throughout the country. Nevertheless,
considerable as was the property of the Church, a
brief examination will show that so far from being
excessive, it was, in truth, very moderate, if com
pared with the vast number of those who claimed
a share in it.
The total annual revenues of the Scottish
Church have been estimated as follows : 2 —
Income of 200 abbeys, monasteries,
and convents, . . £220,61815 0
ii archbishops, bishops, and
cathedral chapters, . 33,765 11 0
ii collegiate churches, . . 5,350 0 0
n hospitals, &c, . . . 18,000 0 0
Income from tithes, dues, &c, . . 50,000 0 0

Total, . £327,734 6 0
When we remember that the number of ecclesi
astics in Scotland, including the religious orders
of both sexes, amounted to at least three thou
sand, and that from the above sum had to be
provided not only the maintenance and repair of
ecclesiastical buildings, but also the support and
relief of the poor and afflicted, it will be seen that
the average incomes of the clergy must have been
1 Calculated by Walsh {History, p. 332) according to the then
value of money, chiefly from the statistics given by Keith (ed.
Lawson, vol. iii. pp. 370-384).

THE NOBLES AND THE REFORMATION. 313
very far from excessive. The denunciations hurled
at the luxury and enormous wealth of the pre-
Reformation Church thus lose their force ; and
they might with quite as much, if not more, pro
priety and justice be applied to the Scotch and
English Establishments of our own time.
Be this as it may, the amount and value of the The no-
^ # bility and
property of the Church was more than sufficient tlie Pefor-
x x ' J mation.
to offer a tempting bait to the greedy and im
poverished nobles. We find them, accordingly,
by an act of the most barefaced robbery, confis
cating the ecclesiastical revenues in every direc
tion, without, of course, the slightest intention
of fulfilling the various obligations which had
always been attached to their possession. It wiU
be difficult for us to understand how such a
scheme of wholesale pillage could be carried out,
unless we bear in mind the somewhat exceptional
position of the Scottish nobles — a position of in
dependence and arbitrary power which was prob
ably unequalled in any European country. The
nobility of Scotland were represented in the
middle ages by a few powerful families, who were
closely united to one another both by ties of kin
dred and similarity of interests, and who, first as
thanes, and then in Scoto-Norman times as earls
and barons, ruled over their vassals and depen
dants with little less than absolute authority.
Their connection with the Crown was compara
tively slight and remote. In the midst of his

314 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
extensive domains the lord erected his castle,
which, save in time of war, he seldom had occa
sion to quit ; for, whether from poverty or from
choice, the Scottish monarchs were, as a rule, sur
rounded by little of the pomp or splendour of a
Court. A relation of peculiar, almost patriarchal,
intimacy thus grew up between the feudal nobil
ity and their dependants, most of whom bor.e the
same name as their chief, considered themselves
as offshoots of the same stock, and were identified
with the same interests in peace as in war.
It is obvious that such a system as this, deeply
rooted as it was in the soil and the hearts of the
people, while affording under favourable circum
stances the strongest support to the owner, might
on the other hand, in case of conflict, prove a
standing menace to its authority. The tardy
development of the Scottish towns, on whose
assistance the monarch might have relied in con
tending with the growing power of the nobles,
was an additional source of strength to the latter.
Nor did the royal exchequer permit the employ
ment on a large scale of mercenary troops. It
thus came about in course of time that the Scot
tish kings were in reality almost completely de
pendent on the nobility ; and a great part of the
internal history ofthe country is taken up with the
continual and often ineffectual efforts of the mon
arch to maintain or to recover the rights of the
Crown, as constantly threatened by the too power-

WHOLESALE SPOLIATION OF THE CHURCH. 315
ful barons. Did the king show signs of making
the weight of his hand felt by his unruly subjects,
we find at once the formation of one of those
powerful bands or leagues,1 which cost more than
one Scottish monarch his life. It was this body
of men, practically independent and wholly un
principled, who, encouraged by a knot of fanatical
democrats, finally succeeded in overthrowing the
Scottish Church, at a time when the supreme
power was nominally in the hands of a mere girl,
who had for years been absent from the country.
Under these circumstances we cannot be sur- Division of
the plunder
prised if schools and churches disappeared or fell ofthe
r . Church.
to ruins, if the poor and destitute were robbed of
their just rights and left to starve in their miser
able dwellings,2 while the nobles fought among
themselves for the lands and riches which are in
many cases still the property of their descend
ants. " Were we to inquire minutely," writes
one who is far from biassed in favour of the old
1 Matthew Paris (fol. ed. p. 430) mentions that it was from re
mote times the custom of the men of Galloway, before embarking
on any dangerous enterprise, to pledge themselves, in blood drawn
from their own veins, to stand by one another to the death. The
same practice prevailed in Ireland. The Annals of Inisfallen re
cord how in the year 1277 the son of Lord Clare and Bryan Roe
O'Brien " became sworn gossips, and for confirmation of this bond
of perpetual friendship, drew part of each other's blood, which they
mingled together in a vessel." (See Annals of Four Masters, ed.
Connellan, p. 90, note.) We have here, doubtless, the origin of
those political and religious leagues, so common in Scottish his
tory, of which the Covenant of 1560 was a notable example. —
Translator. 2 Walsh, Hist of Cath. Church, p. 333.

316 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
religion,1 " into the history of this period, we
would find that the plunder of the Church was
well shared among the ancestors of our present
nobility and others, and that worldly considera
tions induced them to forward the Protestant
cause rather than a conviction of its truth."
Among the principal possessors of Church lands in
this country may be enumerated the Dukes of
Hamilton, Buccleuch, Argyll, Athole, Roxburghe,
and Abercorn ; the Marquesses of Lothian and
Ailsa ; the Earls of Morton, Buchan, Eglinton,
GaUoway, Elgin, and Wemyss, besides many of
the inferior nobility.2 It was the ancestors of
these noble families who clutched with both
hands at the rich plunder which the demolition
of the Church placed within their grasp, and for
getting their pious professions in the struggle for
wealth, left the ministers of the Reformed reli
gion to starve or beg. Whatever may have been
the advantages which they thus secured to them
selves and their descendants, it will hardly be
denied that the greedy and unprincipled nobles
stand out in strong contrast, here as elsewhere
in Scottish history, to the clergy of the fallen
Church. Whatever their faults (and we have
not disguised them in these pages), the ancient
Scottish ecclesiastics were at least true patriots,
1 Lawson, The Rom. Cath. Church in Scotland, p. 276.
2 It should be noted, however, that in some of these cases the
ecclesiastical property has been acquired by purchase, by marriage,
or by collateral descent from the original owners. — Translator.

THE CHURCH'S USE OF HER WEALTH. 317
and zealous to uphold the honour and independ
ence of their country. The fact (of which we
shall have abundant proof) that neither the blind
fury of fanatic iconoclasts nor the destructive
greed of the nobility was successful in uprooting
the Catholic faith from Scottish soil, sufficiently
attests how deep and tenacious a hold the Church
of St Ninian, St Columba, and St Margaret had
gained upon the hearts and affections of the
Scottish people. Impartial writers have acknow
ledged that in her use of the wealth committed
to her, the Church consulted not only the spirit
ual but also the best temporal interests of the
inhabitants of the country. " We are not," ob
serves Mr Lawson,1 " to view the ecclesiastics
of the Scottish hierarchy merely as the founders
of cathedrals, coUeges, and religious institutions.
It cannot be denied that they rendered essen
tial services, by their continued improvement of
the kingdom, in agriculture ; in the erection of
bridges, hospitals for the aged and infirm, many
of which still remain ; and that they were, in
many cases, the promoters of the comforts and
luxuries of domestic life. They were the discov
erers of that invaluable mineral, coal — a constant
and never-failing source of internal wealth ; they
were long the only shipowners of the kingdom ;
and some of the most useful inventions issued
from the monastic cloister."
1 Op. cit, p. 15.

318 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
Unjust The publication of the ancient monastic records,
treatment , .
of the and the critical examination of recent writers into
monks. the true principles and motives which underlay
the work of the Reformation in Scotland, have
testified not only to the beneficent influence exer
cised by the Catholic ecclesiastics on the people
at large, but also to the gross injustice inflicted
upon them by the suppression of the old re
ligion. " The monks," remarks the learned editor
of the Monastic Annals of Teviotdale, " had been
long revered as the instructors and spiritual
guides of the people, the benefactors of the poor,
and the indulgent masters of numerous vassals
and retainers. Their halls were the seats of
hospitality, where princes and distinguished per
sons were entertained, and where minstrels and
professors of the liberal arts were welcome guests.
. . . The unfortunate monks, often perhaps
deeply wronged, were driven from their ancient
seats ; and their magnificent edifices, if the
chance of war had not already desolated them,
were either demolished by the blind rage of the
populace or left to crumble into premature de
cay."1 One of the latest and ablest defenders
of the ill-fated Queen of Scots thus speaks of
the action and motives of the reforming nobles
of the sixteenth century : "It was not from
spiritual zeal alone that they began to look with
favour on the new faith. The plunder of the
1 Morton's Monastic Annals of Teviotdale, p. 10.

THE MONKS AS LANDLORDS. 319
monasteries in England under Henry VIII. was
a precedent which they might hope would one
day be followed in the northern kingdom, where
the possessions of the Church were, comparatively
speaking, of immense extent and value.1 . . .
The division of nearly the whole of the Church
lands among a body of men already too powerful
was a necessary result of the Reformation ; and
from the death of James V. until the union of
the two Crowns, Scotland was oppressed by a
nobility the most rapacious and corrupt that
probably ever existed."2
One more citation will convince us that the The monks
people had little reason to rejoice at the change lords.
of landlords effected by the abolition of the mon
astic orders. " On a fair estimate of the materials
now collected," writes Mr Cosmo Innes, " we shall
find the monks, freed as they were from domestic
ties, always zealous for their Order, and for the
welfare of their territories and tenants as con
ducing to its prosperity ; encouraging agriculture
and every improvement of the soil ; leading the
way in an adventurous foreign trade, and in all
arts and manufactures ; cultivating the learning
of the time, and latterly enjoying and teaching
to others the enjoyment of the luxuries of civilised
life, while they exercised extensive hospitality
and charity, and preserved a decorum which is
1 Hosack, Mary Queen of Scots and her Accusers, vol. i. p. 6.
2 Ibid., p. 2.

320 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
akin to virtue. Posterity owes them a debt, were
it but for bequeathing us those remains of their
edifices, which are only more interesting from their
decay, and for their simple and faithful chronicles.
When we consider the extent of the possessions
of a house like Melrose, the affluence, and the
amount of power and influence it brought to bear
on such objects as these, during ages of lawless
ness and rapine ; recollecting, too, the peculiar
interest of its peaceful inhabitants in maintaining
the quiet of the country and the security of
property, — we cannot doubt that their adminis
tration of their great territory and revenue, not
withstanding all abuses incident to the system,
was more for the happiness of the people than if
the possessions of the abbey had fallen at an
early period into the hands of some great tem
poral proprietor." x
change A sudden and awful change had indeed come
wrought
bytheEe- upon the face of Scotland. The whole fabric of
formation. x
the Church had fallen, as it were, at one blow.
The clergy of that Church, who but a year and
a half before had assembled in solemn council in
the metropolis of the kingdom, were now out
lawed and proscribed, and prohibited from exer
cising the highest and holiest duties of their
calling under pain of death. The faithful people
who for centuries had found peace and conso
lation, living and dying, in the knowledge and
1 Sketches of Early Scotch History, pp. 117, 118.

CAUSES OF THE PROTESTANT TRIUMPH. 321
practice of the religion handed down to them by
their fathers, were now deprived of the blessings
of that religion, as it seemed for ever. We may
well ask, How could such a change as this be
wrought so suddenly and so completely? The
circumstances of the time, and the events of the
preceding twenty years, will supply us with the
answer. Since the death of James V., Scotland had tj»s causes
of its suc-
been practicaUy without a ruler. The murder cess-
of Cardinal Beaton four years later had not
only deprived the State of a wise and patriotic
counsellor, but had taken from the Church a
leader whom she could ill afford to lose, and
whom there was no one to replace. No more
favourable time could be conceived for the intro
duction of the principles and system of the Refor
mation into the country. Nor can it be denied
that the rulers of the Church, although it would
be unjust to charge them with having betrayed
their sacred trust, were nevertheless partly re
sponsible for the circumstances which had facil
itated the ultimate triumph of the Protestant
cause. They had at least tacitly sanctioned the
iniquitous system by which some of the wealthiest
benefices and most important ecclesiastical dig
nities were in the hands of laymen, who, when it
suited their own interests, deliberately ranged
themselves on the side of the Church's bitterest
enemies, and threw themselves into the arms of
VOL. II. x

322 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
heresy. Not virtue nor learning, but kinship to
some noble house, was too often considered the
best qualification for high offices of the Church ; 1
nor, as we have seen, was the stain of illegitimate
birth deemed any bar to ecclesiastical advance
ment. Even among the higher clergy, too many
were more than suspected of leading lives the re
verse of edifying ; 2 while the inferior ecclesiastics

1 We have seen how this abuse was regarded by the learned and
zealous Abbot of Crossraguel. Here is the testimony of a not less
ardent defender of the ancient Church : " Proceres immoderatam
primum avorum suorum erga Deum liberalitatem incusare, mox ad
pejores progressi opiniones, ecclesiarum reditus quovis specioso titulo
invadere. Abbates et Episcopos liberos vix natos, et adhuc a matre
rubentes, designare, et si quis ob animi corporisve imbecillitatem
secularibus curis minus aptus haberetur, is divino cultui nolens
volens sacrabatur. Illi vero quibus vitia natalium certam paternae
hereditatis adeundse spem prsesciderant, in sortem filiorum Dei non
adoptati, sed intrusi, de altari quibus vitam luxumque alerent
rapiebant. Hsec nobiles. Vulgus autem natura pigrum et iners,
nee coelestibus rebus idoneum, ut gravem aliis serendi et metendi
necessitatem fugeret, nusquam securius quam in monasteriorum
claustris asylum conspiciens, eo tanquam in montem sacrum secede-
bat. Quamprimum vero ex ilia hominum fsece quispiam literarum
levem aliquam notitiam sibi parasset, hujus aut illius e proceribus
adjutus patrocinio, dignitates in ecclesia ambire, animarum regimen
sibi deposcere et vicarias trossulis nostris delicatisque prsesulibus
operas prsestare solitus, nil minus quam quid sacrosancti muneris
esset, cogitabat ; sed ventrem replere, syrmata dilatare et sublimi-
ora occupare subsellia. Quid enim aliud facerent quos nee Deo
famulandi studium, nee virtutis amor, nee ulla honesti justive ratio
ad ccelestia ministeria obeunda vocarunt ? His omnibus accedebat
libido impotens, sacratioris vita? lues teterrima." — Conseus, De Du-
plici Statu Religionis apud Scotos (Romas, 1628), p. 69.
2 Ninian Winzet, Tractatis (Keith, Affairs, Appendix, p. 205).
"Zour godly Leving garnisit with Chastitie, Fasting, Prayer, and
Sobrietie, . . . zour godly and circumspect Distributioun of Bene
fices to your Babeis, Ignorantis and filthy Anis, all Ethnick, Turk,

IGNORANCE OF THE PEOPLE. 323
were lamentably deficient in that trained theolog
ical learning which alone could meet and overcome
the dominant errors of the time.1 Above all, it
is impossible to doubt that the knowledge which
the people at large possessed of the doctrines of
their religion was insufficient to enable them
to cope successfully with the coming storm.
"There," says Bishop Leslie, speaking of the
causes which led to the overthrow of the faith
in Scotland — "there is the source and origin of
the evil, that the people, neglected by the clergy,
and uninstructed in the Catechism in their tender
years, had no sure and certain belief." 2
and Jow may lauch at." These words, it is needless to say, are
spoken in bitter irony.
1 Hay, Gratulatorius Panegyricus, pp. 34, 38. "Pudet (ita me
Deus amet) vulgarium atque adeo aliorum quorundam presbyter -
orum vitam recensere, ignorantise tenebris undique offuscatam, ut
non raro demirer quidnam Episcopis venerit in mentem cum tales
admitterent ad sacrosanctum corpus Domini tractandum, qui vix
norunt literarum seriem. Qui cum Ecclesise prsefuerint multis
annis, . . . nullam se literam Novi Testamenti attigisse gloriantur.''
2 Leshe, De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, p. 538. The whole passage is
valuable, as the testimony of one well qualified to give an impartial
opinion on the question. " Quaeres fortasse, unde igitur tam f ceda
Religionis facies, tam praeceps Religionis conversio? non profecto
quod viri Ecclesiae principes fidem, ofiiciumque suum prodiderint ;
sed quod hasreseon scintillas, ea, qua par erat fortitudine docendo,
scribendo, arguendo in ipso principio non extinxerint ; quod multa
simulando et dissimulando, persecutionis turbine acrius ingruente,
infirmioribus, ac ipsi in primis nobilitati scandalum, ac offensionem
pepererint ; denique {qui totius pene mali fons erat) quod populum
ita neglexerint, ut nullo catechismo in ipsa tenella estate catholice
imbutus quidquam haberet, quod crederet certi. Unde postquam
opiniones Haereticorum plenas licentise, ac verborum perpulchro
vestitu audiverat plebs, quam nulla certa Ecclesise doctrina imbuerat,
cito accurrit, has opiniones specie prseclaras toto pectore, animoque

324 CONDITION OF THE SCOTTISH CHURCH.
The canons of the last provincial councils of
the Scottish Church had held out a fair promise
of the speedy reform of the abuses which had
grown up in the Scottish Church ; but, as we
have seen, little time or opportunity was granted
for their being carried into effect. The crisis was
at hand ; and a mercenary nobility, animated at
least as much by cupidity and self-interest as by
religious zeal, consummated a work which even
Protestant historians have characterised as one
of revolution rather than of reformation.1 It is
therefore on them that the main responsibility
must rest, and not on a hierarchy who had at
least, by their latest official acts, shown them
selves honestly desirous of ameliorating the evils
which had too long prevailed unchecked.
Difficulty It would be an error to suppose that with the
in pyTiTTifl'i"-
ing the Acts of Parliament of August 1560 the Catholic
Catholic . °
religion, religion in Scotland, or the Catholic form of wor
ship, at once came to an end. By those enact
ments were forged the weapons with which the
strong arm of the law was slowly and surely to
drive out the ancient faith. But as in other
countries where the Reformation triumphed, it
haustura. Hue accessit quorundam Ecclesiasticorum vita, quae cum
avaritise ac voluptatis maculis aspersa videretur, sectariorum Min-
istris materiam copiosam suppeditavit, Ecclesiastical dignitatis apud
populum lacerandee, ut stulti homines nihil se firmius colligere posse
arbitrarentur, quam dum vocif erantur ad populum, in tantis vitiorum
tenebris, quibus vita Ecclesiasticorum arguebatur, non potuisse in-
esse Evangelii lucem."
1 Cunningham, Church History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 310.

END OF THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH. 325
was years before even the external manifestations
of a system so deeply interwoven with the life of
the people could finally be crushed out of the
land ; and even then, many a pious belief and
venerable Catholic custom continued to be handed
down from generation to generation by popular
tradition, long after the very source whence they
were derived was utterly forgotten.
The enactment ofthe penal laws on August 23, End of the
_ medieval
1560, forms a landmark in the history of the period of
J Scottish
Catholic Church in Scotland. It closes the chap- c.h™oh
x history.
ter which records her rise, her development, and
her overthrow, and introduces us to a long and
dismal period of obscurity and persecution, lasting
down to the commencement of our own century.
Before, however, bidding a final farewell to the
medieval Church, we may be permitted to take a
brief survey of her efforts in the cause of educa
tion, and the encouragement which she gave to
art and learning in Scotland in pre-Reformation
times.

326

CHAPTER VII.
EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND BEFORE THE
REFORMATION.
Efforts of In medieval Scotland, no less than in other
the Church . -, . , t i • n xi
in the cause countries which came under her influence, the
tion. " advancement of knowledge and learning was the
constant aim of the Catholic Church. Side by
side with the improvement of the social condi
tion of the people, she laboured unceasingly to
extend to them the advantages of an education
from which no class of the population should
be excluded.
" In almost all the periods of the history of
Scotland," remarks Burton,1 "whatever docu
ments deal with the social condition of the
country reveal a machinery for education always
abundant, when compared with any traces of art
Medieval or the other elements of civilisation." Although
schools. . # °
no accurate statistics have come down to us re
garding the Scottish schools of the middle ages,
we find in contemporary documents, especially in
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 107.

SCHOOLS ATTACHED TO MONASTERIES. 327
the cartularies of the principal monasteries, con
stant and copious reference to them. The school
of Abernethy was renowned in very early times ; 1
and we find that, as civilisation progressed and
towns grew and developed, the conduct of their
schools was usually intrusted to the religious
orders. Thus, in 1 173 Perth and Stirling possessed
public schools, which were under the charge of the
Benedictines of Dunfermline. The Cartulary of
Kelso also mentions the school at Roxburgh,
which was conducted by the monks of Kelso
Abbey.2 Nearly every monastery of importance possessed Monastic
a school within its own walls. Primarily, per
haps, these institutions were founded with a view
of fostering vocations to the religious state, but
they were also taken advantage of for the train
ing of youths destined for a career in the world.
There was a school in connection with the priory
of St Andrews, in which youths were instructed
in the philosophy of Scotus.3 The sons of noble
houses, more especially, seem usually to have re
ceived their education in these monastic schools.
We find in the thirteenth century the widowed
Lady of Molle resigning part of her dowry lands
to the abbey of Kelso, on condition that the
1 We find, as early as 1123, Berbeadh, "rector of the schools of
Abernethy," witnessing the grant of Lochleven to the Culdees, by
Alexander I. {Regist Prior. S. Andrece, p. 116).— Translator.
2 Liber S. Marias de Calchou, vol. ii. p. 316.
3 Martine's Reliquice Divi Andrece, p. 187.

328 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
monks should maintain and educate her son
among their scholars of highest rank.1 The con
stitutions of the cathedral of Aberdeen, enacted
in 1256, enjoin the chancellor to " provide a
proper master for the government of the schools
of Aberdeen, able to teach the boys both gram
mar and logic." 2 In the accounts of the Cham
berlain of Scotland there appears a donation of
twenty shillings, in the year 1329, from King
Robert Bruce in support of the schools at Mon
trose ; and the same monarch gave the sum of
thirteen pounds six shillings to one Gilbert de
Benachtyne, to aid him in the prosecution of his
studies.3
Direction In the Celtic Church, both of Scotland and
ofthe ,.. ~
Celtic Ireland, the supreme direction of the schools
belonged to the Ferleiginn, or lecturer, just as it
did to the chancellor in later times. The Fer
leiginn had jurisdiction over the rector or master,
who was himself superior to the scolocs, or eccle
siastical clerk. We know but little of the man
ner in which the early medieval schools were
conducted, but the statutes of the grammar
school of Aberdeen, in force about 1550, give a
lively picture of the rules adopted in a classical
1 Liber de Calchou, vol. i. p. 142. The phrase used is " exhib-
ebunt in victualibus," whence the modern term exhibition, in the
sense of an annual sustentation-fund for the support of a scholar. —
Translator. 2 Reg. Episc. Aberdon., vol. i. p. 45.
3 Compot. Camerarii Scotice, pp. 95, 96.

schools.

MEDIEVAL SCHOOLS. 329
school three centuries ago.1 Above all, they
testify to the thoroughly Christian spirit which
pervaded the schools of pre - Reformation Scot
land.2 A learned Scottish writer thus speaks of
the work done by these institutions, in spite of
the drawbacks under which they laboured : " The
chief difficulty in any attempts at popular educa
tion must have arisen from the scarcity of books.
But after aU, that was not greater on the eve of
the grand invention of printing than it had been
in all ages of the world before. It did not press
more heavily upon the Scotchman of the four
teenth century than it did on the Italian contem
poraries of Petrarch and Boccaccio, than it had
done upon the people who appreciated the verse
of Sophocles and the rhetoric of Demosthenes and
the philosophy of Plato. How this impediment
to instruction was overcome is for us difficult to
understand. That it was overcome we know." 3
The old Scottish monks not only provided for Registerskept in
the needs of their own generation by the mstruc- monas-
° -/ teries.
tion and education of youth within the walls of
their cloisters, but they also conferred a benefit
1 One rule orders the scholars to speak in Latin, Greek, Hebrew,
French, or Irish — never in the vernacular ! — Translator.
2 Spalding Miscellany, vol. v. pp. 399-402. " In primis, puer
ingressus scholas prosternat se humi, genibus fiexis salutet
Christum, optimum, maximum, humani generis auctorem, et Dei-
param Virginem brevi precatiunculo, hoc modo : Gratias tibi pater
coelestis ago, quod prseteritam noctem mihi volueris esse prosperam,
precorque ut diem itidem hunc mihi bene fortunes," &c.
3 Cosmo Innes, Sketches of Early Scotch History, p. 256.

330 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
upon posterity by the preservation of valuable
documents and the careful compilation of their
monastic annals. Three kinds of register-books
appear to have been kept in every Scottish mon
astery. The first was the chronicle, or general
register, in which were entered year by year the
various events of interest and importance that
occurred. A few specimens of these annals, com
piled previous to the fatal year 1291, in which
Edward I. of England seized and carried off the
historical records of Scotland, have been pre
served to us. Among them are the ancient
Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, the Chronicles
of Holy Cross and of Melrose, the Book of
Paisley, and a fragment of the Chronicle of Holy-
rood. The second species of register was the
obit-book, in which were recorded the death and
burial of the successive abbots and priors of the
monastery, and its principal benefactors ; while the
third, and perhaps the most important, was the
chartulary, which contained the charters granted
by the kings and great nobles to the monastery,
and the bulls received from the Popes. In the
chartulary were further recorded the leases given
by the monks to their vassals and tenants, the
revenues of the monastic lands, the taxes which
they paid to the Crown, and other interesting
details.1 Every monastery, of course, possessed
its own library. The Register of the diocese of
1 Tytler, Hist, of Scotland, vol. i. p. 292.

SCOTCH STUDENTS ABROAD. 331
Glasgow contains a catalogue of the books in the
library of Glasgow Cathedral, some thirty years
before the invention of printing.1 A list is also
extant of the books belonging to the monastery
of St Serf at Lochleven in the year 1150, the date
of its coming into the possession of the canons-
regular of St Andrews.2
While the primary instruction of the people Scottish
was provided for in the schools which were found ties.
in nearly every town and monastery, the higher
educational needs of the country were amply sup
plied by the three universities, founded by the
most zealous and enlightened prelates of the
Scottish Church. These three seats of learning
were all, as we have seen, established in the
course of the fifteenth century.3 Previous to their
foundation, and also subsequently, although to less
extent, the more aspiring1 Scottish youth resorted Scotchmen
r & J . at the Con-
in considerable numbers to the Continental uni- tinentai universi-
versities. We find that of Paris especially, as ties-
well from the European reputation of its schools
as from the close political connection which for
centuries existed between Scotland and France,
frequented by a large number of Scottish stu
dents. Nor were they wanting at other seats
of learning on the Continent. The registers of
the University of Cologne indicate that, of the
1 Reg. Episc. Glasg., vol. ii. p. 334.
2 Reg. Episc. St Andr., pp. 44, 45 (Spottiswood, History, vol. i.
p. 69).
3 St Andrews in 1410, Glasgow in 1451, Aberdeen in 1495.

332 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
foreigners who studied there in the fifteenth cen
tury, the largest proportion were Scotchmen, and
of these the majority belonged to the diocese of
St Andrews.1
Eminent That medieval Scotland did not fall behind
Scottish . . .
scholars, other countries of Christendom m zeal for learn
ing, is sufficiently evidenced by the number of
her sons who in every century distinguished
themselves in the various branches of sacred and
profane science. If we suppose with Skene that
after the tenth century the name of Scotia began
to be transferred from Ireland to what we now call
Scotland, we may not improbably claim as a son
Marianus of Scottish soil Marianus Scotus, the celebrated
Scotus. . .
chronicler, who was born m 1028, and having
left his native country about 1056, became a
monk at Cologne and afterwards at Fulda.2 He
died at Mainz in 1086. Besides his Chronicle,
1 The following names, among others, appear in the matriculation
lists of Cologne University, 1421 : Walter Stewart (St Andrews) ;
Patrick de Symmonton (Galloway). 1422 : David de Seton (Aber
deen). 1430 : David Alexander Ogilbie ; James Inglis, canon of
Glasgow. 1431 : William de Kinghorn ; Andrew  (St And
rews) ; William Ker (St Andrews). Fr. Joseph Harzheim, S.J.,
on p. 403 of his Bibliotheca Coloniensis (Cologne, 1747), mentions
among the professor's of Cologne University, "Thomas Liel de
Scotia, artium magister et s. theologiae licentiatus. Anno 1502, 20
Decembris apud Augustinianos eligitur Rector Magnificus in univer-
sitate Coloniensi a quatuor intrantibus usque ad 28 Junii 1503, de
quo Montfaucon in bibliotheca manuscriptorum fol. 35 in bibliotheca
Reginas Suecise ex Vaticana No. 999 ait extare : Collectio synodalis
facta ad Clerum Coloniensem 1479 per Thomam Liel de Scotia
artium magistrum et s. theologiae licentiatum.''
2 It must be remembered, however, that the name of Scotia was

DISTINGUISHED SCOTTISH SCHOLARS. 333
which is of special value as illustrating the obscure
period in which he lived, we owe to Marianus the
preservation of the Notitia utriusque Imperii of
the Emperor Theodosius, which affords us an
insight into the political subdivisions of the
Roman empire. Another Scottish scholar of
renown was David Scotus, a professor in the David
. Scotus.
Scotch monastery of Wurzburg m the twelfth
century, and historiographer to the Emperor
Henry V. Among his works were the " Iter
Imperatoris," " De Regno Scotorum," and " Apo
logia ad Csesarem." In the same century flour
ished Adam Scotus, who came to the Continent
and entered the Premonstratensian Order, founded
in 1124 by St Norbert of Santen. Adam, who
died in a French monastery of the Order, wrote
a treatise on the Rule of St Augustine, a tract on
the triple tabernacle of Moses, and other mystic
and contemplative works.1
A still more distinguished son of Scottish soil Richard of
. . St Victor.
was Richard of St Victor, who was born in the
reign of David I. His reputation for learning,
not exclusively applied to Scotland until the thirteenth century ; and
the weight of evidence certainly points to the conclusion that Mari
anus was an Irishman (Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. i. p. 398. Burton,
The Scot Abroad, vol. i. p. 10. Annals of the Four Masters, p. 583.
Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1864, p. 177). The celebrated chronicler
must not be confounded with another Scottish monk of the same
name, who founded the monastery of St James at Ratisbon, and
died in the odour of sanctity, probably in 1088. The Bollandists
{Acta SS., Febr., torn. ii. p. 363) have clearly proved that they were
distinct persons, although contemporaries. — Translator.
1 Dupin, Ecclesiastical Writers, vol. ix.

334 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
especially in the branches of Sacred Scripture
and mathematical science, was already great in
his native country when he entered the famous
monastery of St Victor, at Paris. The depth
and beauty of his mystic writings is well known.1
Bishop Godrich, who was Bishop of St Andrews early
Godrich. ' r J
in the twelfth century (he died in 1108), was
also an author of some note. Among his works
were Meditations on the Psalter, and "Hymni
de Sanctis."2 One of the most distinguished
Scottish alumni of the University of Paris at
John of this period was John a Sacro Bosco. He was
a native of Nithsdale, and a canon - regular of
the monastery of Holywood. He afterwards went
to Paris, where he became professor of mathe
matics. He wrote " De Sphaera mundi " and " De
Computo Ecclesiastico," which were highly spoken
of by Melanchthon three centuries later.3 Hugo
Bishop Benham, who was Bishop of Aberdeen in 1272,
Benham. was renowned for his knowledge of canon law.
He remodelled the statutes of his cathedral, and
procured their confirmation by the Pope. Bishop
Benham assisted at the General Council at Lyons
in 1274. In musical science, we meet with the
1 The following was the epitaph of Richard of St Victor : —
" Moribus ingenio doctrina clarus et arte,
Pulvereo hie tegeris, docte Richarde, situ.
Quern tellus genuit felici Scotica partu,
Te fovet in gremio Gallica terra suo."
2 Mackenzie, Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. i. p. 160.
3 Ibid., p. 168.

DUNS SCOTUS. 335
name of Simon Taylor, a Scottish Dominican, Simon
who, after studying at Paris, returned to his
native land, where we are told that he worked
such a reformation in ecclesiastical music, that
the Church music of Scotland was admitted to
rival that of Rome itself.1 Taylor, who flourished
about 1230, wrote "De cantu ecclesiastico corri-
gendo," " De tenore musicali," and other treatises
on music. A notable Scottish scholar of the thir
teenth century was Michael Scott of Balwirie, Michael
. . Scott.
who studied at Paris, Oxford, and in Spain, and
was in high favour at the Court of Frederick
II. He was the author of various treatises on
astronomy, astrology, and mathematics, his great
work, however, being the translation of the writ
ings of Aristotle from the Arabic, Greek being at
that time generally an unknown language. His
" Opera Aristotelis cum notis " was published at
Venice in 1496. 2
A name of European celebrity in the thirteenth
century, both as a theologian and a philosopher,
was that of John Duns Scotus, who was born, Duns
Scotus.
according to the most credible authority, at
Duns, in Berwickshire, about the year 1270.3
1 George Newton, Lives of the Bishops of Dunblane. Quoted by
Dempster, Hist. Eccles. Gent. Scot, lib. xviii.
2 Mackenzie, Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. i. p. 214.
3 English and Irish writers have both claimed Duns as their
countryman. Early Continental writers, however, seem never to
have doubted his Scottish origin. " Dit Scot," says Moreri of him,
"parce qu'il ete.it natif d'Ecosse." And Rabelais ironically remarks,
" Celle est l'opinion de Maistre Jehan d'Ecosse.'' Down in Ireland,

336 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
He early entered the Franciscan Order, and
studied first at Merton College, Oxford, and
afterwards at Paris. In his Commentary on the
Sentences, which was known under the titles of
" Opus Oxoniense " and " Reportata Parisiensia,"
Duns Scotus reduced to a system the views held
by the Franciscan school, in theological and phil
osophical questions, as against Thomas Aquinas
and the Dominicans. The independence of reason
and revelation, the reconciliation of free-will and
predestination, and in particular, the great doc
trine of the Immaculate Conception, were treated
by Duns Scotus with a dialectical ingenuity that
gained for him the title of Doctor Subtilis. Sub
tlety, indeed, is his preponderating characteristic ;
and he is generally considered to have shone more
by his masterly confutation of opposing views
than by the harmonious construction of his own
system. He was sent to Cologne to assist in
founding the university there ; but he died very
shortly afterwards (in 1308), and was buried in
the Franciscan church in that city.1
wmiam Contemporary with Duns Scotus was William
Dempster. p p t-> ¦ o
Dempster, professor of philosophy at Pans. So
high was his reputation both with Parliament
and Dunstane in Northumberland, have both been assigned as his
birthplace. — Translator.
1 Stbckl, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Philosoph., p. 469. The fol
lowing is the inscription on the tomb of Duns Scotus : —
" Scotia me genuit, Anglia suscepit,
Gallia edocuit, Germania tenet."

DISTINGUISHED SCOTTISH SCHOLARS. 337
and university, that he was commissioned to ex
amine officially the writings of Raymond Lullius,
whose fanciful theory of reforming all science by
a mechanical combination of concepts, had at
tracted at that time an extraordinary number of
partisans.1 Dempster set forth the result of his
inquiry in a work entitled "Examen in brevem
Raimundi Lulli artem," which was printed at
Lyons in 1514. Another Scotchman, John Bas- John
J . Bassoll.
soil, was the favourite pupil of Duns Scotus, and,
like his master, a member of the Franciscan
Order. He followed Duns to Paris, where he
became professor of philosophy. He afterwards
studied theology and medicine at Rheims, and
died at Mechlin in 1347. Bassoll wrote a Com
mentary on the Sentences, and also a collection
of treatises on philosophical and medical subjects.
He was known as Doctor ordinatissimus.2 John JohnBiair, aq 13
(or Arnold) Blair, born in Fife in the reign of
Alexander IIL, received his early education at
Dundee together with William Wallace, and later
went to Paris, where he studied philosophy and
entered the Benedictine Order. On his return
to Scotland, he lived for many years in the abbey
of Dunfermline, whence he was called in 1297 to
be chaplain to Sir William Wallace, then governor
of Scotland. Blair wrote the life of his former
feUow-pupil and patron during his residence at
1 See Ueberweg, Hist, of Philosophy, vol. i. p. 459.
2 Mackenzie, Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. i. p. 243.
VOL. II. Y

338 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Dunfermline, whither he returned after WaUace's
execution.1
Scottish A serious drawback to our accurate knowledge
of medieval Scotland is caused by the absence for
a period of nearly five hundred years of con
temporary native historians. From the time of
Adamnan, the biographer of St Columba in the
eighth century, until the middle of the thirteenth,
we are almost exclusively dependent on English
annalists for information on the events of Scot-
Pordun. tish history. John Fordun was the first who
set himself seriously to the work of compiling the
annals of his native country. The Preface to the
copy of Fordun's Chronicle which belonged to the
abbey of Cupar,2 a manuscript of the beginning
of the fifteenth century, has some valuable notes
on the life of the historian. It relates that
Edward I.3 had carried off to England most of
the ancient and authentic Scottish chronicles,
committing the remainder to the flames. " After
the loss of these annals," the writer goes on,4

1 Henderson, Annals of Dunfermline, pp. 105, 123, 124. Blair's
work is entitled " Relationes Qucedam: Arnoldi Blair Monachi de
Dunfermelen et Capellani D. Willielmi Wallace Militis.'' It was
written about 1327 {Cottonian MSS., Brit. Mus.) — Translator.
2 Entitled Liber Monasterii beatce Marice de Cupro. The MS. is
now in the Advocates' Library. Register of Cupar Abbey, p. Iv.
3 The MS., by a clerical error, has Edward III. — Translator.
4 The text of this Preface is printed by Skene {Fordun's Chron
icle, Append. I. to Preface) ; and the portion from which the
above is translated is also given by Fr. Innes {Critical Essay, pp.
125, 126). The Latin is so barbarous as to be in places unintelli
gible. — Translator.

FORDUN AND BOWER. 339
" a certain venerable Scottish priest arose, John
Fordun by name, and set his hand boldly to the
work, incited by zeal for his country; nor did he
cease from his undertaking until with great pains
and labour, having travelled through England
and the neighbouring provinces, he had collected
enough of what was best to compose five volumes
of his Scotichronicon, on the delectable deeds of
the Scots. His industry is indeed worthy of
praise, in that he committed all these writings to
memory, a feat divine rather than human. And
so, on foot, making his way like a busy bee
through Britain and Ireland, through cities and
towns, churches and monasteries, among histo
rians and chroniclers, handling their books of
annals, wisely conferring and disputing with
them, and entering upon his tablets whatever he
thought best, by means of this tedious investiga
tion he discovered many things which he knew
not, and collected them together in his volume,
as it were sweet honeycombs into a hive ; com
posing in all, as I have before said, five elegant
books, setting forth our history down to the death
of the most holy King David, son of Saint Mar
garet." Fordun's history was continued to the
middle of the fifteenth century by Walter Bower Bower.
(or Bowmaker), the learned Abbot of Inchcolm.
Bower's continuation possesses a special value in
the fact that the compiler himself was contem
porary with many of the events which he relates.1
1 See Burton, History of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 124.

340 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
About the middle of the fourteenth century,
Wyntoun. Andrew Wyntoun, Prior of St Serf's monastery
on Lochleven, wrote his celebrated metrical
chronicle, purporting to commence from the be
ginning of the world, or even earlier,1 but of which
the greater part is devoted to the history of his
own country. The style of diction and easy flow
of Wyntoun's verse are not excelled even by
Barbour himself, although in poetical genius he
is, of course, far inferior to that writer. His
work has been not inaptly compared to the
ancient castles or picturesque monasteries of the
age in which he lived. " What spectator of
taste," asks Tytler, " has not often preferred the
ancient castle with all its romantic disproportions,
to the symmetrical beauty of the modern edifice ?
And where is the student who is an enthusiast
in the history and antiquities of his country, who
would not rather read the quaint and homely
descriptions of the Prior of Lochleven than the
pages of modern writers, where vigour, freshness,
and originality are so often sacrificed to insipid
Fabulous elegance ?" It is perhaps needless to observe that
history of ° x x
ofSeot- not all the events recorded by Wyntoun, or his
predecessor Fordun, as historic facts, can be re
ceived as such by the modern student. " In
1 Wyntoun tells us himself that the reason of his work being
entitled the " Orygynale Cronykil " is not because it was his own
composition, but because it begins at the beginning — i.e., from
the creation of the angels (Bk. I. Prol. i. verses 95-100). — Trans-

land.

WYNTOUN AND BOECE. 341
these writers," as Mr Burton points out,1 " we
have the earliest detailed narrative of that fabu
lous history which has had so great an influence
on Scottish political literature, and even on polit
ical events. It owed its most egregious develop
ment to Hector Boece, who added to the history
of Scotland many wonders." The same narrative
was substantially repeated by the classic pen of
George Buchanan, and in the less polished Latinity
of the good Bishop of Ross. " There was hot
controversy between Scotchmen then, and long
afterwards ; but each party, however fierce in
abuse of the other, stood up for the ancient
dignity of the native land common to both." 2
Hector Boece, if not superior to his age as a Hector
historian, was nevertheless a man of learning and
scholarship. He studied for some years at Paris,
where he formed a close friendship with Erasmus,
and was for a time professor of philosophy at the
college of Montaigne. In the year 1500, Bishop
Elphinstone induced him to return to Scotland,
and to become the first principal of his newly
founded university at Aberdeen.3 Boece pub
lished his Lives of the Bishops of Aberdeen in
1522, and his History of the Scots in 1527.
Arthur, the younger brother of Boece, was also, Boece.
1 Hist, of Scotland, vol. iv. pp. 124, 125.
2 Ibid., p. 126.
3 The salary assigned. to this office was forty merks a-year, equal
to between twenty and thirty pounds a-year of our present money.
See Cosmo Innes, Sketches, p. 270, note.— Translator.

342 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
as Hector himself testifies,1 a distinguished scholar,
John and a man of remarkable eloquence. John Bel-
lenden, Archdeacon of Moray, who was born in
1485, translated Boece's History from the Latin.
He was also the author of a translation of Livy.2
Another well-known Scottish scholar at this time
John was John Major, who was professor in the Uni
versity of Paris before he became Principal of
St Andrews. He also published a History of
Scotland, besides a Commentary on the Sentences
and an Exposition of St Matthew's Gospel. We
Gavin have already spoken of Gavin Douglas, the
Douglas. J r _
learned and exemplary Bishop of Dunkeld. Be
sides his poems, which have been highly lauded
by Sir Walter Scott, Bishop Douglas executed
a translation of Virgil, and a historical work
which his death prevented him from completing.
Florence Florence Wilson was born near Elgin in 1500,
-unit,™ o
and educated at Aberdeen University. He
afterwards went to Paris, where he was tutor
to a nephew of Cardinal Wolsey. Wilson ac
companied Jean du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, on
an embassy from Francis I. to Rome in 1534.
He was, however, detained at Avignon by sick
ness, and on his recovery proceeded to Carpentras,
1 Aberdon. Episc. Vit, p. 62. "Arthurus Boetius, mihi germanus,
in pontificio jure doctor, in civico (ut dicunt) licentiatus, vir mira?
doctrinse, plus literarum indies consecuturus, quod studium ei per-
manet, animo indefesso, nobiscum jura pie et scite profitetur. Est
in eo vis et gra vitas eloquendi, a vulgari genere plurimum abhorrens."
2 Irving, Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. i. pp. 12 seq.

Wilson.

SCOTTISH SCHOLARS ABROAD. 343
where he was appointed rector of the Latin school
at the instance of the celebrated Cardinal Sadolet.
Wilson published in 1543 his " Dialogues on Tran
quillity of Mind," and died three years later at
Vienne, in the Dauphinde.1
We find Scottish scholars of the sixteenth cen- Scottishscholars
tury in other countries of Europe besides France, abroad.
John Fraser, a learned Franciscan, resided in JohnFraser.
Naples. He was born in 1480, and after study
ing at Paris, entered the Franciscan Order in
Italy. He pubhshed at Naples, in 1531, a treat
ise, famous in its day, on the question of Henry
VIIL's divorce. It was entitled " Qusestio de
matrimonio Reginse Anglise." Another Scottish
Franciscan acquired considerable fame in Ger
many. This was Nicholas Hepburn, a cadet of Nicholas
J x Hepburn.
the ancient family on which James IV. conferred
the ill-omened title of Bothwell. Nicholas was
born in 1488, and after a course of philosophy
in his native country, went to study theology in
Germany, where he entered the Franciscan Order ;
and having been ordained priest in 1526, held for
many years the office of guardian of the Francis
can convent at Briihl, near Cologne. His reputa
tion was great not only as a preacher and a theo
logian, but also as an untiring and successful
defender of Catholic truth against the Lutheran
heresy.2 We may mention one more distin-
1 Irving, Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. i. pp. 23-34.
2 Among Hepburn's works were : Enarrationes Evangeliorum

344 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
guished Scot, although belonging to a rather
james later generation. This was James Tayre, who
Tayre, S.J. ° . .
was born in the north of Scotland in 1543, and
at the age of twenty entered the Society of
Jesus. In 1568 he was instrumental in reconcil
ing to the Catholic religion his brother, who had
embraced Protestantism. The arguments in fa
vour of the ancient faith set forth by the young
Jesuit in his letter to his brother were such as
to convert a number of other Protestants, and to
draw forth a rejoinder from the arch-Reformer
John Knox. Tayre afterwards became assist
ant, for France and Germany, to Aquaviva, the
General of the Society, and he died in Rome, on
March 20, 1579. He left behind him a Com
mentary on Aristotle, in manuscript.1
Scottish The preceding category (which does not pre-
tend to be exhaustive) will at least show ' that in
the great revival of letters which immediately

Quadrag. ; Conciones in Evangelia Quadrages. ; Apologia pro Con
cilio Constant. ; Enarratio Lamentatoria in Psalm lxxviii. ; Enchir-
id. Locor. commun. ; De tribus votis ; Monas Sacrosanct, evangel-
icse doctrinae contra Franc. Lambertum apostatam ; Methodus
concionandi, &c. (Mackenzie, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 136).
1 An extract from the Roman archives of the Society of Jesus
(furnished by the courtesy of Fr. Forbes-Leith, S.J.) contains some
further details of the life of Fr. Tayre; amongst others, that on
first entering the Society, he became so immersed in literary pur
suits that his spiritual progress seemed to be imperilled. St Igna
tius is related to have appeared to him in a vision, and to have
warned him of the danger which he was incurring, with such good
effect that he had no further difficulties of the kind (Necrologium
provinc. Scot., excerpta ex Arehiv. S.J. Romse). — Translator.

COMPULSORY EDUCATION. 345
preceded the religious revolution of the sixteenth
century, Catholic Scotland had no cause to be
ashamed of her sons. Nor was she deficient in
representatives of the poetic art as well as of
mere solid learning. We have already mentioned
the gifts and genius of Bishop Douglas ; and Gavin
717 ¦ p t Douglas
Dunbar, a native of Lothian, and a priest of the andDun-
1 bar.
diocese of St Andrews, was also held in the
highest esteem as a poet. He died about 1520.
" The genius of Dunbar and Gavin Douglas," says
Sir Walter Scott, "is sufficient to illuminate
whole centuries of ignorance." We cannot, final
ly, pass without mention the name of Sir David
Lindsay, a poet and dramatist of undoubted
talent, which he unfortunately prostituted by
holding up the Church and her ministers to the
mockery and ridicule of an ignorant populace.
An interesting testimony to the zeal of the Compui-
° _ ^ sory educa-
Scottish Church in the fifteenth century for the J,'0" in J
J Scotland.
advancement of learning is afforded by an Act of
Parliament passed in the year 1496 at the in
stance of the clergy. This statute provided that
all barons and freeholders should, under a penalty
of twenty pounds, send their sons at the age of
eight or nine years to the schools, to remain there
until they had acquired a competent knowledge
of Latin. They were then to attend the schools
of art and law, in order to qualify themselves as
sheriffs and judges to administer the laws of the
realm, so that thereby the poor people would no

346 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
longer be obliged, in every trifling matter, to seek
redress from the king's chief council.1
The church The ablest and most impartial writers of our
and educa- . . .
tion. own time have not failed to do justice to the in
fluence exercised by the Church in promoting the
education of the people. " It may with truth be
said," observes Mr Burton,2 " that in the history
of human things there is to be found no grander
conception than that of the Church of the fifteenth
century, when it resolved, in the shape of the
universities, to cast the light of knowledge abroad
over the Christian world." Cosmo Innes allows
that the universities are the legitimate children
of the Catholic Church. " Much," remarks Law-
son, in his essay on the state of Catholicism in
Scotland, " has been said and written respecting
the ignorance which prevailed in Scotland before
the Reformation. ... It must be remembered
that much of what the ancient ecclesiastics are
accused, rests on the sole testimony of their ene
mies, who embraced every opportunity of ridi
culing and calumniating their fallen adversaries.
The covetousness, moreover, of those who expect
ed to share in the contemplated plunder of the
Church, induced them to listen to the many false
and disgraceful stories propagated in times which
did not afford easy opportunities for investigating
the truth of the allegations." 3
1 Acts of Pari of Scoti, vol. ii. p. 238. 2 Hist, of Scoti, vol. iv. p. 109.
3 The Rom. Cath. Church in Scotland, pp. 10, 11.

CELTIC CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES. 347
The fostering care of the Catholic religion not Art in
° medieval
only promoted the advancement of learning and Scotland.
culture in general, but likewise the development
of the fine arts, from their first rude beginnings
in the earliest period of the history of our country.
Art at that period was essentially, if not exclu
sively, connected with religion, and with the ob
jects or .the structures used in religious worship.
A study of the style and character of the edifices
which were devoted at different epochs to the
divine service, throws an interesting side-light on
the ecclesiastical history of our country ; and it
will be instructive to inquire in some detail as to
the form and construction of the churches and
other rehgious buildings which were raised by the
pioneers of Christianity in Scotland, and which
were replaced in later ages by those noble sanc
tuaries, whose very ruins still inspire wonder and
admiration.1 We have seen, in an earlier portion of this his- Religious
• • editices of
tory 2 how close and intimate was the connection the Celtic
J # period.
which existed between the Celtic Churches of
Scotland and Ireland. It is, in fact, necessary,
if we desire to have a clear idea of the character
of the most ancient religious structures of our own
country, to turn to the still earlier churches and
monasteries of Ireland, whose remains are yet
found in such abundance in that island. We find
1 See Kraus, Geschichte der christlichen Archaologie, pp. 34 seq.
2 See ante, vol. i. chap. ii.

348 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
that these buildings were at first invariably erected
within fortified enclosures, belonging to some chief
who professed the Christian faith, and whose privi
lege it was to become the patron and protector of
the Christian missionary. We learn from the life
of St Patrick that he built the church of Donagh-
patrick on the spot already occupied by the dwell
ing of Conall, a brother of the king. In like man
ner, the church of Cill Benen was erected within
the fortress of Dun Lughaid, whose possessors, in
cluding the father of the family and his four sons,
had all received baptism.1 Originally, of course,
churches were constructed in this manner in order
to ensure their security and that of their minis
ters ; but the method of construction continued
when the necessity for it had passed away. Thus
the buildings of the ancient Irish monasteries
were invariably surrounded by a species of forti
fication, consisting either of a rath, made of earth
or palisade work, or a cashel, built of stones ; and
this rath or cashel continued as late as the twelfth
century to form one of their most distinctive fea
tures.2 Copious remains, as we have said, of these
primitive monasteries are still to be seen in vari
ous parts of Ireland. Taking Mr Anderson for
our guide, we will briefly describe one of the most
interesting.
took*861'8 (-)n the lslan(i known as St Michael's Rock,
1 Anderson, Scotland in Early Christian Times, 1st series, p. 77.
2 Ibid., p. 79.

CHURCH ON ST MICHAEL'S ROCK. 349
about twelve miles from the coast of Kerry,
perched upon a precipitous cliff, which runs sheer
from the sea some eight hundred feet, may be
seen the remains of a Celtic church and monas
tery. The cells are of beehive shape, and built
without mortar. The largest measures fifteen
feet in length by twelve in breadth ; the walls
are fully six feet and a half thick, and rise verti
cally to the height of seven feet, when the vaulting
begins, ending at the height of sixteen feet or so
in a round opening, which might be closed by a
single stone. The entrance is three feet ten inches
high, and two and a half feet wide. Over it there
is a small opening, above which again a cross of
white quartz-stone is built into the wall. Besides
these cells, there are still to be seen within the
enclosure two buildings of totally different form.
They are not of circular shape, like the cells, but
rectangular ; the doorway is on the western side,
while on the east there is a window-opening, below
which may still be discerned the remains of an
altar-platform. Two spots, surrounded by circu
lar stone walls, still within the general enclosure,
mark the burying-places of the monks.1
With some slight modifications, the peculiarities
of construction which we have noted are found
repeated in the remains of buildings on the island
of Innismurry, and also on St Senach's Isle, off
the coast of Kerry. The special features of these
1 Anderson, op. cit, p. 84.

350 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Character, ancient Irish monastic structures have been clearly
istie of _ -'
Irish mon- and concisely described by Anderson, in his learned
asticarchi- J -1
tecture. WOrk on Early Christian Scotland. "They ex
ist," he says, " as composite groups comprising
one or more churches, placed in association with
monastic dwellings, which consist of dry - built
cells of beehive shape, the whole settlement be
ing enclosed within a cashel, or rampart of un-
cemented stones. (2.) The churches found in this
association are invariably of small size and rude
construction. (3.) Whether they are lime-built
with perpendicular walls, or dry -built and roofed
like the dwellings, by bringing the walls grad
ually together, they are always rectangular on
the ground-plan, and single chambered. (4.) They
have usually a west doorway, and always an east
window over the altar." 1
Remains We shall find in Scotland, iust as in Ireland
of Celtic iii-
monas- although in a much less perfect state of preserva-
scotiand. tion, the remains of the earliest religious edifices
on those small islands which, from the facilities
which they offered for a life of retirement and
recollection, had a special attraction for the Cel
tic monks. Among them we may mention the
skye. cells on an island in Loch Columcille, in Skye,
and those on one of the Garveloch islands, lying
between Scarba and Mull. A well on the latter
island still bears the name of Tobar Cholum-na-
chille, or Columba's well. A third cluster of cells
1 Anderson, op. cit., pp. 92, 93.

Garveloch.

EARLY CHURCHES WITH CHANCELS. 351
was erected on the Brough of Deerness, in Orkney, Deemess.
on one of those diminutive islets which lie a little
way off the rugged and precipitous cliffs of Deer
ness. An example of the cells or oratories of a
slightly later type, as evidenced by the radiating
vault of the roof, the squared stones, and the
lime used in the construction, is afforded by the
little chapel on the isle of Inchcolm, in the Firth inchcoim.
of Forth. This building, which measures sixteen
feet in length, the walls being three feet thick,
was in all probability the oratory of the hermit
mentioned by Bower in his continuation of the
Scotichronicon of Fordun. Bower relates that
King Alexander I. , when wrecked on one occasion
on this island, received hospitality from a hermit
living there, who followed the rule of St Columba,
and whose only means of support was milk and
fish. Bower himself was, in the fifteenth century,
abbot of the monastery erected by Alexander at
Inchcolm, in fulfilment of a vow made on the
occasion of his shipwreck.1
From the primitive type of building which we chanceiied
have described, was developed in course of time a
somewhat more elaborate style of construction.
To the single chamber of which the churches at
first consisted, there was now added a chancel to
the east. This was either connected with the
original church by a rounded arch, or else simply
built on to it as a separate structure, a small
1 Scotichronicon, lib. v. c. 37. ¦ See ante, vol. i. p. 286

352 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
doorway uniting the two buildings. It is worthy
of note, as Anderson has pointed out, that whereas
"the Roman type, which subsequently became Eu
ropean, was basilican in form, having its east end
constructed in a rounded apse, here, on the other
hand, the earlier churches are not basilican in
form, but are invariably small oblong rectangular
buildings, with square ends and high-pitched roofs
of stone. No example of an apsidal termination
exists among them ; and whatever may be the
secret of their derivation, they are certainly not
built after what was known as the Roman man
ner. Their special features, as has been shown,
are the extreme rudeness of their construction,
the extreme simplicity of their form, the insig
nificance of their dimensions, and the total absence
of any attempt at ornament or refinement of de
tail." x A small tower was usually added to the
chancel. A peculiar example of an early Celtic
Egiisay. tower is found in the parish church of Egilsay,2 in
Orkney, which, besides the eastern chancel, has
a round tower at the western end. The whole
building is of very irregular construction, some of
the stones being as much as four feet long. The
tower is seven feet in internal diameter, and the
walls at its base some three and a half feet thick.3
1 Anderson, op. cit, pp. 127, 128.
2 According to Prof. Monch, a corruption of Ecclesia— the church
—contemporary, it has been thought, with St Magnus himself. See
Scottish Review (Jan. 1887). — Translator.
3 Anderson, op. cit., pp. 37-41.

ROUND TOWERS IN SCOTLAND. 353
Besides the tower just mentioned, which is in Round
connection with the main building of the church,
two other and more celebrated towers still exist
in Scotland, which, like the campaniles of Italy,
are altogether detached from any neighbouring
structure. The famous round tower of Brechin, Brechin.
which rises on the south-west of the cathedral, is
constructed of large unequal blocks of reddish-
grey sandstone. The masonry is excellent, the
stones shaped to the circular form of the tower,
but not laid in regular courses. Some of those
near the base are as much as five feet long. The
height, from the base to the octagonal -pointed
summit, is eighty-six feet nine inches. The build
ing tapers gradually upwards, and the interior is
divided into seven sections. The entrance of the
tower deserves particular mention. It is on the
western side, and is in the form of a semicircular
arch, which is surmounted by a figure of the
Crucifixion. Each side of the arch is ornamented
by a small statue, one carrying a pastoral staff
of the ancient Celtic walking-stick shape, and the
other bearing a cross -headed or so-called Tau-
staff, and also a book. The arch is further
adorned by a row of pellets running round it,
between two narrow fillets.1
The only other round tower in Scotland is that Abernethy.
at Abernethy, in Perthshire. Like the tower of
Brechin, it rises close to the ancient church. Its
1 Anderson, op. cit, pp. 37-41.
VOL. II. Z

354 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
height is about seventy-two feet, and the stones
of which it is built are of circular shape and
twelve or sixteen inches high. Up to the twelfth
course the builder has employed grey sandstone,
which has almost entirely resisted the weather ;
while the remainder is built of a buff-coloured
freestone, now much worn away, especially at the
joints. The thickness of the wall at the base is
three feet and a half, which gradually tapers to
about two feet seven inches. This difference, of
course, is inconsiderable in proportion to the
height of the tower, which consequently appears
somewhat heavy, and lacks the gracefulness of
outline which distinguishes the tower of Brechin.
The entrance is towards the north, and is placed
some two and a half feet above the ground. The
stones surrounding the doorway are not perfectly
upright, but, as at Brechin, converge slightly to
wards the top of the entrance. The interior is
divided into six stages or sections.
A comparison of these two interesting struc
tures will show that the differences between them
are unimportant, while in plan and execution
they present many points of close resemblance.
" They are both," remarks Anderson, " situated
in ancient churchyards, and both unconnected
with any remains whether of monastery or church.
From their form and structure it is apparent that
they have never been so connected, and that they
were designed from the first to stand alone.

ROUND TOWERS IN SCOTLAND. 355
From the solidity of their construction and the
completeness of their preservation it is also
reasonable to conclude that, if there had ever
been many like them, traces of their remains
would have been left in other localities to bear
witness to the former existence of a type of struc
ture so strong and so striking. But there are no
such remains, and there is no evidence of any
kind that there ever were more of these towers
on the mainland of Scotland. Yet looking to
their completeness of character, and their general
correspondence of form, structure, and arrange
ments, it is impossible to regard them as freaks,
or accidental products of local circumstances.
Thus the archseologist, conducting his investiga
tion on scientific principles, is inevitably led to
the conclusion that they are outlying specimens
of a well-marked type, which must have existed
somewhere, if not in Scotland." x We need, in
fact, go no farther than Ireland to find there no Round
• pi i 'ii *°wers m
fewer than seventy-six of these round towers still Ireland.
remaining.2 We know how deep and wide was
the influence exercised by the Irish Church on
the early Christianity of Scotland, and we cannot
doubt that the towers both of Brechin and Aber-
1 Anderson, op. cit, p. 45.
2 At Hythe in Kent, and Beckley in Oxfordshire (besides a
truncated specimen at Little Saxham), round towers are still to be
seen, in connection with their respective churches, from which,
however, they woidd appear to have been originally distinct.—
Translator.

356 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
nethy were erected by Irish monks. We ought
not to pass without mention the well-known
quadrangular tower of St Regulus at St Andrews,
which, however, with its three round arches and
other special features, bears a Romanesque rather
than a purely Celtic character.1
Date of With regard to the date of the erection of the
their erec- °
tion. round towers, it may with safety be assigned to
the period between the end of the ninth and
the beginning of the twelfth centuries, a period
which was one of transition between the flat-
lintelled style of ecclesiastical architecture and
that of the round-arched Romanesque. It was,
as we know, a time of continuous peril both to
Ireland and Scotland from the irruptions of the
Northmen ; and it was, we cannot doubt, for
defence against these barbarian incursions that
the round towers were erected, not only as a
refuge for ecclesiastics, but also as a secure hid
ing-place for relics, shrines, books, bells, crosiers,
and other treasures of the Church. The con
jecture of the learned Dr Petrie, that the towers,
or some of them at least, were constructed as
early as the eighth century, hardly seems to be
supported by sufficient evidence.2
1 Anderson {op cit., pp. 33-42) gives a full description of the towers,
with several illustrations.
2 Earlier archaeologists have, as is well known, claimed for the
round towers of Ireland even greater antiquity. The theory to
which General Valiancy, at the end of the last century, lent the
authority of his vast erudition — viz., that they were originally fire-

THE BOOK OF DEER. 357
Not less valuable, as records of the Celtic Celtic man-
Church, than the buildings which we have been
describing, are the few precious manuscripts which
have been preserved from those early times.
Foremost among these is the well-known Book of The Book
... of Deer.
Deer. This manuscript, which in the seventeenth
century belonged to John Moore, bishop of Nor
wich, was in the year 1715 acquired, together
with the rest of Dr Moore's valuable library, by
the University of Cambridge, through the munif
icence of George I. It was not, however, until
the year 1860, nearly a century and a half later,
that the attention of scholars was first directed to
it by Mr Bradshaw, the University librarian of
Cambridge. It is written in small Roman min
uscule characters, with the modifications common
to Irish and Anglo-Saxon MSS., the ornamenta
tion being of the well-known Celtic zoomorphic
type. The contents of the book are the six first
temples — was the natural corollary of his speculations as to the
Semitic or Phoenician affinities of the Celtic race and language.
Apart from any more positive indication, the use of cement in these
structures, as well as the absence of any reference to them in the
topographical nomenclature of Ireland, is a strong presumption
against this theory. Dr Petrie, who assigns the earliest of the
towers to the lifetime of St Patrick, bases his inference chiefly on
the perfect agreement in style of the round towers with the original
churches of that period. There is also a popular and widespread
tradition assigning the erection of several of the existing towers to
Goban Saer, who flourished in the seventh century. Dr Petrie,
however, is in agreement with Mr Anderson in regarding the ninth
and tenth centuries as the probable date of the erection of most of
the towers ; while he places some of them as late as the thirteenth.
— Translator.

358 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
and part of the seventh chapters of St Matthew's
Gospel, the first four and part of the fifth
chapters of St Mark, the three first chapters of
St Luke, the entire Gospel of St John, a portion
of the Celtic office for the Visitation of the Sick,1
and the Apostles' Creed. The text of the Gospels
is mainly that of the Vulgate, with certain varia
tions, however, such as are usually met with in
the Irish manuscripts. The only passage in the
Celtic language which occurs is a rubric, in the
office of the Visitation, directing the administra
tion of the Viaticum : " Here give to him the
sacrifice." 2 According to the learned editor of
the Book of Deer, the volume, which is of small
octavo form, containing eighty - six leaves, was
probably written in the monastery of Deer, in
Buchan, and may be assigned to a date not later
than the ninth century.3 It is, we need not say,
its value, of special interest and value to the student of
early Church history, if only as an addition to
our scanty knowledge of the attainments of the
Columban monks. " It tells us that the clerics
of Deer still followed the example of their first
1 This fragment will be found in the Appendix (No. VI.) We
may mention that two other early copies of the Gospel, now in the
library of Trinity College, Dublin, contain similar offices for the
Visitation of the Sick. One of these MSS., written by Dimma
Mace Nathi, is known as the Book of Dimma ; the other is called
the Book of Moling. "Nomen autem scriptoris Mulling dicitur."
Moling, Bishop of Ferns, died in 697.
2 " Hisund dubeir sacorfaice dau." See post, p. 399.
3 Book of Deer (Stuart), pp. xvii-xxiii.

THE BOOK OF DEER. 359
founder, who was famed as a diligent scribe. It
shows us that besides being expert caligraphists,
having some skill in painting and illumination,
they were educated men, having a sufficient
knowledge of at least one language besides their
own to enable them to transcribe it intelligently,
and to use it in the services of the Church. This
is not much to say of them, but it is a great deal
more than we have it in our power to say of any
other community or institution from similar evi
dence, if we except the parent community of Iona
itself."1 On blank leaves or margins of the manuscript Gaelic en-
, tries in the
of Deer — which, as we have said, is, with the Book of
. ... Deer-
exception of a single phrase, written entirely in
Latin — there are a number of entries in the Gaelic
language, belonging probably to the eleventh or
twelfth century. Some two hundred years after
the death of the monastic scribe, who ended his
work by asking of the reader a prayer for the
soul of the sinner who wrote it,2 another hand
added these notices in the Celtic language of the
time. They refer mainly to the various grants
made to the monastery at different times, com
mencing with its foundation ; and they are of
interest as showing that, down to the time of
1 Anderson, Scotland in Early Christian Times, vol. i. pp. 138, 139.
2 Thus translated by Stokes : " Be it on [the] conscience of every
one in whom shall be for grace the booklet with splendour, that he
give a blessing on the soul of the wretchock [misellus] who wrote
it." — Book of Deer, p. Ix.

360 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
David I. and the introduction of the feudal sys
tem into Scotland, the Gaelic tongue was spoken
in parts of the country where no trace of it now
remains.
Early copy Another valuable manuscript of the Scoto-Celtic
of Adam-
nan's Life. Church is the ancient copy of Adamnan's Life of
St Columba, which was discovered in 1845, by
Dr Keller of Zurich, in the Schaffhausen library.
It was for centuries in the possession of the mon
astery of Reichenau, on Lake Constance, whither
Irish and Scottish monks formerly resorted in
large numbers. The date at which the manu
script was brought from Scotland is unknown ;
but it would appear from internal evidence to
have been transcribed by Dorbeni, the same who
died Abbot of Iona, nine years after the death of
Adamnan.1
st coium- St Columba himself is well known to have been
ha as a
scribe. an industrious scribe ; and we have seen how, up
to the very day of his death, he was engaged on
a transcription of the Psalms. There is a cele
brated manuscript, which formerly belonged to
Book of the monastery founded by the saint at Durrow,
Durrow. in Ireland, and which a well-grounded tradition
asserts to have been the work of his own hand.
It is a volume of 248 leaves (now in the possession
of Trinity College, Dublin), containing the four
Gospels according to the Vulgate. Each of the
Gospels is preceded by a well-executed painting
1 See ante, vol. i. p. 147.

EARLY CELTIC MANUSCRIPTS. 361
representing the animal symbolic of the Evangel
ist. It was, we know, the custom of the Celtic
Church to preserve the copies of the Gospels in
costly cases. The manuscript of Durrow pos
sessed such a case, which was seen by Roderick
O'Flaherty as late as 1677, but disappeared in the
troubled times that followed.1 Besides this copy
of the Gospels, St Columba is said to have writ
ten the Psalter known as Cathach or Battler, £hf, .
' Cathach.
which belonged to the family of O'Donnell, and is
now, together with its silver case, constructed in
the eleventh century, in the possession of the
Royal Irish Academy.2 We cannot, finally, pass
without mention the magnificent book of the
Gospels which was written at Lindisfarne in the Gospels of
Lindis-
seventh century, in a Celtic hand, although by farna
Anglo-Saxon scribes. The elaborate and beauti
ful ornamentation of this manuscript is perhaps
only excelled by that of the famous Book of Kells,
to which Giraldus Cambrensis referred with won
der and admiration in the twelfth century.3
The Celtic manuscripts which we have been

1 Anderson, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 144-146.
2 It is curious to note, with reference to the venerable tradition
that this Psalter was written by St Columba's own hand, that the
wording of Psalm xxxiii. 2, differs from that cited by Adamnan
( Vita, lib. iii. c. 24) as the last verse written by the saint before his
death. See Reeves (Introd. to Life, p. lxxxvi). — Translator.
3 The Annals of Ulster (an. 1006), and also the Four Masters, re
cord that this book, which they style the " Great Gospel of Colum-
cille," was stolen from the church of Cenannus {i.e., Kells), and re
covered after the lapse of two months. — Translator.

362 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Pecuiiari- considering present, when compared with Greek
Celtic man- and Italian writings of the same date, a marked
uscripts. °
individuality of their own, not only in the general
character of their caligraphy, but also in the style
of their decorations, which are often of the most
elaborate nature. The contrast has been well
pointed out by Mr Anderson. " The characteris
tics," he observes, " of the manuscripts of Greece
and Italy previous to the eighth century were, (l)
that they were written in letters of one uniform
size, the initials plain, and but slightly, if at all,
enlarged ; (2) the first two or three lines were
distinguished by being written in red letters ; (3)
drawings were but rarely inserted, and seldom
occupied entire pages, as they usually consisted of
illustrations of the subject, and were intercalated
in the text. The contrast to this in the character
of the decorated manuscripts of the Celtic school is
sufficiently striking. They have the initial letters
written of gigantic size. Their decorations are
not of the nature of illustrations of the subject,
but simple ornamentation elaborated to a degree
which renders it bewildering. But the analysis
of its nature reduces it to a few simple elements
— the use of dots in different-coloured inks ; the
employment of simple interlaced work in panels of
different colours ; the use of composite interlaced
work, made up of the bodies and limbs of impos
sible animals, or of human figures, intertwisted
and contorted in an utterly unnatural manner ; a

RELICS OF THE CELTIC CHURCH. 363
peculiar adaptation of the double spiral, &c. Most
of these elements are more or less common to the
decorative art of other times and other regions ;
but the peculiar combinations and uses of them,
which are so characteristic of the school in which
these manuscripts were produced, are not found
beyond the range of Celtic influence." 1
The impulse which has been given of late years other relics
r _ & J oftheCel-
to antiquarian research, especially in all that re- tio church.
lates to the early Christianity of these islands,
has been the means of bringing to light a con
siderable number of valuable relics of the monas
tic period of the Scottish Church. The excavation
of a large sandhill at Birsay, in Orkney, in 1862,
resulted in the discovery of a burial-place a hun
dred and sixty-eight feet in diameter, and some
fifteen feet deep. Besides numerous remains of
human skeletons, and household implements of
various kinds, there was found an interesting
relic of the Celtic church, in the shape of a bell Beiis.
which had undoubtedly been used in connection
with the labours of the early missionaries. Its
dimensions are twelve inches in height, and nine
inches by seven in width. It has been satisfac
torily proved that there existed at Birsay a com
munity of Celtic monks, who were slain in one of
the incursions of the Northmen, and buried on
the same spot. Earl Thorfinn, as we have seen,2
1 Anderson, op. cit., vol. i. p. 157.
2 See ante, vol. i. p. 263.

364 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
erected a church at Birsay about the year 1060,
on the conversion of the Northmen to Christian
ity. The spot thus selected would naturally be
one already sacred by its history and associations ;
and a venerable tradition, which is testified to by
an illustrated description of Birsay published in
1774, did, in fact, connect Birsay with a Colum-
ban community, and an ancient church dedicated
to their holy founder. Special interest attaches
to the bell recently discovered here, in the fact
that it was not improbably blessed by St Columba
hhnself, and sent by him' to the Orkneys. We
know from his Life by Adamnan that the saint,
when residing at the Court of King Brude, be
spoke the protection of a chief of Orkney for the
missionaries whom he had sent thither, and that
St Cormac, the leader of the mission, owed to this
circumstance the preservation of his life.1
Other bells of a similar character have been
found at Birnie in Moray, Glenlyon, and else
where. They are made of iron, coated with
bronze ; the different parts are hammered and
riveted together, as boilers are constructed now ;
they are of quadrangular form and tapering to
wards the top, which is surmounted by a handle.
A few examples made entirely of bronze, and gen
erally more artistically finished, still exist, such
as the bell of St Adamnan at Insh, and those of
St Kentigern, St Fillan, and St Finan, the last
1 Adamnan, Vita S. Columbce, lib. ii. cap. 43.

CROSIER OP ST FILLAN. 365
of which was discovered in a private house in
Hertfordshire (whither it had been brought from
Scotland in 1798), and is now in the Edinburgh
Museum. The Royal Irish Academy possesses
one of the oldest of these bells. It is commonly
known as St Patrick's, and is preserved in a case
adorned with Celtic ornamentation of the most
elaborate kind.
Of this class of objects which have been pre- st man's
crosier.
served to us from the days of early Celtic Chris
tianity, the most valuable and interesting of all
is perhaps the famous crosier of St Fillan. The
history of the discovery of this curious relic affords
a singular illustration of the slight interest which,
up to recent times, was taken in the acquisition
of such objects. It was in July 1782 that a
student of Christchurch, Oxford, when on a vaca
tion ramble, discovered in the cottage of a day- itsdiscov-
labourer named Malise Doire, in the village of
Killin, on Loch Tay, the upper part of St Fillan's
crosier, which was popularly known as the Quig-
rich. There was shown to him at the same time
a copy, certified under the Privy Seal of Scotland,
of a document granted on July 6, 1487; by King
James III. to Malise Doire, confirming to him the
possession of the relic, which had belonged to his
ancestors since, and before, the time of Robert
Bruce. The existence of this remarkable object
was communicated by the traveller to the Society
of Antiquaries of Scotland, who, however, appear

366 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
to have taken no steps to acquire it ; and the
possessor shortly afterwards emigrated to Amer
ica, taking the relic with him. Fortunately it
was not lost sight of; and a few years ago the
directors of the National Museum were enabled
to secure the treasure for the sum of five hundred
dollars, and thus to restore it to Scotland.
Only the upper part of the staff, or crosier
proper, exists. It is about nine inches in height,
and consists of an outer case of silver, which en
closed the corresponding portion of an inner and
more ancient crosier, made of bronze, ornamented
with niello - work in copper. The silver case,
which is wrought by hand, and adorned with
filigree-work, consists of three parts : the crook,
which is of the ancient Celtic, or walking-slick,
form ; the bulb, into which it was inserted ; and
an ornamental cresting, binding together the dif
ferent portions. Eight lozenge -shaped plaques
ornament the crook, the workmanship of these
being evidently that of two separate hands.
" One is an elegant scroll-work, formed of a single
wire, irregularly placed, but boldly designed ; the
other is a geometrical pattern, poor in design and
feeble in execution," x and obviously of much later
date. The first or earlier filigree-work was the
original ornamentation of the ancient crosier of
bronze which was contained inside the silver case.
These filigree plaques were at some time stripped
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. i. p. 220.

CROSIER OF ST FILLAN. 367
from the older crook and affixed to the outer
covering ; and it then became necessary to com
plete the ornamentation of the latter, which was
done by means of the later and inferior work
mentioned above. " Before the older crosier was
thus stripped of its filigree plaques, it must have
been a work of art of no common order. In style
and execution its filigree patterns greatly resemble
those on the cover of the Prayer-book of Charles
the Bald, preserved in the Louvre, and dating
from the first half of the ninth century." 1
A fragment of another pastoral staff of copper, other
ancient
or coppered bronze, was found near the church of crosiers.
Hoddam, one of the foundations of St Kentigern,
and is now in the Museum at Edinburgh. The
only other relic of the kind known to exist is the
Bachul More, or "great staff," of St Moluag of
Lismore, which is only two feet ten inches in
length, and is made of wood, partly plated with
copper gilt. It is now in the possession of the
Duke of Argyll.
The proprietorship of the crosier of St Fillan Privileges
. ,... . • -l i i • • i attachedto
carried with it certain civil and ecclesiastical st Fiiian's
. ., p • i • crosier.
privileges, which are of great importance and in
terest. The deed of confirmation of which we have
spoken, granted by King James IIL, sets forth as
follows : 1. The crosier has been from the time of
Robert Bruce, and before, in the possession of
the family of Doire or Dewar. 2. It has been
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. i. p. 223.

368 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
known from time immemorial by the name of the
Quigrich. 3. The owner for the time being is,
with regard to the possession of the relic, declared
free from all ecclesiastical and civil interference.
4. He is responsible in this matter only to the
king and his successors. 5. It is forbidden to
any man to put any hindrance in his way, when
he travels through the kingdom with the relic.
Another document, dated in the year 1428, gives
the result of an inquiry which was held on April
22d of that year by the Bailie of Glendochart,
with reference to the crosier of St Fillan.
Fifteen witnesses, it would appear, confirmed on
oath the following facts : 1. The owner of the
relic termed the Coygerach, whose name was Jore
or Dewar, received yearly, from every inhabitant
who possessed a merk of land in the parish of
Glendochart, half a boll of meal ; those who
possessed less, to give in proportion to the amount
of land which they held. 2. The custody of the
Coygerach was believed to have been granted to
an ancestor of the then possessor, Finlay Dewar,
by a successor or Co-arb of St Fillan. 3. Finlay
Dewar was acknowledged as the right and lawful
inheritor of this privilege. 4. It was believed to
date from a period anterior to that of Robert
Bruce. 5. In return for the rights and privileges
which they possessed, the hereditary guardians
of the relic were bound to the following services :
If any inhabitant of the parish were robbed of

VENERATION PAID TO RELICS. 369
cattle or other property, and were unable to pur
sue the thief either from not knowing who he was,
or from fear of his enemies, he would send four
pence, or else food and a pair of shoes, to " Dewar
of the Coygerach," who was then bound to make
search for the stolen property within the bounds
of the kingdom of Scotland.1
We can infer, from the existence of the curious Veneration
...... for the
obligation just cited, what special significance was relic.s of
anciently attached to the possession of St Fillan's saints-
crosier. The custodian of the relic for the time
being was in fact regarded as the legitimate suc
cessor of the Abbot of Glendochart. The staff
itself, as an undoubted relic of St Fillan, would
be regarded by the people with the utmost vener
ation. Giraldus Cambrensis mentions that in
his time, bells, rings, pastoral staffs, and similar
relics of the saints, were held in such reverence
in Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, that the people
would fear to swear falsely upon them even more
than upon the Gospels themselves.2 The duty
of the possessor of the crosier would thus be to
1 Anderson, op. cit, pp. 229,230. "Pro quibus commodis et
privilegiis prsefati jurati dicunt, quod si contigerit aliqua bona vel
cataUa rapta esse vel furata ab aliquo dictam parochiam de Glen-
dochirde habitante . . . turn idem (Jore de la Coygerach) prose-
quetur dicta catalla."
2 Itinerarium Cambrice, lib. i. cap.' ii. So the Annals of Innis-
fallen (quoted by Moore, Hist of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 33) tell how
the son of the Earl of Clare and Bryan Roe O'Brien swore to each
other " all the oaths in Munster, as bells, bachals, and relicks of saints,
to be true to one another." See Annals of Four Masters (ed. Con-
nellan), ann. 1277, p. 90. — Translator.
VOL. II. 2 A

370 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
trace and identify the supposed robbers, who
would be compelled, together with all the adult
inhabitants of the suspected village, to clear
themselves by taking an oath upon the relic.
The Clog-oir, or golden bell of St Serf, would
appear to have been employed for a similar pur
pose as late as the year 1834.
The researches of Dr Stuart1 have made it
clear that the staff of St Fillan was in all probabil-
Sacred ity numbered among the sacred vexilla or battle-
vexilla or .
battie-en- ensigns of Scotland, and as such was borne mto
signs.
the field of Bannockburn in 1314. The Scots
possessed similar sacred standards in the staff
and psalter of St Columba, and the famous Black
Cross of St Margaret, which was taken by the
English at the battle of Neville's Cross in 1346.2
Besides the relics which we have mentioned,
there is another still in existence, which the re
searches of Mr Anderson have shown almost, if
not quite, conclusively to be no other than the
celebrated and sacred object known for ages as
The Bree- the Brecbennoch. The earliest notice which we
bennoch.
have of this is in a grant made by William the
Lion, between 1204 and 1211, to the monks of
1 Proceedings of Soe. of Antiq. Scoti., vol. xii. p. 134.
2 "Crucem Scotiee nigram." — MS. Life of Marg. by Turgot
(Brit. Mus.) The cross had been brought to Scotland by Margaret,
who left it as an heirloom to her sons. David I. built for its re
ception the beautiful church of Holyrood. The Black Cross was
carried off to England by Edward I., but restored by Queen Isa
bella in 1327. — Translator.

THE BRECBENNOCH. 371
Arbroath. " I have granted and confirmed " —
thus runs the document — " to the monks of Ar
broath the custody of the Brachbennoch, and to
the same monks the land of Forglen given to St
Columba and to the Brachbennoch ; . . . they
making in return the service in the army with
the aforesaid brachbennach (sic), which is due to
me from these lands." 1 The grant is repeated in
almost the same terms in a confirmation of Alex
ander II. in 12 14-121 8. 2 A century later the
lands of Forglen, together with the Brecbennoch,
and all rights and duties thereto appertaining,
were granted by Abbot Bernard and the convent
to Malcolm of Monymusk.3 In 1411 they appear
to have reverted to the monastery, and a few
years later were conferred on the family of Irvine
of Drum. Alexander Irvine did homage in 1481
for the lands of Forglen,. and promised to do ser
vice in the king's army, when caUed on by the
abbot and convent, under their standard — namely,
the Brecbennoch.
As to what the Brecbennoch really was, it IHP?'ob"
J able iden-
has perhaps been somewhat too hastily assumed thJiviony-
that it was some sort of banner.4 The word is JJ^.1611"
1 Regist Vet. de Aberbrothoc, p. 10. At what period the Brec
bennoch was first associated with Forglen (the parish church of
which was dedicated to St Adamnan) is unknown. The monks of
Arbroath would of course perform the military service by a lay-
substitute. — Translator.
2 Ibid., p. 73. 3 Ibid., p. 296.
4 See Reeves, Pref. to Adamnan, p. xcvii ; Reg. Vet. de Aber-
broth., Pref. p. xxiii.

372 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
of course akin to Clog-bennoch — sacred bell — and
others of the same kind, and signifies a sacred or
blessed breac. The only breac known to exist at
present is the Breac -Modoc, preserved in St
Modois Church at Drumbane until 1846, and
now in the possession of the Royal Irish Academy.
But this breac is not a banner of any kind, but
a reliquary of the form and construction employed
in the Celtic Church. It is at least probable,
therefore, that the Brecbennoch of St Columba
was a reliquary of the same kind ; and this con
jecture is confirmed by the interesting fact that
a reliquary of precisely similar description still
exists in the possession of the ancient family of
Monymusk, to whom, as we have seen, the cus
tody of the Brecbennoch was committed in the
fourteenth century. "If this be not the missing
vexillum," remarks Anderson,1 " it is certainly one
of the strangest coincidences that a reliquary
answering in so many particulars to the Brec
bennoch should still be preserved at Monymusk."
The shrine in question, apart from its historic in
terest, is a work of no little artistic beauty. It is
Description made of wood, plated partly with bronze, partly
ofthereli- . ' r r / r J
quary. with silver. The form of the reliquary is that of
the temple of Jerusalem, as depicted in the Book
of Kells. It is ornamented profusely with the
Celtic zoomorphic designs, and with an elaborate
and beautiful pattern of diverging spirals and
1 Op. cit., vol. i. p. 250.

EARLY SCULPTURED MONUMENTS. 373
trumpet-scrolls. It is further adorned with a
number of enamels and precious stones, and is
provided with rings on either side, doubtless for
the passage of the staves or poles by which it
was carried. The shrine would of course contain
some portion of the relics of the great national
saint whose name it bore ; but no express men
tion of these is made in the documents to which
we have referred.
In addition to the various kinds of relics which Sculptured
. . monu-
have been described in the foregoing pages, there ments.
has yet to be mentioned another class of monu
ments, which still exist in different parts of the
country, and testify to the faith of the Celtic
people and to the gradual development of art
in their midst. These are the sculptured stones,
which, according to the latest archaeological re
searches, fall naturally into three groups or divi
sions. In the first are those whose characteristic
feature is the cross. These are found in an erect
position : they are carefully shaped, and an orna
mental design of beading or pellet-work usually
runs round the edges. The cross is found, as a
rule, on the obverse side, while the reverse is
covered with a great variety of figures of men
and beasts. The cross, which generally occupies
the full length of the stone, is of peculiar form,
the arms being frequently connected by a circle.
The ornamentation of the cross consists of inter
lacing patterns, spirals, and fretwork, which is

374 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
sometimes confined to the stem, at others cover
ing the arms also. Among the subjects most
frequently represented on the reverse side of the
stones are figures of horsemen, stag-hunts, men
killing lions, lions attacking men, and similar
subjects. A glance at the style of ornamentation
found on these stones is sufficient to show that it
is ofthe same distinctively Celtic character which,
as we have already seen, distinguishes the manu
scripts and metal- work of that period. Examples
of the class of stone monuments which we have
been describing have been discovered throughout
a wide district of eastern Scotland, extending
from Fife to Caithness. Not a single specimen
has been found in the west of Scotland, the Heb
rides, Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, or Scandinavia.1
The second group of sculptured stones consists
of unshaped boulders of oblong form, bearing the
cross on the obverse side, like the monuments just
described, and decorated with symbolic figures on
the reverse. There is, however, a marked differ
ence between the sculptures of this and the former
class of monuments, inasmuch as they are never
in relief, but always in incised work. The sphere
within which these stones have been found is
practically identical with that mentioned in the
preceding paragraph. In a few cases the peculiar
features of these two classes run into one another,
the cross being sometimes carved in relief, while
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. p. 73.

EARLY SCULPTURED MONUMENTS. 375
the symbolic figures are incised. There is little
doubt that these unshaped slabs represent a type
of monument considerably anterior to those of
which we have spoken above.
The third and last group consist of detached
crosses, carved out of the solid stone, and stand
ing upright on pedestals. The most important
example of this class is a cross in Iona, which
measures fourteen feet in height, and two feet in
breadth at the bottom of the shaft. The orna
mentation closely resembles that found on the
first class of monuments which we have described.
Crosses of the same kind, differing only slightly
in detail, have been discovered in Galloway and
the Isle of Man. Others have been found whose
decoration consists of carved patterns of foliage.
The employment of this exhibits an undoubted
decadence from the early purity of the Celtic
style, which admitted only the zoomorphic orna
mentation. That these crosses belong to a later
period is further evident from the figure of the
crucifix being not unfrequently represented on
them, which is never the case in the earliest
Celtic art. The majority of them have been dis
covered in the Western Highlands.1
Recent excavations in Iona have brought to
light two stone crosses, for which Mr Anderson
is probably right in claiming a higher antiquity
than for any of those which we have mentioned.
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 82, 83.

376 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
One is described as a mere boulder of granite,
measuring some twenty inches by fifteen, and
bearing on one side a cross of Celtic form. These
slabs have no ornamentation of any kind ; they
are, in fact, " the plainest and simplest monu
ments which it is possible to conceive — stones
unshaped and unerected, merely marked with the
symbol of the cross." a
Omamenta- The ornamentation of the monuments bearing
tion on the .
cross-bear- the cross on the obverse consists, as a rule, of
ing monu- _ _ .
ments. three kinds of decoration — namely, interlaced
work, fretwork, and divergent spirals. These are
formed sometimes of single lines or bands — some
times of two, three, or more, woven together in
highly artistic patterns, which are divided into
regularly recurring panels on the surface of the
slab. The whole character of the work is marked
by an originality and power which bears witness
to the intense feeling with which the artists must
have been animated. The reproduction of the
more elaborate of these monuments requires no
small degree of artistic skill ; and their original
designers must have possessed a culture, an
educated taste, and a facility of art-composition
which is rarely met with in the history of com
munities. The Celtic sculptures doubtless drew
their inspiration largely from the earlier and
elaborately illuminated manuscripts, as is indeed
clearly demonstrated by a comparison of the
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. p. 87.

ORNAMENTATION OF THE MONUMENTS. 377
ornamentation found in the two classes of monu
ment. It is interesting to note that the earliest
Irish stone monuments are almost Avithout the
ornament which appears so profusely on those
found in Scotland. The former, of course, belong
to the first epoch of Celtic art, while the latter
date from a period which succeeded the highest
development of manuscript decoration, and in
which, therefore, the most perfect and elaborate
examples of ornament were ready to the sculptor's
hand. It is this peculiar style of ornamentation,
which is thus found in manuscripts and stone
monuments alike, that forms the essential char
acteristic of ancient Celtic art.1
Besides the decorative work which we have
described; the cross-bearing monuments are fur
ther ornamented with figure - work of various
kinds. Mr Anderson2 has divided these into
three classes : (l) conventional symbols, such
as the cross, the serpent and rod, the crescent,
the double disc, &c. ; (2) representations of ideal
or mythical subjects, as angels or centaurs; (3)
representations of actually existing forms. All
these in their general treatment and style of
ornamentation bear a distinctively Celtic char
acter. The latter class of representation, bor
rowed largely as it is from the ordinary life of
the period, throws a remarkable and interesting
light upon the customs and civilisation of those
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 106-109. 2 Ibid., p. 118.

378 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
early times. We find in them not only the forms
of the chariots, vessels, weapons, and musical in
struments then in use, but also the various dresses
of the huntsman, the warrior, the pilgrim, and the
priest. It must be noticed that these elaborate
representations are found exclusively on the type
of monument characterised by the cross on the
obverse. The figure-work found on the earlier
type (that without the cross) is alike poor in con
ception and limited in range ; while in the monu
ments of a later date the symbolic figures are
wholly wanting, the cross being found alone.
Historically speaking, the sculptured monuments
would thus fall into three divisions : (l) those
bearing symbols alone ; (2) symbols or figures in
connection with the cross ; (3) the cross alone —
the latter type being that of monuments later
than the twelfth century.1
Free-stand- In addition to the variously ornamented monu
mental slabs, there is, as already mentioned, a
third group of sculptured stones, consisting of
detached free-standing crosses, which may them
selves be subdivided into two classes. The first
of these is distinguished by the ornamentation
being of purely Celtic type — namely, interlaced
work, spirals, and fretwork ; while the second
presents several different features. The crosses
of this latter group, instead of being recessed at
the intersections, have the arms and summit pro-
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 126, 127.

ing crosses.

SYMBOLISM OF THE MONUMENTS. 379
jecting from a solid central circle. The employ
ment of foliage, moreover, in their ornamen
tation, exhibits, as has been said, a distinct
decadence from the Celtic purity of style. These
crosses are, in fact, an adaptation or survival of
Romanesque forms. In eastern Scotland, where
the native sculpture attained its highest perfec
tion, we find hardly any trace of the Roman
influence ; but it prevailed largely in the Western
Highlands and Islands, and continued to flourish
there for centuries. The art which produced the
monuments found in this area can hardly be
called Celtic : it consists rather of Romanesque
conceptions adapted and carried out by Celtic
skill. The true home of Celtic art is the east of
Scotland, where were elaborated those Gospel-
books and Psalters, and those marvels of stone
and metal work, of which the design and execu
tion alike still charm all who behold them.1
With regard to the symbolic representations symbolic
^ representa-
found on the early Celtic monuments, these, as a Jjons °n
J the monu-
rule, although differing in minor details, are of ments-
the same style and character as those which have
been preserved to us in the ancient Christian
remains of other European countries. Among
the groups most frequently represented is that
of Daniel in the den of lions — sometimes between 1. Scrip
tural sub-
two lions, as at St Vigeans, in other cases with jects.
four or seven. The great cross at Iona (called St
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 129-131.

380 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Martin's) contains a representation of the same
subject. Of even more frequent occurrence than
the figure of Daniel is that of Jonas and the
whale, as, for example, in the Woodwray monu
ment, now at Abbotsford. On six of the Scottish
monuments we find the subject of David rending
the jaws of the lion, while a cross-shaft at St
Andrews bears a rude representation of the rais
ing of Lazarus. On the reverse of a slab at Dun
keld is depicted the destruction of Pharao's hosts
in the Red Sea, and another slab at Meigle (de
stroyed by the burning of the church in 1869)
had a group representing the ascent of Elias into
heaven. The symbolism of these representations,
in the ancient Celtic monuments as well as in the
catacombs at Rome and elsewhere, is of course
obvious, and need not be further dwelt op here.1
2. subjects Besides the Scriptural subiects which we have
from nat- x °
uraihis- been describing, there are others which would
seem to be susceptible of an interpretation
either symbolic or realistic — viz., those represen
tations, almost peculiar to the early Celtic monu
ments, which appear to be borrowed from scenes
of contemporary life. We should add, however,
that the realistic method of interpreting these
subjects is opposed by the best qualified authori
ties on ancient Celtic art. " The custom," ob
serves Anderson,2 " of presenting in monumental
1 See Kraus, Realencyclopcedia, vol. i. p. 343, art. Daniel, and vol.
ii. p. 67, art. Jonas. 2 Op. cit, vol. ii. p. 163.

SYMBOLISM OF THE MONUMENTS. 381
sculpture historical representations or secular
scenes derived from the life or times of the persons
commemorated, was not only extremely rare and
exceptional everywhere throughout the whole
period of early Christian art, but was absolutely
unknown in this country so far as any positive
evidence exists. No monument is known to bear
any commemorative reference, sculptured or in
scribed, to any historical event occurring within
the country in early Christian times." The ex
planation and the significance of the representa
tions in question, is in fact to be sought in the
extensive system of symbolism which was devel
oped in the middle ages, and was expressed in
the bestiaries, or spiritualised natural histories of Tbe besti-
those times. It will be sufficient to refer here to
the representations of stags and stag-hunting so
commonly found on ancient slabs. The signifi
cance of these is thus expounded in the Hortus
Deliciarum, or Garden of Delights, a treatise of
the twelfth century, which unfortunately perished
in the siege of Strasburg in 1870. " We offer to
God the spoils of our chase, when, by example or
precept, we convert the wild beasts, that is to
say, the wicked men. The chase of the Christian
is the conversion of sinners. These are repre
sented by hares, by goats, by wild boars, or by
stags. The hares signify the incontinent, the
goats the proud, the wild boars the rich, and the
stags the worldly - wise. These four beasts we

382 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
smite with four darts by our example of continence,
humility, voluntary poverty, and perfect charity ;
we pursue them with dogs when we arouse their
fears by the preaching of the Word." The sym
bolic significance of the tiger in the bestiaries is
represented to us on the stone at Newbiggin of
Leslie, in Aberdeenshire, where we see a tigress
gazing at her image in a mirror, which, according
to the legend, is placed in her way by the hunters,
so that while she remains fascinated before it, they
seize the opportunity to rob her den, and carry off
her cubs. The lesson taught by the representation
is a warning against the seductive influence exer
cised by worldly pleasures on the soul of the
Christian.1
3. conven- There are also found symbolic figures of other
tional ¦ ¦, i i
figures. and purely conventional character — such as the
double circle, with or without the addition of a
Z-shaped rod, the outline of a house, the mirror
and the comb — of which no satisfactory interpre
tation has yet been found. In a range of caves
on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth may
be seen a large number of figures of this kind,
in combination with representations of crosses,
fishes, birds, quadrupeds, serpents, &c. These
symbols are of undoubtedly sacred character, the
caves themselves being traditionally associated
with the hermits of the early Scottish Church.
They would seem to be closely connected with
1 Anderson, op. cit., vol. ii. pp. 163-170.

INSCRIBED CELTIC MONUMENTS. 383
the religious symbolism of the catacombs, while
presenting various features peculiar to Celtic
Christian art.1
The number of inscribed early Christian monu- inscribed
monu
ments in Scotland that have been preserved to us mellts-
is comparatively small. We may instance as one
of the most interesting the inscription on the
stone of St Vigeans, in Forfarshire, already men- The stone
tioned. It is in minuscule characters, bearing a vigeans.
general resemblance to the lettering' of the Book
of Kells and other contemporary manuscripts ;
and Anderson rightly concludes that, had it been
discovered in Ireland, it might reasonably be
ascribed to the end of the ninth century, to which
period the Irish inscriptions in similar characters
(and usuaUy associated with a peculiar form of
cross) have been proved to belong. As it is, all
that can certainly be said is, that the St Vigeans
inscription is of late Celtic character, approximat
ing to the form of lettering employed in Ireland
from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. The
inscription, according to one reading, contains
three proper names : Drosten, which was the
name of the first Abbot of Deer ; Forcus, or Fer
gus, mentioned by Adamnan as a son of Mac Ere ;
and Voret, Ferot, or Pherath, one of the Pictish
kings. Anderson assigns the monument to the
tenth or eleventh century, and conjectures that it
was probably commemorative of the individuals
1 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 176-187.

384 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
mentioned, although not necessarily a sepulchral
memorial erected over their remains.1
Ogham in- Of quite another kind are the inscriptions in
the so-called Ogham character,2 which consist of
certain lines or groups of lines arranged either
straight or obliquely on, under, or through a
stem. These lines or digits are found sometimes
singly, sometimes in groups of from two to five
together. Ogham inscriptions have been discov
ered in various parts of the mainland of Scotland,
as well as in Orkney and Shetland. The different
positions and groupings of the lines, in combina
tion with five other signs,3 form altogether an
alphabet of twenty-five characters. Whatever
the language was which this alphabet represented,
it is clear that its area was conterminous with
the area of those earlier monuments already de
scribed which bear the cross on the obverse, and
figures and other symbols on the reverse. In
scriptions of this class, in fact, undoubtedly belong
to the earliest and purest period of Celtic art, as
is evident from the form of cross with which they
are almost always associated. Dr Graves has
done much towards the deciphering of them by a
comparison of all the known inscriptions with the
1 Anderson, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 200.
2 The name of Ogham is derived, according to an Irish MS. of
the fourteenth century, from its supposed inventor, one Ogma, son
of Elathan. The real origin of the word, however, is very doubtful.
— Translator.3 Probably diphthongs. These characters, however, are undoubt
edly later than the simple lines. — Translator.

RUNIC INSCRIPTIONS. 385
texts ofthe Irish manuscripts of the ninth century.
A number of the monuments bear bilingual in- Bilingual
scriptions — inscriptions, that is, in Latin and in tions.
Roman characters on the face of the stone, and
in the Celtic language and Ogham character on
the edge. The only monument of this class
known to exist in Scotland is the Newton stone
in Aberdeenshire.1
In the same way as the Ogham inscriptions are Runic mon-
•' . . uments.
the expression of the ancient Celtic tongue, so
the monuments inscribed in Runic are the remains
of the old language of the Norsemen. Inscribed
Runic monuments have been found within the
area once conquered and colonised by the Vikings
of Norway, including Orkney, Shetland, the Heb
rides, and Man. The only complete monument
of this kind in the Hebrides is the stone from
Kilbar, in Barra, the inscription upon which,
according to Professor Stephens, reads as foUows :
"Ur and Thur erected this stone after Raskur.
Christ rest his soul." The most interesting monu
ment of this class, however, is the cross at Ruth- The Ruth-
well cross.
weU, in Annandale, with its sculptured scenes
from the life of our Lord and the Blessed Virgin,
and ornamental scroU-work, " treated," as Ander
son remarks, " with all the grace and freedom of
classic naturalism."2 The decipherment of the
1 One has been discovered in Ireland, two in Cornwall, and eleven
in Wales.
2 Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. p. 238.
VOL. II. 2 B

386 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Runic inscription incised on the raised borders of
the shaft is due to the labours of Mr Kemble.
He showed that it consists of a hymn on the
Passion of our Lord, the author of which an in
scription on the upper part of the cross declares
to be Caedmon, an Anglo-Saxon poet of the
seventh century.1
christian As an example of the stiU earlier inscriptions in
ofthe lettering plainly Roman in style, although some-
period, what debased, may be instanced the Catstone, on
the bank of the Almond, six mUes from Edin
burgh. The inscription on this boulder, in mem
ory of one Vetta, son of Victus, has characteristics
which show unmistakably that it is of Christian,
not pagan origin.2 In conclusion, we may refer
to the ancient and interesting monument which
stands near the town of Whithorn, in Wigtown
shire. It is a stone four feet high by two broad,
bearing on one of its sides a cross within a circle,
the cross itself being formed by the intersection of
four arcs of circles. On the left upper corner is
incised the Chrisma or cross of Constantine. This
symbol is first seen in the Roman Catacombs to
wards the beginning of the fourth century; and
1 This was remarkably confirmed by the discovery at Yercelli, in
1823, of an Anglo-Saxon MS. containing a poem of which many of
the lines proved to be identical with the Ruthwell inscription.
See Anderson, op. cit, vol. ii. p. 242. — Translator.
2 The inscription reads : " In oc ttjmulo jacit vbttus f victi,"
— a formula which has never been found on other than Christian
monuments.

MEDIEVAL SCOTTISH ARCHITECTURE. 387
as it appears on monuments of Gaul of about a
hundred years later, it would seem reasonable to
conclude with Anderson1 that such symbols would
not be found in Britain until a still later date.
The Whithorn inscription, therefore, which ap
pears below the sacred sign, and is in rustic Roman
capitals, probably belongs to the end of the sixth
century. It reads thus : " Loci [S]ti Petri
Apustoli." 2
We have reviewed in the preceding pages the The medie-
1 o i o Tal archi-
different periods of Celtic art, and brought to the f^^f
notice of the reader some of its more notable pro
ductions. With the introduction of a regular dio
cesan system, and under the influence of the new
and vigorous religious Orders which came to Scot
land in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries from
England and France, Scottish architectural genius
reached its highest point. The result was the
erection of a number of cathedral and monastic
churches which need not fear comparison with
the noblest creations of medieval art in other
countries. The earliest examples of medieval architecture The Nor-
x manperiod,
in Scotland present aU the characteristics of the 1057-1153.
Norman style, such as we find in contemporary
English structures. The Norman period extended
over the reigns of Malcolm IIL, Edgar, Alexan-
Op. cit., vol. ii. p. 253.
2 It was probably not a sepulchral monument, but, like the stone
of St Vigeans mentioned above, a memorial cross, raised in honour
of the apostle.— Translator.

388 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
der I., and David I. — that is, from the year 1057
to 1153 ; and among the ecclesiastical buildings
of this style still remaining are greater or lesser
portions of the following churches — viz., Dalmeny,
Dunfermline, Dryburgh, St Margaret's Chapel in
Edinburgh Castle (formerly attached to a convent
of noble maidens), Kelso, and the cathedral of
Kirkwall. KirkwaU. The last is a noble structure, of fine
proportions. It was commenced in 1138, and
dedicated to St Magnus : the style is for the most
part pure Norman, but portions are Early English
or Decorated.1 The pfllars of the nave are fifteen
feet in circumference. There is an entrance-door
both in the north and the south aisles, the former
being intended for women and the latter for men.
The eastern portion of the choir, behind the high
Keiso. altar, forms the Lady-chapel. Kelso presents an
interesting example of the late Norman style, with
its massive central tower and richly ornamented
intersecting arcades. In many respects it recaUs
the fine contemporary structures of the Rhine
provinces, particularly those in Cologne.
Transition The transitional period of architecture, from the
1153-1214. Norman to the Early English, includes the reigns
of Malcolm IV. and WiUiam the Lion, from 1153
to 121 4. To this time belong the churches of
Arbroath and Coldingham ; the naves of Inch-
1 Kirkwall has a special interest not only as a fine and perfect
specimen of Norman architecture, but as almost, if not quite, the
only example of that style north of the Grampians. — Translator.

MEDIEVAL SCOTTISH ARCHITECTURE. 389
colm, Stirling, and Jedburgh ; and the eastern
portions of Tyninghame and St Andrews. The
choir of St Andrews, like those of Elgin and Kirk
wall, has a rectangular, not an apsidal termination.
Some of the finest ecclesiastical buUdings in Scot
land were erected during the transitional and Early
English period, which extended to the end of the Early Eng-
. lish, 1214-
reign of Alexander II. (1214-1285). Among these 1285.
were the choir of Glasgow, with the unrivalled
eastern crypt, and Elgin Cathedral, which is nearly Elgin.
aU in the purest Early English style. The noble
western doorway, and the eastern window, con
sisting of a double tier of five taU lancets, the
upper tier surmounted by a beautiful rose-window,
are particularly noticeable.
The churches erected in the fourteenth and Later
p • • Gothic
fifteenth centuries testify to the close connection style.
that existed between Scotland and France ; for
their architecture, as a rule, bears more traces of
the flowing lines of the French Flamboyant than
of the stately Decorated style of England, or even
of the later Perpendicular. The famous abbey
church of Melrose presents a fine example of both Melrose.
styles, the nave and south transept closely resem
bling the English Perpendicular, while the eastern
portion is of the most florid French Flamboyant
character. The naves of Glasgow and Dunkeld,
and the beautiful chapter -house of Elgin, are fine
examples of the Decorated style.
The Spanish influence, as weU as the French,

390 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
is visible in some of the later churches of Scot
land. The most remarkable instance of this is in
Rosiin the well-known Roslin Chapel, near Edinburgh,
Chapel. ,
which is in the richest and latest style of Gothic,
more resembling the Spanish Flamboyant than
any other. The decoration is elaborate to excess,
but is characterised in parts by great clumsiness
of detail. Many of the arabesques and enrich
ments are distinctly Moorish in character, re
sembling work at Burgos and other Spanish
churches.1
The divine If we turn now from the buildings dedicated to
in the the divine service, to the forms of worship which
church, were in use in the Scottish Church, we shall have,
of course, to distinguish clearly between the litur
gies of the Celtic and the medieval periods. The
Celtic Church had her own proper liturgy and
ceremonial, whUe with the development of the
diocesan system was introduced the Roman rit
ual, with various modifications in use among the
Anglo-Saxons. Occasional reference has already
1 See Walcott, Ancient Church; Billings, Antiquities of Scotland;
Muir, Characteristics of Old Scotch Architecture. It is remarkable
that in Scotland the character of the arch is hardly any guide to the
date of the building — e.g., the round arch is found at all periods.
There is not, we beheve, a single example of the four-centred arch,
so common in England. A feature in the larger Scottish churches
is the almost universal absence of the triforium. The towers, as a
rule, are short and plain, and there were few lofty spires. There is
a very remarkable difference of proportions in the cathedrals and
monastic churches ; but the peculiar merit of Scotch ecclesiastical
architecture consists rather in variety of detail than in any very
striking general features. — Translator.

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 391
been made in these pages to the liturgies em
ployed by the Scottish Church at various periods.
It wUl be useful to give here a short abstract of
their principal features.1
I. Liturgy of the Celtic Church. ??Jti0
Liturgy.
1. Its Titles. — The Liturgy, in its strictest sense Titles.
— viz., the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass — was en
titled Communio, Communio Altaris, Comna,
Conviaticum, Hostia, Oblatio, Oiffrenn, Sacor-
faice, Sacrificium, Sacrificale mysterium, Viati
cum. The word sacrificium was used not only
of the offering made to God, but also of the Holy
Eucharist as received by the communicant.2 The
celebration of Mass was expressed by Offerre,
Sacra offerre, Christi corpus conficere, Fuchar-
istiee celebrare mysteria, Sacrosancta ministeria
perficere, and simUar phrases.
2. Number of Collects. — This appears to have Collects.
been a distinguishing feature of the Celtic Lit
urgy ; and it was the principal ground of a
charge brought against the Rule of St Columban,
by a monk named Agrestius, at the Synod of
Macon in the year 623.3 St Columban's disci
ple and successor, Eustasius, defended the Celtic
1 The summary that follows is taken chiefly from Warren's Lit
urgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, pp. 95 seq.
2 The Book of Armagh (fol. 12a) gives the words of St Patrick to
the newly baptised daughters of Laoghaire : " Ye cannot see the face
of Christ except ye receive the sacrifice."
3 Mabillon, Annal. Ord. Benedict, vol. i. p. 320.

392 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
practice on the ground that all prayer is accept
able before God. It is not quite clear what
Agrestius really complained of; but Benedict
XIV. concludes that it was the substitution of
several collects for the one usually said, in the
Roman Liturgy, before the Epistle.1
Pater 3. Pater Noster. — This formed an essential
part of the Celtic, as of every other except the
Clementine Liturgy. Special care was enjoined
in its recitation ; and the penitentiary of Abbot
Cumin of Iona prescribes severe penalties in case
of any mistake.2 The preceding formula, Prcecep-
tis salutaribus moniti, as well as the following
prayer, Libera nos qucesumus, are not found in
the Celtic Liturgy.
Lessons. 4. Lessons. — One of the prescriptions of Abbot
Cumin, and a comparison with the Gallican and
Mozarabic Liturgies, seem to show that in ad
dition to the Epistle a lesson was usuaUy read
from the Old Testament.
sermon. 5. Sermon. — This was preached after the
Gospel.
Prefaces. 6. Prefaces. — We know from Tirechan's Anno
tations of the existence of a Proper Preface for
the Feast of St Patrick ;3 but its wording has not
1 De Saer. Miss. Sacrific., lib. ii. cap. 5, sect. 3.
2 De Mensura Poenitentiarum, c. xiii. (Fleming, Collect. Sacra.,
p. 209). " Si titubaverit sacerdos super orationem Dominicam, quae
dicitur periculosa, si una vice quinquaginta plagas, secunda centum,
tertia superponat."
3 Todd, Life of St Patrick, p. 430.

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 393
been preserved. The Stowe Missal, the earliest
surviving missal of the Irish Church, dating pro
bably from the ninth century, contains several
prefaces, one of which, from the Ordinary of the
Mass, is given below. l It bears the character of
very early composition.
7. Blessing. — This appears to have been given Blessings.
both in the oriental fashion — i.e., with first, second,
and fourth fingers extended ; and in the Western
mode — namely, with the thumb, fore and middle
fingers extended. Both methods are found de
picted in early illuminated manuscripts and on
Celtic monuments.2
8. Pax. — As in the Roman Liturgy, the kiss of Pax.
peace was given before the communion of the
people,3 the priest saying these words, " Pax et
1 " Vere dignum et justum est . . . per Christum D. N., qui cum
unigenito tuo et Spiritu Sancto Deus es unus et inmortalis, Deus
incorruptibilis et inmotabilis, Deus invisibilis et fidelis, Deus mira-
bilis et laudabilis, Deus honorabilis et fortis, Deus altissimus et
magnificus, Deus vivus et verus, Deus sapiens et potens, Deus
sanctus et speciosus, Deus magnus et bonus, Deus terribilis et paci-
ficus, Deus pulcher et rectus, Deus purus et benignus, Deus beatus
et Justus, Deus pius et sanctus, non unius singulariter personse sed
unius Trinitatis substantia, te eredimus, te benedicimus, te ador-
amus, et laudamus nomen tuum in seculum seculi, per quern salus
mundi, per quern vita hominum, per quern resurrectio mortu-
oruni," &c.
2 It is curious, and perhaps significant, that the two examples
given by Warren of the Western mode of blessing are both from
Scottish monuments (early sculptured crosses in the Western Islands).
— Translator. 3 Mr Warren, who anxiously looks out for anything bearing on
his pet theory of the "Ephesine" origin of' the Celtic Liturgy,
finds himself constrained to remark that " this is the Roman, not
the Gallican position of the Pax."— Liturgy and Ritual, p. 102.

394 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
caritas Domini, et communicatio sanctorum om
nium sit semper vobiscum ; " and the people reply
ing, " Et cum spiritu tuo."
Prayer for 9. Prayer for the Dead. — This practice meets
the dead. us from the earliest times m the monuments and
Liturgy of the Celtic Church. Inscriptions have
been found on memorial stones of the fifth and
sixth centuries, asking for prayers for departed
souls 51 and the same request is frequently written
on the fly-leaves of the most ancient manuscripts,
as, for example, in the Book of Durrow (the Gospel
of St Columba), an MS. of the sixth century. So,
too, Adamnan concludes his tract De Locis Sanctis
(seventh century) by a similar petition ;2 and the
same may be seen in the colophon of the earliest
MS. of his Life of St Columba,3 and also at the
end of St John's Gospel in the Stowe Missal
already referred to. According to the old Celtic
law, the clergy, in return for the tithes and first-
fruits, were bound to pray and offer the Holy
Sacrifice for departed souls.4 The commemora
tion of the dead, of course, occupied an important
place in the Liturgy. After the offertory, the
celebrant received from the deacon a diptych
1 Archaologia Cambrensis, 4th, series, vol. i. p. 239, vol. v. p.
245. 2 Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. S. Bened., ssec. iii. pt. ii. p. 472.
3 Ed. by Reeves, p. 242.
4 The monks of Iona were enjoined to display '¦' fervour in singing
the office for the dead, as if every dead person was a particular
friend of theirs."— i%. S. Columbce, sect. 13 (Warren, p. 105).

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 395
inscribed with the names of the deceased, and an
nounced them to the congregation. A penance is
enjoined on the deacon should he forget this duty.
An antiphon was then sung, known as the depre-
catio, in which the names of the dead were
enumerated, and the saints were invoked in their
behalf. Adamnan relates how, after the death
of Columbanus, St Columba, during the celebra
tion of Mass, suddenly turned to the cantors, and
bade them add the name of the deceased bishop to
those of the saints whose intercession was invoked
in the deprecatio. " Thus," adds the biographer,
"aU who were present understood that Colum
banus, Bishop of Leinster, the dear friend of
Columba, had passed to the Lord."1 Two ex
amples of the deprecatio or collectio post nomina,
have been preserved in the Stowe Missal. 2
10. Prayer of Consecration. — The text of the Prayer of
° u # consecra-
consecration formula is wanting in the earliest tion.
extant Celtic Liturgies, and its absence has been
explained (but on no positive grounds) as prob
ably part of the ancient disciplina arcani of the
Church. The Canon in the Stowe Missal is prac-
ticaUy identical with that of the Roman Liturgy,
the interpolations here and there being, it is sup
posed, survivals ofthe old Celtic rite.3
1 Adamnan, Vit. S. Columb., iii. 12.
2 Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, pp. 229 seq.
3 Warren's conjecture that the prayer of consecration was said
aloud is hardly borne out by his citation from Adamnan—" Quem-
dam audiens presbyterum sacra eucharistse mysteria confieientem,"

396 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Hymns at 11. Communion Hymns. — These were sung in
Commun- . . .
ion. the Celtic Church during the communion of the
clergy and people. One, commencing Sancti
venite, Christi corpus sumite, has been preserved
in the Antiphonary of Banchor,1 and another in
the Stowe Missal.2 Warren supposes, but on no
particular evidence, that the canticle Benedicite
was also sung in the course of the Mass, as it was
in the Gallican and Mozarabic rites.
The "ex- 12. GUdas, in one of his epistles, speaks of
tended . . . f r
hands "of British priests "extending their hands over the
the priest. . ...
holy sacrifice,"3 obviously referring to the action
of the celebrant at the prayer Hanc igitur ob-
lationem, immediately before the consecration.
Warren, we cannot but think wrongly, identifies
the expression of Gildas with the extensis manibus
prescribed by the Sarum and Roman rites for the
priest while saying or singing the prayers. GU-
das's words, taken in this sense, entirely lose their
special significance.
Liturgical 13. Liturgical Ornaments. — Besides the alb
o rii tim 6 n t s . and chasuble, which is represented in the full
circular form of primitive times in the Book of
Deer,4 and on sculptured figures on the very
{i.e., saying Mass). The common expression " hearing Mass " does
not, of course, imply that all the prayers are said audibly.— Trans
lator. 1 Muratori, Anecdota, vol. iv. p. 132. Liber Hymnorum, pt. i. p. 43.
2 Liturgy and Ritual, p. 243. It begins, " Gustate et videte."
3 Epist., § 67. " Manus sacrosanctis Christi sacrificiis extensuri "
4 Pp. 3, 16, 27, 38.

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 397
ancient Kirriemuir stones, the bishops also wore
the rational, or ornament on the breast, adopted
from the Jewish priesthood,1 the ring, pectoral
cross, and pastoral staff, which was short and
rounded at the top.2 Instead of mitres they wore
crowns or circlets of gold.3 The ritual use of the
comb was common both to priests and bishops.4
The liturgical colours were not definitely fixed
until later times, but distinct mention is made of
white and purple.5
14. Concelebration. — The custom of two or more Conceie-
... hration.
priests uniting in the act of consecration is one
quite peculiar to the Celtic rite. To celebrate
alone was the special privilege of bishops or
priests particularly eminent in some way. Adam
nan tells us of a bishop at Iona who concealed his
rank, but was discovered by St Columba as he
was beginning to celebrate with another priest.
" Christ bless thee," said the saint ; " break bread

1 Curiously enough, the rational, after disappearing in Anglo-
Saxon times, is found among the ornaments of Anglo-Norman
bishops, and was worn until the fourteenth century. — Rock, Church
of our Fathers, vol. i. p. 369.
2 There is a plate of the Bachalmore, or great staff of St Moluag
(now in the possession of the Duke of Argyll), in the Origin. Paroch.
Scot, vol. ii. p. 163. It is only 2 feet 10 inches in length.
3 These were also worn in Anglo-Saxon times until the tenth
century. i The Viviers ritual (a.d. 1360) prescribes the combing of the
celebrant's hair by the deacon several times during the Mass. The
Celtic tonsure, of course, left the hair long and flowing behind. —
Translator. 6 See Warren's Liturgy and Ritual, pp. 123-125.

398 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
alone, after the episcopal manner, now we know
that thou art a bishop. Wherefore didst thou up
tiU now try to hide thyself, that we should not
render thee due honour?"1 The Celtic use was
precisely opposite to that once generally prevalent
in the Western Church, but now limited to the
mass of newly ordained priests, according to which
the clergy united with the bishop in the act of
consecration. This practice appears to have been
followed at Chartres, at least on Maunday Thurs
day, as late as the fifteenth century.2
oblations. 15. Oblations and Offertory. — As in other
ancient Liturgies, we find the practice in the
Celtic Church of offering bread and wine for the
Eucharist, and also money, jewels, and other
valuable articles. St Patrick tells in his Con
fession how the Irish women brought precious
offerings to the altar, and how he returned them
lest the unbelieving might seem to have cause of
scandal against him.3 During the offering of the
gifts a hymn was sung by the choir. There is an
interesting notice in the Leabhar Breac of the
ritual used in pouring the water into the chalice.
This is " probably a genuine survival of the an
cient Celtic Liturgy."4
1 Adamnan, Vita S. Columbce, i. 44.
2 De Molem, Voyages Liturgiques, p. 231. Cited by Warren,
op cit, p. 130.
3 Patricii, Confessio, c. xxi.
4 Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, p. 131. Three drops of water
were poured in, with the words "Peto te, pater ; deprecor te, fili ;

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 399
16. Communion under both kinds. — That this Comtmm-
,i • i /-n t • ,-mi • *on m hoth
was the custom m the Celtic Church is clear from kinds.
a passage in the Rule of St Columbanus, which
enjoins a penalty for any injury done to the
chalice by the teeth.1 There can,, however, be
no doubt that the Eucharist was also administered
solely under the species of bread. The directions
of the Rule already mentioned respecting the ad
ministration of the sacrament to the sick, render
it highly improbable that it was intended to be
in both kinds. The rubric in the Book of Deer 2
runs — " Here give to him the sacrifice ; " and the
words of administration seem to preclude the idea
of communion being given in both kinds. The
Order for the Visitation of the Sick in the Stowe
Missal confirms this opinion.3 To Catholics, of
course, whose faith assures them that under the
species of bread is contained the Body of Christ,
obsecro te, Spiritus Sanctus ; " then three drops of wine, the priest
saying, " Mittet pater, indulgeat filius, miseretur Spiritus Sanctus."
1 Reg. Coenob., cap. iv. " Similiter qui pertuderit dentibus cali-
cem salutaris, sex percussionibus.''
2 P. 90 — " Hisund dubeir sacorfaice dau.'' In the Book of Dimma
it runs — " Das ei eucharistiam.''
s Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, pp. 223-225 — "Accepto salutari
divini corporis cibo salutari nostro." We see from Tertullian {Ad
uxor, ii. 5) that communion in one kind only was given, at least in
private houses, in very early times. While admitting the fact that
communion in both kinds was the rule in the Celtic Church, we may
nevertheless observe that the expressions used by early saints and
others, which Warren remarks would have no force "in a Church
where communion in one kind only was the rule," are, as a matter
of fact, the very phrases constantly used by Catholics in speaking of
Holy Communion. — Translator.

400 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
together with His Blood, and under the species
of wine the Blood of Christ united to His sacred
Body, this oft-discussed question resolves itself to
a mere matter of discipline, which the Church
in recent centuries has seen good and sufficient
reason to change.
commun- 17. Communion of Infants. — Some trace of this
infants, is found in the Stowe Missal, which places the
office of administering communion immediately
after that of baptism.1 The latter rite included
the washing of the feet.2 An Irish Ordo Bap-
tismi of the twelfth century orders the newly
baptised infant to be confirmed, if a bishop be
present.3
and of 18. Communion of Women. — Abbot Cumin, in
his penitential, orders that " women shaU receive
the Holy Communion under a dark veil." 4 Most
of the early Celtic institutions prohibit women
from approaching the altar.6
19. Eulogice. — The custom of distributing
blessed bread to the congregation at the conclu
sion of the Liturgy was observed in the Celtic
as in other early Churches. Adamnan mentions
that in St Kenneth's monastery at Aghaboe, in
Ireland, there was a table in the refectory at
1 Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, p. 223.
2 Ibid., p. 217.
3 Corpus Missal, p. 203.
4 De Mensura Pcenit, cap. xiv. The abbot refers to St Basil as his
authority for this custom. " Basilius hoc judicavit."
6 See Warren, op. cit., pp. 137, 138.

women.

THE CELTIC LITURGY. 401
which the Eulogise were distributed.1 The same
practice was observed at Iona ; and at Lindis-
farne, Bede tells us that it took place at the third
hour after Mass.2
20. Days of Celebration. — It would appear from Days of
Al ' ti- ii i in- celebra-
Adamnan s Biography that the celebration of the tion.
holy sacrifice was limited to Sundays and festivals,
and such other days as were appointed by the
superior of the monastery. S. Columba is twice
spoken of as celebrating on Sunday " according
to custom." 3 Cumin seems to defend this re
stricted number of celebrations by referring to
the practice of the Greeks.4 With regard to
saints'-days, we find St Columba giving express
orders for a celebration in commemoration of St
Brendan, and again for St Columban.5
Unfortunately no specimen is known to exist Altar-
. vessels.
of the sacred altar-vessels used in the Celtic
Church. A chalice of gold, supposed to be almost
coeval with St Columba himself, was preserved
untU recent, times, but has unfortunately been
lost.6 21. Confession. — We have abundant evidence Confession.
of the practice of confession in the Celtic Church.
The confessor was known as the anmcara or soul's
1 Vit S. Columbce, ii. c. 12.
2 Bede, Vit. S. Cuthberti, c. ix.
3 " Die Dominica ex more." — Vita, iii. c. 18. Cf. c. 24.
4 De Mensura Pcenit, cap. xiv.
6 Adamnan, Vit. S. Columbce, iii. 11, 12.
6 Wilson, Archceology of Scotland, pp. 668, 669.
VOL. II. 2 c

402 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
friend. We may remark that the three points
dwelt upon by Warren1 — (1) that confession was
public rather than private, (2) that it was option
al rather than compulsory, and (3) that it was
not the custom to pronounce absolution until the
penance assigned had been fulfilled — point appa
rently to some confusion in the mind of the writer
between private confession and the public penance
enjoined and practised in the early centuries of
the Church. We need hardly say that the pen
ances assigned by the canons to various crimes
refer solely to the public expiation then required
of delinquents, and have no connection whatever
with private or sacramental confession.2
Harmony A few points of minor importance excepted, the
Celtic with liturgy of the Celtic Church may be said to have
western been in perfect harmony with the other early
hturgies. i. j j
liturgies of the West. In view of this undoubted
fact, the elaborate attempts of various Anglican
writers to trace back her rites and customs to
oriental sources must be considered as futile.
The object aimed at by the upholders of this
theory has been of course to prove, if possible,
the existence of a Church in these islands inde
pendent of the Roman see. There are, we need
hardly say, no solid historical grounds for such a
conclusion, although it would be wrong to deny
that the influence of Rome was not at that time,
1 Op. cit, pp. 148-150.
2 Schmitz, Bussbucher und Bussdisciplin, pp. 176-295, &c.

SOURCE OF THE CELTIC LITURGY. 403
for reasons easily understood, able to make itself Alleged
felt in the remote Celtic Church equaUy with ism" ofthe
other parts of Western Christendom. Much has Cflurcl1-
been done to dispel the partial and erroneous
views long and widely held on this subject by the
able and patient researches of such writers as
Skene, Haddan, and Stubbs. " We find it," says
Skene, speaking of the early Celtic Church,1 " in
close connection with the Gallican Church, and
regarding the Patriarch of Rome as the head of
the Western Church and the source of ecclesias
tical authority and mission ; and with the excep
tion of the temporary prevalence of the Pelagian
heresy in Britain, we can discover no trace of any
divergence between them in doctrine or practice."
So also the labours of the joint authors of the
Councils relating to Great Britain and Ireland
have made abundantly manifest, as they them
selves claim, " the groundlessness of the so often
aUeged ' orientalism ' of the early British Church,
— oriental in no other sense than that its Chris
tianity originated, like aU Christianity, in Asia,
and found its way to Britain through (most prob
ably) Lyons, . . . but without imprinting one
single trace upon the British Church itself of any
one thing in a peculiar sense Greek or oriental." 2
1 Celtic Scotland, vol. ii. p. 6.
2 Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, pref., p. xviii. Messrs Haddan and
Stubbs's own theory of the thoroughly Greek character of the early
Roman Church is almost as remarkable, and we may add, as chimer
ical, as the orientalist view, which they rightly condemn. It would

404 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Medieval II. MEDIEVAL LlTURGY OF SCOTLAND.
Scottish .
Liturgy. We have seen m the course of this History how,
early in the twelfth century, Scotland came under
the influence of the Anglo-Saxon Church, and how
the Use of Salisbury in particular was introduced
into many of the newly erected Scottish dioceses.
The rite in question prevaUed in great part of
Scotland up to the period of the Reformation, and
it will be of interest to glance briefly at the points
in which it differed from that of Rome and other
contemporary liturgies.
Variations Maskell, in his interesting work on the Ancient
in the Uses
ofSarum, Liturgy of the Church of England, has given, in
jl OTKj iii. C . a tabular form, the variations in the several Uses
of Sarum, York, Bangor, Hereford, and Rome.
variations The following are the most remarkable peculi-
lish uses, arities of the different English Rites : —
After the psalm Judica, follow in all the Eng
lish Uses the Kyrie eleison, Pater noster, and (at
York and Hereford only) certain other prayers.1
At Sarum and Bangor the kiss of peace was given
be interesting to know how the present Bishop of Chester reconciles
the Greek theory with the fact (among others) that St Linus, the
second Pope, was a native of Tuscany ; St Cletus, the third, a
Roman citizen ; and the fourth, St Clement, of Jewish family. It
is in the same spirit that these generally impartial writers take
upon themselves to "sweep away fictitious personages like King
Lucius," in order to abolish the first papal mission to Britain from
Pope Eleutherius. As has been recently remarked by a critic
{Tablet, April 1887), King Lucius is no more to be swept away in
this fashion than the Atlantic by Mrs Partington's broom. — Trans
lator. 1 Maskell, Ancient Liturgy, p, 8.

LITURGIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 405
before ascending to the altar, while the Here
ford adds the prayer, Sancta Dei Genetrix virgo
semper Maria, intercede pro nobis.1 The Epistle
according to Sarum and Bangor was read from a
pulpit or ambo ; 2 while the latter rite has a spe
cial and solemn ceremony for bringing the cor
poral to the altar.3 The English Uses omitted
the blessing of the water and the prayer at the
oblation of the chalice, as well as the two follow
ing prayers — In spiritu humilitatis and Veni
sanctificator. The York and Hereford, how
ever, prescribe the hymn Veni Creator after the
washing of hands.4 The Sarum, Bangor, and
York Uses add the words et sorores to the
Orate fratres; and the answer differs from the
Roman Suscipiat Dominus.5
As regards the Canon of the Mass, the varia
tions are very slight and unimportant, and the
words of consecration are identical in all the uses.
Sarum has a long rubric at the Memento for the
living, directing whom the priest is to pray for at
that time.6 At the prayer Supplices te rogamus,
the rubric of Hereford is cancellatis manibus in
modum crucis, the last three words being omitted
in the other rites.7 Various prayers are prescribed
before the Communion, one commencing Deus
1 Maskell, Ancient Liturgy, p. 14.
2 Ibid., p. 34. s Ibid., p. 36.
4 Ibid., p. 64. 5 Ibid., p. 68.
6 Sarum Missal (ed. Dickenson), p. 613.
7 Maskell, p. 101.

406 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
Pater, fons et origo totius bonitatis, and another
Te adoro, te glorifico.1 No blessing was given
by the priest at the end of Mass. The Episcopal
benediction (for which there were various formu
las) was given by the bishop before the Agnus
Dei?
TheAr- The solitary missal of the Scottish Church
Missal. which has come down to us from pre-Reformation
times was edited by Dr Forbes, the Anglican
Bishop of Brechin, in 1864. It was the missal
used in the parish church of Arbuthnott, in the
diocese of St Andrews, dedicated to St Ternan.
It is a manuscript, in the original binding, and
was written at the cost of Robert Arbuthnott,
who died in 1506. The death of the writer, James
Sibbald, vicar of Arbuthnott, occurred in the fol
lowing year, as is recorded on a blank space in
the Calendar prefixed to the volume.3 The Ar
buthnott Missal is, as Father Innes remarked,
simply a Sarum missal, with a few offices added,
chiefly those of national saints.4 Dr Forbes points
out as noteworthy that it contains no mass of St
Margaret; that no special importance, " as implied
by illuminative decoration," is given to other Scot-

1 Maskell, p. 118.
2 Ibid., p. 110. Cf. Maskell, Monumenta Ritualia Ecclesice Angli-
canos, passim.
3 " Nota obitum Domini Jacoby Sibbald quondam Vicarii de Ar
buthnott scribse publici satis correcti, testantibus Missalibus hujus
Ecclesise sancti Terrenani. . . . Oremus omnes una pro eo."
4 Spalding Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 364.

SCOTTISH LITURGICAL BOOKS. 407
tish feasts ; and that, on the other hand, proper
sequences, which are not found in any of the
English missals, are assigned to SS. Winifred,
Bridget, and the Eleven Thousand Virgins. It
is curious, also, that the Feasts of SS. Dominic and
Francis, which do not occur in the Sarum, are
given in this missal ; possibly a sign, the learned
editor conjectures, that the Mendicant Orders had
influenced the Church of Scotland more than that
of England.1 The mass for the Holy Name of
Jesus, the office for which was first printed in
Scotland by Bishop Elphinstone in the Aberdeen
Breviary, appears to have been added to the
Arbuthnott Missal as an afterthought. It is
written before the Calendar of the Saints, no
special day being assigned to it. A metrical
prayer for Robert Arbuthnott and James Sibbald
is inserted after the Prefaces.2
The Breviary compiled by Bishop Elphinstone TheAher-
J r J x x deen Brevi-
of Aberdeen, and published by him at Edinburgh <"T.
in 1510, was reprinted in facsimUe in 1854. Only
four copies of the original edition are known to
exist. The work, which is in two volumes, differs
little in general arrangement from the Roman
Breviary. It contains, in addition to the various
offices for the year, forms of absolution from the
1 Arbuthnott Missal, Preface, pp. Ixvi, Ixvii. The special predi
lection of Alexander II. for the Dominican Order will be remem
bered, as well as the tradition of his friendship with its saintly
founder. See ante, vol. i. p. 357.
2 Arbuthnott Missal, p. 158.

408 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
greater and lesser excommunication, and a number
of benedictions intended to be used at matins.
After compline are inserted the litanies of the
saints, which include many local and national
names.1 The proper of saints follows immediately
after the proper of the season. It is noticeable
that from Easter until Pentecost only one noc-
turn is prescribed to be said at matins, even on
Sundays and festivals.2 The same rite is followed
in the liturgy now in use at Cologne. The Aber
deen Breviary distinguishes between double feasts
of nine and of three lessons.3
Kaiendars The learned editor of the Arbuthnott Missal
Scottish has earned the gratitude of Scottish Catholics by
his publication of another valuable work — the
collected Kaiendars of the Scottish Saints, with
valuable notes on their personal history, and the
localities with which they were chiefly connected.
The volume contains the Kaiendars of the Drum
mond and Arbuthnott Missals, of Herdmanston,
Feme, and Culross. that of the Aberdeen Bre
viary, and one entitled Kalendariam quoddam
CelticumA It also includes the Martyrology of
Aberdeen,5 the Kalendar of Adam King,6 the
1 Brev. Aberdon., fol. lxxviii.
2 Paid., Pars Hyem., fois. cxvi-cxliv.
3 Cf. Kalendarium, iv. Kal. August (in festo S. Annce).
4 Advoc. Libr. It is bound up with a medical treatise.
6 Martyrologium secundum Usum Eccles. Aberdon. This probably
belonged to Elgin Cathedral.
6 Prefixed to his translation of the Catechism of Canisius. Paris
1588.

Saints.

DEVOTION TO NATIONAL SAINTS. 409
Menology of Dempster,1 and the Kalendar of the
Protestant Anglican Church in Scotland at the
time of Charles I. An inspection of these various
Kaiendars bears witness to the " complete Angli-
canisation of the Scottish Church which took
place after the epoch of St Margaret." 2 That of
Culross (founded, or rather re-founded, for the
Cistercians in 1217) 3 contains very few of the
Celtic saints among its entries. They were not,
however, entirely forgotten, and from the time of
the War of Independence we find them graduaUy
regaining their hold upon the Scottish Church.4
At the time of the publication of the Breviary of
Aberdeen the cultus of a large number of national
saints was firmly established in the country ; and
others, whose names had wellnigh died out of
remembrance, were recovered to the memories
and devotion of the people by the learned labours
of good Bishop Elphinstone.5
We cannot do better than close our records of
1 Menologium Scotorum, edidit Thomas Dempsterus Baro de
Muresk. Bononise, 1622.
2 Forbes, Kaiendars. Preface, p. xxi.
3 See ante, vol. i. p. 356.
* As a proof of this, it may be mentioned that in the Kalendar of
an MS. Breviary of the fifteenth century, belonging to the Marquess
of Bute, some twenty native saints are recorded beyond those found
in the Kalendar of Culross.— -Translator.
6 The Breviary now in use among the Scottish secular clergy is
the ordinary Roman Breviary. A committee has, however, been for
some time engaged in the compilation of the proper offices of the
Scottish saints ; and the sanction of the Holy See will, it is hoped,
be shortly obtained for the adoption of these in every diocese of
Scotland. — Translator.

410 EDUCATION AND ART IN SCOTLAND.
the medieval Church of Scotland by quoting the
eloquent words of a writer whose impartial pen
has borne frequent testimony to her beneficent
influence. " In examining the foundations of that
mighty power," observes Mr Cosmo Innes,1 " it
may be allowed to lay aside for the time questions
of doctrine. We may be permitted to view the
ancient Church as an artist with a task pro
posed ; to examine the materials in her power,
and the skill with which she used them. We
shaU then find much to admire, something per
haps to imitate. We are astonished at her adap
tation of herself to aU circumstances, and patient
bending of aU things to her purpose. However
politicians dispute, we cannot regard without
sympathy her care of the poor, and the ceaseless
charity which she inculcated for the benefit of the
giver as weU as of the receiver. Not less worthy
of our attention is her avowed and consistent
principle of inspiring piety by an appeal to the
imagination and the heart. Subservient to that
end was the munificence directed — ad amplian-
dum cultum divinum — ad decorem domus Dei —
to make more glorious the service and the fabric
of the Church, not as a mere place of popular
instruction, or a convenient meeting-house for
devotion, but regarded by the old Catholic, as by
the Jews of old, as the temple and very shrine of
a present Deity, where innumerable altars were
1 Reg. Epis. Aberdon., Preface, pp. lxxxii, lxxxiii.

INFLUENCE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 411
offering up the ever-renewed sacrifice of propitia
tion. The effect of such means for the object
proposed — to produce strong faith, unhesitating
obedience ; the success of the great plan of the
ancient Church, and its whole influence on society,
— are subjects of reflection not to be slighted
by the most phUosophical, nor rejected by those
most opposed to the Roman Catholic doctrines,
with the same ends in view."

APPENDIX.

I. (p. 154).
Instructions to Latino Juvenale, Papal Nuncio
to Scotland in 1538.
{Cod. Vatic. Urlin. 865, pp. 156-159.)
Capi dell' instruttione per Scotia al Sgr. Latino Juvenale alii
24 di Dicembre 1538.
In primis visitare il Ee et la Eegina et benedirle et darli a
grado la promotione del nuovo Cardinale Mirapicione,1 rac-
comto desiderato da S. Mu con tanta instantia, et dopo dare a
esso Carle- la beretta e capello nel modo e con le ceremonie
che si usano. Appresso parlare con la debita caldezza e
maniera della causa pubblica d' Inghilterra per la quale prin-
cipalmente siete mandate, nionstrando quanto sia a cuore a
S. Su e quanto come a buono Padre et Pontefice ch' e doglia
vedere la tota ruina d' un cosi fatto Eegno, e quanto si senta
stomaccbato dall' impieta et opera che ha fatta e di continuo
fa con gli altri Principi cbristiani per la riduttione et sanita
di detto Eegno, decbiarandole la buona inspiratione che li
detti Principi mostrano d' haver havuta da Dio, d' adoperarsi
etiam per ogni via per la detta riduttione, e non senza dar
1' intentione di lasciar non solo publicar la Bolla che portate
1 Cardinal Beaton, Bishop of Mirepoix, and afterwards Archbishop of St
Andrews.

414 APPENDIX.
et levare ogni commercio de lor popoli, ma etiam ogni prattica
et intelligenza delle M. Mta- loro particolari e passar piu
oltre. Dal che mossa sua Bue- et da quel piu che se la appar-
tiene per il debito dell' officio suo, ha fatta spedire la detta
Bblla, per la pubblicazione della quale nel Eegno di Scozia
havete a far 1' instantia che sapete esortando la Maesta Sua
a continuar di tener netto e ben purgato il Eegno suo da cosi
diabolica contagione. Allargandosi con quelle parole che all'
eloquentia e prudtia- vostra soccorreranno, che Sua Sta- u' ha
detto amplamente.

II. (p. 184).
List oe Collegiate Chukches and Hospitals.1
A. — Collegiate Churches (classified according to the dioceses).
Diocese of St Andrews.
1. Crail, founded by Sir William Myreton in 1517, for a provost,
sacristan, and ten prebendaries.
2. Foulis, or Fidolis, in the valley of the Tay, near Dundee, founded
about 1446 by Sir Andrew Gray, for a provost and prebendaries.
3. Methven, near Perth, founded in 1439 by Walter Stewart, Earl of
Atholl, for a provost and five prebendaries.
4. Tullibardine, in Perthshire, founded in 1446 by Sir David Murray,
for a provost and prebendaries.
5. St Andrews : St Mary's (Kirkheugh), the original Culdee estab
lishment of the eighth century, became a collegiate church temp. Alex
ander II. (1214-1249), with a provost and ten prebendaries.
6. St Andrews : St Saviour's, founded in 1458 by Bishop Kennedy,
and enlarged in 1496 by Archbishop Sheves. St Leonard's College
was founded in 1512 by Prior Hepburn and Archbishop Stuart.
Archdeaconry of Lothian, afterwards the Anglican Diocese of
Edinburgh.
7. Corstorphine, founded by Forrester, Chamberlain of Scotland, for
a provost and eight prebendaries.
1 See Walcott, Ancient Church of Scotland, pp. 355-375, 384-391 ; Keith,
Scottish Bishops, chaps, xix., xx.

COLLEGIATE churches. 415
8. Creighton, founded by Lord Chancellor Creighton, for a provost
and eight prebendaries.
9. Dalkeith, founded by the Earl of Morton, for a provost and six
prebendaries. 10. Dirleton Gulane, founded by Sir Walter de Haliburton.
11. Dunglas, in Haddington, founded by Sir Alexander Hume.
12. Dunbar, founded in 1342 by Patrick, Earl of March, for a dean,
arch-priest, and prebendaries. This was the first collegiate foundation
in Scotland.
13. Edinburgh : Holy Trinity, founded by Mary of Gueldres, widow
of James IL, for a provost, eight prebendaries, two clerks, and thirteen
almsmen.1 14. Edinburgh : St Giles, the original parish church of Edinburgh,
refounded as a collegiate church in the fifteenth century.
15. Edinburgh : St Mary's Kirk of Field, founded for a provost and
ten prebendaries, with an hospital for bedesmen.
16. Linlithgow, containing twelve stalls erected by James V., who
made this church the chapel of the Knights of the Thistle.
17. Restalrig, founded in 1512 by James V., for a dean, six preben
daries, and three chaplains, and containing the much-venerated shrine
of St Triduana.
18. Roslin, founded by William, Earl of Orkney, for a provost, six
prebendaries, a vicar-pensioner, and two choristers. We have already
spoken of the sumptuous chapel.
19. Seton, founded by Lord Seton in 1493, and enlarged by Jane,
wife of the third lord.
20. Stirling : the Chapel- Royal, founded by James IV., and consti
tuted by Pope Alexander VI., for a dean and other officials and sixteen
chaplains. 21. Yester, founded by Sir William de Haye, for a provost and pre
bendaries, about 1418. Diocese of Aberdeen.
22. Old Aberdeen : King's College, founded in 1505 by Bishop El
phinstone, for eight prebendaries, a chanter, sacristan, organist, and six
choristers. 23. New Aberdeen : St Nicholas, founded in 1441 by Bishop Law, for
a vicar, a curate, and twenty-two chaplains, reduced in 1519 to sixteen.
The church possessed thirty altars, one of which was dedicated to the
Three Kings of Cologne.
24. Cullen, originally founded by King Robert I., established as a
1 The beautiful church was ruthlessly destroyed in 1845 to make room for a
railway. — Translator.

416 APPENDIX.
collegiate church in 1543 by Alexander Ogilvie, for a provost, six pre
bendaries, and two choristers.
25. Kinnethmont, or Killymont. Diocese of Argyle.
26. Kilmund, on the Holy Loch, founded in 1442 by Sir Duncan
Campbell, for a provost and six prebendaries. The church was built
on the spot where a vessel, laden with earth from Palestine for the
building of Glasgow Cathedral, was stranded, and cast out part of her
freight. Diocese of Brechin.
27. Guthrie, in Forfarshire, founded by David Guthrie, Lord Treas
urer, in 1479, for a provost and five prebendaries.
Diocese of Galloway.
28. Lincluden, formerly a Benedictine convent, refounded in the
reign of Robert III. by the Earl of Douglas, for a provost, twelve
canons, and twenty-four bedesmen. Diocese of Glasgow.
29. Biggar, founded by Malcolm, Lord Fleming, in 1545, for a pro
vost and eight prebendaries.
30. Carnewath, founded by Sir Thomas Somerville in 1424.
31. Dumbarton, founded by Isabel, Countess of Lennox, in 1450.
32. Glasgow: SS. Mary and Anne's,' founded in 1528 by Houston,
rector of the University, for a provost and eight canons. The church
was known as the Laigh Church, as distinguished from the Cathedral
or High Church.
33. Hamilton, founded by Sir James Hamilton in 1462.
34. Kilmaurs, in Ayrshire, founded in 1403 by Sir William Cunning
ham, for a provost and eight prebendaries.
35. Balwynning, in Argyleshire, founded in 1443 by Donald Campbell
(afterwards second Earl of Argyll).
36. Maybole, or Minnibole, founded in 1441 by Sir Gilbert Kennedy,
for a provost and three prebendaries.
37. Peebles, founded in 1542 by the magistrates and Lord Hay.
38. Sempill, in Renfrewshire, founded by Lord Semple in 1505, for a
provost and six chaplains, besides various officials, including a " sacrist
to adorn the church with leaves and flowers."
Diocese of Moray.
39. Abernethy, founded about 1460 by George, Earl of Angus.

HOSPITALS. 417

Diocese of Ross.
40. Tain, founded by Thomas, Bishop of Ross, in 1481, for a provost
and eleven prebendaries.

B. — Hospitals (in alphabetical order).
Aberdeen : St Anne (lepers), St Thomas the Martyr, St Peter, and a
fourth hospital founded in 1538 by Bishop Gavin Dunbar.
Aberdour, SS. Mary and Peter.
Aldneston (lepers), under Melrose Abbey.
Arbroath, St John Baptist.
Ardross.
Balgamies, in Forfarshire.
Banerieff, near Edinburgh, St Cuthbert.
Banff, for eight aged women.
Berwick, Maison Dieu.
Cambuslang.
Cavers, in Roxburghshire.
Crailing. Dalkeith, for six poor men.
Dumbarton. Dunse.Edinburgh : St Mary Magdalen's, in the Cowgate ; St Leonard's, at
the foot of Salisbury Crags ; St Mary's, in Leith Wynd, for twelve
almsmen ; St Thomas's, near the Watergate, for seven almsmen in
red gowns ; and Ballantyne's Hospital, between Edinburgh and
Dalkeith (founded by Ballantyne, Abbot of Holyrood).
Ednam, near Kelso, St Leonard.
Elgin, Maison Dieu, on the west side of the city.
Fairnington, founded by Robert Blackader.
Glasgow : St Nicholas, for twelve bedesmen. The Paisley chartulary
mentions the foundation of a bed here by Michael Fleming. St
Ninian, by Glasgow Bridge (for lepers).
Gosford. Govan, St Ninian (for lepers).
Haddington : St Mary, St Laurence.
Hamilton, St Mary of Bethlehem.
Hassendean, for pilgrims.
Hermisden, St John Baptist.
Holywood, in Galloway, founded by Edward, brother of Robert I.
Horndene, St Leonard, founded by Robert Biset.
VOL. II. 2 D

418 APPENDIX.
Hotun, in Berwickshire.
Houston, Holy Trinity.
How, on the river Annan.
Jedburgh, Maison Dieu, for pilgrims.
Kingcase, near Ayr ; St Ninian (for lepers).
Kincardine-O'Neil, in Aberdeenshire.
Kingussie, a mile from Ayr.
Lanark, St Leonard.
Lauder, near Peebles, St Leonard.
Leith, St Nicholas.
Lerwick, in Shetland (for lepers).
Lesvarde, St Mary of Consolation.
Liberton, or Leper-toun, St Catherine.
Ligerswood, in Berwickshire, St Mary Magdalen.
Linlithgow, St Mary Magdalen, founded by James I.
Maxwell, St Michael.
Mount Teviott, in Roxburghshire.
Nesbit, near Crailing, in Roxburghshire.
Newburgh, founded by Alexander, Earl of Buchan.
Old Cambus (for lepers).
Papastour, in Shetland (for lepers).
Peebles, SS. Laurence and Leonard.
Perth, St Leonard.
Polmadie, St John.
Portincrag.Rothean, founded by John Bisset about 1226.
Roxburgh, St Mary Magdalen, founded by David I.
Rutherford, St Mary Magdalen.
St Germain's, near Seton, in East Lothian.
Sanquhar. Shotts, St Catherine of Sienna, founded by Lord Hamilton.
Smalholme, in Roxburghshire.
Soltre, Holy Trinity, founded by Malcolm IV., for pilgrims, &c. It had
the privilege of sanctuary.
Spey, St Nicholas, founded by Muriel de Pollock.
Stirling : St James (for lepers) ; also an asylum for decayed merchants,
founded by Robert Spital, tailor to James IV.
Sugden, in Perthshire, St Augustine.
Torrens, St Leonard.
Traillow, in Annandale.
Trefontanis. Turriff, in Aberdeenshire, founded by Alexander, Earl of Buchan.
Upsetlington, St Leonard.

ERECTION OF THE CHAPTER OF KIRKWALL. 419
III. (p. 197).
Erection of the Chapter op Kirkwall, a.d. 1544.
The following account of the last cathedral foundation in
Scotland, only a few years before the suppression of tbe
Catholic religion, will be read with interest.
Bishop Eeid erected seven dignities, the first being a pro
vost or dean, to whom, under the bishop, was to appertain
the correction and supervision of the canons, prebendaries,
and chaplains ; (2) an archdeacon, who was to govern the
people in accordance with the canon law; (3) a precentor,
who was " to rule the singers in the choir in the elevation or
depression of their songs ; " (4) a chancellor, who was to be
learned in canon and civil law, and whose duty was to lecture
publicly in chapter to all those bound to attend, to preserve
in good repair the choir-books and registers, and to keep the
common seal and key of the library ; (5) a treasurer, who was
to have charge of tbe treasures of the church and the sacred
vestments, and to have care also of the bread, wine, wax, oil,
and lights for the church ; (6) a sub-dean, to supply the place
of the provost in his absence ; and (7) a sub-chanter, who was
to play the organ on Sundays and festivals, and when neces
sary to take the place of the precentor.
The Bishop likewise erected seven prebendaries, as follows :
(1) the prebendary of Holy Cross, who was to have charge of
the holy things, under the treasurer, to see to the clock and
the ringing of the bells at proper times, and to care that the
church was properly swept; (2) the prebendary of St Mary,'
who was to have care of the roofs and windows of the
cathedral, and to keep them in due repair ; (3) the prebendary
of St Magnus, who was to be confessor to the bishop, provost,
canons, chaplains, and their households, at Easter-time, and to
administer the Holy Eucharist to them. The remaining four
prebendaries were to have respectively tbe chaplaincies of St

420 APPENDIX.
John and St Lawrence (in the cathedral) and the prebends of
St Katharine and St Duthas.
Thirteen chaplains were erected at the same time. To the
first was assigned the chaplaincy of St Peter and the master
ship of the grammar-school ; to the second the chaplaincy of
St Augustine and the care of the singing-school. The third
was to be Stallarius, or bishop's chorister; the fourth, the
provost's chorister ; the fifth, the archdeacon's ; the sixth, the
precentor's ; the seventh, the chancellor's ; the eighth, the
treasurer's ; the ninth, the subdeans ; and the remaining four,
of the prebendaries of Holy Cross, St Mary's, St Catherine's,
and the chaplain of Holy Cross respectively.
A sacristan was also appointed, to ring the bells, light the
lamps, carry fire and water into the church, and " go before
the processions with a white rod, after the manner of a
beadle." Finally, there were to be six boys, who were to
carry tapers, and to sing the verses and responsories in the
choir, as ordered by the chanter.1

IV. (p. 217).
Specimen of the Catechism of Archbishop Hamilton,
fol. clxxv. (Instructions on the Lord's Prayer).
In the thre last petitiouns we desyre at God to delivir us
fra all evil. First, fra synne, and eternal dede quhilk is the
reward of synne, sayand : Dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut
' et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris. Forgeve us our dettis
and trespassis, as we forgeve to yarne yat trespassis aganis us.
Secundly, fra paynis spiritual, quhilk is to be ovircum in ten-
tatioun, sayand: Et ne nos inducas in tentationem. Leid us
nocht into tentatioun. Last of all, we desyre God to delivir
us fra paynis temporal, sayand : Sed libera nos a mak Bot
1 Wallace, Orkney, pp. 85, 87; Hist, of Beauly Priory, pp. 318, 319.

ARTICLES OF THE FAITH. 421
delivir us fra evil. Amen. That so be it we pray the. Breifly,
this prayar of our Lord is sa profound, sa aboundant, and sa
plenteous in sentence, that thair is na prayer maid be man,
quhidder it be writtin in the auld testament or the new, bot
the soume and the effect of that prayer is contenit and askit
in ane of yir sevin petitiouns. Quhairfor, 0 Christin man
and woman, say thi Pater noster to God oft tymes, distinctlie
and devoitly, and dout nocht bot quhen yow sais yis prayer,
in effect yow sais all gud prayeris. Nochttheless all uthir
prayeris set out at mair lenth to the same effect is coniendabil
and lovabil, as declaratioun of the same.

V. (p. 248).
Articles of the Faith, as laid down in the
Provincial Council of 1559.
1. Of the Traditions of the Church. — We must hold with firm
faith not only what is told to us expressly and plainly by the
Scriptures, but also whatever the Holy Catholic Church, or a
General Council, lawfully convoked, has bidden to be believed,
or defines and determines ; and similarly, whatever she has
ordered to be observed, pertaining to a good rule of life, ought
to be observed : and it is heretical obstinately to maintain the
contrary. Appendix. — The traditions and ordinances of the Church,
such as those touching fasting, abstinence, and the due cele
bration of festivals, &c, oblige Christians, both publicly and
privately, to their observance.
2. Of the Veneration and Invocation of Saints. — It is rightly
done in the Church that we venerate the saints living with
Christ in heaven, and call on them to pray for us ; since by
tbeir prayers and intercession, Christ bestows many gifts
upon us, and works through them many miracles upon earth.

422 APPENDIX.
3. Of the Proper Use of Images.— The images of Christ and
the saints are lawful, for the representations and likeness of
the same ; and tbey ought to be reverently treated, without
slighting or derision.
4. Of a Purgatory after this life.— It is to be firmly believed
that after this life there is a Purgatory for souls, in which is
undergone the punishment still due for sin ; and that sucli
souls are helped by the good works of the living, so as to
obtain more speedy release.
5. Of the Existence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the
Sacrament of the Eucharist. — In the sacrament of the Euchar
ist is truly the very body of our Lord Jesus Christ — that is,
His true flesh and true blood, yea, the whole Christ, God and
man ; wherefore we rightly adore in the same, not bread, nor
wine, nor those appearances which meet our bodily eyes, but
our Lord Jesus Christ crucified for us, and this whether in
the Mass or out of it, wheresoever tbe Eucharist is exposed,
or as often as it is carried by the priest in public procession.
6. Of the Communion of the Laity under one hind only. — Com
munion under both kinds is not necessary to salvation for. the
laity ; but according to the lawful permission of the Church,
it suffices to receive the sacrament under one kind only — ¦
namely, that of bread, seeing that in this sacrament it is to be
believed that under one kind only is received tbe Body and
the Blood, and therefore the whole Christ.
7. Of the Profit of the Mass. — The sacrifice of the Mass, in
stituted in remembrance of the Passion of Christ, is profitable
by virtue of the same Passion both to living and to dead.
8. Of the Lawful Minister of the Sacrament of the Eucharist.
— Only to a priest of the new law, lawfully ordained accord
ing to the rite of the Church, has been granted the power of
blessing, consecrating, or administering the sacrament of the
Eucharist.

FORM OF VISITATION OF THE SICK. 423
VI. (p. 358).
Form of Visitation of the Sick, from the Book of Deer x
(ed. Stuart, p. 89).
. . . Item oratio ante dominicam, orationem. — Creator
naturarum omnium deus et parens universarum in celo et in
terra originum has trementis populi tui relegiosas preces ex
illo inaccessibileis lucis trono tuo suscipe et inter hiruphin et
zaraphin indefessas circumstantium laudes exaudi spei non
ambigue precationes : Pater noster qui es usque adflnem.
Libera nos Domine a malo Domine Christe Jhesu custodi
nos semper in omni opere : bono fons et auctor omnium bon-
orum Deus, evacua nos vitiis, et reple nos virtutibus bonis per
te Christe Jhesu.
Hisund duft sacorfaice dau. [Here give the sacrifice to
him.] Corpus cum sangine Domini nostri Jhesu sanitas sit
tibi in vitam perpetua et salutem.
Eeffecti Christi corpore et sanguine tibi semper dicamus
Domine, alleluia, alleluia.
Qui satiavit animam inanem et animam esurientem satiavit
bonis, alleluia, alleluia.
Et sacrificent sacrificium laudis et usque exultatione, alle
luia, alleluia.
Calicem salutaris accipiam et nomen Domini invocabo,
alleluia, alleluia.
Eeffecti Christi corpore, alleluia, alleluia.
Laudate Dominum omnes gentes, alleluia, alleluia.
Gloria reffecti Christi, alleluia, alleluia.
Et nunc, et semper, reffecti.
Sacrificate sacrificium justitiae et sperate in Domino. Deus,
tibi gratias agimus, per quern misteria sancta celebravimus, et
a te sanctitatis dona deposcimus, miserere nobis Domine Sal-
vator mundi, qui regnas in secula seculorum. Amen. Finit.
1 The concluding portion only of the Form is given in the Book of Deer.
It is written on two Wank leaves of the MS. — Translator.

424

APPENDIX.

VII.

Succession of Scottish Bishops down to the Suppression
of the Ancient Hierarchy.1

I. See of St Andrews.

1. Cellach, 908-921.
2. Fothad, 921-955.
3. Malisuis, 955-963.
4. Maelbrigd, 963-970.
5. Cellach, 970-995.
6. Alwynus, 1025-1028.
7. Maelduin, 1028-1055.
8. Tuthald, 1055-1059.
9. Fothad, 1059-1093.
10. Turgot, 1107-1115.
11. Eadmer, 1120-1122.
12. Robert, 1122-1159.
13. Arnold, 1160-1162.
14. Richard, 1163-1175.
15. Hugo, 1178-1188.
16. Roger, 1188-1192.
17. William Malvoisin, 1202-1233.
18. David Bernham, 1234-1253.
19. Abel, 1254.

20. Gameline, 1255-1271.
21. William Wishart, 1272-1279.
22. William Fraser, 1280-1297.
23. Wm. Lamberton, 1298-1328.
24. James Bennet, 1328-1332.
25. William Landal, 1341-1385.
26. Walter Trail, 1385-1401.
27. Henry Wardlaw, 1401-1440.
28. James Kennedy, 1440-1466.
29. Patrick Graham (first Arch
bishop), 1466-1478.
30. Walter Scheves, 1478-1496.
31. James Stuart, 1496-1503.
32. Alexander Stuart, 1503-1513.
33. Andrew Forman, 1513-1522.
34. James Beaton, 1522-1539.
35. David Cardinal Beaton, 1539-
1546.
36. John Hamilton, 1549-1570.

II. See op Glasgow.

1. Kentigern, 560-601.
2. (?) Baldred, 608.
3. John, 1115-1147.
4. Herbert, 1147-1164.
5. Ingelram, 1164-1174.
6. Joceline, 1175-1199.
7. Hugh of Roxburgh, 1199.
8. William Malvoisin, 1200-1202.
9. Walter, 1208-1232.
10. Wm. de Bondington, 1233-1258.

11. John de Cheyam, 1260-1268.
12. Nicolas de Moffat, 1268-1270.
13. Robert Wishart, 1272-1316.
14. John Wishart, 1318-1322.
15. John Lindsay, 1322-1335.
16. William Rae, 1339-1367.
17. Walter Wardlaw, 1367-1387.
18. Matthew Glendoning, 1387-
1408.
19. William Lauder, 1408-1425.

1 Keith, Historical Catalogue of ihe Scottish Bishops ; Gams, Series Episco-
pm-um; Brady, Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland, and Ireland; Wal
cott, Ancient Church of Scotland. The dates have been given with as much
accuracy as possible, but in many cases they are only approximate.

SUCCESSION OF SCOTTISH BISHOPS.

425

20. John Cameron, 1426-1445.
21. William Turnbull, 1445-1454.
22. Andrew Muirhead, 1454-1473.
23. John Laing, 1473-1483.
24. Robert Blackader (first Arch
bishop), 1483-1508.

25. James Beaton, 1508-1522.
26. Gavin Dunbar, 1522-1547.
27. James Beaton, 1551-1603 (in
which year he died as Scot
tish Ambassador to France).

III. See of Aberdeen.

1. Bean, 1015-1047.
2. Donortius, d. 1098.
3. Cormac, c. 1130.
4. Nectan, c. 1141.
5. Galfrid, c. 1155.
6. Matthew Kinninmund, c. 1170.
7. John, 1200-1207.
8. Adam Craill, 1227.
9. Gilbert de Stryvelin,
1238.
10. Randolf de Lambley,
1247.
11. Peter de Ramsey, 1247-1256.
12. Richard de Potton, 1256-1267.
13. Hugo Benham, 1272-1274.
14. Henry Cheyne, 1281-1329.
15. Alex. Kinninmund, 1329-1344.

1228-

1238-

16. William de Deyn, 1344-1351.
17. John Rait, 1351-1355.
18. Alexander Kinninmund IL,
1355-1382.
19. Adam de Tininghame, 1382-
1390.
20. Gilbert Greenlaw, 1390-1424.
21. Henry de Leighton, 1424-1441.
22. Ingeram Lindsay, 1441-1458.
23. Thomas Spence, 1459-1480.
24. Robert Blackader, 1480-1484.
25. Wm. Elphinstone, 1484-1514.
26. Alexander Gordon, 1514-1518.
27. Gavin Dunbar, 1518-1532.
28. William Stewart, 1532-1545.
29. William Gordon, 1545-1577.

IV. See of Argyle.

1. Ewald, 1200.
2. Harold, 1228.
3. William, 1240, 1241.
4. Alan, 1250-1262.
5. Laurence, 1262-1299.
6. Andrew, 1300-1330.
7. David, 1330-1350.
8. Martin, 1351-1362.
9. Finlay, 1420-1426.

1. Samson, 1158.
2. Turpin, 1178-1200.
3. Radulf, 1202-1218.
4. Robert Mar, 1219.

10. George Lauder, 1427-1470.
11. Robert Colquhoun, 1473-1495.
12. John, c. 1499.
13. David Hamilton, 1506-1523.
14. Robt. Montgomery, 1525-1539.
15. Wm. Cuningham, 1539-1552.
16. James Hamilton, nominated
in 1558 (probably never con
secrated).

V. See of Brechin.

5. Hugo, 1220-1224.
6. Gregory, 1225-1247.
7. Gilbert, 1247-1249
8. Albin, 1249-1269

426

APPENDIX.

9. Wm. de Kilconcath, 1270-1275.
10. Edward, c. 1280.
11. Robert, 1280-1285.
12. William, 1286-1303.
13. John de Kinninmond, 1304-
1325.
14. Adam, 1327-1350.
15. Philip, 1350-1351. •
16. Patrick de Leuchars, 1351-
1373.
17. Stephen, 1374-1384.

18. Walter Forrester, 1400-1416.
19. John de Carnoth, 1426-1454.
20. Robert, 1454.
21. George Shorsewood, 1454-1462.
22. Patrick Graham, 1463-1466.
23. John Balfour, 1466-1501.
24. Walter Meldrum.
25. John Hepburn, 1517-1558.
(Donald Campbell, elected, but
never consecrated.)
26. John Sinclair, 1565-1566.

VI. See of Caithness.

1. Andrew, 1150-1184.
2. John, 1185.
3. Adam, 1213-1222.
4. Gilbert Moray, 1222-1245.
5. William, d. c. 1261.
6. Walter de Baltroddi, d. 1271.
7. Archibald, 1275-1288.
8. Alan St Edmonds, 1290-1292.
9. Andrew, 1293-1300.
10. Ferquhard de Balleganach,
1301-1328.
11. David, d. 1348.
12. Thos. de Fingask, 1348-1360.
13. Alexander Man, d. 1389.
14. Malcolm, d. 1421.

15. Robert Strathbrock, 1444.
16. John Innes, 1445-1448.
17. William Moodie, 1448-1460.
(The see appears to have been
vacant for forty years. See
Keith, p. 214, and Brady, vol.
i. p. 148.)
18. Andrew Stewart, 1501-1518.
19. Andrew Stewart IL, 1518-
1542.
20. Robert Stewart (nominated in
1542. He never was con
secrated, or even ordained
priest).

VII. See of Dunblane.

1. Laurence, 1160.
2. Simon, 1170.
3. Jonathan, d. 1210.
4. William, c. 1215.
5. Abraham, 1220.
6. Eadulf, 1225.
7. Osbert, d. 1231.
8. Clement, 1233-1258.
9. Robert de Prsebenda, 1258-
1283.
10. William, 1284-1293.
11. Nicolas de Balmyle, 1307-1320.

12. Maurice, 1320-1347.
13. WiUiam, 1347-1361.
14. Walter Cambuslang, 1362-1370.
15. Andrew, c. 1373.
16. Dougal, c. 1380.
17. Finlay, 1400-1419.
18. William Stephen, 1420-1429.
19. Michael Ochiltree, 1429-1447.
20. Robert Lauder, 1448-1458.
21. John Hepburn, 1467-
22. James Chisholm, 1488-1527.
23. William Chisholm, 1527-1564

SUCCESSION OF SCOTTISH BISHOPS.

427

24. William Chisholm (nephew to
the preceding), nominated by
Queen Mary in 1564 ; after

wards Bishop of Vaison in
France. He died in 1593.

VIII. See of Dunkeld.

1. Gregory, d. 1169.
2. Richard de Pra;benda, 1169-
1173.
3. Cormacus, c. 1177.
4. Gregory, c'1177.
5. Walter de Bidun, 1178.
6. John Scot, 1178-1203.
7. Richard, c. 1210.
8. John of Leicester, d. 1214.
9. Hugo de Sigillo, 1215.
10. Gilbert, 1216-1236.
11. Galfrid Liverance, 1236-1249.
12. Richard Inverkeithing, 1250-
1272.
13. Robert de Slutterville, 1272.
14. William, c. 1287.
15. Matthew de Crambeth, 1288-
1305.
16. William Sinclair, 1312-1337.
17. Walter, c. 1347.

18. Richard de Pilmor (?).
19. Duncan, c. 1351.
20. John, 1355-1366.
21. Michael Monymusk, 1373-
1376.
22. John Peebles, 1377-1396.
23. Robert de Cairney, 1396-1436.
24. James Kennedy, 1438.
25. Alexander Lauder, 1440.
26. James Bruce, 1440-1447.
27. John Raulston, 1448-1452.
28. Thomas Lauder, 1452-1476.
29. James Livingtoun, 1476-1483.
30. George Brown, 1484-1514.
31. Gavin Douglas, 1516-1521.
32. Robert Cockburn, e. 1524.
33. George Crichton, 1527-1544.
34. John Hamilton, 1545-1549.
35. Robert Crichton, d. 1586.

IX. See of
1. St Ninian, d. 432.
2. Pecthelm, 730.
3. Frethewald, 764.
4. Pictuin, 776.
5. Ethelbert, 777.
6. Radulf, 790.
7. Christianus, 1154-1186.
8. John, 1189-1209.
9. Walter, 1209-1235.
10. Gilbert, 1235-1253.
11. Henry, 1253-1292.
12. Thomas, 1296-1311.
13. Simon, 1321.
14. Henry, 1334-1345.
15. Michael, 1357-1358.

Galloway (Candida Casa).
16. Thomas, 1358-1362.
17. Andrew, 1368.
18. Oswald, 1380-1392.
19. ElisEeus, 1405-1413.
20. Thomas, 1415-1420.
21. Alexander Vaus, 1426-1451.
22. Thomas Spence, 1451-1459.
23. Ninian, 1459-1478.
24. George Vaus, 1489-1503.
25. David Arnot, 1509-1526.
26. Henry Weems, 1526-1540.
27. Andrew Durie, 1541-1558.
(This see was vacant at the
Reformation.)

428

APPENDIX.

X. See of the Isles.

1. Wymund, 1113.
2. John, 1151.
3. Gamaliel.
4. Reginald.
5. Christian Archadiensis.
6. Michael, d. 1203.
7. Nicolas de Meaux, 1203-1217.
8. Reginald, 1217-1225.
9. John, 1226.
10. Simon, d. c. 1245.
11. Laurence, 1249.
12. Richard, 1252.
13. Stephen, 1253.
14. Richard, 1257-1274.
15. Marcus, 1275-1303.
16. Allan, 1305-1321.
17. Gilbert, 1321-1327.
18. Bernard de Linton, 1328-1333.

19. Thomas, 1334-1338.
20. William Russell, 1348-1374.
21. John Duncan, 1374-1380.
22. John, c. 1400.
23. Michael, c. 1409.
24. Angusius, c. 1427.
25. Angusius II. , c. 1470.
26. Robert, c. 1492.
27. John, d. 1509.
28. George Hepburn, 1510-1513.
29. Hector Ferguhard, 1530-1544.
30. Roderick Maclean, 1550.
(Alexander Gordon, titular
Archbishop of Athens, was
nominated to the see of the
Isles in 1553, but was never
consecrated.)

XI. See of Moray.

1. Gregory, c. 1150.
2. William, d. 1162.
3. Felix, c. 1170.
4. Simeon de Tonei, 1171-1184.
5. Richard, 1187-1203.
6. Brice, 1203-1222.
7. Andrew de Moray, 1223-1242.
8. Simon, 1243-1253.
9. Archibald, 1253-1298.
10. David Moray, 1299-1326.
11. John Pilmore, 1326-1362.
12. Alexander Bar, 1362-1397.
13. William Spynie, 1397-1406.
14. John Innes, 1407-1414.

15. Henry Leighton, 1414-1425.
16. David, 1429.
17. Columba Dunbar, 1430-1435.
18. John Winchester, 1437-1458.
19. James Stewart, 1459-1461.
20. David Stewart, 1463-1477.
21. William Tulloch, 1477-1482.
22. Andrew Stewart, 1482-1501.
23. Andrew Foreman, 1501-1514.
24. James Hepburn, 1516-1524.
25. Robert Schaw, 1524-1527.
26. Alexander Stewart, 1527-1535.
27. Patrick Hepburn, 1535-1573.

XII. See of Orkney.

1. (?) Henry, before 1060.
2. Radulf, temp. David I.
3. William.
4. William, d. 1188.

5. Biam, d. 1223.
6. Jofreir, 1223-1246.
7. Ileroy, c. 1248.
8. Henry, d. 1269.

SUCCESSION OF SCOTTISH BISHOPS.

429

9. Peter, 1270-1284.
10. Dolgfinn, 1286.
11. William, 1310.
12. William, d. 1383.
13. William, 1390.
14. Henry, 1394.
15. Thomas de Tulloch, 1422.
16. William, 1448.
17. William Tulloch, 1465-1477.
18. Andrew, 1478-1501.

19. Edward Stewart,1 c. 1511.
20. Thomas.
21. Robert Maxwell, 1526-1540.
22. Robert Reid, 1541-1558.
(In 1559 Adam Bothwell,
Canon of Glasgow, was
named Bishop of Orkney
by Paul IV., but was never
consecrated. He died 1593.)

XIII. See of Ross.

1. Macbeth, c. 1128.
2. Simon, c. 1155.
3. Gregory, 1161-1195.
4. Reinald, 1195-1213.
5. Robert, 1214-1230.
6. Duthac, d. 1253.
7. Robert, d. 1269.
8. Matthew, 1273-1274.
9. Thomas de Fifyne, 1274.
10. Robert, 1284.
11. Thomas de Dundumore, 1309.
12. Roger, 1328.
13. John, 1334.
14. Roger, 1340.

15. Alexander, 1357.
16. John, 1420.
17. Thomas Urquhart, 1449.
18. Henry, 1463.
19. Thomas, 1481.
20. William Elphinstone, 1482.
21. John Frazer, 1485-1507.
22. Robert Cockburn, 1508-1521.
23. James Hay, 1525.
24. Robert Cairncross, 1539-1545.
25. David Panter, 1546-1558.
26. Henry Sinclair, 1560-1564.
27. John Leslie, 1565-1596.

1 Brady (vol. i. p. 150) mentions the appointment of John Benstou as co
adjutor, with right of succession, to Bishop Stuart, April 24, 1524. Benston
died in 1526.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AjND SONS.