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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
EDWARD WELLS SOUTHWORTH
FUND

TUDOR TRACTS

<l4N ENGLISH GzARNE^

TUDOR TRACTS
1532-1588
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
A. F. POLLARD, M.A., F.R. Hist. S.
Author of England under Protector Somerset and of Henry VIII.

?

WESTMINSTER
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO., LTD.
1903

PUBLISHERS' NOTE
The texts contained in the present volume are re
printed with very slight alterations from the English
Garner issued in eight volumes (1877-1890, London,
8vo) by Professor Arber, whose name is sufficient
guarantee for the accurate collation of the texts
with the rare originals, the old spelling being in
most cases carefully modernised. The contents of
the original Garner have been rearranged and now
for the first time classified, under the general
editorial supervision of Mr. Thomas Seccombe.
Certain lacunae have been filled by the interpolation
of fresh matter. The Introductions are wholly
new and have been written specially for this issue.
The references to volumes of the Garner (other than
the present volume) are for the most part to the
editio princeps, 8 vols. 1877-90.

Edinburgh : Printed by T. and A. Constable.

CONTENTS

Date of Events

Date of

Date of

Described.
Composition.
Publication.
Page.
I.
The Manner of the Triumph at
Calais 
1532
1532
«532
I
2.
The Coronation of Anne Boleyn,
1533
1533
1533
9
3-
How Cromwell helped Cranmer's
Secretary, ....
1539
i565(?)
i57o
29
4-
The late Expedition into Scotland,
1 544
1544
1544
37
5-
Patten's Expedition into Scotland,
1547
1547
1548
53
6.
John Bon and Master Parson,
—
1548 (?)
1548
159
7-
Underbill's Narrative, .
1553-4
1562 (?)
1859
170
8.
History of Wyatt's Rebellion,
1554
1554
1555
199
9-
Brice's Register of Martyrs,
1555-8
1559
'559
259
IO.
The Winning of Calais by the
French, . . . .
1558
—
1569
289
u.
The Siege of Guisnes, .
1558
—
1579
321
12.
The Death of Queen Mary, .
1558
—
1570
33'
13-
The Imprisonment of Princess
Elizabeth, ....
1553-5
—
1563
333
J4.
Elizabeth's Coronation Procession,
1559
1559
1559
365
IS-
Elizabeth arms England,
1559 (?)
—
1588
396
16.
The Burning of S. Paul's, .
1561
1561
1561
401
17-
A False Imagination of Fire at
Oxford, 
1556 (?)
—
1563
409
18.
The Spoil of Antwerp,
1576
1576'
1576
419
19-
The Apprehension of Campion, .
1581
1581
1581
45i
20.
The Scottish Queen's Burial,
1587
—
1589
475
21.
The Spanish Armada, .
1588
1588
1588
485
INTRODUCTION
Of all the forms and methods of historical representation,
the best is said to be that which echoes original voices.
But it is not echoes we hear in this and its fellow-volumes ;
it is the original voices themselves. They speak in no
borrowed accents; no interpreter mars their meaning; no
medium muffles their tones. History is a glass through
which we behold the past ; but the glass is coloured by
the historian's mind, and we see through it sometimes
darkly. Contemporary writings are a glass of truth, a
mirror of the age in which they are written. If we seek
to know how men thought, and felt, and talked in the
days of bluff King Hal, or of Good Queen Bess, it is a
sorry expedient to take down from the shelf the volumes
of this or of that historian, however learned and accurate,
brilliant or imaginative he may be. The golden rule is
to ascend to the fountain-head, to imbibe historical truth
at its source before it has lost its original purity in its
tedious passage across the dusty arena of religious and
secular controversy.
Not that these Tudor Tracts contain the whole truth
or nothing but the truth. They are perhaps as full of
misrepresentations as the news-sheet and review of to-day,
and errors of fact may crowd their pages as closely as
those of the most brilliant of modern historians. Their
writers were no more exempt than we from a human
delight in error. Nay, since they cared more than we do
vii

viii Tudor Tracts
for what they believed, they were even more anxious than
we to prove that each other's opinions were the outcome,
not merely of perverted intelligence, but also of evil hearts.
There are in these tracts striving and crying and jangling
enough ; the din of battle is never far off, and the passions
of war have not subsided in the breasts of those who record
it. There may be more heat than light, but heat is a
proper subject of scientific investigation ; it produces more
than light, and he who would understand history must
know something of the causes of popular passions. These
tracts reflect many phases of popular feeling in Tudor
times ; they are real phenomena, whatever the truth of
their contentions may be. Of that the reader must judge
for himself. He stands in the position of the audience
at an Attic theatre, while the editor, like a Greek chorus,
may give an occasional hint. As the messengers of the
Greek stage came on to relate what they had seen and
heard of the battles, murders, and sudden deaths, which
Greek sensitiveness would not suffer to be enacted on
the boards, so in these pages each pamphleteer comes
forward in turn to tell of ancient deeds of which himself
was witness or partaker. The use of messengers was the
nearest approach to dramatic realism which the Greeks
would tolerate ; the perusal of these tracts will best enable
modern minds to realise the conditions of a bygone age.
Metaphors from the drama are naturally suggested by
the contents of this volume, for these tracts illustrate a
period, of which the dramatic unity is complete, and the
dramatic interest unsurpassed. Within the fifty odd years
between 1532 and 1588 there was fought the greatest
struggle in English history, the battle for spiritual in
dependence between England and the forces of the Roman

Introduction ix
Catholic Church. Our first piece marks the inception of
the contest, our last is a song of triumph. The tide of
victory flows and ebbs and flows again ; reaction succeeds to
reform and fails ; and for half a century the issue hangs in
the balance. Henry viu. throws down the challenge to
Rome by marrying Anne Boleyn in 1533, and in 1588 Anne
Boleyn's daughter defeats the last effort made by Rome
to rivet again by force the bonds which Henry had burst.
The interview between Francis I. and Henry viii.
described in The Manner of the Triumph at Calais and
Boulogne} was not the first occasion on which those two
doughty monarchs had met. Twelve years before, amid
surroundings of unparalleled splendour, they had pledged
eternal friendship on the Field of Cloth of Gold ; but
the display which flaunted over that scene was not
more portentous than the perfidy which it concealed.
Henry VIII. went from his interview with Francis I. to
negotiate that secret alliance with the Emperor Charles v.,
which in five years' time made Charles dictator of Europe
and the Pope little more than his chaplain. Wolsey, the
prime mover in the deception, was one of the first to suffer
from the Nemesis which dogged its steps. Clement vn.
amid the clash of imperial arms was deaf to the mutterings
of the storm in England ; and, helpless in the Emperor's
hands, he refused Henry Vlil.'s petition for divorce from
the Emperor's aunt. The refusal precipitated Wolsey's
fall, and Henry determined to effect by other means that
divorce which he had for five years begged in vain from
the Pope. He had made up his mind that the power of
1 First printed London, 1532, 4to ; it was reprinted the same year, and then
not again till 1884, when it appeared in E. M. Goldsmid's Bibliotheca Curiosa.
Its authorship is unknown.

x Tudor Tracts
Rome was but an imposing image. For twenty years
he had seen its authority spurned by the most Christian
and Catholic kings, whenever it stood in the way of their
secular interests; he had watched a humble monk of
Wittenberg defy all the weapons of the Papal armoury;
and he had observed the steady growth in England of
contempt for the Papacy and dislike for the Church. For
fifteen years Wolsey had staved off the revolution by
allowing Parliament no voice in the government, and lay
men as little as possible, and by plunging the king into
the maelstrom of foreign war and foreign intrigue." But
at last that game was played out; the treasures amassed
by Henry vii. were spent ; the enthusiastic loyalty with
which Henry vill. had been greeted on his accession was
turned to discontent ; heavy taxation was demanded and
refused; and England stood no higher in 1529 in the
councils of Europe than she had done when Wolsey first
grasped the reins. From his own point of view Wolsey
had been right; a Cardinal of the Roman Church could
not desire a breach with Rome; he had tried the only
possible means of averting it, and he had failed, as he was
bound to do.1
In 1529, with or without the fall of Wolsey, with or
without the divorce of Catherine of Aragon, an attack on
the Church and the Papacy was imminent. The only
question was, in which ranks would the crown be found
fighting? The importance of the divorce was that it
determined Henry viii. to side against the Papacy. It
brought over to the cause of reform that royal influence,
the hostility of which had paralysed the anti-ecclesiastical
movement in the early years of the fifteenth century. The
1 See the present writer, Henry VIII., 1902, cap. iii. -iv.

Introduction xi
extent of Henry's power was largely due to the fact that
he stood between opposing and well-matched forces,
and that comparatively little was required to turn the
balance. No one, whose perceptions were not dulled by
theological bias, would now maintain that in one scale
were the forces of the Papacy, the wishes of the English
laity, and the influence of the English Church ; and in the
other nothing but Henry vill. and his evil passions. To
believe that the divorce of Catherine of Aragon was the
sole cause of the breach with Rome is to be blind not
merely to the facts of Tudor history, but to the fundamental
conditions which govern human affairs. No ruler can effect
anything except by using forces which exist independently
of his personal will, and Henry VIII. would have been
powerless against the Church of Rome without the help
of collaborating tendencies. One man cannot alter a
nation's character, and it is not possible to believe that,
but for Henry VIII., England would have remained per
manently within the Roman Catholic communion.
But, if the divorce was not the sole cause of the breach
with Rome, neither was Anne Boleyn the sole cause of the
divorce. Henry VIII. had had mistresses before Anne,
without their existence giving rise to the least hint
of a separation from Catherine of Aragon. They were
recognised royal institutions, with which Popes no more
thought of interfering than they expected kings to meddle
with equally delicate questions of Papal morals. Henry
did not want a divorce because his marriage with Catherine
stood in the way of his passion for Anne Boleyn, but
because it stood in the way of his having a wife who should
bear him an heir to the throne. He might have had Anne
as his mistress, he desired her as his wife; and, if the

xii Tudor Tracts
difference was not due to the need of an heir, it was
due to scruples with which we are not inclined to credit
Henry VIII. But to marry Anne Boleyn meant a complete
repudiation of the Pope's authority, and — what seemed
more important to men of that time — it involved the risk
of a quarrel with Charles V. Not that any personal insult
to Catherine would have moved her imperial nephew ; but
the divorce of Catharine implied the destruction of Haps
burg influence at the English court, the ruin of Mary's
hopes of the English crown and of the prospect of adding
England to the already monstrous Hapsburg empire.
Charles's view of the divorce was purely political ; Henry's
marriage with Anne Boleyn meant that, in the great
struggle for predominance in Europe, England's weight
would be transferred from the scale of Charles V. to that
of Francis I. For that same reason the divorce was
popular in France, and the interview at Calais in 1532 was
marked by a genuine desire for friendship which had been
absent from the meeting on the Field of Cloth of Gold.
The French king was once more a match for the Emperor,
and Henry could with impunity brave the Pope so long as
there was no fear that Charles and Francis would combine
to carry out the Pope's decrees.
No allusion to such matters of high policy is, however,
allowed to transpire in the popular account of the
meeting. Our tract is confined exclusively to its spec
tacular aspect ; and the only symbolical incident appears to
be the wrestling match in which the Englishmen overthrew
a band of priests — a possible mimicry of the struggle,
between Church and State then raging in England. It is
probable, however, that the two monarchs came to a suffi
cient understanding. At any rate, events followed each other
rapidly after Henry's return. In January 1533 Anne Boleyn

Introduction xiii
was pregnant; her issue must at all costs be legitimate.
It could only be legitimate if the English king were
divorced from Catherine and married to Anne. Warham,
Archbishop of Canterbury, had died in the previous
August; a successor willing to execute the royal wishes
was found in Thomas Cranmer. By threatening to deprive
the Roman curia of the first-fruits of English sees, Henry
induced the Pope to grant Cranmer his bulls, though
Clement must have known for what purpose they were "^
wanted. As soon as they arrived Cranmer was con
secrated, and a few days later he opened his court at
Dunstable to determine the validity of Henry's marriage
with his deceased brother's wife. His verdict was a
foregone conclusion, as was his pronouncement that Henry
and Anne were legally husband and wife, though the date
and manner of their union remain doubtful to this day.
On Whitsunday, the ist of June 1533, took place The
noble triumphant Coronation of Queen Anne, wife unto the
most noble King, Henry the Vlllth}- The reason of the
honour done her is plainly indicated in the verses recited
before her ; she was expected to bear the king a son ; then
the terror of a disputed succession would cease, and the
golden age would come to an anxious people (pp. 17, 20,
1 This tract, which was originally printed in quarto in 1533, has only been
reprinted in Goldsmid's Bibliotheca Curiosa, 1884. It is obviously an officially
inspired account, and for a more impartial description the reader is referred to
the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. vi. No. 584, where many interest
ing and curious details will be found. Anne's popularity was by no means so
great as this tract would lead us to suppose ; the people as a whole sympathised
with Catherine, and at times even the royal influence could scarcely protect
Anne Boleyn from insult. Nicholas Udall, the writer of the verses appended to
the tract, is famous as the author of the earliest known English comedy ; he was
also headmaster of Eton and Westminster, his connection with the former school
being terminated by a very scandalous episode. See Diet. Nat. Biogr., lviii. 6.
The MS. of Udal)^ verses is in the British Museum, Royal Ms. 18 A lxiv.

xiv Tudor Tracts
21). The nation had not long to wait for the expected
issue, but it was not a son. On 7th September following
Anne gave birth to a child at Greenwich. Chapuys, the
Spanish ambassador, scarcely deigned to notice the event
in his despatches to his master. The king's mistress had
borne a daughter, a matter of no moment to so mighty a
monarch as the Hapsburg emperor. Yet the child thus
ushered into a contemptuous world lived to be Queen
Elizabeth, to humble the pride of Spain, and to bear to a
final triumph the banner which Henry had raised.
So the curtain rings down on the first act of the drama.
It rises on a different scene. The interest of the next tract
lies in the religious and not the political aspect of the
Reformation, and the contest is domestic rather than
foreign. It need hardly be repeated that the motives of
the separation from Rome were in a very slight degree
doctrinal ; and few of those who assisted Henry VIII. to
break the Roman yoke had any taste for a tincture of
Lutheran dogma. That redoubtable monarch had, indeed,
digested many formulas and swallowed not a few scruples ;
he was keeping an open and receptive mind for new truth
and fresh support from whatever quarter it might come;
and more than once, when a Catholic storm was brew
ing, he signalled for Protestant help by professing his
anxiety for the preaching of the Word and pretending to
be a true evangelical. But this was only in extremis; if
the Pope and the Catholic powers would let him enjoy
his peculiar conscience in peace, he would abstain from
Lutheran gods, if not from Lutheran goddesses; and
although the imperial ambassador described Anne Boleyn
and her relatives as the real apostles of the new sect, they
failed to make a convert of their king. New doctrines

Introduction xv
began, however, to spread in England; even the guarded
precincts of the court were not free from infection, and in
the privy council itself the two most prominent members
from 1532 to 1540 were Thomas Cromwell and Thomas
Cranmer. The archbishop was gradually leaning towards
Lutheran doctrine, and Cromwell believed in a Lutheran
policy if not in the Lutheran creed. But they were in a
minority ; their colleagues, headed by Norfolk and Bishop
Gardiner, had no love for the two arch-heretics, and their
enmity often threatened Cranmer and proved fatal to
Thomas Cromwell. It was almost on the eve of his fall
that Cromwell was able to do Cranmer the service
described in the amusing extract here reprinted from
Foxe (pp. 29-35).1
From ecclesiastical and domestic questions, we turn
to a real imperial issue, the Union between England and
Scotland. That design was the uppermost thought in
Henry's mind for the last six years of his reign, and,
indeed, it occupied the attention of Tudor monarchs during
the whole of the time they sat on the English throne.
Henry VII. no doubt had it in view when he married his
daughter Margaret to the Scottish king ; but in the earlier
years of Henry VIII. English interests in Scotland had been
sacrificed to Wolsey's passion for playing a prominent part
in European politics. As soon as Henry viii. had emanci
pated himself from Wolsey's and other clerical control, and
had triumphantly asserted his authority over Church and
1 How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop Cranmer's Secretary; the
secretary was Ralph Morice, whose anecdotes of Cranmer constitute one of the
best authorities for the Archbishop's life. As Morice furnished Foxe with
information for his ecclesiastical works, there is little doubt that this story
comes from Morice's own lips. It affords some interesting glimpses at the
court and manners of Henry VIII. 's time.

xvi Tudor Tracts
State at home, he turned his energy towards the extension
of England's dominion beyond her borders. He first com
pleted the union of England and Wales, he then brought
Ireland into better order than it had enjoyed since the days
of Poynings, and finally he set about the reduction of Scot
land. The age was one of national expansion and consolida
tion, and nature seemed to have designed the formation of
the British Isles into one empire, quite as clearly as she had
the union of Castile and Aragon, or of France and Brittany.
Moreover, the inconvenience of an independent Scotland
had been forcibly brought home to Henry during his
struggle with Rome. James V. of Scotland, although, or
perhaps because, he was Henry's nephew, had been regarded
by Pope and by Emperor as the most promising instrument
of their schemes against the schismatic king. Beaton had
been made a Cardinal and sent from Rome to Scotland
with the express object of publishing the papal bull of
deposition on the Borders, and inciting the northern
counties to revolt ; James himself had been urged to
claim the English throne; and a Scots invasion might
generally be reckoned on, whenever England found itself in
difficulties. The last and most reckless of these inroads had
ended in 1542 with the rout of the Scots at Sol way Moss,
the death of James v., and the succession to the throne of a
week-old infant, Mary, Queen of Scots. The time seemed
apt for Henry's intervention ; nearly half the nobility of
Scotland had been killed or captured at Solway Moss ; and
before the prisoners were released, they were made to swear
allegiance to Henry as sovereign of Scotland, and to promise
their co-operation in effecting a marriage between Queen
Mary and Henry's son, Prince Edward. But dealing with
the Scottish Government was no easy task; there was an

Introduction xvii
English faction in Scotland and a French faction, and the
two were constantly fighting for control of Scottish policy ;
when an understanding had been reached with a foreign
state, the opposite faction often expelled its rival and re
versed its acts. Such was the case in 1543 ; the disastrous
effects of the war with England had brought the English
party into power, and mainly through Henry's abating his
terms, a treaty was actually signed for the marriage alliance.
But the arrival of French ships, men, and money produced
its effect ; the French party was once more in the ascendant.
The treaty with England was repudiated, and one with
France was substituted.1 To Englishmen, the Scots Govern
ment appeared to have been guilty of the grossest perfidy,
and to repay it the expedition described in the next tract
was despatched against Scotland in May 15442
The object of this invasion, and of the devastation which
marked its course, is not at once apparent. A desire for
revenge was the ostensible motive, and partly no doubt the
real one, but the ultimate end in view was to convince the
Scots that England could make herself more unpleasant as
an enemy than France, and therefore that the English
alliance was the better policy for Scotland to pursue.
Henry vill. never attempted to conquer Scotland, for the
simple reason that he had not the means to hold it when
conquered, The only union with Scotland effected by force
was Oliver Cromwell's ; the conquest of Scotland was possible
to him and to no one else, because Cromwell was head of an
efficient and permanent army. He ruled Scotland by the
methods of a military despot, but a military despotism was
1 For the negotiations during that year, see the latest volume (xviii.) of the
Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., ed. Gairdnbr.
2 See pp. 39-51 ; this tract, which was almost certainly published in 1544,
has never been reprinted except for this Garner.
b 1

xviii Tudor. Tracts
an impossibility in Tudor times, and Henry's standing army
was limited to a few gentlemen-pensioners and yeomen of
the guard. Hence he had to resort to coercion by methods
of barbarism, to the slow and feeble policy of repeated and
ruthless raids, which in the end failed of their purpose.
Henry vill., however, had come within measurable distance
of success, when he was baulked by the treachery of his
friend and ally, the Emperor. The experience of 1543 had
taught him that Scotland would never yield so long as she
could look for effective assistance from France. So, with
the object of putting France hors de combat, Henry had
joined Charles v. in an alliance which was to crush for
generations the French King's power. Both monarchs led
powerful armies into France in 1 544, but when Charles was
in the heart of the French dominions, he made peace and left
the English in the lurch.1 All thoughts of beating Scotland
to her knees had now to be abandoned ; and England in
1545 had to bend all her energies towards resisting a
threatened French invasion. Peace was made in 1 546, and
in the midst of his preparations for a renewed attack on
Scotland, Henry died.2
His successor, the Protector Somerset, was as resolute as
Henry had been to effect the union with Scotland by means
of the marriage between Queen Mary and Edward VI., but
he approached his task in a somewhat different spirit He
first made strenuous efforts to persuade the Scots by
peaceful means to carry out the treaty of 1 543. On their
failure, he determined to prove by an overwhelming display
1 See for the latest information on these events vol. vii. of the Calendar of
Spanish State Papers, ed. M. A. S. Hume.
2 That Henry was resolved to renew his attempt on Scotland, is clear from
the despatches in the Correspondance Politique d'Odet de Selve, published in
1886 by the French Government.

Introduction xix
of force the hopelessness of Scots resistance. A large and
well-equipped army was collected on the Borders in August
1547 ; a fleet under Clinton sailed up the coast to co-operate
with the land forces ; and at Pinkiecleugh or Musselburgh,
the Protector inflicted on the Scots one of the most crushing
defeats in the whole of their history.1 Somerset, however,
was no great believer in coercion, and he next set to work
to secure Scottish consent to the union with England. He
promised the Scots autonomy ; he suggested that the use of
the names England and Scotland should be discontinued,
that the united kingdom should be called by the 'old
indifferent name ' of the Empire of Great Britain, and that
there should be complete freedom of trade between the
two.2 But these offers proved unavailing. The French
faction controlled the Government ; zealously aided by the
Church, it prevented Somerset's terms from reaching the
ears of the people, and fanned to a flame the inveterate
hatred of the Scots for their English neighbours. French
1 The account of this expedition here printed (pp. 53-157) is one of the ear
liest, most interesting, and most detailed of military tracts ; it is even furnished
with sketch maps and plans. The author, William Patten, had excellent oppor
tunities for writing a history of the campaign ; he was one of the 'judges of the
marshalsea,' that is, one of those appointed to administer martial law in the
provost-marshal's court. His colleague was William Cecil, afterwards the great
Lord Burghley, who assisted Patten in his literary as well as in his judicial work.
Patten's book was reprinted in Dalzell's Fragments of Scottish History, 1798 ; it
was also largely used by Holinshed and by Hayward in his Reign of Edward VI.
There are, however, several lacunae in Patten's story ; he makes scarcely any
allusion to the importance of the presence of the English fleet. Other accounts
by eyewitnesses are that by the Sieur de Barteville (mentioned on pp. 90, 95), a
French adventurer in the English service, whose narrative was printed by the
Bannatyne Club in 1825 ; the descriptions given to the French ambassador by
Jean Ribauld, another Frenchman in English service, and by the Scots chan
cellor, Huntly, which may be found in the Correspondance d'Odet de Selve, pp.
220 sqq. ; the best Scots accounts are in the Diurnal of Occurrents (Bannatyne
Club), pp. 44-5, and Lesly's ' History ' (Bannatyne Club), pp. 195-9. See the
present writer's England under Protector Somerset, pp. 155-160,
1 Ibid. pp. 163-5.

xx Tudor Tracts
gold was lavished among the nobility, French arms and
French soldiers were poured into the country, and eventu
ally France herself declared war upon England. Nor was
that all. At the same time the social discontent, which
troubled England throughout the Tudor period, came to a
head ; x revolts of the commons broke out in the east and in
the west ; levies intended for the Scottish Borders, or for
service in France, had to be diverted to Norfolk and Devon.
The Protector, whose attempts to alleviate the distress had
been frustrated by the Council, was held responsible for
risings due to the rejection of his policy. He was driven
from office, and his successor, the Duke of Northumberland,
made an ignominious peace with France and with Scotland,
in the hope that France would abet him in his unprincipled
scheme for placing his daughter-in-law on the English
throne.2 But, before we come to that pitiful tragedy, we must refer
to the predominant factor in the reign of Edward VI., the
struggle between the old faith and the new. The Reforma
tion in England had originally little to do with dogma ; no
doctrine played the part in England that justification by
faith did in Germany, or predestination in Switzerland.
The English movement arose from antagonism to the
privileges, powers, and possessions of the clergy, and began
with an attack on clerical fees. When, in the reign of
Edward vi., theological questions came to the front of the
political stage, the doctrine round which controversy waged
most furiously was, for an obvious reason, the doctrine of
the Eucharist. For, if priests could perform daily miracles,
there was something more than human about them, some
thing which raised them above their fellow men and justified
1 England under Protector Somerset, cap. viii. » Rid., caps. ix. and x.

Introduction xxi
their claim to exceptional privileges and exceptional
authority ; and, in their hatred of these clerical claims, men
began to attack the doctrinal basis upon which they rested.
The controversy was fierce, and in its popular manifestations
at any rate was not very edifying, though the materialistic
views of the sacrament of the altar expounded by not very
literate priests were to some extent responsible for the
coarseness with which they were attacked. The dialogue
between fohn Bon and Master Parson 1 is no doubt typical
of many an argument in the tavern and at the street corner,
when the leniency of Protector Somerset had opened the
floodgates of that diversity of opinion which Henry viii.
had striven by means of his royal supremacy and his
statute of Six Articles to keep shut.
It was not, however, religious motives which precipitated
the downfall of the Duke of Northumberland and of that
innocent traitress, Lady Jane Grey. The Duke had earned
a well-nigh universal detestation by a government that was
more violent than that of Henry VIII. and more pusillanimous
than that of Mary. Even his daughter-in-law declared
that he was ' hated and evil spoken of by the commons.'
His judicial murder of his rival, the Duke of Somerset, his
revival and extension of the harsh laws of Henry viii., and
his attempts to pack parliament and the privy council had
offended three-quarters of the nation before his insane plot
1 This metrical tract was published by Luke Shepherd, M.D., in 1548;
Professor Arber from a misapprehension of Underbill's remarks on pp. 194-5
assigned the tract to 1551, but there is a copy in the British Museum dated 1548,
there was no Protector in 1551 (see p. 195), and Sir John Gresham (p. 194) was
Lord Mayor in 1547-8; these facts make the date certain. The tract was
reprinted in facsimile in 1807 from the only copy known to be extant, and in
1852 was re-edited for the Percy Society. Bale's opinion that Dr. Shepherd's
verse was not inferior to Skelton's is scarcely borne out by John Bon and
Master Parson. The doctor appears to have been imprisoned in Mary's reign
for his authorship of this work.

xxii Tudor Tracts
to alter the succession alienated the rest. It was no question
of Protestant against Catholic; the issue was decided against
Northumberland by the most Protestant parts of the country
before the Catholics had time to stir. East Anglia and the
city of London were hotbeds of the new learning, yet the
men of Norfolk and Suffolk flocked to Mary's standard, and
London gave her such a welcome as had not been seen in
the memory of man.1 Even Edward Underhill, the Hot
Gospeller and author of our next tract,2 would not raise a
finger for Lady Jane Grey. The people had already suffered
enough under Northumberland ; that alone would have
made them side with Mary, and there were powerful reasons
besides. Then, and throughout the sixteenth century, men
saw in the Tudor dynasty their only bulwark against a
recurrence of the Wars of the Roses, and they will submit
to much from a government when the only alternative is
anarchy. There were, no doubt, objections to Mary as the
prote'ge'e of Rome and Spain, but those who felt these objec
tions most keenly were not partisans of Lady Jane Grey, but
of the daughter of Anne Boleyn. Elizabeth was as effectually
excluded as Mary from the throne by Northumberland's
plot ; hence its speedy and ignominious collapse.
Mary's accession was welcomed as a relief from the
tyranny of Northumberland's rule, and at first she did
something to justify the high hopes with which she had
been received. The worst of the treason laws enacted after
Somerset's fall were repealed, and although there was
1 See the present writer's England tender Protector Somerset, 1900, pp. 311-13.
2 Underbill's Narrative was partly printed by Strype, and also in the
Chronicles of Queen Jane and Queen Mary (Camden Society) ; but it was first
printed in full in Narratives of the Reformation (Camden Society) ; it was used
by Miss Strickland for her Queens of England and by Harrison Ainsworth for
his Tower of London ; see Diet. Nat. Biogr., lviii. 29-30.

Introduction xxiii
naturally a return to the old religion, there was not at first
any great persecution of the devotees of the new. Though
Edward Underbill's Narrative is a graphic description of the
perils to which Protestants 1 were liable, it also shows that
escape was comparatively easy even for 'Hot Gospellers'
so long as they had taken no active part in the ' rebellion '
of Lady Jane Grey. But this fair promise soon withered
away ; the threatened marriage of Mary with Philip of Spain
revived all those apprehensions upon which Henry VIII. had
played so successfully when he pleaded the necessity of a
male heir to the throne as a justification for his divorce
from Catherine of Aragon. No Queen had ever wielded the
English sceptre in peace ; one only had tried to seize it —
the Empress Matilda — and the effects of that attempt
had been such as to make Englishmen shrink from the
prospect of its repetition. It was a popular impression
in England, based on the experience of four centuries, that
women were excluded from the English throne, as they
were from that of France. If a woman succeeded, she must
either marry or she would leave the kingdom without heirs ;
if she married, she must wed either an English noble or a
foreign prince. If she chose an English noble, she would
provoke a repetition of those jealousies which had led to
the Wars of the Roses ; and if she preferred a foreign prince,
she might endanger the nation's independence. By marriage,
Brittany had been merged in France ; by marriage, the
Netherlands had been brought under the yoke of Spain,
with results soon to be luridly illustrated ; by marriage,
Hungary had come under the sway of the same Hapsburg

1 The employment of this term by Underhill, pp. 174, 179, 188, is one of the
earliest occasions on which it is used to denote a religious party in England ;
cf. Dixon, Church History, v. 262, 338, vi. 92.

xxiv Tudor Tracts
family, had been torn by civil war and left a prey to the
Turk. Was it so groundless a fear that by marriage to a
Hapsburg, Mary might entail upon England the disasters
that had attended similar unions in other countries ? So
the prospect of a Spanish marriage evoked a storm of protest
which no religious reaction could produce, and only a total
want of preparation robbed Wyatt's rebellion of the success
to which it so nearly attained.1
It was probably well for England that the rising did
fail, for the capture of London by the insurgents would
almost certainly have been followed by a religious civil
war, which might have devastated England for a generation,
like the wars of religion in France. But the results of the
failure were bad enough. The rebellion gave Mary and her
episcopal advisers an excuse for maintaining that treason
was a natural development of heresy, and that there could
be no peace until the heretics had been extirpated. Then
began the bloodiest persecution with which England has
ever been cursed ; neither old nor young, man nor woman,
bishop nor parish priest was spared, unless he would
abjure his faith, or seek safety in craven silence and
cowardly compliance with the powers that were. Attempts
1 In this volume we have accounts of Wyatt's rebellion from two different
points of view. Underbill's Narrative relates to the experience of a gentleman-
pensioner who helped to defeat the rebels, while Proctor's History is obviously
compiled from facts supplied by eyewitnesses who accompanied Wyatt's forces.
John Proctor, who was an ardent adherent of the Roman Catholic faith, had
already dedicated to Mary, when Princess, a work entitled The Fall of the Late
Arian, written on Somerset's deposition from the Protectorate. The History
of Wyatt's Rebellion, originally published in 1554, and here reprinted from the
second edition of 1555, was largely used by Holinshed, and is described by the
learned antiquary, Hearne, as 'a book of great authority.' In spite of his
Romanism, Proctor was in Elizabeth's reign rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn,
dying in 1584. Tennyson's Queen Mary embodies an interesting dramatisation
of Wyatt's story.

Introduction xxv
have been made to shift from one to another the responsi
bility for the blood of the martyrs, enumerated in the
pages of Foxe and in Brice's Register.^ Clerical writers
have pretended that the bishops, like Gardiner and Bonner,
were ever on the side of mercy, and that it was a ' reck
lessly base legislature ' which caused the holocaust. Others
have sought to lighten the burden which lies so heavy on
Mary's memory. Yet even Mary may claim some Protes
tant gratitude ; though the good she did was undesigned.
It was not Henry viii., it was not Edward vi., nor even
Queen Elizabeth who made certain the triumph of the
Reformation in England. It was the champion of the
Roman Church herself, whose cruelties planted an in
eradicable detestation of Rome in the average English
man's heart.
The final overthrow of the Roman Catholic cause was
not the only unrehearsed effect of Mary's reign. She not
merely alienated men's minds from the faith she professed,
but from the temporal policy she pursued. She had tied
England to the chariot wheels of Spain, and plunged her
into war with France to serve the purposes of the Haps
burg family. The result was the loss of Calais, which had
been in England's unbroken possession since its capture by
Edward III. two centuries before. It was a sore blow to
English pride ; feebleness abroad was no compensation
for Mary's ferocity at home. But the ultimate results
were all for England's good ; the alliance wjth Spain was
1 This doggerel tract was published at London in 1559 in duodecimo, and
another edition was issued in 1597. As it was written some years before Foxe's
Book of Martyrs, and almost immediately after Mary's death, it is probably the
most trustworthy list we possess, though the attacks made by S. R. Maitland
and others on Foxe have not materially impaired the martyrologist's reputation
for accuracy. See Diet. Nat. Biogr., s.v. Foxe, John ; and Canon Dixon's
Church History, vol. v. p. 327.

xxvi Tudor Tracts
hopelessly discredited, and England was relieved from the
Continental embarrassments in which the retention of
Calais would have perpetually involved her. Here again
the responsibility for disaster has been removed from
Mary's shoulders to those of her privy council. Her
council, it is true, was most incompetent ; Wentworth, the
deputy of Calais, was a man of no ability, though even he
had repeatedly demanded reinforcements which the council
refused to send.1 But Mary had chosen her own privy
council ; and if she had made the best selections possible,
the result illustrates the astonishing intellectual sterility
which seems to have smitten the party of reaction in Eng
land. To Mary, indeed, must be ascribed the principal part
in the blunders and crimes of her reign, as well as in the
unpremeditated blessings which ultimately flowed from
them. Yet it is impossible not to feel the pathos of Mary's
last hours ; she died fully conscious that her life had been
a failure ; she, like her mother, had lost the love of her
husband ; to her, as to her mother, the longed-for son was
denied; the throne would pass to the daughter of her
mother's supplanter ; and the faith for which she and her
mother had suffered so much would become anathema
1 The story of the loss of Calais is here (pp. 289-330) told in great detail from'
the original sources ; the two main narratives are those of George Ferrers and
Thomas Churchyard, both of them poets of some repute. Churchyard's account
is only accessible in Grafton's Chronicle, published in 1569, if so rare a volume
can be called accessible ; and Churchyard's General Rehearsal of Warres, I579i
is quite out of the reach of any but the most lucky or most lavish of book-
collectors. The rest of the account is made up from the MS. correspondence of
the deputy of Calais and his subordinates. So sensational an event — a modem
parallel might be supplied by the capture of Gibraltar — evoked quite a litera
ture on the Continent ; a volume entitled La Reduction de Calais appeared at
Paris, and an Italian account, Discorso sopra la presa della inespugnabile citti di
Calls, was published at Rome, both in 1558 ; and two centuries later a novel by
Guerin de Tencin, dealing with the subject, was published at the Hague, and
attained a wide popularity (2nd ed. 1739 ; 3rd ed. 1740 ; 4th ed. 1749).

Introduction xxvii
unto her people. Well might men say 'that she died of
thought and sorrow,' and believe, with Mary herself, that
' Calais would be found in her heart.' 1
But sombre reflections were little in harmony with men's
mood when they heard of Mary's death. It was an event
for which the majority of Englishmen had been eagerly
watching for years. ; and the private grief of the few was
drowned in the public joy of the multitude. The fear of
Spanish dominion passed away ; the nation breathed again,
and its pulse began to beat with a vigour it had never
known before. The new queen was not half-Spanish like her
sister ; she was the most English of all English monarchs
since the Norman Conquest. To trace a drop of foreign
blood in her veins, men had to go back more than a century
to her great-great-grandmother, Catherine of France, the
widow of Henry V., and wife of Owen Tudor. No wonder
she appealed to ' all English hearts.' 2 It was well for her
and for England that she established her throne in the
hearts of her people, for no sovereign inherited a more
doubtful position or essayed a more arduous task. She
was beset by perils at home and perils abroad. The mere
fact that Anne Boleyn's daughter should have ascended
•the throne at all would seem to indicate that the stars in
their courses fought on her side. Branded, by the strangest
and most erratic of her father's acts,3 with the stigma of
1 P. 331 ; the passage relating Queen Mary's death, which is here reprinted
from Foxe, is the origin of the well-known story about Mary and Calais, which
was told to Foxe by ' Master Ryse and Mistress Clarentiuf, ' attendants on the
queen ; from Foxe it was adopted by Holinshed ; Froude, who was apparently
unaware of its origin, describes the story as 'having come somehow into existence.'
2 See p. 395.
3 No satisfactory explanation of Henry viii.'s motive in divorcing as well as
beheading Anne Boleyn has yet been suggested ; he gained little or nothing by
it, while he added enormously to the difficulties with which Elizabeth was sur
rounded at her accession. See the present writer's Henry VIII. pp. 232-3.

xxviii Tudor Tracts
bastardy from the third year of her childhood, she had been to
Catholic Europe, and to many of her own people, the emblem
of the prevailing of the gates of hell ; she was the fruit of that
passion which was thought to have led her father into the
sin of schism ; and the repudiation and shameful death of her
mother left her with no support but the somewhat capricious
will of Henry VIII. She had suffered ignominy enough
in his reign, and in that of her brother Edward VI., though
she escaped the religious persecution which troubled her
sister Mary ; she was brought into greater peril by the
intrigues of her bold, bad lover, Lord Seymour of
Sudeley.1 Mary's accession placed Elizabeth in an even
worse case ; that queen was never forgiving, and the
temptation was strong to visit on Anne Boleyn's daughter
the wrongs which Anne had inflicted on Mary's mother.
The desire was inflamed by Mary's suspicion that Eliza
beth was the real centre of all the plots against her throne,
and after Wyatt's rebellion Elizabeth's life hung by a
slender thread. She was only saved by her consummate
caution and assumed acquiescence in Mary's religious
policy. Therein her conduct seems to compare unfavour
ably with Mary's stout resistance to the reforming measures
of Edward vi. ; but no one in Edward's reign thought of
sending Mary to the block or even to the Tower, while Mary
would have given her sister short shrift had she displayed
the religious obstinacy on which Mary had prided herself.
1 The somewhat compromising relations between Elizabeth and the Lord
High Admiral are discreetly passed over by Foxe, from whose pages we reprint
the account of Elizabeth's early years and imprisonment. The curious about
such matters will find full details in Haynes' Burghley State Papers, from which
Lingard has printed such particulars as would most damage Elizabeth's character.
Foxe's encomiums must be received with caution ; he would not be likely to say
anything disagreeable to the queen in 1563 ; nor would she have let him, had
he been so minded.

Introduction xxix
At length there came a happy issue out of all her
afflictions, and Elizabeth was no worse a queen for the
bread of bitterness she had eaten for twenty years. She
ascended the throne the last of the Tudors ; there was no
rival to divide the confidence and affection which the
people lavished on that dynasty, as they did on no other
before or since. ' Remember old King Henry VIII.,' shouted
one in the throng as Elizabeth rode to her coronation x in
Westminster Abbey on the 14th of January 1559; and the
queen, we are told, ' rejoiced at his name whom this Realm
doth hold of so worthy memory,' while the people hoped
she would ' in her doings resemble the same.' 2 The hope
was signally fulfilled ; Elizabeth avoided some errors
which Henry viii. committed, and she was saved by her
council from some risks which Henry would not have
provoked ; but on the whole she carried out with remark
able success the work which he had begun. She was a
true daughter of her father ; and when we speak of Tudor
characteristics, we really mean those of Henry viii. and
Elizabeth, whose reigns covered nearly eighty years of the
sixteenth century. Elizabeth had not perhaps the majestic
force of Henry, but in subtlety of intellect, consummate
and unprincipled statecraft, indomitable courage and
superb self-confidence she was little, if at all inferior ; and
the two together stand in a class apart from the rest of
England's monarchs.
Both needed all their qualities for the work they had to
do. Elizabeth came to the throne in a blaze of popular
1 The tract describing Elizabeth's coronation is reprinted from Tottel's
edition of 1558, 4to; another edition appeared in the same year, printed by
' S. S. for John Bury ' ; neither seems to have been reprinted except for thi§
Garner. 1 See p. 393.

xxx Tudor Tracts
favour largely due to Mary's blunders ; and her coronation
was the occasion of rejoicings in striking contrast with the
sullen disapproval, which had greeted her mother twenty-
five years before. But the curtain was raised on the final
act of the great sixteenth century drama amid omens that
boded ill for England's victory. Mary had left her country
well-nigh defenceless, and our second extract x dealing with
Elizabeth's reign describes the measures she took to repair
the condition of English arms. It was not merely weapons
but ships and money which England needed ; for the navy,
of which Henry VIII. has been called the father, had been
suffered to decay, and the currency consisted of more than
half alloy.2 Abroad, too, a formidable rival appeared ; one
Mary succeeded another as the champion of Roman
Catholicism. The second was Mary Stuart, the infant who had
been left Queen of Scotland by the death of James v., who
was now Queen of France by her marriage to Francis IL, and
who claimed to be Queen of England by reason of Eliza
beth's bastardy and of her own descent from Margaret,
sister to Henry VIII. So began the contest which ended in
the tragic scene at Fotheringay.
But of all the problems that Elizabeth had to solve, the
hardest was that of religion. The exact proportion of
Protestants to Catholics in England at the time of her
accession was probably unknown to the queen herself, and
it has been a matter of dispute ever since. It is reasonable
to suppose that the two parties were not unevenly matched ;
and it is almost certain that the complete estrangement of
1 PP« 396-4°o; for its author, William Harrison, see Diet. Nat. Biog.
xxv. 46.
3 For the debasement of the English coinage in the sixteenth century, see
England under Protector Somerset, pp. 45-52.

Introduction xxxi
either at any time within the first five years of her reign
would have wrecked Elizabeth's throne. Fortunately, there
was a large class which belonged to neither of the extreme
parties, and more fortunately still, all but a very few were
willing, in default of any practicable alternative, to put up
for a time with the Elizabethan settlement ; they regarded it
as merely temporary, and hoped, the Puritans for a speedy
extirpation of papistical remains, and the Catholics for an
early return to the Roman fold. The object of Elizabeth
and her council was to keep both in a state of tolerable
suspense. Uniformity was considered essential to national
unity, but articles of religion were to be worded so as to
admit of as many interpretations as possible. Adherents
of the old learning were persuaded to subscribe the Articles
because they were Catholic ; adherents of the new, because
they were Protestant. The same studied ambiguity per
vaded the rules about rites and ceremonies ; and it is pro
bable that the famous Ornaments Rubric itself, which still
puzzles the priest and the lawyer, was vague and obscure
with deliberate intent. It prescribed such ornaments as
were in use by authority of Parliament in the second year
of Edward VI. But it is not clear that there were any such
ornaments, for Parliament did not interpose its authority in
the matter of ornaments until the third year of Edward VI.,
and the ornaments in use in the second year were the
result of ancient custom and canon law, and not of Parlia
mentary definition. The net result of the Ornaments Rubric
must have been practically an order to ' go as you please,'
so long as the peace was kept. That, indeed, was the first
requisite ; it was Elizabeth's boast that she ' made no
windows into men's hearts.' There were plenty of Catholics
at her court ; one commanded her fleet against the Armada;

xxxii Tudor Tracts
and Essex's friends were described as.' a damnable crew of
atheists.' People could believe what they liked, so long as
they respected the persons of bishops and went to church
on Sundays. The settlement was not at the time regarded
as more than a makeshift, and many were indignant at
what they considered to be paltering with the truth. They
thought it would bring down on England the wrath of
Heaven, and interpreted disasters like the burning of St.
Paul's as divine judgments either for going too far along the
path of religious change, or else not far enough.1
The makeshift was none the less successful ; and
however much opposing parties to-day may lament the
indefiniteness of the Elizabethan settlement, it is that very
indefiniteness which keeps them now and kept them then
within one Church. It saved England from becoming a
prey to civil war, as France was at that moment, as
the Netherlands were to become within ten years, and
Germany two generations, later. What religious wars
could mean was vividly brought home to Englishmen by
the Spoil of Antwerp? an event comparable to the Sack of
Rome, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the Sack of
Magdeburg. It was a valuable object-lesson; it warned
Englishmen of what they might expect if ever Spanish
soldiery gained a foothold on English shores; it con
tributed not a little to the zeal with which they rallied
1 See p. 407. Bishop Pilkington's sermon is not now extant. See Pilking-
ton's Works (Parker Soe), pp. 481 sqq. A facsimile reprint of this tract on the
burning of St. Paul's was included in Genealogica Curiosa, vol. iii. 1885. The
extract from Foxe which here follows is a piece of pure comedy placed a little
out of chronological order because of its natural connection with the fire at St.
Paul's ; the incident must have taken place during Mary's reign.
2 This tract has only been printed in this Garner ; the documents prefixed to
it prove conclusively that its author was Gascoigne, and not a hypothetical
Gaston, as stated in Diet. Nat. Biogr., xxi. 38.

Introduction xxxiii
round their Queen when danger became acute ; and it made
them tolerant of the strong measures which Elizabeth and
her council took to parry plots against the government.
Genuine Englishmen would look with little patience on the
schemes of men like the Northern Earls, whose punishment
is now said to prove Elizabeth more ' bloody ' than Queen
Mary, but whose efforts, if successful, would then have
involved England in the throes of civil war, and have left
her a prey to foreign foes. It is easy to say that the con
ditions which prevailed on the continent could not have
been repeated in England ; but it is difficult to say why not,
unless it was because the strong right arm and the iron will
of the Tudors withstood the beginnings of debate.
The necessity for rigorous rule is not to be denied, but
necessity is after all the tyrant's facile plea, and it will
scarcely be held to justify all the steps which Elizabeth
took to secure her throne. Religious toleration was not
a popular idea in the sixteenth century, but the cruelties
they had suffered under Mary made Protestants a little
ashamed to persecute for religious opinion. At the same
time, they instinctively regarded Jesuits and other emissaries
of the Roman Church as enemies to whom no mercy could
be shown. It was a ready escape from the dilemma to
represent them not as martyrs to their faith, but as traitors
to their queen. And, indeed, it was not always easy to
distinguish religion from politics, especially when a religious
person like the Pope was also a great political power.
Had not the Pope excommunicated and deposed Elizabeth ?
Was it not the duty of a faithful Roman Catholic to
respect and further the decrees of the Holy Father? Then,
how could a true son of the Church be a loyal subject of
Queen Elizabeth? The problem was not an easy one to

xxxiv Tudor Tracts
solve; but of all the Catholic sufferers under Elizabeth,
none has better title to the martyr's crown than Edmund
Campion. He was a saint far removed from political
intriguers 1 like Parsons, for the Jesuits had not yet become
the instruments of Spanish policy in England, and Campion
was purely and simply a missioner of his faith. The con
duct of George Elliot 2 in using his former intimacy with
Roman Catholics to effect Campion's arrest has been
described as patriotic, but it was the kind of patriotism
which Dr. Johnson defined as the last refuge of scoundrels.
Another head more illustrious, but less innocent, than
that of the Jesuit martyr was next to fall on the scaffold.
The execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, was as illegal as
that of Charles I., for in neither case had the court which
tried the prisoner any jurisdiction. But then monarchs
are not subject to courts of law ; they may murder and
plot and steal to their hearts' content, and the law cannot
touch them. Hence it has sometimes happened that not
only expediency, but also justice has demanded that the
law should be overridden. It is not so easy to believe that
Mary's execution was unjust as that it was illegal, and we
are less indignant with Elizabeth for signing Mary's death-
warrant than for the infamous means she took to shift the
responsibility from her own to subordinate shoulders.3 By
1 For the political intrigues of the Jesuits of Elizabeth's later years, see The
Archpriest Controversy (Camden Soe. ), Taunton's History of the Jesuits, and
Hume's Treason and Plot.
3 See pp. 451-474, A very true Report of the apprehension and taking of thai
Arch-Papist, Edmund Campion. The official record of the payment to Elliot
and Jenkins for their services will be found in the Acts of the Privy Council, ed.
Dasent, 1581-2, p. 398.
3 See Hume, The Great Lord Burghley, 1898, pp.417-22, where the plot which
ruined Secretary Davison is exposed; the wretched man was made to suffer
under the imputation that he had forged the warrant, in order to save Elizabeth
from the resentment of the Catholic powers.

Introduction xxxv
a strange coincidence Mary was buried1 in Peterborough
Cathedral, where fifty-one years before another unfortunate
queen had been laid to rest. Catherine of Aragon was
the earliest, as Mary was the latest, crowned victim in the
strife between England and Rome ; but even in the battle
of the creeds spotless purity of life counts for little against **
feminine beauty, and Catherine has found no such band of
defenders as the noble army of writers who have risen to
champion the doubtful character of the Scottish queen.
Charles V. believed that his aunt had been poisoned, but no
imperial hosts flew to avenge the crime. Mary was more
fortunate ; the greatest fleet that the modern world had
seen sailed from the ports of Spain to exact retribution for
her death. Was Philip a truer son of the Church than
Charles ? It may be, but Mary had also bequeathed him
her claim to the English throne, and he had thus a more
substantial motive than mere religious zeal for seeking the
conquest of England. Possibly, too, he was not so wise as
his father. Henry VIIL had hinted that a Spanish fleet
might come to English waters and might not perhaps
return. ' Surely,' writes Gascoigne of the Spaniards in
1576 in The Spoil of Antwerp, ' their boasting and bragging
of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged ' ; and
again, ' I leave the scanning of their deeds unto God, who
will bridle their insolency when He thinketh good and con
venient.' Twelve years later the hour struck, and the
Spanish Armada sailed. No Spaniard, except its com-
1 This description (pp. 475-484) of Mary's funeral does not seem to have
been reprinted except in this Garner. For Robert Scarlett, see Diet. Nat.
Biogr. xl. 6. The fact that they were buried by the same sexton creates one
more curious link between Catherine of Aragon and Mary Queen of Scots.

xxxvi Tudor Tracts
mander, doubted of its success ; according to Deloney,1 the
expedition was even furnished with instruments of torture
to be applied to the vanquished heretics. The Pope had
blessed the crusaders, but ' God blew and they were scattered.'
So ran the inscription on the medal struck to commemorate
the victory, and so Englishmen loved to think. But the
winds and the waves only help those who help themselves;
they buffet English ships as well as Spanish galleons;
in September 1588 they proved fatal to the one and not to
the other because English arms had already beaten the
Spaniards from off the English shores. But for that ten
days' running fight up the English channel, the storm
would have swept harmlessly over the Spanish Armada as
it lay snug in Plymouth Sound, in Portsmouth Harbour, or
under the lee of the Downs.
With the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the work of the
Tudors was done. Elizabeth lingered a few more years on
the stage, but she was losing touch with her people. No
sooner was the peril from abroad averted than the voice
of domestic discontent began to be heard in the land.
Parliament was girding itself for its hundred years'- war
with the Crown. England had proved in the sixteenth
century that no foreign power should have dominion or
jurisdiction over her ; she was to prove in the seventeenth
that she would govern herself in the way that pleased her
best, caring no more for tyrannous kings than she had done
for absolute Popes.
A. F. POLLARD.
1 These three ballads are only accessible in the original broadsides, in a
limited edition of thirty copies issued by Halliwell-Phillipps in i860, and in this
Garner.

cCfje manner of t!)e
triumph at
CalatsanDSoulope. Wfyt seconU printing. Ofllitt)
more attritions a# it
toas tione infceetL
Cum pritnlegio laegali-

|C|e names of ti&e Noblemen of tftance.

<[ First, the French King.
The King of Navarre.
The Dauphin, Francis, Duke
de Bretagne.
Henry, Duke d'Orleans.
Charles, Duke d'Angouleme.
Charles, Duke de Vend6me.
The Duke de Guise.
The Duke de Longueville.
The Cardinal de Bourbon.
The Cardinal de Loraine.
The Legate, and Cardinal Chan
cellor of France, Antony de
Prayt.
The Cardinal Tournon.
The Cardinal Gramond.
The Marquis de Loraine de
pont.
The Marquis de Rocheline.
The two sons of the Duke de
Vend6me.
The son of the Duke de Guise,
Comte D'Aumalle.
The Comte de Saint Paul,
Francois de Bourbon.
The Comte de Nevers.
The Comte Louis de Nevers,
Comte Danseore.
The Lord Marshal, Seigneur de
Floraine.
The Lord Mirepois, Markhal
de la Foy.
The Comte de Porsean.
The Comte de Brene.
The Comte de Tonnore.

The Comte de Sensare.
The Comte de Grand Pre.
The Comte d'Apremont.
The Lord Great Master, Anne
DE MONTMERANCY.
The Lord Admiral, Philippe
Chabot.
The Lord Grand Esquire,
Galliot.
The Prince of Molse.
The Comte de Tande.
The Comte de Villars.
The Comte d'Estampes, Jean
de la berre.
The Comte de Chambre.
The Lord Canamples.
The Lord Barbelviez.
The Lord Hummeres.
The Lord Rochepiot.
The Lord of Saint Andrews.
The Lord Montigue.
The Lord Piennes.
The Lord Pontremy.
Monsieur de Lange.
Monsieur de Bellay.
The Archbishop of Rouen.
The Archbishop of Vienne.

The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop
The Bishop

of Lisieux.
of Langres.
of Chartres.
of Limoges.
of Beauvais.
of Auvergne.
of Macon.
of Castres.
of Paris.
of Angouleme.

C #n0 as concerning tye nobles ano total
States of tyi$ realm; it neeDetlj not to be
express b? name.

Henry VIII. arrives at Calais. [Nov. ,532

mM

i

Will certify you of our news in the parts of
Calais. First, the nth day of October [153a], which
was Friday ; in the morning at five o'clock, the
King's Grace took his ship called the Swallow :.
and so came to Calais by ten o'clock.
And there he was received with procession,
and with the Mayor and the Lord Deputy, and
all the spears [knights] and the soldiers in array; with a
great peal of guns : and lay in Calais till the Sunday
se'nnight after [the 20th of October].
And on the 16th day of October, my lord of Norfolk,
accompanied with my lord of Derby and a great number
of gentlemen besides, met with the Great Master of France
six miles from Calais at the " English Pale : " the said
Great Master having two great lords in his company of their
order, and a hundred gentlemen attending upon them.
And there my lord of Norfolk and the Great Master
devised the place where the two kings should meet : which
was at Sandingfield. And that so done ; they went both to
Calais with their companies.
And the said Great Master, with divers other strangers,
dined that day with the King : and after dinner, my lord of
Norfolk brought them forth of their way a mile or two;
and so departed for that time.
And on the Monday, the 21st day of October, the King of
England took his way to meet with the French King at the
place before appointed, with seven score [gentlemen] all in
velvet coats afore him, lords and knights ; and forty of his
guard, and others to the number, as we think, of six hundred
horse, and as well horsed as ever was seen.
And the King, our Master, met with the French Kmg at
Sandingfield, within the English Pale three miles. There the
French King tarried for our Master the space of an hour or
two : the French King being accompained with the King
of Navarre, the Cardinal de Lorraine, the Duke de
Vendome; with divers others noblemen well and richly
appointed, being of like number as our King was of, that is
to say, six hundred persons.

Nov.'.53*-] Goes with Francis I. to Boulogne. 5
There was the lovingest meeting that ever was seen ; for
the one embraced the other five or six times on horseback ;
and so did the lords on either party each to other : and so did
ride hand in hand with great love the space of a mile.
At the meeting of these two noble Kings, there were [Eng
lish] sakers and sakrets cast off : and at divers flights [of shot],
two kites were beaten down, which were soaring in the air,
with such like pastime, which greatly pleased all the nobles of
both parties. And then they did light off their horses, and
drank each to other. The French King drank first to our King :
and when they had drunk they embraced each other again
with great love ; and so rode towards Boulogne, our King on
the right hand.
And when they came within a mile of Boulogne, there met
with the Kings, the Dauphin, being accompanied with his
two brethren the Duke d'Orleans and the Duke d'Angou
leme ; very goodly children : and attending on them, four
Cardinals ; with a thousand horse, very well beseen.
And when they came near the town, the French King
caused our Master to tarry, while the gunshot was shot;
which was heard twenty English miles from Boulogne : and
so entered the town.
Where stood the Captain with the soldiers in good order.
And above them stood a hundred Switzers of the French
King's Guard, in their doublets and their hose of yellow
velvet cut, goodly persons ; and above them, stood two
hundred more of the French King's Guard, Scots and
Frenchmen, in coats of yellow, blue, and crimson velvet,
bearing halberts in their hands ; and above them stood two
hundred gentlemen, being in their gowns well and richly
beseen, every man having a battle axe in his hand, and
their captains standing by them.
And so they tarried in Boulogne; Monday, Tuesday,
Wednesday, and Thursday all day.
The Tuesday, being the second day of this their being
there, the French King gave our King rich apparel wrought
with needle work purled [fringed] with gold; in the which
like apparel both the Kings went to our Lady's Church at
Boulogne. At that time, our King obtained release and
liberty from the French King, for all prisoners at that time
prisoners in Boulogne. And in like wise, did the French
King in Calais of our King and Master at his being there ;

6 The great cheer at Boulogne, [n^'^
and obtained grace for all banished men that would make
suit for their pardon. And to esteem the rich traverses
[low curtains] that were in our Lady's Church in Boulogne, and
in our Lady's Church in Calais likewise, for both the Kings;
the rich ordinances and provision for the same: it is too
much to write !
And as for the great cheer that was there, no man can
express it. For the King's Grace was there entertained all
at the French King's cost and charges. And every day
noblemen of France desired our nobles and gentlemen home
to their lodgings : where they found their houses richly
hanged [with tapestry], great cupboards of plate, sumptuous
fare, with singing and playing of all kinds of music. And
also there was sent unto our lodgings great fare with all
manner of wines for our servants ; and our horses' meat was
paid for : and all at their charges.
And every day the French king had at dinner and supper
with him certain noblemen of England : and the King's
Grace had in like wise certain of their nobles at dinner and
supper ; during the time of their being at Boulogne. And
this continued with as great cheer and familiarity as might be.
And as concerning ladies and gentlewomen, there were none.
And on the Friday following, the Kings came towards
Calais. And the Dauphin, with the Cardinals and all their
gentlemen, brought the Kings unto the place where they
first met them ; and then departed. The French King had
great carriage [baggage] ; for there came more than three
hundred mules laden with stuff.
And so coming towards Calais, the Duke of Richmond,
accompanied with Bishops, and many other noblemen that
were not with the King at Boulogne ; and all the King's
Guard, which were with all others marvellously well horsed
and trimmed ; they stood in a place appointed, in array and
good order in the way, two miles out of Calais where the
French King should come : who saluted the French King
with great honour, in like manner as the King our Master
was saluted at Boulogne, with amicable and goodly salutations
as ever were seen. They were saluted with great melody;
what with guns, and all other instruments [!]: and the order
of the town, it was a heavenly sight for the time !
First at Newnam Bridge, 400 shot ; at the Block House,

Nov.'iS3a.] The two Kings return to Calais. 7
30 shot ; at Risbank Tower [in Calais harbour] 300 shot ;
within the town of Calais 2,000 shot, great and small ;
besides the ships. It was all numbered at 3,000 shot. And
at Boulogne, by estimation, it passed not 200 shot ; but they
were great pieces [cannon].
Also for the order of the town there was set all serving men
on the one side, in tawny coats ; and soldiers on the other
side, all in coats of red and blue, with halberts in their hands.
And so the Kings came riding in the midst : and so the
French King went to Staple Hall; which is a princely house.
And upon Saturday, both the Kings rode to our Lady's
Church to mass ; and in the afternoon both their councils
sat together.
And upon Sunday, both the Kings heard mass in their
lodgings. And at afternoon, the King of England rode to
Staple Hall to the French King ; and there was both bear-
baiting and bull-baiting till night.
And at night, the French King supped with our King, and
there was great banqueting.
After supper, there came in a Masque, my Lady Marquess
of Pembroke [i.e., Anne Boleyn], my Lady Mary [Boleyn],
my lady Derby, my lady Fitz- Walter, my lady Rochford,
my lady LTsle, and my lady Wallop, gorgeously apparelled,
with visors on their faces : and so came and took the French
King, and other lords of France, by the hand ; and danced a
dance or two.
After that, the King took off their visors ; and then they
danced with gentlemen of France an hour after : and then
they departed to their lodgings.
As for the apparel of the French lords, my tongue cannot
express it, and especially the French King's apparel passeth my
pen to write ; for he had a doublet set over all with stones and
rich diamonds, which was valued by discreet men at a £100,000
[=£800,000 in the present day]. They far passed our lords and
knights in apparel and richesse.
They had great cheer in Calais, and loving "also ; and all
at our King's costs and charges.
Also the same day that the Kings came from Boulogne,
the French King made the Duke of Norfolk, and the Duke of
Suffolk, of the Order of Saint Michael. And upon Monday,
which was the 29th day of October, at Calais ; our King

8 Francis I. returns to Paris. [Nov;IS3a
made the Great Maister of France and the Admiral of France,
Knights of the Garter.
And that day, there was a great wrestling between
Englishmen and Frenchmen, before both the Kings. The
French King had none but priests that wrestled, which were
big men and strong (they were brethren) ; but they had most
falls. As concerning the abundance and liberal multitude of gifts
that were so lovingly and cordially given on both parties (to
the great honour of both the Kings) my pen or capacity
cannot express it : as well among the great lords as with the
lowest yeoman that bare any office in either King's house;
and specially the King's gifts, on both parties, always
rewarded the one like unto the other.
And all other gifts were nothing but rich plate, and gold
coin — silver was of no estimation —besides raiments, horses,
geldings, falcons, bears, dogs for the game : with many other,
which were too much to write.
And upon the 29th day of October, the French King
departed from Calais to Paris ward : and our King brought
him as far as Morgyson, which is from Calais, seven miles;
and so came to Calais again.
And he purposeth, GOD willing, to be at Canterbury the
8th day of November, and so home. Whom GOD, of His
goodness, ever preserve ! and send good passage, and safe
again into England. Amen.
C Jfmprinteti ftp WLyntyn toe MoxUf
unDer tlje grace anti privilege of our
most ropai an& retioufttefc prince,
Sting $enrp tf)e toiijtf), for 3)ol)n
dSougi) fctoeiiing at #aul'0
gate in e^eap
[i.e. Cheapside].
Cum pritJilegio,

€1 %ty noftle triumphant
Coronation of
<&ueen $nne,
Wiift unto tf)e most
noftle Sting
^enrp ti)e Kiiitf).

iRst, the 29th
Thursday ; all

day of May [1533], being
the worshipful Crafts and
Occupations in their best array, goodly
beseen, took their barges which were
splayed [displayed] with goodly banners
fresh and new, with the cognizance and
arms of their faculty ; to the number of
fifty great barges, comely beseen, and
every barge had minstrels making great and sweet harmony.
Also there was the Bachelors' Barge comely beseen,
decked with innumerable banners and all about hanged with
rich cloth of gold ; and foists [swift boats] waiting upon her,
decked [adorned] with a great shot of ordnance : which
descended the river afore all the barges ; the Batchelors'
Barge foremost. And so following in good order, every Craft
[i.e., City Company] in their degree and order, till they came
to Greenwich, and there tarried ; abiding the Queen's Grace :
which was a wonderful and goodly sight to behold.
Then at three o'clock, the Queen's Grace came to her
barge : and incontinent [immediately] all the citizens with
that goodly company set forth towards London in good
array, as is before said. And to write what number of gun
shots — what with chambers, and great pieces of ordnance —
were shot off as she passed by, in divers places, and especially
at Ratcliff and at Limehouse out of certain ships ; it passeth
my memory to write or to tell the number of them ! And so
the Queen's Grace, being in her rich barge among her nobles,
the citizens accompanied her to London, unto the Tower
wharf.

12 The Procession up the River. \jmLS3}.
Also ere she came near the Tower, there were shot off
innumerable pieces of ordnance, as ever there was there by
any men's remembrances: where the King received her
Grace with a noble loving countenance ; and so gave thanks
and praise to all the citizens for all their great kindness and
loving labour and pains taken in that behalf, to the great joy
and comfort of all the citizens.
Also to behold the wonderful number of people that ever
was seen, that stood on the shore on both sides of the river;
it was never seen, in one sight, out of the City of. London.
What in goodly lodgings and houses that be on the river
side between Greenwich and London; it passeth all men's
judgements to esteem the infinite number of them : wherein
her Grace with all her ladies rejoiced much.
C Untfffjtg maOe at (Breentotch, tfie feunDaj?
Mot* afllhjfcssttn&ap*
|[ And the Sunday before this Triumph, being the 25th day
of May fT533] J the King made at his Manor of Greenwich
all these knights.
Sir Christopher Danby. Sir Thomas Butteller.
Sir Christopher Hylard. Sir William Walgrave.
Sir Brian Hastings. Sir William Fielding.
Sir Thomas Methem.

C %ty jFrfoap, toere mate 3&nig;I)t0 of t&e 2Bart),
nineteen ; tofjogfe nameg follotoert)*
C" Also on Friday the 30th day of May, the king created
and made in the Tower of London, nineteen noblemen,
Knights of the Bath : whose names follow.
The Lord Marquis Dorset.
The Earl of Derby.
The Lord Clifford, son and heir to the Earl of Cumber
land.
The Lord Fitz- Walter, son and heir to the Earl of Sussex.
The Lord Hastings, son and heir to the Earl of Huntingdon.
The Lord Berkeley.

june?i533-] The large number of Knights made. 13
The Lord Monteagle.
The Lord Vaux.
Sir Henry Parker, son and heir to the Lord Morley.
Sir William Windsor, son and heir to the Lord Windsor.
Sir John Mordaunt, son and heir to the Lord Mordaunt.
Sir Francis Weston.
Sir Thomas Arundell.
Sir John Hudleston.
Sir Thomas Ponings.
Sir Henry Saville.
Sir George Fitzwilliam, of Lincolnshire.
Sir John Tyndall.
Sir Thomas Jermey.

C Also Saturday, the last day of May, the King made those
Knights of the sword, in the Tower of London, whose names
follow :

Sir William Drury.
Sir John Gerningham.
Sir Thomas Rush.
Sir Randolph Buerton.
Sir George Calverley.
Sir Edward Fytton.
Sir George Conyers.
Sir Robert Nedham.
Sir John Cha worth.
Sir George Gresley.
Sir John Constable.
Sir Thomas Umpton.
Sir John Horsley.
Sir Richard Lygon.
Sir John Saint Clere.
Sir Edward Maidison.
Sir Henry Feryngton.
Sir Marmaduke Tunstall.
Sir Thomas Halsall.
Sir Robert Kirkham.
Sir Anthony Windsor.
Sir Walter Hubbert.
Sir John Willoughby.

Sir Thomas Kitson.
Sir Thomas Mysseden.
Sir Thomas Foulehurst.
Sir Henry Delves.
Sir Peter Warburton.
Sir Richard Bulkeley.
Sir Thomas Laking.
Sir Walter Smith.
Sir Henry Everyngham.
Sir William Uvedall.
Sir Thomas Massingberd.
Sir William Sandon.
Sir James Baskervylle.
Sir Edmond Trafford.
Sir Arthur Eyre.
Sir Henry Sutton.
Sir John Norjes.
Sir William Malory.
Sir John Harcourt.
Sir John Tyrell.
Sir William Browne.
Sir Nicholas Sturley.
Sir Randolph Manering,

14 The Coronation Procession. [jum?IS33.
C AlsotheSundayafterWhit-sunday,being Trinity Sunday,
and the 8th day of June ; were made at Greenwich, these
Knights following.
Sir Christopher Corwen. Sir John Dawn.
Sir Geofrey Mydleton. Sir Richard Haughton.
Sir Hugh Trevyneon. Sir Thomas Langton.
Sir George West. Sir Edward Bowton.
Sir Clement Herleston. Sir Henry Capel.
Sir Humphrey Feries.
C Also all the pavements of the City, from Charing Cross
to the Tower, were covered over and cast with gravel.
And the same Saturday, being Whitsun Eve, the Mayor
with all the Aldermen and the Crafts of the City prepared
array in a good order to stand and receive her Grace ; and with
rails for every Craft to stand and lean, from the press of people.
The Mayor met the Queen's Grace at her coming forth of
the Tower. All his brethren and aldermen standing in Cheap
[Cheapside]. And upon the same Saturday, the Queen came forth from
the Tower towards Westminster, in goodly array ; as
hereafter followeth.
She passed the streets first, with certain strangers, their
horses trapped with blue silk ; and themselves in blue velvet
with white feathers, accompanied two and two. Likewise
Squires, Knights, Barons, and Baronets, Knights of the Bath
clothed in violet garments, edged with ermine like judges.
Then following : the Judges of the law, and Abbots. All
these estates were to the number of two hundred couple and
more : two and two accompanied.
And then followed Bishops, two and two; and the
Archbishops of York and Canterbury ; the Ambassadors of
France and Venice ; the Lord Mayor with a mace : Master
Garter the King of Heralds, and the King's coat armour upon
him, with the Officers of Arms, appointing every estate in
their degree.
Then followed two ancient Knights with old fashioned
hats, powdered on their heads, disguised, who did represent
the Dukes of Normandy and of Guienne, after an old
custom : the Lord Constable of England for the time, being the

-j-J

juneTis33.] Udall's Pageant at Leadenhall. 15
Duke of Suffolk ; the Lord William Howard, the Deputy
for the time to the Lord Marshal, the Duke of Norfolk.
Then followed the Queen's Grace in her litter, costly and
richly beseen, with a rich canopy over her : which was borne
by the Lords of the Five Ports [i.e., Barons of the Cinque
Ports]. After her, following the Master of her Horse with a
spare white palfrey richly appointed, and led in his hand.
Then followed her noble Ladies of Estate richly clothed in
crimson powdered with ermines ; to the number of twelve.
Then the Master of the Guard, with the guard on both
sides of the streets in good array ; and all the Constables well
beseen in velvet and damask coats with white staves in their
hand ; setting every man in array and order in the streets
until she came to Westminster.
Then followed four rich chariots with Ladies of Honour.
After them followed thirty Ladies and gentlewomen richly
garnished : and so the serving men after them.
And as she was departed from the Tower a marvellously
great shot of guns [cannonade] was there fired, and shot off.
So this most noble company passed, till her Grace came to
Fenchurch ; where was a pageant fair and seemly, with
certain children who saluted her Grace with great honour
and praise, after a goodly fashion : and so passed forth to
Gracechurch. Where was a rightly costly pageant of Apollo,
with the Nine Muses among the mountains, sitting on the
mount of Parnassus : and every of them having their instru
ments and apparel according to the description of poets, and
namely [particularly] of Virgil ; with many goodly verses to
her great praise and honour.
And so she passed forth through Gracious [Gracechurch]
Street unto Leaden Hall where was built a sumptuous and
costly pageant in manner of a castle wherein was fashioned a
heavenly roof and under it upon a green was a root or a stock,
whereout sprang a multitude of white and red roses curiously
wrought. So from the heavenly roof descended a white
falcon, and lighted upon the said stock and root : and
incontinent [immediately] descended an angel with goodly
harmony, having a close crown between his hands, and set it
on the falcon's head. And on the said floor sat Saint Anne
in the highest place. And on that one side, her progeny with
Scripture, that is to wit, the three Maries with their issue,

16 The Pageants in Cheapside. [june'^.
that is to understand, Mary, the mother of Christ, Mary
Salome the mother [or rather the wife] of Zebedee with the
two children of them. Also Mary Cleophas with her
husband Alpheus, with their four children on the other side.
With other poetical verses [see p. 20] said and sung ; and with
a ballad in English [see p. 22] to her great praise and honour,
and to all her progeny also.
And so she passed forth from thence, through CornhiU;
and at the Conduit was a sumptuous pageant of the Three
Graces. At the coming of the Queen's Grace a poet declared
the nature of all those three Ladies ; and gave high praises
unto the Queen. And after this preamble finished, each
Lady in particular spake great honour and high praise of the
Queen's Grace.
And so she passed forth with all her nobles till she came in
Cheap [Cheapside]. And at the Great Conduit was made a
costly fountain, where out ran white wine, claret, and red
wine, in great plenty, all that afternoon. And there was
great melody, with speeches.
And so passed forth through Cheap to the Standard, which
was costly and sumptuously garnished with gold and azure,
with [coats of] arms and stories [? galleries] : where was
great harmony and melody.
And so passed she forth by the Cross in Cheap, which was
new garnished : and so through Cheap towards the lesser Con
duit. And in the midway between, the Recorder of London
received her before the Aldermen ; with great reverence and
honour saluting her Grace, with a loving and humble proposi
tion, presenting her Grace with a rich and costly purse of gold,
and in it a thousand marks [= £666 or about £5,000 in present
value] in gold coin; given unto her as a free gift of honour.
To whom she gave great thanks both with heart and mind.
And so her Grace passed a little further, and at the lesser
Conduit was a costly and rich pageant ; whereat was goodly
harmony of music and other minstrels, with singing. And
within that pageant were five costly seats, wherein were
set these five personages, that is to wit, Juno, Pallas,
Mercury, Venus, and Paris; who having a ball of gold
presented it to her Grace with certain verses of great honour
[see p. 25]: and children singing a ballad [see p. 27] to her
Grace, and praise to all her ladies.

june'issaJ Those in St. Paul's Churchyard. 17
And so passed forth to Paul's Gate, where was a proper
and sumptuous pageant, that is to wit, there sat three fair
ladies, virgins, costly arrayed, with a fair round throne over
their heads; where about was written, Regina Anna prospere!
procede ! et regna ! that is in English, " Queen Anne prosper !
proceed ! and reign ! " The lady that sat in the midst having
a table of gold in her hand, written with letters of azure,
Veni arnica coronaberis, " Come my love ! thou shalt be
crowned ! " And two angels having a close crown of gold
between their hands. And the lady on the right hand had
a table of silver, whereon was written, DOMINE ! dirige gressos
meos t " LORD GOD ! direct my ways ! " The other on the
left hand had in another table of silver written, this Confide
in DOMINO ! " Trust in GOD ! " And under their feet was
a long roll wherein was written this, Regina Anna novum
regis de sanguine natum, cum paries populis aurea secula tuis.
" Queen Anne when thou shalt bear a new son of the King's
blood ; there shall be a golden world unto thy people! " And
so the ladies cast over her head a multitude of wafers with
rose leaves ; and about the wafers were written with letters
of gold, this posy. [Not given by the Writer.]
And so her Grace passed forth into Paul's Churchyard. And
at the East end of the Church against the [i.e., Saint Paul's]
School was a great scaffold, whereon stood the number of
two hundred children, well beseen : who received her with
poet's verses to her noble honour. When they had finished,
she said " Amen," with a joyful smiling countenance.
And so passed forth through the long Churchyard ; and so
to Lud Gate, which was costly and sumptuously garnished
with gold, colours, and azure; with sweet harmony of
ballads to her great praise and honour; with divers sweet
instruments. And thus her Grace came through the City with great
honour and royalty, and passed through Fleet Street till she
came to the Standard and Conduit where was1 made a fair
tower with four turrets with vanes. Therewithin was a great
plenty of sweet instruments, with children singing. The
Standard, which was of mason work, costly made with images
and angels, costly gilt with gold and azure, with other colours,
and divers sorts of [coats of] arms costly set out, shall there
continue and remain : and within the Standard a vice with a

1 8 The Queen's Coronation in the Abbey, \jmt\sn
chime. And there ran out of certain small pipes great plenty
of wine all that afternoon. .
And so her Grace passed through the. city to Temple Bar;
and so to Charing Cross : and so through Westminster into
Westminster Hall, that was well and richly hanged with
cloth of Arras [tapestry], with a marvellous rich cupboard of
plate : and there was a void [collation] of spice-plates and wine.
And that done, the Queen's Grace withdrew her into the
White Hall for that night ; and so to York Place by water.

C The Sunday, in the morning, at eight o'clock, the Queen's
Grace with noble ladies in their robes of estate, assembled
with all the nobles apparelled in Parliament robes, as Dukes,
Earls, Archbishops and Bishops, with Barons and the Barons
of the Five Ports ; with the Mayor of the City and the
Aldermen in their robes, as mantles of scarlet.
The Barons of the Five Ports bare a rich canopy of cloth of
gold, with staves of gold, and four bells of silver and gilt.
The Abbot of Westminster with his rygals [? regalia] came
into the Hall in pontificalibus, with his monks in their best
copes ; the [members of] the King's chapel in their best
copes: with the Bishops, richly adorned in pontificalibus.
And the blue 'ray cloth spread from the high dosses [? Ms]
of the King's Bench unto the high altar of Westminster.'
And so every man proceeding to the Minster in the best
order, every man after his degree appointed to his order and
office as appertaineth; came unto the place appointed:
where her Grace received her crown, with all the ceremonies
thereof, as thereunto belongeth. And so all ceremonies done,
with the solemn Mass: they departed home in their best orders;
every man to the Hall of Westminster: where the Queen's
Grace withdrew for a time into her chamber appointed.
And so after a certain space, Her Grace came into the
Hall. Then ye should have seen every nobleman doing
their service to them appointed, in the best manner that hath
been seen in any such ceremony.
The Queen's Grace washed. The Archbishop of Canter
bury [Cranmer] said grace. Then the nobles were set to
the table. Therewith came the Queen's service with the
service of the Archbishop. A certain space, three men with
the Queen's Grace's service.

june?IS33.] and Dinner in Westminster Hall. 19
Before the said service, came the Duke of Suffolk (High
Constable that day, and Steward of the feast) on horseback,
and marvellously trapped in apparel with richesse. Then
with him came the Lord William Howard, as Deputy to
the Duke of Norfolk, in the room [office] of the Marshal of
England, on horseback.
The Earl of Essex, Carver. The Earl of Sussex, Sewer.
The Earl of Derby, Cupbearer. The Earl of Arundel,
Butler. The Viscount Lisle, Panterer. The Lord Braye,
Almoner. These noble men did their service in such humble sort and
fashion, as it was a wonder to see the pain and diligence of
them : being such noble personages.
The service borne by Knights, which were to me too long
to tell in order : the goodly service of kinds of meat ; with
their devices from the highest unto the lowest : there have
not been seen a more goodly nor more honourably done in no
man's days.
C There were four tables in the great Hall, along the said
hall. The noblewomen, one table : sitting all on that one side.
The noblemen another table.
The Mayor of London another table, with his brethren.
The Barons of the [Cinque] Ports, with the Master of the
Chancery, the fourth table.
And thus all things nobly and triumphantly done at her
Coronation ; her Grace returned to White Hall, with great
joy and solemnity.
And on the morrow, there were great justs at the tilt done
by eighteen Lords and Knights, where were broken many
spears valiantly ; and some of their horses would not come
at their pleasure, near unto the tilt; which was displeasure
to some that there did run.
C CIjus en&ety tyis triumph .
gimprinteti at Lontion in flttt street ft?
mynfyn tie moxnt, for %cfyn dBougft*
Cum prifcilegio*

20

Nicholas Udall.
English Verses and Ditties at the Coronation
Procession of ^ueen Anne Boleyn.
{Royal MS. 18. A. Lxiv.]
At the Pageant representing the Progeny of Saint Anne,
exhibited at Cornhill, besides Leadenhall.
Were pronounced unto the Queen's Grace, these words
following. By a Child. |Ost excellent Queen, and bounteous Lady !
Here now to see your gracious Goodness,
I With such honour entering this City ;
JWhat joy we take, what hearty gladness,
No pen may write, nor any tongue express !
For of you, depend the sure felicity
And hope, both of us and our posterity.
For like as from this devout Saint Anne
Issued this holy generation,
First Christ, to redeem the soul of man ;
Then James th'apostle, and th'evangelist John ;
With these others, which in such fashion
By teaching and good life, our faith confirmed,
That from that time yet to, it hath not failed :
Right so, dear Lady ! our Queen most excellent !
Highly endued with all gifts of grace,
As by your living is well apparent ;
We, the Citizens, by you, in short space,

MkyS-l Verses at the Coronation Procession. 21
Hope such issue and descent to purchase ;
Whereby the same faith shall be defended,
And this City from all dangers preserved.
Which time that we may right shortly see,
To our great comfort, joy and solace ;
Grant the most high and blessed Trinity !
Most humbly beseeching your noble Grace,
Our rude simpleness showed in this place
To pardon ; and, the brief time considering,
To esteem our good minds, and not the thing.
This spoken, opened a cloud, and let down a White
Falcon, in the descending of which was pronounced, as
followeth :
By another Child.
Ehold and see the Falcon White 1
How she beginneth her wings to spread,
And for our comfort to take her flight.
But where will she cease, as you do read ?
A rare sight ! and yet to be joyed,
On the Rose ; chief flower that ever was,
This bird to 'light, that all birds doth pass !
Then out of the same cloud descended an Angel, and
crowned the same Falcon with a Crown Imperial : at which
doing, was pronounced as followeth :
By another Child.
Onour and grace be to our Queen Anne !
For whose cause an Angel celestial
Descendeth, the Falcon as white as swan,
To crown with a Diadem Imperial !
In her honour rejoice we all.
For it cometh from GOD, and not of man.
Honour and grace be to our Queen Anne !

22 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [£™£
Then, at the departing of the Queen's said Grace, was sung
this ballad following. His White Falcon,
Rare and geason,
This bird shineth so bright ;
Of all that are,
No bird compare
May with this Falcon White.
The virtues all,
No man mortal,
Of this bird can write.
No man earthly
Enough truly
Can praise this Falcon White.
Who will express
Great gentleness
To be in any wight ;
He will not miss,
But call him this
The gentle Falcon White.
This gentle bird
As white as curd
Shineth both day and night ;
Nor far ne near
Is any peer
Unto this Falcon White.
Of body small,
Of power regal,
She is, and sharp of sight ;
Of courage hault
No manner fault
Is in this Falcon White.

Siy IS33-J Verses at the Coronation Procession. 2-
In chastity,
Excelleth she,
Most like a virgin bright t
And worthy is
To live in bliss
Always this Falcon White.
But now to take
And use her make
Is time, as troth is plight ;
That she may bring
Fruit according
For such a Falcon White.
And where by wrong,
She hath fleen long,
Uncertain where to light ;
Herself repose
Upon the Rose,
Now may this Falcon White.
Whereon to rest,
And build her nest ;
GOD grant her, most of might !
That England may
Rejoice alway
In this same Falcon White.

24 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [nS^*
At the Conduit in Comhill was exhibited a Pageant
of the Three Graces [see p. 16.]
In which a Child, apparelled like a Poet, pronounced
unto the Queen's Grace these verses :
]Ueen Anne, behold your servants, the Three
Graces !
I Giving unto your Grace faithful assistance.
uWith their most goodly amiable faces,
They attend with their continual presence,
Where your Grace goeth. Absent in your absence.
While your Grace is here, they also here dwell
About the pleasant brinks of this live well.
Now here to be, they thought it their duty,
And presently to salu[t]e you, gracious Queen !
Entering this day into this noble City,
In such triumphant wise as hath not been seen :
Which thing, to your honour and joy may it been !
These Three Sisters thought it their rebuke and shame,
This day to be slack in honouring their Dame.
Then immediately followed the speeches of the Three
Graces, in this wise :

Aglaia. H e arty Gladness.
Ujeen Anne ! whom to see, this City doth rejoice ;
We three Graces, ladies of all pleasance,
J Clasped hand in hand, as of one mind and voice,
With our three gifts in all good assurance,
Shall never fail your Grace, to t'endue and enhance !
For I, Hearty Gladness by my name called,
Shall your heart replenish with joy unfeigned.

MayiH3-] Verses at the Coronation Procession. 25
Thaleia. St a ble H on o ur.

Nd I, Stable Honour, gracious Queen Anne!
Joying in your joy, with this noble City,
In honour and dignity, all that I can,
Shall you advance ! as your Grace is most worthy.
You to assist, I am bound by my duty.
For your virtues being incomparable,
You cannot but live, aye, most honourable.

Euphrosyne.

Continual Success.

Nd for the great virtues, which I perceive
To be in your Grace, so high and excellent !
By me, Continual Success, ye receive
Long fruition, with daily increasement
Of joy and honour, without diminishment.-
Never to decay, but always to arise !
All men, women, and children pray the same wise.

&

At the Little Conduit in Cheapside was exhibited the
Judgement of Paris [see p. 16],
In manner and form following :

Mercury

UpiTER.this apple unto thee hath sent,
Commanding, in this cause, to give
true judgement !

Paris. Jupiter, a strange office hath given me,
To judge which is fairest of these ladies three.
Juno. All riches and kingdoms be at my behest,
Give me the apple! and thou shalt have the best !

26 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [&?%£
Pallas. Adjudge it to me ! and for a kingdom,
I shall give thee incomparable wisdom !
Venus. Prefer me ! and I shall reward thee, Paris !
With the fairest lady that on the earth is.
Paris. I should break Jupiter's high commandment,
If I should for mede or reward give judgement.
Therefore, lady Venus ! before both these twain,
Your beauty much exceeding ; by my sentence,
Shall win, and have this apple. Yet, to be plain!
Here is the fourth Lady, now in presence,
Most worthy to have it of due congruence,
As peerless in riches, wit, and beauty;
Which are but sundry qualities in you three.
But for her worthiness, this apple of gold
Is too simple a reward a thousand fold 1
The conclusion of this Pageant pronounced by
A Child.
j 0 ! No ! Another reward there is
Ordained for the worthiness of Her Grace ;
IjAnd not to be disposed by you, Paris !
Nor to be given here in this place.
Queen Anne ! most excellent that ever was,
For you is ready a Crown Imperial !
To your joy, honour, and glory immortal.
GOD, that of His goodness all things doth us send,
Hath sent us your Grace, our hearts to make glad.
Wherefore with as much humbleness we intend
Your noble Grace to serve, as ever Queen had.
For nothing there is, that may now make us sad,
Having your noble Grace, our refuge and rest,
Provided by Him, that knoweth what is best.

Ma"di533.] Verses at the Coronation Procession. 27
All joy, wealth, and honour, with long space of life,
Be to your Grace ; with succession royal !
And He, that hath power of all prerogative,
The most blessed Trinity, GOD eternal,
Save our King Henry in his estate royal !
Thus pray all the citizens, wife, child, and man,
GOD save King Henry, and his Spouse Queen Anne !
At the departing of the Queen's said Grace was sung
this ballad following :
|Ueen Anne so gent,
Of high descent.
I Anne excellent
In nobleness !
Of ladies all,
You principal
Should win this ball
Of worthiness I
Passing beauty
And chastity,
With high degree,
And great riches ;
So coupled be
In unity,
That chief are ye
In worthiness.
When Jupiter
His messenger
Sent down hither,
He knew certes
That you, victrice
Of all ladies,
Should have the prize
Of worthiness.

28 Verses at the Coronation Procession. [^ayu^
And wise Paris
Made 'judge in this ;
Anon, I wis,
Most high Princess !
Well understood
Your virtues good,
Your noble blood
And worthiness.
Your dignity
When he 'gan see,
The Ladies Three,
Queen Anne peerless 1
He bade give place
Unto your Grace ;
As meet it was
In worthiness.
The golden ball,
Of price but small,
Have Venus shall,
The fair goddess !
Because it was
Too low and base
For your good Grace
And worthiness 1

29

John Fox, the Martyrologist.

[The Ecclesiastical History, containing the
Acts and Monuments, &°c. and Ed., II.,
PP- J355-6. W-l

How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop
Cranmer s Secretary.
[July 1539.]

Ention was made before how King
Henry, in the 31st year [1539-1540] of
his reign, caused the Six Articles [31. Hen.
VIIL, c. 14. An Act abolishing diversity
in opinions] to pass [in June 1 539] ; S^^AH.
much against the mind, and meh disputed
contrary to the consent of the Parliament"1
Archbishop of CANTERBURY, s^Arlicls.
Thomas Cranmer : who had disputed three days against
the same in the Parliament House, with great reasons and
authorities. Which Articles, after they were granted and
passed by the Parliament, the King, for the singular favour
which he ever bare to CRANMER and reverence to his learning
(being desirous to know what he had said and objected
in the Parliament against these Articles; or what could
be alleged by Learning against the same) required a
Note of the Archbishop's doings, what he had said and
opposed in the Parliament touching that matter. And
this word was sent to him from the King by CROMWELL
and other Lords of the Parliament, whom the King then
sent to dine with him at Lambeth : somewhat to comfort
again his grieved mind and troubled spirits : as hath been
above recited at page 1,298.

30 Cranmer's Book against the Six Ar ticles. [j,f«;
[The passage referred to runs thus :
After the Parliament was finished and that matter
concluded ; the King (considering the constant zeal of
the Archbishop in defence of his cause; and partly also
weighing the many authorities and reasons whereby he
had substantially confirmed the same) sent [in July 1539]
the Lord CROMWELL (which within a few days after [or
rather on 10th fune 1540] was apprehended), the two
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the Lords of
the Parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth: where
they signified to him, That it was the King's pleasure
that they all should, in His Highness's behalf, cherish
comfort and animate him as one that, for his travail in
that Parliament, had declared himself both greatly learned,
and also a man discreet and wise : and therefore they
willed him not to be discouraged in anything that was
passed in that Parliament contrary to his allegations.
He most humbly thanked, first the King's Highness
of his singular good affection towards him ; and them,
for all their pains : adding moreover that he so hoped
in GOD that hereafter his allegations and authorities
should take place, to the glory of GOD and commodity
of the realm.]
Whereupon, when this dinner was finished [in July 1539],
The name of tne next day after the Archbishop (collecting
wi f^*17 both his arguments, authorities of Scripture, and
Ralph Doctors [i.e. the Fathers of the Church] together)
^?Kl>\irn? caused his Secretary to write a fair Book thereof
in 1570]. for the King, after this order :
First, the Scriptures were alleged.
Then, the Doctors.
Thirdly, followed the arguments deduced from those
Authorities. This book was written in his Secretary's Chamber [at
Lambeth Palace] ; where, in a by-chamber, lay the Arch
bishop's Almoner.
When this Book was fair written, and while the Secretary
was gone to deliver the same unto the Archbishop his
Master, who was, as it chanced, ridden to Croydon;
returning back to his chamber, he found his door shut,
and the key carried away to London by the Almoner.

J,£°„;] A Bearbaiting upon the Thames. 31
At this season also [it] chanced the father of the said
Secretary to come to the city ; by whose occasion it
so fell out, that he [Ralph Morice] must needs go to
London. The Book he could not lay in his chamber, neither
durst he commit it to any other person to keep ; being
straitly charged, in any condition, by the Archbishop his
master, to be circumspect thereof : so he determined to go
to his father, and to keep the Book about him.
And so, thrusting the Book under his girdle, he went
over [the Thames] unto Westminster Bridge, with a
sculler; where he entered into a wherry that went to
London : wherein were four of the Guard, who meant to
land at Paul's Wharf; and to pass by the King's Highness
who was then in his barge, with a great number of barges
and boats about him, then baiting of bears in the water,
over against the Bank [Side in Southwark].
The aforesaid Yeomen of the Guard, when they came
against the King's barge, they durst not pass by towards
Paul's Wharf, lest they should be espied : and therefore
entreated the Secretary to go with them to the Bearbaiting ;
and they would find the means, being of the Guard, to
make room and to see all the pastime.
The Secretary perceiving no other remedy, assented
thereto. When the wherry came nigh the multitude of boats ;
they with poleaxes got the wherry so far that, being
encompassed with many other wherries and boats, there
was no refuge if the bear should break loose and come upon
them : as, in very deed, within one Paternoster while,
the bear brake loose; and came into the boat where the
Yeomen of the Guard were, and the said Secretary.
The Guard forsook the wherry, and went into Tail Yeomen,
another barge ; one or two of them leaping short, i»tui Keepers.
and so fell into the water.
The bear and the dogs so shaked the wherry wherein
the Secretary was, that the boat being full of water sank
to the ground ; and being also, as it chanced, an ebbing
tide, he sat there in the end of the wherry up to a Bearbaiting
the middle in water. To whom came the bear ffiiesbefore
and all the dogs. The bear, seeking as it were 'h*King.
aid and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts

32 Cranmer's Book floating on the Thames. [j •£«
upon him ; and so, rushing upon him, the Book was loosed
The Book of from the Secretary's girdle, and so fell into the
Dr Cranmer _. , r i • u
againstthe.K* Thames out of his reach.
inSeTWes. The flying of the people, after that the bear was
loose, from one boat to another, was so cumbrous that divers
perspns were thrown into the Thames : the King command
ing certain men, that could swim, to strip themselves naked ;
and to help to save them that were in danger.
This pastime so displeased the King, that he bade,
" Away, away with the bear ! and let us go all hence ! "
The Secretary, perceiving his Book to fleet away in
the Thames, called to the Bearward to take up the Book.
When the Bearward had the Book in his custody, being
™dwa? an arrant Papist, far from the religion of his
Princess Mistress (for he was the Lady Elizabeth's
m^m?eth s Bearward, now the Queen's Majesty), ere that the
Secretary could come to land, he had delivered the Book to a
Dr cranmer's Priest of his own affinity in religion standing on
Book^against ^ b£mk . who> readjng jn the Book> a„d
de'uveSdtoa perceiving that it was a manifest Refutation of the
Popish Priest. Six A rticles, made much ado ; and told the Bearward
that whosoever claimed the Book, should surely be hanged.
Anon, the Secretary came to the Bearward for his Book.
"What," quoth the Bearward, "dare you challenge this
Book ? Whose servant be you ?"
"I am servant to one of the [Privy] Council," said the
Secretary, " and my Lord of Canterbury is my master."
" Yea, marry," quoth the Bearward, " I thought as much.
You be like, I trust, to be both hanged for this Book."
"Well," said he "it is not so evil as you take it: and,
I warrant you, my Lord will avouch the book to the King's
Majesty. But I pray you let me have my Book, and I
will give you a crown [6s., or in present value about £2]
to drink."
" If you will give me 500 crowns, you shall not have it,"
quoth the Bearward.
With that the Secretary departed from him : and, under
standing the malicious forwardness of the Bearward, he
learned that Blage the Grocer in Cheapside might do
much with him. To whom the Secretary brake this matter,

J*"*;] The Bearward will not give up the Book. 33
requiring him to send for the Bearward to supper; and
he would pay for the whole charge thereof: and besides
that, rather than he would forego his Book after this
sort, the Bearward should have 20s. [in present value about
£6] to drink.
The supper was prepared. The Bearward was sent for,
and came. After supper, the matter was intreated ; and 20s.
offered for the Book.
But do what could be done ; neither friendship, acquaint
ance, nor yet reward of money, could obtain the Book
out of his hands : but that the same should be delivered
unto some of the [Privy] Council, that would not so slightly
look on so weighty a matter as to have it redeemed for
a supper, or a piece of money. The honest man, Master
BLAGE, with many good reasons would have persuaded him
not to be stiff in his own conceit : declaring that in the end
he should nothing at all prevail of his purpose, but be
laughed to scorn ; getting neither penny nor praise for
his travail. He, hearing that, rushed suddenly out of
the doors from his friend Master BLAGE ; without any
manner of thanksgiving for his supper: more like a
Bearward than like an honest man.
When the Secretary saw the matter so extremely to
be used against him; he then thought it expedient to
fall from any farther practising of entreaty with the Bear
ward, as with him that seemed rather to be a bear himself
than master of the beast : determining the next morning to
make the Lord Cromwell privy of the chance that
happened. So, on the next day, as the Lord CROMWELL went to
the Court, the Secretary declared the whole matter unto
him ; and how he had offered the Bearward 20s. for the
finding thereof.
" Where is the fellow ? " quoth the Lord CROMWELL.
"I suppose," said the Secretary, "that he is now in
the Court, attending to deliver the book unto some of the
Council." " Well," said the Lord Cromwell, " it maketh no matter.
Go with me thither, and I shall get you your book
again. ! " C 1

34 Lord Cromwell rates the Bearward. ['¦££
When the Lord Cromwell came into the Hall of the
The Bearward Court, there stood the Bearward with the Book
CRANMER'slve in his hand ; waiting to have delivered the same
coSnc'i.'he unto Sir ANTHONY BROWNE or unto [STEPHEN
Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, as it was reported.
To whom the Lord Cromwell said, "Come hither,
fellow ! What Book hast thou there in thy hand ? " and
The Lord with that snatched the Book out of his hand : and
geEt?e*th?he looking in the Book, said, " I know this hand well
th^Be'SJard. enough- This is your hand," said he to the
Secretary.
"But where hadst thou this Book?" quoth the Lord
Cromwell to the Bearward.
"This Gentleman lost it two days ago in the Thames,"
said the Bearward.
"Dost thou know whose servant he is?" said the Lord
Cromwell.
" He saith," quoth the Bearward, " that he is my Lord
of Canterbury's servant."
"Why then didst thou not deliver to him the Book
when he required it ?" said the Lord CROMWELL. " Who made
thee so bold as to detain or withhold any Book or writing from
a Councillor's servant, especially being his Secretary? It is
more meet for thee to meddle with thy bears, than with
such writing : and were it not for thy Mistress's sake, I
would set thee fast by the feet, to teach such malapert
knaves to meddle with Councillors' matters. Had not
money been well bestowed upon such a good fellow as this
is, that knoweth not a Councillor's man from a cobbler's
man!" And with those words, the Lord CROMWELL went up
into the King's Chamber of Presence, and the Archbishop's
Secretary with him : where he found, in the Chamber,
the Lord of Canterbury.
To whom he said, "My Lord, I have here found good
ihe<Lordds °f stu^ f°r y°u> snowmg to him the paper book that
theArdJvV ° ^e kat* *n *"s nand, " ready to bring both you, and
cranmer1.5 op this good fellow your man, to the halter : namely
[especially] if the knave Bearward, now in the Hall, might
have well compassed it."

* f5°*;] Morice must write the Book fair again. 35
At these words, the Archbishop smiled, and said, " He
that lost the Book is like[ly] to have the worst bargain :
for, besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he must
write the Book fair again."
And, at these words, the Lord Cromwell cast the Book
unto the Secretary, saying, " I pray thee, MORICE, go in
hand therewith, by and bye, with all expedition: for it
must serve a turn."
" Surely, my Lord, it somewhat rejoiceth me," quoth the
Lord CROMWELL, " that the varlet might have had of your
man 20s. for the Book : and now I have discharged the
matter with never a penny ; and shaken him well up for his
overmuch malapertness."
" I know the fellow well enough," quoth the Archbishop,
" there is not a ranker Papist within this realm than he is ;
most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a Princess."
And so, after humble thanks given to the Lord
Cromwell, the said Morice departed with his Book:
which, when he again had fair written it, was delivered
to the King's Majesty by the said Lord CROMWELL, within
four days after.

ejcpetittion in
g)totianti,
matie bg tbe Htng'0
pgbne0s' armg, unoer tbe conDuct
of tbe iRigbt honourable tbe
<£arl of ©ertforo, tbe
pear of our 1LOTD
©HDD
J544-
Londini.
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

39

T'he late Expedition in Scotland.
Sent to the Right Honourable
Lord Russell, Lord Privy Seal j
from the Kings army there:
by a friend of his.

Fter long sojourning, my very good Lord !
of the King's Majesty's army at Newcastle,
for lack of commodious winds, which long
hath been at North East and East North
East, much to our grief; as your Lordship,
I doubt not, knoweth : the same — as God
would, who doth all things for the best —
the first of May [1544], the 36th year of
His Majesty's most prosperous reign, veered to the South and
South South West so apt and propice [propitious] for our
journey ; being of every man so much desired, that there
was no need to hasten them forwards. To be brief ; such
diligence was used that in two tides the whole fleet, being
200 sail at the least, was out of the haven of Tynemouth
towards our enterprise.
The third day after, we arrived in the Firth of Forth, a
notable river in Scotland ; having the entry between two
islands, called the Bass and the May. The same day, we
landed divers of our boats at a town named Saint Mynettes,
on the north side of the Frith, which we burnt ; and brought
from thence divers great boats, that served us afterwards to
good purpose for our landing.
That night, the whole fleet came to an anchor, under the

40 The English army lands near Leith. [,

S44-

island called Inchkeith, three miles from the haven of Leith.
The place where we anchored hath, of long time, been called
the English road: the Scots now take the same to be a
prophesy of the thing which has now happened.
The next day, being the 4th day of May, the said army
landed two miles by west of the town of Leith, at a place
called Grantham Crag : every man being so prompt
thereunto, that the whole army was landed in four hours.
And, perceiving our landing to be so quiet, which we looked
not for ; having our guides ready, we put ourselves in good
order of war marching forwards towards the town of Leith
in three battles — whereof my Lord Admiral led the Vanguard,
the Earl of Shrewsbury the Arrieregard ; and the Earl of
Hertford being Lord Lieutenant, the Battle — having with
us certain small pieces of artillery, which were drawn by
force of men : which enterprise we thought necessary to
be attempted first of all other, for the commodious lodging of
our navy there, and the landing of our artillery and victail.
And in a valley, upon the right hand, near unto the said
town, the Scots were assembled to the number of 5,000 or
6,000 horsemen, besides a good number of footmen ; to
impeach [prevent] the passage of our said army: in which
place, they had laid their artillery at two straits [passes]
through which we must needs pass, if we minded to achieve
our enterprise. And seeming, at the first, as though they
would set upon the Vanguard : when they perceived our men
so willing to encounter with them, namely, the Cardinal,
who was there present, perceiving our devotion to see his
holiness to be such as we were ready to wet our feet for that
purpose, and to pass a ford which was between us and them;
after certain shot of artillery on both sides : they made a
sudden retreat ; and leaving their artillery behind them, fled
towards Edinburgh. The first man that fled was the holy
Cardinal [Beaton] like a valiant champion ; and with him the
Governor, the Earls of Huntley, Murray and Bothwell,
with divers other great men of the realm. At this passage,
were two Englishmen hurt with the shot of their artillery;
and two Scottish men slain with our artillery.
The Vanguard having thus put back the Scots, and eight
pieces of their artillery brought away by our hackbutters
[harquebussiers], who in this enterprise did very manfully

] The army marches to Edinburgh. 41
employ themselves ; we marched directly towards the town
of Leith ; which before we could come to, we must of force
[necessity] pass another passage, which also was defended a
while with certain ensigns [companies] of footmen and certain
pieces of artillery ; who being sharply assailed, having three
of the gunners slain with our archers, were fain to give
place ; leaving also their ordnance behind them, with which
ordnance they slew only one of our men and hurt another.
And in this brunt, the victory being earnestly followed;
the town of Leith was entered perforce and won with the
loss only of two men of ours and hurt of three: where
the Scots had cast great trenches and ditches purposely to
have defended it. The same night, the army encamped in
the said town of Leith ; and by reason of the said ditches
and trenches, we made there a strong camp.
The morrow, being the 5th of May, we caused our ships
ladened with our great artillery and victuals to be brought
into the haven; where we discharged the same at our
pleasure. In the said haven, we found many goodly ships,
specially two of notable fairness : the one called the Salamander
given by the French king at the marriage of his daughter
into Scotland ; the other called the Unicorn, made by the
late Scottish king [James V.] The town of Leith was found
more full of riches than we thought to have found any
Scottish town to have been.
The next day, the 6th, the army went towards Edinburgh,
leaving the Lord Sturton in Leith with 1,500 men, for
the defence of the same. And the army being come near
to Edinburgh; the Provost accompanied with one or two
burgesses and two or three Officers at Arms, desired to speak
with the King's Lieutenant ; and — in the name of all the town
— said, " that the keys of the town should be delivered unto
his Lordship; conditionally, that they might go with bag
and baggage, and the town to be saved from fire." Whereunto
answer was made by the said Lord Lieutenant, " that whereas
the Scots had so many ways fals[ifi]ed their faiths; and so
manifestly had broken their promises, confirmed by oaths and
seals, and certified by their whole parliament, as is evidently
known unto all the world : he was sent thither by the King's
Highness to take vengeance of their detestable falsehood, to
declare and show the force of His Highness' sword to all

42 The army captures & burns Edinburgh. [.

'M4-

such as should make any resistance unto His Grace's power
sent thither for that purpose. And therefore being not sent
to treat or capitulate with them, who had before time broken
so many treaties : " he told them resolutely ; " that unless they
would yield up their town unto him frankly, without condition,
and cause man, woman, and child to issue into the fields,
submitting themselves to his will and pleasure ; he would
put them to the sword, and their town to the fire." The
Provost answered, " that it were better for them to stand to
their defence than to yield to that condition." This was
rather a false practice of the Provost and the Heralds, thereby
to espy the force and order of our camp, than for any zeal
they had to yield their town; as it appeared afterwards.
Whereupon commandment was given to the said Provost
and Officers at Arms, upon their peril, to depart.
In the meantime, word was brought by a Herald of ours—
whom the Lord Lieutenant had sent to summon the Castle
— that the Earl Bothwell and the Lord Hume with the
number of 2,000 horsemen were entered the town, and were
determined to the defence thereof. Upon which knowledge,
the Lord Lieutenant sent with diligence to the Vanward, that
they should march towards the town. And Sir Christopher
Morice, Lieutenant of the Ordnance, was commanded to
approach the gate called the Cany gate [Canongate], with
certain battery pieces : which gate lay so, that the ordnance
must be brought up a broad street of the suburbs, directly
against the said Cany gate ; which was the occasion of the
loss of certain of our gunners. And before that any battery
could be made by the said ordnance, divers of the captains
of the Vanward — the better to comfort their soldiers-
assailed the said gate with such courage, that they repulsed
the Scottish gunners from the loupes [embrasures] of the same,
and there slew and hurt sundry of their gunners, and by force
drew one piece of artillery out of one of the said loupes.
Our archers and hackbutters shot so hotly to the
battlements of the gate and wall, that no man durst show
himself at the defence of the same : by reason whereof, our
gunners had good leisure to bring a cannon hard to the gate,
which, after three or four shots, made entry to our soldiers;
who at their breaking in, slew 300 or 400 Scots of such as
were found armed. In the meantime, the Earl Bothwell

1544

J Holyrood Abbey and Palace burnt. 43

and the Lord Hume with their company, fled, and saved
themselves by another way issuing out towards the Castle
of the said town. The situation whereof is of such strength
that it cannot be approached, but by one way ; which is by
the High Street of the town ; and the strongest part of the
same Castle lieth to beat the said street: which was the
loss of divers of our men with the shot of the ordnance out
of the said Castle, which did continually beat along the
said High Street. And considering the strength of the said
Castle, with the situation thereof; it was concluded not to
lose any time, nor to waste and consume our munition about
the siege thereof. Albeit the same was courageously and
dangerously attempted ; till one of our pieces, with shot out
of the said Castle, was struck and dismounted.
And finally it was determined by the said Lord Lieutenant
utterly to ruinate and destroy the said town with fire : which
for that the night drew fast on, we omitted thoroughly to
execute on that day ; but setting fire in three or four parts of
the town, we repaired for that night unto our camp.
And the next morning, very early, we began where we left
off, and continued burning all that day and the two days
next ensuing continually, so that neither within the walls
nor in the suburbs was left any one house unburnt : besides
the innumerable booty, spoil and pillage that our soldiers
brought from thence ; notwithstanding the abundance which
was consumed with fire. Also we burnt the Abbey called
Holy Rood House, and the Palace adjoining the same.
In the meantime, while we held the country thus occupied ;
there came unto us 4,000 of our light horsemen from the
Borders, by the King's Majesty's appointment : who after
their coming, did such exploits in riding and devastating the
country that within seven miles every way of Edinburgh,"
they left neither pile, village, nor house standing unburnt,
nor stacks of corn ; besides great numbers of cattle, which
they brought daily in to the army, and met also with much
good stuff which the inhabitants of Edinburgh had for the
safety of the same, conveyed out of the town.
In this mean season, Sir Nicholas Pointz, by order of
my Lord Lieutenant, passed the river, and won by force the
town of Kinghorn ; and burnt the same with certain other
towns on that side.

44 The English ravage the country. [

J544

After these exploits done at Edinburgh, and all the country
thereabouts devastated ; the King's said Lieutenant thinking
the Scots not to be condignly punished for their falsehood
used to the King's Majesty, determined not to return without
doing them more, displeasure. He therefore gave orders
to the said Sir Christopher Morice for the reshipping ol
the great artillery ; reserving only certain small pieces to
keep the field : giving also commandment to every captain
to receive victuals out of the said ships for their companies
for six days. And for the carriage of the same, caused one
thousand of our worst horsemen to be set on foot ; and the
same horses divided equally to every captain of hundreds,
for the better carriage of their victuals. The men that rode
upon the said horses being appointed to attend upon the said
victuals. Which was done. Besides there were divers small
carts, which we recovered [captured] in the country; the
which with such cattle as we had there, did great service in
drawing of our victuals, tents, and other necessaries.
These things being supplied, the 14th day of May, we
brake down the pier of the haven of Leith, and burnt every
stick of it ; and took forth the two goodly ships, manned
them, and put them in order to attend upon the King's
Majesty's ships. Their ballast was cannon shot of iron ;
which we found in the town to the number of 80,000. The
rest of the Scottish ships meet to serve, we brought away :
both they and our own being almost pestered [encumbered]
with the spoil and booty of our soldiers and mariners.
That done, we abandoned ourselves clearly from the ships:
having firm intent to return home by land. Which we did.
And to give them [the Scots] better occasion to show them
selves in the field against us ; we left neither pile, village,
town, nor house in our way homewards, unburnt.
In the meantime of the continuance of our army at Leith,
as is aforesaid ; our ships upon the seas were not idle ; for they
left neither ship, crayer, nor boat belonging to either village,
town, creek or haven of either side of the Frith between
Stirling and the mouth of the river, unburnt or not brought
away ; which containeth in length fifty miles. Continuing
of time, they also burnt a great number of towns and villages
on both sides the said water ; and won a fortress situated on
a strong island called Inchgarve, which they razed and
destroyed.

'544

] March homeward; massacring & desolating. 45

The 15th of May, we dislodged our camp out of the town of
Leith ; and set fire in every house, and burnt it to the ground.
The same night, we encamped at a town of the Lord
Seaton's where we burnt and razed his chief castle, called
Seaton, which was right fair; and destroyed his orchards
and gardens, which were the fairest and best in order that
we saw in all that country. We did him the more despite,
because he was the chief labourer to help their Cardinal out
of prison : who was the only [sole] author of their calamity.
The same day, we burnt a fair town of the Earl Bothwell,
called Haddington, with a great nunnery and a house of friars.
The next night after, we encamped besides Dunbar, and
there the Scots gave a small alarm to our camp; but our
watches were in such a readiness that they had no vantage
there, but were fain to recoil without doing any harm.
That night, they looked for us to have burnt the town
of Dunbar ; which we deferred till the morning, at the
dislodging of our camp: which we executed by 500 of our
hackbutters, being backed with 500 horsemen. And by
reason that we took them in the morning — who, having
watched all night for our coming, and perceiving our army to
dislodge and depart, thought themselves safe of us, were newly
gone to their beds : and in their first sleeps closed in with fire
— the men, women and children were suffocated and burnt.
That morning [the 17th] being very misty and foggy, we
had perfect knowledge by our espials, that the Scots had
assembled a great power, in a strait [pass] called "the
Pease." The chiefs of this assembly were the Lords Seaton,
Hume and Buccleuch : and with them the whole power
of the [Scotch] Marches and Teviotdale. This day in our
marching, divers of their prickers [scouts] by reason of the
said mist gave us alarm, and came so far within our army,
that they unhorsed one between the Vanward and the Battle;
being within two hundred feet of the Lord Lieutenant. At
that alarm, one of their best prickers, called Jock Holly
Burton was taken : who confessed that the said Scottish
lords were ready at the passage [pass] with the number of
10,000 good men. And forasmuch as the mist yet continued
and did not break, being past noon, the Vanward being
within a mile of the said passage, entering into dangerous
ways for an army to march in such weather that one could

46 The army returns to Berwick. [.

1544.

not descry another twenty yards off: we concluded if the
weather did not break up, to have encamped ourselves upon
the same ground ; where we did remain for the space of two
hours. And about two of the clock at afternoon, the sun
brake out, the fog went away, and a clear day was left us :
whereof every man received as it were a new courage,
longing to see the enemy ; who, being ready for us at the
said passage, and seeing us come in good order of battle, as
men determined to pass through them or to leave our bones
with them, abode us but two shots of a falcon, but scaled
every man his way to the high mountains, which were hard
at their hands, and covered with flocks of their people. The
passage was such, that having no let [impediment] ; it was
three hours before all the army could pass it.
The same night, the army encamped at a pile called
Ranton, eight miles from our borders: which pile was a
very ill neighbour to the garrison of Berwick. The same
we razed and threw down to the ground.
The next day, being the 18th of May, the whole army
entered into Berwick, and ended this voyage ; with the
loss unneth [of scarcely] forty of the King's Majesty's people,
thanks be to our Lord.
The same day, at the same instant, that the army entered
into Berwick, our whole fleet and navy of ships, which we
sent from us at Leith, arrived before Berwick : as GOD would
be known to favour our master's cause. Who ever preserve
his most royal Majesty with long and prosperous life, and
many years to reign in the imperial seat of the monarchy of
all Britain.
C The names of the chief burghs, castles and towns burnt
and desolated by the King's army, being lately in Scot
land : besides a great number of villages, piles, and
[home] steads which I cannot name.
j|He burgh and town of Edinburgh, with the Abbey
called Holy Rood House, and the King's Palace
adjoining to the same.
The town of Leith burnt, and the haven and
pier destroyed.

1544-

] Results of the Expedition.

47

The castle and village of Craigmillar.
The Abbey of New Battell.
Part of Musselburgh town, with the Chapel of our Lady
of Lawret [Loretto],
Preston town and castle.
Haddington town, with the friary and nunnery.
A castle of Oliver Sanckler's [Sinclair's].
The town of Dunbar.
Lawreston, with the grange.
Drylawe.

Wester Craig.
Enderleigh, the
the town.
Broughton.
Thester Felles.
Crawnend. Duddingstone. Stanhows.The Ficket.
Beverton.
Tranent. Shenstone.

Markle.
Trapren.
pile and Kirkland hill.
Hatherwike. Belton.East Barnes.
Bowland. Butterden. Quickwod. Blackborne.
Raunton.
Byldy, and the tower.

C Towns and villages burnt by the fleet, upon the seaside ;
with a great number of piles and villages which I
cannot name nor rehearse, which be all devastated and
laid desolate.

Kinkorne.
S. Minetes.
The Queen's ferry.

Part of Petynwaynes [Pittenweem.]
The Burnt Island.

4S Lord Eure's raid into Scotland. [I5

Other new and prosperous adventures
of late against the Scots.
Fter the time that the Earl of Hertford,
Lieutenant to the King's Majesty in the North
parts of the realm, had dissolved the army, which
lately had been within Scotland ; and repaired
to the King's Highness: the Lord Eure, with many
other valiant wise gentlemen — abiding in the Marches
of the North part — intending not by idleness to surcease in
occasions convenient, but to prove whether the Scots had yet
learned by their importable [unbearable] losses lately chanced
to them, to tender their own weals by true and reasonable
uniting and adjoining themselves to the King's Majesty's
loving liege people — took consultation by the advice of Sir
Ralph Eure his son, and other sage forward gentlemen;
upon the 9th day of June [1544] , at a place named Mylnefeld ;
from whence by common agreement, the said lord with a good
number of men, made such haste into Scotland, that by
four of the clock after the next midnight, he had marched
within a half mile of the town whereunto they tended, named
Jedworth." After their coming, a messenger was sent unto the Provost
of the said town, letting him to know " that the Lord Eure
was cpme before the town to take it into the King's allegiance,
by means of peace if thereunto the Scots would truly agree,
or else by force of arms to sack the same if therein resistance
were found." Whereunto the Provost — even like to prove
himself a Scot — answered by way of request, " thatthey might
be respected upon their answer until the noontide or else to
maintain their town with defence : " having hope that in
tracting [treating] and driving off time they might work some
old cowardly subtilty. But upon his declaration made, the
snake crawling under the flowers easily appeared to them,
which had experience : knowledge also being had, that the

I54J The sack of Jedburgh. 49
townsmen had bent seven or eight pieces of ordnance in the
market-stead. Wherefore the Lord Eure — part of his
company being into three bands divided, and abiding at three
several coasts of the same town, to the end that there might
be three entries at one time made into the town — appointed
and devised that the gunners, which had battered certain
places plain and open, should enter in one side, and the kernes
on another side, and Sir Ralph Eure's, of the third side.
But it fortuned that, even upon the approachment of the
men to their entries, the Scots fled from their ordnance,
leaving them unshot, into the woods thereabout, with all
other people in the same town. In which flight was slain
above the number of 160 Scots, having for that recompense
thereof, the loss of six Englishmen only. The people thus
fled, and the town given to Englishmen by chance of war :
the gunners burned the Abbey, the Grey Friars, and divers
bastel and fortified houses, whereof there were many in that
town : the goods of the same town being first spoiled, which
laded, at their departing, 500 horses ; besides seven pieces
of ordnance.
In their return likewise, as they passed, burning divers
places, towers and castles : as the Tower of Calling Craige,
the Castle of Sesforth, Otterburn, Cowboge, Marbottle
church, with many other like ; until they came to a place
called Kirkyettham, being ten miles from certain villages
within English ground, named Hetton, Tylmouth and
Twysell, which appeared to them burning. For the which
cause Sir Ralph Eure and the Captain of Norham,
accompanied with 500 horsemen, rode in such haste towards
the fire, that at what time the said Sir Ralph did set upon
the Scots which had burned the village, he had not with him
above 200 horsemen. Nevertheless the Scots, upon the only
sight of the standards, used for their defence their light feet,
and fled in so much haste that divers English, horses were
tired in the pursuit : but overtaken there was a great number,
whereof many were slain, partly by the fierceness of the
Englishmen, partly by the guilty cowardice of the Scots.
And truly to speak in a few words ; in this act doing, reason
will scarcely suffice to persuade the truth : insomuch that
there were divers Englishmen whereof every man had eight
or nine prisoners, besides such as were slain whose number
D t

50 Other raids over the Border. [,

1544

is certainly known to have been a hundred or more. And
yet in this skirmish, not one Englishman taken, neither
slain : thanks be to GOD ! Also further here is to be
remembered that the Englishmen in their return from the
sack of Jedworth, drave and brought out of Scotland into
England, a great number of cattle, both note [neat] and sheep.

Furthermore to the apparent continuance of GOD's favour
unto the purposes of the Englishmen, it is to be certainly
known, that on the 15th day of June [1544] there was another
raid made by divers Englishmen to a town called Synlawes,
whereas divers bastel houses were destroyed, eight Scots
taken, and 60 oxen brought away. For the return [recovery]
whereof, a number of Scottish men pursued very earnestly ;
who for their coming, lost six of their lives, and fifty of their
horsemen [prisoners].
And upon the Tuesday next following, Sir George
Bowes, Sir John Witherington, Henry Eure, and
Lionel Graye rode to the Abbey of Coldingham, and
demanded the same ; but it was denied earnestly, insomuch
that after an assault made for five hours, it was burnt all
saving the church, which having fire in the one end smoked
so by the drift of the wind towards the Englishmen that
it could not be conveniently then be burned. The store of
the cattle and of the other goods there, served well for the
spoil of the soldiers. In this Abbey were slain one monk and
three other Scots. And amongst the English was one only
gunner slain by a piece of ordnance shot out of the steeple.
Since this journey, the 20th of June [1544], a company of
Tynedale and Redesdale with other valiant men, ventured
upon the greatest town in all Teviotdale, named Skraysburgh,
a town of the Lord Hunthill's ; whereas besides rich spoils
and great plenty of note [neat] and sheep, 38 persons were
taken. Adding thereunto, that which is a marvellous truth,
that is to say, these prisoners being taken, three Scots being
slain, with divers wounded : not one Englishmen was either
hurt or wounded.
In these victories, who is to be most highest lauded but
GOD ? by whose goodness the Englishmen hath had of a

154J Ascription of praise. 51
great season notable victories and matters worthy of
triumphs. And for the continuance of GOD's favour toward
us, let us pray for the prosperous estate of our noble good
and victorious Lord Governor and King &c. : for whose sake
doubtless, GOD hath spreaded his blessing over us, in peace
to have mirth, and in wars to have victory.

Jmprinten at lonuon in Paul's
Cburcb garD, bp Eegnofo
»lf ; at tbe sign of tfyz
iBvaim Serpent.
anno 1544.

Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

%> THE

Cjrpe&ttfon into Scotland of tf)e most
tDortyity fortunate prince Cottaro, ^ufee of
Somerset, uncle unto our mogt noble jsofoe*
reign Horo, ti&e !Ring'gi jftajessti? Edward tlje
vi., dsobernor of Ipiss l^ne&rg person, ano
protector of l^ijs trace's realms oomtnionjs
ano subjects; maoe in tbe JFirst pear of J£>is
agajestp's most prosperous reign : anD
set out bp toap of Diarp bp
W. patten, lonooner.
VIVAT VICTOR.

\Nto the Right Honourable Sir
William Paget, Knight of the most
noble Order of the Garter, Comptroller oj
the Kings Majesty's Household, one of His
Highness's Privy Council, Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster ; and his most
benign fautor and patron :
William Patten most
heartily wisheth
felicity.

55

jAviNG in these last wars against Scotland, that never
were any with better success achieved, made notes of
[the] acts there done, and disposed the same, since my
coming home, into order of Diary, as followeth ; as
one that would show some argument of remembrance, Right
Honourable Sir! of your most benign favour that, as well while I
was with the Right Honourable my very good Lord and late master,
the Earl of Ar undel, as also since, ye have vouchsafed to bear me :
I have thought meetest to dedicate my travail unto your Honour.
How smally I either am or have been, by any means, able to merit
the same your gentleness, by so much the less have I need here to
show; as your humane generosity, your willing benignity andprompt-
ness to profit all men, is unto all men so commonly known : for the
which,your name and honour is so familiar and well esteemed with
foreign princes abroad, and so worthily well beloved of all estates at
home. For who was he, of any degree or country, that had any
just suit or other ado with our late sovereign Lord, the King's
Majesty deceased, (when His Highness, in these his latter years, for
your approved wisdom, fidelity, trust, and diligence, had committed
the special ministry and despatch of his weighty affairs unto your
hands) that felt not as much then, as I have found since ? or who
findeth not, still, a constant continuance thereof, where the equity of
his suit may bear it? Right many, sure[ly], of the small know
ledge I have, could I myself reckon both of then and since, which
hereallwillinglyl leave unattempted to do; both because my rehearsal
should be very unnecessary and vain to you that know them better
than I ; and also that I should tell the tale to yourself. Whom, for
the respect of your honour, as I have a reverence, with vanities from
your grave occupations [not] to detain; so have I, for honesty's sake,
a shame to be suspect[ed] , by any means, to flatter.

56 Dedication to Sir W. Paget, K.G. [^5
That same, your singular humanity wherewith ye are wont also
so gently to accept all things in so thankful a part, and wherewith ye
have bound me so straightly to you, did first, to say the truth now,
embolden me in this theme to set pen to the book ; and now after, in
this wise, to present my work unto you. The which if it shall please
your Honour to take well in worth, and receive into your tuition, as
the thing shall more indeed be dignified by having such a patron
than your dignity gratified by receiving so unworthy a present ;
even so what fault shall be found therein I resume, as clearly coming
of myself. But if ought shall be thought to be aptly said, pleasant,
anything savouring of wit or learning, I would all men should
know it as I acknowledge it myself, that it must wholly be referred
to you, the encouraging of whose favour hath ministered such
matter to my wit, that like as Ovid said to Cesar of his, so may
I say to you of mine —
Fastor. i. Ingenium vultu statque caditque tuo.
But now no further, with my talk, to trouble you.
Thus, with increase of honour unto your Worthiness, most
heartily, I wish the same continuance of health and wealth.
Your most bounden client and pupil,
W. Patten.

57

%> A PREFACE
getting, for mu$ part, iugteao of argument,
for tye matter of tlje ^>tort, enduing*
Lthough it be not always the truest means
of meeting, to measure all men's appetites by
one man's affection : yet hereof, at this time,
dare I more than half assure me, that (even
as I would be, in like case, myself) so is every
man desirous to know of the manner and
circumstances of this our most valiant vic
tory over our enemies, and prosperous success of the rest of
our journey. The bolder am I to make this general judge
ment, partly for that I am somewhat by learning, j^^A.Lu'
but more by nature instructed] to understand the thirsty
desire that all our kind hath to Know : and then, for that in
every company, and at every table, where it hath been my hap
to be, since my coming home, the whole communication was,
in a manner, nought else but of this Expedition and wars in
Scotland. Whereof, many to me then have .ministered so
many Interrogatories as would have well cumbered a right
ripe tongued Deponent readily to answer; and I indeed
thereto, so hastily, could not. Yet, nevertheless, I blame
them no more for quickness of question, than I would myself
for slowness of answer. For considering how much in every

58 The Preface to the Diary R^Jj;
narration, the circumstances do serve for the perfect instruc
tion of them that do hear, I can easily think the same were
as much desired of them to be heard, as necessary of me to be
told. And specially of this, to say chiefly, of the battle, being
such a matter as neither the like hath been seen with eyes
by any of this age now, nor read of in story of any years past.
So great a power, so well picked and appointed, so restful
and fresh, so much encouraged by hope of foreign aid, at their
own doors, nay, in the midst of their house, and at the worst,
so nigh to their refuge; to be beaten, vanquished, put to
flight, and slain, by so small a number, so greatly travailed
and weary, so far within their enemies' land, and out of their
own ; without hope, either of refuge or rescue. The circum
stances hereof, with the rest of our most Triumphant Journey,
which otherwise aptly, for unaptness of time, I could not
utter by word of mouth, here mind I, GOD willing ! now to
declare by letter of writing : not, as of arrogancy, taking upon
me the thing which I myself must confess many can do
better; but as, of good will, doing mine endeavour for
that in me lieth, to make all men privy of that whereof it
were meet no man were ignorant. As well because they may
the rather universally be moved to pray, praise, and glorify
the most merciful LORD, whose clemency hath so continu
ally, of these late years, vouchsafed to show His most benign
favour towards us : as also to worship, honour, and have in
veneration the reverend worthiness of our most honourable
Council, by whose general sage consultations and circum
spect wisdoms, as friendship with foreign princes, and pro
vision for the enemy, hath been continued and made abroad ;
we guarded from outward invasion or disturbance at home ;
no prince, with obedience and diligence more nobly served ;
nor no communalty with justice and mercy more sagely go
verned. Even so, by the special invincible virtue and valiant
policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, we have first, and as it
were in the entry of this most honourable and victorious
Voyage, overturned many of our enemies' rebellious Holds;

"jk^ISS'.] 0F THE Expedition into Scotland. 59
and then overcome the double of our number and strength in
open field, by plain dint of sword ; slain so great a multitude
of them, with so small a loss of our side ; taken of their
chiefest, prisoners ; won and keep a great sort [number] of
their strongest forts ; built many new ; taken and destroyed
their whole navy; and brought the townships in the hither
parts of their bounds, above twenty miles in compass, into an
honest obedience unto the King's Majesty. By the martial
courage of his undaunted hardiness was this Expedition so
boldly taken in hand ; by the presence and adventure of his
own person was the same so warily and wisely conducted ;
by the virtuous policy of his circumspect prowess was this
Victory, or rather Conquest so honourably achieved : unto
whose valiance and wisdom, I can entirely attribute so much,
as to the furtherance of Fortune, nothing at all ; which, as
Cicero proveth, is either a vain name, or not at o> dimnat. u.
all, or if there be, is ever subject, as the Platonics affirm,
to wisdom and industry. The which indeed did so manifestly
appear in the affairs of this Voyage, that like as in accounts,
the several numbers of ten, twenty, thirty, forty, being cast
together, must needs make up the just sum of an hundred :
even so, such his Grace's providence, circumspection, courage,
and order (do Fortune what she could) must needs have at
tained to such success of victory : that if the Romans were
content to allow the honour of a Triumph to Scipio tit. livius.
Africanus for overcoming Hannibal and Syphax ; and to
M. Attilius Regulus, for vanquishing the Salentines ; and,
thereto, to set up images, the highest honour they had, for a
perpetual memory of M. Claudius Marcellus and Mutius
Scevola (the one but for killing Viridomax the French king
in [the] field at the river of Padua, and for deviling how Han
nibal might be vanquished, and overcoming but of v^ff ¦ lii' '•
the only city of Sarragossa: and the other but for F"^de vir-
his attempt to slay King Porsenna that besieged Rome) :
what thanks then, what estimation, what honour and rever
ence condign, for these his notable demerits [merits] ought

60 The Preface to the Diary [wj'J>***
our Protector to receive of his ? Nay, what can we worthily
give him ?
Howbeit, if we call to mind, how first Allhallowentide
was five year, [November] 1542, his Grace, lying as Lord
Warden in our Marches against Scotland, by the drift of his
device, both the great invasion of the late Scottish King
James V. was stoutly then withstood at Solmon Moss [Sol-
way Moss], the King's death's wound given him, and the most
part of all his nobility taken. How, the next year after,
[1544] he, being accompanied by my Lord of Warwick and
with but a handful [of men], to speak of, did burn both Leith
and Edinburgh [see pages 39-47] and returned thence trium
phantly home; but with an easy march travelling forty-
four long miles through their mainland. Whose approved
valiance, wisdom, and dexterity in the handling of our
Prince's affairs, how can we be but sure that it did not
smally advance or cause [bring] about the conclusion of an
honourable peace between France and us, although it did not
then strait ensue ? when his Grace in the same year, soon
after his return out of Scotland, was deputed Ambassador to
treat with the Bishop of Bellay and others the French King's
Commissioners, at Hardilow Castle.
In the year [154S] how his Grace, about August, so
invaded the Scottish borders, wasted and burnt Teviotdale
and their Marches, that even yet they forthink [grieve over]
that inroad.
In February [1545] then next, how, being appointed by
our late sovereign Lord to view the fortifications in the
Marches of Calais, the which his Grace having soon done
with diligence accordingly, he so devised with my Lord the
Earl of Warwick, then Lieutenant of Boulogne, and took
such order with the garrisons there, that with the hardy
approach of but seven thousand men he raised [the camp of]
an army of twenty-one thousand Frenchmen that had en
camped themselves over the river by Boulogne, and therewith
then wan all their ordnance, carriage, treasure, and tents in

^ji^sS'.] 0F THE Expedition into Scotland. 61
their camp, wholly as it stood ; with the loss but of one
man. And from thence, returning by land to Guisnes, wan
in his way, within the gunshot and rescue of Ardes, the Castle
of Outings, called otherwise, the Red Pile.
How hereto, by his force, 1545, was Picardy invaded and
spoiled, the forts of Newhaven, Blaknestes, and Boulogne-
berg begun, built, and so well plied in work ; that in a few
weeks, ere his departing thence, they were made and left
defensible. Calling to mind, I say, (I speak not of his unwearied
diligence in the mean time) these his valiant incursions, his
often overthrowings and notable victories over our enemies.
And yet though this his last be far to be preferred above them
all, having been so great, and achieving so much in so little
time, the like not heard nor read of ; and, but that there be
so many witnesses, half incredible : yet is it none other sure
but such as makes his Grace's virtue rather new again than
strange, and rather famous than wonderful. We wonder not,
ye wot ! but at things strange and seldom seen or £«'^lncLit
heard; but victory to his Grace seems no less ^^ySl
common and appropried [appropriate] than heat to by0onn£iedid
the fire, or shadow to the body. That, like as the g^SnS"
well keeping of the Pallady in Troy was ever the J™;J0b=d
conservation and defence of the city : even so in when that was
J • had out of the
warfare the presence of his person is a certain city- This not
« • unknown to
safeguard of the host and present victory over the &* Greeks ;
«¦ , . , _ , - , ,., DlOMEDEsand
enemy; for the which I have heard many, of right Ulysses, in
1 1 1 • , .. r r , ° the time of the
honest behaviour, say that tor surety of themselves, »«?« there,
they had rather, in [the] field, be a mean soldier under tower waiis
1 • V> 1 • 1 , where the
his Grace than a great captain under any other, image wa.
A J n -1 1 ^ ii_ *. if c ¦ t kept, killed
And, sure[ly], but that by my profession t am the warders,
bound, and do believe all things to be governed, not the image
by fortune or hap (although we must be content, them.
in common speech to use the terms, of our formers thecityipw"s
[predecessors] devised) but by the mighty power of Soye"
Almighty GOD, without whose regard a sparrow Matt. A.

62 The Preface to the Diary [»J^-;
lighteth not upon the ground, I could count his Grace a
prince that way most fortunate of any living.
But now remembering my religion, and what Fortune's
force is, and hereto seeing his Grace's godly disposition and
behaviour, in the fiercest time of war seeking nothing more
than peace, neither cruel upon victory, nor insolent upon good
success, but with most moderate magnanimity, upon the re
spect of occasion, using, as the poet saith,
Virgil. Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos.
In peace again, wholly bent to the advancement of GOD's
glory and truth, the King's honour, and the common's quiet
and wealth. And herewith conferring the benefits and blessings
c^vif."' and that> by the prophet David, the Lord assureth to all
them that so stand in love and dread of Him : I am compelled
to think his Grace, as least happy by Fortune, so most blessed
by GOD ; and sent to us, both King and commons, as a
Minister by whom the merciful majesty of the LORD, for
our entire comfort, of both soul and body, will work His
divine will. That, if, without offence, I may openly utter that
which I have secretly thought, I have been often at a great
muse with myself whether the King's Majesty, of such an
uncle and Governor ; we, of such a Mediator and Protector,
or his Grace again, of such a Prince and cousin, might most
worthily think themselves happiest.
But since I am so certain the excellency of his acts, and
the baseness of my brain to be so far at odds, as ought that
I could utter in his praise, should rather obscure and darken
them, and, as it were, wash ivory with ink ; than give them
their due light and life : let no man look that I will here
enterprise to deal with the worthiness of his commendations,
who, both have another matter in hand, and they again being
such as might by themselves be an ample theme for a right
good wit ; wherein to say either little or insufficiently were
better, in my mind, left unattempted and to say nothing at
all.

^jan^is's'.] OF THE Expedition into Scotland. 63
Marry, an epigram made upon the citizens receiving of
his Grace, and for gratulation of his great success and safe
return, the which I had, or rather (to say truth and shame
the devil, for out it will) I stole, perchance more familiarly
than friendly, from a friend of mine ; I thought it not much
amiss (for the neatness of making and fineness of sense, and
somewhat also to serve, if reason would bear it, in lieu of my
lack) to place here.
Auspice nobilium (Dux inclyte) turba virorum.
Utque alacris latos plebs circumfusa per agros.
Te patrice patrem communi voce salutent.
Scilicet et Romam victo sic hoste Camillus,
Sic rediit victor domito POMPEIUS Iarba
Ergo tuus felix reditus, prcesentia felix.
Utque Angli, fusique tua gens effera Scotti
Dextra, qua nunquam visa est victoria major
Det DEUS imperium per te coeamus in unum :
Simus et unanimes per secula cuncta Britanni.
Though I plainly told ye not that my friend's name was
Armigil Wade; yet, ye that know the man his good
literature, his wit and dexterity in all his doings, and mark
the well couching of his clue, might have a great guess, of
whose spinning the thread were.
But why these wars by our late sovereign Lord, the King's
Majesty deceased (a Prince most worthy of eterne fame,
whose soul GOD have !), were, in his days, begun ; and yet
continued ? Forasmuch as by sundry publications of divers
writings, as well then as since, the just title of our King unto
Scotland, and the Scots often deceits, untruths of promise,
and perjury hath been among other [things] in the same
writings so manifestly uttered; I intend not here now
to make it any part of. my matter, which is but only a
Journal or Diary of this Expedition into Scotland : wherein
I have digested out every day's deeds orderly, as they were

64 The Preface to the Diary $£$.
done, with their circumstances, so nigh as I could, from the
time of my Lord Protector's Grace's coming to Newcastle
until our breaking up of the camp from Roxburgh. And
herein I doubt not but many things, both right necessary and
worthy to be uttered, I shall leave untold; but, surefly], rather
of ignorance than of purpose. Although indeed I know it were
meetest for any writer in this kind to be ignorant of fewest
and writing of most, yet trust I again it will be considered
that it is neither possible for one man to know all, nor shame
to be ignorant in that he cannot know. But as touching
deeds well done, being within the compass of my knowledge ;
as, so GOD help me ! I mind to express no man's for flattery,
so will I suppress no man's for malice.
Thus battle and field now, which is the most principal
part of my matter, the Scots and we are not yet agreed how
it shall be named. We call it Musselburgh Field, because
that is the best town, and yet bad enough, nigh the place of
our meeting. Some of them call it Seaton Field, a town there-
nigh too, by means of a blind prophecy of theirs, which is
this, or some such toy.
Between Seaton and the sea
Many a man shall die that day.
Some will have it Fauxside Bray Field, of the hill (for so
they call a Bray) upon the side whereof our Foreward stood,
ready to come down and join. Some others will have it Under-
esk [Inveresk] Field ; in the fallows whereof, they stood and we
met. Some will have it Walliford Field : and some no "Field"
at all, for that they say "there were so few [English] slain, and
that we met not in a place by certain appointment, according
to the order and manner of battle," with such like fond argu
ments. Marry, the hinderers of this meeting, I think for
their meaning, have small sin to beshrew. They, of this
haste, hoped to have had the whole advantage. For what they
did appoint upon : without warning, then so early to dislodge,
and so hastily to approach, who cannot judge? And whether

^i'ms.'] of the Expedition into Scotland. 65
they meant to make a Field of their fight, or meant to fight
at all or not, judge ye ! by this that after ye hear.
Certain it is that against their assembly and our encounter
(for they were not un[a] ware of our coming) in the former part
of the year, they had sent letters of warning to the Estates of
their realm ; and then caused the Fire Cross in most places
of their country to be carried : whereof the solemnity is never
used but in an urgent need, or for a great power, either for
defence of themselves or invasion of us. And this is a Cross,
as I have heard some say, of two brands' ends carried across
upon a spear's point, with Proclamation of the time and
place when and whither they shall come, and with how much
provision of victail. Some others say, it is a Cross painted
all red, and set for certain days in the fields of that Barony,
whereof they will have the people to come ; whereby all, be
tween sixty and sixteen, are peremptorily summoned, that
if they come not, with their victail according, at the time
and place then appointed, all the land there is forfeited
straight to the King's use, and the tarriers taken for traitors
and rebels.
By reason of which letters and Fire Cross, there were
assembled in their camp, as I have heard some of themselves,
not of the meanest sort, to confess, above twenty-six thousand
fighting footmen, beside two thousand horsemen, " prickers"
as they call them : and hereto four thousand Irish archers
brought by the Earl of Argyle. All of which., saving cer
tain we had slain the day before, came out of their camp to
encounter with us. Now, where they will have it no Field,
let them tell their cards, and count their winning ! and they
shall find it a Field. Howbeit, by mine assent, we shall not
herein much stick with them : since both without them the
truth shall have place ; and also, by the courtesy of gaming,
we ought somewhat to suffer, and ever let the losers have
their liberty of words.
But whatsoever it were, Field or no Field, I dare be bold
E 1

66 The Preface to the Diary

|~W. Patten
L Jan. 1548,

to say, not one of us all is any whit prouder of it than would
be the tooth that hath bit the tongue, otherwise than in
respect that they were our mortal enemies, and would have
done as much or more to us ; nor are nothing so fain to have
beaten them as enemies, as we would rejoice to receive them
as friends ; nor are so glad of the glory of this Field, as we
would be joyful of a steadfast atonement [at-one-ment (of one
mind)] : whereby like countrymen and countrymen, like friend
and friend, nay, like brother and brother, we might, in one
perpetual and brotherly life, join, love, and live together,
according as thereto, both by the appointment of GOD at
the first, and by continuance of Nature since, we seem to
have been made and ordained; separate by seas, from all
other nations ; in customs and conditions, little differing; in
shape and language, nothing at all. The which things other
nations viewing in charts [maps] and reading in books ; and
therewith hearing of this tumult, this fighting, these incur
sions and intestine wars between us, do thereat no less
marvel, and bless them, than they would, to hear Gascoigny
fight with France ; Arragon, with Spain ; Flanders, with
Brabant ; or (to speak more near and naturally) friend with
friend, brother with brother, or rather hand with hand.
That no little, both wonder and woe it is to me, my
To the scots, countrymen ! for I can vouchsafe ye well the name !
to consider what thing might move ye? what tale might
incense ye ? what drift, force ye ? what charm, enchant ye ?
or what fury, conjure ye ? so fondly to fly from common sense,
as ye should have need to be exhorted to that for the which
it were your parts chiefly to sue ; so untowardly to turn
from human reason as ye will be the hinderers of your own
weals ; and so untruly to sever from the bonds both of pro
mise and covenant as ye will needs provoke your friends tc
plain revengement of open war !
Your friends indeed, nay, never wink at the word ! tha',
have so long before these wars foreborn our quarrels so just
that were so loath to begin, and since, that suffered so manj

^an^sG of the Expedition into Scotland. 67
injuries unrevenged, entreating [treating] your men taken, not
as captives of our mortal enemies, but as ambassadors of our
dearest friends !
0, how may it be thought to be possible that ye should
ever forget, or else not ever remember the great munificence
of our most magnificent Prince, our late King ! that when,
with most cruelty, by slaughter of subjects and burning of
towns, your last king, Jamy, with all your nobility, At Aiihaiiow-
had invaded his realm ; and, soon after, the invin- entlde I542'
cible policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, the lying at Aln
wick, as Lord Warden of our Marches, by the sufferance of
GOD's favour (which, thanks to His Majesty ! hath not yet
left us), at Solom Moss, made them captive and thrall to our
Prince's own will. With whom, for their deeds, if His
Highness had dealt then as they had deserved, what should
have blamed him ? or who could have controlled ? since what
he could do, they could not resist : and what he should do,
they had set him a sample [an example].
But his Majesty, among the huge heap of other his princely
virtues (being ever of nature so inclined to clemency as never,
of will, to use extremity), even straight forgetting who they
were, and soon forgiving what they had done ; did not only
then receive them into His Highness's grace ; place every of
them with one of his nobility or council, not in prison like a
captive; pardon them their raundsommes [ransoms], where
with, if they be ought worth, some Prince might have thought
himself rich ; and hereto most friendly, for the time they were
here, entertain them : but also, of his princely liberality, im
parting treasure at their departing to each of them all, did
set them frank and free at their own doors ! Touching their
silks, their chains, and their cheer beside ; I mind not here,
among matters of weight, to tarry on such trifles. Marry,
there be among us that saw their habit [dress] and port [state,
or attendance], both at their coming and at their departing!
Take it not, that I hit you here in the teeth, with our good
turns ! (yet know I no cause, more than for humanity's sake,

68 The Preface to the Diary $¦*%£
why ye should be forborne !) but as a man may sometimes,
without boast of himself, say simply the thing that is true of
himself, so may the subject without obbraid [upbraiding] of
benefits, recount the bounty of his Prince's largesse: al
though, perchance, it were not much against manners flatly
to break courtesy with them, who, either of recklessness for
get their friends' benignity, or else of ingratitude will not
acknowledge it.
To my matter now! What would Cyrus, Darius, or
Hannibal, (noble conquerors, and no tyrants) in this case,
have done ? But why so far off ? What would your own
King J amy have done ? Nay, what King else would have done
as our King did ? But somewhat to say more. As our Prince
in cases of pity, was, of his own disposition, most merciful ;
so wanted there hot then of Councillors very near about His
Highness, that showed themselves their friends; and fur
thered his affects in that behalf to the uttermost : being thus
persuaded, that as ye of the Nobility appeared men, neither
rude of behaviour, nor base of birth ; so ye would never show
yourselves inhuman and ingrate towards him, to whom ye
should be so deeply bound.
And though since that time, GOD hath wrought His will
upon His Majesty (a loss to us, sure[ly], worthy never enough
to have been lamented ; but that His mercy hath again so
bountifully recompensed us with an image so nigh represent
ing his father's majesty and virtues, and of so great hope and
towardness) ; yet be there left us most of the Councillors we
had, who, upon occasion, will bend both power and will to
show you further friendship. In part of proof thereof, how
many means and ways hath my Lord Protector's Grace,
within his time of governance, under the King's Majesty that
now is, attempted and used to shun these wars, and show
himself your friend ? What policy hath he left unproved ?
What shift unsought ? or what stone unstirred ?
Touching your weals now ! Ye mind not, I am sure, to
live lawless and headless, without a Prince ! but so to bestow

Tan^'stS:] of the Expedition into Scotland. 69
your Queen, as whose mate must be your King ! And is it
then possible ye can so far be seduced and brought to believe,
that in all the world there should be any so worthy a Prince
as our King ? as well for the nobility of his birth, for his rare
comeliness of shape, his great excellency of qualities, his
singular towardness to all godliness and virtues ! any likely
to be so natural a Prince for you, as His Majesty born, bred
and brought up under that hemisphere and compass of ele
ment, and upon that soil that both ye and we be all, any so
meet for her, as your Princess's own countryman, a right
Briton, both bred and born? a Prince also by birth, of so
great a power, and of so meet an age ? the joining of whom
both the Kings, their fathers, did vow in their lives ; and ye,
since, agreed upon in parliament, and promised also after their
deaths ?
Than which thing, taking once effect, what can be more
for your universal commodities, profits, and weals ? whereby,
even at once, of foreign foes, ye shall be accepted as familiar
friends ! of weak, ye shall be made strong ! of poor, rich ! and
of bond, free ! And whether this now be rather to be offered
of us or sued for by you, I make yourselves the judges !
What we are able alone to do, both in peace and war, as
well without you as against you, I need not here to brag.
Yet seek we not the Mastership of you, but the Fellowship !
for if we did, we have, ye wot, a way of persuasion of the
rigorous rhetoric, so vengeably vehement (as I think ye have
felt by an Oration or two) that if we would use the extremity
of argument, we were soon able so to beat reason into your
heads or about your heads, that I doubt not ye would quickly
find what fondness it were to stand in strife for the mastery
with more than your match.
We covet not to keep you bound, that would so fain have
you free, as well from the feigned friendship of France (if I may
call it any friendship at all, that for a few crowns do but stay
you still in store for their own purpose) whereunto now, both
ye seern subject, and your Queen ward (which friendship,

yo The Preface to the Diary $¦*%£
nevertheless, whatsoever it be, we desire not ye should break
with them, for the love of us ; but only in case where ye
should be compelled to lose either them or us, and, in that
case, perchance, we may be content again to lose them for
you) ; as well from the semblance or rather dissembling of
this feigned friendship, I say, we covet to quit ye ! as also
from the most servile thraldom and bondage under that
hideous monster, that venemous aspis and very Antichrist,
the Bishop of Rome, in the which, of so long time, ye have,
and yet do most miserably abide ! Whose importable pride
and execrable arrogancy, as well most presumptuously against
all the sacred Estates of Princes upon earth, as also most
contumeliously against the High Majesty of GOD Himself;
with fastidious and utter contempt, both of GOD and man,
both the context and tenour of his own decrees, decretals, canons,
and Extravagants (made and conspired at the Congregations,
Councils, and Synods, at sundry times, for the maintenance
and augmenting of his Antichristian authority, in his Holi-
ness's name assembled) [demonstrate]. And hereto his
wicked blasphemy against GOD, his devilish dispensations
against His Divine laws, his obstinate rebellion against all
powers, his outrageous usurpation in Prince's lands, his cruel
tyranny for keeping of his kingdom, his covert hypocrisy at
at home, his crafty conspiracies abroad, his insatiable avarice,
his subtle superstition, his mischievous malice, his privy
theft, his open rapine, his sacred simony, his profane whore
dom, his ambition, sacrilege, extortion, idolatry, and poison
ings; with many other his cardinal virtues besides. And
also the undoubted witness of Holy Writ, in both the Testa
ments, doth most certainly show, and plainly make clear to
the eyes of all, if ye will not wilfully wink at that ye should
cafi. xi. willingly see! Of him, hardily spake the prophet
Daniel. He shall be lift up a high, and magnified against all
that is GOD ; and shall speak presumptuous words, and shall be set
in a course until wrath be fulfilled against him. In the same
chapter. He shall set at nought the GOD of their fathers ; and

%Pai£s.] of the Expedition into Scotland. 71
shall be in the daliances and desires of women, and shall pass
nought for GOD; but shall obstinately be stubborn, and rise against
all. And the holy prophet Ezekiel. Thy heart was lift up
very high, and saidest, " I am GOD, and sit in GOD's c«A«viii.
seat ; " where thou art but man, and not GOD, and nevertheless hast
framed thy heart like the heart of GOD ! The apostle Saint
Paul also, in whom the graces of GOD did so plentifully
abound, seemed not utterly to forget this prelate, when, in
his Epistle to the Thessalonians, he said, The Lord 2 Thess. a.
Jesu shall not come till first there be a failing, and that wicked
man be discovered, the Child of Perdition ; who is adversary and
exalted against all that is called GOD, in such sort, as he sticks
not to sit in the temple, vaunting himself that he is GOD. And
addeth, a little after, Whom the Lord Jesu shall quell with the
spirit of His holy mouth.
Of him and his abominable behaviour is there much in
both the Holy Testaments ; and a great deal more, jer. ^a.
I must confess, than I know my cunning can Apaxi^'J^i.,
recite ; so plain in sense, and easy to be under- "x'
stood, that if ye confer the words of the same with the acts
of his life, ye shall have no more cause to doubt whether he
be the only Antichrist ; than ye may have whether He were
the only Christ, of whom Saint John the Baptist said,
Behold the Lamb of GOD ! and the Centurion, This John »¦
was, sure[ly], the very Son of GOD ! Matt- "•
I speak neither of spite, nor of speciality of this precious
prelate, Paul IV., that now is alone ; but of him and his
whole ancestry, of these many years past. Of whom, sure[ly],
who list to say aught, it were meet they said truth ; and who
list to say truth, can say no good. For their acts by their
office, and their lives by their profession, are not less certainty
known unto all the world to be thus, than is the lion, as they
say, by the paw ; or the day, by the sunshine. The trees of
that stock never bear other fruit. And therefore was it that
neither the Greeks, the Ruthens [Russians], nor many nations
in the East parts besides (whom we cannot but count

72 The Preface to the Diary {%£?£
Christians) could never be brought once so much as to taste
contrary to of i* : and would never abide the presumptuous
wh0RseSw« usurpation of his insolent Impery ; but utterly, at
"J£m and the first, did wisely refuse the unwieldy weight of
Matt. xi. s0 neaVy a burden, and the painful wringing of so
uneasy a yoke.
The Bohemians and Germans, of later years, have quite
rejected, and cast him up.
And we, at last, not so much led by the example of others'
well doing, as moved by the mere mercy and grace of
Almighty GOD ; who (as, by David, He hath promised) is
Psa. cxiv. ever at hand, and nigh to all them that call upon him
in truth, and always ready to do that He came for, that is, to
Matt, xviii. save that [which] was forelom. Through the aid
and goodness of His mighty power and eterne wisdom
strengthening his worthy Champion, our late sovereign
Lord ; and instructing his circumspect Council : have we,
most happily, exterminated, and banished him our bounds.
Whereby, as we have now the grace to know and serve but
one GOD, so are we subject but to one King. He naturally
knoweth his own people ; and we obediently know him our
only Sovereign. His Highness's Estate brought and reduced
from perdition, and in a manner subjection unto the old
princely entire and absolute power again : and ours, redeemed
from the doubt as to whom we should obey. The great
polling and intolerable taxes of our money, yearly, both from
His Majesty and us, now saved clear[ly] within his realm.
Not fain, now, to fetch justice so unjustly ministered, as he
that bids most (like Calais market), whatsoever be the cause,
shall be sure of the sentence ; and that so far from home,
and with so great cost of money and danger of life. Our
consciences, now, quite unclogged from the fear of his vain
terriculaments and rattle-bladders ; and from the fondness of
his trimtrams and gugaws [gewgaws], his interdictions, his
cursings, his damning to the devil, his pardons, his [as] soilings,
his plucking out of purgatory, his superstitious sorts of sects

^kn^:] 0F THE Expedition into Scotland. j$
of religion, his canonization of saints, forbidding and licensing
the eating of meat, singing and saying and wot not a word !
roving a procession, gadding a pilgrimage, worshipping of idols.
Oblations and offerings of meats, of otes, images of saint
° ' ° Uncumber.
wax, bound pens and pins for deliverance of bad samtMuDwm.
r , r Saint Agnes.
husbands, for a sick cow, to keep down the belly, Saint syth.
and when " Kit had lost her key." Setting up candles to
saints in every corner, and knakkynge [knocking] of bead-
stones [beads] in every pew, tolling of bells against tempests,
Scala cozli masses, pardon beads, " Saint Anthony's bells,"
Tauthrie laces, rosaries, collets, charms for every disease, and
sovereign suffrages for every sore : with a thousand toys else,
of his devilish devices, that lack of opportunity doth let [hinder]
me here to tell.
We are, now, no more by them so wickedly seduced, to
the great offence of GOD's dignity, and utter peril of our
souls. Now, have we, by His divine power, wound ourselves
out of the danger of His just indignation that we worthily
were in for our former obstinacy and turning from His truth :
and have received, with most humble thanksgiving, His
Holy Word, whereof we have the free use in our own
tongue. These goodly benefits, or rather GOD's blessings, if ye
will yourselves ! shall we, with GOD's assistance, bring you
to enjoy as well as ourselves ! but if ye will not, but be still
stubborn in your ungodliness, refuse His graces that He
daily offereth, wilfully wry so far from His truth, and be
utterly obstinate in upholding the Antichrist! as, first,
Daniel the prophet doth declare what ye are, and show you
the state ye stand in by these words, They shall magnify Him !
as many as have drunk of the wine of the wrath of GOD, and
whose names are not written in the book of life ! Even so, think
ye hardily that the just judgement, which the Head Priests
and Seniors of the Jews (in answering Christ, unawares to
themselves) did give of themselves, unto your confusion, shall
be verified upon you ! which is, Without mercy, shall the LORD

74 The Preface to the Diary [^EJJJ
Matt. xxi. undo [destroy] the evil, and set out his vineyard to
other good husbands [husbandmen], that will yield him fruit in
due times. And that soon after himself said to them,
Exod. c. Therefore the kingdom of GOD shall be taken from
you, and be given to the nation that will do profit ! And hereto
the sharp sentence of Saint Paul to be pronounced specially
against you ! The Lord Jesu, with the angels of his bliss,
i Thess. a. shall come from heaven in a flame of fire ; taking
vengeance upon all them that will not know GOD, and obey the
gospel of him our Lord Jesu Christ. They shall be punished
by death for ever, from fhe glory of his virtue ; when he shall
come to be glorified among his holy, and be wonderful in the eyes
of all that believe.
As well, nevertheless, that ye may be delivered from the
beared oPthe dreadful danger of this most terrible sentence, as
by°h^hiTo1ad als0 that the LORD, of His immeasurable mercy,
inna den1ofeep' w*^ once vouchsafe to open your eyes, and waken
miSTnCaria vou out °* ^is drowsy Endymion's dream*, or
iSsS Mm rather this mortal Lethargy f, wherein by the biting
cic. i. Tmc. of this most venemous aspis %, the Pope I say, ye do
lamentably lie a slumber, being benumbed of all the
limbs of your soul and lacking the use of all your spiritual
senses. However, of grace, ye shall be moved to do, we shall of
t a disease charity most heartily pray : for we do not so much
coming of burnt , , -, r r '
choier.com- remember our quarrel and forget our profession,
patiemtocovet but that we can wish rather your amendment than
Ssy skep, your destruction !
thingfandto And hereto that once also, ye may see the
in'Vtrancl"6' miserable subjection whereunto ye are thrall ! and
xiu."us' ' have the grace, to pray for grace to the LORD
t Bitten with that ye may be quitted of that captivity, and be
castinadeadiy made apt to receive the truth and His Holy Word,
astifflingTnd and then to know who be your friends, and whether
aTpartsTtnd we will you well ! With whom by so many means,
soondie."' ° since GOD, of good will, hath so nigh joined you,
seem not you, of frowardness, to sever asunder against the

"jkn9^:] of the Expedition into Scotland. 75
thing that should be a general wealth and common concord,
the provision of Nature, and ordinance of GOD ! And against
His Holy Word, which not all unaptly, perchance, here may
be cited. Quos DEUS conjunxit, homo ne separet ! Matt. xix.
The great mischiefs rising by this disunion and severing,
and the manifold commodities coming by the contrary, being
shortly by you had in considerance ; this marriage, I doubt
not, between our Princes shall be consummated, all causes of
quarrel ceased, atonement made between us, and a firm
alliance of friendship for ever concluded. The which thing,
as most heartily, for my part, I daily wish for ; so have I good
hope shortly to see, and herewith betake you to GOD !
But now to return out of my digression, for though I have
been long a talking to my countrymen abroad in the North :
yet were I loath to seem to forget my friends at home in the
South ; and fare like the diligent servant that walks so
earnestly on his master's errand, that, in the midst of his way,
he forgets whither he goeth.
Howbeit I might well, perchance, think it, even here, high
time to leave [off] ; were it not that since I am in hand to utter,
in this case, what I know, and nooseld [nourished] of my
nurse never to be spare of speech : though I be but a bad
evangelist, yet will I leave as few unwritten verities as I can.
As my Lord's Grace, my Lord of Warwick, the other
estates of the Council there, with the rest of the dignity of
the army did, at our setting outward, tarry a few days at
Berwick; the well-appointing of the noblemen for their
bands, and of the knights and gentlemen for themselves and
servants, I mean specially of the horsemen ; which though,
but at musters, was never showed of purpose, yet could it not,
at that time, be hid, but be bright and apparent in every
man's eye : and was, if I can ought judge, I assure you, for
the goodly number of the likely men and ready horses ; for
their perfect appointment of sure armour, weapons, and

76 The Preface to the Diary $¦£%£
apparel ; and their sumptuous suits of liverers [serving-men]
beside (whereof I must of duty, if I must of duty say truth,
most worthily prefer and give the chiefest price and praise to
my Lord Protector Grace's train, and to my Lord of War
wick's), was, I say, so generally such, and so well furnished:
that both their duty toward their Prince, their love toward
their country and to the rulers were there ; and hereto the
ancient English courage and prowess, might have easily in
this assembly been viewed. Men going out, never better, at
any time, in all points, appointed ; never better beseen, with
more courage and gladder will : whereof with speed (for no
doubt our enemies had factors at this mart among us, though,
as wisdom was, they did not openly occupy) the Scots had
soon knowledge. And as they are merry men, and feat
jesters hardily, they said, as we heard, " that we were very
gay, and came belike a wooing." The which, though they
spake dryly more to taunt the sumpt [sumptuousness] of our
show than to seem to know the cause of our coming ; yet said
they therein more truly than they would kindly consider.
For, indeed, even as they were ascertained by my Lord
Grace's Proclamation, as well at and before our entry into
their country, that the cause of our coming then, was nothing
else but touching the performance of covenants, on both sides,
about this marriage, that had been before time, on both sides,
agreed upon ; which should be greatly for the wealths of us
both: and not to make war, sure[ly], nor once to be enemy,
but only to such as should appear to be hinderers of so godly
and honourable a purpose. Even so, according to the promise
of the Proclamation, neither force nor fire was used wittingly
against any other, during all our time of abode in the country.
Howbeit, the truth was so, that having doubt of the worst, it
was wisely consulted so to go to commune with them as
friends, as nevertheless, if needs they would, we might be able
to meet them as foes : the which thing proved, after, not the
worst point of policy.
But what a marvellous unkind people were they, that where

>nPaIt^:] of the Expedition into Scotland. 77
we came, as wooers come, not otherwise, but for good love and
quiet ; they to receive us with hatred and war ! It was too
much ungentleness and inhumanity, sure[ly], in such a case
to be showed. Yet since we so quit [requited] them their kind
ness ; and departed so little in their debt ; let us bear some
what with them ! Marry, I wot they were not all so well
content with the payment. For the Earl Huntley (a
gentleman of a great sobriety and very good wit, as by his very
presence is half uttered), being asked of a man of Estate with
us, by way of communication, as I heard, how " he bare his
affection towards the joining of the two Princes ? " ^indeed te-
" In gude faith," quoth he, " I wade it sud gae furth, ^d/j'"£f ^t
and haud weil with the marriage : but I like not ^njgotten
this wooing." 'eavf of our.
° Lord to make a
But now lest I may worthily be doubted bv the manJ mad.\
J J J one first with a
plot of my Prologue to have made the form of my H^thenwith
book* like the proportion of Saint Peter's man : I ™ exceeding
rr httle neck: and
will here leave off further process of Preface, and so forth- with
f1i. ., ,. such inequality
tall to the matter. of proportion.
+S FINIS.

%iCERTAIN
0oblt men ana atfym, being special
flDflicerjs in tfjig (^petition.
J He Duke of Somerset, my Lord Protector's Grace,
General of the Army : and Captain of the Battle
[the main body], having in it 4,000 footmen.
The Earl of Warwick, Lord Lieutenant of
the Army ; and having the Foreward, of 3,000 footmen.

78 The Officers of the Expedition. [^anPa^;
The Lord Dacres, the Rereward, of 3,000 footmen.
The Lord Grey of Wilton, Lord Lieutenant of Boulogne,
High Marshal of the Army, and Captain General of all the
Horsemen there.
Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Treasurer of the Army.
Sir Francis Bryan Knight, Captain of the Light Horse
men, being in number, 2,000.
Sir Ralph Vane Knight, Lieutenant of all the Men of
arms and Demi-lances, being in number, 4,000.
Sir Thomas Darcy Knight, Captain of all the King's
Majesty's Pensioners and Men of arms.
Sir Richard Lee Knight, Devisor [i.e., Engineer] of the
fortifications to be made.
Sir Peter Mewtys Knight, Captain of all the Hackbutters
a foot, being in number, 600.
Sir Peter Gamboa Knight, a Spaniard, Captain of 200
Hackbutters on horseback.
Sir Francis Fleming Knight, Master of the Ordnance.
Sir James Wilford Knight, Provost Marshal.
Sir George Blague and Sir Thomas Holcroft, Com
missioners of the Musters.
Edward Shelley, my Lord Grey; Lieutenant of the
Men of arms of Boulogne.
John Bren, Captain of the Pioneers, being 1,400.
d Mm$ upon t^e £>ea.
C The Lord Clinton, Lord Admiral of the Fleet : which
was of sixty vessels ; whereof the Galley and thirty - four
more good ships were perfectly appointed for war, and the
residue for carriage of munition and victail.
Sir William Woodhouse Knight, his Vice Admiral.
There in the Army, of great ordnance, drawn forth with
us, by horses, Fifteen pieces.
And of carriages; 900 carts, besides many waggons.

79

THE STORY
ant) process of t^e Slournet.

Saturday,
the zyth of
August [1547].

]Y Lord Protector's Grace,
(whom neither the length
nor weariness of the way
did any whit let [hinder],
speedily to further that he
had deliberately taken in
hand) riding all the way
from London, his own
person, in post, accompanied by [Lord Grey] my Lord
Marshal, and Sir Francis Bryan, was met a six mile on
this side of Newcastle by my Lord Lieutenant [the Earl of
Warwick], and Master Treasurer [Sir Ralph Sadler] (who
for the more speedy despatch of things were come to town
there, three or four days before), and all the nobles, knights,
and captains of the army, on horseback, 'attending upon
them. And coming thus to town, my Lord's Grace was honourably,
for the dignity of the place, with gun shot and the presence
of the Mayor, Aldermen, and commoners there, about three
o'clock in the afternoon, received and welcomed : and lay at
the house of one Peter Ryddell.

80 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^5

Sunday, the
28th of August.

His day morning, in the fields in the
north-east side of the town, muster
was made of such Demi-lances and
Light Horsemen as were come;
whereat my Lord's Grace was himself, with my Lord Lieu
tenant and other of the council of the army.
In the afternoon, came the Laird of Mangerton, with a
forty Scottish gentlemen of the East borders, and presented
themselves to my Lord, at his lodging : whom his Grace did
gently accept.
It should not be forgotten, and it were but for example's
sake, how a new pair of gallows were set up in the market
place ; and a soldier hanged for quarrelling and fighting.

Monday, the
zgth of August.

Ll Captains with their bands, that had
been mustered, were commanded
forward. My Lord's Grace himself
did early also then depart the town ;
dined at Morpeth, twelve miles on the way; and lay that
night at Alnwick Castle, with Sir Robert Bowes Knight
Lord Warden of the Middle Marches; being twelve miles
further. Where neither lacked any store of guests, nor of
good cheer to welcome them with ; in the provision whereof,
a man might note great cost and diligence, and in the
spending, a liberal heart.

Tuesday, the
30th of August.

His day, his Grace, having journeyed
in the morning a ten mile, dined at
Bamborough Castle ; whereof one
Sir John Horsley Knight is Captain.
The plot of this castle standeth so naturally strong, that
hardly can anywhere, in my opinion, be found the like. In
accessible on all sides, as well for the great height of the
crag whereon it standeth ; as also for the outward form of
the stone whereof the crag is, which, not much amiss per
chance, I may liken to the shape of long bavens [a brush
faggot bound with only one withe] standing on end with their
sharper and smaller ends upward. Thus is it fenced round
about : and hath hereto, on the east side, the sea, at flood,
coming up to the hard walls. This castle is very ancient, and
was called in Arthur's day, as I have heard, Joyous Gard.

"^JThe English Army leaves Berwick. 8i
Hither came my Lord Clinton from shipboard to my Lord.
In the afternoon, his Grace rode to Berwick, fourteen miles
further ; and there received with the Captains, garrisons, and
with the officers of the town, lay in the Castle, with Sir
Nicholas Strelley Knight, the Captain there.

Wednesday,
the last of
August.

Uch part of this day, his Grace occupied
in consultation about orders and matters
touching this Voyage and army.
This day, to the intent we might save
the store of the victail we carried with us in the army by
cart, and to be sure rather, among us, to have somewhat too
much than any whit too little; and also tbat we should
not need to trouble our ships for victail till we came to the
place, by my Lord's Grace appointed: every man of the army,
upon general commandment, made private provision for
himself, for four days' victail.

Thursday,the first oj
September.

j Is Grace, with not many more than his own
band of horsemen, rode to a town in the
Scottish borders, standing upon the sea
coast, a six mile from Berwick, and is
called Eyemouth : where there runneth a river [Eye Mill
water] into the sea, the which he caused to be sounded ; and
perceiving then the same to be well able to serve for a haven,
hath since caused building to be made there, whereof both
Master and Captain is Thomas Gower, Marshal of Berwick.

Friday,
the 2nd of
September.

IPon commandment generally given, by
sound of trumpet, all save the council,
departed the town ; and encamped a two
flight-shots off, upon the sea-side, toward
Scotland. This day, my Lord Clinton with his fleet took the seas
from Berwick toward Scotland, and herefore the rather, that
though they might not have always wind at will to keep their
course still with us ; yet, and it were but with the driving of
tides, they might, upon any our need of munition or victail,
not be long from us.

82 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^
My Lord Lieutenant and Master Treasurer, who remained
at Newcastle after my Lord's Grace, for the full despatch of
the rest of the army, came this day to Berwick.

Saturday,

the yrd of
September,

Y Lord Lieutenant, from out of the town,

To
the intent, the excuse of ignorance either
of the cause of my Lord Grace's coming,
or of his goodness to such of the Scots as should show them
selves to favour the same coming, might quite be taken from
them ; his Grace's Proclamation, whereof they could not but
hear, was openly pronounced by Herald, after sound of
trumpet, in three several places of our camp.
Besides the mere matter of the journey, I have here to
touch a thing, which seem it ever so light to other, yet is
it of more weight to me, than to be let pass unspoken of.
In the morning of this day, my Lord's Grace, walking upon
the rampart of the town walls on the side towards Scotland,
did tell, I remember, that, not many nights before he dreamt
he was come back again to the Court, where the King's
Majesty did heartily welcome him home, and every Estate
else [also] : but yet him thought he had done nothing at all
in this voyage : which when he considered the King's
Highness's great costs, and the great travail of the great
men and soldiers, and all to have been done in vain, the
very care and shamefast abashment of the thing did waken
him out of his dream. What opinion might we conceive
of his waking thoughts? that even, dreaming, was moved
with so pensive a regard of his charge towards his Prince,
and with so humane a thought toward all men else!
Howbeit, my mind is rather to note the prognostication and
former advertence of his future success in this his enterprise,
the which, I take it, was hereby then most certainly showed
him : although, of right few, or rather of none, the same be
so taken. That if, for ensample like to this, I should rehearse
Gen. xii. to you out of the Old Testament, how the seven plenti
ful years, and the seven years of famine in Egypt were plainly
signified afore to Pharaoh by his dreams of seven fat oxen, and
seven full ears of corn ; and by seven lean oxen that devoured
the fat, and seven withered ears consuming the full ears.
jus-rim n. j. And hereto, out of profane authors, how Astyages,

^jJ!*'^] The Duke of Somerset's dream. 83
King of the Medians, was, many a day before, admonished
that he should be overcome by a nephew* of his, as »Hisnamewas
yet then ungotten and unborn, and lose his kingdom, Cyrus'
and this by a dream also, wherein he thought there sprang
out of the womb of his daughter Man dan e, Joswhus*
a vine, by the spreading of whose branches xvii. caju.
all Asia was shadowed. And how Archelaus, £^7, .
King of Cappadocia, was warned afore of his ban- valeLV. I
ishment out of his country and kingdom by his £ ™ Dtvir_
dream of ten wheat ears, full ripe, that were eaten i££r-ca*-
of oxen. And hereto the multitude of ensamples cmius am-
besides touching this case in Tully, Valerius %??kb'*"'
Maximus, Pliny the second, [L.] Ccelius [Riche- l"™^*"
rius] Rodiginus, Suetonius, and in infinite authors cap.xxm.
more; they should be too cumberous and irksome both forme
to write and you to read.
The natural cause of which kind of prophecying, as I may
call it, whether it come, as astronomers hold opinion, by the
influence of the air or by constellation ; or else by sobriety of
diet, and peculiar to the melancholic, as both f°^^0
Plato and also physicians affirm ; or by gift of d. Rep. ix.
GOD as divine judge : I trust I shall be borne with,
although I do not here take upon me to discuss, but leave it
for a doubt among them as I found it.
Yet that there is such dignity and divinity in man's soul,
as sometimes in dreams, we be warned of things to come ;
both the learning of ancient philosophers, umblicus
Plotinus, Iamblicus, Mercurius, Trisme- '%&$!*'"
gistus, with many other doth avow ; Holy Mercumus
Scripture and profane stories do prove ; and in Py«umd.
experience to them that do mark it, doth also show.
But to this now, that my Lord's Grace dreamt one thing,
and the contrary came to pass ; writers upon the exposition of
dreams, and specially Artemidorous do make two La. \. cap. u.
special kinds of dreams. The one, Speculative", whereby we
see things, the next day after (for the most part), much like as
we saw them in dream : the other Allegoric, which warneth
us, as it were by riddle, of things more than a day, at the least,
after to come. And in these Allegoric dreams, he saith,
" the head betokeneth the father, the foot the servant, the
right hand signifieth the mother, the left, the wife," and so

84 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^j-J^S;
La.a. cap. hcv. forth. And sometimes one contrary is meant by
the other, as to seem for some cause to weep or be sorry is
a token of gladness to come ; and again to joy much is a
z.a.vi.cap. sign 0I care; to see foul water coming into the
xx™- house is a sign to see the house burning. Apollo-
ub. iv. cap. nides, a surgeon, thought he went out, and wounded
"'• many : and soon after he healed many.
Of which sort of dreams, this of my Lord's Grace was,
that showed that he had done nothing, and signified, as we
may now be held to conster, he should do so much as it were
scant possible to do more. Howbeit, as I would have no man
so much to note and esteem dreams, as to think there are
none vain, but all significative; a thing indeed, both fondly
superstitious, and against the mind of GOD uttered in the
Deut. xviu. Old Law : so would I have no man so much to
contemn them as to think, we can at no time, be warned by
them ; a thing also both of too much incredulity, and
Actsii. against the promise of GOD rehearsed in the New
joeiii. Law, by Peter out of the prophet Joel.
But least, with my dreams, I bring you a sleep [asleep] ; I
shall here leave them, and begin to march with the army.
Sunday, |R"f|B IfY Lord's Grace came from out of the
the Afth of I k\l| | town, and the army raised from out of
September, E gggj \ the camp.
'  And after this disposition of order.
That Sir Francis Bryan, the Captain of Light Horsemen,
with a four hundred of his band, should tend to the scout, a
mile or two before ; the carriage to keep along by the sea
coast ; and the Men of arms and the Demi-lances (divided
into three troops, answering the three Wards) so to ride, in
array, directly against the carriages a two flight shot asunder
from them.
Our three Battles kept order in pace between them both.
The Foreward, foremost; the Battle, in the midst; and the
Rereward, hindermost : each Ward, his troop of horsemen,
and guard of ordnance; and each piece of ordnance, his aid
of Pioneers, for amendment of ways, where need should be
found. We marched a six mile, and camped by a village called
Roston [Reston\ in the barony of Bonkendale.

*mai"S-] Summoning Dunglas Castle. 85
Monday, kKratj E marched a seven mile, till we came to
the 5th of j&yjyjij a place called The Peaths [Pease Bridge],
September. ^^O It is a valley running from a six mile
 ' west, straight eastward and toward the
sea ; a twenty score [400 yards] broad from bank to bank
above, and a five score [100 yards] in the bottom, wherein
runs a little river. So steep be these banks on either side,
and deep to the bottom, that he who goeth straight down
shall be in danger of tumbling; and the comer up so sure
of puffing and pain. For remedy whereof, the travellers that
way, have used to pass it, not by going directly, but by paths
and footways leading slopewise : from the number of which
paths they call it, somewhat nicely indeed, " The Peaths."
A bruit [rumour], a day or two before, was spread among
us, that hereat the Scots were very busy a working ; and
how we should be stayed and met withal by them : where
unto, I heard my Lord's Grace vow that "he would put it in
proof, for he would not step one foot out of his appointed
course." At our coming, we found all in good peace. Howbeit the
sideways, on either side, most used for ease, were crossed
and cut off in many places with the casting of traverse
trenches, not very deep indeed, and rather somewhat hinder
ing than utterly letting [preventing]. For whether it were
more by policy or diligence, as I am sure neither of both did
want, the ways, by the Pioneers, were soon so well plained,
that our army, carriage, and ordnance were quite set over,
soon after sunset, and there as then we pight [pitched] our camp.
But while our army was thus in passage, my Lord's Grace
(willing to lose no time, and thatthe Scots, as well by deed as by
bruit, should know he was come) sent a Herald to summon a
castle of George Douglas, called Dunglas, that stood at
the end of the same valley, nearer the sea, and a mile from
the place of our passage.
The Captain thereof, Matthew Home, a brother's son of
Lord Home, upon this summons, required to speak with my
Lord's Grace. It was granted, and he came. To whom,
quoth his Grace, " Since it cannot be, but that ye must be
witting, both of our coming into these parts, and of our
Proclamation sent hither before and proclaimed also since ;
and ye have not yet come to us, but keep this Hold thus : we

86 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. Pj-nPa^
have cause to take you as our mere enemy. And therefore,
be ye at this choice (for we will take none advantage of your
being here now) ! whether ye and your company will render
your Hold, and stand, body and goods, at the order of our
will ! or else to be set in it, as ye were : and we will assay,
to win it as we can."
The Captain, being brought in great doubt, about this
riddle, what answer well to make, and what best to do; at last,
stricken with the fear of cruelty that by stubbornness he should
well deserve, and moved, again, with the hope of mercy that
by submission he might hap to have, was content to render
[surrender] all at his Grace's pleasure : and thereupon com
manded to fetch his company, returned to the castle.
In the time of tarrying for fetching his guard, we saw our
ships, with a good gale and fair order, sailing into their Frith;
which is a great arm of the sea, and runneth westward into
their country above four mile. Upon this standeth Leith,
Blackness, Stirling, and Saint John's road; and all the best
towns else in the south part of Scotland.
This Captain came, and brought with him his band to my
Lord's Grace, which was of twenty-one sober soldiers, all so
apparelled and appointed, that, so GOD help me ! I will say
it for no praise, I never saw such a bunch of beggars come
out of one house together in my life. The Captain, and six
of the Worshipful of the Company were stayed, and com
manded to the keeping of the Provost Marshal, more, (hardly),
to take " Monday's handsell " than for hope of advantage.
The residue were licensed to " gae their gate," with this
lesson that if they were ever known to practice or do aught
against the army, while it was in the country, and thereupon
taken, they should be sure to be hanged.
After this surrender, my Lord John Grey, being Captain
of a number (as for his approved worthiness, right well he
might be) was appointed to seize and take possession of the
Manor " with all and singular the appurtenances in and to
to the same belonging." With whom, as it hapt, it was my
chance to go thither. The spoil was not rich, sure[ly], but
of white bread, oaten cakes, and Scottish ale ; whereof was
indifferent good store, and soon bestowed among my Lord's
soldiers accordingly. As for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans,
yarn, linen, hemp, and heaps of such baggage besides, they

janPa's4s:] Capture of Thornton and Innerwick. 87
were scant stopped for, and very liberally let alone : but yet,
sure, it would have rued any good housewife's heart to have
beholden the great unmerciful murder that our men made of
the brood geese and good laying hens that were slain there
that day; which the wives of the town had penned up in
holes in the stables and cellars of the castle ere we came.
In this meantime, my Lord's Grace appointed that the
house should be overthrown. Whereupon [John Bren] the
Captain of the Pioneers, with a three hundred of his labourers
were sent down to it ; whom he straight set a digging about
the foundation.
In the town of Dunglas, which we left unspoiled and
unburnt, we understood of their wives (for their husbands
were not at home) that it was George Douglas's device
and cost to cast those cross trenches at The Peaths ; and it
stood him in four Scottish pounds, which are as much sterling
as four good English crowns of five shillings a piece [= almost
£10 in all, now]. A meet reward for such a work !
Tuesday, ItPSsMUR Pioneers were early at tbeir work again
the 6th of ¥ gfis J about the castle ; whose walls were so
September. f^^^A thick and foundation so deep, and thereto
'  ' set upon so craggy a plot, that it was not
an easy matter soon to underdig them.
Our army dislodged, and marched on. In the way we
should go, a mile and a half from Dunglas northwards, there
were two Piles or Holds, Thornton and Anderwick, [Inner
wick] both set on craggy foundation, and divided, a stone's
cast asunder, by a deep gut, wherein ran a little river.
Thornton belonged to the Lord Home, and was kept then
by one Tom Trotter. Whereunto, my Lord's Grace, over
night, for summons, sent Somerset his Herald. Towards
whom, four or five of this Captain's prickers [Light horseman],
with their gads ready charged, did right hastily direct their
course : but Trotter both honestly defended the herald,
and sharply rebuked his men ; and said, for the summons,
" he would come and speak with my Lord's Grace himself."
_ Notwithstanding, he came not ; but straight locked up a
sixteen poor soldiers, like the soldiers of Dunglas, fast within
the house, took the keys with him, and commanding them
they should defend the house and tarry within (as they could

88 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^J^:
not get out) till his return, which should be on the morrow
with munition and relief; he, with his prickers, pricked quite
his ways.
Anderwick [Innerwick] pertained to the Lord of Hamble-
ton [i.e. Hamilton], and was kept by his son and heir
To be known (wnom» of custom, they call, the Master of Hamble-
that the scots ton), and eight more with him ; gentlemen, for the
call the son . , •,
and heir of most part, we heard say.
^hTfoiterof My Lord's Grace, at his coming nigh, sent
whereof lis un*° k°th these Piles; which, upon summons,
father is called refusing to render, were straight assailed. Thorn
ton, by a battery of four of our great pieces of
ordnance, and certain of Sir Peter Mewtys's hackbutters to
watch the loopholes and windows on all sides ; and Ander
wick, by a sort [company] of these hackbutters alone. Who
so well bestirred them [selves], that where these keepers had
rammed up their outer doors, cloyed and stopped up their
stairs within, and kept themselves aloft for defence of their
house about the battlements ; the hackbutters got in, and
fired the underneath, whereby being greatly troubled with
smoke and smother, and brought in desperation of defence,
they called pitifully, over their walls, to my Lord's Grace,
for mercy : who, notwithstanding their great obstinacy and
the ensample others of the enemy might have had by their
punishment, of his noble generosity, and by these words,
making half excuse for them, " Men may sometimes do that
hastily in a gere [business], whereof, after, they may soon
repent them," did take them to grace, and therefore sent one
straight to them. But, ere the messenger came, the hack
butters had got up to them, and killed eight of them aloft.
One leapt over the walls, and, running more than a furlong
after, was slain without, in a water.
All this while, at Thornton, our assault and their defence
was stoutly continued : but well perceiving how on the one
side they were battered, mined at the other, kept in with
hackbutters round about, and some of our men within also
occupying all the house under them, for they had likewise
shopped [shut] up themselves in the highest of their house,
and so to do nothing, inward or outward, neither by shooting
of base [small cannon], whereof they had but one or two,
nor tumbling of stones, the things of their chief annoyance,

jaLPasT'] Dunglas Castle blown up. 89
whereby they might be able any while to resist our power or
save themselves ; they plucked in a banner that afore they
had set out in defiance, and put out over the walls, a white
linen clout tied on a stick's end, crying all, with one tune,
for " Mercy ! " but having answer by the whole voice of
the assailers, " They were traitors ! It was too late ! " they
plucked in their stick, and sticked [stuck] up the banner of
defiance again, shot off, hurled stones, and did what else
they could, with great courage on their side, and little hurt
of ours. Yet then, after, being assured by our earnesty
that we had vowed the winning of their hold before our
departure, and then that their obstinacy could deserve no
less than their death, they plucked in their banner once
again, and cried upon " Mercy ! " And being generally
answered, "Nay, nay ! Look never for it ! for ye are arrant
traitors ! " then, made they petition that " If they should
needs die, yet that my Lord's Grace would be so good to
them, as they might be hanged : whereby they might some
what reconcile themselves to GOD, and not to die in malice,
with so great danger of their souls ! " A policy, sure[ly], in
my mind, though but of gross heads, yet of a fine device,
Sir Miles Partridge being nigh about this Pile, at the
time, and spying one in a red doublet, did guess he should
be an Englishman; and, therefore, the rather came and
furthered this petition to my Lord's Grace. Which then
took effect. They came and humbled themselves to his
Grace : whereupon, without more hurt, they were but com
manded to the Provost Marshal.
It is somewhat here to consider, I know not whether the
destiny or hap of man's life. The more worthy men, the
less offenders, and more in the Judge's grace, were slain ;
and the beggars, the obstinate rebels that deserved nought
but cruelty, were saved.
To say on now. The house was soon after so blown with
powder, that more than one half fell straight down to
rubbish and dust, the rest stood, all to be shaken with rifts
and chinks. Anderwick was burned, and all the houses of
office [servants' rooms], and stacks of corn about them both.
While this was thus in hand, my Lord's Grace, in turning
but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was
undermined and blown with powder.

qo The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^S
This done, about noon, we marched on, passing soon after
within gunshot of Dunbar, a town standing long-wise upon
the seaside : whereat is a castle, which the Scots count very
strong, that sent us divers shots as we passed; but all in vain.
Their horsemen showed themselves in their fields beside
us ; towards whom Barteville, with his eight men, all
hackbutters on horseback (whom he had right well appointed),
and John de Ribaude, with divers others, did make: but no
hurt on either side, saving that a man of Barteville's slew
one of them with his piece. The skirmish was soon ended.
We went a four mile further, and having travelled that day
a ten mile, we camped nigh Tantallon ; and hath, at night,
a blind [false] alarm.
Here had we, first, certain advertisement that the Scots
were assembled in camp at the place where we found them.
Wednesday, IK Vglj gjjARCHiNGthis morning a two mile, we came
the yth of W&jffl i to a fair river called Lyn [now called
September. ||||*g j Tyne], running all straight eastward to
I xl wards the sea. Over this river there is a
stone bridge, that they name Linton Bridge, of a town
thereby on our right hand, and eastward as we went, that
stands on the same river.
Our horsemen and carriages passed through the water, for
it was not very deep : our footmen over the bridge. The
passage was very straight for an army ; and therefore the
longer in setting over.
Beyond this bridge, about a mile westward, for so me-
thought, as then we turned, upon this same river, on the
south side, stands a proper house and of some strength be
like. They call it Hailes Castle. It pertaineth to the Earl
Bothwell ; but was kept, as then, by the Governor's appoint
ment, who held the Earl in prison.
Above the south side of this castle lieth a long hill east and
west, whereupon did appear, in divers plumps, about three
hundred of their prickers : some making towards the passage
to be in wait there to take up stragglers and cut off the tail
of our host. My Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutenant
did stay awhile [over] against the castle, upon a hill over
which we should pass; as well for the army, that was
not all come, as also to see a skirmish that some of these

^kZ^sO The Earl of Warwick's services. 91
prickers by coming over the river towards us, began to make,
but did not maintain. Whereupon our Foreward marching
softly afore, his Grace then took his way after : at whom, out
of the Castle there were roundly shot off, but without hurt,
six or seven pieces ; which before that (though some of our
men had been very nigh) yet kept they all covert.
In this meantime, did there arise a very thick mist, my
Lord the Earl of Warwick, then Lord Lieutenant, as I told
you, of the Army, did so nobly quit himself upon an adventure
that chanced then to fall, as that his accustomedvaliance might
well be acknowledged; whereby first, and first of all men (a
little but not without purpose now to digress) being Lord
Lieutenant of Boulogne next after it was won [in 1544] —
beaten [battered]on all sides, weak without, ill harbour within,
and (now to say truth, for the danger is past) scant tenable
as it was — did so valiantly defend it against the Dauphin
then, and all his power; that, as I remember, was reckoned at
fifty-two thousand. Of whom, in a camisado [? night attack]
then, as they had slain many of our men and won the base
[lower] town ; his Lordship killed above eight hundred,
counted [accounted] of the best soldiers in all France ; drave
the rest away ; and recovered the town from them again.
And the next year after [1545], occupying his Office of
Lord Admiral upon the sea, in person himself, what time the
great Fleet of France, with all their galleys, which was no
small power, came to invade our coasts ; he proferred battle
unto the French Admiral and all his navy : which fight, I
will not say how cowardly, he utterly refused. His Lordship
repelled their force, and made them fain to fly back again home
with their brags and cost in vain.
And, the same year, but with a seven thousand, whereof
not five thousand landed, maugre all France, he burnt
Treport and divers villages there beside; and returned to
ship again, with the loss but of one David Gcjogan, and no
more. And the year then next after, 1546, his diligence so well
showed among the rest of the Commissioners, that an
honourable and friendly peace was concluded between France
and us; his Lordship was sent over, by our late sovereign
Lord, to receive the oath of the late French King, for con
firmation of the same peace. In which journey, how nobly,

92 The Expedition into Scotland in i 547. [jk^is's.
he did advance his port [state] for the King's Majesty's
honour and estimation of the realm, and yet not above his
degree, all men that saw it will easily confess with me, that it
was too much then to be showed in few words here.
Very few things else, to say truth, that have been any
where in these wars, against the enemy either nobly
attempted or valiantly achieved, wherein his Lordship hath
not been, either the first there in office or one of the fore
most in danger ; that if it fell so fit for my purpose to speak of
his Lordship's honour at home, as it hath done somewhat to
touch [on] his prowess abroad; I could, sure[ly], for com
mendation thereof, move myself matter, wherein I were able
to say rather liberally much, than scarcely enough.
But omitting that therefore, and to turn to my tale again,
his Lordship regarding the danger our Rereward was in, by
reason of the disorder, caused at this passage, bythe thickness
of this mist, and nighness of the enemy ; himself, with scant
a sixteen horse (whereof Barteville and John de Ribaude
were two ; seven or eight light horsemen more, and the rest
of his own servants), returned towards the passage, to see to
the array again.
The Scots perceiving our horsemen to have passed on
before (and thinking, as the truth was, that some Captain of
honour did stay for the looking to the order of his Rereward)
keeping the south side of the river, did call over to some of
our men to know, " Whether there were any nobleman nigh
there ? "
They were asked, " Why they asked ? "
One of them answered that " he was" such a man (whose
name our men knew to be honourable among them), "and
would come in to my Lord's Grace ; so that he might be sure
to come in safety."
Our young soldiers, nothing suspecting their ancient false
hood, told him that "my Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of War
wick was nigh there ; by whose tuition, he should be safely
brought to my Lord Grace's presence ! "
They had conned their lesson, and fell to their practice ;
which was this.
Having come over the water, in the way that my Lord
should pass, they had couched behind a hillock about a two
hundred of their prickers, a forty had they sent beside, to

^kZaJs$] Lord Warwick's chase of Dandy Car. 93
search where my Lord was : whom when they found, part of
them pricked very nigh ; and, these again, a ten or twelve of
my Lord's small company, did boldly encounter, and drave
them well nigh home to their ambush, flying, perchance, not
so much for fear of their force, as for falsehood to trap
[entrap] them.
But hereby informed that my Lord was so nigh, they sent
out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret : upon
this purpose, that they might either, by a plain onset, have
distressed him; or that not prevailing, by feigning of flight,
to have trained him under their ambush. And thus in-
struct[ed], they came pricking towards his Lordship apace.
" Why," quoth he, " and will not these knaves be ruled ?
Give me my staff [spear] ! " With the which, then, with so
valiant a courage, he charged at one, (as it was thought,
Dandy Car, a Captain among them) that he did not only com
pel Car to turn, but himself chased him above twelve score,
[i.e., 240 yards] together, all the way, at the spear point ; so
that if Car's horse had not been exceeding good and wight
[swiff], his Lordship had surely run him through in this race.
He also, with his little band, caused all the rest to flee amain.
After whom then, as Henry Vane, a gentleman of my
Lord's, and one of this company, did fiercely pursue ; four
or five Scots suddenly turned, and set upon him. And though
they did not altogether 'scape his hands, free ; yet by hewing
and mangling his head, body, and many places else, they did
so cruelly intreat [treat] him, as if rescue had not come the
sooner, they had slain him outright. But saved as he was,
I dare be bold to say, many a thousand in war or elsewhere,
have died with less than half the less hurt.
Here was Barteville run at sideling [sideways] and
hurt in the buttock : and one of our men slain. Of Scots
again, none slain ; but three taken : whereof one was
Richard Maxwell, hurt in the thigh. Who had been
long in England, not long before, and had received right
many benefits, as I heard himself confess, both of the late
King's Majesty, and of my Lord Lieutenant, and of many
other nobles and gentlemen in the Court beside ; and there
fore for his ingratitude and traiterous untruth threatened to
be hanged. But as otherwise he had a great deal too much
more than he deserved, so had he here somewhat too little :

94 The Expedition into Scotland in i 547. {J^f^-
for how my Lord's Grace bestowed him, I wot not; but
hanged indeed he was not.
To make my tale perfect : it is certainly thought that if my
Lord Lieutenant had not thus valiantly encountered them ere
they could have warned their ambush how weakly as he was
warded, he had been beset round about by them, ere ever he
could have been [a]ware of them or rescued of us ; where
now hereby his Lordship showed his wonted worthiness,
saved his company, and discomfited the enemy.
Soon after, he overtook my Lord Protector, being as then
set at dinner; to whom he presented these prisoners, and
recounted his adventures.
Whose Grace, in the meantime, had happed upon a fellow
like a man, but I wot not of what sort ; small of stature, red
headed, curled round about and shedded [parted] afore, of a
forty year old, and called himself Knockes. To say some
what of his [be]haviour, his coat was of the colour of a well
burnt brick (I mean not black), and well worth twenty
pence a broad yard. It was prettily fresed, half with an
ado ; and hemmed round about very suitably with pasmain
lace of green caddis [worsted ribbon]. Methought, he repre
sented the state of a sumner in some city or of a pedler in
some borough. How far soever he had travelled that day,
he had not a whit filed [defiled] his boots ; for he had none
on. Harmless, belike, for he wore no weapon. He rode
on a trotting tit [horse], well worth a couple of" shillings; the
loss whereof, at his taking, he took very heavily : yet did my
Lord's Grace cause him to be set on a better.
I take his learning was but small, but his utterance was
great, sure[ly], for he never leaved babbling, very moist
mouthed, and somewhat of nature disposed to slaver ; and
therefore fain, without a napkin to wipe his lips, to supp at
every word. Some said it was no fault in the man ; but the
manner of the country. Indeed they have many moist mists
there. No lack of audacity or store of wit ; for being taken,
and brought in for a spy, and posed in that point, whither he
went : neither by the honesty of his errand, nor goodness of
his wit was he able to make any likely excuse. The tenour
of his talk so tempered throughout, and the most of his
matter so indifferently mingled, as, if they make him not
both, it was hard for any there to judge whether they might

^irf'is'S:] English courtesy to a Lady.

95

count him a foolish knave or a knavish fool. At whom, my
Lord's Grace and others had right good sport.
As Barteville, that day, had right honestly served, so did
the Lord's right honourably quite [requite] it. For straight
upon the overtaking of my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieu
tenant did get him a surgeon. Dressed he was, and straight
after laid and conveyed in my Lord Grace's own chariot, that
' was both right sumptuous for cost, and easy for carriage.
The rest that were hurt, Scots and others, were here also
dressed. We had marched that day a nine mile, and camped at
night, by a town upon the Frith, called Lang Nuddrey
[Longniddry], Here we found a gentlewoman, some said a Lady, the wife
of one Hugh Douglas. She was great with child, and, in
a house of hers, there abode her good time of deliverance ;
and had with her, an ancient gentlewoman her mother, a
midwife, and a daughter : whose estate, the council under
standing, my Lord's Grace and my Lord Lieutentant took
order, that all night, without danger or damage, she was well
preserved. But soon after our departure in the morning, I
heard that some of our northern prickers had visited her ;
not much for her profit, nor all for their honesty; that had
they then been caught with their kindness, they should have
been sure of thanks accordingly. Good people be they; but
given much, as they say, to the spoil.

Thursday, the Iw.™ fe&t||HIS morning, in the time of our dislodg-
8thofSeptem- p*| g|S ing, sign was made to some of our
ber; beingour Plj j*3 ships (whereof the most part and
Lady Day. lisl=J§g| chiefest [biggest] lay a ten or twelve
mile in the Frith beyond us, over against Leith and Edin
burgh) that the Lord Admiral should come ashore to speak
with my Lord's Grace.
In the meantime, somewhat early, as our Galley was coming
towards us, about a mile or more beyond our Cape, the Scots
were very busy a wafting her ashore towards them, with a
banner of Saint George that they had. But my Lord
Lieutenant soon disappointed that policy: for making towards
that place where my Lord Admiral should land, our men

96 The Expedition into Scotland in i 547. £%*%$.
on the water, by the sight of his presence, did soon discern
their friends from their foes.
By and by then, my Lord Clinton, the Admiral, came to
land : who, with my Lord Lieutenant rode back to my Lord's
Grace ; among whom order was taken, that our great ships
should remove from before Leith, and lie before Musselburgh,
and their camp : and our smaller vessels, that were victuallers,
to lie nearer us. This thus appointed, my Lord Admiral
rode back to take the water again.
And as our army had marched onward a mile or two, there
appeared upon a hill that lay longwise east and west, and on
the south side of us, a six hundred of their horsemen
prickers, whereof some were within a two flight shot directly
against us, upon the same hill : but the most further off.
Towards these, over a small bridge, for there ran a little
river also by us, very hardily did ride about a dozen of our
hackbutters on horseback, and held them at bay so nigh to
their noses, that whether it were by the goodness of our men
or badness of theirs, the Scots did not only not come down
to them, but also very courteously gave place, and fled to
their fellows. And yet I know they lack no heart ; but they
cannot so well away with these cracks.
Our army went on, but so much the slower, because our
way was somewhat narrow, by means of the Frith on the
one side, and certain marshes nigh on the other.
The Scots kept always pace with us, upon their hill ; and
showed themselves, upon sundry brunts, very crank and
brag. At whom, as our captains did look to the ordering
and arraying again of the Battles; my Lord Protector's
Grace appointed two field pieces to be turned. Each piece
shot off twice, whereof one Gold, the Master Gunner there,
discharged one, and did so well direct it, that, at his former
shot, he struck off the leg of a black horse, right fair, and as
it was thought the best in the company ; and, at his next
shot, he killed a man.
Hereby, rather somewhat calmed than fully content, they
went their ways; and we saw no more of them, till the time
of our camping.
Then showed they themselves very lordly aloft upon this
hill again, over against us, as though they stood there to
take a view of our camping and muster of our men. My

^i"^] T h e Army reaches Prestonpans. 97
Lord Marshal [Lord Grey] minding to know their commis
sion, did make towards them with a band of horsemen : but
they went wisely their way, and would never abide the
reasoning of the matter.
In the way, as we came, not far from this place, George
Ferrers, a gentleman of my Lord Protector's, and one of
the Commissioners of the Carriages in the army, happened
upon a cave in the ground ; the mouth whereof was so worn
with the fresh print of steps, that he seemed to be certain
there were some folk within : and having gone down to try,
he was readily received with a hackbut or two. Yet he left
them not till he had known, whether they would be content
to yield and come out. Which they fondly [foolishly] refusing :
he went to my Lord's Grace, and upon utterance of the
thing, got licence to deal with them as he could; and so
returned to them, with a score or two of pioneers.
Three vents had their cave, which we were [a]ware of. He
first stopped up one. Another he filled full of straw and set
it a fire ; whereat they within did cast water apace : but it
was so well maintained without, that the fire prevailed, and
they within, fain to get them, belike, into another parlour.
Then devised we, for I happened to be with him, to stop
the same up ; whereby we should either smother them, or
find their vents, if they had any more. As this was done, at
another issue, about a twelve score [240 yards] off, we might
see the fume of our smoke to come out. The which con
tinued with so great a force and so long a while, that we
could not but think they within, must needs get them out or
smother. And forasmuch, as we found not that they did the
one : we thought it for certain, they were sure of the other.
So we had done that we came for, and so left them.
By this time, our ships (taking mannerly their leave of
Leith with a score of shot or more ; and, as they came by,
saluting the Scots, in their camp, also with as many) came
and lay, according to appointment.
We had gone this day about a five mile, and camped, to
wards night, nigh a town they call Salt Preston by the Frith
[Prestonpans]. Here one Charleton, a man, before time,
banished out of England, and continuing all the while in
Scotland, came in, and submitted himself to my Lord's
Grace ; who took him to mercy, G 1

98 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. Fj-J^fc
Friday, iB^JSHlHis day is marked in the Calendar with
the gth of 13 gl the name of Saint Gorgon ; no famous
September. sj| ||g saint, sure[ly] ; but either so obscure that
[\mt "mill no man ]jnows him, or else so ancient as
every man forgets him. Yet were it both pity and blame
that he should lose his estimation among us. And, methinks,
out of that little that I have read, I could somewhat say to
bring him to light again : but then I am in doubt what to
make of him, a He-Saint, a She-Saint, or a Neuter ; for we
have all in our Calendar. Of the male and female saints,
every leaf there showeth samples enough : and, as for the
neuter, they are rather, I wot, unmarked than unknown, as
Saint Christmas, Saint Candlemas, Saint Easter, Saint Whit
suntide ; and sweet Saint Sunday comes once a week.
Touching my doubt, now. If the day bear name in the
worship and memory of him whom the Preacher Horace
doth mention in his first book of Sermons, by these words
1 satir* ii. Pastillos Rufill us olet, Gorgonius hircum.
then may we be bold to believe it was a He-Saint; but yet a
very sloven saint, and, belike, a nesty.
If this name were calendared of Medusa Gorgon * that had
the hair of her head turned into adders, whom Perseus
overcame and killed, as Doctor Ovid declares in his fourth
book Of changes
[LU.iy.-\ Gorgonis anguicomcc Perseus superator,
then may we be sure it was a She-Saint. But if it were in
the honour of Pallas's shield, wherein this Medusa Gorgon's
head was graven, as Titus Strozza (a devout Doctor, but of
later days) doth say
* Phorcus, King of the isles Corsica and Sardinia, had four daughters,
SCYLLA, MEDUSA, Stenio, and Euriale, called Gorgons. Of whom, as
Neptune had ravished Medusa Gorgon in the temple of Pallas : this
goddess for displeasure of the fact, changed all the hair of her head into
snakes and adders ; and gave her a further gift of that whosoever saw
her should be turned straight into stone.
Perseus coveting to kill this monster, borrowed of Mercury his wings
and falchion ; and struck off her head as she slept, and brought it with
him ; which Pallas did after set in her shield : and it had the same
power still after, as it had while she lived.

^jiT^:] James of the Sink-hole, 99
GORGONIS anguicoma ccelatos agide vultus, Steoz
Pallas habet. Moio iv. '
Then was it neither a He, nor a She, but a plain Neuter-
Saint. And thus with the ancient authority of mere poetical
Scriptures, my conscience is so confounded, as I wot not in
the world what saint to make of him.
James * of the Sink-hole, saving your reverence ! a friar,
forsooth, that wrote the Legendaury, telleth me a * Jacobus de
j . " j , r VOEAIGNB.
very preposterous order in good cookery, ot one
Gorgon t and his fellow Dorotheus that were first \^nda
sauced with vinegar and salt, and after that, then «&• a*™-
broiled on a girdiron [grid-iron]. But to be plain, as it is best
for a man to be with his friends, he hath farced [stuffed] his
book so full of lies, that it is quite out of credit in all honest
company. And, for my part, I am half ashamed to say that
I saw it : but since it is said, and somewhat to tell you what
I saw, he makes me Thomas the traitor, Lupus the lecher,
Peter the knave, if I may call a conjuror so, all thomas
to be his high and holy saints in heaven ; and that i^f^lf'3"'
with such prodigal impudency, and so shameless |£^7^fTER
lying, as I may safely think he had either a Bull to ca. lxxiiii.
make saints of devils, or else a Placard to play the knave as
he list.
But as for Gorgon, be he as he may be, it makes no great
matter : for he shall have my heart while he stands in the
calendar ; he hath been ever so lucky ! But what saint so
ever he be, he is, surefly], no Scotsman's friend : but a very
angry saint towards them.
For, upon his day, thirty-four years past, they had a great
overthrow by us at Flodden Field, and their King Jamy the
Fourth slain : and therefore is this day not smally marked
among them.
To tell our adventures that befell now upon it, I think it
very meet that first I advertise how as we here lay.
Our camp and theirs were either [each] within the sight
and view of others [each other] ; and, in distance, as I guessed,
a two mile and [a] little more asunder. We had the Frith
on the north ; and this hill, last remembered, as I said, on
the south ; the west end whereof is called Fauxside Bray
[now Falside Brae], whereupon standeth a sorry castle and

ioo The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [j^^l
half a score of houses of like worthiness by it. We had west
ward, before us, them lying in camp.
Along this hill, being about a mile from us, were they very
busy pranking up and down, all the morning : and fain would
have been of counsel with the doings of our camp. We,
again, because their army seemed to sit to receive us, did
diligently prepare that we might soon go to them ; and there
fore kept our camp all that day : my Lord's Grace and the
council sitting in consultation ; and the captains and officers
providing their bands with store of victail and furniture of
weapons, for furtherance whereof, our vessels of munition
and victuals were here already come to the shore.
The Scots continued their bravery on the hill ; the which
we not being so well able to bear, made out a band of Light
Horsemen and a troop of Demi-lances to back them. Our
men gat up on the hill, and thereby, of even ground with the
enemy, rode straight towards them, with good speed and
order ; whom, at the first, the Scots did boldly countenance
and abide; but, after, when they perceived that our men would
needs come on, they began to prick [ride away], and would
fain have begone ere they had told their errand. But our
men hasted so speedily after, that, even straight, they were at
their elbows, and did so stoutly then bestir them, that, what
in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted
a three mile, well-nigh to as far as the furthest of their camp
on the south side, they had killed of the Scots, within a three
hours, above the number of thirteen hundred, and taken the
Master of Home, Lord Home's son and heir, two priests and
six gentlemen (whereof one, I remember, by Sir Jacques
Granado) : and all, upon the highest, and well nighest
towards them, of the hill ; within the full sight of their whole
camp. Of our side, again, one Spanish hackbutter was hurt : and
Sir Ralph Bullmer Knight, Thomas Gower, Marshal of
Berwick, and Robert Crouch (all Captains of several
bands of our Light Horsemen, and men of right good courage
and approved service) were taken at this time ; distressed by
their own forwardness, and not by the enemy's force.
After this skirmish, it was marvelled on their side, that we
used so much cruelty ; and doubted, on ours, that we had
killed so many. Their marvel was answered, that they had

'jkn^SSG Cavalry Fight on Falside Brae, ioi
picked the quarrel first themselves, and showed us a prece
dent at Paniarhough [Penial Heugh] ; where, of late years,
without any mercy, they slew the Lord Evers and a great
company with him. Our doubt was cleared by the witness
of their own selves, who confessed that there were two thou
sand that made out of their camp (fifteen hundred horsemen
for skirmish and five hundred footmen to lie close in ambush,
and be ready at need) and that of all these, for certain, not
seven hundred returned home.
After this skirmish, we also heard that the Lord Home
himself, for haste in this flight, had a fall from his horse, and
burst so the canell bone [collar bone] of his neck, that he
was fain to be carried straight to Edinburgh, and his life was
not a little despaired of.
Then, also, my Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieutenant, and other
of the council, with but a small guard, did take, upon this
Fauxside Bray (where the slaughter, as I said, was made),
about half a mile south-east of them, full view of their camp :
whereof the tents, as I noted them, were divided into four
several orders and rewes [rows] lying east and west, and a
prickshot asunder ; and mustered not unlike, as methought,
unto four great ridges of ripe barley.
The plot where they lay was so chosen for strength, as in
all their country, some thought there was not a better. Safe
on the south, by a great marsh ; and on the north by the
Frith ; which side also they fenced with two field pieces and
certain hackbuts a crock, lying under a turf wall. Edinburgh,
on the west, at their backs : and eastward, between us and
them, they were strongly defended by the course of a river,
called the Esk, running north into the Frith ; which, as
[though] it was not very deep of water, so [yet] were the
banks of it so high and steep (after the manner of the Peathes
mentioned in our Monday's journey), as a small sort [company]
of resistants might have been able to keep ^down a great
number of comers-up.
About a twelve score [240 yards] off from the Frith, over
the same river, is there a stone bridge, which they did keep
also ; well warded with ordnance.
From this hill of Fauxside Bray, my Lord's Grace, my
Lord Lieutenant, and the others descended along before their
camp ; within less than two flight shots into a lane or street

102 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [jU1!^
of a thirty foot broad, fenced on either side with a wall of
turf, an ell in height ; which way did lead straight north
ward, and nigh to a church called Saint Michael's of Under-
esk [Inveresk], standing on a mean rising hill somewhat
higher than the site of their camp.
Thus this viewed, they took their return directly homeward
to our tents. At whom, in the way, the Scots did often
shoot : but with all their shots, and of all our company, they
killed but one horse in the midst of three, without any hurt of
the rider.
And as my Lord's Grace was passed well nigh half the way
homeward, a Scottish Herald, with a coat of his Prince's arms
upon him as the manner is, and a trumpeter with him, did
overtake his Grace, we thought, upon some errand; and
therefore every man gave them place to come, and say their
errands : which, as I might guess, partly by the answers as
follow, were these or to this effect.
The Herald, first : " My Lord the Governor hath sent me
to your Grace to inquire of prisoners taken, and therewith to
say, that for the pity he hath of the effusion of Christian blood,
which, by battle, must needs be shed ; and because your
Grace hath not done much hurt in the country ; he is content
ye shall return, as ye came, and will proffer your Grace honest
conditions of peace."
And, then, the trumpeter : " My Lord and master, the Earl
of Huntley hath willed me to show your Grace that because
[in order that] this matter may be the sooner ended, and with
less hurt ; he will fight with your Grace for the whole quarrel,
twenty to twenty, ten to ten, or else himself alone with your
Grace, man to man."
My Lord's Grace, having kept with him my Lord Lieutenant,
had heard them both thoroughly, and then, in answering, spake
somewhat with a louder voice than they had done their
messages ; whereupon we, that were the riders by, thinking
his Grace would have it no secret, were somewhat the bolder
to come the nigher. The words whereof, as it seemed to me,
were uttered so expeditely with honour, and so honourably
with expedition as I was, for my part, much moved then to
doubt whether I might rather note in them the promptness
of a singular prudence, or the animosity [bravery] of a noble
courage. And they were thus :

^jan^s:] George Douglas's feigned defiance. 103
" Your Governor may know that the special cause of our
coming hither, was not to fight, but for the thing that should
be the weal of both us and you : for, we take GOD to record !
we mind no more hurt to the realm of Scotland, than we do
to the realm of England ; and therefore our quarrel being so
good, we trust GOD will prosper us the better. But as for
peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands as we will
never proffer again, and therefore let him look for none till,
this way we make it !
" And thou, Trumpet ! say to thy master ! he seemeth to
lack wit, to make this challenge to me, being, by the suf
ferance of GOD, of such estate, as to have so weighty a charge
of so precious a jewel, the Governance of a King's person, and,
then, the Protection of all his realms : whereby, in this case,
I have no power of myself; which, if I had, as I am true
gentleman! it should be the first bargain I would make.
But there be a great sort [number] here among us, his
equals, to whom he might have made this challenge without
refusal." Quoth my Lord Lieutenant to them both. " He showeth
his small wit to make challenge to my Lord's Grace: and he so
mean ! but if his Grace will give me leave, I shall receive it ;
and, trumpeter ! bring me word thy master will so do, and
thou shalt have of me a hundred crowns " [= £30 then = about
£300 now].
" Nay," quoth my Lord's Grace, " the Earl Huntley is not
meet in estate with you, my Lord ! But, Herald ! say to the
Governor and him also that we have been a good soieris&e
season in this country ; and are here now but with a P™epr^teT
sober company, and they a great number : and if Scots do sige-
they will meet us in field, they shall be satisfied /^/flaj, or
with fighting enough. And,Herald ! bring me word **»*»¦•
they will so do, and, by my honour ! I will give thee a thou
sand crowns [= £300 then = about £3,000 now].
" Ye have a proud sort among you, but I trust to see their
pride abated shortly, and of the Earl of Huntley's too. I
wis his courage is known well enough : but he is a glorious
young gentleman."
This said, my Lord Lieutenant continued his requests that
he might receive this challenge : but my Lord's Grace would,
in no wise, grant to it.

104 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [K^l
These messengers had their answers, and therewith leave
to depart.
It is an ancient order in war, inviolably observed, that the
Heralds and trumpeters, at anytime, upon necessary messages,
may freely pass to and fro between the enemies, without hurt
or stay of any, as privileged with a certain immunity and free
dom of passage : likewise that, during the time of any such
message, hostility on both sides should utterly cease.
The Scots, notwithstanding (what moved them, I know not,
but somewhat besides the rules of stans puer ad mensam) shot
three or four shot at us, in the midst of this message doing ;
but as hap was, wide enough.
On the morrow after, they had every one of their guns taken
from them ; and put into the hands of them that could use
them with more good manners.
It becometh me not, I wot, apertly [openly] to tax their
Governor, with the note [slur] of Dissimulation : for however
he be our enemy, yet is he a man of honourable estate, and
worthy, for aught I know, of the office he bears.
Howbeit, touching this message sent by the Herald, to say
as I think, I am fully persuaded he never sent it either because
he thought it would be received by my Lord's Grace, whose
courage, of custom, he knew to be such that would never
brook so much dishonour as to travel so far to return in vain ;
or else that he meant any sparing or pity of us, whom, in his
heart, he had already devoured. But only to show a colour
[appearance] of kindness, by the refusal whereof he might first,
in his sight, the more justly, as he should list, use extremity
against us ; and then, upon victory, triumph with more glory.
For he thought himself no less sure of victory than he was
sure he was willing to fight. And that which makes me, in
this case, now to be so quite out of doubt, were these causes;
whereof I was after certainly informed.
And they were, first, his respect of our only strength, as
he thought, our horsemen : which (not so much upon policy
to make his men hardy against us, as for that he plainly so
took it) he caused to be published in his host, that " they
were wholly but of very young men, unskilful of the wars,
and easy to be dealt withal."
And, then, his regard to the number and place of our
power and his : the which, indeed, were far unequal.

^jkl^s:] Scots coming out to catch the English. 105
And hereto, his assured hope of twelve galleys and fifty
ships that he always looked to be sent out of France, to come
in at our backs.
He, with his host, made themselves hereby so sure of the
matter, that in the night of this day, they fell aforehand to
playing at dice for certain of our noblemen and captains of
fame. For as for all the rest, they thought quite to despatch
us, and were of nothing so much afraid as lest we should
have made away out of the country ere they and we had met;
bruiting among them, that our ships, the day before, removed
from before Leith only to take in our footmen and carriages,
to the intent our horsemen then, with more haste and less
cumber, might thence be able to hie them homeward. For
the fear hereof also, they appointed, this night, to have given
us a camisado [night attack] in our camp, as we lay : whereof,
even then, we happened to have an inkling ; and therefore
late in the night, entrenched our carriages and waggon-
borough, and had good scout without and sure watch within :
so that if they had kept appointment (as what letted [hindered]
them, I could not learn) they should not have been un-
welcomed nor unlooked for.
Yea, the great fear they had of our hasty departure made
them so hasty, as the next morrow, being the day of the battle,
so early to come towards us, out of their camp : against whom,
then, though they saw our horsemen readily to make ; yet
would they not think, but that it was for a policy to stay them,
while our footmen and carriage might be stowed a shipboard.
Marvellous men ! They would not believe there were any
bees in the hive, till they came out and stang them by the
nose. They fared herein (if I may compare great things to
small, and earnesty to game) like as I have wist a good
fellow, ere this, that hath come to a dicing board, very hastily
thrusting, for fear lest all should be done ere he could begin ;
and hath soon been shred [stripped] of all that ever he brought :
but, after, when he hath come from the board with his hands
in his bosom, and remembered there was never a penny in
his purse, he could quickly find tbat the fondness was not in
tarrying too long, but in coming too soon.
We are warned, if we were wise, of these witless brunts, by
the common proverb that saith, "It is better to sit still, than
rise up and fall," But, belike, they know it not.

106 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^

W. Patten.
an. 1548.

In the night of this day, my Lord's Grace appointed that_
early in the next morning, part of our ordnance should be"
planted in the lane I spake of, under the turf wall next to
their camp ; and some also to be set upon the hill, nigh to
Underesk Church, afore remembered : and these to the intent
we should, with our shot, cause them either wholly to re
move their camp or else much to annoy them as they lay.
It was not the least part of our meaning, also, hereby to win
from them certain of their ordnance that lay nearest this
Church. It will be no great breach of order I trust ; though here I
rehearse the thing that not till after, I heard touching the
trumpeter's message from the Earl Huntley : which was,
as I heard the Earl himself say, that he never sent the same
to my Lord's Grace, but George Douglas, in his name.
And this was devised by him, not so specially for any challenge
sake, as that the messenger should maintain, by mouth, his
talk to my Lord's Grace, while his eyes were rolling to toote
[glance] and pry upon the state of our camp, and whether
we were packing or not : as, indeed, the fellow had a very
good countenance to make a spy.
But my Lord's Grace (of custom, not using so readily to
to admit any kind of enemy to come so nigh) had despatched
them both, with their answers, as I said, ere ever they came
within a mile of our camp.
As I happed, soon after, to rehearse the excuse of the Earl,
and this drift of Douglas, a gentleman Scot that was a
prisoner and present, sware " By the mis [mass] ! it was like
enough : for he kenned George full well," and said " he was
a meet man to pick quarrels for other men to fight for."

To the intent I would show my good will to make all things
as easy to the sense of the reader as my knowledge could
instruct : and forasmuch as the assault, especially of our
horsemen at the first ; their retire again : and our last onset,
pursuit, and slaughter of the enemy cannot all be showed well
in one plot : I have devised and drawn, according to my
cunning, three several views of them [see pp. 114, 115, 118,
119], placed in their order, as follow in the battle. Wherein
are also other towns and places remembered, such at that

^jkn^is™:] The two Armies march to each other. 107
time, I thought meet to mark ; and in my memory could
since call to mind. No fine portraiture indeed, nor yet any
exquisite observance of geometrical dimension; but yet neither
so gross nor far from the truth, I trust, but they may serve for
some ease of understanding.
But since the scantness of room will not suffer me plainly
and at length to write there every place's name, I am
therefore fain instead of a name to set up a letter. The
reader must be content to learn his A. B. C. again ; such as
I have there devised for the expounding of the same views.
They that list to learn ; I trust, in this point will not much
stick with me : considering also that
Ignoratis terminis, ignoratur et ars. Aristotle.
If they know not my A. B. C, they cannot well know my
matter : like as he that knows not Raymond's %£%£"
Alphabet shall never come to the composition of «*• vi.
his quintessence; what he shall do though, some practi
tioners do doubt.
And minding to interrupt the process of the battle that
followeth, with as few mean matters as I may; I have
thought good, to have written this here before.
Saturday, the |02Bpjfc?||His day morning, somewhat before
10th of September. g£| g|j eight o'clock, our camp dislodged :
The day of the ||| tgj anci our host march straight to-
battle.* \mi>?m\ war(js the Church of Underesk, as
well for intent to have camped nigh the same, as for placing
our ordnance, and other considerations afore remembered.
The Scots, I know not whether more for fear of our depart
ing or hope of our spoiling, were out of their camp ; coming
towards us, passed the river, gathered in array, and well nigh
at this Church ere we were half way to it.
They had quite disappointed our purpose ; and this, at the
first, was so strange in our eyes, that we could not devise
what to make of their meaning : and so much the stranger,
as it was quite beside our expectation or doubt, that they
would ever forsake their strength [strong position], to meet us
* This day was long after known in Scotland as "Black Saturday" :
and the battle then fought, was the last conflict between the Scotch and
the English, as separate nations. E. A.

108 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^*£S;
in field. But we, after, understood that they did not only
thus purpose to do : but also to have assailed us in our camp,
as we lay, if he had not been stirring the timelier.
And to the intent, at this time, that as well none of their
soldiers should lurk behind them in their camps, as also that
none of their captains should be able to flee from their enter
prise : they had first caused all their tents to be let flat down
to the ground ere they came out ; and they that had horses
(as well nobles as others, a few expected), that were not horse
men, appointed to leave their horses behind them, and march
on with their soldiers afoot.
We came on speedily a both sides ; neither, as yet, one
whit ware [aware] of [the] other's intent : but the Scots in
deed at a rounder pace.
Between the two hillocks betwixt us and the Church, they
mustered somewhat brim [exposed] in our eyes : at whom, as
they stayed there awhile, our galley shot off, and slew the
Master of Greym [Graham] with a five and twenty near by
him : and therewith so scared the four thousand Irish archers
brought by the Earl of Argyle ; that where, as it was said,
they should have been a wing to the Foreward, they could
never after be made to come forward.
Hereupon, did their army hastily remove ; and from thence,
declining southward, took their direct way towards Fauxside
Bray. Of this, Sir Ralph Vane, Lieutenant af all our Horsemen,
(as I think, he, first of all men, did note it) quickly advertised
my Lord ; whose Grace thereby did readily conceive much
of their meaning : which was to win of us the hill, and thereby
the wind, and sun (if it had shined, as it did not ; for the
weather was cloudy and lowering) ; the gain of which three
things, whither [whichever] party, in fight of battle, can hap
to obtain, hath his force doubled against his enemy.
In all this enterprise, they used, for haste, so little the help
of horses, that they plucked forth their ordnance by draught
of men ; which at this time began freely to shoot off towards
us : whereby we were furthered warned that they meant more
than a skirmish.
Herewith began every man to be smitten with the care of
his office and charge ; and thereupon accordingly to apply him
about it. Herewith began still riding to and fro. Herewith

^i'mS:] The English plan of battle. 109
a general rumour and buzzing among the soldiers ; not unlike
the noise of the sea, being heard afar off. And herewith, my
Lord's Grace and the council, on horseback as they were,
fell straight in consultation : the sharpness of whose circum
spect wisdoms, as it quickly spied out the enemy's intents,
so did it, among other things, promptly provide therein to
prevent them ; as needful it was, for the time asked no leisure.
Their device was thus. That my Lord Grey, with his
band of Boulogners, with my Lord Protector's band, and my
Lord Leiutenant's ; all to the number of an eighteen hundred
men, on the East half: and Sir Ralph Vane, with Sir
Thomas Darcy Captain of the Pensioners, and my Lord
Fitzwalter with his band of Demi-lances ; all to the
number of a sixteen hundred, to be ready and even with my
Lord Marshal, on the West half : and thus, all these together,
afore [before], to encounter the enemy a front : whereby
either to break their array, and that way weaken their power by
disorder ; or, at the least, to stop them of their gate [march],
and force them to stay, while our Foreward might wholly
have the hill's side, and our Battle and Rereward be placed
in grounds next that in order, and best for advantage.
And after this, then that the same our horsemen should re
tire up the hill's side ; to come down, in order, afresh, and
infest them on both their sides; while our Battles should
occupy them in fight a front.
The policy of this device, for the state of the case, as it was,
to all that knew of it, generally allowed to be the best that
could be : even so, also, taken to be of no small danger for
my Lord Marshal, Sir Ralph Vane, and others the assailers;
the which, nevertheless, I know not whether more nobly and
wisely devised of the council, or more valiantly and willingly
executed of them.
For even there, with good courage taking their leaves of
the council, my Lord Marshal requiring only that if it went
not well with him, my Lord's Grace would be goud to his wife
and children ; he said, " he would meet these Scots ! " And
so, with their bands, these captains took their way towards
the enemy.
By this, were our Foreward and theirs with a two flight
shot asunder. The Scots hasted with so fast a pace, that it
was thought of the most part of us, they were rather horse-

no The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. I^SS
men than footmen. Our men, again, were led the more
with speed.
The Master of the Ordnance, to our great advantage, then
plucked up the hill certain pieces ; and, soon after, planted
two or three cannon of them well nigh upon the top there ;
whereby, having so much the help of the hill, he might shoot
nighest, over our men's heads, at the enemy.
As my Lord's Grace had so circumspectly taken order for
the array and station of the army, and for the execution of
every man's office besides ; even as it is meetest that the
head should be the highest, that should well look about for
the safeguard of all the other members and parts of the body;
so did his Grace, first perfectly appointed in fair harness
[armour], accompanied with no more, as I noted, than with
Sir Thomas Challoner Knight, one of the Clerks of the
King's Majesty's Privy Council, take his way towards the
height of the hill, to tarry by the ordnance, where he might
both best survey us all, and succour with aid where he saw
need ; and also, by his presence, be a defence to the thing
that stood weakest in place and most in danger. The which
thereby, how much it did steed anon, shall I show.
As his Grace was half up the hill, my Lord Lieutenant,
as it chanced, by him, he was ware [aware] the enemy were
all at a sudden stay, and stood still a good while. The sight
and cause hereof was marvellous to us all ; but understand
able of none.
My Lord's Grace thought, as indeed it most likely was,
that the men had overshot themselves, and would fain have
been home again ; and herewith said to this effect, " These
men will surely come no farther. It were best to cast
where we should camp for, pain of my life ! they will never
fight!" It had been hardly, I wot not how bad, but I am sure no
good device, for our power to have forsaken their ground, to
assail them where they stood, so far from the hill that we
had wellnigh won so hardly and should keep to so much
advantage. And in warfare, always, timely provision is
counted great policy. Hereto his Grace was sure that we
were able, better and longer to keep our hill, than they their
plain. As for fighting now, it might be more than likely to who-

^1548:] The Scotch Order of Battle, iii
ever considered it, that their courage was quite quailed, and
therefore that they had no will to come any further; but
would have been glad to have been whence they came. First,
because, at that time, besides the full muster of our footmen
(of whom they thought, we had none there ; but all to have
been either shipped or a shipping): then, they saw plain that
we were sure to have the gain of the hill ; and they, the
ground of disadvantage, out of their Hold, and put from
their hope.
And hereto, for that their Herald gave my Lord's Grace no
warning, the which by him, if they had meant to fight it
out, who would not have presumed that (for the estimation
of their honour) they would little stuck to have sent by him ;
and he, again, and it had been but for his thousand crowns,
would have been right glad to have brought ?
These be the considerations that, both then and since, did
persuade me, my Lord's Grace had good cause to say, " They
would not fight ! "
Howbeit hereunto if I wist and disclosed but half as much
now, as, I am sure, of circumspection, his Grace knew then ;
I do not doubt but I were able sufficiently to prove he might
well be no less certain of that he had said, than any man,
might be of an undone deed. The which, nevertheless, how
true it was, the proof of the matter soon after did declare ;
which was that the Scots ran quite their way [away] and
would never tarry stroke with our footmen where the fight,
on both sides, should have been showed.
Notwithstanding, by this time considering, belike, the state
they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soon,
so, now to be [it was] too late to repent : upon a change of
countenance, they made hastily towards us again, I know
not (to say truth) whether more stoutly of courage, or more
strongly of order ; methought then, I might note both in their
march. •
But what after I learned, specially touching their order,
their armour, and their manner of fight, as well in going to
offend, as in standing to defend : I have thought necessary
here to utter.
Hackbutters have they few or none : and they appoint their
fight most commonly always afoot.

ii2 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^J/^:
They came to the field, all well furnish with jack [light
iron jackets covered with white leather] and skull [helmet], dagger,
buckler, and swords all notably broad and thin, of exceed
ing good temper and universally so made to slice, that as I
never saw any so good, so think I it hard to devise the better.
Hereto, every man his pike ; and a great kercher wrapped
twice or thrice about his neck ; not for cold but for [against]
cutting. In their array, towards the joining with the enemy, they
cling and thrust so near in the fore rank, shoulder to shoulder
together, with their pikes in both hands straight afore
them; and their followers in that order so hard at their
backs, laying their pikes over their foregoers' shoulders; that
if they do assail undissevered, no force can well withstand
them. Standing at defence, they thrust shoulders likewise so nigh
together; the fore rank, well nigh to kneeling, stoop low
before their fellows behind holding their pikes in both hands,
and therewith on their left [arm] their bucklers ; the one end
of the pike against their right foot, the other against the
enemy breast high ; their followers crossing their pike points
with them foreward ; and thus, each with other, so nigh as
place and space will suffer, through the whole Ward so thick,
that as easily shall a bare finger pierce through the skin of
an angry hedgehog, as any encounter the front of their
pikes. My Lord Marshal, notwithstanding, whom no danger
detracted from doing his enterprise, with the company and
order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill's
side toward them.
Countenance of Herewith waxed it very hot, on both sides, with
coun enanc > pjtj£uj crjeS; horrible roar, and terrible thundering
of guns besides. The day darkened above head, with smoke
of shot. The sight and appearance of the enemy, even at
hand, before. The danger of death on every side else. The
bullets, pellets, and arrows flying each [every] where so thick,
and so uncertainly lighting, that nowhere was there any
surety of safety. Every man stricken with a dreadful fear,
not so much, perchance, of death as of hurt ; which things,
though they were but certain to some, were yet doubted of

^an^s:] The Charge of the English Cavalry. 113
all. Assured cruelty at the enemy's hands, without hope of
mercy. Death to fly, and danger to fight.
The whole face of the field, on both sides, upon this point
of joining, both to the eye and the ear, so heavy, so deadly,
lamentable, outrageous, terribly confused, and so quite
against the quiet nature of man : as if, to our nobility, the
regard of their honour and fame ; to the knights and captains,
the estimation of their worship and honesty ; and generally
to us all, the natural motion of bounden duty, our own safety,
hope of victory, and the favour of GOD that we trusted we
had for the equity of our quarrel ; had not been a more
vehement cause of courage that the danger of death was
cause of fear, the very horror of the thing had been able to
make any man to forget both prowess and policy.
But my Lord Marshal and the others, with present mind
and courage, warily and quickly continued their course
towards them : and my Lord's Grace was then at this post,
by the ordnance aloft.
The enemy were in a fallow field, whereof the furrows lay
sideling towards our men.
By the side of the same furrows, next us, and a stone's
cast from them, was there a cross ditch or slough, which our
men must needs pass to come to them : wherein many, that
could not leap over, stack fast, to no small danger of them
selves, and some disorder of their fellows.
The enemy, perceiving our men's fast approach, disposed
themselves to abide the brunt ; and in this order, stood still
to receive them.
The Earl of Angus, next us, in their Foreward, as Captain
of the same : with an eight thousand men ; and four or five
pieces of ordnance on his right side, and a four thousand
horsemen on his left.
Behind him, somewhat westward, the Governor [with the
Battle] with a ten thousand Inland men, as theyr call them ;
counted the choicest men of their country.
And the Earl Huntley in the Rereward, well nigh even
with the Battle on the left side, with eight thousand men also.
The four thousand Irish archers, as a wing to them both, last
indeed in order, and first (as they said) that ran away.
The Battle and Rereward were warded also with their
ordnance, accordingly]. H 1

ii4

VVEgT/

EAST,

"5
©be first Cable.
C C&e edition ot tlje letters oe it)i$ Cable.
A. Signifieth the place we camped in, before the battle.
B. Our Rereward.
C. Our Battle.
D. Our Foreward.
E. The square Close.
F. The foot of the hillside.
G. My Lord Protector's Grace.
H. The Master of the Ordnance.
I. Our Horsemen.
K. The Slough.
L. The lane and the two turf walls.
M. Their Foreward, and horsemen by the same.
N. Their Battle.
0. Their Rereward.
P. P. The two hillocks before the church.
Q. St. Michael's of Underesk [Inveresk].
R. Muskelborowe [Musselburgh].
S. Their horsemen at the end of Fauxside Bray.
T. T. T. T. Their rows of Tents.
V. The turf wall towards the Frith.
W. Our Carriages.
X. The Marsh.
Y. Our Galley.
Z. Edinburgh Castle.

C^e signification of certain otye* note?,
• Signifieth a Footman.
0 a Horseman.
i- a Hackbutter a foot.
0 a Hackbutter on horseback.
& an Archer.
i a Footmen slain.
er a Horsemen slain.
In The fallow field whereon their army stood.

116 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^
Edward Shelley, Lieutenant under my Lord Grey, of his
band of Boulogners, was the first on our side that was over this
slough, my Lord Grey next ; and so then after, two or three
ranks of the former [leading] bands. But badly, yet, could
they make their race ; by reason, the furrows lay travers to
their course. That notwithstanding, and though there were
nothing likely well to be able thus a front to come within them
to hurt them, as well because the Scottish men's pikes were as
long or longer than their staves [spears], as also for that their
horses were all naked without barbs [breastplates] whereof,
though there were right many among us, yet not one put on :
forasmuch as at our coming forth in the morning, we looked
for nothing less than for battle that day : yet did my Lord,
and Shelley, with the residue, so valiantly and strongly give
the charge upon them, that, whether it were by their prowess
or power, the left side of the enemy that his Lordship did set
upon, though their order remained unbroken, was yet com
pelled to sway a good way back and give ground largely ; and
all the residue of them besides, to stand much amazed.
Before this, as our men were well nigh at them, they stood
very brave and braggart, shake their pike-points, crying,
" Come here, lounds [rascals] ! Come here, tykes [dogs] !
Come here, heretics ! " as hardly they are fair mouthed men.
Though they meant but small humanity ; yet showed they
hereby much civility : both of fair play, to warn ere they
struck, and of formal order, to chide ere they fought.
Our captains that were behind (perceiving, at eye [at a
glance], that both by the unevenness of the ground, by the
sturdy order of the enemy, and for that their [own] fellows
were so nigh and straight before them ; they were not able, to
any advantage, to maintain this onset), did therefore, accord-

^"548:] A Balaclava Charge in 1547. 117
ing to the device in that point appointed, turned themselves,
and made a soft [slow] retire up towards the hill again.
Howbeit, to confess the truth, some of the number (that
knew not the prepensed [aforethought] policy of the council, in
this case) made, of a sober advised retire, a hasty temera
rious flight.
Sound to any man's ear as it may, I shall never admit, for
any affection towards country or kin, to be so partial as will,
wittingly, either bolster the falsehood or bury the truth : for
honour, in my opinion, that way gotten, were unworthily won,
and a very vile gain. Howbeit hereby I cannot count any lost,
where but a few lewd soldiers ran out of array, without
standard or captain ; upon no cause of need, but a mere indis
cretion and madness. A madness, indeed ! For, first, the
Scots were not able to pursue, because they were footmen :
and, if they could, what hope by flight? so far from home
in their enemy's land ! where there was no place of refuge !
My Lord Marshal, Edward Shelley, little Preston,
Brampton, and Gerningham, Boulogners ; Ratcliffe, the
Lord Fitzwalter's brother ; Sir John CLERE'sson and heir ;
Digges of Kent ; Ellerker, a Pensioner ; Segrave. Of my
Lord Protector's band, my Lord Edward, his Grace's son,
Captain of the same band; Stanley, Woodhouse, Coonisby,
Horgill, Morris, Dennis, Arthur, and Atkinson ; with
others in the forerank, not being able, in this earnest
assault, both to tend [attend] to their fight afore, and to the
retire behind : the Scots, again (well considering hereby how
weak they remained) caught courage afresh, ran sharply for
ward upon them, and, without any mercy, slew every man
of our men that abode furthest in press; a six more, of
Boulogners and others, than I have here named : in all, to
the number of twenty-six, and the most part, gentlemen.

n8
8& Cl)e &econti Cable
§>botoetb tU placing of our footmen ; tbe slaughter
of Cotoaro @>bellep ano tbe otbersj tbe retire
of our oano of borsemen up tbe bill,
ano tbe breacb of arrap of tbe
stragglers from tbem.
But touching the exposition of the notes and letters; I
refer the reader to the Table before [p. 115].

EA1T

ii9
$fc> Cl)te Cl)ttti Cable
§>bob)ing tbe coming into arrap of our borsemen upon
tbe bill again j tbe placing of tbe hackbutters a=
gainst tbe enemp; tbe sbooting of our arcbers:
ano tben tbe coming ooton of our borsemen
after, about tbe cbase ano slaugbter
of tU enemp.
M. Signify the pikes and weapons let fall by the Scots, in
N. the place where they stood.
O. As for the other characters, I refer the Reader again
to the first Table [>. ns].

1 20 The Expedition into Scotland in i 547. [^^
Yet my Lord Grey and my Lord Edward (as some grace
was) returned, but neither all in safety, nor without evident
marks they had been there : for the one, with a pike through
the mouth, was raced [torn] along from the tip of the tongue,
and thrust that way very dangerously, more than two inches
with the neck ; and my Lord Edward had his horse under
him, wounded sore with swords, and I think to death.
Like as also, a little before this onset, Sir Thomas Darcy
upon his approach to the enemy was struck glancing wise,
on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field pieces ;
and thereby his body bruised with the bowing in of his
harness, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right
hand beaten flat : even so, upon the parting of this fray, was
Sir Arthur Darcy flashed at with swords, and so hurt upon
the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted
for the first part of medicine to have it quite cut away.
About the same time, certain of the Scots ran out hastily
to the King's Majesty's Standard of the Horsemen, the
which Sir Andrew Flammack bare ; and laying fast hold of
upon the staff thereof, cried, " A King ! A King ! " that if
both his strength, his heart, and his horse had not been
good; and hereto, somewhat aided, at this pinch, by Sir
Ralph Coppinger a Pensioner, both he had been slain, and
the standard lost ; which the Scots, nevertheless, held so
fast that they brake and bare away the nether [lower] end of
the staff to the burrell [ring] and intended so much to the
gain of the standard, that Sir Andrew, as hap was, 'scaped
home all safe, and else without hurt.
At this business, also, was my Lord Fitzwalter, Captain of
a number of Demi-lances, unhorsed ; but soon mounted again,
escaped, yet in great danger, and his horse all [that] he wan.
Hereat further, were Cavarley, the Standard Bearer of the
Men of Arms, and Clement Paston a Pensioner, each of
them thrust into the legs with pikes; and Don Philip, a
Spaniard, in the knee : divers others maimed and hurt ; and
many horses sore wounded beside.
C By this time, had our Foreward, accordingly, gotten the
full vantage of the hill's side ; and, in respect of their march,
stood sideling towards the enemy : who, nevertheless were
not able, in all parts, to stand full square in array by reason
that at the west end of them* upon their right hand and

^ms:] Principal Officers of the Foreward. 121
towards the enemy, there was a square plot enclosed with turf,
as their manner of fencing [making with walls] in those parts
is ; one corner whereof did let the square of the same array.
Our Battle, in good order, next them, but so as in continu
ance of array : the former part thereof stood upon the hill's
side, the tail upon the plain. And the Rereward wholly upon
the plain.
So that by the placing and countenance of our army in
this wise, we showed ourselves, in a manner, to compass them
in, that they should, in no way 'scape us : the which, by our
power and number, we were as well able to do, as a spinner's
web to catch a swarm of bees. Howbeit, for heart and courage,
we meant to meet with them, had they been as many more.
Those indiscreet gadlings that so fondly brake array from
the horsemen in the retire, as I said, ran so hastily through
the orders and ranks of our Foreward, as it stood, that it did
both disorder many, feared many, and was a great encourage
ment to the enemy.
My Lord Lieutenant, who had the guiding of the Foreward,
right valiantly had conducted them to their standing : and
there did very nobly encourage and comfort them ; bidding
them, " Pluck up their hearts ! and show themselves men ! for
there was no cause of fear. As for victory, it was in their
own hands, if they did abide by it ! and he himself, even
there, would live and die among them ! "
And surely, as his Worthiness always right well deserveth,
so was his Honour, at that time, worthily furnished with
worthy captains.
First, Sir John Lutterell, who had the leading of a
three hundred of his Lordship's men, that were the foremost
of this Foreward ; all with harness and weapon : and, in all
points else, so well trimmed for war that, like as, at that
time, I could well note my Lord's great cost and honour, for
their choice and perfect appointment and furniture ; so did I
then also consider Sir John Luttrell's prowess and wisdom
for their valiant conduction, and exact observance 1 mean such a
of order. Whom (knowing, as I know) for his wit, baiTaS^e
manhood, good qualities, and aptness to all gentle ^e iSiJ^ta1
feats besides; I have good cause to count both a hisbooktf"1
good Captain a warfare in field, and a worthy d^hh^r
Courtier in peace at home.

122 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^J^
Then in the same Foreward, Sir Morice Dennis, another
Captain, who wisely first exhorting his men "to play the
men, showing thereby the assurance of victory," and then to
the intent they should be sure he would never shrink from
them, he did with no less worship than valiance, in the
hottest of this business, alighted among them, and put his
horse from him.
But if I should (as cause, I confess, there was enough)
make here any stay in his commendation therefore, or of the
forward courage of Sir George Haward, who bear the
King's Majesty's Standard in the Battle ; or of the circum
spect diligence of Sir William Pickering and Sir Richard
Wingfield, Sergeants of the Band to the Foreward ; or of
the prompt forwardness of Sir Charles Brandon, another
captain there ; or of the painful industry of Sir James
Wilford, Provost Marshal, who placed himself with the
foremost of this Foreward ; or of the good order in march of
Sir Hugh Willoughby and William Dennis Esquire,
both captains ; or of the present heart of John Challoner,
a captain also in the battle ; or of the honest respect of
Edward Chamberlain, Gentleman Harbinger [Quartermaster]
of the Army, who willingly as then, came in order with the
same Foreward; or of right many others in both these Battles
(for I was not nigh the Rereward) whose behaviour and
worthiness were, at that time, notable in mine eye (although
I neither knew then all of them I saw; nor could since
remember of them I knew) I might well be in doubt it should
be too much an intrication to the matter, too great a tedious
ness to the reader. And therefore to say on.
The Scots were somewhat disordered with their coming
out about the slaughter of our men ; the which they did so
earnestly then intend, they took not one to mercy. But
more they were amazed at this adventurous and hardy onset.
My Lord's Grace having before this, for causes aforesaid,
placed himself on this Fauxside Bray, and thereby quickly
perceiving the great disorder of these straggling horsemen,
hemmed them in from further straying; whom Sir Ralph
Vane, with great dexterity, brought in good order and array
again. And therewith, the rest of our strengths, by the policy of

janPias"I"'] The Scotch first see the English Foot. 123
my Lord's Grace, and the diligence of every captain and
officer beside, were so opportunely and aptly applied, in their
feat, that where this repulse by the enemy and retire of us
were doubted by many, to turn to the danger of our loss :
the same was wrought and advanced, according as it was
devised, to our certainty of gain and victory.
For, first, at this slough, where most of our horsemen had
stood, Sir Peter Mewtys, Captain of all the Hackbutters
afoot, did very valiantly conduct, and place a good number of
his men, in a manner, hard at the face of the enemy.
Whereunto, Sir Peter Gamboa, a Spaniard, Captain of a
two hundred Hackbutters on horseback, did readily bring his
men also : who, with the hot continuance of their shot, on
both parties, did so stoutly stay the enemy, that they could
not well come further forward.
Then our archers that marched in array, on the right hand
of our footmen, and next to the enemy, pricked them sharply
with arrows, as they stood.
Therewith, the Master of the Ordnance, to their great
annoyance, did gall with hail shot and other [shot] out of the
great ordnance directly from the hill top ; and certain other
gunners, a flank, from our Rereward. Most of our artillery
and missive engines then wholly thus at once, with great
puissance and vehemency, occupied about them.
Herewith, the full sight of our footmen, all shadowed from
them before, by our horsemen and the dust raised ; whom
then they were ware [aware] , in such order, to be so near upon
them. And to this the perfect array of our horsemen again
coming courageously to set on them afresh. Miserable men !
perceiving themselves, then all too late, how much too much
they were misinformed, began suddenly to shrink. Their
Governor, that brought them first to the bargain, like a
doughty Captain, took hastily his horse that he might run
foremost away. Indeed, it stood somewhat with reason that
he should make first homeward that first made outward ; but,
as some of them said, scant [scarcely] with honour, and with
shame enough. The Earl of Angus and other chief captains
did quickly follow, as their Governor led ; and with the fore
most, their Irishmen.
Therewith then turned all the whole rout, kest [cast] down
their weapons, ran out of their Wards, off with their jacks

124 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [ji^SS
and with all that ever they might, betook them to the race
that their Governor began.
Our men had found them at the first (as what could
escape so many thousand eyes ?), and sharply and quickly,
with an universal outcry, " They fly ! They fly ! " pursued
after in chase amain : and thereto so eagerly and with such
fierceness, that they overtook many, and spared indeed but
few; as it might then hardly have been both folly and peril
to have showed any pity.
But when they were once turned ; it was a wonder to see
how soon, and in how sundry sorts they were scattered. The
place they stood on like a wood of staves [pikes] strewed on
the ground as rushes in a chamber ; impassable they lay so
thick, for either horse or man.
Here, at the first, they let fall all their pikes after
that, everywhere, they scattered swords, bucklers, daggers,
jacks, and all things else that either was of any weight, or
might be any let to their course. Which course among
them, they made specially three ways. Some along the
sands by the Frith, towards Leith- Some straight towards
Edinburgh, whereof part went through the park there : in
the walls whereof, though they be round about of flint stone;
yet were there many holes already made. And part of them
by the highway that leads along by Holy Rood Abbey. And
the residue, and, as we noted then, the most of them towards
Dalkeith : which way, by means of the marsh, our horsemen
were worst able to follow.
Sundry shifts, some shrewd, some sorry, made they in their
running. Divers of them in their courses, as they were ware
[aware] they were pursued but of one, would suddenly back,
and lash at the legs of the horse or foin [thrust] him in
the belly. And sometime did they reach at the rider also :
whereby Clement Paston in the arm, and divers others
otherwise, were hurt in this chase.
Some other lay flat in a furrow, as though they were dead,
and thereby were passed by of our men untouched; as I heard
say, the Earl of Angus confessed he couched till his horse
happed to be brought him. Other some, to stay in the river,
cowering down his body, his head under the root of a willow
tree, with scant his nose above water for breath. A shift,
but no succour, it was to many that had their skulls [helmets]

*inPais48'] The Panic, and frightful Pursuit. 125
on, at the stroke of the follower, to shrink their heads into
their shoulders, like a tortoise into its shell. Others, again,
for their more lightness, cast away shoes and doublets ; and
ran in their shirts. And some were also seen in this race, to fall
flat down all breathless, and to have run themselves to death.
Before this, at the time of our onset, came there eastward,
a five hundred of their horsemen, up along this Fauxside
Bray, straight upon our ordnance and carriage. My Lord's
Grace, as I said, most specially for the doubt of the same,
placing himself thereby, caused a piece or two to be turned
towards them ; with a few shots whereof, they were soon
turned also, and fled to Dalkeith. But had they kept on,
they were provided for accordingly. For one parson Keble,
a Chaplain of his Grace's, and two or three others, by and by
discoverd four or five of the carts of munition, and therewith
bestowed pikes, bills, bows and arrows to as many as came.
So that of carters and others there were soon weaponed, there,
about a thousand men ; whom parson Keble and the others
did very handsomely dispose in array, and made a pretty
muster. To return now. Soon after this notable strewing of their
footmen's weapons, began a pitiful sight of the dead corpses
lying dispersed abroad. Some, with their legs off ; some but
hought [ham-strung] and left lying half dead: others, with the
arms cut off; divers, their necks half asunder; many, their
heads cloven ; of sundry, the brains pasht [smashed] out ;
some others again, their heads quite off: with a thousand
other kinds of killing.
After that, and further in the chase, all, for the most part,
killed either in the head or in the neck ; for our horsemen
could not well reach them lower with their swords.
And thus, with blood and slaughter of the enemy, this
chase was continued five miles in length westward, from the
place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of
Underesk [Inveresk], unto Edinburgh Park, and well nigh to
the gates of the town itself, and unto Leith ; and in breadth,
nigh three miles, from the Frith sands, towards Dalkeith
southward. In all which space, the dead bodies lay as thick
as a man may note cattle grazing in a full replenished
pasture. The river ran all red with blood : so that in the
same chase were counted, as well by some of our men that

126 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^gj
somewhat diligently did mark it, as by some of them taken
prisoners, that very much did lament it, to have been slain
above thirteen thousand. In all this compass of ground,
what with weapons, arms, hands, legs, heads, blood, and
dead bodies, their flight might have easily been tracked to
every [each] of their three refuges.
And for the smallness of our number, and the shortness of
the time, which was scant five hours, from one till well nigh
six, the mortality was so great, as it was thought the like
aforetime had not been seen. Indeed, it was the better
maintained with their own swords that lay each where
[everywhere] scattered by the way ; whereof our men, as they
brake one, still took up another. There was store enough :
and they laid it on so freely, that right many among them, at
this business, brake three or four ere they returned homeward
to the army.
I may well, perchance, confess that herein we used some
sharpness, although not as much as we might have, and little
courtesy : and yet I can safely avow, all was done by us as
rather by sundry respects driven and compelled, than either
of cruelty or of delight in slaughter. And like, some way,
to the diligent master that sharply sometimes, when warning
will not serve, doth beat his scholar : not hardly [probably] for
hate of the child or his own delight in beating, but for love,
he would have him amend his faults or negligence ; and beats
him once surely, because he would need to beat him no
more. One cause of the correction we used, I may well count to
be, the tyrannous Vow that they made, which we certainly
heard of, that whensoever they fought and overcame, they
would slay so many and spare so few : a sure proof whereof
they plainly had showed at our onset before, where they
killed all, and saved not a man.
Another respect was to revenge their great and cruel
tyranny at Panyar Hough [? Penial Heugh], as I have said
before, where they slew the Lord Evers, whom otherwise
they might have taken prisoner and saved ; and cruelly killed
as many else of our men as came into their hands.
We were forced yet hereto, by a further and very earnest
regard, which was the doubt of the assembling of their army
again; whereof a cantel [fraction], for the number, had been

W Patten 1 T* /""*
jau.is48j L HE Gentlemen taken prisoners. 127
able to compare with our whole host, when it was at the
greatest : and so, perchance, we should have been driven,
with double labour, to beat them again, and make two works
out of one; whereas we well remembered that " a thing once
well done, is twice done."
To these, another, and not the meanest matter, The name of
was that their armour among them so little differed, ^i^uife00'5
and their apparel was so base and beggarly ; s,'snification °f
, . . . t . . . °?J J ' speech as we
wherein the Lurdein was, in a manner, all one do: bm a
with the Lord; and the Lound with the La[i]rde: themj^el
all clad alike in jacks covered with white leather ; j^^."jrwith
doublets of the same or of fustian ; and most us-
commonly all white hosen. Not one! with either name™ isa
chain, brooch, ring, or garment of silk that I could vma^or^uch
see; unless chains of latten [pewter] drawn four like-
or five times along the thighs of their hosen, and doublet
sleeves for cutting: and of that sort I saw many. This
vileness of port [dress] was the cause that so many of their
great men and gentlemen were killed; and so few saved.
The outward show, the semblance and sign whereby a stranger
might discern a villain from a gentleman, was not to be seen
among them. As for words and goodly proffer of great
ransoms, they were as common and rife in the mouths of the
one as the other : and therefore it came to pass that after, in
the examination and counting of the prisoners, we found we
had taken above twenty of their villains to one of their
gentlemen : whom no man need to doubt we had rather have
spared than the villains, if we could have known any difference
between them in the taking.
And yet, notwithstanding all these our just causes and
quarrels to kill them, we showed more grace, and took more
to mercy, than the case on our side, for the causes aforesaid,
did well deserve or require.
For, beside the Earl Huntley who was appointed in good
harness (likest a gentleman of any of them that I could hear
of or see) who could not then escape because he lacked his
horse ; and therefore happed to be taken by Sir Ralph Vane ;
and beside the Lord of Yester: Hobby Hambleton [Hamil
ton], Captain of Dunbar; the Master of Sampoole [Semple] :
the Laird of Wimmes, taken by John Bren ; a brother of
the Earl of Cassil[i]s ; besides one Moutrell. taken by

128 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ff'J^l
a kinsman Cornelius, Comptroller of the Ordnance of this
belike, of the ' F i r\ r-\ y-* t
EariofARGYLE army; and one of the Camals [r CAMPBELLS], an
nameeisroper Irish gentleman, taken by Edward Chamberlain ;
aACAMPS£LL] and besides many other Scottish gentlemen more,
Hkeas the Eari wh0se names and takers I remember not well, the
DouGLls,Sand prisoners accounted by the Marshal's book, were
huntle?^ is numbered to above fifteen hundred.
Gordon. Touching the slaughter, sure[ly] we killed noth-
herai? wiaiso mS s0 many as, if we had minded cruelty so much,
taken : but for the time and opportunity right well we might.
pfaced" For my Lord's Grace, of his wonted mercy, much
Lordfc'Sce moved with the pity of this sight, and rather glad
forthwith"1" °^ victory than desirous of cruelty, soon after (by
freely to be guess) five o'clock, stayed his Standard of his
witho'utranTom Horsemen, at the furthest part of their camp
orioss. westward; and causedthetrumpetstoblowa retreat.
Whereat also, Sir Ralph Sadler, Treasurer (whose great
diligence at that time, and ready forwardness in the chiefest
of the fray before, did worthily merit no small commendation)
caused all the Footmen to stay, and then, with much travail
and great pains, made them to be brought into some ordel
again. It was a thing not yet easily to be done, by reason
they all, as then, somewhat busily applied their market, the
spoil of this Scottish camp : wherein were found good pro
vision of white bread, ale, oaten cakes, mutton, butter in pots,
cheese ; and, in divers tents, good wine also. Good store, to
say truth, of good victail, for the manner of their country.
And in some tents among them, as I heard say, were also
found a dish or two, two or three goblets, or three or four
chalices of silver plate : which the finders (I know not with
what reverence, but hardly with some devotion) plucked out
of the cold clouts and thrust into their warm bosoms.
Here now, to say somewhat of the manner of their camp.
As they had no pavilions or round houses of a commendable
compass : so were there few other tents with posts, as the
used manner of making is ; and of these few also, none of
above twenty foot in length, but most far under. For the
most part, they were all sumptuously beset, after their fashion,
with fleur de lys, for the love of France, some of blue buck
ram, some of black, and some of some other colours.
These white ridges, as I called them, that, as we stood on

'jaZ^] T h e Pursuit is stayed at 5 p.m. 129
Fauxside Bray, did make so great a muster towards us, which
I did take then to be a number of tents : when we came, we
found them to be a linen drapery, of the coarser camerick
[cambric] indeed, for it was all of canvas sheets.
They were the tenticles or rather cabins and couches of
their soldiers: which (much after the common building
of their country besides) they had framed of four sticks, about
an ell long a piece : whereof two fastened together at one end
aloft, and the two ends beneath stuck in the ground an ell
asunder, standing in fashion like the bow of a sow's yoke.
Over two such bows, one, as it were, at their head, the other
at their feet, they stretched a sheet down on both sides
whereby their cabins became roofed like a ridge, but scant
shut at both ends ; and not very close beneath, on the sides,
unless their sticks were the shorter, or their wives the more
liberal to lend them larger napery. Howbeit within they
had lined them, and stuffed them so thick with straw, that as
the weather was not very cold, when they were once couched,
they were as warm as [if] they had been wrapped in horsedung.
The plot of their camp was called Edminston Edge, nigh
Gilberton [? Gilmerton], a place of the Lord of Brunston[e]s,
half a mile beyond Musselburgh, and a three mile on this side
Edinburgh; and occupied in largeness, with divers tents and
tenticles in sundry parts out of square, about a mile's com
pass. Wherein, as our men, upon the sound of retreat, at their
retire, were somewhat assembled ; we all, with a loud and
entire outcry and hallowing [holloaing], in sign of gladness and
victory, made a universal noise and shout : whereof the
shrillness, as we heard after, was heard unto Edinburgh.
It was a wonder to see, but that as they say " many hands
make light work " how soon the dead bodies were stripped,
even from as far as the chase went, unto the place of our onset,
whereby the personages of the enemies might, by the way,
easily be viewed and considered : which for their tallness
of stature, cleanness of skin, bigness of bone, with due pro
portion in all parts, I, for my part advisedly noted, to be
such as but that I well saw that it was so, I would not have
believed, sure[ly], so many of that sort to have been in all their
country. Among them, lay there many priests and " Kirkmen,"
as they call them; of whom it was bruited among us, that
I 1

130 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^J
there was a whole band of a three or four thousand : but
we were afterwards informed that it was not altogether so.
At the place of the charge given by us, at the first, we there
found our horses slain all gored and hewn, and our men so
ruefully gashed and mangled, in the head especially, as not one
could, by the face, be known who he was.
Little Preston was found there with both his hands cut
off by the wreasts [wrists] ; and known to be him, for that it
was known he had on each arm a bracelet of gold : for the
which they so chopped him.
Edward Shelley, alas, that worthy gentleman and valiant
Captain! lay all pitifully disfigured and mangled among
them; and nothing discernable but by his beard. Of whom,
besides the properties of his person, for his wit, his good
qualities, his activities in feats of war, and his perfect honesty,
for the which he was, by all men of all estates, so much
esteemed and so well beloved : and hereto, for that he was my
so near friend, I had cause enough here, without parsimony
to praise his life and lament his death, were it not that the
same should be too great a digression, and too much inter
ruption of the matter.
But touching the manner of his death, I think his merit
too much, to let pass in silence : who not inferior, in
fortitude of mind, either unto the Roman Curtius * or the
two Decii : he, being in this business, foremost of all our
men against the enemy : considering with himself, that as
his hardy charge upon them, was sure to be their terror, and
very likely to turn to the breach of their order; and herewith
also that the same should be great courage to his followers
that came to give the charge with him ; and pondering again
that his turning back at this point, should cause the contrary,
* As there fell suddenly in Rome, a great dungeon, and swallowing of
ground, Curtius, a Roman Gentleman, for the pleasing of the gods, and
that the same might cease, mounted on his horse and leapt down into the
same, which then after closed up again. Valerius Maximus, //. vi. ca. vi.
Decius Mus and PUBLIUS DECIUS his son, Consuls of Rome, as they
should fight, the father against the Latins, and the son after that against
the Samnites ; and were warned, by dream, that those armies should
have the victory, whose Captains were first slain in field : they both ran
willingly into the hosts of their enemies. They were slain, and their
armies wan the field.
Plutarch, De Decio preparal. xxxvii. Et Livius de P. Decio li. x.
dec. i.

^i^Ss."] E D w a r d Shelley, Lord Grey. 131
and be great danger of our confusion, was content, in his
King's and country's quarrel, in hopes the rather to leave
victory unto his countrymen, thus honourably to take death
to himself.
Whom, let no man think ! no foolish hardness or weari
ness of life drave unto so hard an enterprise, whose sober
valiance of courage hath often otherwise, in the late wars
with France, been sufficiently approved before ; and whose
state of living, I myself knew to be such as lacked nothing
that might pertain to perfect worldly wealth.
I trust it shall not be taken that I mean, hereby, to
derogate fame from any of the rest that died there, GOD
have their souls ! who, I wot, bought the bargain as dear as
he : but only to do that in me may lie, to make his name
famous who, among these, in my opinion, towards his
Prince and country, did best deserve.
Nigh this place of onset, where the Scots, at their running
away, had let fall their weapons, as I said : there found we,
besides their common manner of armour, certain nice
instruments of war, as we thought. They were new boards'
ends cut off, being about a foot in breadth and half a yard in
length : having on the inside, handles made very cunningly
of two cords' ends. These, a GOD's name ! were their
targets against the shot of our small artillery ; for they were
not able to hold out a cannon.
And with these, found we great rattles, swelling bigger
than the belly of a pottle [half gallon] pot, covered with old
parchment or double paper, small stones put in them to make
a noise, and set upon the end of a staff of more than two ells
long. And this was their fine device to fray [frighten] our
horses, when our horsemen should come at them. Howbeit,
because the riders were no babies, nor their horses any colts ;
they could neither duddle the one, nor affray the other. So
that this policy was as witless, as their power*forceIess.
Among these weapons, and besides divers other banners,
standards, and pennons, a banner of white sarsenet was
found, under which, it was said these "Kirkmen" came,
Whereon was painted a woman, with her hair about her
shoulders, kneeling before a crucifix ; and on her right hand,
a church : after that, written along upon the banner, in great
Roman letters,

132 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^^
AFFLICTJE SPONS^E.NE OBLI VI SCARIS!
which words declared that they would have this woman to
signify the Church, Christ's Spouse, thus, in humble wise,
making her petition unto Christ her husband that He
would not now forget her, His Spouse, being scourged and
persecuted ; meaning, at this time, by us.
It was said it was the Abbot of Dunfermline's banner :
but whether it were his, or the Bishop of Dunkeld's, the
Governor's brother (they, I understand, were both in the field) ;
and what the number of these "kirkmen" was ; I could not
certainly learn. But, surefly], it was some devout Papist's
device, that not only, belike, would not endeavour to do
ought for atonement and peacemaking between us ; but, all
contrariwise, brought forth his standard stoutly to fight in
field himself against us, pretexing [pretending] this his great
ungodliness thus bent towards the maintenance of a naughty
quarrel, with colour [pretext] of religion, to come in aid of
Christ's Church.
Which Church, to say truth, coming thus to battle full
appointed with weapon, and guarded with such a sort
[company] of deacons to fight ; however in painting he had set
her out, a man might well think that, in condition, he had
rather framed her after a curst quean that would pluck her
husband by the pate, except she had her will; than like a
meek spouse that went about humbly by submission and
prayer to desire her husband's help for redress of things
amiss. Howbeit for saving upright the subtilty of this godly man's
device, it is best we take what he meant the most likely,
that is, the Church malignant and Congregation of the
Wicked, whereunto that Antichrist, the Bishop of Rome, is
yohn ca. a. husband, whom Christ said, as a thief, comes never
but to steal, slay, and destroy; and whose good son, this
holy Prelate, in his thus coming to the field, with his
AFFLICTS, now showed himself to be.
There was upon this Fauxside Bray (as I have before said,
p. 99) a little Castle or Pile, which was very busy all the
time of the battle, as any of our men came nigh it, to shoot
at them with such artillery as they had; which was none
other than hand-guns and hackbuts, and of them not a dozen

'm^j 13.000 Scots killed in the battle. 133
either. Little hurt did they : but as they saw their fellows
in the field thus driven and beaten away before their faces ;
they plucked in their pieces, like a dog, his tail ; and couched
themselves within all mute. But, by and by, the house
was set on fire: and they, for their good will, burnt and
smothered within.
Thus, through the favour of GOD's bounty, by the valiance
and policy of my Lord Protector's Grace, by the forward
endeavour of all the nobles and council there besides; and
by the willing diligence of every captain, officer, and true
subject else : we, most valiantly and honourably, wan the
victory over our enemies.
Of whom, thirteen thousand were slain thus in field, of
which number, as we were certainly informed by sundry and
the best of the prisoners then taken, beside the Earl of
Loghen [Louden] were the Lord Fleming, the Master of
Greym [Graham], the Master of Arskyn [Erskine], the Master
Ogleby [? Oglevy], the Master of Avondale, the Master of
Rouen [ ? Rowan]; and many others of noble birth among them.
There were slain of Lairds, Laird's sons, and other gentle
men, above twenty-six hundred : five hundred were taken
prisoners, whereof many were also gentlemen ; among whom
were there of name, as I have before named, the Earl
Huntley, Lord Chancellor of the Realm there, the Lord
of Yester, Hobby Hambleton [Hamilton], Captain of
Dunbar; the Master of Sampoole [Semple], the Laird of
Wemmis, and a brother of the Earl of Cassil[i]s.
Two thousand, by lurking and lying as though they were
dead, 'scaped away in the night, all maimed and hurt.
Herewith wan we of their weapons and armour more than
we would vouchsafe to give carriage for : and yet were there
conveyed thence, by ship, into these parts, of jacks specially,
and swords, above thirty thousand.
This night, with great gladness, and thanksgiving to GOD
(as good cause we had), we pitched our camp at Edgebuckling
Bray [Brae], beside Pynkersclough [Pinkie Cleugh] ; and a
mile beyond the place we camped at before.
About an hour after that, in some token, as I took it, of
GOD's assent and applause showed to us touching this
victory; the heavens relented and poured down a great
shower of rain that lasted well nigh an hour : not unlike and

134 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [j^S;
according, as after our late sovereign Lord's conquest of
Boulogne, plentiful showers did also then ensue.
And as we were then a settling, and the tents a-setting
up, among all things else commendable in our whole journey,
one thing seemed to me an intolerable disorder and abuse.
That whereas always, both in all towns of war and in all
camps of armies, quietness and stillness, without noise, is
principally in the night, after the watch is set, observed (I
need not reason why) : our Northern prickers, the Borderers,
notwithstanding (with great enormity, as thought me, and
not unlike, to be plain, a masterless hound howling in a
highway, when he hath lost him he waited on) some
" hoop "-ing, some whistling, and most with crying, "A
Berwick ! a Berwick ! " "A Fenwick ! A Fenwick ! " "A
Bulmer ! a Bulmer ! " or so otherwise as their Captains'
name were, never ceased these troublous and dangerous
noises all the night long.
They said they did it to find out their captains and
fellows: but if the soldiers of other countries [counties] and
shires had used the same manner, in that case, we should
have ofttimes had the state of our camp more like the outrage
of a dissolute hunting, than the quiet of a well ordered army.
It is a feat of war, in mine opinion, that might right well be
left. I could rehearse causes (but that I take it, they are
better unspoken than uttered, unless the fault were sure to
be amended) that might show they move always more peril
to our army but in their one night's so doing, than they
show good service, as some say, in a whole voyage.
And since it is my part to be plain in my process, I will be
the bolder to show what further I noted and heard. Another
manner have they among them, of wearing handkerchers
rolled about their arms, and letters broidered upon their
caps. They said themselves, the use thereof was that each
of them might know his fellow, and thereby the sooner
assemble or in need to aid one another, and such like
respects. Howbeit there were of the army among us (some
suspicious men, perchance) that thought they used them for
collusion ; and rather because they might be known to the
enemy as the enemy are known to them, for they have their
marks too : and so, in conflict, either each to spare tbe
other, or gently each to take the other.

^iSS:] The disorder of the Borderers. 135
Indeed men have been moved the rather to think so,
because some of their crosses [i.e., the badge of the English
army, a red cross on a white ground] were so narrow, and so
singly [slightly] set on, that a puff of wind might have blown
them from their breasts: and that they were found, right
often, talking with the Scottish prickers within less than
their gad's [spear's] length asunder ; and when they perceived
they had been spied, they have begun to run at one another
But so apparently perlassent [i.e., in a make believe manner],
as the lookers on resembled their chasing, like the running
at base in an uplandish town, where the match is made for a
quart of good ale : or like the play in Robin Cook's school ;
where because the punies may learn, they strike few strokes,
but by assent and appointment.
I heard some men say, it did much augment their sus
picion that way, because, at the battle, they saw these
prickers so badly demean themselves, more intending the
taking of prisoners than the surety of victory: for while
other men fought, they fell to their prey ; that as there were
but few of them but brought home his prisoner, so were
there many that had six or seven.
Many men, yet I must confess, are not disposed always to
say all of the best ; but are more ready, haply, to find other
men's faults than to amend their own. Howbeit, I think,
surefly], as for our prickers, if their faults had been fewer,
their infamy had been less. Yet say I not this so much to
dispraise them ; as a means for amendment. Their captains
and gentlemen again, are men, for the most part, all of right
honest service and approved prowess : and such, surefly], as
for their well-doing, would become famous, if their soldiers
were as toward as they themselves be forward.
As things fell after in communication, one question among
others arose, " Who killed the first man this day, in field ? "
The glory whereof one Jeronimo, an Italian, would fain have
had : howbeit it was, after, well tried, that it was one Cuth-
bert Musgrave, a gentleman of my Lord of Warwick's,
who right hardily killed a gunner at his piece in the Scots'
Forward, ere ever they began any whit to turn. The fact,
for the forwardness, well deserving remembrance ; I thought
it not meet to let it slip in silence.
This night, the Scottish Governor, when he once thought

136 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [j^^S;
himself in some safety, with all speed, caused the Earl
Bothwell to be let out of prison : which whether he did it
for the doubt he had that we would have released him,
" willed he, nilled he " ; or whether he would show himself
fain to do somewhat before the people, to make some
amends of his former fault, I do not know: but this, surefly],
rather for some cause of fear than for any good will ; which
was well apparent to all men, in that he kept the Earl so
long before in hold, without any just cause.
Sunday, |UJW» j?t^N the morning, a great sort [company]
the nth o/Of fig of us rode to the place of onset, where
September. Wfi[g \Vm our men lay slain : and, what by gentle-
' tT"| men for their friends, and servants for
their masters, all of them that were known to be ours were
buried. In the meantime, the Master and Officers of the Ordnance,
did very diligently get together all the Scottish ordnance:
which, because it lay in sundry places, they could not in
[bring in] all overnight. And these were in number, a thirty
pieces : whereof one culverin, three sakers, and nine smaller
pieces were of brass; and of iron, seventeen pieces more,
mounted on carriages.
These things thus done. Somewhat afore noon, our camp
raised. We marched along the Frith side, straight towards
Leith ; and approaching nigh the same about three o'clock
in the afternoon, we pight [pitched] our field [i.e., the camp]
a prick shot on this side the town, being on the south-east
half, somewhat shadowed from Edinburgh by a hill [Calton
Hill] , but the most of it lying within the full sight and shot
of the Castle there, and in distance somewhat above a
quarter of a mile.
My Lord's Grace, guarded but with a small company, was
come to Leith well-nigh half an hour before the army; which
he found all desolate of resistance, or anybody else. There
were in the haven that runneth unto the midst of the town,
a thirteen vessels of divers sorts. Somewhat of oade,
wines, wainscot, and salt were found in the town : but as
but little of that, so nothing else of value. For how much of
other things as could well be carried, the inhabitants, over
night, had packed away with them.

*anPai£8.] The Army marches to Leith. 137
My Lord Marshal and most of our horsemen were bestowed
and lodged in the town. My Lord's Grace, my Lord Lieu
tenant, and the rest of the army in the camp.

Monday,
the 12th of
September.

His day, my Lord's Grace with the council
and Sir Richard Lee, rode about the
town, and to the plots and hillocks, on
either side, nigh to it, to view and con

sider whether the same, by building, might be made tenable
and defensible.

Tuesday,
the 13th of\
September

Ertain of our small vessels burnt King-
horn, and a town or two more standing on
the north side of the Frith, againstLeith.
In the afternoon, my Lord's Grace rowed

up the Frith a six or seven miles westward, as it runneth into
the land ; and took in his way an island there, called Saint
Colms Ins [Inchcolm] which standeth a four mile beyond
Leith, and a good way nearer the north shore than the south :
yet not within a mile, of the nearest. It is but half a mile
about ; and hath in it a pretty Abbey (but the monks were
gone), fresh water enough, and also conies [rabbits] ; and is
is so naturally strong as but by one way it can be entered.
My Lord's Grace considering the plot whereof, did quickly
cast to have it kept : whereby all traffic of merchandise, all
commodities else coming by the Frith into their land ; and
utterly the whole use of the Frith itself, with all the havens
upon it, should quite be taken from them.

Wednesday,
the x\fh of
September

His day ; my Lord's Grace riding back
again, eastward, to view divers things
and places, took Dalkeith in his way ;
where a house of George Douglas's
doth stand: and coming somewhat near it, he sent Somerset
his Herald with a trumpet before, to know "Who kept it ; and
whether the keepers would hold it, or yield it to his Grace?"
Answer was made, that " there were a sixty persons within,
whom their master, lying there the Saturday at night, after the
battle, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it,
should be at my Lord Grace's commandment and pleasure."
Whereupon the chiefest came out; and, in the name of

138 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. Fjij^;
all the rest, humbled himself unto my Lord's will ; proferring
his Grace, in his master's name, divers fair goshawks ; the
which my Lord's Grace (how nobly soever he listed to show
mercy upon submission, yet uttering a more majesty of
honour than to base [abase] his generosity to the reward of
his enemy) did, but not contemptuously, refuse.
So, without coming in, passed by ; and rode to the place
where the battle was begun to be struck : the which having
a pretty while overseen, he returned by Musselburgh, and so
along by the Frith ; diligently marking and noting things by
the way.
Many were the houses, gentlemen, and others that, as
well in his return as in his going out, upon submission, his
Grace received into his protection.
This day, my Lord's Grace, as well for countenance [the
appearance] of building as though he would tarry long; as
also to keep our Pioneers somewhat in exercise (whom a little
rest would soon make nought), caused along the east side of
Leith, a great ditch and trench to be cast towards the Frith :
the work whereof continued till the morning of our departing.
Thursday, InffOlY Lord Clinton, High Admiral, as I said,
the 15th of mm i of the Fleet, taking with him the Galley,
September. 3|||JJ whereof one Broke is Captain, and four
 or five of our smaller vessels besides, all
well appointed with munition and men, rowed up the Frith
a ten mile westward, to an haven town standing on the south
shore, called Blackness, whereat, towards the water side, is
a castle of petty strength : as nigh whereunto as the depth of
water there would suffer, the Scots, for safeguard, had laid
the Mary Willoughby and the Anthony of Newcastle ; two tall
ships which, with extreme injury, they had stolen from us
beforetime, when there was no war between us. With these,
lay there also another large vessel, called by them the Bosse,
and a seven more ; whereof a part were laden with merchan
dise. My Lord Clinton and his company, with right hardy
approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castle and our
vessels, by fine [sheer] force, wan from them those three ships
of name ; and burnt all the residue, before their faces, as
they lay.

TanPais48.'] Rescue of English ships at Blackness, i 39

Friday, fhe 16th of
September.

He Laird of Brunston[e], a Scottish gentle
man who came to my Lord's Grace from
their Council, for cause of communication
belike, returned to them ; having with
him Norroy a Herald and King of Arms of ours : who found
them with the old Queen [Mary of Lorraine], at Stirling,
a town standing westward upon the Frith, a twenty [or
rather forty] mile beyond Edinburgh.

Saturday,
the lyth of
September.

Here was a fellowtaken in our camp, whom
the Scots called " English William."
An Englishman indeed, that, before time,
having done a robbery in Lincolnshire,
did run away into Scotland ; and, at this time, coming out of
Edinburgh Castle as a spy for the Scots, was spied himself
with the manner, and hanged for his meed in the best wise
(because he well deserved) upon a new gibbet somewhat
beside our camp, in the sight both of the town and castle.
GOD have mercy on his soul !
There is no good logicioner [logician] but would think, I
think, that a syllogism thus formed of such a thieving major,
a runaway minor, and a traiterous consequent must needs
prove, at the weakest, to such a hanging argument.
Sir John Luttrel Knight, having by my Lord's Grace
and the council, been elected Abbot, by GOD's sufferance,
of the monastery of Saint Colms In [Inchcolm] afore re
membered ; in the afternoon of this day, departed towards the
island to be stalled [installed] in his see there accordingly :
and had with him a Convent of a hundred hackbutters and
fifty pioneers to keep his house and land there ; and two
row barks well furnished with munition, and seventy mariners
for them, to keep his waters. Whereby it is thought, he shall
soon become a Prelate of great power. The perfectness of
his religion is not always to tarry at home ^ but sometimes
to row out abroad on a Visitation : and when he goeth, I have
heard say, he taketh always his Sumners in his bark with
him ; which are very open mouthed, and never talk but they
are heard a mile off. So that either for love of his blessings,
or fear of his cursings, he is likely to be sovereign over most
of his neighbours.
My Lord's Grace, this day giving warning that our de-

140 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. K^:
parture should be on the morrow, and minding before (with
recompence somewhat according), to reward one Barton,
that had played an untrue part; commanded, over night,
that his house in Leith should be set afire. And as the same
was done, the same night about five o'clock, many of our
soldiers that were very forward in firing, fired, with all haste,
all the town besides: but so far forth, as I may think,
without commission or knowledge of my Lord's Grace as that
right many horses, both of his Grace's and of divers others,
were in great danger ere they could be then quitted from out
[got quit] of the town.
Six great ships lying in the haven there, that for age and
decay were not so apt for use, were then also set afire ; which
all the night did burn with a great flame very solemnly.
In the time of our camping here, many Lairds and gentle
men of the country nigh there, come to my Lord to require
his protection : the which his Grace did grant to whom he
thought good.
This day also, came the Earl of Bothwell to my Lord's
Grace, a gentleman of a right comely port and stature ; and
hereto, of right honourable and just meaning and dealing
towards the King's Majesty : whom my Lord's Grace did
therefore, according to his degree and demerits, very friendly
welcome and entertain. Having supped, this night, with his
Grace ; he, after, departed.
There stood south-westward, about a quarter of a mile
from our camp, a monastery they call Holy Rood Abbey.
Sir Walter Bonham and Edward Chamberlain got license
to suppress it. Whereupon these Commissioners making
their first Visitation there, found the monks all gone : but the
church and much [a great] part of the house well covered
with lead. Soon after, they plucked off the lead ; and had
down the bells, which were but two : and, according to the
statute [i.e., the English Act of Parliament for the suppression of
the Monasteries], did somewhat hereby disgrace the house. As
touching the monks ; because they were gone, they put them
to their pensions at large.

Sunday, the x8th of
September.

I

Y Lord's Grace, for considerations moving
him to pity, having, all this while, spared
Edinburgh from hurt ; did so leave it :
but, Leith and the ships still burning,

^"48.] The Army returns by Lauderdale. 141
soon after seven o'clock in this morning, caused the camp to
dislodge. And as we were parted from where we lay, the
Castle shot off a peal (with chambers hardly and all) of a
twenty-four pieces.
We marched south-eastward from the Frith, into the land
ward. But part of us kept the way that the chief of the chase was
continued in ; whereby we found most part of the dead
corpses lying very ruefully, with the colour of their skins
changed greenish about the place they had been smitten in,
and as there too above ground unburied. Many also, we
perceived to have been buried in Underesk churchyard ; the
graves of whom, the Scots had, very slily for sight, covered
again with green turf. By divers of these dead bodies were
there set up a stick with a clout, with a rag, with an old
shoe, or some other mark for knowledge : the which we
understood to be marks made by the friends of the dead
party, when they had found him ; whom then, since they
durst not for fear or lack of leisure, convey away to bury
while we were in those parts ; they had stickt [stuck] up a
mark to find him the sooner when we were gone.
And passing that day, all quietly, a seven mile ; we
camped early, for that night, at Crainston [Cranstoun] by
a place of the Lord of Ormiston.
This morning, his Grace making Master Andrew Dudley
(brother unto the Earl of Warwick) a knight, as his valiance,
sundrywhere tried, had well before deserved it, despatched
my Lord Admiral and him, with ships full fraught with men
and munition, towards the winning of a Hold in the east side
of Scotland, called Broughty Crak [Broughty Castle] which
standeth in such sort at the mouth of the river Tay, that
being gotten, both Dundee, Saint John's Town, and many
towns else (the best of the country in those parts, set upon
the Tay) shall either become subject unto thu? Hold or else
be compelled to forego their whole use of the river from
having anything thereby coming inward or outward.
Monday, [K&$M|E went a ten mile, and camped toward
the igth of [syJwf§ night, a little a this side a market town
September. C|AJI! called Lauder : at the which, as we had
" I indeed no friendly entertainment, so had
we no envious resistance : for there was nobody at home.

142 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. \J$™£
Here as our tents were a pitching, a dozen or twenty of
their hedge-creepers, horsemen that lay lurking thereby (like
sheep-biter curs to snatch up, and it were but a sorry lamb
for their prey) upon a hill, about half a mile south-east from
us, ran at, and hurt one of our men.
For acquittal whereof, my Lord's Grace commanded that
three or four houses, such as they were, standing also upon
a hill two flight shot southward from our camp, should be
burnt. Thomas Fisher, his Grace's Secretary, rode straight
thither, with a burning brand in his one hand and his gun in
the other, accompanied with no more but one of his own
men, and fired them all by and by [at once] . I noted it, for
my part, an enterprise of a right good heart and courage :
peradventure, so much the rather, because I would not gladly
have taken in hand to have done it so myself; specially since
part of these prickers stood then within a flight shot of him.
Howbeit, as in all this journey, upon any likelihood of
business, I ever saw him right well appointed, and as
forward as the best ; so at the skirmish which the Scots
proffered at Hailes Castles on Wednesday the 7th of this
month, afore written [p. go], I saw none so near them as
he. Whereby I may have good cause to be the less in doubt
of his hardiness.
Here also as we were settled, our Herald Norroy returned
from the Scots Council, with the Laird of Brunston and
Ross their Herald : who, upon their suit to my Lord's Grace,
obtained that five of their Council should have his Grace's
safe conduct that, at any time and place, within fifteen days,
during our abode in their country or at Berwick, the same
five might come and common [commune] with five of our
Council touching the matters between us.

Tuesday, h'VWNJ Oss tne Herald departed early with this
the 20th of H ij^WS safe conduct. Our camp raised, and we
September. || jjlOla went that day a seven mile to as far as
'• I Home Castle : where we camped on the
west side of a rocky hill that they call Harecra[i]g ; which
standeth about a mile westward from the castle [now called
Hirsil] .
The Lord Home, as I said, lay diseased [ill] at Edinburgh,

T^ar548:] Surrender of Home Castle at Hirsil. 143
of his hurt in his flight, at the Friday's skirmish before the
battle. The Lady his wife came straight to my Lord's
Grace, making her humble suit that like as his goodness had
graciously been shown to right many others, in receiving
them and their houses into his Grace's protection and
assurance ; even so that it would please him to receive and
assure her and her house, the castle.
My Lord's Grace minding never otherwise but to assure
her she should be sure so to forego it, turned straight her
suit of assurance into communication of rendering. For
my part, I doubt not but the terror of extremity by their
obstinacy, and the profit of friendship by their submission
was sufficiently showed her. The which, having well, belike,
considered ; she left off her suit, and desire respite for con
sultation till the next day at noon : which having been
granted her, she returned to the castle.
They say, "a match well made, is half won." We were
half put in assurance of a toward answer by the promise of a
prophecy among the Frenchmen, which saith
Chateau qui parle, et femme qui ecout
L'un veut rendre, et V autre,
and so forth.
There were certain hackbutters that, upon appointment
before, had beset the castle : who then had further command
ment given them, that taking diligent heed none should pass
in or out without my Lord's Grace's licence, they should
also not occupy [use] any shot or annoyance till upon further
warning. Wednesday, 00&!f His lady, in this mean time, consulted
the 21st of IbE| gi| with her son and heir, prisoner with us ;
September. Ej|| S and with other her friends, the keepers of
'  the castle : and, at the tirne appointed,
returned this day to my Lord's Grace, requiring first a longer
respite till eight o'clock at night, and therewith safe conduct
for Andrew Home her second son, and John Home, Lord
of Coldam Knowes [? Cowden Knowes] a kinsman of her hus
band, Captains of this castle, to come and speak with his
Grace in the meanwhile.
It was granted her, whereupon these Captains, about three

144 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ^"^J-
o'clock, came to his Lordship ; and, after other covenants,
with long debating, on both parts agreed upon ; she and these
Captains concluded to give their assent to render the castle,
so far forth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be
content. For two or three within, said they, were also in
charge as well as they in keeping it. For knowledge of
whose minds, my Lord's Grace then sent Somerset his Herald,
with this Lady to the castle to them : who, as the Herald had
made them privy of the Articles, would fain have had leisure
for twenty-four hours longer to send to their Lord to Edin
burgh to know his will : but being wisely and sharply called
upon by the Herald, they agreed to the covenants concluded
on before by their Lady and the Captains.
Whereof part were, as I saw by the sequel, that they should
depart thence, the next day morning, by ten o'clock, with bag
and as much baggage as they could carry ; saving that all
munition and victail were to be left behind them in the castle.
Howbeit forasmuch as before their nation had not been
altogether so just of covenant, whereby we might have cause
then firmly to credit their promise : my Lord's grace (provi
ding each way to be ready for them) caused this night eight
pieces of our ordnance fenced with baskets of earth, to be
planted on the south side, towards the castle within power
[range] of battery; and the hackbutters to continue their
watch and ward.
Thursday, WM 'WkH His morning, my Lord's Grace having
the 22nd 'ofWm awl deputed my Lord Grey to receive the ren-
September. [g||j|g dering of the castle, and Sir Edward
'  ' Dudley, after, to be Captain of the same;
they both departed to it : and, at the time set, Andrew Home
and four others of the chiefest there with him, came out ; and
yielding the castle, delivered my Lord the keys.
His Lordship causing the residue (who were in all seventy-
eight in number], to come out then, saving six or seven to
keep their baggage within) entered the same, with Master
Dudley and divers other gentlemen with him. He found
there indifferent good store of victual and wine : and of ord
nance, two bastard culverins, one saker, and three falconets
of brass ; besides eight pieces of iron. The castle standeth
up on a rocky crag, at a proud height over all the country

^1548.] The Fortification at Roxburgh. 145
about it ; well nigh fenced in on every side by marshes ; with
thick walls, almost round in form ; and which is a rare thing
upon so high and stony a ground, a fair well within it.
The keeping of this castle, my Lord betaking to Master
Dudley accordingly, returned to my Lord's Grace at the
camp. Pyiday |h f>0<s|E raised [the camp], and came this
fhe 2^rd of s« ViVal mormnS *° Roxburgh, a three mile from
September. KfflAiai Home. Our camp occupied a great fallow
P »»i<uj field between Roxburgh, and Kelsey
[Kelso] which stood eastward a quarter of a mile off, a pretty
market town, but they were all gone forth there.
My Lord's Grace, with divers of the council, and Sir
Richard Lee (whose charge in this expedition specially was
to appoint the pioneers each where in work as [wherever] he
should think meet ; and then, where my Lord's Grace
assigned, to devise the form of building for fortification :
whom surely the goodness of his wit and his great experience
hath made right excellent in that science) went straight to
Roxburgh, to cast [plan] what might be done there for
strengthening. The plot and site thereof hath been, in time past, a castle :
and standeth [about a mile from Kelso] naturally very strong,
upon a hill east and west, of an eight score [ = 160 yards] in
length and three score [ = 60 yards] in breadth, drawing to
narrowness at the east end : the whole ground whereof, the old
walls do yet environ. Besides the height and hardness to
come to, it is strongly fenced, on either side, with the course
of two great rivers, Tweed on the north, and Teviot on the
south: both of which joining somewhat nigh together at the
west end of it. The Teviot, by a large compass about the
fields we lay in, at Kelsey doth fall into this Tweed : which,
with great depth and swiftness, runneth from thence eastward
into the sea at Berwick ; and is notable and famous for two
commodities [especially, salmon and whetstones.
Over this, betwixt Kelsey and Roxburgh, there hath been a
great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots, in time
past, have all to broken ; because [in order that] we should not
come that way to them.
Soon after my Lord's Grace's survey of the plot and deter-
K 1

146 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^"£5;
mination to do as much indeed for making it defensible as the
shortness of the time and the season of the year could suffer:
which was that one great trench of twenty feet broad, with
depth accordingly, and a wall of like breadth and height,
should be made across within the castle from the one sidewall
to the other, and a forty foot from the west end ; and that a
like trench and wall should likewise be cast a travers, within
about a quoit's cast from the east end. And hereto that the
castle walls, on either side, where need was, should be mended
with turf, and made with loopholes as well for shooting for
ward as for flanking at hand. The work of which device did
make that besides the safeguard of these trenches and walls,
the keepers [garrison] should also be much fenced by both the
end walls of the castle.
The pioneers were set awork, and diligently applied in the
same. This day, the Laird of Cesforth [Cessford], and many other
Lairds and gentlemen of Teviotdale and their Marches there,
having come and communed with my Lord's Grace, made us
an " assurance," which was a friendship and, as it were, a
truce ; for that day, till next day at night.
This day, in the mean while their assurance lasted, these
Lairds and gentlemen aforesaid, being the chiefest of the
whole Marches and Teviotdale, came in again : whom my
Lord's Grace, with wisdom and policy, without any fighting
or bloodshed, did win into the obedience of the King's
Majesty ; for the which they did willingly then also receive
an oath. Whose names follow.

Lairds.

The Laird of Cesforth.
The Laird of Fernyhurst.
The Laird of Greenhead.
The Laird of Hunthill.
The Laird of Huntley.
The Laird of Markstone by
Mereside.
The Laird of Browniedworth.
The Laird of Ormiston.

The Laird of Mallestaines.
[Meller stane].
The Laird of Walmesey.
The Laird of Linton.
The Laird of Edgerston.
The Laird of Marton [Merton].
The Laird of Mowe.
The Laird of Riddell.
The Laird of Beamerside.

^"is^:] The building of Roxburgh Castle. 147
Gentlemen.

George Trombull [Turnbull].
John Hollyburton.
Robert Car.
Robert Car, of Greyden.
Adam Kirton.
Andrew Meyther.
Saunders Spurvose, of Erleston.
Mark Car, of Litleden.
George Car, of Faldenside.
Alexander Macdowell.
Charles Rotherford.

Thomas Car, of the Yare.
John Car, of Meinthorn.
Walter Halyburton.
Richard Hanganside.
Andrew Car.
James Douglas, of Cavers.
JAMES Car, of Mersington.
George Hoppringle.
William Ormiston, of Endmer-
den.
John Grimslow.

Many more there were, there, besides ; whose names also for
that they remain in register with these, I have thought the
less necessary to write here.
My Lord's Grace did tender so much the furtherance of
this work in the Castle [of Roxburgh], that, this day, as every
day else during our camping there, his Grace did not stick to
dig with a spade above two hours himself. Whereby, as his
Estate, sure[ly] was no more embased [lowered] than the
majesty of great Alexander, what time he set, curtids hi.
with his own hands, the poor cold soldier in his own via-
chair of Estate, to relieve him by his fire : so, by the example
hereof, was every man so moved, that there were but few of
the Lords, Knights, and gentlemen in the field, but with spade,
shovel, or mattock, did their parts therein right willingly and
uncompelled.

Sunday,the 25th of
September.

His day, began the Scots to bring victail
to our camp ; for the which they were so
well entreated and paid, that, during the
time we lay there, we wanted none of the

commodities their country could minister.

Monday,the 26th of
September.

|0 notable thing, but the continuance
of our work at the Castle. For further
ance whereof, order was taken that the
Captains of footmen, each after other,
should send up his hundred soldiers thither to work an hour's
space.

148 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. ["/*%£
Tuesday, IBSbTSBI He Laird of Coldam Knowes [Cowden
the 27th of l£ yl| Knowes] not having so fully kept his
September. || |a] appointment, made at Home Castle,
|fyi»» w^| toucj1jng jjjs coming again to my Lord's
Grace at Roxburgh ; Sir Ralph Vane, with a two or three
hundred horse, about three o'clock in this morning, was sent
to his house for him : which was a seven mile from us. The
which charge, Master Vane did so earnestly apply, as he was
there, with his number, before six. But the Laird, whether
he was warned thereof by privy scout or spy or not, he passed
by another way ; and, soon after seven, was with my Lord's
Grace in the camp. Master Vane was welcomed : and having
no resistence made, .but all submission, and profer of good
cheer (for so had the Laird charged his wife to do) ; soon
after, returned to the camp.
This day, my Lord's Grace was certified by letter from my
Lords Clinton and Sir Andrew Dudley, that, on the
Wednesday last, being the 21st of this month, after certain
of their shot discharged against the Castle of Broughty Crak,
the same was yielded unto them. The which, Sir Andrew
did then enter ; and, after, keep as Captain.
Wednesday, f&Hf^l Scottish Herald, accompanied with cer-
the 28th of gwuaVfl tain Frenchmen (that were, perchance,
September. §y&jna| more desirous to mark our army, than to
wit [know] of our welfare) came, and de-
claredfromtheirCouncil,that, within a sevennight [week] after,
their Commissioners, to whom my Lord's Grace had before
granted his safe conduct, should come and commune with
our Council at Berwick: Whose coming my Lord Lieutenant,
Master Treasurer, and the other of our Commissioners did, so
long while, there abide.
But these Scots (as men that are never so just, and in
nothing so true as in breach of promise and using untruth)
neither came, nor, belike, meant to come. And yet sure[ly],
I take this for no fetch of a fine device : unless they mean
thereby to win that they shall never need, after, to promise :
inEpigr. using the feat of Arnus : who with his always
mom. swearing, and his ever lying, at last, obtained that
his bare word was as much in credit as his solemn oath : but
his solemn oath no more than an impudent lie. However since

^1548.'] Honours given to the Chivalry. 149

I am certain that sundry of them have showed themselves
right honest ; I would be loath hereto be counted so unadvised
as to arret [impute] the faults of many to the infamy of all.
It was said among us, they had in the meantime received
letters of consolation, and many gay offers from the French
King : yet had that been no cause to have broken promise
with the Council of a realm. Howbeit, as these letters were
to them but an unprofitable plaster to heal their hurt then ;
so are they full likely, if they trust much therein to find them
a corzey [corasive] that will fret them a new sore.
My Lord's Grace considering that of virtue and well doing,
the proper need is honour (as well therefore for reward to
them that had afore done well, as for cause of encourage[ment]
to others, after, to do the like), did, this day afternoon, adorn
many Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, with dignities, as follow.
The names and promotions of whom, I have here set in order,
as they were placed in the Heralds' book.
Bannerets.
Sir Ralph Sadler, Treasurer.
Sir Francis Byran, Captain of the Light Horsemen.
Sir Ralph Vane, Lieutenant of all the Horsemen.
These Knights were made Bannerets : a dignity above a Knight, and
next to a Baron : whose acts I have partly touched in the stoiy before.

Knights.

The Lord Grey, of Wilton ; High
Marshal.
The Lord Edward Seymour, my
Lord Grace's son.
Of these, the readers shall also find
before.
The Lord Thomas Howard.
The Lord Walldike.
Sir Thomas Dacres.
Sir Edward Hastings.
Sir Edmund Bridges.
Sir John THYNNE,my Lord Grace's
Steward of his Household.
Sir Miles Partridge.
Sir John Conway.
Sir Giles Poole.
Sir Ralph Bagnolle.
Sir Oliver Lawrence.

Sir Henry Gates.
Sir Thomas Chaloner, one of the
Clerks of the King's Majesty's
Privy Council, and in this
army, as I might call him,
Chief Secretary : who, with his
great pains and expedite dili
gence in despatch of things
passing from my Lord's Grace
and the council there, did make
that his merit was not with the
meanest.
Sir Francis Flemming, Master of
the Ordnance there. A gentle
man whom long exercise and
good observance hath made in
that feat right perfect : where
unto, in this Voyage, he joined so

150 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. Cj'J.f^.

much heed and diligence, as it
was well found how much his
service did stead.
Sir John Gresham.
Sir William Skipwith.
Sir John Buttes.
Sir George Blage.
Sir William Francis.
Sir Francis Knowles.
Sir William Thorborow.
Sir George Haward.
Sir James Wilford.
Sir Ralph Coppinger. But that
I have written in the Story [p.
122], with what forward hard
ness Sir George Haward did
bear the King's Majesty's
Standard in the battle ; and
there also of the industrious
fiain of Sir James Wilford
p. 122] ; and Sir RALPH COP-
PlNGER did aid, not smally, in
safeguard of the Standard of
our Horsemen [p. 120] ; I have
been more diligent to have re
hearsed it here.

Sir Thomas Wentworth.
Sir John Marven.
Sir Nicholas Straunge.
Sir Charles Sturton.
Sir Hugh Ascue.
Sir Francis Salmin.
Sir Richard Townley.
Sir Marmaduke Constable.
Sir George Audley.
Sir John Holcroft.
Sir John Southworth.
Sir Thomas Danby.
Sir John Talbot.
Sir Rowland Clerk.
Sir John Horsely.
Sir John Forster.
Sir Christopher Dies. )
Sir Peter Negroo. IjgS**.
Sir Alonso de Ville. J
Sir Henry Hussey.
Sir James Granado.
Sir Walter Bonham.
Sir Robert Brandling, Mayor
of Newcastle, and made Knight
there, at my Lord Grace's re
turn.

As it is not to be doubted but right many more in the
army, besides these, did also well and valiantly quit them
(although their preferment was rather then deferred than
their deserts yet to be forgotten) ; even so, among these were
there right many, the knowledge of whose acts and demerits
I could not come by : and yet would have no man any more
to doubt of the worthiness of their advancement, than they
are uncertain of his circumspection and wisdom, who pre
ferred them to it. Whereupon, all men may safely thus far
forth, without offence, presume ; that his Grace unworthily
bestowed this honour on no man.
By this day, as Roxburgh was sufficiently made tenable
and defensible (the which my Lord's Grace seemed half to
have vowed to see, before he would depart thence) his Grace
and the council did first determine that my Lord Grey should
remain upon the Borders there, as the King's Majesty's
Lieutenant. And then took order for the forts, that Sir
Andrew Dudley, Captain of Broughty Crak, had left with
him, two hundred soldiers of hackbutters and others, and a

T^msJ The Expedition from the West Marches, i 5

1

sufficient number of pioneers for his works; Sir Edward
Dudley, Captain of Home Castle, sixty hackbutters, forty
horsemen, and a hundred pioneers; Sir Ralph Bulmer,
Captain of Roxburgh, three hundred soldiers, of hackbutters
and others, and two hundred pioneers.
Thursday, KjLmjglS things were thus concluded: and
the zgth of Wi^vm wammS given overnight that our
September, being W^Wm camp should, this day, dissolve :
Michaelmas Day. *==&&l eveiy man feu to packing apace.
My Lord's Grace, this morning, was passed over the Tweed
here, soon after seven o'clock. The best place whereof for
getting over (which was over against the west end of our
camp, and not far from the broken arches of the broken
bridge) was yet, with great stones in the bottom, so uneven
of ground ; and by reason of rain that lately fell before, the
water was so deep and the stream so swift ; that right many
of our horsemen and footmen were greatly in peril at their
passage, and one or two drowned. Many carriages also
were overthrown, and in great danger of being lost.
My Lord's Grace took his way straight towards Newcastle;
and thence homeward.
My Lord the Earl of Warwick, my Lord Grey, and Sir
Ralph Sadler, with divers others, rode towards Berwick,
to abide the coming of the Scottish Commissioners.
In the mean time of tarrying there, my Lord of Warwick
did make five knights :
Sir Thomas Nevil, the Lord N evil's brother.
Sir Anthony Strelley.
Sir — Verney.
Sir John Bartevile, a Frenchman.
And another.
But the Scots (like men though slipper in covenant, yet
constant in usage, and therefore less blushing to break
promise than custom) came not at all. Whereupon my Lord
and the other of our Commissioners having tarried for them
the full time of appointment, which was until the 4th of
October ; the next day after, departed thence homeward.

In part of the meantime, while my Lord's Grace was thus

152 The Expedition into Scotland in 1547. [^ju^!!:
doing the exploits in Scotland, as I have before written ; the
Earl of Linnos [Lennox], with my Lord Wharton, Lord
Warden of our West Marches against Scotland, according as
his Grace had before taken order, with a number of five
thousand, entered Scotland bythe West Marches; and, first
passing a two mile, after a day's and night's defence, they
won the Church of Annan: a strong place, and very noisome
always unto our men, as they passed that way. There they
took seventy-two prisoners, the keepers of the same ; burnt
the spoil, for cumber [encumbrance] of carriage ; and caused
the Church to be blown [up] with powder.
Passing thence, a sixteen mile within the land ; soon after,
they won a Hold called the " Castle of Milk " : the which
they left well furnished with munition and men, and so
returned. Divers other notable acts they did, here left unwritten of
by me, because unknown to me : but as much as I certainly
heard of, I have thought meet to add hereunto ; because I
may well count them as part of this Expedition and Voyage.

J53

$& A PERORATION
unto tyz gentle Meatier, tmtty a
^ort re^eargsal of tyz
action Done,
Have thus absolved my book : but neithei
with such speed as, perchance, it had been the
office of him that would take upon him to write
of this matter ; nor as the dignity of the argu
ment required publication.
For it may well be thought a man that
had been forth in no part of the voyage,
with mean diligence might, in this space, have learned and
written as much by inquiry at home. And since the power
of time is, in each case, so great as things indifferently good,
by choice of opportunity, are made much commendable ; and
again, by coming out of season may be much disgraced :
right small then may I take my merit to be, that come now
so intempestively [out of time] to tell that tale, whereof all
men's ears are full of, a four months before.
Yet for excuse of my slackness (as who would not be
blameless ?), trusting that my plain confession may the rather
move you to take things to the better, I have thought it best
to render you the very cause thereof.
Which is, that after I had somewhat entered into this
business, and thereby was compelled tp consider the precise

154 Peroration to the gentle Reader. [^^"^
observance of deeds, words, and, in a manner, gestures ; the
diligent marking of the situation of towns, castles, and
churches ; of the lying of the hills, plains, and fields ; of the
course of rivers, of respect of winds ; and of infinite such
other things that ought first to have been made there while
they were a doing, and while a man had been at them (the
which indeed, I had not so perfectly written in my notes ;
therefore was driven to stress my memory the more for
calling the same to mind again) : and, herewith, regarding
the great heed that ought to be had in rehearsal of circum
stances, and in placing of things in writing, accordingly as
they were done, seen, or heard — I found the enterprise a great
deal more weighty than the slenderness of my wit was able
quickly to pass with.
Howbeit, when, upon deeper consideration, I pondered
with myself what a thing it was to make any Monument in
this so prosperous a commonalty ; whereof the Governors are
so absolutely wise, and wherein an infinite number of men
are so finely witted and so profoundedly learned beside : I
in dc ah. rather regarded the counsel of the wise poet Horace,
p"et" who wills a man to keep his writings in his hands nine
years (meaning a good while for correction) than to have any
haste of publication, whereby at once I should lose my liberty
of amendment. Which liberty, though, after, I might have
never so well, yet because it is nothing so commendable to
mend a fault as to make no fault ; I would gladly before have
had the leisure to look that the thing might have passed as
faultless from me, as my diligence could have made it.
And surely, had it not been more for answering the expec
tation of some men of honour (who knew I was in hand with
the matter ; and who else, peradventure, might have doubted
my diligence) than it was for mine own desire to have my
doings to come soon abroad : I would have taken a better
breath, ere they had come out yet.
But since the chance is cast, and the word thus uttered
cannot be called again ; whereby I have jeoparded [jeopardize]

^i^:] A Special Correspondent's troubles. 155
with your three hours' reading, to make you Censor of my
three months' writing : judge ye, I pray you ! as ye may with
favour ! and conster my meaning to the best !
I know my need is to pray much. For I am not so foolish
as to think myself so wise, that with a text all faultless, I
can drive forth so long a process. But as I, for the time,
have endeavoured to say, rather as well as I can, than as
well as can be ; so shall there be, for me, liberty to all men to
write what else they can utter, either further or better : which
if they do, I shall, with all my heart, become then as benign
a reader to them, as I would wish you now to be here to me.
To the intent now I would quite [be quit] from the cumber
of inquiry or question, such as, haply, would wit, "What a
do I had in the army ? or how I had any knowledge of that
I have written? " I have thought it courtesy, not to be dan
gerous to show, that it pleased my very good Lord, the Earl
of Warwick, Lieutenant of the Host (who thereby had power
to make Officers), to make me one of the Judges of the Mar-
shalsy [i.e., in connection with the High Marshal of the Army,
Lord Grey], as Master William Cecil, now Master of the
Requests [and afterwards Lord Burghley] was the other.
Whereby, we both (not being bound so straightly, in days of
travel, to the order of march ; nor otherwhile, but when we
sat in Court, to any great affairs) had liberty to ride to see
the things that were done, and leisure to note occurrences that
came. The which thing, as it chanced, we both did : but so
far from appointment between us, as neither was witing of
the other's doing till somewhat before our departure home
ward. Marry, since my coming home, indeed, his gentleness
being such as to communicate his notes to me, I have, I
confess, been thereby, both much a certained [confirmed] in
many things I doubted, and somewhat remembered [put in
mind] of that which else I might hap to have forgotten.
But now, forasmuch, as it hath pleased the most benign

156 Peroration to the gentle Reader. LTi£«5
goodness of GOD, so favourably to aid us in these our affairs,
and so much to tender the equity of our cause, as by His
Minister, and our Head in this journey, My Lord Protector's
Grace, we have turned our enemy's intents for destruction of
us, unto their own confusion. And, first, overturned of their
Holds, Dunglas, Thornton, Anderwick, and Annan Church ;
overcome them, with half of their number of thirty-two thou
sand men; slain fifteen thousand three hundred; maimed two
thousand ; taken fifteen hundred ; burnt Leith and Kinghorn,
as we might also more of their towns, if our Chieftain had
been as willing as our captains were ready ; won the best
part of their navy, and burnt the residue ; won from them,
and keep in the midst of their land, Saint Coomes Inn and
Broughty Crak, and thereby, but by our leave, keep them
from their whole intercourse of merchants; won also and
keep the Castle of Milk and Home Castle ; won of ordnance,
in their forts and at the field, above eighty pieces; built
Roxburgh Castle and Eymouth ; and gained unto the King's
Majesty's obedience, all Teviotdale and their Marches : all
this, in so short a time, as within twenty-five days, with so
small a loss of our side, as of under the number of sixty
persons in all the whole Voyage;
And that, in this, the first year of our King's Majesty's
dominion and rule : whereby, according to his singular to-
wardness, else evident, we may well conceive an assured hope
that His Highness too, shall have a most happy, and, with
GOD's grace, a long reign —
I would wish and exhort that ye which were not there
(for though ye were far from any danger of the loss, yet can
ye not be but full partners of the winning) should effec
tually, with us (according as we all have cause) give and wish,
first, glory and praise unto GOD, obedience and victory to
our Sovereign, honour and thanks unto our Protector and
Councilors [i.e., the Privy Council], worship to our Chivalry,
commendation unto the rest that were out, and a better mind
unto our enemies.

™I%73 Te D E UM! laudamus. 157
And I, trusting unto the benignity of your gentle acceptance,
who [ever] shall hap to be reader of this work (with such in-
differency of request touching the same, as Horace made to
his well beloved friend Numitius) shall thus take my leave of
you Vive I Vale ! si quid novisti rectius istis, ^put. 1.
Candidus imperii, si non, his utere mecum.
Out of the Parsonage of Saint Mary's Hill, in London, this
38th of January, 1548.

M 'printed in London, the last day of
June, in the second year of the
reign of our Sovereign Lord,
King Edward the VI. ;
by Richard Grafton,
Printer to his most
royal Majesty.
M. D. XLVIII.

C Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

3ofm ikon anti
ma0t parson*

Picture of a
procession of Priests
bearing the Host.

US' aiag, poor fool0 % 00 0ore pe be lade ?
^0 marbel 10 ft, tfiouffb, pour 0fjouloet0 aclje:
jfor pe bear a peat 50D tobtclj pe pour0eft>e0 maUe.
Sl^afee of it, tofjat pe toill ? ft (0 a abater Cafee ;
SLntt bettoeen ttoo iron0, prtnteD ft (0 anb bafee*
SLxio loofe, tobere ftolatrp 10, Cfcrtet toill not be rtjere?
flfllberetore, lap Doton pour burtien 1 an tool, pe no bear 1
*3- aia0, poor fool0 1 ¦

i6i

3oJm i&on ana
mast parson-
ts- %^t $ar0on*
What, John Bon ! Good morrow to thee !
logn 25om
Now, good morrow, mast[er] Parson, so mut I thee !
}9ar0om
What meanest thou, John ! to be at work so soon ?
lobm
The sooner I begin, the sooner shall I have done,
For I 'tend to work no longer than none.
par0on*
Marry, John, for that, GOD's blessing on thy heart !
For, surely, some there be, will go to plough and cart ;
And set not by, this holy Corpus Christi even.
3obm
They are the more to blame, I swear by Saint Stephen !
But tell me, mast[er] Parson, one thing, and you can ;
What Saint is Copsi Cursty, a man, or a woman ?

162 The Interlude of John Bon^*?*-**^
pardon..
Why, John ! knowest not that ? I tell thee, it was a man.
It is Christ His own self, and to-morrow is His day.
We bear Him in procession, and thereby know it ye may.
I know ! mast[er] Parson ! and nay, by my fay !
But methink it is a mad thing that ye say,
That it should be a man. How can it come to pass ?
Because ye may Him bear within so small a glass.
par0on*
Why, neighbour John, and art thou now there ?
Now I may perceive ye love this new gear.
God's forbod 1 master ! I should be of that faction.
I question why, your masship, in way of cumlication.
A plain man, ye may see, will speak as cometh to mind :
Ye must hold us excused, for ploughmen be but blind.
I am an eld fellow, of fifter winter and more,
And yet, in all my life, I knew not this before.
$ar0oru
No did 1 Why sayest thou so ? Upon thyself, thou lyest !
Thou hast ever known the sacrament to be the body of
Christ 1 lobtu
Yea, sir, ye say true ! All that, I know indeed ;
And yet, as I remember, it is not in my Creed :
But as for Cropsy Cursty to be a man or no,
I knew not till this day, by the way my soul shall to !
Par0on»
Why, foolish fellow ! I tell thee it is so !
For it was so determined by the Church long ago ;
It is both the sacrament and very Christ himself.

Luke Shrpl"rdl ?£] A N D M A S T [ E R ] P A R S O N. 1 63
1obn+
No apleaser, mast[er] Parson! Then make ye Christ an elf;
And the maddest made man, that ever body saw !
Par0on+
What ! peace, mad man ! Thou speakest like a daw 1
It is not possible his manhood for to see.
lobru
Why, sir ; ye tell me it is even very He :
And if it be not His manhood, His godhead it must be.
$ar0on»
I tell thee, none of both 1 What meanest thou ? Art thou
mad? loljru
No, neither made nor drunk ; but to learn I am glad :
But to displease your masship, I would be very loath,
Ye grant me here plainly, that it is none of both,
Then it is but a cake : but I pray ye, be not wroth !
par0on»
Wroth, quoth ha ! By the mass ! (thou makest me swear
an oath),
I had leaver with a Doctor of Divinity to reason,
Than with a stubble cur, that eateth beans and peason.
lobn.
I cry ye mercy, mast[er] Parson ! Patience for a season !
In all this cumlication is neither felony nor treason.
$ar0on*
No, by the mass ! But hearest thou ! It is plain heresy.

1 64 The Interlude of J ohn B on [Luke sh?eplierd' ^
lobm
I am glad it chanced so, there was no witness by ;
And if there had, I cared not ; for ye spake as ill as I.
I speak but as I heard you say, I wot not what ye thought.
Ye said " It was not God, nor man," and made it worse than
nought. $ar0on*
I meant not so. Thou tookest me wrong 1
A, sir ! Ye sing another song !
I dare not reason with you long.
I see well, now, ye have a knack
To say a thing, and then go back.
^ar0on*
No, John ! I was but a little overseen ;
But thou meantest not good faith, I ween,
In all this talk that was us between.
l°bn+
I ! No, trow, it shall not so been
That John Bon shall an heretic be called,
Then might he lay him so foul befald.
par0om
But, now, if thou wilt mark me well !
From beginning to ending, I will thee tell
Of the godly service that shall be to-morrow ;
That, ere I have done, no doubt, thou wilt sorrow
To hear that such things should be foredone.
And yet, in many places, they have begun
To take away the old, and set up new.
Believe me, John ! this tale is true.

Luke Shepherd, M.D.] A „ jr, Jtf A S t[e R] P A R S O AT . 165
Jobn.
Go to, mast[er] Parson ! Say on, and well to thrive !
Ye be the jolliest gemman [gentleman] that ever saw in my
life. $ar0on*
We shall first have Matins. Is it not a godly hearing ?
3j 0 U n [who is now speaking, aside] .
Fie ! yes. Methink 'tis a shameful gay cheering,
For oftentimes, on my prayers, when I take no great keep,
Ye sing so arrantly well, ye make me fall asleep !
^9ar0on»
Then have we Procession, and Christ about we bear.
lobn.
That is a poison holy thing, for GOD Himself is there.
3@ar0ont
Then come we in, and ready us dress,
Full solemnly to go to Mess. 3|obn,
Is not here a mischievous thing !
The Mess is vengeance holy, for all their saying!
}9ar0om
Then say we Confiteor and Miseriatur. lobn.
Jeze LORD ! 'tis abominable matter !
}©ar0on*
And then we stand up to the altar.
lobn.
This gear is as good as Our Lady's Psalter,

1 66 The Interlude of John Bon^*"***-™

1548.

par0on*
And so go forth with the other deal
Till we have read the Pistel and Gospel.
That is good, mast[er] Parson, I know right well.
$ar0om
Is that good ! Why, what say'st thou to the other ?
1obn+
Marry ! horribly good ! I say none other.
par0on+
So is all the Mess, I dare avow this,
As good in every point as Pistel or Gospel is.
3|obn+
The foul evil it is ! Who would think so much ?
In faith, I ever thought that it had been no such.
$ar0om
Then have we the Canon, that is holiest.
lobn+
A spiteful gay thing, of all that ever I wist.
3@ar0on*
Then have we the Memento, even before the sacring.
lobm
Ye are morenly well learned ! I see by your reck'ning
That ye will not forget such an elvish thing.
$ar0om
And after that, we consecrate Very God and Man ;
And turn the bread to flesh, with five words we can.

Luke Shepherd, M.D.J ANJ) M A S T\_E R~\ P A R S 0 N . l6j
lobm
The devil ye do ! I trow this is pestilence business !
Ye are much bound to GOD for such a spittle holiness !
A gallows gay gift ! With five words alone,
To make both God and Man ; and yet we see none !
Ye talk so unreasonably well, it maketh my heart yearn,
As eld a fellow as I am, I see well I may learn.
Par0on.
Yea, John ! and then, with words holy and good,
Even, by and by, we turn the wine to blood.
lobn.
Lo ! Will ye se ? Lo ! who would have thought it ?
That ye could so soon from wine to blood ha brought it ?
And yet, except your mouth be better tasted than mine,
I cannot feel it other but that it should be wine.
And yet I wot ne'er a cause there may be, why
Perchance, ye ha drunk blood oftner than ever did I.
par0on+
Truly, John, it is blood, though it be wine in taste.
As soon as the word is spoke, the wine is gone and past
lobn.
A sessions on it ! for me. My wits are me benumme :
For I cannot study where the wine should become ?
par0on*
Study, quoth ha ! Beware, and let such matter go !
To meddle much with this, may bring ye soon to woe.
lobn+
Yea, but, mast [er] Parson ! think ye it were right,
That, if I desired you to make my black ox white ;
And you say, " It is done ! " and still is black in sight ;
Ye might me deem a fool, for to believe so light ?

1 68 The Interlude of John Bon [Luke ShP^ ^°;
$ar0on*
I marvel much, ye will reason so far 1
I fear if ye use it, it will ye mar !
ao*iw
No, no, sir! I trust of that I shall be 'ware,
I pray you, with your matter again forth to fare !
$ar0on+
And then we go forth, and Christ's body receive ;
Even the very same that Mary did conceive.
3|0fjn+
The devil it is ! Ye have a great grace
To eat GOD and Man in so short a space.
^ar0on*
And so we make an end, as it lieth in an order.
But now the blessed Mess is hated in every border,
And railed on, and reviled, with words most blasphemous :
But I trust it will be better with the help of Catechismus.
For though it came forth but even that other day,
Yet hath it turned many to their old way:
And where they hated Messe, and had it in disdain,
There have they Messe and Matins in Latin tongue again.
Yea, even in London self, John, I tell the truth !
They be full glad and merry to hear of this, GOD knoweth !
lobn.
By my troth ! mast[er] Parson, I like full well your talk !
But mass me no more messings ! The right way will I walk.
For, though I have no learning, yet I know cheese from
chalk,
And each can perceive your juggling, as crafty as ye walk !
But leave your devilish Mass, and the Communion to you take !
And then will Christ be with you ; even for His promise
sake !

Luke Shepherd, M.D.-J A N D M A S T^E R~\ P A R S 0 N . 169
^ar0om
What, art thou such a one, and kept it so close !
Well, all is not gold, that hath a fair gloss,
But, farewell, John Bon ! GOD bring thee in better mind !
lobn+
I thank you, sir ! for that you seem very kind ;
But pray not so for me ! for I am well enough.
Whistle, boy 1 drive forth ! GOD speed us and the plough !
Ha ! browne done ! forth, that horson crab ! lT?ZaZeri?
' to the plough
Reecomomyne, garled ! with haight, black hab ! horses.]
Have a gain, bald before ! hayght ree who !
Cherrily, boy, come off 1 that homeward we may go.
if inf0»
is* 3|mprfnteD at itonoon, bp 3|obn 2Dap, ano
Mlilliam Sere0, titoellina; in &epulcbre0
$ari0b, at tbe 0ig;n of tbe !R,e0urrection,
a little abofee holborn Con&uite*

CUM GRATIA ET PRIVI LEGIO AD
IMPRIMENDUM SOLUM.

170

Edward Underhill, Esq.
of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners,
surnamed, " The hot Gospeller."
Examination and Imprisonment in August
1 5 5 3 3 with anecdotes of the Time.
[Harl. MS. 415.]
[Narratives qf the Days of the Reformation. Camden Society. 1839.]
A Note of the Examination and Imprisonment of Edward
Underhill (son and heir of Thomas Underhill of
Honingham, in the county of Warwick, Esquire) being
of the Band of the Pensioners [see pp. igi, 192, for a
ballet that he made against the Papists, immediately
after the Proclamation of Queen Mary at London ; she
being in Norfolk.
| He next day [4th] after the Queen was come to
the Tower [on the 3rd of August, 1553] ; the fore-
saidballet [ballad] came into the hands of Secretary
[Sir John] Bourne; who straightways made
inquiry for me, the said Edward, who dwelt at
Limehurst [Limehouse] ; which he having intelligence of, sent
the Sheriff of Middlesex, with a company of bills and glaives
[lances, with a cutting blade at the end of each] ; who came unto
my house, I being in my bed, and my wife being newly laid
in child-bed.
The High Constable, whose name was Thomas Ive, dwelt
at the next house unto me, the said Edward ; whom the
Sheriff brought also with him. He, being my very friend,
desired the Sheriff and his company to stay without, for [fear
of af] frighting of my wife, being newly laid ; and he would go
and fetch me unto him. Who knocked at the door, saying,
" He must speak with me."
I, lying so near that I might hear him, called unto him,
willing him " to come unto me ! " for that he was always my
very friend, and earnest in the Gospel. Who declared unto

E.underhm.-j Underhill at the Council Door. 171
me that the Sheriff, with a great company with him, was
sent for me.
Whereupon I rose, made me ready, and came unto him,
demanding, " What he would with me ? "
" Sir," said he, " I have commandment from the Council
to apprehend you, and forthwith to bring you unto them."
"Why," said I, "it is now ten o'clock in the night; ye
cannot, now, carry me unto them ! "
" No, Sir," said he, " you shall go with me to my house to
London, where you shall have a bed : and to-morrow, I will
bring you unto them at the Tower."
" In the name of GOD ! [=most certainly]," said I : and so
went with him, requiring [inquiring of] him, " If I might
understand the cause."
He said, " He knew none."
" This needed not, then," said I ; " any one messenger
might have fetched me unto them " : suspecting the cause
to be, as it was indeed, the ballet.
On the morrow [5th of August, 1553], the Sheriff, seeing me
nothing dismayed, thinking it to be some light matter, went
not with me himself : but sent me unto the Tower with two of
his men, waiting upon me with two bills [men with halberts] ,
prisoner-like, who brought me unto the Council Chamber ;
being commanded to deliver me unto Secretary Bourne.
Thus standing waiting at the Council Chamber door, two
or three of my fellows, the Pensioners, and my cousin-german
Gilbert Wynter, Gentleman Usher unto the Lady Eliza
beth [see p. 342], stood talking with me.
In the meantime, cometh Sir Edward Hastings [see
page 149], newly made Master of the Horse to the Queen,
and seeing me standing there prisoner, frowning earnestly
upon me, said, "Are you come? We will talk with you or
your party, I warrant you ! " and so went into the Council.
With that, my fellows and kinsman shrank away from me,
as men greatly afraid.
I did then perceive the said Sir Edward bare in re
membrance the controversy that was betwixt him and
me in talk and questions of religion at Calais, when the
Right Honourable the Earl of Huntingdon, his brother,
went over, General of 6,000 men : with whom I went the
same time, and was Controller of the Ordnance,

172 Old disputations at Calais. [E- lInde^i:
The Earl being visited with sickness when he came
thither, for that I went over in his company, and could
play and sing to the lute, therewith to pass away
the time, on the nights being long, for we went over
in Christmas [1552], would have me with him in his
chamber ; and had also a great delight to hear his brother
reason with me in matters of religion. Who would be
very hot, when I did overlay him with the texts of the
Scripture concerning the natural presence of Christ in
the sacrament of the altar ; and would swear great oaths,
specially, " by the Lord's foot ! " that after the words
spoken by the priest there remained no bread, but the
natural body that Mary bare.
" Nay, then, it must needs be so," would I say, " and
[if] you prove it with such oaths ! "
Whereat the Earl would laugh heartily, saying,
" Brother, give him over ! Underhill is too good for
you ! " Wherewith he would be very angry.
The greatest hold that he took of, was of the 3rd of
John, upon those words, "And no man ascendeth up to
heaven, but He that came down from heaven, that is to
say, the Son of Man which is in heaven." I drove him
from the 6th of jFohn and all other places that he could
allege ; but from this, he would not be removed, but
that those words proved his natural body to be in heaven
and in the sacrament also. I told him he as grossly
understood Christ, as Nicodemus did in the same place,
of " being born anew."
In my opinion, any man that is not given up of GOD,
may be satisfied concerning the natural presence in the
Supper of the Lord, by the Gospel of Saint John, reading
from the first chapter to the end of the seventeenth ; with
the witness of the first of the Acts of the Apostles of
Christ's ascension and coming again ; if ever he will be
satisfied, without the help of any Doctors.
Undoubtedly, the apprehending of me was for this matter :
but the great mercy of GOD so provided for me, that Master
Hastings was not at my examination. For tarrying thus at
the Chamber door, Doctor Cox [afterwards Bishop of Ely]
was within ; who came forth, and was sent to the Marshalsea.
Then came forth the Lord Ferrers, [Viscount Hereford],

e. underbill.-] BeforethePrivyCouncil. 173
and was committed to the Tower. Then it was dinner time,
and all were commanded to depart until after dinner.
My two waiting men and I went to an alehouse to dinner ;
and, longing to know my pain [punishment], I made haste to
get to the Council Chamber door, that I might be the first.
Immediately, as they had dined, Secretary Bourne came
to the door, looking as a wolf doth for a lamb ; unto whom
my two keepers delivered me, standing next unto the door :
for there were more behind me.
He took me in greedily, and shut to the door; leaving
me at the nether [lower] end of the Chamber, he went unto
the Council showing them of me : and then beckoned me to
come near.
Then they began the table, and sat them down. The Earl
of Bedford sat as chief, uppermost upon the bench. Next
unto him, the Earl of Sussex ; next him, Sir Richard
Southwell. On the side next me, sat the Earl of Arundel ; next him,
the Lord Paget. By them, stood Sir John Gage, then
Constable of the Tower; the Earl of Bath, and Master
[afterwards Sir John] Mason.
At the board's end, stood Serjeant Morgan [who, later on,
condemned Lady Jane Grey] that afterwards died mad ; and
Secretary [Sir John] Bourne.
The Lord Wentworth [the Lord Deputy of Calais, when
lost; see p. 292] stood in the bay window, talking with one,
all the while of my examination, whom I knew not.
My Lord of Bedford being my very friend, (for that my
chance was to be at the recovering of his son, my Lord
Russell, when he was cast into the Thames against the
Limehurst, whom I carried to my house and got him to
bed ; who was in great peril of his life, the weather being
very cold) would not seem to be familiar with me, nor
called me not by my name, but said, " Come hither,
sirrah ! did not you set forth a ballet of late, in print ? "
I kneeled down, saying, " Yes, truly, my Lord ! Is that
the cause I am called before your Honours ? "
" Ay, marry," said Secretary Bourne, " you have one of
them about you, I am sure."
" Nay, truly, have I not," said I.

174 Sharply questioned for his Ballad. [E,u,nd"s£:
Then he took one out of his bosom, and read it over dis
tinctly ; the Council giving diligent ear.
When he had ended, " I trust, my Lords," said I, " I have
not offended the Queen's Majesty in this ballet ; nor spoken
against her title, but maintained it."
" You have, sir," said Morgan, " yes, I can divide your
ballet, and make a distinction in it ; and so prove at the least
sedition in it."
" Ay, sir," said I, " you men of law will make of a matter
what ye list ! "
" Lo," said Sir Richard Southwell, " how he can give
a taunt ! You maintain the Queen's title, with the help of
an arrant heretic, Tyndale."
" You speak of Papists there, sir," said Master Mason, "I
pray you, how define you a Papist ? "
I look upon him, turning towards him ; for he stood on the
side of me, " Why, sir," said I, " it is not long since you
could define a Papist better than I " [meaning that he had
turned with the new change of religion]. With that some
of them secretly smiled ; as the Lords of Bedford, Arundel,
Sussex, and Paget.
In great haste, Sir John Gage took the matter in hand,
" Thou callest men Papists there," said he, " who be they
that thou judgest to be Papists ? "
I said, " Sir, I do name no man, and I came not hither to
accuse any, nor none will I accuse ; but your Honours do
know that in this Controversy that hath been, some be called
Papists, and some Protestants."
" But we must knowwhom thou judgest to be Papists, and
that we command thee, upon thine allegiance to declare ! "
" Sir," said I, " I think if you look among the priests in
Paul's, ye shall find some old Mumpsimuses there."
" Mumpsimuses, knave ! " said he, " Mumpsimuses ! Thou
art an heretic knave, by God's blood ! "
" Ay, by the mass ! " says the Earl of Bath, " I warrant
him an heretic knave indeed."
" I beseech your Honours ! " said I, speaking to the Lords
that sat at table ; for those other stood by, and were not
then of the Council, " be my good Lords ! I have offended no
laws, and I have served the Queen's Majesty's father and
brother a long time ; and in their service have spent and con-

E.underMi.-j Ordered to be sent to Newgate. 175
sumed part of my living, never having, as yet, any preferment
or recompense ; and the rest of my fellows likewise, to our
utter undoings, unless the Queen's Highness be good unto
us. And for my part, I went not forth against Her Majesty;
notwithstanding that I was commanded, nor liked those
doings." " No, but with your writings, you would set us together by
the ears ! " said the Earl of Arundel.
" He hath spent his living wantonly," saith Bourne, " and
now saith he has spent it in the King's service ; which I am
sorry for. He is come of a worshipful house in Worcester
shire." " It is untruly said of you," said I, " that I have spent my
living wantonly : for I never consumed any part thereof until
I came into the King's service ; which I do not repent, nor
doubted of recompense, if either of my two masters had lived.
I perceive you [to be] Bourne's son of Worcester ; who was
beholden unto my uncle Wynter, and therefore you have no
cause to be my enemy : nor you never knew me, nor I you
before now, which is too soon."
" I have heard enough of you," said he.
" So have I of you," said I, " how that Master Sheldon
drave you out of Worcestershire, for your behaviour."
With that, came Sir Edward Hastings from the Queen,
in great haste, saying, " My Lords ! you must set all things
apart, and come forthwith to the Queen."
Then said the Earl of Sussex, " Have this gentleman unto
the Fleet until we may talk further with him ! " though I
was " knave," before, of Master Gage.
" To the Fleet ! " said Master Southwell, " have him to
the Marshalsea ! "
" Have the gentleman to Newgate ! " saith Master GaGE
again, " Call a couple of the Guard here."
" Ay," saith Bourne, " and there shall be a letter sent to
the keeper how he shall use him ; for we have other manner
of matters to him than these."
" So had ye need," said I, " or else I care not for you ! "
" Deliver him to Master [after Sir William] Garrard,
the Sheriff [of London]," said he, " and bid him send him to
Newgate." " My Lord," said I, unto my Lord of Arundel, (for that he

176 Appeals in vain to Lord Hastings. [E-u,nde^o":
was next to me) as they were rising, " I trust you will not
see me thus used, to be sent to Newgate. I am neither thief
nor traitor."
" You are a naughty fellow ! " said he, " you were always
tutting in the Duke of Northumberland's ear, that you
were ! "
" I would he had given better ear unto me," said I ; "it
had not been with him then, as it is now" [waiting his trial in
the Tower].
Master Hastings passing by me, I thought good to prove
him ; although he threatened me, before noon.
" Sir," said I, " I pray you speak for me, that I be not
sent to Newgate ; but rather unto the Fleet, which was first
named. I have not offended. I am a Gentleman, as you know;
and one of your fellows, when you were of that Band of the
Pensioners." Very quietly, he said unto me, " I was not at the talk,
Master Underhill ; and therefore I can say nothing to it."
But I think he was well content with the place I was ap
pointed to.
So went I forth with my two fellows of the Guard, who
were glad they had the leading of me, for they were great
Papists. " Where is that knave, the printer [of the ballad] ? " said
Master Gage.
" I know not," said I.
When we came to the Tower gate, where Sir John
Brydges [afterwards Lord Chandos ofSudeley, see p. 345] had
the charge, [who was there] with his brother Master Thomas ;
with whom I was well acquainted, (but not with Sir John)
who, seeing the two of the Guard leading me, without their
halberts, rebuked them ; and stayed me while they went for
their halberts.
His brother said unto me, " I am sorry you should be an
offender, Master Underhill."
" I am none, Sir ! " said I, " nor went I against the Queen."
" I am glad of that," said he.
And so forth we went at the gate, where was a great throng
of people to hear and see what prisoners were committed : and

E. Underhill »

^";] Befriended by Sheriff, & Lord Russell 177

amongst whom stood, my friend Master Ive, the High Con
stable, my next neighbour.
One of the Guard went forth at the wicket before me, to
take me by the arm, the other held me by the other arm ;
fearing, belike, I would have shifted [escaped] from them
amongst the people.
When my friend, who had watched at the gate all the fore
noon saw me thus led ; he followed afar off, as Peter did
Christ, to see what should become of me. Many also fol
lowed, some that knew me : some to learn who I was ; for
that I was in a gown of satin.
Thus passed we through the streets, well accompanied,
unto Master Garrard, the Sheriff's house, in the Stocks
Market. My friend Master Ive tarried at the gate.
These two of the Guard declared unto Master Sheriff, that
they were commanded by the Council to deliver me unto him,
and he to send me unto Newgate : saying, " Sir, if it please
you, we will carry him thither."
With that, I stepped unto Master Sheriff, and, taking him
a little aside, requested him that, forasmuch as their commis
sion was but to deliver me unto him, and he to send me into
Newgate, that he would send me by his officers : for the
request was of mere malice.
" With a good-will ! " said Master Sheriff.
"Masters!" said he, "you may depart! I will send my
officers with this gentleman anon ; when they be come in."
"We will see him carried, Sir! " said they, "for our dis
charge." Then the Sheriff said sharply unto them, "What! do you
think that I will not do the Council's commandment ? You
are discharged by delivering him unto me!"
With that, they departed.
My friend, Master Ive, seeing them depart and leave me
behind, was very glad thereof : and tarried still at the gate
to see farther.
All this talk in the Sheriff's hall, did my Lord Russell,
son and heir to the Earl of Bedford, hear and see ; who was
at commandment [under arrest] in the Sheriff's house, and bis
chamber joining into the hall, wherein he might look : v/ho
was very sorry for me, for that I had been familiar with him
in matters of religion, as well on the other side the seas as
M T

178 Islocked up in Newgate. [E'u!nd'Ir^:
at home. He sent me on the morrow, aos. [=about £10 now] ;
and every week as much, while I was in Newgate.
When these two companions of the Guard were gone, the
Sheriff sent two of his officers with me, who took no bills
with them, nor lead me ; but followed a pretty way behind
me : for as I said unto Master Sheriff, "But for order's sake
and to save him blameless, I would have gone unto Newgate
myself, at the Council's commandment, or his either."
When I came into the street, my friend Master Ive, seeing
me have such liberty, and such distance betwixt me and the
officers, he stepped before them, and so went talking with me
through Cheapside : so that it was not well perceived that I
was apprehended, but by the great company that followed.
The officers delivered me unto the Keeper of Newgate, as
they were commanded : who unlocked a door, and willed me
to go up the stairs into the Hall. My friend Ive went up
with me ; where we found three or four prisoners that had the
liberty of the house.
After a little talk with my friend, I required him not to let
my wife know that I was sent to Newgate, but [to say] to
the Counter, until such time that she were near her churching :
and that she should send me my night-gown, my Bible, and
my Lute. And so he departed.
In a while after, it was supper time [i.e., about 5 p.m.].
The board was covered in the same hall. The Keeper, whose
name was Alexander, and his wife came to supper ; and
half a dozen prisoners that were there for felonies : for I was
the first, for religion, that was sent unto that prison; but the
cause why, the Keeper knew not.
One of those prisoners took acquaintance of [recognised]
me, and said, " He was a soldier under Sir Richard Crom
well in the journey [in July, 1543] to Landreci [in Hain-
ault], where he did know me and whose servant I was,
at the same time; and who, the next year following
[1544], when the famous King Henry VIII. went unto
Boulogne, did put me unto his Majesty into the room of
a man-at-arms. Of the which Band, there were 200 of
us, upon barded horses, all in one suit of red and yellow
damask, the bards of our horses and plumes of feathers
of the same colours, to attend upon his Majesty for the
defence of his person."

e. underhm.-] Becomes the White Son of the Keeper 179
After supper, this good fellow whose name was Brystow
procured me to have a bed in his chamber. He could play well
upon the rebeck [violin]. He was a tall man, and aftei wards
of the Queen Mary's Guard, and yet a Protestant, which he
kept secret : " For else," he said, " he should not have found
such favour as he did at the Keeper's hands, and his wife's ;
for to such as love the Gospel, they were very cruel."
" Well," said I, " I have sent for my Bible ; and by GOD's
grace, therein shall be my daily exercise. I will no hide it
from them."
" Sir ! " said he, " I am poor; but they will bear with you,
for that they see your estate is to pay well ; and I will shew
you the nature and manner of them : for I have be n here a
a good while. They both do love music very well ; where
fore you with your lute, and I to play with you on my rebeck,
will please them greatly. He loveth to be merry, and to
drink wine ; and she also. If you will bestow upon them
every dinner and supper a quart of wine, and some music :
you shall be their white son, and have all the favour that
they can shew you ! " And so it came to pass.
And now I think it good a little to digress from my
matter concerning my imprisonment arid my deliverance;
and to note the great mercy of GOD shewed unto his
servants in that great Persecution in Queen Mary's
time : how mightily and how many ways he preserved
such as did fear Him, even as He preserved Daniel,
Jeremy, Paul, and many in the old time.
Some were moved by His Spirit to flee over the seas.
Some were preserved still in London, that, in all the
time of persecution, never bowed their knees unto Baal :
for there was no such place to shift [hide] in, in this
realm, as London, notwithstanding their great spiall and
search ; nor no better place to shift the Easter time
[to avoid being houselled, i.e., taking the sacrament] than in
Queen Mary's Court, serving in the room I did, as shall
be shewed hereafter.
A great number, God did strengthen constantly to
stand to His Word, to glorify His name, which be
praised for ever and ever, world without end ! And some
be preserved for these days.
And now again to prosecute the matter of my trouble and

180 Falls dangerously ill, of the Ague. [e- H™^":
wonderful deliverance out of that loathsome gaol of New
gate. When that I had been there about two weeks [$th-i8ih
August, 1553], through the evil savours, and great unquietness
of the lodgings, as also by occasion of drinking of a draught
of strong Hollock [a sweet] wine, as I was going to bed,
which my chamber fellow would needs have me to pledge
him in, I was cast into an extreme burning ague, that I could
take no rest, and desiring to change my lodging. And so did,
from one to another, but none could I abide ; there was so
many evil savours, and so much noise of prisoners.
The Keeper and his wife offered me his own parlour, where
he himself lay : which was furthest from noise ; but it was
near the kitchen, the savour of which I could not abide.
Then did she lay me in a chamber, where she said never a
prisoner lay, which was her store chamber, where all her
plate and money lay ; which was much.
So much friendship I found at their hands, notwithstand
ing that they were spoken unto, by several Papists. And
the Woodmongers of London, with whom I had had a great
conflict for presenting them for false marking of billets ;
they required the Keeper to show me no favour, and to lay
irons upon me, declaring that " I was the greatest heretic in
London." My very friend Master Recorde, Doctor of Physic,
singularly seen in all the seven sciences, and a great Divine,
visited me in the prison (to his great peril if it had been
known, who long time was at charges and pains with me,
gratis), and also after I was delivered. By means whereof,
and the Providence of GOD, I received my health.
My wife then was churched before her time, to be a suitor
for my deliverance ; who put up a Supplication unto the
Council declaring my extreme sickness and small cause to be
committed unto so loathsome a gaol ; requiring that I might
be delivered, putting in sureties to be forthcoming to answer
farther when I should be called. Which she obtained bythe
help of Master [afterwards Sir] John Throgmorton, being
the Master of the Requests, and my countryman [i.e., of
Worcestershire] and my kinsman. He, understanding who
were my enemies, took a time in their absence, and obtained

E. Underhm.-j pjQW HIg SQN QUILDF0RD WAS CHRISTENED l8l
[on 21st August, 1553] a letter to the Keeper, subscribed by the
Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Sussex, [Stephen Gardiner
the Bishop of] Winchester, [Sir Robert] Rochester
[Comptroller of the Household], and [Sir Edward] Walde
grave, to be delivered ; putting in surety, according to the
request of my wife's Supplication.
With whom Winchester talked, concerning the
christening of her child at the church at the Tower Hill ;
and the gossips [sponsors], which were the Duke of
Suffolk, the Earl of Pembroke, and the Lady Jane,
then being Queen : with the which, he [Gardiner] was
much offended.
My Lady Throgmorton, wife unto Sir Nicholas
Throgmorton, was the Queen's deputy ; who named
my son Guildford after her [the Queen's] husband.
Immediately after the christening was done [on the
igth of July, 1553], Queen Mary was proclaimed in
Cheapside; and when my Lady Throgmorton came
into the Tower, the Cloth of Estate was taken down,
and all things defaced. A sudden change ! She would
have gone forth again ; but could not be suffered.
But now again to my matter.
When my wife had obtained the letter, joyful she was ; and
brought her brother, John Speryne of London, merchant,
with her ; a very friendly man, and zealous in the LORD :
who was bound with me, according to the Council's letters
before Master Chedely, Justice of the Peace : who came
into the prison unto me ; for I was so sick and weak that I
was constrained to tarry a while longer, and my wife with me
day and night.
During all the time of my sickness, I was constrained to
pay 8d. [= about 6s. 8d. now] every meal; and as much for
my wife, and for every friend that came to see me, if they
were alone with me at dinner or supper time, whether they
came to the table or not ; and paid also 40s. for a fine for
irons [i.e., for not being chained] which they said, "They
shewed me great favour in ; I should have else paid £4 or £5."
Thus, when they perceived I did not amend, but rather
[grew] worse and worse ; they thought it best to venture the
the matter and provided a horse litter to carry me home to
Limehurst. I was so weak that I was not able to get down

182 I s delivered out of Newgate.[e'^
the stairs ; wherefore one that was servant to the gaoler, who,
beforetime, had been my man, who was also very diligently
and friendly unto me, took me in his arms, and carried
me down the stairs to the horse-litter, which stood ready
at the prison door ; and went with me to my house.
Many people were gathered to see my coming forth, who
praised GOD for my deliverance, being very sorry to see my
state, and the lamentation of my wife and her friends, who
judged I would not live until I came home.
I was not able to endure the going of the horse-litter,
wherefore they were fain to go very softly, and oftentimes
to stay; at which times, many of my acquaintances and
friends and others resorted to see me : so that it was two
hours ere we could pass from Newgate to Aldgate ; and so
within night, before I could get to my house. Where many
of my neighbours resorted to see me taken out of the horse-
litter ; who lamented and prayed for me, thinking it not pos
sible for me to escape death, but by the great mercy of GOD.
Thus I continued for the space of eight or ten days, with
out any likelihood or hope of amendment.
I was sent to Newgate, the 5th day of August ; and was
delivered the 5th day of September.
The 1st day of October, was Queen Mary crowned ; by
which time I was able to walk up and down my chamber.
Being very desirous to see the Queen pass through the City, I
got up on horseback, being scant able to sit, girded in a
long night-gown ; with double kerchiefs about my head, a
great hat upon them ; my beard dubbed [clotted] hard too. My
face so lean and pale that I was the very Image of Death ;
wondered at of all that did behold me ; and unknown to any.
My wife and neighbours were too too sorry that I would needs
go forth ; thinking I would not return alive.
Thus went I forth, having on either side of me a man to
stay [uphold ] me ; and so went to the West end of Paul's ; and
there placed myself amongst others that sat on horseback to
see the Queen pass by.
Before her coming, I beheld Paul's steeple bearing top and
top-gallant [yards] like a royal ship, with many flags and
banners : and a man [Peter, a Dutchman] triumphing and
dancing in the top.

E-TJn™.] Queen Mary's Coronation Procession. 183
I said unto one that sat on horseback by me, who
had not seen any coronation, " At the coronation of King
Edward, I saw Paul's steeple lie at anchor, and now she
weareth top and top-gallant. Surely, the next will be
shipwreck, ere it be long ! " which chanceth sometimes
by tempestuous winds, sometimes by lightnings and fire
from heaven.
But I thought that it should rather perish with some
horrible wind, than with lightning or thunderbolt
[evidently alluding to the destruction by lightning of the
Steeple, on the 4th June, 1561] ; but such are the wonderful
works of GOD, whose gunners will not miss the mark
that He doth appoint, be it never so little.
When the Queen passed by, many beheld me, for they
might almost touch me, the room [space] was so narrow ;
marvelling, belike, that one in such a state would venture
forth. Many of my fellows the Pensioners, and others, and
divers of the Council beheld me : and none of them all knew
me. I might hear them say one to another, " There is one that
loveth the Queen well, belike ; for he ventureth greatly to
see her. He is very like never to see her more." Thus my
men whose hearing was quicker than mine, that stood by me,
heard many of them say.
The Queen herself, when she passed by, beheld me. Thus
much I thought good to write, to shew how GOD doth pre
serve that which seemeth to man impossible ; as many that
day did judge of me. Thus returned I home.
And about two months after [i.e., in December], I was able
to walk to London at an easy pace ; but still with my kerchiefs
and pale lean face. I muffled me with a sarsenet, which the
rude people in the streets would murmur at, saying, " What
is he ? Dare he not show his face ? "
I did repair to my old familiar acquaintance, as drapers,
mercers, and others : and stood talking" with them, and
cheapened their wares ; and there was not one of them that
knew me.
Then would I say unto them, "Do you not know me?
Look better upon me ! Do you not know my voice ? " For
that also was altered,

1 84 Physical force Christianity. [E,IJnd,^&:
" Truly," would they say, " you must pardon me ! I can
not call you to remembrance."
Then would I declare my name unto them ; whereat they
so marvelled, that they could scarcely credit me, but for the
familiar acquaintance that I put them in remembrance of.
Thus passed I forth the time at Limehurst until Christmas
[1553] was passed, then I waxed something strong. I then
thought it best to shift from thence ; for that I had there
fierce enemies ; especially [Henry More] the Vicar of
Stepney, Abbot quondam of [St. Mary de Grace on] Tower
Hill. [He died in November, 1554.]
Whom I apprehended in King Edward's time, and
carried him to Croydon to Cranmer, Bishop of Canter
bury, for that he disturbed the Preachers in his Church [at
Stepney] causing the bells to be rung when they were at
the Sermon ; and sometimes begin to sing in the Choir
before the sermon were half done, and sometimes chal
lenge the Preacher in the Pulpit. For he was a strong
stout Popish prelate : whom the godly men of the parish
were weary of; specially my neighbours of the Lime
hurst, as Master Driver, Master Ive, Master Pointer,
Master Marche, and others.
Yet durst they not meddle with him, until it was my hap
to come and dwell amongst them : and for that I was the
King's Servant, I took it upon me ; and they went with
me to the Bishop to witness those things against him.
Who was too full of lenity. A little he rebuked him,
and bad him do no more so.
"My Lord," said I, "methinks, you are too gentle
unto so stout a Papist ! "
" Well," said he, " we have no law to punish them by."
" We have, my Lord ! " said I. " If I had your
authority, I would be so bold to un-Vicar him ; or minister
some sharp punishment unto him, and such other. If
ever it come to their turn ; they will show you no such
favour." " Well," said he, "if GOD so provide, we must abide it."
" Surely," said I, " GOD will never cone you thank
for this ; but rather take the sword from such as will not
use it upon His enemies." And thus we departed.

E.Underhm.-j'pHE pRINCIpAL DlCERS OF THE TIME 185
The like favour is shewed now [i.e., in Elizabeth's
reign] ; and therefore the like plague will follow.
There was also another spiteful enemy at Stepney,
called Banbery, a shifter, a dicer, &c, like unto Dapers
the dicer, Morgan of Salisbury Court, busking [Sir
Thomas, also called Long] Palmer, lusty Young, [Sir]
Ralph Bagnall [see page 149], [Sir] Miles Part
ridge [idem], and such others. With which companions,
I was conversant a while; until I fell to reading the
Scriptures, and following the Preachers.
Then, against the wickedness of those men, which
I had seen among them ; I put forth a ballet, uttering the
falsehood and knavery that I was made privy unto.
For the which, they so hated me that they raised false
slanders and bruits of me, saying that " I was a spy for
the Duke of Northumberland": and calling me
[Bishop] " Hooper's companion," for a bill that I set
up upon Paul's gate, in defence of Hooper ; and another
at St. Magnus's Church, where he was too much abused,
with railing bills cast into the pulpit and other ways.
Thus became I odious unto most men, and many times
in danger of my life, even in King Edward's days. As
also for apprehending one Allen, a false prophesier
[of whom Underhill says elsewhere, This Robert
Allen was called the God of Norfolk, before they re
ceived the light of the Gospel] ; who bruited [in January,
1551] that King Edward was dead, two years before it
came to pass ; who was a great calculator for the same.
But these jugglers and wicked dicers were still in favour
among the magistrates, and were advanced; who were the
sowers of sedition, and the destroyers of the two Dukes.
I pray God the like be not practised by such flatterers
in these days [i.e., in Elizabeth's reign], according to
the old proverb, " He that will in Court dwell, must curry
Fauvell." And
He that will in Court abide,
Must curry Fauvell back and side,
[i.e., he must curry or groom a horse, of Fauvell (a bright yellow or
tawny) colour (opposed to Sorell, a dark colour), back and side.]
for such get most gain.

i86"He is all of the Spirit!" [e^'

E. Underhin, 1562.

I was also called "the hot Gospeller!" jesting and
mocking me, saying, " He is all of the Spirit ! "
This was their common custom, at their tables, to
jest and mock the Preachers and earnest followers of the
Gospel ; even among the magistrates : or else [speak] in
wanton and ribald talk ; which when they fell into, one
or other would look through [along] the board, saying,
" Take heed that Underhill be not here ! "
At Stratford on the Bow [now Stratford at Bow], I
took the pix of the altar; being of copper, stored with
copper gods : the Curate being present, and a Popish
Justice dwelling in the town, called Justice Tawe.
There was commandment it should not hang in a
string over the altar ; and then, they set it upon the
altar. For this act, the Justice's wife with the women of the
town, conspired to have murdered me; which one of
them gave me warning of, whose good will to the Gospel
was not unknown unto the rest. Thus the Lord preserved
me from them, and many other dangers more; but
specially from hell fire, but that, of His mercy, He called
me from the company of the wicked.
This Banbery, aforesaid, was the spy for Stepney parish ;
as John Avales, Beard, and such others were for London :
who [i.e., Banbery] caused my friend and neighbour Master
Ive to be sent unto the Marshalsea, but the LORD shortly
delivered him. Wherefore I thought it best to avoid [leave] ;
because my not coming to the church there, should by him be
marked and presented.
Then took I a little house in a secret corner, at the nether
[lower] end of Wood Street ; where I might better shift the
matter. Sir Humphrey Ratcliffe was the Lieutenant of the
Pensioners, and always favoured the Gospel; by whose
means I had my wages still paid me [70 marks a year =£46
13s. 4.d.=about £500 now ; besides a free diet].
When [Sir Thomas] Wyatt was come to Southwark [6th
February, 1554] the Pensioners were commanded to watch in
armour that night, at the Court : which I hearing of, thought
it best, in like sort, to be there ; lest by my absence I might

E. Underhill.

fndeis6"'] The Pensioners watch at Whitehall. 187
have some quarrel piked unto [picked with] me; or, at the
least, be stricken out off the book for receiving any more
wages. After supper, I put on my armour as the rest did ; for we
were appointed to watch all the night.
So, being all armed, we came up into the Chamber of
Presence, with our poleaxes in our hands. Wherewith the
Ladies were very fearful. Some lamenting, crying, and
wringing their hands, said, " Alas, there is some great mis
chief toward ! We shall all be destroyed this night ! What
a sight is this ! to see the Queen's Chamber full of armed
men. The like was never seen, nor heard of! "
The Master [John] Norris, who was a Gentleman Usher
of the Utter [Outer] Chamber in King Henry VIII.'s time,
and all King Edward's time ; always a rank Papist, and
therefore was now Chief Usher of Queen Mary's Privy
Chamber : he was appointed to call the Watch, and see if any
were lacking. Unto whom, Moore, the Clerk of our Cheque,
delivered the book of our names ; which he perused before he
would call them at the cupboard. And when he came to my
name, " What ! " said he, " what doth he here ? "
" Sir," said the Clerk, " he is here ready to serve as the
rest be."
"Nay, by God's body! " said he, " that heretic shall not
be called to watch here ! Give me a pen ! " So he struck out
my name out of the book.
The Clerk of the Cheque sought me out, and said unto me,
" Master Underhill, you need not to watch ! you may depart
to your lodging ! "
" May I ? " said I, " I would be glad of that," thinking I
had been favoured, because I was not recovered from my
sickness : but I did not well trust him, because he was also
a Papist. " May I depart indeed ? " said I, "will you be my
discharge ?"
" I tell you true," said he, " Master Norris hath stricken
you out of the book, saying these words, ' That heretic
shall not watch here ! ' I tell you true what he said."
" Marry, I thank him ! " said I, " and you also ! You
could not do me a greater pleasure ! "
" Nay, burden not me withal ! " said he, " it is not my
doing."

188 D enied entrance at Ludgate, [K-^nd<^J;
So departed I into the Hall, where our men were appointed
to watch. I took my men with me, and a link ; and went
my ways.
When I came to the Court gate, there I met with Master
Clement Throgmorton [ father of Job Throgmorton, the
Martinist of 1589], and George Ferrers [the Poet and His
torian; see p. 289], tending their links, to go to London.
Master Throgmorton was come post from Coventry ; and
had been with the Queen to declare unto her the taking of
the Duke of Suffolk. Master Ferrers was sent from the
Council unto the Lord William Howard, who had the
charge of the watch at London Bridge.
As we went, for that they were both my friends and
Protestants, I told them of my good hap, and manner of dis
charge of the Watch at the Court.
When we came to Ludgate, it was past eleven o'clock.
The gate was fast locked ; and a great watch within the gate
of Londoners, but none without : whereof Henry Peckham
had the charge, under his father; who, belike, was gone to
his father, or to look to the water side.
Master Throgmorton knocked hard, and called to them,
saying, " Here are three or four gentlemen come from the
Court that must come in ; and therefore open the gate ! "
" Who ? " quoth one, " What ? " quoth another ; and much
laughing they made.
" Can ye tell what you do, sirs ? " said Master Throg
morton, declaring his name, and that he had been with the
Queen to shew her Grace of the taking of the Duke of
Suffolk, " and my lodging is within, as I am sure, some of
you do know ! "
" And," said Ferrers, " I am Ferrers, that was Lord of
Misrule with King Edward ; and am sent from the Council
unto my Lord William, who hath charge of the Bridge as
you know, upon weighty affairs : and therefore let us in, or
else ye be not the Queen's friends ! "
Still there was much laughing amongst them.
Then said two or three of them, " We have not the keys.
We are not trusted with them. The keys be carried away
for this night."
" What shall I do ? " said Master Throgmorton, " I am

E.Underhm.-| BUT QET ADMITTANCE THROUGH NEWGATE. 189
weary and faint, and I now wax cold. I am not acquainted
hereabout ; nor no man dare open his doors at this dangerous
time ; nor am I able to go back again to the Court. I shall
perish this night ! "
" Well," said I, " Let us go to Newgate ! I think I shall
get in there."
" Tush ! " said he, " it is but in vain. We shall be answered
there as we are here."
" Well," said I, " and [if] the worst fall, I can lodge ye in
Newgate. Ye know what acquaintance I have there ! and the
Keeper's door is without the gate."
" That were a bad shift ! " said he, " I had almost as leave
die in the streets ; yet I will, rather than wander again to the
Court." " Well," said I, " let us go and prove ! I believe the
Keeper will help us in at the gate, or else let us in through
his wards, for he hath a door on the inside also. If all this
fail, I have a friend at the gate, Newman the ironmonger ; in
whose house I have been lodged : where, I dare warrant you,
we shall have lodging, or at the least, house-room and fire."
" Marry, this is well said ! " saith Ferrers.
So to Newgate, we went : where was a great Watch without
the gate, which my friend Newman had the charge of; for
that he was the Constable. They marvelled to see there,
torches coming at that time of the night.
When we came to them, " Master Underhill," said
Newman, " what news, that you walk so late ? "
" None but good ! " said I, " We come from the Court, and
would have gone in at Ludgate, and cannot be let in : where
fore, I pray you, if you cannot help us in here, let us have
lodging with you ! "
" Marry, that ye shall! " said he, " or go in at the gate
whether ye will ! "
" Godamercy, gentle friend ! " said Master Throgmorton ;
" I pray you let us go in, if it may be ! " #
He called to the Constable within the gate, who opened
the gate forthwith. " How happy was I ! " said Master
Throgmorton, " that I met with you. I had been lost
else." When Wyatt was come about [i.e., from Southwark, through

190 Sir J. Gage all in the dirt. [e- ^nd"™
Kingston, to Westminster on yth February 1554], notwith
standing my discharge of the watch by Master Norris, I put
on my armour, and went to the Court [at Whitehall Palace] :
where I found all my fellows in the Hall, which they were
appointed to keep that day.
Old Sir John Gage was appointed without the utter [outer]
gate, with some of his Guard, and his servants and others with
him. The rest of the Guard were in the Great Court, the gates
standing open. Sir Richard Southwell had charge of the
back sides, as the Wood Yard and that way, with 500 men.
The Queen was in the Gallery by the Gatehouse.
Then came Knevett and Thomas Cobham with a com
pany of the rebels with them, through the Gatehouse from
Westminster: wherewith Sir John Gage and three of the
Judges [of the Common Pleas] that were meanly armed in
old brigantines [jackets of quilted leather, covered wifh iron
plates] were so frighted, that they fled in at the gates in such
haste, that old Gage fell down in the dirt and was foul
arrayed : and so shut the gates, whereat the rebels shot many
arrows. By means of this great hurly burly in shutting of the gates,
the Guard that were in the Court made as great haste in
at the Hall door ; and would have come into the Hall amongst
us, which we would not suffer. Then they went thronging
towards the Water Gate, the kitchens, and those ways.
Master Gage came in amongst us, all dirt; and so
frighted that he could not speak to us. Then came the three
Judges ; so frighted that we could not keep them out, except
we should beat them down.
With that we issued out of the Hall into the Court, to see
what the matter was ; where there were none left but the
porters, the gates being fast shut. As we went towards the
gate, meaning to go forth, Sir Richard Southwell came
forth of the back yards into the Court.
" Sir ! " said we, " command the gates to be opened that
we may go to the Queen's enemies ! We will else break them
open ! It is too much shame that the gates should thus be
shut for a few rebels ! The Queen shall see us fell down her
enemies this day, before her face ! "
" Masters ! " said he, and put his morion off his head, " I
shall desire you all, as you be Gentlemen, to stay yourselves

E. UnderhHl.-j -pHE PENSi0NERS)THE Queen's LAST REFUGE 191
here ; that I may go up to the Queen to know her pleasure ;
and you shall have the gates opened. And, as I am a Gentle-
man ! I will make speed ! "
Upon this, we stayed ; and he made a speedy return : and
brought us word, the Queen was content that we should have
the gates opened : " But her request is," said he, " that you
will not go forth of her sight ; for her only trust is in you, for
the defence of her person this day."
So the gate was opened, and we marched before the Gallery
window: where she spake unto us; requiring us, "As we
were Gentlemen, in whom she only trusted, that we would
not go from that place."
There we marched up and down the space of an hour ; and
then came a herald posting, to bring the news that Wyatt
was taken.
Immediately came Sir Maurice Berkeley and Wyatt
behind him ; unto whom he did yield at the Temple Gate :
and Thomas Cobham behind another gentleman.
Anon after, we [the Gentlemen Pensioners] were all brought
unto the Queen's presence, and every one kissed her hand ;
of whom we had great thanks and large promises how good
she would be unto us : but few or none of us got anything,
although she was very liberal to many others, that were
enemies unto GOD's Word, as few of us were.
Thus went I home to my house, wherefin] I kept, and came
little abroad, until the marriage was concluded with King
Philip. Then was there [the] preparing [in July, 1555] to go with
the Queen, unto Winchester; and all the Books of the
Ordinaries were perused by [Stephen Gardiner] the Bishop
of Winchester and the Earl of Arundel, to consider of
every man.
Sir Humphrey Ratcliffe, our Lieutenant, brought unto
him the Book of the Pensioners ; which when they overlooked,
they came unto my name.
" What doth he here ? " said the Earl of Arundel.
" I know no cause why he should not be here," said Master
Ratcliffe, " he is an honest man. He hath served from
the beginning of the Band [founded in December, 1539, as the

192 The Queen's Marriage at Winchester. [e- V™^";
Band of Spears. It consisted of a Captain, Lieutenant, Standard
bearer, Clerk of the Cheque, and Gentleman Harbinger, and fifty
Gentlemen ; chosen out of the best and most ancient families of
England. Some of them sons to Earls, Barons, Knights, and
Esquires : men thereunto specially recommended for their worthi
ness and sufficiency ; without any stain or taint of dishonour, or
disparagement in blood], and was as forward as any to serve the
Queen, in the time of Wyatt's rebellion."
" Let him pass then ! " said the Bishop.
" Well," said the Earl, " you may do so ; but I assure you,
my Lord ! he is an arch-heretic 1 "
Thus I passed once again.
When we came to Winchester, being in the Chamber of
Presence, with my fellows, Master Norris came forth of the
Queen's Privy Chamber ; unto whom we did reverence, as
his place required.
" What ! " saith he unto me ; " what do you here ? "
" Marry, sir ! " said I, " what do you here ? "
" Eh ! " said he, " are you so short with me ? "
" Sir ! " said I, " I must and will forbear, for the place you
be in ; but if you were in the place you were in, of the Outer
Chamber, I would be shorter with you ! You were then the
doorkeeper ; when we waited at the table. Your office is not
to find fault at my being here. I am at this time appointed
to serve here, by those that be in authority ; who know me,
as well as you do ! "
" They shall know you better ! " said he, " and the Queen
also." With that, said Master John Calveley, one of my fellows
(brother unto Sir Hugh Calveley, of Cheshire), who served
at the journey to Laundercei in the same Band that I did,
" In good faith ! Master Norris, methinks you do not well !
This gentleman, our fellow, hath served of long time, and
was ready to venture his life in defence of the Queen's Majesty
at the last service, and as forward as any was there ; and
also being appointed and ready to serve here again now,
to his great charges, as it is unto us all, methinks you do
noc the part of a Gentleman thus to seek him ! "
" What ! " said he, " I perceive you will hold together ! "
" Else we were worse than beasts," said my fellow ; " if we

E.Underhm.-jJ-)AUNc£)THE PREACttlNG BRICKLAYER 193
would not, in all lawful cases, so hold together ; he that
toucheth one of us, shall touch all."
So went he from us, into the Privy Chamber ; and from
that time never meddled more with me.
On the marriage day [25th July, 1555, at Winchester],the King
and the Queen dined in the hall in the Bishop's Palace ;
sitting under the Cloth of Estate, and none else at that table.
The Nobility sat at the side tables. We were the chief
servitors, to carry the meat ; and the Earl of Sussex, our
Captain, was the Sewer.
The second course at the marriage of a King is given unto
the bearers ; I mean the meat, but not the dishes, for they
were of gold.
It was my chance to carry a great pasty of a red deer in a
great charger, very delicately baked ; which, for the weight
thereof, divers refused [i.e., to carry]. The which pasty I sent
unto London, to my wife and her brother; who cheered there
with many of their friends.
I will not take upon me, to write the manner of the mar
riage, of the feast, nor of the dancing of the Spaniards, that
day ; who were greatly out of countenance, specially King
Philip dancing with the Queen, when they did see my Lord
Bray, Master Carew, and others so far exceed them ; but
will leave it unto the learned, as it behoveth him to be, that
shall write a Story of so great a Triumph.
Which being ended, their repair was to London. Where,
shortly after, began the cruel persecution of the Preachers
and earnest professors and followers of the Gospel ; and
searching of men's houses for their books. Wherefore I got
old Henry Daunce, the bricklayer of Whitechapel ; who
used to preach the Gospel in his garden, every holiday, where
I have seen a thousand people : he did inclose my books in a
brick wall by the chimney's side in my chamber ; where they
were preserved from moulding or mice, until the first year
of our most gracious Queen Elizabeth, &c.
Notwithstanding that, I removed from thence, and went
unto Coventry ; and got me a house a mile out of that city in
a wood side. But before I removed from the said house [in
Wood Street] in London ; I had two children born there, a
N 1

194 7 ohn B on and mast Person. [E'v,nie^t
wench [i.e., a girl, his fifth daughter, Anne, born 4th January,
T554L and a boy [his second son, Edward, born 10th February
15551- It was a great grief to me, to see so much innocent blood
shed for the Verity. I was also threatened by John Avales
and Beard: which I understood by Master Luke [Shepherd],
my very friend, of Coleman Street, physician ; who was great
with some that kept them company, and yet were honest
men. Whom I caused to let them understand, that " If they
did attempt to take me, except they had a warrant signed
with four or five of the Council's hands, I would go further
with them than Peter did, who strake off but the ear of
Malchus; but I would surely strike off head and all."
Which was declared unto them ; so that I oftentimes met
them, but they would not meddle with me. So mightily the
merciful LORD defended me ; as also from being present at
that blasphemous Mass, in all the time of Queen Mary.
This Luke [Shepherd] wrote many proper books
against the Papists, for the which he was imprisoned
in the Fleet ; especially a book called John Bon and
mast. Person, who reasoned together of the natural pre
sence in the Sacrament [see pp. 161-9]. Which book he
wrote in the time of King Edward ; wherewith the
Papists were sore grieved, specially Sir John Gresham,
then being Mayor [i.e,, October 1547 '-October 1548 ; but on
p. 185 Underhill dates in 1551 Allen s prophecy, which
he here represents as made at the time of the publication of
John Bon, i.e. 1548].
John Day did print the same book [in 1 548] ; whom the
Mayor sent for, to know the maker [author] thereof saying
" He should also go to prison, for printing the same."
It was my chance to come in the same time ; for that
I had found out where [Robert] Allen the Prophesier,
had a chamber ; through whom there was a bruit in the
city, that the King was dead : which I declared to the
Mayor, requiring him to have an Officer to apprehend
him. " Marry," said the Mayor, " I have received letters to
make search for such this night at midnight."
He was going unto dinner ; who willed me to take part
of the same.

E- tJ°*rf™:] RobertAllen, theProphesieri95
As we were at dinner, he said " There was a book put
forth, called John Bon; the maker whereof, he would
gladly search for."
"Why so?" said I, "that book is a good book. I
have one of them here, and there are many of them in
the Court."
" Have you so ? " said he, "I pray you, let me see it ;
for I have not seen any of them."
So he took it, and read a little of it, and laughed
thereat, as it was both pithy and merry. By means
whereof, John Day, sitting at a sideboard after dinner,
was bidden [to] go home ; who had, else, gone to prison.
When we had dined, the Mayor sent two of his
Officers with me to seek Allen ; whom we met withal
in Paul's [Church], and took him with us unto his
chamber ; where we found figures set to calculate the
nativity of the King, and a judgement given of his death ;
whereof this foolish wretch thought himself so sure,
that he, and his counsellors the Papists, bruited it all
over. The King lay at Hampton Court, the same time ; and
my Lord Protector [the Duke of Somerset] at the Sion
[Sion House, near Is/eworth] ; unto whom I carried this
ALLEN, with his books of conjurations, calculations,
and many things belonging to that devilish art : which
he affirmed before my Lord, " was a lawful science, for
the statute [33 Hen. VIII. c. 8.] against such was
repealed [by 1 Edw. VI. c. 12]."
" Thou foolish knave ! " said my Lord, "if thou, and
all that be of thy science tell me what I shall do to
morrow, I will give thee all that I have ! " Com
manding me to carry him unto the Tower : and wrote a
letter to Sir John Markham, then being Lieutenant, to
cause him to be examined by such as were learned.
Master Markham, as he was both wjse and zealous
in the LORD, talked with him. Unto whom he did
affirm that "He knew more of the science of Astronomy
than all the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge."
Whereupon he sent for my friend, before spoken of,
Doctor Recorde ; who examined him : and he knew
not the rules of Astronomy ; but " Was a very unlearned

1 96 Allen's friends — Morgan and Gaston. [e- "nd"™
ass ; and a sorcerer, for the which he was worthy hang
ing," said Master Recorde.
To have further matters unto [in reference to] him, we
sent for Thomas Robyns alias Morgan, commonly called
Little Morgan or Tom Morgan (brother unto great [big]
Morgan, of Salisbury Court, the great dicer) ; who, when
I was a companion with him, told me many stories of
this Allen : what a cunning man he was ! and what
things he could do ! as, to make a woman love a man, to
teach men how to win at the dice, what should become
of this realm ; [there was] nothing, but he knew it ! So
he had his chambers in divers places of the city, whither
resorted many women, for things stolen or lost, to know
their fortunes, and their children's fortunes ; where the
ruffling roister [er]s and dicers made their ma[t]ches.
When this Morgan and Allen were brought together;
Morgan utterly denied that ever he had seen him, or
known him.
" Yes," said Allen, "you know me! and Iknow you !"
For he had confessed that, before his coming.
Upon this, Master Lieutenant stayed Little Morgan
also a prisoner in the Tower.
I caused also Master Gaston the lawyer [not to be con
founded with Gascoigne the Poet, of Gray's Inn ; who did
not marry Widow Breton till after 13th June, 1559], who
was also a great dicer, to be apprehended. In whose
house, Allen was much ; and had a chamber there,
where many things were practised.
Gaston had an old wife, who was laid under the board
all night, for dead; and when the women, in the morning,
came to wind her, they found that there was life in her ;
and so recovered her: and she lived about two years
after. By the resort of such as came to seek for things
stolen and lost, which they would hide for the nonce, to
blear their husband's eyes withal, [afterwards] saying,
"the wise man told them"; of such, Gaston had choice
for himself and his friends, young lawyers of the Temple.

E.underhm.-j Underhill's daily Prayer. 197
Thus became I so despised and odious unto the
lawyers, Lords and ladies, gentlemen, merchants, knaves,
and thieves ; that I walked as dangerously as Daniel
amongst the lions. Yet from them all, the LORD de
livered me : notwithstanding their often devices and
conspiracies by violence to have shed my blood, or with
sorcery [to have] destroyed me.
These aforesaid were in the Tower about the space of
a year; and then by friendship delivered. So 'scapeth
alwaysthe wicked, and such as GOD commandeth should
not live among the people.
Yea, even now in these days also ; so that, methinks, I see
the ruin of London and this whole realm to be even at hand ;
for GOD will not suffer any longer. Love is clean banished.
No man is sorry for Joseph's hurt.
&
A Prayer, taken out of the Psalms of David,
daily and nightly, to be said of
Edward Underhill.
JJOrd ! teach me the understanding of Thy com
mandments ! that I may apply myself for the keep
ing of the same, as long as I live ! Give me such
wisdom that I may understand, and so to fulfil the
thing that Thy law deviseth ! to keep it also with my whole
heart, that I do nothing against it ! Guide me after the true
understanding of Thy commandments ! for that hath been
always my special desire. Incline mine heart unto the love
of Thy statutes, and cause me utterly to abhor covetousness !
Turn mine eyes aside ! lest they be 'tangled with the love of
most vain things ; but lead me, rather, unto life through Thy
warnings ! Set such a Word before Thy servant, as may
most chiefly further him to worship Thee ! Take away the
shame that I am afraid of ! for Thy judgements are greatly
mixed with mercy. As for me, verily, I have loved Thy
commandments; wherefore keep me alive according to Thy
righteousness !

198 Specimen of his Religious Verse, [e. ^nderhiu.
Love GOD, above all things ! and thy neighbour as thyself!
That this is Christ's doctrine, no man can it deny,
Which little is regarded in England's commonwealth,
Wherefore great plagues at hand be, the realm for to
destroy.
Do as thou wouldst be done unto I No place here he can have.
Of all he is refused. No man will him receive.
But Private Wealth, that cursed wretch, and most vile
slave !
Over all, he is embraced ; and fast to him, they cleave.
He that hath this world's goods, and seeth his neighbour lack ;
And of him hath no compassion, nor sheweth him no love,
Nor relieveth his necessity, but suffers him to go to wrack ;
GOD dwellefh not in that man, the Scriptures plainly prove.
Example we have by Dives, that daintily did fare,
In worldly wealth and riches therein he did excel ;
Of poor Lazarus's misery he had thereof no care :
Therefore was suddenly taken, and tormented in hell.
Edward Underhill.

$ The History of Wyat'sjJM

Rebellion

| With the order and manner I

V

Whereunto, in the end, is added
An earnest Conference with
the degenerate and seditious
rebels for the search of
the Cause of their
daily disorder.
Made and compiled by
John Proctor.
[Second Edition.]
Mense Januarii, anno 1555. .

II.V
II.
i:
v
1et

l of resisting the same. l&l

mi
tmi :l'!1f!.1 I
%
il

201

To the most excellent and most virtuous Lady, our most
gracious Sovereign, Mary, by the grace of GOD,
Queen of England, France, Naples, Hierusalem, and
Ireland; Defender of the Faith ; Princess of Spain,
and Sicily; Archduchess of Austria; Duchess of
Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Countess of Haps
burg, Flanders, and Tyrol ;
your Majesty's most faithful, loving, and
obedient subject, John Proctor, wisheth
all grace, long peace, quiet reign,
from GOD the Father,
the Son, and the
HOLY GHOST.

J|T hath been allowed, most gracious Sovereign,
for a necessary policy in all Ages, as stories
do witness, that the flagitious enterprises of
the wicked, which have at any time attempted
with traitorous force to subvert or alter the Public
State of their countries, as also the wise and virtuous
policies of the good practised to preserve the Common
Weal and to repel the enemies of the same, should by

202 Dedicatory Epistle to Queen Mary. [Jj*™^:
writing be committed to eternal memory. Partly that they
of that Age in whose time such things happened might by
the oft reading conceive a certain gladness in considering
with themselves, and beholding as it were in a glass, from
what calamity and extreme ruin, by what policy and
wisdom, their native countries were delivered ; besides the
great misery and peril they themselves have escaped : partly
for a doctrine and a monition serving both for the present
and future time. But chiefly and principally that the
traitors themselves (who, through hatred to their Prince or
country, shall, either of their own malicious disposition be
stirred ; or else by other perverse counsel thereunto induced)
may always have before their eyes the miserable end that
happeneth as just reward to all such caytives [caitiffs'] as,
either of ambition not satisfied with their own state will
seek preposterously to aspire to honour ; or of malice to
their Prince, will enter into that horrible crime of Privy
Conspiracy or Open Rebellion.
The industry of Writers doth sufficiently declare in a
number of stories that conspiracy and treason hath always
turned to the authors a wretched and miserable end : and if
their persons happen at any time to escape temporal
punishment, as rarely they have done ; yet their names,
specially of the notorious and principal offenders, have
been always had in such vile and odible detestation in all
Ages and among all nations as, for the same, they have
been ever after abhorred of all good men.
These general considerations, moving others to indict
[endite~\ and pen stories, moved me also to gather together
and to register for memory the marvellous practice of
Wyat his detestable Rebellion ; little inferior to the most
dangerous reported in any history, either for desperate

io1^™^] The lost History of Wyat's Rebellion 203
courage in the author, or for the monstrous end purposed by
his Rebellion.
Yet I thought nothing less at the beginning than to
publish the same at this time, or at this Age : minding
only to gather notes thereof, where the truth might
be best known, for the which I made earnest and
diligent investigation ; and to leave them to be published
by others hereafter, to the behoof of our posterity.
But hearing the sundry tales thereof, far dissonant in
the utterance, and many of them as far wide from truth,
fashioned from the speakers to advance, or deprave, as
they fantased [favoured] the parties ; and understanding
besides what notable infamy sprang of this Rebellion to
the whole country of Kent, and to every member of the
same, where sundry and many of them, to mine own
knowledge, shewed themselves most faithful and worthy
subjects, as by the story [itjself shall evidently appear,
which either of haste or of purpose were omitted in a
printed book late[ly] set forth at Canterbury. I thought
these to be special considerations whereby I ought, of
duty to my country [County], to compile and digest such
notes as I had gathered concerning that Rebellion, in some
form or fashion of History ; and to publish the same in
this Age, and at this present, contrary to my first intent :
as well that the very truth of that rebellious enterprise
might be thoroughly known, as that also the Shire where
that vile Rebellion was practised might, by opening the full
truth in some part, be delivered from the infamy which, as
by report I hear, is made so general in other Shires as
though very few of Kent were free from Wyat's conspiracy.

204 Obedience and unspotted loyalty. [Jj*0^.
Most humbly beseeching your Highness to take this
my travail in so good and gracious part ; as of your Grace's
benign and gentle nature it hath pleased you to accept
my former books dedicated unto your Highness. Whereby
I mind nothing less than to excuse, or accuse, any affec
tionately [partially] ; but to set forth each man's doings
truly according to their demerits : that by the con
templation hereof both the good may be encouraged in
the execution of perfect obedience and unspotted loyalty ;
and the wicked restrained from the hateful practice of such
detestable purposes.

The Blessed Trinity preserve your Highness !

205
To the Loving Reader.
JHe safe and sure recordation of pains and perils
past hath present delectation, saith Tully.
For things, were they never so bitter and un
pleasant in the execution, being after in peace
and security renewed by report or chronicle, are both
plausible [ praiseworthy ] and profitable, whether they
touched ourselves or others.
Being thus in this point persuaded, loving Reader, I
thought it a travail neither unpleasant for thee, nor un
thankful for me, to contrive the late Rebellion practised
by WYAT in form of a Chronicle, as thou seest. Whereby
as I mean not to please the evil, nor displease the good ;
so I much desire to amend the one by setting before his
eye the lamentable Image of hateful Rebellion, for the
increase of obedience ; and to help the other by setting
forth the unspotted loyalty of such as adventurously and
faithfully served in this dangerous time, for the increase of
knowledge and policy the better to repress the like dangers,
if any hereafter happen.
And further, although hereby I covet not to renew a fear
of a danger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and
study in every good man's heart to avoid a like danger that
may happen, and most times happeneth ; when a danger
with much difficulty avoided is not sufficient warning to
beware of the next.
I have forborne to touch any man by name, WYAT only
except ; and a few others which the story would not permit
to be left out. Yet take me not that I mean to excuse any
man's fault thereby. For what, should I shew myself so
ungrate or unnatural unto my natural countrymen ; as

2o6The Image of hateful Rebellion. [tojj.

Proctor.
an. 155s.

namely to blaze them to the World whom, either their own
good hap or the Queen's surpassing mercy, would to be
covered at this time?
And although I touch some by name, terming them in
certain places " traitors and rebels," just titles of their
deserts : yet, GOD is my witness ! , I do it not of malice
or envy to any of their persons. I never hated any of
them ; no, not Wyat himself ! whom, although he was
utterly unknown unto me, yet for the sundry and singular
gifts wherewith he was largely endued, I had him in great
admiration. And now I rather pity his unhappy case than
malice his person : and do much lament that so many good
and commendable qualities were abused in the service of
cursed Heresy ; whose reward was never other than shame
ful confusion, by one way or other, to all that followed her
ways. Finally, if thou suppose I have not fully set forth the
whole case, all as it was, I shall not againsay it ; neither
thought I it necessary so to do; but rather so much as
for this time might be both plausible [praiseworthy] and
profitable, and should satisfy such points as in the Dedicatory
Epistle to the Queen's Majesty are expressed.
Hereafter it may be that further be said touching this
matter. In mean time thou hast no just cause, I trust,
to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for
the manner of handling or for the matter herein handled :
the one having sufficient perspicuity and plainness, the other
full truth ; for which I have made such diligent investi
gation, as I have found it and have herein expressed the
same, especially so much as concerneth Kent
Vale!

207

Wyats Rebellion:
with the order and manner of
resisting the same*

Hat a restless evil Heresy is ! ever travail
ing to bring forth mischief! The dangerous
0 . ° . . , ,, nature of
never ceasing to protrude all Heresy.
those in whose hearts she is received to
confusion ! By what plausible allure
ments at her entry, she catcheth favour
able entertainment ! With what ways
of craft and subtilty she dilateth her
dominion ! and finally how, of course, she toileth to be
supported by Faction, Sedition, and Rebellion ! to the great
peril of subversion of that State where, as a plague, she
happeneth to find habitation : as well the lamentable history
of the Bohemians and Germans, with all others treating of
like enterprises by heretics, as also Wyat's late conspiracy
practised with open force, doth plenteously declare. Who,
as it should evidently seem by the trade of his life Heresy the
and the late disclosing of himself, was so ferverftly Jg ew^JjJ°und
affected to heresy, although he laboured by false Rebellion.
persuasion otherwise to have coloured it; that, burning
inwardly with a prepensed treason in his breast for the con
tinuance of the same within the realm, he persuaded to
himself such an impossibility therein (the Queen's Highness

208 Wyat's Rebellion begins at Maidstone, [.^jj^:
prospering and bearing the sceptre of high governance) as
could by no means be brought about without rebellion : the
Rebeii; n the onty remge> as I said. tnat indurate heretics have
onVre'fugeof always sought, for maintenance of their heresy;
hereucs. living under a Catholic Prince.
He therefore, being thus inflamed, could no longer contain,
wyat per- but immediately upon the beginning of the Queen's
theQne'irfand most happy reign, forsaking his habitation in the
Heresy could country, went to London of purpose to stir
not rciGrn ^ ^~
together. [Henry Grey,] the Duke of Suffolk and his
brethren, with others of power in further countries [Counties],
wyat's repair whom he knew to be like affected to heresies and
to London to consequently to burn in sembable desire for con-
stir others to . t- / ,
his Rebellion, tinuance of the same : leaving nevertheless such
behind him in Kent, to solicit his and their unhappy case ;
whom he knew so much addicted thereunto as, in his absence,
for their diligence in such a ministry needed no overseer.
He remained in London till he thought himself thoroughly
furnished every way, and everywhere within the realm, to
attempt his determined enterprise; when apt time should
wyat's retnm serve. Which done, he returned into Kent : not
into Kent. 0f purpose then to proceed; but, understanding
his strength, practised there by his agents to set things in
order, and so to return to London; abiding the time
appointed therefore by him and his complices.
But, so it befell, in the mean time, that, at his being in the
country, the [Privy] Council committed a Gentleman of that
Shire to ward, one to WYAT above all others most dear :
whereby the common bruit grew that he, (suspecting his
secrets to be revealed, and upon that occasion to be sent for
by the Council) felt himself, as it were for his own surety,
wyat pre- compelled to anticipate his time. But whether
venteththe ^j. w£re ft^ cause or nQ) doubtful it is.
But certain it was that Wyat, then proceeding in his
detestable purpose, armed himself and as many as he could :
and, giving intelligence of his determination to his com-
The first day plices, as well at London as elsewhere, the
at uto' Thursday after, at Maidstone, in the market time,
being the 25th day of January [1554], in the first year of the
Queen's reign, by Proclamation in writing, published his
devilish pretence.

.oJj^0iC5ss:] Wyat raises Kent against Strangers. 209
And considering with himself that to make the pretence
of his Rebellion to be the restoring or continuance The cause why
of the new and newly-forged Religion was neither ^Religion
agreeable to the nature of Heresy (which always "•« °»'ward
j r 1 ^1 -^ 1 r 1 1 1 f pretence of
detendeth itself by the name and countenance of Ms Rebellion.
other matter more plausible) ; neither so apt to further his
wicked purpose, being not a case so general to allure all
sorts to take part with him : he determined to speak no
word of Religion, but to make the only colour The colour of
[pretence] of his commotion, only to withstand Rebellion.
Strangers [i.e. the Spaniards], and to advance Liberty.
For as he made his full reckoning that such as accorded
with him in religion would wholly join with him in that
rebellion ; so he trusted that the Catholics for the most part
would gladly embrace that quarrel against the Strangers ;
whose name he took to become odible to all sorts by the
seditious and malicious report which he and his had
maliciously imagined and blown abroad against WyAT.s
that nation, as a preparative to their abominable parative to Ms
treason. RebdUon-
His Proclamation therefore published at Maidstone, and
so in other places, persuaded that quarrel to be taken in
hand in the defence of the realm from overrunning by
Strangers and for the advancement of Liberty : where, in
very deed, his only and very matter was the continuance of
heresy : as by his own words at sundry times shall hereafter
appear. And to the end the people should not think that he alone,
with a few other mean Gentlemen, had taken that traitorous
enterprise in hand without comfort or aid of higher JJ^J^'
powers, he untruly and maliciously added further suasions to
to his Proclamation, by persuasion to the people : Rebellion?
That all the Nobility of the realm and the whole [Privy]
Council (one or two only except) were agreeable to his
pretensed treason, and would with all their power and
strength further the same ; (which he found most untrue, to
his subversion): and That the Lord ABERGAVENNY, [Sir
Thomas Cheyney,] the Lord Warden [of the Cinque
Ports], Sir ROBERT SOUTHWELL, High Sheriff, with all
other Gentlemen would join with him in this enterprise, and
set their foot by his, to repel the Strangers.
O 1

2io Wyat would restore Protestantism. [£,£

Proctor. an. 1555

This Proclamation and such annexed persuasions made at
How wyat's Maidstone on the market day, and in other parts
untmeper- of the Shire, had so wrought in the hearts of" the
SSSSuhe people that divers (which before hated him, and
people' he them) were now, as it seemed, upon this occa
sion, mutually reconciled ; and said unto him, " Sir, is your
quarrel only to defend us from overrunning by Strangers
and to advance Liberty ; and not against the Queen ? "
Thsmgieof "No," quod Wyat, "we mind nothing less
say ™fjhins than any wise to touch her Grace ; but to serve
another. her and honour her, according to our duties."
" Well," quod they, " give us then your hand. We will
stick to you to death in this quarrel ! "
That done, there came to him one other, of good wealth,
saying, " Sir," quod he, " they say I love potage well. I will
sell all my spoons, and all the plate in my house rather than
your purpose shall quail; and sup my potage with my
mouth [see p. 234]. I trust," quod he, " you will restore the
right religion again."
" Whist ! " quod Wyat, " you may not so much as name
wyat's own religion, for that will withdraw from us the hearts
words to prove of many. You must only make your quarrel for
the^SiSiof overrunning by Strangers. And yet to thee, be it
Ms Rebellion. ^^ jn coungg^ 33 unto my friend, we mind only
the restitution of GOD's Word. But no words ! "
By these his words it appeared that his principal intent
was not to keep out Strangers, which commonly do not
invade to our hindrance but by rebellion amongst ourselves ;
nor to advance Liberty, which ever decayeth through
treason : but to advance Heresy, the Lady Regent of his
life and doings.
This same Thursday [25th January 1554] as Wyat,
Thomas Isley, and others were occupied at Maidstone
with Proclamations to stir the people and such like ; so were
others his confederates occupied in like manner by Pro
clamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the east
parts of the Shire. Through whose allurements, the multi
tude were grown so earnestly affected to Wyat's purpose
that they suffered Master CHRISTOPHER ROPER, a man of
good worship and so esteemed of them, to be taken of

ioJj^°.cmsG Wyat arrests Roper, Tucke, & Dorrel2ii
Wyat's ministers, and carried out of the market place,
without any manner of rescue : for that he, The anprehen-
having his heart and eye full fixed upon the Christopher
Queen, not only withstood the reading of Wyat's «Sbythe
traitorous Proclamation at Milton ; but also in the same place
proclaimed him and all his, traitors. And being roughly
charged therewith by Wyat and others his gallants, Master
when he was brought to Rochester, he answered, r™^*™,
" This tongue spake it, and doth now avow it." «° wyat.
They suffered Master Tucke also, and Master DORREL
of Calehill, being Gentlemen of good worship and The rehen.
Justices of Peace, to be taken out of their houses sion of Master
by the rebels ; and conveyed, without any manner M^fer3"
of rescue, in the day time, to Rochester, being DoRREI-
twenty miles distant : where they, with Master ROPER, were
kept as prisoners in great danger of life.
In like manner, Sir Henry Isley, Anthony Knevet,
William Knevet, with others, were at Tonbridge, Seven-
oaks, and other towns in the west parts of the Shire, stirring
the people by alarms, drums, and Proclamations.
Now ye shall understand that the evening afore [24th
January 1554] the publishing his pretence at HowWyat
Maidstone, Wyat sent a letter, by one Thomas sheriffofhjs
Monde, a man of much honesty, to Sir Robert intent t0 stir-
SOUTHWELL, being Sheriff of trie Shire : unto whom long
before, as I can understand, he had neither spoken nor
written other than in defiance ; they being in contention for
matters of religion as it was said. Nevertheless to serve his
purpose, dissembling his great malice and haughty courage,
he wrote a letter to him of such effect as followeth :
The effect of Wyat's letter to Sir Robert
Southwell, Sheriff of Kent.
Fter hearty commendations. There hath been
between you and me many quarrels and grudges,
and I ever the sufferer; and yet have you
sought the end which is now friendly offered unto
you, if you be willing to receive it.

2 1 2 Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone. UjSHf^.
But whatsoever private quarrel you have to me, I doubt
not but your wisdom is too much, seeing so many perils at
hand to us both (this pretensed Marriage [of King Philip to
Queen Mary] taking effect), to dissent from us in so neces
sary a purpose as wherein we now determine to enter for the
common wealth of the whole realm. And that you may
the better understand our pretence, I send you the copy of
our Proclamation comprehending the sum and effect of our
meaning : whereunto if the common wealth shall find you
an enemy, say not hereafter but that you were friendly
warned. We forbear to write to the Lord ABERGAVENNY ; for
what you may do with him, if you list, we know.
The style of Wyat's Proclamation.
A Proclamation agreed unto by Thomas
Wyat, George Harper, Henry /sley,
££££&?<* Knights ; and by divers of the best
*£*«w 0f the Shire ; sent unto the
commons of the same.
JORASMUCH as it is now spread abroad, and certainly
pronounced by [Stephen Gardiner, Bishop
of Winchester] the Lord Chancellor and others
of the [Privy] Council, of the Queen's determinate
pleasure to marry with a Stranger, &c. We there-
Because. fore write unto you, because you be our friends,
and because you be Englishmen, that you will join with us,
as we will with you unto death, in this behalf; protesting
unto you before GOD, that no earthly cause could move us
unto this enterprise but this alone : wherein we seek no
Such council- harm to the Queen, but better counsel and Coun
ters, he mean- cillors ; which also we would have foreborne in all
eth, as would ' . ,.,.„,.
favour heresy, other matters, saving only in this. For herein
'" lieth the health and wealth of us all.
For trial hereof and manifest proof of this intended pur-
Lo, loud He i pose, lo now, even at hand, Spaniards be now
already arrived at Dover, at one passage, to the number of a

/jan^sf] The Sheriff's speech to Thomas M0NDE213
hundred, passing upward to London in companies of ten,
four, and six, with harness [armour] harquebusses and
morians [helmets'] with match light[ed] ; the foremost com
pany whereof be already at Rochester.
We shall require you therefore to repair to such places as
the bearers hereof shall pronounce unto you, there to
assemble and determine what may be best for the advance
ment of Liberty and common wealth in this behalf, and to
bring with you such aid as you may.
The end of Wyat's Proclamation.
The messenger that brought the letter, with the Proclama
tion, from Wyat to the Sheriff, being not privy to the con
tents thereof and having charge, upon his life, to return an
answer with all speed, importuned the Sheriff so much there
fore (although he saw him greatly busied in giving advertise
ment throughout the Shire of Wyat's traitorous determina
tion) as he nevertheless (to satisfy the messenger, whom he
knew to be a right honest man ; notwithstanding his diligence
was abused in so lewd a message), made him answer out of
hand as followeth :

The Sheriff's answer to the Messenger
that brought Wyat's letter.
JElGHBOUR MONDE, rather to satisfy your im
portunity than to answer Wyat's letter, whom
in this case I disdain to answer, or to speak with
you apart coming from a traitor, you may say
unto him, That as indeed I have been desirous of
his friendship for neighbourhood's sake, so have I much more
desired his reformation in divers points of great disorder :
whereby he certainly knew, eis well by my speech to himself
as other means coming to his knowledge, that I have sithens
the beginning of the Queen's reign holden him and some of
his colleges [colleagues] in this conspiracy vehemently suspect
ed for like matters as now they have attempted.

214 Wyat marches to Rochester, Uj^"s:
" Wherein seeing he hath not deceived me, but by opening
himself hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceived of
him ; I purpose not to purchase his friendship so dear[ly] as
for the game of him to lose myself and my posterity in
perpetual infamy. And if such things which his fond [foolish]
head hath weighed for perils, to the condemnation of the
whole wisdom of the realm (they allowing the same for good),
had been indeed as perilous as he with others, for want of
due consideration, deemeth them : his duty had been to have
opened his opinion therein as a humble and reverent
petitioner to the Queen's Highness, or to some of her Grace's
Council. But to press his Sovereign, in any suit or upon
any occasion, with weapon and armour, by stirring her
subjects to rebellion ; that is, and always hath been, account
ed the part of the most arrogant and presumptuous traitors :
and so do I note him and his mates, as you may tell them ;
and shall, GOD willing, provide for them accordingly.
"Now good man Monde, it shall be in your choice
whether you will carry this message or no. But, as your
friend, I shall advise you to seek out better company."
The messenger excusing himself by ignorance, departed to
Wyat with answer : and, soon after, returned to the Sheriff;
under whom he served the Queen very faithfully.
The Sheriff being made privy, as ye have heard, by Wyat
to his traitorous pretence the night before he stirred ; and
wanting no good will, as it should seem, with the help of the
Lord Abergavenny who was as forward as he, to have
resisted the reading of Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone
the day following and to disperse his force, sent for Gentle
men and yeomen in all haste to that end.
But before he could gather Power meet to attempt the
repressing of such a force (sundry of his neighbours of
greatest possessions, and towns most populous, which should
have been his chief aid, being contrary bent), Wyat accom
panied with a force well armed and weaponed marched to
Rochester the same Thursday [25th January 1554]; HARPER
and others meeting him in the way. Where fortifying the
east parts of the town, and breaking up the bridge towards
the west ; he abode the coming of his appointed strength :
suffering all passengers to pass quietly through the town, to

Jjan^ss:] I SLEY's PROCLAMATION AT ToNBRIDGE. 215
London, or to the sea ; taking nothing from them but only
their weapons.
And being the Friday [26th January] all day at Rochester,
and not hearing from ISLEY, the town of Tonbridge, and
other his conjurates of the west part of the Shire; he
addressed an earnest letter the Saturday morning [27th
January] to ISLEY, the Knevets, and others, with the town of
Tonbridge, requiring them to accelerate their coming unto him.
According whereunto ISLEY, the Knevets, with others,
being newly returned from Penshurst (where they rifled Sir
Henry Sidney [of] his armour; he being The rifling of
attendant upon the Queen's Highness as a faithful 1S,?EyN£I
subject), perceiving Wyat to long for their com- a™°ur.
ing, resolved to observe their promise and march forwards
that night towards Wyat.
But understanding that the Lord Abergavenny, the
Sheriff, and George Clarke had now gathered a force, and
were prest to encounter them : first ere they departed out of
the town, they thought it good by some kind of Proclamation,
to alienate the people's hearts from them ; as they did in the
manner following :

The copy of the Proclamation made at Tonbridge,
by Sir Henry /sley, Antony Knevet
and his brother, with others.
|Ou shall understand that Henry [Neville]
Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell
Knight, George CLARKE Gentleman, have most
traitorously, to the disturbance of the common
wealth, stirred and raised up the Queen's most
loving subjects of this realm to defend the most wicked and
devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked and perverse
Councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm,
and the perpetual servitude of all the Queen's most loving
subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thomas Wyat
Knight, Sir George Harper Knight, Sir Henry Isley
Knight, ANTONY KNEVET Esquire, with all the faithful
Gentlemen of Kent and trusty commons of the same, do

216 The Queen's Herald at Rochester. [.o'jJSr^:
pronounce the said Henry Lord Abergavenny, Robert
Southwell and George Clarke Gentleman, to be traitors
to GOD, the Crown, and the common wealth.
This done, with all speed calling their company together
by noise of drums, and leaving their direct way to Rochester,
for that they would not come under the wing of the Lord
Abergavenny and the Sheriff, they marched that night
[27th January] to Sevenoaks. Taking order with such as
were left behind in the town [of Tonbridge], that they should
be in a readiness to come whensoever they should be sent
for by Wyat ; and that by no ways they should believe any
tales. " For," quod they, " the Council will now send abroad
flying lies and tales to discredit us and discomfort you : for
it is their policy."
Antony Knevet, after he was lept to his horse, took one
by the hand, and said, " Fare you well. And if you hap to
hear that I am taken, never believe it: for undoubtedly I
will either die in the field or achieve my purpose." But
within four and twenty hours he brake his promise, and ran
away no faster than his legs could carry him.
Well, I shall now leave them marching to Sevenoaks ; and
The Heralds return to Wyat at Rochester. This present
iSKrtS. Saturday [27th January] came unto him from the
Queen's Highness a Herald and a trumpeter.
Wyat, at the sound of the trumpet, came to the bridge,
where the Herald was with his coat armour carrying
the Arms of England on his back. But Wyat, with
out using any reverence to him either for his coat or office,
would not suffer him to come into the town to declare his
message ; and [the Herald] pressing to come in, he offered to
strike him : whereupon the Herald stayed and did his message
there, so that only Wyat with a few with him heard it.
Which, as men could gather by the report of them that heard
it, was promise of pardon to as many as would retire to their
houses within four and twenty hours after the Proclamation,
and become good subjects. But Wyat would not suffer his
soldiers in anywise to hear it, nor any other Proclamation
coming from the Queen.
In the mean time also, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Lord

ioJjJnroiC5ssO The Queen's forces at Malling. 217
Warden, being a most faithful and noble subject, had sent
him such salutations as of honour ought to be used The Lord
to a traitor. And being very desirous to be doing ^£^0
with him, and to prove on his body what in Wyat-
words of greeting he had affirmed, felt yet by his discretion
and long experience great causes of stay. For Wyat
desired nothing more than his coming forth ; persuading
[himself] that he wanted no friends about him, nor any
others that would take in hand to repress him with force
gathered in that Shire. And, undoubtedly, doubtful were
the hearts of the people, and marvellously bent to favour
WYAT and his purpose ; as by daily events appeared.
The Lord ABERGAVENNY and the Sheriff who, the
Saturday [27th January] next after Wyat's stir, were at
Malling in the way towards Rochester (where Wyat lay) ;
having with them a company of well appointed subjects.
In whom notwithstanding for the more part they had good
opinion of trustiness and honesty: yet having the general
case of the people's disposition in their eye ; and not without
cause suspecting in their Band, amongst so many faithful
and good, some such to be, upon trust of whose trustless
and brittle aid it were no good policy to adventure far —
pondering therewith that this illusion of the people, whereby
they were so far drawn from their right course and duty,
grew chiefly by such crafty and false persuasions as WYAT
and his mates had set forth in sundry parts of the Shire,
by way of Proclamation in writing : wherein, amongst other
gross lies they had set forth also matters of untruth to
discredit the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; as
WYAT, in his persuasions, that they would join with him ;
and ISLEY, in his Proclamation that they had traitorously
assembled the Queen's loving subjects against her Grace
and the realm.
It seemed unto them very good and necessary to spend
some time at Mailing in advising and lessening [lessoning]
the multitude ; and by way of exhortation to impugn those
traitorous Proclamations, and refell such gross and false
lies therein contained ; and finally to dissuade the people,
which, that day being market day, were assembled to a great
number of all sorts, from the traitors and their attempts.

218 The Sheriff's Exhortation at Malling. [iojj.

Proctor.
an. 1555.

And accordingly the Sheriff had penned an Exhortation
to that purpose, which was pronounced out of writing in
Malling; and sent after by him into other parts. The
hearing whereof did undoubtedly much move the people,
as after shall appear.
I shall report the same in substance truly; howbeit not
fully in the same form and manner as I found it, and as
it was penned and pronounced by the Sheriff: who, in
the utterance and setting forth thereof, spared not to speak
plainly and touch sharply, as then the present time and
case employed vehement occasion.

An Exhortation made by Sir Robert Southwell
Knight, Sheriff of Kent, at Mailing, the Satur
day being the 2jth day of January, and
market day there, to a great assembly
of people; refelling and confuting
Wyat and his complices'
traitorous Proclama
tions. Wyat being
at Rochester,
four miles
distant.
jOviNG neighbours and friends. Where of late
there hath been most pestilent and traitorous
Proclamations, as ye have heard, set forth by
Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry
ISLEY, and others, as most arrant traitors to the
Queen and the realm ; some of them the Queen's ancient
enemies aforetime, and double traitors : yet notwithstanding
accounting themselves to be the best of the Shire in their
Proclamations ; and in the same reputing and pronouncing
others as traitors whom ye can witness to have been, from
time to time, true and faithful subjects to the Queen and
this our common weal, as the Lord ABERGAVENNY here

lo'ja^S] Spaniards Have not arrived at Dover. 219
present, myself, and other Gentlemen now prest and
ready with you, according to our duty, to serve our noble
Queen. I shall need to spend the less time to declare
unto you how evil they be, or how evil their enterprise
is that they have taken in hand : forasmuch as this their
arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in advancing
themselves so far from all truth, and in depraving of others
so maliciously for executing their bounden duty, ought
abundantly to persuade what they be, to all of consideration,
without further circumstance.
"But forasmuch as in their Proclamations they fill the
ears of the Queen's liege people with gross and manifest
lies to stir them against her Grace, in the utterance whereof
they use this demonstration, " Lo ! " signifying some notable
thing near at hand, for credit worthy impression in their
memory, as : —
' Lo, a great number of Strangers be now arrived
at Dover in harness [armour] with harquebusses
morians and matchlight.'
" I say unto you, neighbours and friends, upon pain to
be torn in pieces with your hands, that it is untrue ; and
a manifest lie invented by them to provoke and irritate
the Queen's simple people to join with them in their traitorous
enterprise. And therefore I have perfect hope that you,
being afore time abused with their crafty and deceitful
treason, will not now once again (having experience of
their former evil) be trapped, for any persuasion, in so
heinous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of
treason. "Do you not see and note that, as in the beginning
of the Queen's most gracious reign, some of them sought
to deprive her Grace of her princely estate and rightful
dignity, minding to advance thereunto the Lady JANE,
daughter to the Duke of Suffolk ; so are they and others
newly confedered [confederated] with the „Duke and his
brethren, being in arms at this present for the same purpose,
and daily looking for aid of these traitors and others of
their conspiracy : as by the Queen's most gracious letters,
signed with her own hand, and ready to be read here, may
plainly appear unto you ? And will you now nevertheless
aid them any ways, or sit still whilst they go about thus

220 They blear you as to Strangers, [./janf?^:
wrongfully and traitorously to depose their, and our, most
gracious Sovereign Lady and Queen ! the comfort of us
all ! the stay of us all ! the only safeguard of us all ! to
whom can no displeasure or danger chance, but the same
must double [doubly] redound to all and every of us !
"No, friends and neighbours, I trust never to live to
see you so far abused. They go about to blear you with
matters of Strangers, as though they should come to overrun
you and us also. He seemeth very blind, and willingly
blinded, that will have his sight dimmed with such a fond
[foolish] mist! For if they meant to resist Strangers, as
they mind nothing less : they would then prepare to go to
the sea coasts ; and not to the Queen's most royal person,
with such a company in arms and weaponfs].
" Ye can consider, I trust, this noble Gentleman, the Lord
Abergavenny here present, being of an ancient and great
parentage, born among you; and such other Gentlemen
as you see here, which be no strangers unto you ; myself
also, although a poor Gentleman (who I trust at no time
hath abused you), hath somewhat to lose as well as they ;
and would be as loth to be overrun with Strangers as
they; if any such thing were meant. But for that we
know most certainly that there is meant no manner of evil
to us by those Strangers ; but rather aid profit and comfort
against other strangers, our ancient enemies [the French] ;
with whom they, as most arrant and degenerate traitors,
do indeed unkindly and unnaturally join : we, in her Grace's
defence, will spend both life and what we have beside, to
the uttermost penny, against them.
"Well, I can no more now say unto you, but (under
standing the Queen's Highness, as a most merciful Princess,
to be once again determined to pardon as many as, by
their traitorous and deceitful Proclamations and other
illusions, were allured to this last treason ; so they repair
to their habitations within four and twenty hours after
her Grace's Proclamation read, and become true subjects
to her Grace) to advise such as hath taken part with those
traitors, or have withdrawn themselves (contrary to their
allegiance) from aiding and serving of their Sovereign,
according to their duties, against her enemies, thankfully
to accept and embrace her most gracious pardon ; and use

Jjan^s'S:] * CHARGE YOU TO AVOID WYAT S PLACES ! 221
means of themselves to apprehend those arrant and principal
traitors, and make a present of them to the Queen's
Highness ; or leave them to themselves, as most detestable
traitors : who being once so graciously and mercifully
forgiven could not but carry the clemency of the same in
their hearts to the furtherance of all obedience whiles they
lived, if there had been any spark of grace in them.
"And further I have to say unto you that as these
traitors, by their Proclamations without authority, have
moved you to stir against the Queen your Sovereign ; and
appointed you places where to meet and consult for the
furtherance of their traitorous purpose and to bring with
you such aid as you can: so shall I require you, and in
her Grace's name charge you that be here present, not
to come there ; but that you, and such as be absent, taking
knowledge hereby, repair to such places as I, the Queen's
Sheriff and Officer, shall appoint you, with such aid as
you can bring for the better service of the Queen and the
Shire : where you shall be assured to receive comfort,
thanks, and honesty to the end of your lives and your
posterity. And the other way but endless shame and
utter undoing to you and yours ; which shall be worst to
yourselves, and yet a great grief to us your neighbours :
whose advice in all other your private causes you have
been content to follow ; and now in this weightiest that
hath, or may, happen to you will refuse us, and follow
them that hath ever abused you to your and their utter
confusion. At Mailing, the 27th of January [1 554], anno Marice primo.
GOD save Queen Mary and all her well willers ! "
The Sheriff reading this Exhortation, caused one Barram,
a Gentleman and servant to the Lord Abergavenny, to
pronounce it, as he read it, so loud and so distinctly as
the people assembled round about him, to a very great
number, in manner of a ring, might easily hear and under
stand every word proceeding from Barram : who of his
own head cried out unto them, "You may not so much
as lift up your finger against your King or Queen ! "
And after the people had heard the Sheriff's Exhortation ;

222 The people at Malling defy Wyat. [I0Jjan™"sSr:
and cried "GOD save Queen Mary!" which they did
most heartily, spending therein a convenient time; the
Sheriff used these words unto them :
"Masters," quod he, "although I alone did speak unto
The sheriff's you > Yet what words were spoken to you by me
muMtudethe were a^so spoken to you by the Lord Aber
gavenny and all the Gentlemen here present: in
whose persons I then spake ; and now require at your hands
a plain and resolute answer. Will you now therefore join
with such as you see evidently to be arrant traitors; or
else with the Lord Abergavenny and such Gentlemen
as you see here present, that will live and die with you
in defence of our rightful Queen against these traitors?"
The people with one voice defied Wyat and his complices
The people's ^ arrant traitors, and said that they now well
answer to the espied they had but abused them. Wherefore in
defence of Queen Mary, they would die upon
them : expressing their minds with such earnest shouts and
cries as shewed to proceed unfeignedly from their hearts ;
which after was confirmed by a better experience the day
following, as ye shall anon hear.
But by the way ye shall understand that Wyat hearing
wyat's of this Proclamation, said, " I know that BARRAM
barram? we^ I Dut yet I never took him to have so wide a
reward. throat. If I live, I may happen to make him
crow a higher note in another place." What trow you
should then have become of the author ?
In the Sunday following [28th January 1554], the Lord
Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen
were determined to have marched in the morning early
towards Rochester, to have aided the Duke of Norfolk
The Duke of and Sir Henry Jerningham Captain of the
sIt'Ienry"'4 Guard, then being at Gravesend, towards Wyat ;
jerning- . with a certain Band [Regiment] of White Coats,
ham scorning > ° .,,1 r
to Gravesend. to the number of 600, sent unto them from
London ; whereof BRET and others were their Captains.
Roger Roger APPULTON Gentleman was also at
thom'aTsw^h Gravesend with the Duke, attendant to serve:
tmsty Gentle- wherein likewise was THOMAS Swan Gentle-
men. man.

ioJjanroiC5°s:] The NIGHT ALARM AT MALLING. 223
This Saturday [27th January] at night, the Lord Aber
gavenny suspecting Wyat and his complices (living within
four miles of them ; and being so much provoked in that
they were, in the day, so rightly set forth in their colours
[illusions] at Mailing) would, for revenge, work some
annoyance to them or his Band that night, either by a
camasado [night attack] or by some other means ; did
therefore, to prevent the same, set a strong watch in the
market place at Mailing and other parts of entry The Lord
into the town : and gave the watchword himself «LBtheAwitchY
before he would take any rest. in p"50"-
But between one and two of the clock in the night, when
everybody was taken to rest save the watch, there Aiaroma*
happened a larom [an alarm], sundry crying, Mailing.
" Treason ! Treason ! We are all betrayed ! " in such sort
that such as were in their beds or newly risen thought
verily that, either Wyat with his Band had been in the
town, or very near.
The thing was so sudden and happened in such a time as
men not acquainted with like matters were so amazed
that some of them knew not well what to do : and yet
in the end it proved to [be] nothing.
For it grew by a messenger that came, very late in the
night, desiring to speak with the Lord Abergavenny or
Master Sheriff, to give them certain advertisement, That
Sir Henry Isley, the two Knevets, and certain others,
with 500 Wealdish men [i.e.,from the Weald of Kent] were
at Sevenoaks ; and would march in the morning early from
thence towards Rochester, for the aid of Wyat a meaning ot
against the Duke of NORFOLK : and in their way, ^mSiS
burn and destroy the house of George Clarke George
«. • 1 Clarke s
aforesaid. house.
Whereupon the Lord ABERGAVENNY and the Sheriff,
by the advice of the Gentlemen before named, for that
the said CLARKE had been a painful [painstaking] and
serviceable Gentleman, changed their purposed journey from
Rochester, to encounter with Isley and his Band, to cut
them [off] from Wyat and save Clarke from spoil.
And so, in the morning early, being Sunday [28th Jan
uary 1554], the Lord Abergavenny; the Sheriff; War-

224 6oo Queen's men go to fight Isley, &c. [Jj^'f^.
ram Sentleger, Richard Covert, Thomas Roydon,
The marching Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George
abemaveIjny Clarke, John Dodge, Thomas Watton,
To enco>£teriff Hugh Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher
isley. Dorrel, Hugh Cartwright, John Sybil,
Esquires; John Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas
Chapman, James Barram, Jasper Iden, John Lambe,
Walter Heronden, Walter Taylor, John Ray-
noldes, Thomas Tuttesham, John Allen, and Thomas
Holdiche, Gentlemen ; with yeomen to the number of
600 or thereabouts ; marched out of Malling in order till
wrotham they came to Wrotham Heath : where they might
Heath. easily hear the sound of the traitor's drums ; and
so, making haste, pursued them till they came to a place
BarrowGreen. called Barrow Green [Borough Green] through
which lay their right and ready way that the traitors
should take, marching from Sevenoaks towards Master
Clarke. The Lord Abergavenny, being very glad that he had
prevented [anticipated] them in winning the Green, sent
out spials [spies] to understand their nearness, and to dis
crive [ascertain] their number : reposing themselves there
till the return of his spials : who at their coming said, That
he needed not to take further pains to pursue them, for
they were at hand, coming towards him as fast as they could
march. Which was glad tidings to the Lord Abergavenny
and his Band. And taking order forthwith to set his men
in array; he determined to abide their coming, and there
to take or give the overthrow.
Which the traitors understanding, Whether it was for
that they misliked the match, or the place to fight ; whiles
The shrinking the Lord Abergavenny and his Band were busy
of the rebels. jn placing themselves ; they shrank as secretly as
they could by a bye-way. And were so far gone before
the Lord Abergavenny understood thereof by his spials ;
as for doubt [fear] of overtaking them afore their coming
to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the
overtaking of them as divers of his footmen were far behind
at the onset giving.
The first sight that the Lord ABERGAVENNY could have
of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they

ioJJMroi555.] The Skirmish at Blacksoll Field. 225
ascended Wrotham Hill, directly over [against] Yaldam,
Master PECKHAM's house. Where they, thinking to have
great advantage by the winning of the Hill, dis- The displaying
played their Ensigns bravely : seeming to be in Ensigns. e
great ruff. But it was not long after ere their courage
was abated. For the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff,
and the rest of the Gentlemen, with such other of the
Queen's true and faithful subjects, as with great pains
taking to climb the Hill and to hold way with TherrekbeeIJ's
the Horsemen, overtook the rebels at a field
called Blacksoll Field in the parish of Wrotham, K.50"
a mile distant from the very top of the Hill ; where the
Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, the Gentlemen afore
named, and others the Queen's true and faithful subjects,
handled them so hot and so fiercely that, after a The skirmish.
small shot with long bows by the traitors, and a fierce
brag shewed by some of the Horsemen, they took their
flight away as fast as they could. Yet of them were taken
prisoners above three score.
In this conflict Warram Sentleger, who brought with
him a good company of soldiers and [was] always a ser
viceable Gentleman, also George Clarke, Antony
Weldon, and Richard Clarke did very honestly
behave themselves. William Sentleger, hearing of
a fray towards between the Queen's true subjects and the
traitors, came to the Lord Abergavenny into the field,
with all haste, not an hour before the Skirmish ; who with
the rest of the Gentlemen, with certain of the Lord
Abergavenny's and [the] Sheriff's servants, being all
well horsed, served faithfully : and from thence chased
the Horsemen till they came to a wood called The chase of
Hartley Wood, four miles distant from the place f» Horsemen.
where the onset began.
The Queen's true subjects did so much abhor their
treason, and had the traitors in such detestation, as with
great difficulty any escaped with life that were taken
prisoners ; and yet were they all very well armed and
weaponed, and had also great advantage by the place of
fight. Sir Henry Isley lay all that night in the Wood,
and fled after into Hampshire. The two Knevets, being
well horsed, were so hastily pursued as they were driven
P 1

226 Flight of Isley and the two Knevets. [io^

Proctor ISS4-

to leave their horses, and creep into the Wood ;
and for haste to rip their boots from their legs and
run away in the vampage of their hose. The chase
continued so long as night came on before it was full
finished. Thus were Isley, the Knevets, and their Band over
thrown by the faithful service of divers Gentlemen and
yeomen serving under the Lord Abergavenny and the
Sheriff; whose forwardness courage and wisdom in this
traitorous broil no doubt was very much praiseworthy ; as
well for their speedy acceleration of their strength which
(considering how they were every way [en]compassed with
the traitors) was no small matter in so little space ; and for
their wise and politic handling also in keeping them
together from Wyat, who marvellously and by sundry
ways sought to allure them away. For had not they, in
their own persons, to the encouraging of their company
adventured far ; and by their wisdom, discretion and great
charge, politically handled the matter : some think that
Wyat had been at London before he was looked for by
any good man, with no small train ; whose journey was
greatly hindered, and his company very much discomfited
by this repulse given to Isley and his Band. Where,
amongst other things, GOD's secret hand was greatly felt,
to the great comfort and present aid of true subjects against
the traitors : who having such advantage of the place, as
indeed they had, were like rather to give, than receive,
so foul an overthrow. But this it is, you see, to serve in a
true cause ; and her whom GOD so favoureth that he
will not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at any
time to prevail against her : to whom he hath given so
many notable victories and so miraculous that her enemies
might seem rather to have been overthrown Spiritu DEI
than vanquished humano robore.
The Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the Gentle-
Thanksgiving men with them, after they had given humble
victory. °r thanks to GOD for the victory, which they did
very reverently in the Field, and taken order for the prisoners,
were driven to divide themselves for want of harborough
[lodging] and vittaile [victuals] for the soldiers, that had
well deserved both. The Lord Abergavenny and certain

.o^^iJssG Harper runs away from Wyat. 227
with him went to Wrotham. The Sheriff and certain with
him to Otford, where they had much to do to get vittaile
for their soldiers.
The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff (suspecting
that some of those Gentlemen lately discomfited in this
Skirmish would not long tarry in the realm, but make
shift to pass the seas ; yea, by spial [spies], understanding
that Wyat himself with some of his company thereunto
bent) devised to lay [warn] the country [round] about, that
they might not escape. And considering that they would
not do it at Dover, nor in that coast [district] ; they
knowing [Sir Thomas Cheyney] the Lord Warden to have
such watch unto them : but rather, for sundry respects,
at Rye, or more southward. And having great Thomas
proof of Thomas Dorrell the younger his sco?neyLth°ef
fidelity ; he returned the same DORRELL, being younger.
newly come unto him with 80 men well appointed, into
Sussex: giving him strait charge that, consulting with Sir
John Guildford, they should, both day and night, set
a sure watch for the passing of any that way to the sea
coast ; and further to take such order as no munition, fish,
wine, or other vittaile coming out of these parts, should pass
to the relief of the traitors.
Antony Knevet, notwithstanding great and strait watch
laid round about the country by the Sheriff for the appre
hension of him and others that fled, arrived that Sunday
[28th January 1554] at night late at Rochester: where
his news was so joyful that Harper forthwith harper's
found the mean[s] to rid himself out of their 5?™^"^
company, without any leave taking ; and ran to the Duke
of Norfolk. To whom he seemed so greatly to lament
his treason, that the Duke, pitying his case, the rather for
the long acquaintance between them in times past, received
him to grace. But, within a day after, he ran from the
Duke and returned to his old mate ; as hereafter shall
appear. Wyat hearing of Isley his overthrow, and under
standing by the proceeding at Malling the day before, that
those things set forth in his Proclamations whereby he
thought his strength at home to be most surely knit unto
him, were now become rather a weakening than otherwise ;

228 Wyat, weeping, thinks to fly over sea. [IOJj*X?s.
the people there being ready to fall from him for his so
abusing of them : he fell into so great extreme anguish and
sorrow, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his
familiars abroad, in reprehension of their infidelity in that
m Vhk cST'1' tney st'c^e<i not to him so fast as they promised,
with tears. he bedewed the paper whereupon he wrote with
tears issuing so abundantly from his eyes as it would bear
wyat's coat of no ink. And so leaving to write, calling for a
fence quilted . . r r -i . . . . ..."
with angels, privy coat [of armour] that he had quilted with
angels [a gold coin of the value of ioj.] not long afore ;
which might serve both for his defence, and [also be] a
refuge for his necessity being in another country : he
wyat's prac practised with such as were near unto him, where
tice to fly by *, . , t , >
sea. they might have ready passage, and most for
their surety to take the sea. " For England," said he, " is
no place for us to rest in."
His company also shrank from him as fast as they could
devise means to escape : whereunto THOMAS ISLEY and
others had a greater respect than himself; he seeming to
take care for nothing but how he might safely convey
himself [away] ; being well friended, it was thought, with
some of the ship-masters.
Thus was Wyat so mated by the Lord Abergavenny,
wyat mated, the Sheriff, and their Band as he was at his
wits' end, as ye have heard : and chiefly by keeping him
from that, which by spial about him they afterwards under
stood him specially to desire ; which was offer of battle.
He and his being fully persuaded that there could be no
great force raised against him in the Shire ; whereof the
most part should not be his when it should come to the
shew. Wherein although he might be deceived, as indeed
he was ; yet his quarrel, with the disposition of the
people thereunto well considered, with the end of his
travail which could be but spoil and ravin (ready means
and lures to draw the careless multitude unto him) : it
seemed to the Lord Abergavenny and such as served
with him, better policy for to weary Wyat, and weaken
him by the cutting away of his strength from him ; than to
offer him battle till the Duke of Norfolk's coming : whom
the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff knew to be at
hand towards Wyat ; unto whom they and all the Gen-

io^0^] The Duke of Norfolk at Rochester, 229
tlemen of their Band, after their Skirmish with Isley, made
the haste possible they might.
But before their coming, the case was wonderfully
changed, to the great discomfort of all the Queen's true
subjects : and that came to pass that [which] of all men
was least feared. For who was it that suspected such
cruel and malicious disposition to remain in any English
heart towards his country, in any subject's thought towards
his Sovereign, that, receiving her Grace's armour weapons
and money, would have played so traitorous a part as
these Captains did with their Band ? It is so strange a
case as the world never saw. It is so malicious a part as
the Jew would not have done the like, having received his
hire to serve.
So it was that the noble Duke, being an ancient and
worthy Captain (and yet, by long imprisonment, so dis-
wonted from the knowlege of our malicious World and the
iniquity of our Time, as he suspecting nothing less than
that which followed ; but judging every man to accord
with him in desire to serve truly) marched forth the
Monday [29th January 1554], about ten of the The puke's
clock in the morning, from Gravesend to Stroud a^"! from
towards Rochester ; and about four of the clock Rochester.
in the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Stroud, near
unto Rochester : having with him the Captain of The names of
the Guard ; MAURICE GRIFFITH, now Bishop of ^"nX"
Rochester; Sir Edward Braye, Sir John Fogge, the Duke.
Knights ; John Coverte, Roger Appulton, Esquires ;
and Thomas Swan, Gentleman : with certain of the Guard,
and others, to the number of 200 or thereabout.
Besides Bret and other five Captains : who, with their
Band, being 600, all in white coats, tarried behind Bket Chief
at a hill called Spittle [Hospital] Hill, near unto attain of the
Stroud ; whiles the Duke went to Stroud to see
the planting of the ordnance. Which being ready charged
and bent upon the town of Rochester; and perceiving
WYAT and the other traitors, by hanging out their flags
upon the bridge wall, to be in great bravery; which
considering the miserable state they were in the night
before, could not be, had they not received some new comfort

230 The Revolt of the 600 White Coats. [Jj*™lll'.
by some traitorous mean[s] : the Duke commanded one of
the pieces to be fired for shot into Rochester.
And, as the gunner was firing the piece, Sir EDWARD
Bray's eldest son came in all haste to the Duke saying,
"Sir, did I not tell your Grace, this morning, that yonder
false wretches would deceive you ? "
" How know you that ? " quod the Duke.
"Why, Sir," quod BRAYE, "you may see them, as false
traitors [ready] bent against you,"
And immediately Bret and other Captains of the White
Coats with their Band, being upon the Hill and at the
back of the Duke, made great and loud shouts sundry
times, crying " We are all Englishmen ! We are
all Englishmen! " : fashioning themselves in array,
ready bent with their weapons to set upon the
Duke, if he had made any resistance.
Whereupon the Duke and the Captain of the Guard
commanded the pieces that were bent upon the town, to
be turned upon Bret and his Band. But, upon further
consideration, the shot was spared : and the Duke's Grace
with the Captain of the Guard Sir Henry JERNINGHAM,
considering (not without bleeding hearts) their chief strength
thus turned upon them, so that they were now environed
both behind and before with traitorous enemies, shifted
themselves away ; as did also their company.
After whose departure, Wyat, accompanied with two
or three and not many more, came out of Rochester half
a mile from the town at the least, to meet the six Captains
of the White Coats. Amongst whom was Harper, not-
harper withstanding his crouching and kneeling before
returned to the Duke ; and fair promises that he would under-
his old mate. take ^ WyAT ^^ ^^ y}elded< Who>
footing afore the other Captains, with his sword drawn,
said to Wyat, " I promised you a good turn, and say
not now but I have paid it."
Who had seen the embracing, clipping, and congratulation
used at this meeting from traitor to traitor, might justly
wonder thereat. Shortly after they had well clawed one
another, they went together like themselves into Rochester.
When this, of all other most infortunate chance[s], came to

toJJM™c^;] The return of the Sheriff to Malling 231
the knowledge of the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff,
and their friends ; they were not a little troubled with the
strangeness of the case : much doubting that the people,
which before seemed brought to good frame, would be
impaired by this alteration ; and such as were afore evil
disposed would not be greatly amended thereby.
The Sheriff, being the same night at Maidstone, that had
come the same day from Otford, fourteen miles ^g^^g
distant, to meet Thomas Guildford, Steven being at"
Dorrell, Edward Horden, John Robartes, Maid5tone-
and John FINCH, Esquires, to march towards the Duke.
And in the morning, so far from any mistrust of that which
followed the same day [Monday, 29th January 1554], as
having no sure place to convey the prisoners, taken the
day before in the Skirmish with Isley, he left the chiefest
and trustiest of his servants and friends, both Gentlemen
and yeomen, of all his Band at Malling, for the
safeguard of the prisoners ; where also lay the Lord
Abergavenny and his Band : doubting [fearing] that
Isley and the rest that escaped would have made some means
that night to have recovered the prisoners ; sundry of whom,
being men of good wealth and well friended, and [at that
moment] living within four miles of Wyat.
Upon these news, whether it were for the absence [from
Maidstone] of the Lord Abergavenny and his TheSheriffs
strength, or mistrusting false measure in the town secret return
[of Maidstone], or moved with example of the t0 mg'
revolt of the White Coats: he thought, it should seem,
Maidstone no meet place for him to make any abode ;
nor yet good policy, all parts considered, to disclose the
time of his removing. But judging plainly himself the
only mark of these parts whereat the traitors shot ; or falling
any ways into their hands, so newly after the case of the
Duke, one part of the tragedy to be then ended : he returned
to his strength ; giving knowledge to the4 Gentlemen re
maining in Maidstone to repair to his house for consultation,
What was to bedone for theredubbing ofthat unhappy chance?
In which consultation there did rise so many different
opinions ; some saying, They would to the Queen ; and
some, to the Earl of Pembroke being her Grace's
Lieutenant: that the Sheriff, without further debating,

232 Wyat's letter to the Duke of Suffolk. [iojj.

Proctor
an. 1555.

intreating the Lord ABERGAVENNY and certain Gentlemen
to remain and entertain such of their Bands as they could
hold till his return, which he promised should be without
delay, [and then] went to the [Privy] Council for knowledge
of their pleasure ; where he tarried uneth [scarcely] two hours,
but returned in post the same night [to Mailing]. And
at his coming, the Lord ABERGAVENNY and he assembled
as many of their force as they could call together.
The traitors and their friends were grown as men revived
from death to life, flattering themselves that a thing so
far above men's expectation could not have happened to
them so fortunately but by GOD'S miraculous provision, as
favouring greatly their case : and so it blew abroad, as well
by wind as by writing ; the more part of the people being
ready to believe it, as the case, in the heads of the multitude,
was wonderfully changed both for strength and opinion.
Wyat advertised by his letter the Duke of SUFFOLK
wyat of his victory " by GOD's provision ,; as he termed
totneDukenof & '• whose letter was intercepted in Essex, as
Suffolk. the messenger passed the ferry, by a servant
of Sir Robert Southwell's ; and brought to the Council.
He wrote also to the Duke of Norfolk, but in another
style ; his letters being open and importing such matter as
follloweth :
" Be it known to all men, and especially to the Duke of
to tn^Dukeof Norfolk, that I have taken nothing in hand
Norfolk.6 but what I will maintain with the expense of my
life ; which, before it depart out of my body, shall be
sold full dear, &c."

Such of those parts as hung in the wind, as Neuters,
(whereof were no small number that had lurked in caves
An invective a^ tne tempest, watching but where should come
against the the victory, that for example of the evil were
Neuters- nothing inferior to the arrantest traitors but
rather for a number of respects much worse), began to appear
very cheerful, giving themselves great thanks for handling
the matter so finely, that conveying themselves out of the
way by their policy could avoid charge and peril so wittily.

ioJja^°is55'.] An Invective against the Neuters. 233
And as they met with such as had served faithfully, with
whom they durst be frank, they spared not to open their
mouths largely, pouring out such language as could be but
lamentable, or rather odible, to every true ear, to understand
any subject so far perverted from his allegiance and duty
that, for gain or security of their own persons, would rejoice
in sitting still as indifferent where the Crown is a party;
or to persuade security to themselves, be they never in so
strong a hold, where their Sovereign is in peril. Which, all
things rightly weighed, seemed a strange persuasion to
account either gain or saving in sparing some part of the
accidents by sitting still to adventure the loss of the
principal whereupon life and the whole dependeth ; or by
affecting a little corruption inordinately, to lose both honest
fame and good opinion of his country [County] ; which every
honest man ought to seek to preserve as tenderly as the well
doing of himself and his whole posterity.
Thus may we evidently see the divers effects of divers
inclinations according to truth and untruth of perfect
obedience prevailing in men's hearts. These Neuters, or
counterfeits (that would be neither open foes nor adven
turous friends ; but as wily vultures, hovering in the wind to
catch and gripe some part of the prey, although they would
no part of the fray) persuaded themselves to save that which
in their opinion the true hearty subject should lose by giving
such adventure; that was security of body and goods.
Which grant they saved ; yet, in the just judgment of the
honest, they deserved thereby the same blot of infamy that
is due to the open enemies.
On the other side, the true and faithful, whose hearts and
hands such dim colour [illusion] of unthankful policy could
not withhold from the utterance of needful service in such
general case of danger, thought it rather a gain to adventure
body and goods ; whereby either to preserve the head and
the whole, which was cruelly pursued ; or at least by defence
of the same to purchase unto them and their names the
honest opinion of unspotted members, and the immortality
of good fame wherewith truth always rewardeth unfeigned
service. For such an incomparable virtue is faithful loyalty,
so much abhorring all corruptible allurements, that whose
hearts she hath in governance ; with such, neither savour of

234 A Council of the rebels at Rochester. [^jan'T^
gain nor hope of security, neither persuasion of friendship ne
other enticement, can so much prevail as, for any respect, they
will digress from the right course of true service. Where
the contrary, wanting that perfection (to taste of Fortune's
corruptible members, whereafter they gape ; to obtain quiet
to the restive carcase, and lucre to themselves, the thing they
only seek), are easily drawn to run a clean contrary race.
The naughty [worthless] brood therefore of Counterfeits, of
all others not tolerable in a common weal, are specially to be
looked to in their beginning ; lest their evil example by long
sufferance grow to such a precedent at the last, that the
common saying " Good to sleep in a whole skin," being
espied to escape without danger of reprehension, be taken
for a policy ; and thereby outweigh the just peize [weight] of
bounden duty.

After this most unhappy chance, the traitors with their
a consultation new adjuncts fell to a great and solemn council
of the rebels that same night at Rochester for their proceeding
of'the wh?te° in their pretensed [intended] treason. In discourse
coats. whereof proceeded such unfitting talk, as well
towards the Queen's Highness as her honourable Council,
tending to the alteration of the whole State, as abhorred the
ears of some of the self traitors ; that, understanding by
that talk the end of their purpose, whereof before they were
ignorant, wished themselves under the earth for being so
unhappy as to be so much as acquainted with so damnable
an enterprise. Such an opinion had they, as they deemed
very few Councillors, or Officers of authority or of Nobility,
within the realm worthy the places whereunto they were
called : and persuading great choice to be amongst them
selves for the supplying of that want, such overweening had
they of themselves and made so sure a reckoning of the
victory, as they disposed the honourable Offices of the Realm
among themselves.
Wyat thought himself now so sure of the victory as
seeing him that offered " to sell his spoons and all the plate
that he had rather than his purpose should quail, and sup his
pottage with his mouth" [p. 210], warranted him, That he
should eat his pottage with silver, as he did.

,oJi^roiC5°5:] The rebels rely on the Londoners. 235
England, when good counsel should stand it in most
available steed, needed no better counsellors than such as
they were, if they had half the wit they thought themselves
to have, coupled with grace and honesty. But what they
had indeed, their acts declare plainly to their own confusion ;
as it hath always, and ever hereafter shall, to as many as be
of like disposition.
One of them, that had some wit indeed, although he
wanted grace, perceiving by their talk in what fond [foolish]
frenzy they were entered ; to interrupt them therein, he said,
That such matters were good to be treated of at further
opportunity : but for the present it were meet to devise upon
their next journey [expedition] ; and whether it should be
good policy in them, minding to march towards London, to
leave the Lord ABERGAVENNY and the Sheriff at liberty
(that annoyed their friends, and by all likelihood would not
so cease as they may or dare) at their back, being left at
large. One of them, taking upon him first to answer, thought
nothing more necessary than their sequestration : and if his
advice might have been heard in the beginning .
[of the Rebellion], the Sheriff should have been aPprehend°the
in hold, as I have heard, before anything should Shenff"
have been attempted.
But the Captains to the White Coats (meet counsellors for
such an enterprise ! ), having the spoil of London in their
eyes, would not dispute that was past : but for the present
they persuaded clean contrary to the former opinion ; saying
That their going about the apprehension of the Sheriff
should be but a loss of time. " For London," said they,
" longed sore[ly] for their coming ; which they The mis-
could by no means protract without breeding S^Sf rf
great peril and weakness to themselves." And up°d L°ndon'
having London at their commandment, whereof they were
in no manner of doubt, if it were not lost by their sloth ;
their revenge to the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, with
others [of] their enemies, would easily follow.
Wyat, savouring full well their disposition, and under
standing their meaning by their arguments, and knowing
also that without his assenting thereto he could not long
have their company, yielded to their counsel.

236WYAT reaches Gravesend & Dartford. [JjZH0*™;
And so, being out of measure exalted into haughty
courage and pride by the revolt of the White Coats, he
marched the day after, being Tuesday [30th January 1 5 54],
in great pomp and glory, carrying with him six pieces of
ordnance which they had gotten of the Queen's, besides their
own, to Cowling Castle, a hold of the Lord Cobham's, four
miles distant from Rochester ; and not much out of their
way towards London : where the Lord Cobham was.
Wyat at his coming to Cowling Castle, bent his ordnance
ui f aSamst *ne ga*e j and with great and sundry shots
cowling ° and fire brake and burned up a way through the
castie. gate The Lord cOBHAM defended his Castle as
stoutly as any man might do, having so few against so great
a number ; and so little munition ; [he] himself discharging
his gun at such as approached the gate right hardily. And
in that assault two of his own men were slain.
After this assault, and talk with the Lord COBHAM, WYAT
marched to Gravesend ; where he reposed that night.
From Gravesend, he and his Band marched, the Wednes-
wyat's march- day next after [31st January 1554], to Dartford,
fofd° " where he reposed that night.
Whither came Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the
The coming of Queen's Horse, and Sir THOMAS CORNWALLIS
,heHo?sera°nd Knights, both of her Grace's honourable Privy
cornwalus Council, sent from the Queen to Wyat to under-
to wyat. stand the cause of his commotion ; and also, as it
was said, finding any repentant submission in him, to promise
pardon, or at the least great hope thereof.
WYAT, understanding [of] their coming and taking with
him certain of his Band, went to the west end of the town,
where he had planted his ordnance ; and at the [a]lighting
of Master Hastings and Sir Thomas Cornwallis from
their horses, WYAT, having a partisan [halberd] in his hand,
advanced himself somewhat afore such Gentlemen as were
Pride with him > and> using but little reverence due from
a subject to [Privy] Councillors, traced near them.
To whom, the Master of the Horse spake in substance as
followeth :
" The Queen's Majesty requireth to understand the very
cause wherefore you have thus gathered together in arms her

io^™^] Wyat's demand of the Privy Council. 237
liege people,1 which is the part of a traitor ; and yet, in your
Proclamations and persuasions, you call yourself a true sub
ject : which cannot stand together."
" I am no traitor," quod Wyat, " and the cause whereof I
have gathered the people is to defend the realm from our
overrunnning by Strangers ; which follows, this Marriage
taking place."
" Why," quod the Queen's Agents, " there be no Strangers
yet come whom either for power or number ye need to sus
pect. But if this be your only quarrel, because, ye mislike
the Marriage : will ye come to communication touching that
case ? and the Queen, of her gracious goodness, is content ye
shall be heard."
To whom WYAT shaped such answer as clearly might
declare his malicious intent and traitorous heart Wtat-s arro.
to the Queen's own person and royal estate. " I eant answer.
yield thereto," quod WYAT, " but for my surety I will rather
be trusted than trust. And therefore I demand the custody
of the Tower, and [of] her Grace in the Tower ; the dis
placing of certain Councillors, and placing others in their
rooms as to me shall seem best."
Upon this lewd answer, long and stout conference was
between them : insomuch that the Master of the Horse said
unto him, with a stout courage, " Wyat, before thou shalt
have that thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die and
20,000 with thee ! "
Shortly after, the Master of the Horse with Master Corn
wallis, finding him an arrant traitor and desperately set to
all mischief, returned to the Queen's Majesty.
The common people being with him, and calling to their
remembrance how Wyat, in all appearance, made his
whole matter of stir for Strangers, and no ways against the
Queen ; and perceiving how unreverently he used himself as
well to the Queen's Herald at Rochester as to the Privy
Councillors] at Dartford ; and considering within them
selves also that he would suffer none of the Queen's Pro
clamations to be read among them : their hearts began to
rise against him. And among themselves sundry of them
much murmured, wishing with the loss of all they had they
had never been acquainted with Wyat nor his doings ; and
indeed sought as many ways as they could to be rid of him

238 The Nobles' suit & the Queen's reply. [iojj.

Proctor.
an. 1555.

Which perceived by Wyat and his mates, they devised a
a crafty bruit [rumour] to be sounded in his Band, that the
policy. Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff did cause to
be hanged as many as they could take, coming from Wyat's
Band : wherewith the people, standing in a great maze what
to do, were wonderfully perplexed.
The Queen understanding by the Master of the Horse and
Sir Thomas Cornwallis the arrogancy of Wyat, and not
withstanding that she perceived her merciful inclination
rather to provoke him than otherwise : yet seemed she
nothing willing, even then, by violence and force, as she
easily might, to suppress him : but yet a longer time to
suffer and abide, if by delay and mercy her enemy might be
won to reconciliation.
The Nobility (which were at that time with her Grace,
Nobieftothe6 perceiving such surmounting mercy rather to
Queen. increase than any ways to abate courage and
malice in the insolent and proud heart of the traitors ;
and further understanding that the traitors deemed the
contation or forbearing to proceed rather of debility or fear
than of mercy and clemency) counselled with her Grace that,
with her gracious leave and licence, they might set upon him
and his Band before he should pass Blackheath : declaring
that to suffer such an arrogant traitor, being but a mean
member, to approach thus contemptuously so near her royal
person, as it were in defiance of her Grace and her true
subjects, should greatly redound to their dishonours in the
opinion of all faithful men throughout the world.
The Queen gave them all most hearty and loving thanks
The Queen's saying That she nothing doubted of their true hearts
!?obies.to e towards her : yet was she loth to make any proof
or trial thereof in such quarrel as should be with loss of blood.
" For to repress them with violence, and subdue them by the
sword could not have so happy success but many of my
poor subjects" quod she, "should dearly bye [abide] it with the
loss of their lives." Wherefore she determined to suffer as
long as she might; and to forbear that practice till there
were no other hope ne remedy. For albeit in the capital
traitors there could be but great default : yet in the multitude
she was persuaded to be no malice, but only misled by their

ioJjan!0icstosf] The Queen's Speech at the Guild HALL239
Captains ; and rather seduced by ignorance than upon any
evil purpose meant to her Grace. Wherefore she desired
them to be contented : for she was fully determined to con
tinue her merciful sufferance and other her gentle means so
long as she might ; and [to] vanquish her enemies without
the sword, if any sparkle of obedience or natural zeal remain
in their hearts. Notwithstanding, she required them to
prepare and retain their force in a readiness, if their [the
rebels'] stony hearts should drive her to use extremity.
But her Highness doubting [fearing] that London, being
her Chamber and a city holden of dear price in her princely
heart, might, by Wyat and such ruffens [ruffians] as were
with him, be in danger of spoil, to the utter ruin of the
same : her Highness therefore, as a most tender and loving
Governess, went the same day [31st January 1554] in her
royal person to the Guild Hall to foresee those perils.
Where, among other matter proceeding from her incom
parable wisdom, her Grace declared how she had The Queen's
sent that day two of her Privy Council to the S^ii*
traitor WYAT : desirous rather to quiet their tumult in Lo°d°°-
by mercy than by the justice of the sword to vanquish :
whose most godly heart fraight[ed] with all mercy and
clemency, abhorred from all effusion of blood.
Her Highness also there shewed the insolent and proud
answer returned from WYAT : whereat the faithful citizens
were much offended ; and in plain terms defied him as a
most rank traitor, with all his conj urates.
And touching the Marriage, her Highness affirmed that
nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent
and advisement of the whole Council, upon deliberate con
sultation, that this conjunction and Second Marriage should
greatly advance this realm (whereunto she was first married)
to much honour, quiet, and gain.
"For," quod her Grace, "I am already married to this
Common Weal and the faithful members of the same ; the
spousal ring whereof I have on my finger : which never
hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be, left off. Protesting unto
you nothing to be more acceptable to my heart, nor more
answerable to my will, than your advancement in wealth and
welfare, with the furtherance of GOD's glory." And to
declare her tender and princely heart towards them, she

240 Wyat and 4,000 men reach Deptford. [IOJjanroiCstos"
promised constantly not to depart from them, although by
her Council she had been much moved to the contrary : but
would remain near and prest to adventure the spense
[shedding] of her royal blood in defence of them.
Such matter passed from her besides as did so wonder
fully enamour the hearts of the hearers as it was a world to
hear with what shouts they exalted the honour and
magnanimity of Queen Mary.
This done her Grace returned towards Whitehall, and
passing through the streets, being full of people pressing to
behold her Grace wherein they had singular delight and
pleasure, one amongst all, most impudent of all others,
Amaiepen stepped forward saying, "Your Grace may do
Artificer. weu to make your Foreward [Vanguard] in battle,
of your Bishops and Priests : for they be trusty, and will not
deceive you ! "
For which words, he was commanded to Newgate : who
deserved to be hanged at the next bough, for example to all
others, so impudently and arrogantly to assault his Sovereign
and Queen with such seditious and traitorous language. The
voice went that he was a Hosier. Out of all doubt, he was
a traitor and a heretic ; whose heart was wholly in Wyat's
bosom, although his body were absent. For it was not
possible any faithful subject, or true Christian, to utter such
shameless speech to his liege Lady and Princess as he did
then. But such is the fruit of heresy, Contempt of GOD
and man ; as by daily experience is seen.
The Thursday next after [1st February 1554], Wyat hav-
wyat's ing fourteen Ensigns in his Band and not past four
Seprfbrd '° thousand men, although they were accounted of a
strand. far greater number, marched to Deptford strand,
eight miles from Dartford and within four miles of London.
Where, upon such advertisement as he received by espial of
the Queen's being in the Guild Hall and the order of the
people to her, he remained that night and the next whole
day : divers of his own company doubting [suspecting] by his
longer tarrying there than he did in other places, with other
presumptions, that he would have passed the water [i.e. the
Thames] into Essex.
His prisoners, as Master Christopher Roper, George

ioJjm!*Sm'.] Wyat arrives at London Bridge. 241
DORREL of Calehill [and] John Tucke Esquires, who were
kept very straitly, being sickly and having within The departure
the town no convenient harborough or attendance, cJS^topheb
were licensed by Wyat, upon promise of RopERand
their worship to be true prisoners, to provide for £«, from
themselves out from the town, where they best WvAT-
might But they, thinking no part of their worship stained
in breaking promise with a traitor, sought ways to escape ;
and came no more at him.
On the Saturday following [3rd February 1554], very
early, Wyat marched to Southwark : where Wyat,s
approaching the Gate at London Bridge foot, [he] marching to
called for the opening of the same; which he Southwark-
found not so ready as he looked for.
After he had been a little while in Southwark, divers of
the soldiers went to Winchester Place [the town residence of
the Bishop of Winchester], Where one of them, being a
Gentleman, began to shew his game before all the cards were
full[y] dealed ; I mean, to rifle and spoil : which indeed was the
determinate end of their purpose ; but the time was not yet
come, nor they come to the place, where they should begin it.
Whereunto WYAT, having further respect than the young
Gentleman had, shewed himself, with stern and fiery visage,
so much to be offended with his doings that he made divers
believe that he would have hanged him upon the wharf.
Which whereof it grew, either of hatred to the evil, or of
policy to purchase credit for a further mischief, as well the
nature and course of rebellion, as also Wyat's own words,
may easily let us understand.
Who, the Monday [22nd January 1554] next afore this
stir, devising with two of his friends for the execution of his
pretensed [intended] purpose; one of them at length said
unto him, " I have no doubt but you shall be able to assemble
a great force: but how you shall be able to continue the
same with you, having not sufficient treasure and money,
the only bait wherewith the multitude is holden, I stand
much in doubt."
" What then ? " quod WYAT.
" Marry," said the other, " methinketh a good way for your
provision thereof, after your force is once gathered, that ye
Q *

242 Wyat reckons on the spoil of London. [iojj

Proctor.
an. 1555.

apprehend [Sir Thomas Cheyney] the Lord Warden, the
Lord Abergavenny, Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Thomas
Moyle, with others ; of whose hearts and affections towards
you and your case you stand in doubt : whereby ye shall not
only have them in safety which are most like[ly] within the
Shire to withstand your enterprise; but also provide you
both treasure and money, which they want not, for the relief
of your Band."
" Ah," quod Wyat, " is this the best counsel ye can give ?
If we pretend to keep out Strangers, and begin our quarrel
with the spoil of our own country [County] men ; what will
the whole realm, trow ye, then deem of us ? Nay, your advice
is naught ; and your way, the next way to accelerate our
confusion. For if we will go forwards in our matter and
make the best of it to our purpose, Spoil and Tyranny may
not be our guides. We must, by all means, devise, and all
little enough, to continue good opinion in the heads of the
multitude of some plausible [praiseworthy] end to succeed by
our stir: otherwise we undo ourselves. For perceiving at
our entry that our minds run of spoil : who will not rather
resist us, and abide the adventure of that whereof we bear
them in hand; than to be in certain to be spoiled by us?
And I see no cause why you should doubt of money ; seeing
ye know that such Gentlemen as are confedered with us,
keeping appointment ; their soldiers shall come ready
furnished to bear their own charges for nine days : and our
hap shall be very hard if we be not at London shortly after
we stir ; and that with so great a company as shall be out of
danger to be stopped by any of the Shire upon such a sudden,
or letted [hindered] of entry into London finding half the
friends there as we think to have. And being once in
wyat's London, and having the Tower in our hands ; I
reckoning of trust you think we shall not lack money long after,
the spoil of the .r ' . . .... . , a. 1 »
Tower and it any be to be had there, or in the Aldermen s
London. coffers."
To that said another, that had spoken as yet never a word,
" I know Commoners in London that have more ready money
than some of the Aldermen."
" Soft," quod Wyat, " I pray you in any wise forbear all
such talk till we come to the place where we would be. In
mean time let us work secretly ; and by all tokens and signs

»JjJn"SJs'.] Lord W. Howard defends London. 243
shew ourselves to favour and maintain our pretence of
Strangers only."
Such and the like communication was betweeen WYAT
and two others the Monday [22nd January] before his
rising. Whereby it is evident that their final intent was
to advance themselves by spoil of other men's goods :
although they pretended otherwise.
And to colour [make pretence of] the same, WYAT so fell
out with this Gentleman for rifling the Lord Chancellor's
House [i.e., the House in Southwark of Stephen Gardiner,
Bishop of Winchester,] that he made a number believe he
would have hanged him out of hand : had not BRET and
others entreated for him.
When they had lien in Southwark a day or two, and
found themselves deceived in London : which (by The Lord
the great diligence and politic handling of that William
worthy and faithful Knight, the Lord WILLIAM Admi^f
Howard, Admiral of England, that had the En£'and-
special charge thereof ; with the aid of Sir THOMAS WIGHT,
Knight, Mayor of London, his brethren [the Aldermen] and
citizens) was so well preserved as the traitors thereby
were disappointed of that they looked most certainly for —
WYAT, as a man desperate and setting all at sixe[s] and
seven, adventuring the breaking down of a wall out of a
house joining to the Gate at the Bridge foot, wyat's com-
whereby he might enter into the leads over the p|rtS's Lodge
Gate, came down into the Lodge about eleven *' the Bridse
of the clock in the night: where he found the
Porter in a slumber ; [and] his wife with others Care away.
waking, watching a coal.
But seeing Wyat, they began suddenly to start as
greatly amazed.
" Whist ! " quod Wyat, " as you love your lives, sit you
still ! You shall have no hurt ! "
Glad were they of that warranty, pardye ! What should
they do, people better accustomed with the tankard of beer
to pass forth the night, than acquainted with target and
spear to endure the fight.
Wyat and a few with him went forth as far as the
Drawbridge [in the middle of London Bridge]: on the

2 44 Wyat's night visit to London Bridge. [^j^™^':
further side whereof he saw the Lord Admiral, the Lord
Mayor, Sir Andrew Judd, and one or two otheis in con
sultation for ordering of the Bridge : whereunto he gave
diligent ear a good time, and [was] not seen. At length
[he] conceived by their talk more than he could digest ;
and, perceiving the great ordnance there bent, returned,
saying to his mates, " This place is too hot for us."
And when he was come to his colleges [colleagues], and
declared upon his exploit what he had heard and seen ;
they then all together fell to a new council what was to be done.
Some would then return to Greenwich, and so pass the
The rebels at water into Essex (whereby their company as they
their wits' thought should increase), and enter into London
end. , Ai.y~. y
by Aid Gate.
And some would to Kingston-upon-Thames, and so
further westfward].
And some, of the which Wyat himself was chief, would
return into Kent to meet with the Lord ABERGAVENNY,
the Sheriff, Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir Thomas Kemp, Sir
Thomas Finch, that were at Rochester, coming on Wyat's
back with a great company well appointed : falsely per
suading himself that he should find among them more
friends than enemies. But whether his desire to return into
Kent grew upon hope he had to find aid there ; or whether
it was to shift himself away ; it was much doubted of his
own company. And some of them that knew him well,
except they were much deceived, reported not long before
their execution, that his desire to retire into Kent was only
to shift himself over the sea.
The Lord Warden [Sir Thomas Cheyney] being now
The Lord come to Rochester, as ye heard, and very honour-
warden'sbeing ably furnished with horse and men well appointed,
Swarfs'*'" to no small number, entering into consultation
wyat. w}tjj g^jj Gentlemen as were there, for the
better proceeding' in their service, shewed a great desire
to accelerate the onset upon the traitors : lest malice
should impute both his former and present stay rather to
want of forwardness than to good policy. Wherefore he
desired to pursue after them with all expedition.

•oJjJn™S»] The Queen's forces at Rochester. 245
Whereunto the Gentlemen, being then in arms with him,
said, "As for your Lordship's contation [delay] hitherto,
it shall be weighed not as fools by fancy and malice deem ;
but as wise men shall measure it by their discretion of
wisdom. We see not but unadvised hardiness [rashness]
and preproperous [? preposterous] haste in most matters
have these two companions : Error in the beginning, and
Repentance in the end. And for this our case, whoso
understandeth the same cannot but confess your Lordship's
deliberate forbearing to have proceeded of great wisdom,
as wherein haste could little prevail. And whereas your
Lordship is so desirous to pursue after Wyat and his
Band, you see how they have lien in Southwark and within
four miles of London these four days [Thursday 1st, to
Sunday 4th February 1 5 54] ; and yet not meddled with by
the Queen's army, being so near : which is neither for want
of men, nor of forwardness in that noble Gen- TheEariof
tleman, the Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's f^S
Lieutenant ; but upon great policy and further Lieutenant.
respect no doubt than we seem to conceive.
" Wherefore your Lordship may do better to pause,
and first to advertise the Queen's Majesty and the Lord
Lieutenant [the Earl of PEMBROKE] both what your Lord
ship, upon grave and deep consideration, hath conceived in
this doubtful time, and also in what readiness your Lordship
is, and other Gentlemen with you : whose pleasures known,
we may then happily proceed in service ; both with good
contentation to them above [us], and best surety for our
selves. Otherwise if fortune should not favour our journey
[expedition], there may be thought in us more impotent
will to haste than provident policy to speed. And danger
hereby can none follow, our enemies lying between her
Grace's army and us : considering withal that London
is so well furnished, and so willing to resist their entry."
Whereupon the Lord Warden went in post to the Queen ;
leaving the Lord Abergavenny and the rest of the
Gentlemen with his and their Bands until his return : which
was very shortly after.
Who, according to his first purpose, with the rest of
the Gentlemen, marched forth towards Wyat. Which who
had seen so well appointed, and with what willing hearts

246 The advice of the rebels to Wyat. [TOJja^

Proctor. 1555-

they went ; and had known withal the faithful dealing of
sundry Gentlemen besides in other parts of the Shire, ought
to say, That notwithstanding there were many evil ; yet were
there many worthy, Gentlemen and honest faithful yeomen
in Kent, free from Wyat's conspiracy : and that the same
[would] receive some injury at his hand that, taking upon
him to set forth any Chronicle, should name only four
Gentlemen of this Shire to be workers against Wyat.
For though every man pursued him not in the beginning,
many of them dwelling far from him : yet were they as
well occupied where they were, and as much towards
Wyat's confusion, by staying and withholding [a] great
force, through their earnest persuasions and labour, that
else would have been with Wyat.
Now to return to Wyat : whom in this meantime Bret
and the other Captains espying to have a desire to be gone,
dissembling the knowledge thereof, [they] wrought all the
secret means they could devise to stay his going ; as
having the weight of their lives depending upon this enter
prise as well as he.
One of them, by agreement in their consultation, said
to him : " You see," quod he, " with what difficulty you
keep your soldiers here : notwithstanding they be in a
town where they are in a manner as pent in, and thereby
the more uneasy to get away ; being so narrowly looked to.
And now if you shall leave the town and retire into Kent,
as some of your company suspect you will, whereby they
and all others shall judge you to be in despair of the aid
of London ; the hope whereof hath been hitherto the
greatest occasion of stay of such as be already here, and
the comfort for the coming of others to the increase of
your power : you may assure yourself that such as be
here will not tarry long after with you, finding time to
escape as they shall easily enough, being at large; nor
such as be absent will have haste to repair unto you, when
they shall perceive you to be in despair of London. And
so you shall weaken yourself, to the comfort of your enemies
and discomfort of your friends."
Bret, under' colour [pretence] of singular affection to
Wyat, devising an apt occasion to avoid suspicion (which

lo^an^ssQ " The WHITE CoATS WILL BE OUR RUIN '."247
wanted not among them), required to speak with him
apart ; and having him alone, said :
" It shall not be amiss that, for your own surety, you have
in remembrance the effect of the several Proclama- Bret's words
tions made at Dartford : the one by Master Wil- t0 Wyat-
liam Roper, wherein you were betraitored ; the other by
Master APPULTON, which, as I hear, was also made at London
and in other parts of the realm, wherein is promised the
inheritance of One Hundred Pounds [in] land to such as
can apprehend and present you to the Queen.
" Now what fantasies may grow into the heads of your
own fellows, for the safeguard of themselves ; of whom you
have had already some experience, it is to be doubted : or
what may grow in the heads of lyour soldiers when, failing
of the aid of London, they shall be in despair of your
enterprise, it is also to be doubted. On the other part,
when such of Kent, on whom it seemeth you repose some
trust, shall hear of your retire : their disposition perhaps
will be much changed. And therefore it standeth you in
hand to look to the matter substantially."
Wyat (having the same confidence in Bret, that Bret
would Wyat to have had in others ; remem- Trustless
bering his most deceitful treason to the Queen, traitorsl
contrary to the trust reposed in him for the conduct of the
White Coats ; and feeling his grief doubled, and his desire
to convey himself away so much the more increased, by
Bret's secret talk with him) ; as a stricken deer, wandereth
aside, all alone complaining with himself [of] his most
unhappy fate.
And soon after calling Thomas ISLEY unto him, said,
"Ah, cousin ISLEY, in what extreme misery are we?
The revolt of these Captains with the White Coats seemed
a benefit in the beginning ; and as a thing sent by GOD
for our good, and to comfort us forward in our enterprise :
which I now feel to our confusion. Ah, cousin, this it is
to enter such a quarrel, which notwithstanding we now see
must have a ruthful end ; yet of necessity we must prosecute
the same."
WYAT as desperate (finding others to accord with BRET'S
opinion, upon his conference with them : by whom for
direction of his traitorous journey [expedition] he was chiefly

248 Wyat's force crosses Kingston bridge. [toJjJSnSS
advised ; although for this shifting away there were others
whom he better trusted) marched, the Tuesday being Shrove
wyat's Tuesday [6th February 1554], out of Southwark to
Sch^sto1?'0 Kingston upon Thames, ten miles distant; where
they arrived about four of the clock in the after
noon.
And finding thirty feet or thereabouts of the bridge taken
away, saving the posts that were left standing ; Wyat prac
ticed [bargained] with two mariners to swim over to convey
a barge unto him. Which the mariners, tempted with great
promises of preferment, did. Wherein WYAT and certain
wyat's w't'1 ^'m were conveyed over: who, in the time
passage at that the number of the soldiers baited [lunched] in
Kingston. tjie town^ caused the bridge to be trimmed with
ladders planks and beams, the same tied together with ropes
and boards as, by ten of the clock in the night, [it] was in
such plight that both his ordnance and Band of men might
pass over without peril.
And so, about eleven of the clock in the same night, Wyat
with his Band, without either resistance or peril, marched
over the bridge towards London ; having such a loving heart
in his body to the Queen as before day he meant to have
been at the Court Gate [of Whitehall]. Which he could
never have attempted, having any sparkle of that good zeal
in his breast to the Queen's surety as, to further his treason,
he outwardly pretended to the World ; considering the
danger that might have grown, by the fear thereof, to her
Grace. But, as GOD would, partly by weariness of his soldiers,
and partly by the breach [break down] of the wheels that
carried his ordnance ; it was nine of the clock of the day
following, being Ash Wednesday [7th February 1554], before
he came so far as Hyde Park : where his courage, being
tofore as ye have heard not very lusty, began now utterly to
die ; beholding as it were before his face the present bane
and confusion whereunto his malicious intent was shaped.
Yet desperation being his lewd guide, he marcheth for
ward ; and cometh within the power of Sir William
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke ; being, that day, the Queen's
Lieutenant General in the field. Who yet (with divers other
Noblemen and faithful subjects, being then in arms with him

.oJj^5sJ The Action at Hyde Park Corner. 249
prest and ready to receive so impudent a race of traitorous
rebels to their deserved breakfast) understanding, partly by
sure spial, partly by their own view, that the rebels exceeded
not the number of four thousand, and most of them naked
[unarmed], void of all policy and skill ; considering withal
that they could not set upon WYAT and his whole Band but
great effusion of blood should follow, the Queen's army
being so greedy to be revenged and the other so impotent to
resist, determined rather by policy to achieve the victory
than by bloodshed to_confound the rebels. Wherein they
should please GOD, answer the Queen's merciful expecta
tion, and purchase unto themselves most renown and honour
of that day's service.
Upon these resolutions, they permitted WYAT with the
fore part of his Band to pass quietly along ; and through
between the Queen's Majesty's Horsemen : the Lord
Clinton being Marshal of the Field and Captain of the
barbed horses and Demi-lances on the south side ; JACK of
Musgrave being Captain of the Light Horsemen on the
north side. The great ordnance being charged to shoot full
upon the breast of the rebels coming eastward : the Earl of
Pembroke with the Main Battle of footmen as well for
handguns, morishpikes, bows, and bills, standing in goodly
array on the north-east side, behind the said great ordnance,
ready to set upon the rebels in the face coming towards
Holborn. WYAT, coming in the forefront of his Band, perceiving that
he was thus beset with horsemen on both sides, the great
ordnance and the footmen before his face north-eastward ; so
that he could no ways escape, but necessarily must fall into
their hands, although for policy he was suffered and a great
part of his men to pass so far quietly and without resistance
through the Horsemen — he suddenly forsook his way
intended through Holborn ; and, with might and main, as
fast as they could, he and his mates ran down underneath the
Park Wall of brick adjoining to the Queen's Manor House,
called St. James's.
The Lord Clinton, observing his time ; first with his
Demi-lances brake their array, and divided Wyat's Band in
two parts. Then came the Light Horsemen, who so hardly

250 Wyat surrenders at Temple Bar. [iojj.

Proctor.
an. 1555.

pursued the tail of his Band, that they slew many, hurt more,
and took most of them.
Whilst the said Horsemen were thus in fight with the tail
of his Band ; Wyat himself and 500 men or thereabouts
peked [pushed] on still all along under St. James's Park Wall
until he came to Charing Cross : where divers of the Queen's
Household servants and others fought with them, and in the
end killed 16 of the rebels.
Nevertheless Wyat, having escaped with a part of his
company, marching along in battle [ar]ray, entered into
Fleet street, and came over Fleet Bridge towards Lud Gate.
And although no man resisted his passage through the
streets thus far: yet, when at length he perceived that he
had no help of friends at London and the suburbs as he
looked for, [he] left his men standing still in battle array ;
and rode back as far as the Temple Bar Gate, with a
naked [drawn] sword in his hands the hilts upward, as some
report. At which Gate, he would have gone through towards
Charing Cross, to the residue of his men : but he was then
stopped by force, of the Queen's true subjects ; who would
not suffer him to pass without Temple Bar.
At length came one Sir Maurice Berkeley Knight unto
him, and required him to consider that he could not prevail
in this wicked purpose ; and that his men were all taken and
slain in the Field : and therefore willed him to cease off
from any further occasion of bloodshed ; exhorting him to
yield himself prisoner, and to stand to the Queen's mercy.
Which to do, Wyat refused ; and said That he would
rather be slain than yield to any man.
And yet, nevertheless, as it chanced, there came a Herald
of Arms immediately, riding in the Queen's Coat Armour to
this place : to his Coat shortly after WYAT submitted him
self prisoner ; and so went to the Court at Westminster, and
there was brought before the Privy Council ; and shortly
after, within one hour, sent from thence to the Tower of
London [a] prisoner.
Amongst other things this is to be remembered, that
whiles the said Wyat and certain of his men, as aforesaid,

ioJja*roiC55s:] The fright at Whitehall Palace. 251
were coming thus towards Fleet street ; a certain Captain of
the said rebels, with divers of his soldiers, returned from
Charing Cross down to the Court Gate at Whitehall, and
gave a larum [an alarm] before the Gate : and shot divers
arrows into the said Court, the Gate being open. Insomuch
that one Master NICHOLAS ROCKEWOOD, being a Gentleman
of Lincoln's Inn and in armour at the said Court Gate, was
shot through his nose with an arrow by the rebels. [See
Edward Underhill s account of this fright in this Vol.,
p. 190.] For the coming of the said rebels was not looked for that
way: but [it was] thought that the Queen's army should
have joined battle with them in the Field ; according to
promise made by the said WYAT on his behalf: who pro
mised that he would come to the Queen's Foot Battle
[Infantry], and fight with them pike against pike and man
to man. Which, when it came to the very point, he
refused ; and shrank [by] a bye way by Saint James's Park
Wall for his refuge, as you have heard before : where many
of them were slain by Horsemen, so that they came not nigh
the Queen's power of the Foot Battle. Which increased
some desperate boldness in the despairing rebels : not
without great discomfiture to all the Court and the city
of London ; perceiving that he was himself, and so many
rebels with him, come through the Queen's army thus
far. Whereupon grew great admiration [wonderment] amongst
them that knew not their doings in the Field ; how for policy,
and to avoid much manslaughter, Wyat was suffered pur
posely to pass along. Insomuch divers timorous and cold
hearted soldiers came to the Queen, crying, "All is lost!
Away ! Away ! A barge ! A barge ! "
Yet her Grace never changed her cheer, nor removed
one foot out of the House; but asked for the Lord of
Pembroke, in whom her Grace had worthily reposed great
confidence. Answer being made, That he was in the Field.
"Well then," quod her Grace, "fall to prayer! and I
warrant you, we shall hear better news anon. For my Lord
will not deceive me, I know well. If he would, GOD will
not : in whom my chief trust is, who will not deceive me."

252 How London was shut in, and kept. [_„?$

Proctor. IS55-

And indeed, shortly after, news came all of victory, [and]
how that Wyat was taken.
This day [7th February 1554], the Judges in the Common
Place [Common Pleas] at Westminster sat in armour. The
Mayor, Aldermen, and the householders of the city, by four
of the clock in the morning, were in armour: the Lord
William Howard, High Admiral, being amongst them.
Who, as I have tofore said, was by the Queen's Majesty
appointed Captain General and Lieutentant for the time,
to confer in counsel and join in execution with the Lord
Mayor and his Brethren [the Aldermen] for the sure
and speedy guarding and warding of the city : to the
preservation whereof the Queen's Grace had special regard.
The Gates were diligently watched ; every Gate with 100
men : Moor Gate being closed up and rampired.

Thus was this wily heretic and open traitor Wyat, and
his complices, brought to their confusion ; and to the end
which never missed all such malicious[ly] disposed wretches.
Partly by the wisdom and policy of him that was armed in
the Field, the worthy Earl of PEMBROKE ; but chiefly by the
mighty hand of GOD, at the contemplation of her high
merits and virtues ; who remaining in the closet of stedfast
hope and confidence, being appointed with the armour of
faith, fought with ardent and continual prayer, in perfect
devotion, under the banner and ensign of GOD : who indeed
alone gave this victory, and alone without policy or might of
man overthrew her enemies ; yet so that he therewith
declared his special favour and pleasure towards his servant,
that noble Knight, the Earl of PEMBROKE, in appointing him
chief champion this day to defend his chosen and elect
Virgin ; whose faith hath not been wavering in his Catholic
religion nor his truth and service doubtful at any time
towards his Prince.
Wyat, as is said, was committed to the Tower. So were
divers other Gentlemen : as, soon after, was Henry Grey
Duke of Suffolk and his two brethren.
The Duke, being so hardly pursued by the Lord

.oJjJnroiC555'] The execution of Wyat's accomplices. 253
Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, was by him appre
hended in Leicestershire. Whereby he declared ™. „ . ,
.. 1r ., . , . < 1 . , The Duke of
himself, as well in honour and unspotted loyalty Suffolk's
as in parentage and patrimony, to succeed his great bypthe Sof
grandfather the Lord Hastings ; whose fidelity Hastings-
and stedfast truth towards King Edward IV. and his
children, the Chronicles report to his immortal honour.
Of the common people there was such a number taken in
the chase by the Earl of Pembroke that besides the usual
gaols, sundry churches in London were made places for their
safeguard, till order was taken for their enlargement.
The Duke [of Suffolk] was arraigned by his Peers, and
by verdict found guilty of Treason, before the Duke of
Norfolk, being Lord Constable, and that day his Judge.
Both he, and his brother Thomas, at several days, made
their end at Tower Hill, by loss of their heads.
Sundry others of Wyat's complices, being arraigned, and
condemned upon their confession of treason, suffered in
divers parts of the Shire, as :
Henry Isley Knight, Thomas Isley his brother, and
Walter Mantel, at Maidstone; where Wyat first
displayed his standard.
Anthony Knevet, William his brother, with another
of the Mantels, at Sevenoaks.
Bret, at Rochester, hanging in chains.
And of the common sort very few were executed, save
only of the White Coats ; that, to say truth, deserved it
trebly. Wyat himself, last of all, was arraigned at Westminster ;
the Earl of SUSSEX, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir
Thomas Cornwallis being his Judges : where and before
whom, he most earnestly craved life ; not by plea of his
matter or justifying of himself, but by earnest suit, in
humble submission, for the Queen's mercy.
It seemeth not amiss here to make report of such special
words as by him were uttered at his arraignment: wyat's words
which I myself heard, standing not ten feet from mml*"™^'

Proctor.
an. 1555.

«

254 Wyat's words at his arraignment. [iojj.
him at that time. By the which words may appear
both what he himself thought of his doings, how much
he misliked the same, and also how penitent and sorrowful
he was therefor.

Certain words proceeding from Wyat,
at his arraignment.
JY Lords, I must confess myself guilty; as, in
the end, truth must enforce me to say: and
that I am justly plagued for my sins, which
most grievously I have committed against GOD ;
who hath suffered me to fall into this beastly
brutishness and horrible offence of treason. And lo, in
me the like end; as all such that have attempted like
enterprizes, from the beginning have had. For peruse
the Chronicles throughout, and you shall find that rebellion
never from the beginning prospered. For the love of GOD,
all you Gentlemen that be here present remember! and
be here taught by the examples past, and also by this
my present infelicity and heinous offence !
"O most miserable, mischievous, brutish, and beastly
furious imagination of mine ! For I thought that by the
marriage of the Prince of Spain, this realm should have been
in danger : and that I, that have lived a free born man,
should, with my country, have been brought to bondage and
servitude by aliens and Strangers. Which brutish beastli
ness then seemed reason ; and wrought so far and to such
effect as it led me to the practice and use of this committed
treason: that now understanding the great commodity
honour and surety which this realm shall receive by this
marriage ; if it shall please the Queen to be merciful to me
there is no man living that shall be more trusty and faithful
to serve her Grace; no, nor more ready to die at her
Highness's foot, whatsoever the quarrel be."
Thus far touching Wyat's words at his arraignment,
I thought not superfluous here to report, to the end that all
others blindly fallen into the same error, would by the

lo^an^ssO WyAT IS BEHEADED ON TowER HlLL. 255
example of Wyat rise also to repentance ; as well confessing
to the World with open voice their detestable mischief, as
also from the very heart with tears detesting the same ; as, in
utterance of the former words, he plentifully did.
He lost his head at Tower Hill ; and his body, divided,
was set up in divers parts about London.
Other poor men, being taken in Wyat's Band, and kept a
time in divers churches and prisons without the 0f such as did
city [of London], kneeling all, with halters about penance by
their necks, before the Queen's Highness at halters before
Whitehall ; her Grace mercifully pardoned, to the th'(*afxn-
number of 600 : who immediatey thereupon, with great
shouts, casting their halters up into the air, cried " GOD
save your Grace ! GOD save your Grace ! "
Howbeit sundry of them that did wear halters afore the
Queen's Highness were afterwards, by means, called before
the Justices in the country to be arraigned : but her Grace,
being moved thereof by the Sheriff, would them to be no
further vexed.
Thus have ye heard of Wyat's end, and [of] some of his
complices : by whose lamentable tragedy, and others of like
sort that happened in our Age, not only we, but such as
shall succeed us, may be abundantly taught to foresee what
it is to enter into rebellion. For neither could WYAT with
his stoutness, nor yet with the pretence of his quarrel
coloured with a meaning to defend his country from over
running by Strangers, nor yet through the aid of sundry
conspirators of great power, ne by any other policy, prevail.
Six of the Gentlemen that were offenders were pardoned,
going to their execution, by the Queen's clemency, at
Rochester : as were also all the others of the whole Kentish
Gentlemen remitted ; a few of the rankest excepted, that,
only for example, suffered.
The Queen's Highness, not long after, sent out her
Commission to Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir John Guildford.

256 The Queen's Commission for Kent. Qo^"^^
Sir Thomas Kemp; Warram SentlegeRj Thomas
Roydon, Christopher Roper, George Dorrell of
Calehill, George Fane, John Tucke, John Robarts,
Thomas Lovelace, John Leonard, Esquires ; with others :
not only to bail and set at large such as were in prison in the
country [County of Kent] for that offence, being of no small
number; but also to compound [fine] with the offenders,
according to the quality of their offences. Which manner of
order, being not heard of in the like case, or at the least very
rarely, declared a singular clemency and benignity in the
Queen: that, being followed so cruelly, would yet be so
moved with pity as to vouchsafe to answer them with so
much lenity, in the executing of so few, in comparison
to so great a number and so large a cause ; being all in her
Grace's mercy to dispose at her pleasure. And besides [to]
suffer the rest to escape with so small abashment of their
countenance [small amount of fine] after so heinous [an]
offence.

He that shall peruse this Story diligently, and consider
all parts thereof exactly, with remembrance of things past
since the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, must
of force recognize, of what condition soever he be, the
magnificence mercy and fortitude of this most noble Princess,
as from time to time with such patience to endure so great
malice of her own subjects, with such lenity to forbear the
revenge of so intolerable outrage, with such mercy in the
end to pardon and remit so heinous and great offenders.
Happy was it with those heinous offenders that her Grace's
most worthy and honourable Council were so agreeable to
her virtuous inclination ! as inclined rather to pursue
merciful pardon for continuance of life than to prosecute
revenge by execution of death.
It is to be wished by all good men with one assent that,
provoked with so great clemency, these degenerates reform
themselves! and forbear thus to attempt so gracious a
Princess ! unto whom, by GOD'S authority, the sword is not
vainly committed ; lest thereby they procure to themselves
damnation in seeking by such outrage their own death and
confusion. From the desire whereof we see, by a number of

ioJjm!°iC5ss:] Proctor's laudation of Queen Mary 257
evident arguments, the Queen's Highness and her honour
able Council to be so far as, by all means they can imagine,
they seek to eschew that they by most wilful
and malicious means follow to
their subversion.

[The following are omitted for want of space.]
An earnest Conference with the Degenerates
and Seditious, for the search of the cause
of their great disorder.

A Table [or Index].

Imprinted at London by Robert Caley within the
Precinct of the late dissolved House of the
Grey Friars, now converted to a Hospi
tal called Christ's Hospital
The 10th day of January 1555.

Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

C % compenfctous i&egteter fn
metre* containing t^e tranter ano patient
sufferings of tbe members of 31esus Cbrist, ano tbe
tormenteo, ano crueHg burneo toitbin €nglanoj
since tbe oeatb of our famous ffitfng, of immortal
memory, e d w a r d tbe §>ijctb, to tbe entrance
ano beginning of tbe reign of our §>o»ereign
ano nearest laoj? Elizabeth, of
(ZEnglano, jFrance, ano 3|relano, Ctueenj
Defenoer of tbe JFaitb 5 to tobose ^igbness
trulj? ano properlp appertained, nert
ano immeDiatelp unuer <$flDD, tbe
supreme potoer ano autboritg
of tbe Cburcbes of
GEnglano ano
3|reIano. So be it.
Anno. 1559.

Apocalypse 7.
\Nd one of the angels (saith Saint
John) spake, saying unto me, u What
are they, which are arrayed in long white
garments; and whence come they f " (before
the people, before sealed by the angel). And
I said unto him, " Lord, thou wottest ! "
And he said unto me, " These are they
which came out of great tribulation ; and
washed their garments, and made
them white in the blood of the
Lamb. Therefore are they in
the presence of the Throne of
GOD, and serve Him, day and
night, in His Temple :
and He that sitteth
in the Throne
will
dwell among
them" 1%

26l

Co t^e lBir$t honourable
Loro fkarr, £©arqute of Northampton}
Cbomas TStice, pour Lorosbip's Dailp ©rator,
toisbetb continual increase of grace,
concotO, ano consolation in i£)im
tbat is, toas, ano is to come,
eoen tbe jFirst ano
tbe Last.
amen.
T may please your goodness, Honourable Lord ! to
receive in good part, the little labour of my pen :
which, albeit the rudeness and quantity thereof
procureth not to be dedicate[d] to so honourable a
Personage ; yet the matter itself is of such worthiness, as
duly deserveth to be graven in gold. But who goeth about so
finely to depict with Apelles's instrument, this said Register,
thinking to exceed the rest ? Not I ! poor wretch ! because
I am assured that such a worthy work as thereof may be
written, cannot, neither shall pass untouched among so
many godly learned. But were it, that no man hereafter
should, in more ample and learned manner, set forth the
same ; yet should my presumption (if I so meant) be turned
to reproach: for this I believe, that they be in such sort
registered in the Book of the Living, as passeth either pen,
ink, or memory to declare.

262 Dedicatory Epistle to [fprirjof1^:
This my simplicity and too bold attempt might move your
Honour to conjecture in me much rudeness, or, at the least,
might persuade me so to think : but that experience hath
showed me the humility and gentleness of your long tried
patience ; the certain knowledge whereof hath pricked me for
ward in this my pretence. And being thereunto requested of
a faithful brother and friend ; I have, with more industry than
learning, GOD knoweth ! finished the same.
Which being, as I thought, brought to good end; I
desired, according to the accustomed manner, to dedicate
the same unto such [an] one, as would not contemn so
simple a gift. And calling you to mind, Right Honourable
Lord ! I knew none more meet. First, because your know
ledge in Christ teacheth you the same godly and virtuous
life ; which not only your Lordship, but all other Honourable,
&c, ought to ensue. Secondly, because these late years, you
have had good experience of the troubles and miseries of the
faithful, which have patiently embraced in their arms, the
comfortable, although painful, cross of Christ ; which, in so
great a number, is commonly not so plenteous as commend
able. But what stand I praising this patience in them
(which yet deserveth the same) ? seeing the mighty GOD
and His Christ hath prepared, from everlasting, for such,
a glorious, rich and incomprehensible Crown of Felicity and
continual comforts.
This my short and simple work, I commend and dedicate
unto your Lordship ! craving pardon at your hands, for this
my too homely and rude enterprise : considering that albeit
golden fruit were offered in pewter and by the hands of a
simple man ; yet is the fruit notwithstanding still precious,
and neither abased by the pewter, nor the giver. Even so,
Honourable Lord ! though the verses be simple, and the
giver unworthy : yet the fruit or matter is precious, com
fortable and good.
The order to attain to the perfect understanding of my
mind, in setting forth the same with figures and letters,

sprii/of^SG Lord Parr, Marquis of Northampton. 263
shall largely appear in this book : which I have not only done
to make plain unto your Honour, the year, month, and day ;
but also, to all others that hereafter shall read it. For that
I do pretend [design], if GOD and favour will permit it, to
use the same as common to the profit of all : for which cause,
I have also placed a Preface to the Reader.
But that it may please your Honour, in respect of the pre
mises, to extend your favourable assistance to the manifest
setting forth of this short and simple work, to the glory of the
great and mighty GOD, and to the comfort of Christians : I,
as unworthy and too bold a suitor, most humbly craveth your
Lordship's aid and supportation in the same ; especially to
bear [with] the rudeness of my unlearned style, which, alas, I
lament. But now ceasing to trouble your Lordship any longer, this
shall be my continual prayer for you.
The wisdom of GOD direct your Honour I
The mercy of GOD give you spiritual power I
The HOLY GHOST guide and comfort
you, with all fulness of
consolation in
Christ Jesus 1
Amen.
Your Lordship's daily orator,
Thomas Brich.

X}/

•

264

Co tlje Gentle Keaoer,
mere? ano peace?
|Ay it please thee, gentle Reader, to take in good
worth this short and simple Register, containing
the names of divers, although not all, both men,
women, and virgins, &c, who, for the pro
fession of Christ their Captain, have been most
miserably afflicted, tormented, and [im]prisoned ; and, in fine,
either died by some occasion in prison, or else erected [gone
to heaven] in the charret [fiery chariot] of Elias, since the 4th
day of February, 1555, to the 17th day of November, 1558,
wherein (according to the determination of our most merciful
Father) our longwished forand most noble Queen, Elizabeth,
was placed Governess and Queen, by general Proclamation ;
to the great comfort of all true English hearts.
This I commit to thy friendly acceptation and favourable
scanning, gentle Reader, and albeit, I doubt not but some,
of godly zeal, both wise and learned, will not negleet, here
after, to set forth so worthy a work, namely, of the martyrdom
and patient sufferings of Christ's elect Members ; and also of
the tyrannical tragedies of the unmerciful Ministers of Satan :
yet, at the request of a dear friend, to whom love and Nature
hath linked me, I could not, without ingratitude, deny his
lawful desire, attempting the same ; also, rather because it
might be manifest to the eyes of the world, and also put the
learned, of godly zeal, in memory more amply to enlarge ;
and, at their good discretion, to set forth the same. Pardon
my rudeness, therefore, I beseech thee ! considering that
will in the unable is to be esteemed. Look not upon the
baseness of the metre ! the true number whereof cannot
easily be observed in such a gathering of names : but, with
lifted eyes of the mind, meditate upon the omnipotent power of
GOD ! which hath given and wrought such constancy in His
children, in these our days, that even in fiery flambes [flames]
and terrible torments, they have not ceased to invocate and

springVisH:] To the Reader. 265
extol the name of their Creator, Redeemer, and Comforter,
according to the saying of the cxlviii. Psalm, " Young men
and maidens, old men and children " have set forth His
worthy and excellent praise. So that the same just and
righteous GOD, who, for our sins, corrected us, and gave us
over into the hands of the most bloody and viperous genera
tion, to be eaten like bread : hath now, of His mercy alone,
" exalted the horn of His people." Therefore all His saints
shall praise Him. Farewell 1 T. B.
C^e manner ^oto to unoergtanb tlje
letters ano figures*.
[A specimen of a Stanza of the Register as originally given by Brice,
will help the reader to understand the unnecessarily complicated form in
which he put it ; and also the following Instructions, which were omitted in
subsequent impressions.
Three stanzas occupy each page of the original edition. They are
printed like this.

63

1558. March.

c

28 28

When that John Dewneshe and Hugh Foxe,
In Smithfield, cruel death sustained,
As fixed foes to Romish rocks ;
And Cuthbert Symson also slain.
When these did worthily receive their death,
We wished for our Elizabeth. •

7

A comparison of this Stanza, with its fellow at page 283, will show our
method of reproducing this text.]

266 The declaration of the [f^Jof3™^
||iV PRIMUS, the figures, which are always four in
number, are placed in the middle of the two
strykes [strokes, or rules], which go between the
verses, within two short strikes ; signify the year
wherein those persons were slain under them
contained. And where you see a little cross, »|«, on the outside of the
outmost line, it signifieth the changing of the year [i.e., on
the z$th March], as from 1554 to 1555 ; and in such manner.
The letters which stand in the little square place, on the
right side of the book, signified the month wherein they died ;
and for the plainer understanding thereof I have used twelve
letters, for the twelve months : that is, A, for January ; B, for
February ; C, for March ; D, for April ; E, for May ; F, for
June ; G, for July; H, for August ; I, for September; K, for
October ; L, for November ; M, for December.
But where one letter standeth in the little square place ;
and another is placed under it between the two lines before
the verse be ended ; it signified the changing of the month :
so that the person or persons, where against the letter so
changed doth stand, was put to death in that month which
that letter doth signify.
And whereas, in the third Verse [or Stanza,p. 270], and no
where else, there standeth figures on the right side, between
the two lines; that giveth to understand that Hunter,
Higbye, Picket, and Knight, which are placed in one line,
were burnt at three sundry days.
The figures which standeth in the little square place, on
the left side of the book, is but the sum of the Verses. But
those which stand between the two lines on the left side of
the book, signified the day of the month, wherein that
person or persons died, where against those figures stand.
The figures, which stand without both the lines, on the top
of the right side, signifieth the folio or number of the sides ;
but the figures which stand underneath the nether strike,
between the two lines, is the number of persons murdered on
that side [i.e., of the page].
This is done, gentle Reader ! that thou shouldest under
stand the year, month, and day wherein every person died ;
according to the knowledge that I have learned.
Also, in some places, where you shall see a name or names

SprinJof^lsgG LETTERS AND FIGURES. 267
stand without figures ; that signifieth the certain day to be
unknown. Some, therefore, perchance, will judge much
rashness in me to write with ignorance; to whom, with
reverence, I answer, that as I received the names registered
and gathered by a good gentleman : even so, at a friend's
desire, I have put them in metre, in this little book, thinking
that, by pleasantness of reading, and easiness [cheapness] of
price, they might be the more largely blown and known.
For my desire is that all men should participate [in] this
my travail : and were the author and inditing half so
worthy as the matter ; then would I most earnestly wish and
desire that it might be conveyed and delivered to the Queen's
Majesty's own hands. Wherein Her Grace might see, what
unmerciful Ministers had charge over the poor sheep ; who,
wolfishly, at their wills, devoured the same : and, also, what
ruin and decay of Her Grace's subjects (that might have
been), they have brought to pass. Therein might Her Grace
see, as in a glass, how that bloodthirsty generation, neither
spared hore [hoary] headed and ancient age, which all men
ought to honour; neither youth, nor middle age; neither
wife, nor widow ; young man, nor tender virgin. But like
the unnatural eggs of Astyages that tyrant, destroy, and
spill the blood of all : besides stocking [putting in the stocks],
racking [putting on the rack], and whipping of the younger
sort ; whom shame would not suffer to kill, as some are well
enough known, and I am not altogether ignorant [of].
Should such tyrannical tragedies be kept one hour, from
the hands of so noble and virtuous a Governess ? whose
princely and natural heart, I doubt not, should have occasion
thereby to be, in both kinds, both heavy and joyful : heavy,
for the innocent blood spilt ; but joyful for the praises of her
GOD, and that our GOD shall be honoured thereby, while
the world doth endure. I doubt whether [doubt not but] Her
Grace, inwardly wrapt up withPAUL and JoHNin divine science,
will brast [burst] out and say, " O happy^LATiMER ! Cran
mer ! Hooper ! Rogers ! Farrer ! Taylor ! Saunders !
Philpot ! Cardmaker ! Bradford ! &c. ; you members of
Christ ! you faithful Fathers and preaching Pastors ! you,
that have not defiled yourselves with abomination, but have
washed your garments white in the blood of the Lamb ! you,
that in fiery torments, with Stephen, have called upon the

268 The declaration, &c. [^injof^
name of your Redeemer, and so finished you lives ! you that
are now clothed in white garments of innocency, with crowns
of consolation, and palms of victory in your hands, follow
ing the Lamb withersoever He goeth ! " Or else, in anguish
of soul, sighingly to say, " O thou tyrannous and unmer
ciful world ! thou monstrous and unnatural generation ! what
devil inflamed thy mind such malicious mischief? to tor
ment and shed the blood of spch innocent livers, perfect
preachers and worthy counsellors, learned ministers, diligent
divines, perfect personages, and faithful shepherds. They
were constant Confessors before, but thou (with the Roman
Emperor) thoughtest to prevent the determination of GOD,
in making them Martyrs, to be the sooner with their Christ,
whom they so much talked of. O cruel Neros ! that could
kill, through malice, such worthy men, as have often preached
to our dear father [Henry VIII.] and brother [Edward VI.]
the everlasting gospel of GOD. Could neither honourable
age, innocent single life, chaste matrimony, inviolate virginity,
nor yet pity move you to cease shedding of blood ! Alas, too
much unnaturalness ! "
Whether the sight of this simple book, I say, should bring
to her Grace's natural heart, the passions of heaviness or joy,
I doubt : but I think rather both.
Therefore, would to God ! it were worthy to enter into the
hands of so noble and natural a Princess and Queen ; whom
the LORD, of His eternal and foreseeing determination, hath
now placed in this royal dignity : to the redress of such un
natural and bloody facts, as in this book are contained.
But forasmuch as some imperfection is, and may easily be
in this Gathering; I commend it to thy goodness, gentle
Reader ! beseeching thee, not to be precise in perusing the
day ; for it may, that, either through my negligence, or [that
of] some other writing [manuscript] before me, we may miss
so narrow a mark. Such as it is, I commend
unto thee ! only, judge
well!

269

The Book to the Reader.

Eruse with patience, I thee pray I
My simple style, and metre base.
The works of GOD, with wisdom weigh I
The force of Love, the strength of Grace.

hove caused GOD, His grace to give,
To such as should for Him be slain.
Grace wrought in them, while they did live,
For love, to love their Christ again.
Now Grace is of such strength and might,
That nothing may the same withstand.
Grace putteth death and hell to flight,
And guides us to the Living Land.
The force of Love also is such,
That fear and pain it doth expel;
Love thinketh nothing over much ;
Love doth all earthly things excel.
Thus Love and Grace of GOD began
To work in them, to do His will :
These virtues' force wrought Love in man,
That fear was past, their blood to spill.
FINIS.

270

Wdt Register of tH 9@artprs.

1555.
February IgTajygfflawaggnl Hen raging reign of tyrants
stout,
Causeless, did cruelly conspire
To rend and root the Simple
out,
With furious force of sword and
fire;
When man and wife were put to death :
We wished for our Queen Elizabeth.
February 4 When Rogers ruefully was brent ;
8 When Saunders did the like sustain ;
When faithful Farrar forth was sent
His life to lose, with grievous pain ;
22 When constant Hooper died the death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
February 9 When Rowland Taylor, that Divine,
At Hadley, left this loathsome light ;
24 When simple Lawrence, they did pine,,
22 With Hunter, Higby, Pigot, and Knight ;
23 When Causun, constantly, died the death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

spaJo^smG The Register [of the Martyrs]. 271
1555.
March 5 When Tomkins, tyranny did abide,
Having his hand, with torchlight brent ;
7 When Lawrence, White, and Diggell died,
With earnest zeal and good intent ;
14 When William Flower was put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
April 2 When Awcocke, in Newgate prisoner,
His latter end, with joy, did make ;
11 When John Warren and Cardmaker,
Kissed each other at the stake ;
24 When March, the Minister, was put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

June

When William Cowley, for offence,
Was forthwith hanged at Charing Cross ;
Buried; then burned, of fond pretence;
Thus carion carcass they did toss :
When such insipients put men to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

June 10 When worthy Wattes, with constant cry,
Continued in the flaming fire;
11 When Simson, Hawkes, and John Ardlie
Did taste the tyrant's raging ire ;
11 When Chamberlaine was put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

June 12 When blessed Butter and Osmande,
With force of fire, to death were brent ;
12 When Shitterdun, sir Franke, and Blande,
12 And Humfrey Middleton of Kent ;
1 When Minge, in Maidstone, took his death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

272 The Register [of the Martyrs].

pRev. T. Brlce.
LSpring of 1559.

July

1555.
When Bradford, beautified with bliss,
With young John Least, in Smithfield, died;
When they, like brethren, both did kiss,
And in the fire were truly tried ;
When tears were shed for Bradford's death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

July 12 When Dirick Harman lost his life ;
12 When Launder, in their fume, they fried ; '
12 When they sent Everson from strife,
With moody minds, and puffed pride ;
12 When Wade, at Dartford, died the death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 21 When Richard Hooke, limbless and lame,
At Chichester, did bear the cross ;
22 When humble Hall, for Christcs name,
Ensued the same, with worldly loss ;
23 When Joan Polley was burnt to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 23 When William Ailewarde, at Reading,
In prison died of sickness sore ;
23 When Abbes, which feigned a recanting
Did wofully weep, and deplore ;
23 When he, at Bury, was done to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

August 23 When Denly died, at Uxbridge town,
With constant care to CHRisTes cause ;
23 When Warren's widow yielded down
Her flesh and blood, for holy laws ;
When she, at Stratford, died the death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

s^rinJof^swG The Register [of the Martyrs]. 273
1555.
August 23 When Laurence, Collier, Coker, and
Stere,
At Canterbury, were causeless slain, [fire,
23 With Hopper and Wrighte; Six in one
Converted flesh to earth again ;
24 When Roger Corriar was done to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
August 26 When Tankerfielde, at St. Albans,
26 And William Bamford, spent his blood ;
When harmful hearts, as hard as stones,
30 Burnt Robert Smith and Stephen Har-
wo[o]d ;
29 When Patrick Pattingham died the death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
August 31 When John Newman, and Thomas Fusse,
At Ware, and Walden, made their end ;
30 When William Hailes, for Christ Jesus,
With breath and blood did still contend ;
31 When he, at Barnet, was put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
August 31 When Samuell did firmly fight,
Till flesh and blood, to ashes went ;
3 When constant Cob, with faith upright,
At Thetford, cruelly was brent :
When these with joy did take their death ;
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September 2 When William Alleni, at Walsingham,
For truth was tried in fiery flame ;
3 When Roger Cooe, that good old man !
Did lose his life, for CHRiSTes name ;
When these, with others, were put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
B *

274 The Register [of the Martyrs], [sprbjif

Briee, X559*

1555.
September 6 When Bradbridge, Streter, and Bur-
warde,
6 Tuttie, and George Painter of Hyde,
Unto their duty, had good regard ;
Wherefore in one fire, they were fried :
When these, at Canterbury, took their death ;
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September When John Lesse, prisoner in Newgate,
io By sickness turned to earth and clay ;
When wicked men, with ire and hate,
13 Burnt Thomas Heywarde, and Goreway ;
13 When Tingle, in Newgate, took his death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September 14 When Richard Smith in Lollards'
Tower ;
15 Androwes and Kyng, by sickness, died ;
In fair fields they had their bower,
Where earth and clay doth still abide :
When they, in this wise, did die the death ;
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September 19 When Glover, and Cornelius
Were fiercely brent at Coventry ;
4 When Wolsey and Pigot, for Christ Jesus
At Ely, felt like cruelty.
19 When the poor bewept Master Glover's
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,
October When learned Ridley, and Latimer,
l6 Without regard, were swiftly slain ;
When furious foes could not confer
But with revenge and mortal pain.
When these two Fathers were put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.

sprkjof^] The Register [of the Martyrs]. 275
1555.
October 13 When worthy Web, and George Roper,
In Elias' car to heaven were sent ;
13 Also when Gregory Painter,
The same straight path and voyage went ;
When they, at Canterbury, took their death ;
We wished for our Elizabeth.

December 7 When godly Gore in prison died,
14 And Wiseman in the Lollards' Tower :
18 When Master Philpot, truly tried,
Ended his life with peace and power ;
When he kissed the chain, at his death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

1556.
January 27 When Thomas Whitwell, and Bartlet
Greene,
27 Annis Foster, Joan Lasheforde, and
Broune,
27 Tutsun, and Winter; these Seven were
seen,
In Smithfield, beat their enemies down ;
Even Flesh and Devil, World and Death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
January 31 When John Lowmas and Ann Albright,
31 Joan Soale, Joan Painter, and Annis
Snod,
In fire, with flesh and blood did fight ;
When tongues of tyrants laid on lode ;
When these, at once, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

276 The Register [of the Martyrs],

["Rev. T. Brice.
LSpring of 1550.

1556.
February When two women in Ipswich town,
Xg Joyfully did the fire embrace ;
When they sang out with cheerful sound,
Their fixed foes for to deface ;
When Norwich no-body put them to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
March 12 When constant Cranmer lost his life
And held his hand into the fire ;
When streams of tears for him were rife,
And yet did miss their just desire :
When Popish power put him to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

March

April

24 When Spencer and two brethren more,
Were put to death at Salisbury ;
Ashes to earth did right restore,
They being then joyful and merry :
When these, with violence, were burnt to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,
2 When Hulliarde, a Pastor pure,
At Cambridge, did this life despise ;
2 When Hartpooles death, they did procure
To make his flesh a sacrifice ;
When Joan Beche, widow, was done to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death :

April

10

When William Timmes, Ambrose, and
Drake,
10 Spurge, Spurge, and Cavell duly died,
Confessing that, for CHRiSTes sake,
They were content thus to be tried :
[* Bonner.] IO When * LONDON LITTLE-GRACE put them to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,

sVrfngVrswJ The Register [of the Martyrs]. 277
1556.
April 28 When lowly Lister, Nicoll, and Mase,
28 John Hammon, Spencer, and Yren also,
At Colchester, in the Postern Place,
Joyfully to their death did go ;
5 When two, at Gloucester, were put to death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
May When Margaret Eliot, being a maid,
13 After condemning, in prison died ;
15 When lame Lavarocke, the fire assayed,
15 And blind apRice with him was tried :
When these two impotents were put to
death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
May 16 When Katherine Hut did spend her
blood
16 With two maids, Elizabeth and Joan ;
When they embraced both reed and wood,
Trusting in Christ His death alone :
When men unnatural drew these to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
May 21 When two men and a sister dear,
At Beccles were consumed to dust ;
31 When William Sleche, constant and clear,
In prison died, with hope and trust ;
When these, our brethren, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
June 6 When John Oswold, ahd Thomas Reede,
6 Harland, Milwright, and Evington ;
With blazing brands their blood did bleed
As their brethren before had done.
When tyranny drave these to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

278 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [f^'J

Rev. T. Brice. 1559-

1556.
June 20 When Whod the Pastor, with Thomas
At Lewes, lost this mortal gain ; [Milles
Compassed with spears, and bloody bills,
Unto the stake for to be slain :
23 When William Adheral did die the death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
June 27 When Ja[c]kson, Holywel, and Wye,
27 Bowier, Lawrence, and Addlington ;
27 When Roth, Searles, Lion, and Hurst
did die ;
27 With whom, two women to death were done :
When Dorifall, with them, was put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
June 27 When Thomas Parret, prisoner,
30 And Martin Hunte died in the King's
Bench ;
When the young man at Leicester,
And Clement died, with filthy stench ;
25 When Careless, so took his death :
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 16 When Askue, Palmer, and John Gwin
Were brent with force, at Newbury ;
Lamenting only for their sins,
And in the LORD were full merry :
When tyrants merciless, put these to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 18 When John Forman, and mother Tree,
c* Grinstead.\ At * Grenstede, cruelly were slain ;
18 When Thomas Dungate, to make up three,
With them did pass from woe and pain :
When these, with others, were put to death ;
We wished for our Elizabeth.

sprinJofBiss9.] The Register [of the Martyrs]. 279
1556.
August 20 When the weaver at Bristow died,
And, at Derby, a wedded wife ;
When these with fiery flames were fried,
For CHRiSTes cause, losing their life ;
When many others were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September 24 When Ravensdale and two brethren more,
To earthly ashes were consumed ;
25 A godly glover would not adore
Their filthy idol ; whereat they fumed ;
When he, at Bristol, was put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
September 26 When John Horne, with a woman wise,
At Newton, under hedge were killed,
Stretching their hands with lifted eyes,
And so their years, in earth fulfilled ;
When these, with violence, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

September When Dunston, Clarke, and Potkin's
wife,
William Foster, and Archer also,
In Canterbury, did lose their life
By famishment ; as the talk do go.
When these, alas, thus took their death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
October When three, within one castle died,
And in the fields were layed to rest.
When at Northampton, a man was tried
Whether GOD or Mammon he loved best.
When these, by tyranny, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

280 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [§£5^

Brice. ¦559'

1557.
January 2 When Thomas Finall and his man,
2 Foster and three good members more,
Were purged with their fiery fan
At Canterbury, with torments sore.
When they with cheerfulness took their death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
January When two at Ashford, with cruelty,
For CHRisTes cause, to death were brent ;
2 When, not long after, two, at Wye,
Suffered for Christ His Testament:
When wily wolves put these to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

April 2 When Stanly's wife, and Annis Hyde,
Sturtle, Ramsey, and John Lothesby
Were content, torments to abide,
And took the same right patiently ;
When these, in Smithfield, were done to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,
May 2 When William Morant and Steven
Gratwick
Refused, with falsehood to be beguiled,
And for the same, were burned quick,
With fury, in Saint George's Field ;
When these, with others were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
June 16 When Joan Bradbridge, and a blind maid,
16 Appelby, Allen, and both their wives ;
16 When Manning's wife was not afraid,
But all these Seven did lose their lives.
When these, at Maidstone, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

springTofB«9:] The Register [of the Martyrs]. 281
1557.
June 19 When John Fiscoke, Perdue, and
White ;
19 Barbara, widow ; and Benden's wife ;
19 With these, Wilson's wife did firmly fight,
And for their faith, all lost their life ;
When these, at Canterbury, died the death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
June 22 When William Mainarde, his maid and
22 Margery Mories, and her son ; [man ;
22 Denis, Burges, Stevens, and Wo[o]dman;
22 Glove's wife, and Ashdon's, to death were
done ; [death,
When one fire, at Lewes, brought to them
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July When Ambrose died in Maidstone Gaol,
And so set free from tyrant's hands ;
2 When Simon Milner they did assail,
2 Having him, and a woman in bands ;
When these, at Norwich, were done to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 2 When ten, at Colchester, in one day,
Were fried with fire, of tyrants stout ;
Not once permitted truth to say,
But were compassed with bills about :
When these, with others, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 2 When George Egle§, at Chelmsford
Was hanged, drawn, and quartered ; [town,
His quarters carried up and down,
And on a pole they set his head.
When wrested law put him to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

282 The Register [of the Martyrs]. [sPrin/ofB*l»
1557.
July 5 When Thurston's wife, at Chichester,
5 And Bourner's wife, with her also ;
20 When two women at Rochester,
20 With father Frier were sent from woe :
23 When one, at Norwich, did die the death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
August io When Joyce Bowes, at Lichfield died,
Continuing constant in the fire ;
When fixed faith was truly tried,
Having her just and long desire.
When she, with others were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
August 17 When Richard Rooth and Ralph
Glaiton,
17 With James Auscoo and his wife
Were brent with force at Islington,
Ending this short and sinful life ;
When they with cheerfulness, did take their
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death ;
October 18 When Sparrow, Gibson, and Holling-
day,
In Smithfield, did the stake embrace ;
When fire converted flesh to clay,
They being joyful of such grace :
When lawless liberty put them to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
December 22 When John Roughe, a Minister meek,
22 And Margaret Mering, with courage died :
Because Christ only they did seek,
With fire of force, they must be fried ;
When these, in Smithfield, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

Rev. T. Brice.
Spring of 1559

] The Register [of the Martyrs]. 283

1558.
March 28 When that John Dewneshe and Hugh
Foxe,
In Smithfield, cruel death sustained,
As fixed foes to Romish rocks ;
28 And Cuthbert Symson also slain.
When these did worthily receive their death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
March When Dale deceased in Bury gaol,
According to GOD's ordinance ;
When widow Thurston they did assail ;
And brought Ann Bonger to Death's Dance ;
When these, at Colchester, were done to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,
April 9 When William Nicoll, in Ha[ve]rfor[d]-
Was tried with their fiery fire : [west,
20 When Symon fought against the best,
20 With Glover, and Thomas Carman ;
When these, at Norwich, did die the death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
May 26 When William Harris, and Richard
Day ; [brent :
26 And Christian George with them was
Holding their enemies at a bay
Till life was lost, and breath all spent ;
When these, at Colchester, were put to
We wished for our Elizabeth. [death,
June 27 When Southan, Launder, and Ricarbie;
27 HOLLYDAY, HOLLANDE, PONDE, and FLOOD,
With cheerful look and constant cry,
27 For CHRiSTes cause, did spend their blood :
When these in Smithfield were put to death.
We wished for our Elizabeth.

284 The Register [of the Martyrs], [f^ijof

Brice. 1559-

1558.
June When Thomas Tyler passed this place •
And Matthew Withers also died.
Though suit were much, yet little grace
Among the Rulers could be spied :
In prison, patiently, they took their death,
We wishing for Elizabeth.
July io When Richard Yeman, Minister,
At Norwich, did his life forsake ;
19 When Master Benbrike, at Winchester,
A lively sacrifice did make.
When these, with others, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
July 14 When William Peckes, Cotton, and
Wreight,
The Popish power did sore invade ;
To Burning School, they were sent straight,
14 And with them went, constant John Slade :
When these, at Brainford, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.
November 4 When Alexander Geche was brent,
4 And with him Elizabeth Launson ;
When they with joy, did both consent
To do as their brethren had done ;
When these, at Ipswich, were put to death,
We wished for Elizabeth.
November 5 When John Davy, and eke his brother,
5 With Philip Humfrey kissed the cross ;
When they did comfort one another
Against all fear, and worldy loss ;
When these, at Bury, were put to death,
We wished for our Elizabeth.

srSjonttaG The Register [of the Martyrs]. 285
November. When, last of all (to take their leave !),
[11] At Canterbury, they did some consume,
Who constantly to Christ did cleave ;
Therefore were fried with fiery fume :
But, six days after these were put to death,
GOD sent us our Elizabeth !
Our wished wealth hath brought us peace.
Our joy is full ; our hope obtained ;
The blazing brands of fire do cease,
The slaying sword also restrained.
The simple sheep, preserved from death
By our good Queen, Elizabeth.
As Hope hath here obtained her prey,
By GOD's good will and Providence;
So Trust doth truly look for stay,
Through His heavenly influence,
That great Goliath shall be put to death
By our good Queen, Elizabeth.
That GOD's true Word shall placed be,
The hungry souls, for to sustain ;
That Perfect Love and Unity
Shall be set in their seat again :
That no more good men shall be put to death ;
Seeing GOD hath sent Elizabeth.
Pray we, therefore, both night and day,
For Her Highness, as we be bound.
O LORD, preserve this Branch of Bay !
(And all her foes, with force confound)
Here, long to live ! and, after death,
Receive our Queen, Elizabeth !
Amen.
Apoc. 6. How long tarriest thou, 0 LORD, holy and true !
to judge, and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth.
FINIS.

286
The wishes of the Wise,
Which long to be at rest ;
To GOD, with lifted eyes,
They call to be redressed.

Hen shall this time of travail cease
Which we, with woe sustain ?
When shall the days of rest and peace,
Return to us again ?
When shall the mind be moved right
To leave this lusting life ?
When shall our motions and delight
Be free from wrath and strife ?
When shall the time of woful tears
Be moved unto mirth ?
When shall the aged, with grey hairs,
Rejoice at children's birth ?
When shall Jerusalem rejoice
In Him, that is their King?
And Sion's hill, with cheerful voice,
Sing psalms with triumphing ?
When shall the walls erected be,
That foes, with fury, 'fray ?
When shall that perfect Olive Tree,
Give odour like the Bay ?
When shall the Vineyard be restored,
That beastly boars devour ?
When shall the people, late abhoned,
Receive a quiet hour ?

springV/sw:] ThewishesoftheWise. 287
When shall the SPIRIT more fervent be,
In us that want good will ?
When shall Thy mercies set us free
From wickedness and ill ?
When shall the serpents, that surmise
To poison Thine Elect,
Be bound to better exercise,
Or utterly reject ?
When shall the blood revenged be,
Which on the earth is shed ?
When shall sin and iniquity
Be cast into the bed ?
When shall that Man of Sin appear
To be, even as he is ?
When shall thy babes and children dear
Receive eternal bliss ?
When shall that painted Whore of Rome
Be cast unto the ground ?
When shall her children have their doom,
Which virtue would confound ?
When shall Thy Spouse, and Turtle Dove
Be free from bitter blast ?
When shall Thy grace, our sins remove,
With pardon at the last ?
When shall this life translated be,
From fortune's fickle fall ?
When shall True Faith and Equity
Remain in general ?
When shall Contention and Debate,
For ever slack and cease ?
When shall the days of evil date,
Be turned unto peace ?

288 The wishes of the Wise. [f^gVrss":
When shall True Dealing rule the rost
With those that buy and sell ;
And Single Mind, in every coast,
Among us bide and dwell ?
When shall our minds wholly convert
From wealth, and worldly gain ?
When shall the movings of our heart
From wickedness refrain ?
When shall this flesh return to dust,
From whence the same did spring?
When shall the trial of our trust
Appearing with triumphing ?
When shall the Trump blow out his blast,
And thy dear babes revive ?
When shall the Whore be headlong cast,
That sought us to deprive ?
When shall Thy Christ, our King, appear
With power and renown ?
When shall Thy saints, that suffer here,
Receive their promised crown ?
When shall the faithful, firmly stand ?
Before Thy face to dwell ;
When shall Thy foes, at Thy left hand,
Be cast into the hell ?
Apoca. 22.
Come, LORD JESU 1
T. B.
C 3[mprinteti at llonoon, bg 3fobn Kingston for
fticbaro aoams.

289

The winning of Calais by the French,
January 1558 a.d.
General Narrative of the Recapture.
By George Ferrers, the Poet.
[Grafton's Chronicle. 1569.]

290 The Battle of St. Quentin. [afpe^
|0r if ought were won by the having of St. Quentin,
England got nothing at all ; for the gain thereof
came only to King Philip : but the loss of Calais,
Hammes, and Guisnes, with all the country on
that side of the sea, which followed soon after,
was such a buffet to England as [had] not happened in more
than an hundred years before ; and a dishonour wherewith
this realm shall be blotted until GOD shall give power to
redubbe it with some like requital to the French.
At this time, although open hostility and war were between
England and France, yet, contrary to the ancient custom
afore used, the town of Calais and the forts thereabouts were
not supplied with any new accrues [reinforcements] of soldiers;
which negligence was not unknown to the enemy, who, long
before, had practised [plotted] the winning of the said town and
country. The French King therefore (being sharply nettled
with the late loss of St. Quentin and a great piece of his
country adjoining, and desirous of revenge) thought it not
meet to let slip this occasion ; and having presently a full
army in a readiness to employ where most advantage should
appear, determined to put in proof, with all speed, the enter
prise of Calais; which long, and many times before, was
purposed upon.
This practice [design] was not so secret but that the
Deputies of Calais and Guisnes had some intelligence
thereof; and informed the Queen [Mary] and her Council
accordingly : nevertheless, either by wilful negligence there,
or lack of credit by the Queen's Council here, this great case
was so slenderly regarded as no provision of defence was
made until it was somewhat too late.
The Duke of Guise [known as, Le Balafr'e], being General
of the French army, proceeded in this enterprise with mar
vellous policy. For approaching the English frontier [known
in our history as the English Pale], under colour to victual
Boulogne and Ardes ; he entered upon the same, on a sudden
[on ist January, 1558] ; and took a little bulwark [fortification]
called Sandgate, by assault. He then divided his army into
two parts, sending one part with certain great pieces of
artillery along the downs [sandhills] by the sea-side towards
Risbank [or Ruisbank, a detached fort in Calais harbour. See
this Vol.p. 304] ; and the other part, furnished also with battery

^r^'lsoi.] Capture of Newnham Bridge & Ruisbank. 291
pieces, marched straight forth to Newnham [or Newhaven]
Bridge : meaning to batter the two forts, both at one time.
Which thing he did with such celerity, that coming thither very
late in the evening, he was master of both by the next morning.
At the first shot discharged at Newnham Bridge, the head
of the Master Gunner of that piece [fort], whose name was
Horseley, was clean stricken off. The Captain [Nicholas
Alexander] considering the great power of the French
army; and having his fort but slenderly manned to make
sufficient resistance, fled to Calais. And by the time he was
come thither, the other part of the French army that went
by the seaside, with their battery, had won Risbank ; being
abandoned [by Captain John Harlestone] to their hands.
The next day [2nd of January], the Frenchmen, with five
double-cannons and three culverins, began a battery from
the sandhills next Risbank, against the town of Calais ; and
continued the same, by the space of two or three days, until
they made a little breach in the wall next unto the Water
Gate, which, nevertheless, was not yet assaultable : for that
which was broken in the day, was by them within the town
made up again in the night, stronger than afore. But the
battery was not begun there by the French because they in
tended to enter in that place ; but rather to abuse [deceive] the
English, to have the less regard to the defence of the Castle :
which was the weakest part of the town, and the place where
they were we ascertained, by their espials, to win an easy entry.
So that while our people travailed fondly to defend that
counterfeit breach of the town wall, the Duke had in the
mean season, planted fifteen double-cannons against the
Castle. Which Castle being considered by the Rulers of
the town to be of no such force as might resist the battery of
cannon, by reason that it was old, and without any rampires
[ramparts] ; it was devised to make a train with certain
barrels of powder to this purpose, that when the Frenchmen
should enter, as they well knew, that there they would, to
have fired the said train, and blown up the Keep : and for
that purpose left never a man within to defend it. But the
Frenchmen, at their entry, espied the train, and so avoided
the same. So that the device came to no purpose; and,
without any resistance, they entered the Castle; and thought
to have entered the town by that way.

292 Surrender of Calais in three days. [&,Fe^0|:
But [on the 6th of January] by the prowess and hardy
courage of Sir Anthony AGER[AucHEJi],'K.r\ight[seethis Vol.,
pp. 315 sqq.], and Marshal of the Town, with his soldiers, they
were repulsed and driven back again into the Castle : and
followed so hard after, that our men forced them to close
and shut the Castle gate for their surety, lest it should have
been recovered against them. As it was once attempted
[p. 3 1 5] by Sir Anthony Ager : whothere, with his son andheir,
and a Pursuivant at Arms called Calais, and divers others, to
the number of fifteen or sixteen Englishmen, lost their lives.
The same night, after the recule [retreat] of the French
men, whose number so increased in the Castle, that the town
was not able to resist their force ; the Lord Wentworth,
Deputy of Calais, sent a Pursuivant called Guisnes, unto
the Duke of Guise, requiring composition ; which, after long
debate, was agreed to, upon this sort.
First. That the town, with all the great artillery,
victuals and munition, should be freely yielded to the
French King.
The lives of the inhabitants only saved; to whom safe
conduct should be granted, to pass where they listed.
Saving the Lord Deputy, with fifty others, such as the
Duke should appoint, to remain prisoners ; and be put
to their ransom.
The next morning [yth of January], the Frenchmen entered
and possessed the Town : and forthwith all the men, women,
and children, were commanded to leave their houses, and to
go into the two churches, of Our Lady, and Saint Nicholas ;
upon pain of death. Where they remained a great part of
that day, and one whole night, and until three o'clock at
afternoon the next day [8th] : without either meat or drink.
And while they were thus in the churches, the Duke of
Guise, in the name of the French King, in their hearing,
made a Proclamation straitly charging and commanding all
and every person that were inhabitants of the Town of
Calais, having about them any money, plate, or jewels to the
value of [but] one groat [^d.] to bring the same forthwith,
and lay it down on the high altars of the said churches,
upon pain of death : bearing them in hand [inducing them
to think] also that they should be searched.
By reason of which Proclamation, there was made a great

G-TFe^ol:] The English Exodus out of Calais. 293
and sorrowful Offertory. And while they were at this offering
within the churches, the Frenchmen entered into their
houses, and rifled the same ; where was found inestimable
riches and treasure, but specially of ordnance, armour, and
other munition.
About two o'clock, the next day at afternoon, being the
7th of January ; all the Englishmen, except the Lord Deputy
and the others reserved for prisoners, were suffered to pass
out of the town in safety ; being guarded through the army
by a number of Scottish Light Horsemen.
There were in this town of Calais, 500 English soldiers
ordinarily, and no more : and of the townsmen, not fully
200 fighting men : a small garrison for the defence of such
a town ! And there were in the whole number of men,
women, and children, as they were counted when they went
out of the gate, 4,200 persons.
But the Lord Wentworth, Deputy of Calais ; Sir Ralph
Chamberlain, Captain of the Castle ; [John] Harlestone,
Captain of Risbank ; Nicholas Alexander, Captain of
Newn[h]ambridge ; Edward Grimstone, Controller; with
others of the chief of the town, to the number of fifty, as
aforesaid, such as it pleased the Duke of Guise to appoint,
were sent prisoners into France.
Thus have ye heard the discourse of the Overthrow and
Loss of the Town of Calais ; the which enterprise was begun
and ended in less than eight days, to the great marvel of
the world, that a town of such strength, and so well
furnished of all things as that was, should so suddenly be
taken and conquered : but most specially, in the winter
season ; what time all the country about, being marsh
ground, is commonly overflown with water.
The said town was won from the French by King Edward
III. in the time of Philip de Valois, then French King: and,
being in the possession of the Kings of England, 211 years;
was, in the time of Philip and Mary, King and Queen of
England, lost within less than eight days being the most
notable fort that England had.
For the winning whereof, King Edward aforesaid, in the
21st year of his reign [1346], was fain to continue a siege one
whole year or more : wherefore it was judged of all men,

294 Negligence of Queen Mary's Council. [G't"tm.
that it could not have so come to pass, without some secret
treachery. Here is also to be noted, that when Queen Mary and
her Council heard, credibly, of the Frenchmen's sudden
approach to that town; she, with all possible speed, but
somewhat too late, raised a great power for the rescue
thereof : which, if wind and weather had served, might,
haply, have brought succour thither in time. But such
terrible tempests then arose, and continued the space of four
or five days together, that the like had not been seen before
in the remembrance of man ; wherefore some said " That
the same was done by necromancy, and that the Devil
was raised up, and become French : " the truth whereof is
known to GOD. But very true it is that no ship could
brook the seas, by reason of those extreme storms and
tempests. And such of the Queen's ships as did adventure
the passage, were so shaken and torn, with the violence of
the weather ; as they were forced to return with great danger,
and the loss of all their tackle and furniture.
Thus by the negligence of the Council at home, conspiracy
of traitors elsewhere, force and false practice of enemies,
helped by the rage of most terrible tempests of contrary
winds and weather ; this famous Fort of Calais was brought
again to the hands and possession of the French.
So soon as this Duke of Guise, contrary to all expectation,
had, in a few days, gained this strong town of Calais, afore
thought impregnable, and had put the same in such order as
best seemed for his advantage : proud of the spoil, and press
ing forward upon his sudden fortune, without giving long time
to the residue of the Captains of the forts there to breathe
on their business; the 13th of the same month, with all
provision requisite for a siege, he marched with his army
from Calais into the town and fort of Guisnes, five miles
distant from thence.
Of which town and castle, at the same time, there was as
Captain, a valiant Baron of England, called William, Lord
Grey of Wilton [See this Vol. p. 319]: who, not without
cause suspecting a siege at hand ; and knowing the town of
Guisnes to be of small force (as being without walls or
bulwarks, and only compassed with a trench), before the
Frenchmen's arrival, caused all the inhabitants of the town

G'?Feri568.] The Duke of Guise attacks Guisnes. 295
to advoid [depart] ; and so many of them as were apt to
bear arms, he caused to retire into the Castle. Which was
a place well fortified, with strong and massy Bulwarks
[redoubts or batteries] of brick : having also a high and mighty
tower, of great force and strength, called the Keep.
The town being thus abandoned, the Frenchman had the
more easy approach to the Castle; who, thinking to find
quiet lodging in those vacant houses, entered the same with
out any fear: and being that night, at their rest as they
thought, a chosen band of soldiers, appointed by Lord Grey,
issued out by a postern of the said Castle, and slew no small
number of their sleepy guests. The rest, they put out of
their new lodgings ; and (maugre the Duke and all the French
power) consumed all the houses of the town with fire. That
notwithstanding, the said Duke, with all diligence, began his
trenches : and albeit the shot of the great artillery from the
Castle was terrible, and gave him great impeachment ; yet
did he continue his work without intermission, and, for
example's sake, wrought in his own person as a common
pioneer or labourer. So that, within less than three days,
he brought, to the number of thirty-five battery pieces, hard
to the brim [edge] of the Castle ditch, to batter the same on
all sides, as well right forth as across. But his principal
battery, he planted against the strongest bulwark of all,
called Mary Bulwark [a detached fort]; thinking by gaining of
the stronger, to come more easily by the weaker.
His battery being thus begun, he continued the same by
the space of two days, with such terrible thundering of great
artillery, that, by the report of [F. de] Rabutin a French
writer, there were, in those few days, discharged well near
to the number of 8,000 or 9,000 cannon shot.
Through the violence whereof, by the 20th of the said
month, the said great Bulwark was laid wide open, and the
breach made reasonable and easy enough for the assault ;
nevertheless, the said Duke (being a man.of war, and nothing
ignorant of what devices be commonly used in forts and be
sieged towns to entrap and damage the assailants) afore he
would put the persons of his good soldiers to the hazard of
the assault, caused the breach to be viewed once or twice by
certain forward and skilful soldiers ; who, mounting the top
of the breach, brought report that the place was saultable

296 French assaults on the Mary Redoubt, (_G-tFe^j£
[assaultable]. Nevertheless, to make the climb more easy; he
caused certain harquebussiers to pass over the ditch, and to
keep the defendants occupied with shot, while certain pioneers
with mattocks and shovels, made the breach more plain and
easy. [See Churchyard's account of this assault at p. 324.
He was one of the defenders. ]
Which thing done accordingly, he gave order to Monsieur
D'Andelot, Colonel of the French Footmen, that he, with
his Bands, should be in readiness to give the assault, when
sign should be given.
In which meantime, the Duke withdrew himself to an
higher ground ; from whence he might plainly discover the
behaviour as well of his soldiers in giving the assault, as also
of the defendants in answering the same. And not perceiving
so many of the English part appearing for the defence, as
he looked for ; he gave order forthwith, that a regiment of
his most forward Lance Knights [the Reiters] should mount
the breach to open the first passage, and that Monsieur
D'Andelot with his Bands of the French, should back them.
Which order was followed with such hot haste and des
perate hardiness, that, entering a deep ditch full of water,
from the bottom whereof to the top of the breach was well
forty feet, without fear either of the water beneath or the fire
above, they mounted the breach : and whereas the Duke had
prepared divers bridges made of plank-boards, borne up with
caske and empty pipes [i.e., barrels of the size of a Pipe] tied
one to another, for his men to pass the said ditch ; many of
the said assailants, without care of those bridges, plunged
into the water, and took the next way to come to the assault.
Which hot haste notwithstanding, the said assailants were,
in this first assault, so stoutly repulsed and put back by the
defendants, being furnished with great store of wild fire and
fricasies for the purpose, that they were turned down headlong,
one upon another, much faster than they came up : not with
out great waste and slaughter of their best and most brave
soldiers ; to the small comfort of the stout Duke, who, as is
said before, stood, all this while, upon a little hill to behold
this business. Wherefore, not enduring this sight any longer,
as a man arraged [enraged], he ran among his men ; so reproving
some and encouraging others, that the assault was foot hot
renewed with much more vehemence and fury than before ;

G'»Fe"|68.] OUTSIDE THE CASTLE OF GUISNES. 297
and with no less obstinacy and desperation received by the
defendants ; whereby all the breach underneath was filled
with French carcases.
This notwithstanding, the Duke still redoubled his forces
with fresh companies ; and continued so many assaults, one
upon another, that at the last charge, being most vehement
of all others, our men being tired, and greatly minished in the
number by slaughter and bloody wounds, were, of fine [sheer
force, driven to avoid, and give place of entry to the enem}
Which was not done without a marvellous expense of blood,
on both sides. For, of the French part, there were slain and
perished in these assaults, above the number of 800 or goo
[Churchyard says, at p, 330 4,000] : and of the English, but
little fewer [800, p. 329] ; amongst whom the greatest loss
lighted on the Spaniards, who took upon them the defence
of the said Mary Bulwark : insomuch, as the report went,
that of the 500 [or rather 450 ; whereof but 50 were Spaniards,
the rest English and Eurgundians,see p. 327] brave soldierswhich
King Philip sent thither for succour, under the conduct of a
valiant Spanish Captain, called Mount Dragon, there were
not known to have come away any number worth the reckon
ing, but all were either slain, maimed or taken.
These outrageous assaults were given to the Castle of
Guisnes, on St. Sebastian's day, the 20th of January aforesaid.
At the end of which day, there were also gained from the
English, two other principal Bulwarks of the said Castle ;
which, being likewise made assaultable by battery, were
taken by the Almains [? Swiss] , who entered in by the breaches.
The Lord Grey, with his eldest son, and the chief Captains
and soldiers of the said garrison, who kept the Inner Ward of
the Castle, where the most high and principal Tower, called
the Keep, stood ; thinking themselves in small surety there
(being a place of the old sort of fortification) after they saw
the Utter Ward possessed by the enemy, and such a number
of the most forward soldiers consumed and spent ; and no
likelihood of any more aid to come in time : by the advice of
the most expert soldiers there, concluded for the best, to treat
with the Duke for composition : according to the which advice,
he sent forth two gentlemen, with this message in effect. That
the Duke (being a man of war, and serving under a
King) should not think it strange if the Lord Grey

298 Lord Grey surrenders Guisnes; [G,,Fe^
likewise (being a man of war, and serving his Prince, in
manner) did his like deavour [endeavour] in well defending
the place committed to his charge, so far forth, as to
answer and bide the assault ; considering that otherwise,
he could never save his own honour, neither his truth
and loyalty to his Prince. In respect whereof, according
to the law of arms, he required honourable composition.
Which message, though it was well accepted of the Duke;
yet he deferred his answer until the morrow. What [At
which] time, the messengers repairing to him again, composi
tion was granted in this sort.
First. That the Castle with all the furniture thereof,
as well victuals as great artillery, powder, and other
munitions of war, should be wholly rendered ; without
wasting, hiding, or minishment thereof.
Secondarily. That the Lord Grey, with all the
Captains, Officers, and others having charge there,
should remain prisoners, at the Duke's pleasure ; to be
ransomed after the manner of war.
Thirdly. That all the rest, as well soldiers as others,
should safely depart, with their armour and baggage to
what parts, it seemed them best : nevertheless, to pass,
without sound of drum or trumpet, or displaying of an
ensigns [flags] ; but to leave them behind.
These conditions being received and approved on either
party, the day following, that is to wit, the 22nd day of the
said month of January, all the soldiers of the said fortress, as
well English as strangers, with all the rest of the inhabitants
and others (except the Lord Grey, Sir Arthur his son, Sir
Henry Palmer Knight, Mount Dragon the above named
Captain of the Spaniards, and other men of charge reserved by
the Composition) departed, with their bag and baggages, from
thence, towards Flanders. At whose issuing forth, there was
esteemed [estimated] to the number of 800 or 900 able men for
the war : part English, part Burgundians, with a small
remnant of Spaniards.
After the winning of this town and Castle, the Duke, advis
ing well upon the place, and considering that if it should
happen to be regained by Englishmen, what a noisome
neighbour the same might be to Calais, now being French ;
and specially what impeachment should come thereby for the

G'fPelir568'.] WHICH IS THEN RAZED TO THE GROUND. 299
passage thither from France; considering also the near
standing thereof to the French King's fortress of Ardes, so
that to keep two garrisons so nigh together should be but a
double charge, and not only needless, but also dangerous, for
the cause afore rehearsed : upon these considerations, as the
Frenchmen write, he took order for all the great artillery,
victuals, and other munition to be taken forth ; and the
Castle, with all the Bulwarks and other fortifications there,
to be razed and thrown down, with all speed, and the stuff to
be carried away, and employed in other more necessary places.
Then there rested nothing, within all the English Pale on
that side, unconquered, but the little Castle or Pile called
Hammes : which, though it were but of small force, made by
art and industry of man's hand, and altogether of old work
manship, without rampiers [ramparts] or Bulwarks [redoubts] ;
yet, nevertheless, by the natural situation thereof, being en
vironed on all sides, with fens and marsh grounds, it could not
easily be approached unto : either with great ordnance for the
battery, or else with an army to encamp there, for a siege ;
having but one straight passage thereto by a narrow causey
[causeway], traversed and cut through, in divers places, with
deep ditches always full of water. Which thing, being well
foreseen by Edward Lord Dudley, then Captain there, hav
ing as good cause to suspect a siege there as his neighbours,
had, afore the Frenchmen's coming to Guisnes, caused all the
bridges of the said causey, which were of wood, to be broken ;
to give thereby the more impeachment [obstacles] to the French,
if they should attempt to approach the same ; as, shortly
after, they did, and kept divers of the passages.
But to deliver the Duke and his soldiers from that care,
there came to him glad news from those that had charge to
watch the same causey ; how the Captain, having intelligence
of the rendering of Guisnes, had conveyed himself with his
small garrison, secretly, the same night [of the zznd of January]
by a secret passage over the marshes into Flanders. Where
by, the Duke, being now past care of any" further siege to be
laid in all that frontier, took order forthwith to seize the said
little fort into his hands ; as it was easy to do, when there
was no resistance.
When this place was once seized by the French, then
remained there none other place or strength of the English on

300 The French King visits Calais. [G-,Fefse6r|;
all that side the sea, for the safeguard of the rest of the
country : whereby the French King became wholly and
thoroughly Lord and Master of all the English Pale : for now,
as ye have heard, there was neither town, castle, or fortress,
more or less, on that side (saving Bootes Bulwark, near to
Gravelines; which now, [in 1568] King Philip keepeth as
his) ; but it was either taken away by force, or else abandoned
and left open to the enemy. And, as the Frenchmen write,
besides the great riches of gold and silver coin, jewels, plate,
wool, and other merchandise (which was inestimable [i.e.,
beyond reckoning]) there were found 300 pieces of brass,
mounted on wheels, and as many pieces of iron : with such
furniture of powder, pellets [bullets], armour, victuals, and
other munitions of war, scarcely credible.
Thus have heard the whole discourse of the Conquest of
the noble town of Calais with all the English fortresses and
country adjoining, made by the Duke of Guise. The news
whereof, when it came to the French King: [there is] no need
to ask how joyfully it was received ! not only by him and all
his Court, but also universally through the whole realm of
France. For the which victory, there was, as the manner is,
Te DEUM sung, and bonfires made everywhere, as it is
wont to be in cases of common joy and gladness for some
rare benefit of GOD. Shortly, upon this conquest, there was
a public Assembly at Paris of all the Estates of France : who
frankly (in recompense of the King's charges in winning
Calais and the places aforesaid, and for maintenance of his
wars to be continued afterwards) granted unto him 3,000,000
of French Crowns [= about £900,000 then = about £9,000,000
now] ; whereof the clergy of France contributed 1,000,000
[crowns] besides their dimes.
And no marvel though the French did highly rejoice at the
recovery of Calais out of the Englishmen's hands ! For it is
constantly affirmed by many that be acquainted with the affairs
of France, that ever since the town was first won by the
Englishmen, in all solemn Councils appointed to treat upon
the state of France, there was a special person appointed to
put them in remembrance, from time to time, of Calais : as it
were to be wished that the like were used in England until it
were regained from the French.
Now seemed every day a year, to the French King, until he

G'rFe"s68:]THE Marriage of Mary, Queen of Scots. 301
personally had visited Calais and his new conquered country.
Wherefore, about the end of January, aforesaid, he took his
voyage thither, accompanied with no small number of his
nobility. And immediately upon his arrival there, he perused
the whole town and every part thereof, from place to place :
and devising with the Duke of Guise for the better fortifica
tion thereof ; what should be added to the old, what should
be made new, and what should be taken away. And after
order taken for that business ; he placed there a noble and
no less valiant Knight, called Monsieur de Thermes, to be
Captain of the town : and so departed again to France.
After the French King's departure from Calais, he made
great haste for the accomplishment of the marriage moved
between Francis, his eldest son, called the Dauphin, and
Mary Stuart, daughter and sole heir of James V., late
King of Scotland : which Princess (if the Scots had been
faithful of promise, as they seldom be) should have married
with King Edward VI. For the breach of which promise,
began all the war between England and Scotland, in the latter
end of King Henry VIII. and in the beginning of Edward
VI. This marriage (though it be not my matter) I thought not
to omit ; for many things were meant thereby, which, thanks
be to GOD ! never came to pass. But one special point was
not hidden to the world, that, by the means of the same, the
Realm of Scotland should, for evermore, have remained as
united and incorporated to the Crown of France; that as
the Son and Heir of every French King doth succeed to the
inheritance and possession of a country, called the Doulphyn
[Dauphine], and is therefore called Doulphyn [Dauphin] ; and
as the Principality of Wales appertaineth to the Eldest Son of
England, who is therefore called the Prince of Wales : even so,
that the Dauphin and Heir of France should thereby have been
King of Scotland, for evermore. Which name and title, upon
this marriage, was accordingly given to Francis the Dauphin
and heir apparent of France, to be called " King Dauphin " :
the meaning whereof was, utterly to exclude for evermore any
to be King of Scotland, but only the Eldest Son of France.
This memorable marriage was solemnized in the city of
Paris, the 24th day of April, 1558, with most magnificent
pomp and triumph.

302

Lord Wentworth, the Lord Deputy
of Calais, and the Council there.
Letter to ^ueen Mary, 23rd May, 1557.
{State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. X. No. 615. In Public Record Office.]
T may please your Highness to understand that,
where upon circumspect consideration and view
of your Majesty's store here of munition and
other habiliments of war, there is presently [at
this moment] found not only a great want of many
kinds thereof, but also such a decay in divers other things
as the same are not serviceable, and will be utterly lost
if they be not with speed repaired and put in better estate ;
as this bearer, Master Highfield, Master of your Ordnance
here [p. 312], can declare more amply the particularities
thereof, either unto your Majesty, or unto such of your
Council as shall please your Highness to direct him: we
have thought it our bounden duties to be most humble
suitors to your Majesty, that it would please the same to
give immediate order, as well for the supplement of the said
lacks, as also for your warrant to be addressed hither, for the
repairing of all other things requisite to be done within his
office. And thus we continually pray Almighty GOD for the long
preservation of your Highness in most prosperous estate.
From your town of Calais, the 23rd of May, 1557.
Your Majesty's
Most humble bounden and obedient subjects and servants,
Wentworth, William Grey,
Ralph Chamberlain, A. Cornwallis,
Edward Grymstone, Eustace Hobynton.

3°3

Lords Wentworth and Grey, and the
Council at Calais.
Report to §{ueen Ma r y,
2jth December, 1557.
[State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. XI. No. 698.
JUr bounden duties most humbly remembered unto
your Highness. Upon the receipt of the intelli
gences sent unto your Majesty this other day,
from me your Grace's Deputy ; I forthwith dis
patched to my Lord Grey [at Guisnes], requiring
his Lordship to repair to this town, that we might consult
of the state of your Highness's places and country on this side.
So his Lordship coming hither, we have conferred together
our several intelligences : and finding the same in effect to
agree, it hath very much augmented our suspicion that this
train [design] now meant by the enemy, should be made
towards your Highness's country or pieces. Whereupon we,
all together, have considered the state of the same ; and
said our opinions therein, as it may appear unto your High
ness by these articles which we send herewith to your
Majesty, which we have thought our duties to signify unto
you. Most humbly beseeching your Highness to return
unto us your pleasure therein.
So, we pray Jesu, grant your Majesty long and prosperous
reign. At your town of Calais, 27th December, 1557.
Your Highness's, &c.
Our Consultation, made the 27th December, 1557.
Guisnes.
First. |J| £& {j|Aving no supplement of men other than is
presently there, we think it meetest, if the
enemy should give the attempt, to abandon
the Town (which could not be, without very
great danger of the Castle) ; and defend the Turnpike,

304 Report to Queen Mary. [The Lol?^ "b«T5c5":
which is of the more importance, because that way only,
in necessity, the relief to the Castle is to be looked for.
Item. There is great want of wheat, butter, cheese, and
other victuals.
Item. It is requisite to have some men of estimation and
service to be there [i.e., at Guisnes], that might be able
to take the charge in hand ; if either sickness or other
accident should fortune to me the Lord Grey: which
I, the said Lord Grey the rather require, by reason of
Sir Henry Palmer's hurt ; being of any other person
at this present utterly unfurnished.
Hampnes Castle.
Item- WWWM^ THINK ^e same sufficiently furnished of men
for the sudden; albeit this hard and frosty
weather, if it continue, will give the enemy
great advantage : yet we put in as much
water as is possible.
Of victuals, that place is utterly unprovided ; except
the Captain's store.
That we also thought meet to have there some man of
estimation and service, for the respects contained in the
article of Guisnes : which also the Lord Dudley
requires. Newnam Bridge.
Item. Ih^CMlE think it meet, upon the occasion, to with
draw the bands [companies of soldiers] from the
Causeway thither ; and then are of opinion,
the same to be sufficient to defend that piece
for a season ; unless the enemy shall get between this
town and the bridge.
It is clean without victuals, other than the Captain's
own provision. Rysbank.
JIEcause that place standeth upon the sea, and by
' the shore side, may the enemy come in a night to
it : we think it meet to appoint hither a band
[company] of the low country [the open district round
Calais, within the English pale] under the leading of
Captain Dodd.

^^cffiW^] Report to Queen Mary. 305

It is altogether unfurnished of victuals, other than for
the Captain's own store.
Calais.
Hereas all your Majesty's pieces on this side, make
account to be furnished of victuals and other
necessaries from hence ; it is so, that of victuals
your Highness hath presently none here : and also
this town hath none, by reason that the restraint in the
realm hath been so strait as the victuallers (as were
wont to bring daily hither good quantities of butter,
cheese, bacon, wheat, and other things) might not, of
late, be suffered to have any recourse hither ; whereby
is grown a very great scarcity of all such things here.
Finally. |K"««i»ra|ORASMUCH as all the wealth and substance
of your Majesty's whole dominion on this
side, is now in your low country (a thing
not unknown to the enemy) : and if with
this his great power, coming down (as the bruit goeth)
for the victualling of Ardes, he will give attempt on your
Highness's country ; we do not see that the small
number here, in respect of their force, can, by any
means, defend it.
And if we should stand to resist their entry into the
country [the open district], and there receive any loss or
overthrow ; the country should nevertheless be overrun
and spoiled : and besides it would set the enemy in a
glory, and also be the more peril to your Highness's
pieces [towns]. We therefore, upon the necessity, think
it meet to gather all our men into strengths [fortresses] ;
and with the same to defend your pieces to the utter
most. Notwithstanding, all the power on this side is insuffi
cient to defend the pieces, in case the 6nemy shall tarry
any space in the field.

Wentworth,
Anthony Auchar,
Edwarde Grimestone,
Eustace Hobyngton. u

William Grey,
John Harleston,
N. Alexander,

¦ 5 J K.**!

306
Lord Wentworth, at Calais.
Letter to ^ueen Mar y, 1 January, 1558,
9 p.m.
[State Papers. Foreign, Mary, Vol. XII. No. i.
[One cannot help seeing that in this and the next letter, Lord Went
worth, quite hopeless of any successful attempt, was trying to make
things look as pleasant as he could to the Queen.]
IT MAY PLEASE YOUR HlGENESSi
having retired the Bands from the Causeway the
last night [31 December 1557], and placed them at
the Bridge [at Newhaven or Newnham] and within
the Brayes [i.e., Calais walls] : this morning early,
I returned them to the said Causeway, to defend that passage
in case the enemy would attempt to enter there ; and also to
offer skirmish to take some of them, and to learn somewhat
of their power.
Between nine and ten, the enemy showed in a very great
bravery about six ensigns [regiments] of footmen, and certain
horsemen ; and came from the Chalk Pits down the hill
towards the Causeway. Whereupon some of ours issued
and offered the skirmish ; but the enemy would in no wise
seem to meddle.
During this their stillness, they caused about 200 harque
bussiers to cut over the marsh from Sandgate and get between
ours and the Bridge, and then to have hotly set on them on
both sides. In this time also, at a venture, I had caused
your Majesty's Marshal, with the horsemen, to go abroad,
and maintain the skirmish with the footmen : and by that
[time] the Marshal came there, the enemy's harquebussiers
that passed the marshes were discovered ; and ours took a
very honest retire. Which the enemies on the land side per
ceiving, came on, both horsemen and footmen, marvellously
hotly; to whom ours gave divers onsets, continually skir
mishing till they came to the Bridge, and there reposed
themselves. The bridge bestowed divers shot upon the
enemy, and hurt some. Of ours, thanked be GOD ! none slain
nor hurt, save a man-at-arms stricken in the leg with a currion.

LorfWmtworth.-j'j'jjj. FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE FRENCH. 307
The alarm continued till one o'clock in the afternoon ;
before the end whereof our enemy's number increased : for
eleven ensigns more of footmen came in sight, and three
troops of horsemen.
Besides, the alarm went round about our country at that
instant, even from Sandgate to Guisnes ; and bands of the
enemy at every passage.
They have gotten Froyton Church, and plant themselves
at all the streights [passages] into this country. The bulwarks
[ ? earth works] of Froyton and Nesle have this day done their
duty very well ; to whom I have this afternoon sent aid of
men, and some shot and powder. Howbeit I am in some
doubt of Nesle this night.
I am perfectly advertised, their number of horsemen and
footmen already arrived is above 12,000 ; whereof little less
have come in sight here. The Duke of Guise is not yet
arrived, but [is] hourly looked for with a more [greater]
number. This evening, I have discovered 500 waggons ladened with
victuals and munition ; and have further perfect intelligence,
that thirty cannons be departed from Boulogne hitherwards.
They [i.e., the French army] are settled at Sandgate, Galley
Moat, Causeway, Froyton, Calkewell, Nesle, and Syntrecase.
At one o'clock after midnight, I look for them ; being low
water at the passage over the haven.
Thus having set all things in the best order I can, I make
an end of three days' work ; and leave your Majesty to con
sider for our speedy succour. Beseeching GOD to grant
your Highness victory, with long and prosperous reign.
At your town of Calais, this New Year's Day, at nine of
the night, 1557.
I have received your Majesty's letter [of 31st December] by
[John Highfield] Master of the Ordnance [at Calais], who
came in this morning. The contents whereof I follow as
near as I can. Your Highness's
Most humble and obedient servant and subject,
Wentworth

3o8

Lord Wentworth at Calais.
Letter to £{ueen Mar y, 2 January, 1558,
10 p.m.
[State Papers, Sfc.]
Fter my humble duty remembered, it may please
your Highness. This last night our enemies lay
still, without anything attempting in the places
mentioned in my last letters ; as we did well
perceive, during the whole night, by great fires
made in the same places.
This morning early, I put out fresh footmen to the Bridge,
to relieve the watched men.
About nine a clock, the enemies in very great number
approached the Bridge, and offered the skirmish : whereupon
issued out some of our harquebussiers and bowmen, and kept
them in play, with the help of the shot from the Bridge, more
than an hour; and in the end, being overmatched with
multitude, made their retire with the Turnpike, without any
loss or hurt. The enemies shadowing [sheltering] themselves
under the turnpike wall, with their curriors (which assuredly
shot very great bullets, and carry far) kept themselves in
such surety, as our pieces of the Bridge could not annoy
them, till at eleven o'clock, certain of ours, bored holes with
augers through the turnpike, and with harquebusses beat
them out into the shot of ordnance, and so made them retire
to the Causeway.
This forenoon, certain Swiss and Frenchmen, to the
number of 500, got within the marshes between Froyton and
Nesle bulwarks : and the men of the Bulwarks seeing them
selves to be compassed on all sides, and seeing also that time
yet served them well to depart ; and (fearing they should not
so do, if they tarried till they were assailed on both sides, as
they could not indeed), forsook their Bulwarks, and right
manfully, notwithstanding their enemies between them and
home, saved themselves through the marshes. In the retire
of the enemies, one Cookson, a man-at-arms, and few other
soldiers, with the countrymen, rescued most part of the

^rd7j£n??558.] 35>ooo French and Swiss soldiers. 309
booty (which was certain kine); and took three prisoners of
the Captain of Abbeville's Band.
The report of this enterprise of the enemy being brought
to me, fearing Colham Hill, I forthwith appointed your
Majesty's Marshal with the Horsemen, and 200 footmen to
repair thither ; and as they should see their match, so to
demean themselves. Ere these men had marched a quarter
of a mile, the enemies were retired out of the country, upon
occasion that wading, as they entered in, up to the girdle
stead ; and perceiving the water to increase, [they] thought
good to make a speedy return : and nevertheless, for all their
haste, went up to the breast. And if they had tarried a little
longer, I had put in so much water, as I think would have
put them over head and ears : and, GOD willing, at the next
tide, I will take in more.
This afternoon, they have been quiet, and we, in the
meantime, be occupied in cutting up of passages to let in
more water about the Bridge and that part of the marshes ;
whereby the enemies shall have very ill watering.
I would also take in the salt water about the town [of
Calais], but I cannot do it, by reason I should infect our
own water wherewith we brew : and, notwithstanding all I
can do, our brewers be so behindhand in grinding and other
wise, as we shall find that one of our greatest lacks. I
therefore make all the haste and provision I can there, and
howsoever the matter go, must shortly be forced to let in
the salt water.
The three men taken to-day be very ragged, and ill-ap
pointed. In examining, they confess that "there is great
misery in their camp, and great want of money and victuals."
They say (and I partly believe it, because it almost appeareth
to me), "their number to be 25,000 footmen, whereof 10,000
[are] Swiss ; and 10,000 horsemen. The Duke of Guise
is already among them, and the only deviser and leader of
this enterprise." They say also, " a shot from the Bridge-
way to the Causeway yesterday, struck off the Master of the
Camp's leg, called Captain Gourdault."
I am also perfectly advertised, both by these men and
otherwise, that they have no great ordnance yet come, but
look for it daily by sea. It is eighty pieces, whereof thirty be
cannons : and are laden, with munition and victuals, in 140

310 Spanish Harquebussiers at St.Omer. [^^j^sss.
vessels which shall land at Sandgate ; or rather I think at
Boulogne, it to be taken out of great ships [there], and so
again embarked at Sandgate in lesser vessels, as they have
done most part of their victuals and carriage that they have
hitherto occupied [used]. And, surely, if your Majesty's ships
had been on this shore, they might either have letted
[hindered] their voyage ; or, at the least, very much hindered
it : and not unlikefly] to have distressed them, being only
small boats. Their ordnance that comes, shall be conveyed
in the same sort : it may therefore please your Majesty to
consider it.
I have also now fully discovered their enterprise ; and am
(as a man may be) most sure they will first attempt upon
Rysbanke ; and that way chiefly assail the town. Marry ! I
think they lie hovering in the country, for the coming of
their great artillery, and also to be masters of the sea.
And therefore I trust your Highness will haste over all things
necessary for us with expedition.
Under your Majesty's reformation [correction], I think, if
you please to set the passage at liberty for all men to come
that would, bringing sufficient victuals for themselves for a
season ; I am of opinion there would be enow, and with more
speed than can be made by order. Marry! then must
it well be foreseen to transport with expedition, victuals
hither. I have written to the King's Majesty [Philip IL] of the
enemies being here : and was bold humbly to beseech his
Majesty to give commission to the governors of his frontiers
[that] I might, in necessity, upon my letter, have 300 or
400 harquebussiers, Spaniards, that now be placed about St.
Omer; whereof I thought it my duty to advertise your
Majesty, for your pleasure, whether I may write to the
Governors to that effect, upon his Majesty's answer, and
take them or not ?
I, with the rest of the Council here, are forced to put your
Majesty to some charges: for having taken in a confused
number of countrymen [i.e., peasantry within the English Pale],
we must needs reduce them to order, and the commoners
also; and have therefore called them into wages, and
appointed Captains of the fittest men that presently [at this
moment] be here.

Utd7j^°?&] Wentworth's last letter to Mary. 311
I have placed Dodd with his Band in Rysbank, and the
rest of the extraordinary [i.e., volunteer] Bands be at the
Bridge, and in the Brayes of this town.
As I was making this discourse, six Ensigns [regiments] of
footmen, and certain Bands [troops] of horsemen, came from
Sandgate by the downs, within the sight of Rysbank : on
whom, that piece, and this town also, bestowed divers shots.
This evening, they have made their approach to Rysbank,
without any artillery : and, as far as I can perceive, do mind
to make the assault with ladders, hurdles, &c, and other
things, and that way get it.
At Calais, the 2nd of January, at ten in the night, 1557.
As I was in communication with your Mayor and Alder
men, touching the state of this town (whom I find of marvel
lous good courage, and ready to live and die in this town), I
received letters from my Lords of the Council, of your
Majesty's aid provided for us.
I fear this shall be my last letter, for that the enemy will
stop my passage ; but I will do what I can tidily [duly from
time to time] to signify unto your Majesty, our state.
Your Majesty's most humble and obedient
servant and subject,
Wentworth.

312

John Highfield, Master of the
Ordnance at Calais.
To the §lueen, our sovereign Lady.
[Lord Hardwick's Miscellaneous State Papers, i. 114. Ed. 1788.]
Leaseth it your Highness to understand the
Declaration of your humblest and faithful servant
John Highfield, concerning the besieging and
loss of your Grace's town of Calais.
First, being appointed by your most honourable
Council [i.e., the Privy Council in Calais] to repair into
England [on the previous 23rd May, see p. 302] ; I came. And
after some intelligence that the French Army drew towards
the English Pale, I was commanded to return with diligence
to my charge at Calais ; and I arrived there on New Year's
Day in the morning, the enemy being encamped about
Sandgate. The said morning, after I had delivered letters to my
Lord Deputy, from your Grace's said Council, the said Lord
Deputy told me how the alarm was made the night before,
and also what he thought meet for me to be done for the
better furniture of those fortresses which were in most
danger, as the Bulwarks of the High Country [Froyton and
Nesle], Guisnes, Newhaven Bridge, and Rysbank : and also
for the defence of the Low Country, because his Lordship
thought their enterprise had tended only to the spoil thereof.
Then I showed that there was a sufficient store of all muni
tions, and that I would send to all places as need required;
which was done.
Item. On Sunday following [2nd January, 1558], we per
ceived the French ordnance was brought to their camp ;
whereby appeared that the enemy meant to batter some
place: and thereupon were two mounts repaired for the
better defence. At the same time, I desired to have some
pioneers appointed to help the cannoneers, who were not
forty in number, for the placing and entrenching of our great
ordnance ; which pioneers I could never get.

/mSc^iIsI] An Artillerist's view of the Siege. 313
The same day, the enemy forced our men to forsake the
Bulwarks of the High Country. And then it was moved to
my Lord Deputy that the sea might be let in, as well to
drown the Causeway beyond Newhaven Bridge, as also
other places about the town : wherein was answered, " Not
to be necessary without more appearance of besieging," and
because that " the sea being entered in, should hinder the
pastures of the cattle, and also the brewing of the beer."
The same day, my Lord took order that victuals and other
necessaries should be sent to Newhaven Bridge for six days;
which was done.
Item. On Monday [3rd January] in the morning, my Lord
Deputy, with the rest of the Council there, perceiving that
the enemy intended to approach nearer, were in doubt
whether they might abandon the Low Country : and by
advice, my Lord gave order that the Bailiff of Marke should
appoint the servants and women of the Low Country, with
their superfluous cattle, to draw (if need happened) into the
Flemish Pale ; and the said Bailiff with his best men, to
repair to Marke Church, and there to abide further orders.
The same morning before day, the enemy had made their
approaches, and did batter both Newhaven Bridge and the
Rysbank ; which were given up before nine o'clock.
The Captain of Newhaven Bridge had word sent .him that
if he saw no remedy to avoid the danger, that then he should
retire with his company into the Town.
The Captain of Rysbank did, about the same time,
surrender ; because, as he told me since, his pieces were all
dismounted, and the soldiers very loth to tarry at the breach :
wherein I know no more.
But after the enemy was entered, I caused the said
Rysbank to be battered ; and when my Lord saw how little
it profited, he commanded to cease.
The same day, the passages being both lost, the enemy
planted their ordnance on the Sand Hill, to batter the north
side of the town ; and then I moved my Lord to call in as
many countrymen [English peasantry] as he could, and to
appoint them Captains and their several quarters, for the
relief of those which did most commonly watch and attend
on the walls. Who answered, " He had determined already
so to do." Howbeit the women did more labour [watch]

3 14 The French Attack on the Town. [,jjS^
about the ramparts than the said countrymen; which, for
lack of order in time, did absent themselves in houses and
other secret places.
The same evening, Captain Saligues [or SELLYN] came
into Calais ; whereupon the people rejoiced, hoping some suc
cour: but after that time, it was too late to receive help by land,
because the French horsemen were entered the Low Country.
Item. On Tuesday [4th January] in the morning, the
enemy began their battery to the Town ; on which side I had
placed fourteen brass pieces. Howbeit, within short time,
the enemy having so commodious a place, did dismount
certain of our best pieces, and consumed some of the
gunners, which stood very open for lack of mounds and
good fortification. For if the rampart had been finished,
then might divers pieces have been brought from other
places ; which were above sixty in number, ready mounted :
but lacking convenient place, and chiefly cannoneers and
pioneers, it was hard to displace the French battery. Which
counter battery could not have been maintained for lack of
powder. For, at the beginning, having in store, 400 barrels ;
I found there was spent within five days, 100.
Item. On Wednesday [5$ January], the enemy continued
their battery on the town, without great hurt done, because
they could not beat the foot of the wall, for that the contremure
was of a good height, and we reinforced the breach, in the
night, with timber, wool, and other matter sufficiently ; and
we looked that the enemy would have attempted the assault
the same evening ; whereupon I caused two flankers to be
made ready, and also placed two bombards, by the help of
the soldiers, appointing weapons and fireworks to be in readi
ness at the said breach. At which time, my Lord commanded
the soldiers of the garrison to keep their ordinary wards, and
Master Grimston to the breach with the residue of the best
soldiers. And then my Lord exhorted all men to fight, with
other good words as in such cases appertaineth. And my
Lord told me, divers times, that " although there came no
succour ; yet he would never yield, nor stand to answer the
loss of such a town."
Item. On Thursday [6th January], began one other battery
to the Castle ; which being a high and weak wall without
ramparts, was made [as]saultable the same day. Whereupon,

tffiSJTHEiR Attack on the Castle. 315
the Captain of the Castle desired some more help to defend
this breach, or else to know what my Lord thought best in
that behalf. Then, after long debating, my Lord determined
to have the towers overthrown, which one Saulle took upon
him to do ; notwithstanding, I said openly that " if the Castle
were abandoned, it should be the loss of the Town."
The same night, my Lord appointed me to be at the breach
of the town with him : and, about eight of the clock, the
enemy waded over the haven, at the low water, with certain
harquebussiers, to view the breaches ; and, coming to the
Castle, found no resistance, and so entered. Then the said
Saulle failed to give fire unto the train of powder [seep. 330].
Then my Lord, understanding that the enemy were en
tered into the Castle, commanded me to give order for battering
of the Castle ; whereupon incontinent there were bent three
cannons and one saker [p. 399] before the gate, to beat the
bridge; which, being in the night, did not greatly annoy.
The same time, Master Marshall [Sir Anthony Aucher,
see p, 292] with divers soldiers, came towards the Castle,
lest the enemy should enter the town also. And after we had
skirmished upon the bridge, seeing no remedy to recover
the Castle, we did burn and break the said bridge : and there
was a trench immediately cast before the Castle, which was
[the] only help at that time.
Within one hour after, upon necessity of things, [my Lord]
determined to send a trumpet with a herald, declaring that
" If the Frenchmen would send one gentleman, then he would
send one other in gage." Whereupon my Lord sent for me,
and commanded that I should go forth of the town for the
same purpose ; wherein I desired his Lordship that he would
send some other, and rather throw me over the walls. Then
he spake likewise to one Windebanke, and to Massingberd,
as I remember, which were both to go unto such service.
Then my Lord sent for me again, in Peyton's house; and
being eftsoons commanded by the Council there, I went forth
with a trumpet [trumpeter] , and received in a French gentle
man : who, as I heard, was brought to my Lord Deputy's
house, and treated upon some Articles; which were brought,
within one hour, by one Hall, merchant of the staple.
Then Monsieur D'Andelot entered the town with certain
French gentlemen ; and the said Hall and I were brought to

316 Is an English gage-in the French Camp. [/mSais":
Monsieur de Guise, who lay in the sand hills by Rysbank,
and there the said Hall delivered a bill : and we were sent
to Monsieur D'Estrees' tent.
The Friday after [jth January], Monsieur D'Estrees told
me that my Lord Deputy had agreed to render the town with
loss of all the goods, and fifty prisoners to remain.
On Saturday [8th January], he brought me into the town,
willing me to tell him what ordnance, powder, and other
houses did belong unto my office ; because he would reserve
the same from spoiling by the French soldiers. And after he
had knowledge that all my living was on that side [i.e., he had
only his Mastership of the Ordnance at Calais], he was content
that I should depart into Flanders.
Notwithstanding, I was driven off till Wednesday, [x2th
January], Then he said, " He would send me away, if I
would promise him to make suit that his son might be re
turned in exchange for the Captain of the Castle," who, being
prisoner, desired me also to travail in it, for he would rather
give 3,000 crowns [=£900 then=about £9,000 now], than re
main a prisoner. Whereupon I promised to inquire and
labour in the same matter to the best of my power.
On my said return into the town, I found my wife, which
showed me that, in my absence, she had bestowed my money
and plate to the value of £600 [=about £6,000 now] ; which
was found before my coming, saving one bag with 350 crowns
[=£i05=about £1,000 now], which I offered to give unto
Monsieur D'Estrees if he would promise me, on his honour,
to despatch me on horseback to Gravelines [then held by the
Spaniards], Which he did.
And there I met with Monsieur de Vandeville, to whom
I told, that " I thought the enemy would visit him shortly";
and, among other things, I inquire where Monsieur D'
Estrees' son did lay ; who told me, " He was at Bruges."
Then, at my coming to Dunkirk, there were divers English
men willing to serve [i.e.,in Philip II.' s army] : whereupon I
spake to the Captain of the town ; who advised me to move
it to the Duke of Savoy.
Then I rode to Bruges, beseeching him to consider the
poor men, and how willing they were to serve the King's
Majesty, if they might be employed. Then he answered, that

fcS&'fsIs1] Is IMPRISONED BY THE DUKE OF SAVOY. 317
he " thought my Lord of Pembroke would shortly arrive at
Dunkirk and then he would take order."
Further, the said Duke asked me, " After what sort the
town was lost ? "
I answered that " The cause was not only by the weakness
of the Castle, and the lack of men ; but also I thought there
was some treason, for, as I heard, there were some escaped
out of the town : and the Frenchmen told me, that they had
intelligence of all our estate within the town."
Then I put the Duke in remembrance of Guisnes ; who
told me, that " he would succour the Castle, if it were kept
four or five days."
Then I took leave to depart from him, and when I was
going out of the house, he sent his Captain of his Guard to
commit me to prison, where I have remained nine weeks,
[January — March, i558],without any matter laid to my charge ;
saving he sent to me, within fourteen days after, to declare
in writing, after what sort the town was lost, which I did as
nigh as I could remember.
And at the Duke's next return to Bruges, I sent him a
supplication, desiring that, if any information were made
against me, I might answer it in England, or otherwise at
his pleasure.
[In the Public Record Office, State Papers, Foreign, Mary, is the
foUowing letter in French.
1558 Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy to Queen Mary.
March 14. She will have been advertised that, soon after the French had
entered Calais, JOHN H ighfield, late Master of the Artillery
St. Omer. there, came to Bruges. From strong suspicion that there had
been an understanding between him and the French, had
caused him to be arrested and detained at Bruges, where he
has been until now.
Lately, while repassing through that town, was importuned
by the prisoner's wife to set him free. Sends her under the
charge of a French gentleman, Francis du Bourch, the
bearer.]
Whereupon he took order to send me hither [i.e., to England]
without paying any part of my charges, which I have pro
mised to answer.
Most humbly praying your Highness to consider my poor
estate, and willing heart, which I bear, and am most bounden
to your Grace's service : beseeching God to conserve your
Majesty in all felicity.

3i»

John Fox, the Martyrologist.
Mistress Thorpe's Escape at Calais.
[Actes and Monumentes, p. 1702, Ed. 1563.]
| He worthy works of the LORD'S mercy toward His
people be manifold, and cannot be comprehended :
so that who is he living in the earth almost, who
hath not experienced the helping hand of the
LORD, at some time or other upon him ?
Amongst many other, what a piece of GOD's tender provi
dence was shewed, of late, upon our English brethren and
countrymen, what time Calais was taken by the tyrant
Guise (a cruel enemy to GOD's truth, and to our English
nation) ; and yet by the gracious provision of the LORD,
few, or none at all, of so many that favoured Christ and His
Gospel, miscarried in that terrible Spoil.
In the number of whom, I know a godly couple, one John
Thorpe and his wife, which fear the LORD and loveth His
truth ; who being sick the same time, were cast out into the
wild fields, harbourless, desolate, and despairing of all hope
of life ; having their young infant moreover taken from them
in the said fields, and carried away by the soldiers. Yet the
LORD so wrought, that the poor woman, being almost past
recovery of life, was fetched and carried, the space of well
nigh a mile, by aliens whom they never knew, into a village,
where she was recovered for that night.
Also the next day, coming towards England, she chanced
into the same inn at the next town, where she found her
young child sitting by the fireside.

3^9

Lord Grey of Wilton, Governor of
Guisnes.
Letter to ^ueen Mary, i\.th
January, 1558. 7 a.m.
[State Papers. Foreign, MARY, Vol. xii. No. 711.]
JY most bounden duty humbly premised to your
Majesty. Whereas I have heretofore always in
effect written nothing to your Highness but good,
touching the service and state of your places
here; I am now constrained, with woful heart,
to signify unto your Majesty these ensuing.
The French have won Newhaven Bridge, and thereby
entered into all the Low Country and the marshes between
this [Guisnes] and Calais. They have also won Rysbanke,
whereby they be now master of that haven.
And this last night past, they have placed their ordnance
of battery against Calais, and are encamped at St. Peter's
Heath before it : so that I now am clean cut off from all
relief and aid which I looked to have (both out of England,
and from Calais) and know not how to have help by any
means, either of men or victuals.
There resteth now none other way for the succour of
Calais and the rest of your Highness's pieces on this side,
but a power of men out of England, or from the King's
Majesty [Philip IL] ; or from both, without delay, able to
distress and keep them from victuals coming to them, as well
by sea as land ; which shall force them to leave their siege
to the battle, or else drive them to a greater danger.
For lack of men out of England, I shall be forced to
abandon the Town [of Guisnes], and take in the soldiers
thereof for the Castle. I have made as good provision of
victuals as I could, by any means, out of the country ; with
which, GOD willing ! I doubt not to defend and keep this
piece as long as any man, whosoever he be, having no better
provision, and furniture of men and victuals than I have:

320 Assuredly English, even to the death! [fj£.%fi
wherein your Grace shall well perceive that I will not fail
to do the duty of a faithful subject and Captain, although
the enemy attempt never so stoutly ; according to the trust
reposed in me.
I addressed letters presently to the King's Majesty by this
bearer, most humbly desiring aid from him; according to the
effect aforesaid.
I might now very evil[ly] have spared this bringer, my
servant and trusty Officer here, in this time of service.
Howbeit considering the great importance of his message, I
thought him a meet man for the purpose ; desiring your
Majesty to credit him fully, and to hear him at large, even as
directly as your Grace would hear me to open my mind in
this complaint of imminent danger.
Thus trusting for relief and comfort forthwith from your
Majesty for the safeguard of Calais, and other your pieces
here ; I take my leave most humbly of your Grace.
At your Highness's Castle of Guisnes, most assured Eng
lish even to the death, the 4th January, 1557, at seven of the
clock in the morning.
Your Majesty's most humble servant,
And obedient servant,
William Grey.

321

Thomas Churchyard, the Poet.
Share in, and Eye Witness account of the
Siege of Guisnes. wth— 22nd January,
1558, A.D.
[A General Rehearsal 0/ Wars, &c. 1579. The title in the headline is Churchyard's Choice.\
|Ir William Drury, now [in 1579] Lord Justice
of Ireland, was so inclined to martial affairs, that,
when foreign wars were ended, he sought enter
tainment at Guisnes, and those parts ; which had
war with the French, for King Phillip's Quarrel.
And he, having charge, and a lusty Band of Horsemen, did
many things that merit good liking.
For at that time, [there] was much ado : a Band [regiment]
of horsemen, very well appointed and full of gentlemen, was
sent from [Sir Thomas Cheney, K.G.] the Lord Warden [of
the Cinque Ports], an honourable and a worthy gentleman,
most full of nobleness; the Lord Cheney's father, now living.
In this band, and belonging to that charge, were sundry of the
Keyes, gentlemen of good service : Master Crippes having
the leading of all that company. There were sent, in like
sort, from the Prince [Sovereign, i.e., Queen Mary] : Master
William Herbert's (of St. Gillian) brother, called Master
George Herbert, with a Band of footmen ; and one Captain
Borne, whose Lieutenant I was, at the siege of Guisnes.
These bands, a good season before Calais and Guisnes
were taken, joining with other bands of Calais, did make
divers journeys into Bollinnoyes [the Boullognois, or district
round Boulogne] ; and sped very well * Sir William Drury,
at every service, deserved no little praise ; and one Captain
Winnibank, an ancient soldier, was oftentimes so forward,
that he was once run through with a lance. Many Gentle
men in those services did well and worthily : and sundry
times the Lord Warden's Band was to be nraised.

322 Cavalry raids beyond the Pale, [T-C^urch^
And, at length, a voyage was made, by the consent and
whole power of Calais and Guisnes, to fetch a prey from
Boulogne gates ; Monsieur Snarpoule [? Senarpont] then
being Governor of Boulogne : but we could not handle the
matter so privily, but the French, by espial, had gotten
word thereof. Notwithstanding, as soldiers commonly
go forward with their device, so we marched secretly all
the whole night to come to our proposed enterprise : with
our footmen, whereof Sir Harry Palmer, a man of great
experience, had the leading. He remained, with the whole
power of [the] footmen, near the Black Neasts, as a stale
[decoy] to annoy the enemy, and succour for such as
were driven in, if any such occasion came. So the Horse
Bands [troops] brake into the country, and pressed near
Boulogne ; where there was a great number of gallant
soldiers to receive them : but our horsemen, making small
account of the matter, began to prey [upon] the country, and
drive a booty from the face of the enemy. The French
horsemen, taking their advantage, offered a skirmish, to
detract time, till better opportunity served to give a charge.
This courageous bickering grew so hot, that the French
bands began to show ; and our men must abide a shock, or
retire hardily with some foil : whereupon the chiefest of our
horsemen charged those of the French that were nearest
danger ; by which attempt, the French stayed a while. But,
upon small pause, they charged our men again, and over
threw of the " Black Lances " a thirty : carrying away with
them into Boulogne, eighteen gentlemen, prisoners. This
skirmish began at seven o'clock in the morning ; and lasted,
in very great service, till a leven [eleven]. From this over
throw, came divers soldiers, sore wounded, to our Foot bands
[companies] ; whose heaviness made the valiant sort pluck up
their hearts, and seek a revenge.
Then, albeit, that Foot Captains and gentlemen seldom
leave their Bands, and venture beyond their charge (a rule to
be much regarded!), yet the stoutest Captains and gentlemen
found means to horse themselves on cart horses and victual
lers' nags : and put certain scarfs, in manner of guidons
[standards] on staves' [spears'] ends ; showing those guidons
under a hill in several sorts, sometimes appearing with
twenty men, sometimes with fifty. And, last of all, made

T. Churchyard.^ Ag pAR Ag TH£ GATEg QF BOULOGNE. 323
show of all our number, which was not fifty ; and so, with a
courageous cry, set upon the enemy (leaving some of these
devised guidons behind on the hill top), and charged them
with such a fury that they left their booty, and stood to their
defence : but, in fine, were forced to retire, for by the little
stay we held the enemy in, our footmen had leisure to march ;
the sound of whose drums gave no great courage to the
French. For they thereon, gave back, and left some of their
best soldiers behind them ; whom we brought to Guisnes :
driving the prey before us, that was gotten in the morning,
lost in a skirmish, and recovered again at noon. At this
service, were Sir William Drury, Captain Alexander of
Newnham Bridge, Captain Crippes, Captain Keyes, and
three of his brethren, Captain George Herbert, and
sundry others, in like manner, that merit good respect.
Our power met many times together ; and did much hurt
in the Boullognois. We besieged Fines Castle, and wan it :
and Blossling Church, and overthrew it ; and killed all the
men that we found therein, because Sir Harry Palmer was
there hurt through the arm, with a shot.
A long season, our fortune was good ; till, at length, by
some oversight or mishap (Let the blame fall where it ought !)
we lost Calais and Guisnes.
But a little, I pray you ! give me leave to touch truly the
Siege of Guisnes : not because I had some charge there ; but
because sundry reports hath been raised thereof, by those
that never thoroughly knew or understood the matter.
The very truth is, after Calais was won, and that all hope
was taken from us of any succour out of England, our
General, the honourable Lord Grey [of Wilton], that is dead
[he died in 1562], and Master Lewis Dive [p. 327], his Lieu
tenant, Sir Harry Palmer, and all the Captains of Guisnes,
determined to abide the worst that Fortune or the French
could do.
And the day [13th of January, 1558T of the first approach
the enemy made, we offered a hot and stout skirmish ; but
being driven in by an over great power, though our whole
people were 1,300 men, and kept the Town awhile. But
considering the Castle to be strongest, and doubting [fearing]
that by a Cambozade or sudden assault, the town might be
won, for it was but weak ; we retired our whole power into

324 Guisnes is garrisoned by i, 300 men. [T,c?urohl^:
the Castle : and so manned the base Court, the Braies, and
Bulwarks, the Keep, the Catte, the Heart of the Castle, and
all that was necessary, with double men.
At the present siege, there came out of Flanders, fifty
valiant Spaniards; and a band of Burgundians, Monsieur
Dieffkie, being their Captain. Monsieur Mount Dragon
was leader of the Spaniards : who were placed in the Braies ;
where Captain Lambert had some shot [harquebussiers] to
succour them.
The Burgundians were placed in Mary Bulwark ; with
Captain Borne's Band, whose Lieutenant I was. Against
this Bulwark, which was thought impregnable, the [French
men's] great battery was planted : albeit, three or four days
[i^th-i8th January, see pp. 296-97] were spent (we held the
enemy such play), before the battery was planted.
One day, we issued [forth], and set upon Monsieur [i.e., the
Duke] De Guise, as he was in a place called Mill Field,
viewing the ground ; and had taken him, had he not left his
cloak behind him : of the which white cloak, one of our
Gentlemen had hold of. And though he was succoured, we
brought away some of his company : and retired with little
loss or none at all. [Sir Arthur], the Lord Grey that now
is [1579], was at the hard escape of Monsieur De Guise.
We set upon a great troop of horsemen, not long before
this, that came from the spoil of Calais ; and took numbers
of them. I had, for my part, a couple of fair horses and a
prisoner. At both these services, were old Captain Andrea,
Captain John Savage, and a sufficient number of lusty soldiers.
We made divers sallies, but that prevailed not. For the
battery went off, and many other great cannons did beat at
the high towers ; the stones whereof did marvellously annoy
us : and the shot was so great ; and the enemy had gotten
such great advantage of ground, that we could not walk, nor
go safely any way within the Castle. For our General and
Sir Harry Palmer sitting on a form, devising for our com
modity, were in such danger, that a cannon shot took
away the form, and brake Sir Harry Palmer's leg ; of which
hurt, he died in Paris after. And a great shot took off
Master Wake's head, as he was sleeping under a great tree.
So sundry, that thought themselves safe, were so dribbed at
with cannon shot, that they never knew who did hurt them,

T. Churchyard. j ]y[ARY BULWARK DEFENDED BY 450 MEN. 325
Well, the time drew on, after the breach was made, we
must defend the assault that was given to Mary Bulwark ;
which stood out[side] of the Castle, and far from succour of
any : because the gate was rammed up ; and we could not
pass into the Castle but by the way, first, along the Braies,
and then, between two gates. Which way, the enemy had
espied : and placed many great shot, full upon that passage.
Now [i.e., 18th January, 1558] Monsieur Diffkie, Captain
Borne, Captain Oswold Lambert [with their companies], and
the fifty Spaniards, [to the number in all of about 450 men] were
forced to abide the assault ; which began at eleven o'clock,
and lasted till night. Mount Dragon came into Mary Bul
wark, and three gentlemen more ; and stood stoutly to our
defence : two of whom were slain. My Captain's head was
smitten off with a cannon's shot : and unto our Band were left
no more but one Master Holford and I, to guide the whole
company. And Captain Diffkie was wounded to the death,
whose Band fought manfully in the revenge of their Captain.
The old Captain Andrea, covetous of fame, was desirous
to have our fellowship : but he had no Band [company] nor
people to do us pleasure. Captain Lambert was crossed
[struck] with a great shot ; and mine armour, with the break
ing of a great piece, was stricken flat upon my body ; but [it]
being unbraced, I might continue the service. Which
service, in mine opinion, was so terribly handled by the
French (Monsieur D'Andelot being the leader of the
assault), that both Englishman, Burgundian, and Spaniard,
at that Bulwark, had enough to do to keep the enemy out :
and, as I believe, at this assault, we lost 150 good soldiers.
But the night coming on, the French surceased their fury,
and yet kept themselves closely, under the top of the breach,
where our shot nor flankers could do them no harm : for all
our great ordnance was dismounted, long before the enemy
made any approach for the giving of an assault.
The next day [the igth of January], within three half hours,
the battery had beaten the breach so bare (it moulded away,
like a hillock of sand) that we [reduced now to about 300 men]
were forced to fight on our knees. Having been kept waking
all the night before, with false allarummes [alarms] ; our men
began to faint, and wax weary of working at the breach : but
we defended Mary Bulwark so well all that dangerous day,

326 Fighting on our knees! [t- a,0Jd*££
that the French lost 1,000 soldiers, by their own confession, at
the same service ; and yet the assault endured to the very
dark night, with as much cruelty as could be devised. And
always when the enemy's first men did wax feeble with
labour ; there was a second and new relief of fresh bands to
continue the assault : so that, as long as the daylight served,
it seemed by the fight, a bloody broil hath no end, nor season
to take breath in; which certainly would have daunted any
heart living.
The next night, was so plied with politic practices, that we
had scarcely leisure to take any rest or sustentation. And,
indeed, with overwatching, some of our men fell asleep " in the
middle of the tale " and time of greatest necessity to debate
and argue of those things that pertained to life and liberty,
and to avoid utter servitude and shame [i.e., they slept in the
course of the fight] .
And now we, that were without the Castle, might hear
great business and stir throughout the whole body and heart
of the piece [fortress].
For, the next morning [20th of January, 1558], which was
the third day we were assaulted, our General looked for a
general assault, and to be roundly assailed : as, of troth, he
was. In the meanwhile, we might speak one to another afar
off, and our friends answered us over the wall ; for nearer
together, we might not come : and for succour or aid to our
soldiers in Mary Bulwark, we hoped not after. Every man
was occupied with his own business and charge ; that no one
person might be spared from his place.
Well, as GOD would permit, the poor Spaniards [in the
Braie] and such Burgundians as were left alive in Mary
Bulwark, fell to make a counterscarf, to beat out the enemy
from the Braie, when the Bulwark should be won : as it was
likely to be lost, the breach was so bare, and the entry for
the enemy was so large; for, in a manner, they might assault
our Bulwark round about, on all sides. And they did lodge
at the very edge of the breach, to the number of 2,000, of their
bravest Bands : minding to assail us, as soon as the day
began to peep out of the skies.
Which they performed, when the third day approached.
For a general assault was given to every place of the Castle :
which assault endured till the very night came on. The

T.Churchy^d.j QNLY 1 5 ESCAPE FROM MARY BULWARK. 327
French, in this assault, wan the Base Court ; and were
ready to set fire under the gate, and blow it up with powder.
Monsieur D'Andelot, in his own person, with 2,000
soldiers, entered the Mary Bulwark ; who slew the Spaniards
in the Braie : and forced, as many Burgundians and English
as were left alive, which were but 15 (Captain Andrea,
Captain Lambert, and myself; with twelve common soldiers)
out of 400, to leap down into the dykes, and so to scramble
for their lives ; and creep into a hole of a brick wall that my
Lord Grey had broken out to receive such as escaped from
the assault. But when we had entered the hole in the wall,
the French followed at our heels ; and we, to save our lives,
turned again, bending pikes against the passage, and so shot
off one hargaboze [harquibus] : by which means, the enemy
followed no further.
And yet we were in as great distress as before. For we
were between two gates : and at the gate we should have
entered, were two great cannon, ready charged to be shot
off, to drive them back that would have set fire on the gate.
And the cry and noise was so great and terrible, on all sides,
that we could not be heard to speak. But, as GOD would,
Master Lewis Dive [p. 323] (now, a man of worship in Bed
fordshire) heard my voice. Then I plied the matter so sore,
for life : so that, with much ado, Master Dive received us
into the heart of the Castle. And yet, in the opening of the
gate, the French were like to enter pelley melley [pell mell]
with us, if a cannon shot had not made place, whiles the gate
was a shutting.
But now, we were no sooner come before my Lord Grey :
but all the soldiers cried, " Yield up the Castle, upon some
reasonable composition ! " And when the soldiers saw they
could not have the Castle yielded ; they threatened " to fling
my Lord Grey over the walls " : and that was determined ;
if my Lord had not prevented [forestalled] them with a policy.
Whereupon the Captains were called "together; and there,
they agreed to send me to Monsieur De Guise, with an
offer, that " If we might all march, with bag and baggage,
ensign displayed, and six pieces of ordnance : we would yield
the Castle into the hands of the French."
Now it was night, and I must be let out at Master Harry
Norwitch his Bulwark; but neither Drum nor Trumpet

328 Churchyard sent to Duke of Guise, [t- chThl77t
went with me : because a Trumpeter was slain as he sounded
to have a parley; and, as I heard say, a Drum[mer] that
would have followed me, was shot in the leg. But there was
no remedy. I must wade over the water, in which there lay
certain galthroppes, as they term them, which were great
boards, full of long spikes of iron ; on the which, having good
boots and a stay in my hand, I was taught daintily to tread :
and the night was so dark, that the enemy might not take any
good mark of me, albeit they shot divers times.
So, with some hazard, and no great hope to attain that I was
sent for, I was taken by the watch ; and brought to Monsieur
De Guise's tent, where the Duke D'Aumale and many great
Estates were in presence.
My message being said, with due reverence made : the
Duke told me, that "all our ordnance was dismounted, and
that thereby our malice was cut off ; and we could not do
his camp any annoyance. Wherefore," said he, " this was a
stout brag, to seek a capitulation with such advantage upon."
I replied to his Excellency, and told, " We had flankers
[guns with a crossfire] and other great pieces, which would
not be discovered till the next assault : " declaring likewise,
" Our soldiers had sworn rather to die in their [own] defence,
than not to march away, like men of war."
The noblemen, on this mine answer, bade me " Return !
and with the rest of the Castle, to do the worst they could!"
So I departed, and the Duke of Guise beholding, as he
thought, we were resolved to see the uttermost of fortune ;
called me back again : and fell to questions and arguments
with me, such as I liked not [i.e., he tried to bribe Church
yard in some way] ; but other answer did I not make, than
you have heard before. Wherewith, he called for some meat ;
and made me to sit down.
After I had a little refreshed myself, I demanded to know
his pleasure.
Who straightways told me, " There was no help to be had ;
but to become all captives and prisoners to the French King."
" Not so, Sir," I answered ; " and that should the next
assault make trial of."
Then, he went to talk with the Noblemen ; and there, they
concluded, " That the soldiers should march away with bag
and baggage : and the Captains and Officers should remain

t. chin-chyard.-j T0 TREAT F0R surrender of Guisnes. 329
prisoners : " which I knew would not be liked : and so
desired to be sent to my Lord Grey.
But when I came into the Castle, and the soldiers had
gotten word that they might march away at their will : they
came to me, and threatened me with great words, command
ing me, "To make despatch, and yield up the fort !" For
they said, " Since the matter is in talk, and likely to be
brought to a good purpose ; they would cut my throat, if I
made not, hastily, an end of the case." And thereupon had
they made a great hole in a wall ; and so they thrust me out
among the Almains, who rudely handled me.
But my Lord Grey, at my departure, bade me tell the
Duke, that the Almains were about to break into the Castle,
and to set the gate afire : and my Lord said, " He would
shoot off his great ordnance among them ; if the Law of
Arms were not better observed ! "
But, in the meantime, at another place was entered Mon
sieur De Tre [D'Estrees] Master of the [French] Ordnance;
and [Sir Arthur] the Lord Grey that now is, was sent to
the Camp, for the pawn [security] of Monsieur D'Estrees.
But I was come to Monsieur De Guise before those
things were finished : and had told him my message. And
he, like a noble Prince and faithful Captain, rode to the gate
(causing me to mount behind Master Harry Dudley) ;
where the Almains were busily occupied about some naughty
practice : and, with a great truncheon, he stroke divers of
the Almains and others, to make them retire ; and laying [a]
load [i.e., of blows] about him, he made such way, that the
gate was free, and the capitulation was, at leisure, talked of.
But I was not suffered to enter any more into the Castle ;
and so stayed as a prisoner.
Notwithstanding, look what promise Monsieur De Guise
made, it was so well kept and observed that our soldiers
marched away, with all their wealth, money, and weapons.
And great wealth was borne by them ' from Guisnes : inso
much that divers poor soldiers were made thereby, for all
[the] days of their life after. And this is to be noted. There
was great honour in the Duke of Guise. For the Bands
[originally 1,300 p. 298; but now about 500, having lost 800, see
below] that parted [departed] (either sick or sound, hurt or
whole) were honestly conveyed, and truly dealt withal ; even

330 800 English, and 4,000 French lost. [T-Chu,rch^g:
as long as they were in any danger, albeit they had great
sums of money and treasure with them : and the General
with his Captains and Officers were courteously used, so long
as they were in the Duke of Guise his camp.
And, to say the truth, I think our peace was not so
dishonourable, as some report. For
Succour, had we no hope of.
The next assault had overthrown us.
The whole members [i.e., the external fortifications] of the
Castle were cut off from us.
There remained but the bare body of the Castle in our
custody.
The enemy's cannons did beat us from the breach on
the inside.
The Castle was subject to every shot; both from the
Keep, the Catte, and the Mary Bulwark.
The French possessed all the special places of our
strength and comfort.
The best and chiefest of our soldiers were slain, or lay
maimed in most miserable state.
And we had lost 800 men in these assaults and services ;
which did their duty so well, that the enemy con
fessed that they had lost 4,000, before we could be
brought to any parley or composition.
But some of our Officers, by craft and cunning, escaped
homewards out of the Frenchmen's hands ; came to
Court, and made up their Bands [companies] again; to the
great reproach of those that meant no such matters. So, by
that subtilty and shift, they that escaped got a pay or some
reward of the Prince : and those that abode out the brunt
and hazard of the bloody broil, were left in prison.
And the world thought, by seeing so many come home, we
had lost but a few at the siege of Guisnes ; which is other
wise to be proved and affirmed for a truth ; when true trial
[inquiry] shall be made.
Calais was lost before, I cannot declare how. But well
I wot, Sir Anthony Ager, a stout gentleman, and a valiant
Knight, there lost his life : and one Captain Saule was terribly
burnt with powder, in making a train to destroy the enemy

33i

John Fox, the Martyrologist.
The death of H>ueen Ma r y.
[The Ecclesiastical History ii. 2296, Ed. 1570].
Ow then after these so great afflictions falling upon
this realm from the first beginning of Queen Mary's
reign, wherein so many men, women, and children
were burned ; many imprisoned, and in prisons
starved, divers exiled, some spoiled of goods and
possessions, a great number driven from house and home, so
many weeping eyes, so many sobbing hearts, so many children
made fatherless, so many fathers bereft of their wives and
children, so many vexed in conscience, and divers against
conscience constrained to recant, and, in conclusion, never a
good man in all the realm but suffered something during all
the time of this bloody persecution. After all this, I say,
now we are come at length, the LORD be praised ! to the
17th day of November, which day, as it brought to the perse
cuted members of Christ rest from their careful mourning,
so it easeth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing ;
by the death, I mean, of Queen Mary. Who, being long
sick before, upon the said 17th day of November, 1558, about
three or four a clock in the morning, yielded her life to nature,
and her kingdom to Queen Elizabeth, her sister.
As touching the manner of whose death, some say that she
died of a tympany [dropsy] ; some, by her much sighing
before her death, supposed she died of thought and sorrow.
Whereupon her Council seeing her sighing, and desirous to
know the cause, to the end they might minister the more
ready consolation unto her, feared, as they said, that " She
took that thought for the King's Majesty her husband, which
was gone from her."
To whom she answering again, " Indeed," said she, " that

332 "YOU SHALL FIND CALAIS IN MY HEART!" [J'

Fox.
1570.

may be one cause ; but that is not the greatest wound that
pierceth my oppressed mind ! " but what that was, she would
not express to them.
Albeit, afterwards, she opened the matter more plainly to
Master Ryse and Mistress Clarentius [p. 362] (if it be true
that they told me, which heard it of Master Ryse himself) ;
who (then being most familiar with her, and most bold about
her) told her that " They feared she took thought for King
Philip's departing from her."
"Not that only," said she, "but when I am dead and
opened ; you shall find Calais lying in my heart," &c.
And here an end of Queen Mary and her persecution. Of
which Queen, this truly, may be affirmed, and left in story
for a perpetual Memorial or Epitaph, for all Kings and Queens
that shall succeed her, to be noted, that before her, never was
read in story of any King or Queen in England, since
the time of King Lucius, under whom, in time of peace,
by hanging, heading, burning, and prisoning, so much
Christian blood, so many Englishmen's lives were spilled
within this realm, as under the said Queen Mary, for
the space of four years, was to be seen ; and I beseech
the LORD may never be seen hereafter.

333

John Fox, the Martyrologist.
The Imprisonment of the Princess
Elizabeth.

334

John Fox, the Martyrologist.
The Imprisonment of the Princess
Elizabeth,
[Actes and Monumentes,&'c., p. 171a Ed. 1563.]
fllRST, therefore, to begin with her princely birth,
being born at Greenwich, anno 1534 [1 533], of the
famous and victorious Prince, King Henry VIIL,
and of the noble and most virtuous Lady, Queen
Anne her mother; sufficiently is committed to
the story before. Also of the solemn celebration of her
baptism in the said town, and Grey Friar's Church, of
Greenwich; having to her godfather, THOMAS CRANMER,
Archbishop of Canterbury.
After that, she was committed to godly tutors and gover
nors. Under whose institution her Grace did so greatly
increase, or rather excel in all manner of virtue and know
ledge of learning, that I stand in a doubt whether is more to
be commended in this behalf, the studious diligence of them
that brought her up, or the singular towardness of her own
princely nature to all virtuous disposition ; so apt and so
inclinable : both being notwithstanding the gifts of GOD, for
which we are all bound to give Him thanks. What tongue
is it that Her Grace knoweth not ? What language she
cannot speak ? What liberal art or science, she hath not
learned ? And what virtue wherewith her noble breast is not
garnished ? In counsel and wisdom, what Councillor will go
beyond Her Majesty ?
If the goodness of nature, joined with the industry of Her
Grace's institution, had not been in her marvellous, how
many things were there, besides the natural infirmity of that
sex, the tenderness of youth, the nobility of estate, allure
ments of the world, persuasions of flatterers, abundance of
wealth and pleasures, examples of the Court, enough to carry

J'is63.'] The Princess's maidenly modesty. 335
her Grace away after the common fashion and rule of many
other Ladies, from gravity to lightness, from study to ease,
from wisdom to vanity, from religion to superstition, from
godliness to gawishness, to be pricked up with pride, to be
garish in apparel, to be fierce in condition ?
Eloquently is it spoken, and discreetly meant of Tully,
the eloquent orator : " To live," saith he, " a good man in
other places, is no great matter : but in Asia, to keep a sober
and temperate life, that is a matter indeed praiseworthy ! " So
here, why may I not affirm without flattery, that [which]
every man's conscience can testify ? In that age, that sex,
in such State and fortune, in so great occasions, so many
incitements : in all these, to retain so sober conversation, so
temperate condition, such mildness of manners, such humble
ness of stomach, such clemency in forgiving, such travailing
in study : briefly, in the midst of Asia, so far to degenerate
from all Asia ; it hath not lightly been seen in Europe !
Hitherto, it hath been seen in very few. Whereby it may
appear not only what education, or what Nature may do ; but
what GOD, above Nature, hath wrought in her noble breast,
adorning it with so worthy virtues.
Of which her princely qualities and virtuous disposition,
such as have been conversant with her youth can better
testify. That which I have seen and read, I trust I may
boldly repeat without suspicion either of feigning or flattery.
For so I have read, written, and testified of Her Grace by
[according to] one, both learned and also that can say some
thing in this matter. ' Who in a certain book, by him set
forth, entreating of Her Grace's virtuous bringing up, what
discreet, sober, and godly women she had about her;
speaketh, namely, of two points in Her Grace to be con
sidered. One concerning her moderate and maidenly be
haviour ; the other one concerning her training up in learning
and good letters. Declaring, first, for her virtuous modera
tion of life, that seven years after her father's death [i.e. in
1553], she had so little pride of stoma*ch, so little delight in
glistering gazes of the world, in gay apparel, rich attire, and
precious jewels, that in all that time [i.e., through her brother
Edward's reign] she never looked upon those, that her father
left her (and which other Ladies commonly be so fond upon)
but only once ; and that against her will. And, moreover,

336 General admiration of the Princess, [^'g
after that, so little gloried in the same, that there came
neither gold nor stone upon her head, till her sister enforced
her to lay off her former soberness, and bear her company in
her glistening gains : yea, and then, she so ware it, as every
man might see that her body bare that which her heart
misliked. Wherein the virtuous prudence of this Princess,
not reading but following the words of Paul and Peter,
well considered True Nobility to consist not in circumstances
of the body, but in substance of the heart ; not in such things
which deck the body, but in that which dignifieth the mind,
shining and blazing more bright than pearl or stone, be it
never so precious.
Again, the said author, further proceeding in the same
matter, thus testifieth, that he knew a great man's daughter
receiving from the Lady Mary, before she was Queen, goodly
apparel of tinsel, cloth of gold and velvet, laid on with
parchment lace of gold. When she saw it she said, " What
shall I do with it ? "
" Marry ! " said a gentlewoman, " wear it ! "
" Nay! " quoth she, " that were a shame ! To follow my
Lady Mary, against GOD's Word; and leave my Lady
Elizabeth, which followeth GOD's Word."
Let noble Ladies and gentlewomen here learn either to
give, or to take good example given : and if they disdain to
teach their inferiors, in well doing ; yet, let it not shame
them, to learn of their betters.
Likewise also at the coming in of the Scottish Queen [in
I551]* when all the other Ladies of the Court flourished in
their bravery, with their hair frounced and curled, and double
curled ; yet she altered nothing ; but to the shame of them
all, kept her old maidenly shamefastness.
Let us now come to the second point, declaring how she
hath been trained in learning ; and that not vulgar and
common, but the purest and the best, which is most com
mended at these days, as the Tongues, Arts, and GOD's
Word. Wherein she so exceedingly profited, as the foresaid
author doth witness, that being under twenty years of age
[i.e., before 1554], she was not, in the best kind of learning,
inferior to those that all their life time had been brought up
in the Universities, and were counted jolly fellows.
And that you may understand that there hath not been,

''«<£] Testimony of Aylmer and Castiglione. 337
nor is in her, learning only without nature, and knowledge
without towardness to practice ; I will tell what hath been
heard of her first schoolmaster [John Aylmer], a man very
honest and learned : who reported of her, to a friend of his, that
" He learned every day more of her, than she of him." Which
when it seemed to him a mystery, as indeed it was, and he
therefore desired to know his meaning therein, he thus
expounded it : "I teach her words," quoth he, " and she, me
things. I teach her the tongues to speak ; and her modestly
and maidenly life teacheth me words to do. For," saith he,
" I think she is the best inclined and disposed of any in all
Europe." It seemed to me a goodly commendation of her, and a
witty saying of him.
Likewise [Castiglione] an Italian, which taught her his
tongue (although that nation lightly praise not out of their
own country), said once to the said party, that "He found in
her two qualities, which are never lightly yokefellows in one
woman ; which were a singular wit, and a marvellous meek
stomach." If time and leisure would serve to peruse her whole life
past, many other excellent and memorable examples of her
princely qualities and singular virtues might here be noted ;
but none, in my mind, more worthy of commendation, or that
shall set forth the fame of her heroical and princely renown
more to all posterity, than the Christian patience, and incre
dible clemency of her nature showed in her afflictions, and
towards her declared enemies. Such was then the wicked
ness and rage of that time, wherein what dangers and
troubles were among the inferior subjects of this realm of
England, may be easily gathered when such a Princess, of
that Estate, being a King's daughter, a Queen's sister, and
Heir Apparent to the Crown, could not escape without her
cross. And therefore, as we have hitherto discoursed [of] the afflic
tions and persecutions of the other poor members of Christ,
comprehended in this History before ; so likewise, I see no
cause why the communion of Her Grace's afflictions also,
among the other saints of Christ, ought to be suppressed in
silence : especially seeing the great and marvellous workings ot
GOD's glory, chiefly in this Story, appeareth above all the rest.
Y 1

338 Edward VI. 's love for Elizabeth. [J-T^
And though I should, through ingratitude or silence, pass
over the same ; yet the thing itself is so manifest, that what
Englishman is he which knoweth not the afflictions of Her
Grace to have been far above the condition of a King's
daughter : for there was no more behind, to make a very
Iphigenia of her, but her offering up upon the altar of the
scaffold. In which her storms and tempests, with what patience
Her Highness behaved herself, although it be best known to
them who, then being her adversaries, had the minding [im
prisoning] of her. Yet this will I say, by the way, that then
she must needs be in her affliction, marvellous patient : which
sheweth herself now, in this prosperity, to be utterly without
desire of revenge ; or else she would have given some token,
ere this day, of remembrance, how she was handled.
It was no small injury that she suffered, in the Lord Pro
tector's days, by certain venomous vipers ! But to let that
pass ! was it no wrong, think you ! or small injury that she
sustained, after the death of King Edward, when they sought
to defeat her and her sister from their natural inheritance
and right to the Crown ?
But to let that pass likewise ! and to come more near to
the late days of her sister, Queen Mary. Into what fear,
what trouble of mind, and what danger of death was she
brought ?
First, with great solemnity, with bands of harnessed men
[i.e., in arms and armour] (Happy was he that might have
the carrying of her !) to be fetched up, as the greatest traitor
in the world ; clapped in the Tower : and, again, to be tossed
from thence, from prison to prison, from post to pillar. At
length, also prisoner in her own house ; and guarded with a
sort [number] of cutthroats, which ever gaped for the spoil of
the same, that they might have been fingering of somewhat.
Which Story, if I should set forth at large, through all the
particulars and circumstances of the same, and as the just oc
casion of the history requireth ; peradventure, it would move
offence to some, being yet alive. Yet notwithstanding, I
intend, by the grace of Christ, therein to use such brevity
and moderation as may be to the glory of GOD, the discharge
of the Story, the profit of the reader, and hurt to none : sup
pressing the names of some, whom here, although I could

*¦ ^] She is arrested at Ashridge. 339
recite, yet I thought not to be more cruel in hurting their
name, than the Queen hath been in pardoning their life.
Therefore, now to enter into the description of the matter.
First, to declare her undeserved troubles; and then, the
most happy deliverance out of the same, this is the Story.

j|N the beginning of Queen Mary's reign, mention
is made before, how the Lady Elizabeth, and the
Lord Courtney were charged with false suspicion
of [being being concerned in] Sir Thomas Wyatt's
rising [in January, 1554, see p. 207 sqq.]
Whereupon, Queen Mary, whether for that surmise, or for
what other cause I know not, being offended with the said Lady
Elizabeth her sister, at that time lying in her house at Ash
ridge [near Great Berkhampstead], sent to her two Lords [or
rather William, Lord Howard, Sir Edward Hastings,
afterwards Lord HASTINGS of Loughborough; and Sir
Thomas Cornwallis], and Sir John Williams, after
wards Lord [Williams] of Thame, with their retinue, and
troop of horsemen, to the number of 250, who at their sudden
and unprovided [unexpected] coming [on the nth February, 1554] ,
found her at the same time, sore sick in bed, and very feeble
and weak of body.
V/hither, when they came ; ascending up to Her Grace's
Privy Chamber, willed there, one of her Ladies whom they
met, to declare unto Her Grace that " There were certain
Lords come from the Court, which had a message from the
Queen." Her Grace having knowledge thereof, was right glad of
their coming : howbeit, being then very sick, and the night
far spent, which was at ten of the clock, requested them by
the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning.
To this, they answered, and by the said messenger sent
word again, that "They must needs see her ; and would do
so, in what case soever she were in." Whereat, the Lady
being aghast, went to shew Her Grace their words ; but they
hastily following her, came rushing as soon as she, into Her
Grace's chamber, unbidden.
At whose so sudden coming into her bedchamber, Her
Grace being not a little amazed, said unto them, " My Lords 1

340 Brought in a litter to London. [j'

Fox. 563-

is the haste such, that it might not have pleased you to come
to-morrow, in the morning ? "
They made answer, that " They were right sorry to see Her
Grace in that case."
" And I," quoth she, " am not glad to see you here, at this
time of the night ! "
Whereunto, they answered that "They came from the
Queen to do their message and duty ; which was to this
effect, that the Queen's pleasure was that she should be at
London, the 7th [? 12th] day of that present month."
Whereunto, she said, " My Lords ! no creature [can be]
more glad than I, to come to Her Majesty ; being right sorry
that I am not in case at this time, like to wait on her ; as
you yourselves, my Lords ! do see and can well testify ! "
" Indeed, we see it true," quoth they, " that you do say ;
for which we are very sorry : albeit we let you to understand
that our Commission is such, and so straineth us, that we
must needs bring you with us, either quick or dead."
Whereat she being amazed, sorrowfully said that " Their
commission was very sore ! but yet, notwithstanding, she
hoped it to be otherwise, and not so straight."
" Yes, verily ! " they answered.
Whereupon the Lords calling for two physicians, Doctor
Owen and Doctor Wendif, demanded of them, " Whether
she might be removed from thence, with life or not ? " whose
answer and judgement was this, "That there was no impedi-
men to their judgement to the contrary ; but that she might
travel without danger of life."
In conclusion, they willed her to prepare against the
morning, at nine of the clock, to go with them, declaring
that " they had brought with them, the Queen's litter for
her." After much talk, the Lords declaring how there was no
prolonging of times and days, so departed to their chamber ;
being entertained and cheered as appertained to their
Honours. On the next morrow [12th February], at the time pre
scribed, they had her forth as she was, very faint and feeble ;
and in such case as she was ready to swoon three or four
times between them. What should I speak here that [which]
cannot well be expressed 1 What a heavy house there was

J'«63-] Shut up at the Court. 341
to behold the unreverent and doleful dealing of the Lords ;
but especially the careful fear and captivity of their innocent
Lady and mistress.
Now to proceed in their journey. From Ashridge, all sick
in the litter, she came to Redborne ; where she was guarded
all night.
From thence, to St. Albans, to Sir Ralph Rowlet's
house; where she tarried that night all heavy, both feeble in
body, and comfortless in mind.
From that place, they passed to Master Dodd's house, at
Mimms [near Potters' Bar] ; where they also remained that
night. And so from thence, she came to Highgate : where she,
being very sick, tarried that night and the next day : during
which time of her abode, there came many pursuivants and
messengers from the Court unto the Lords ; but what about,
I cannot tell.
From that place, she was conveyed to the Court ; where
by the way came to meet her, many gentlemen to accompany
Her Highness, which were very sorry to see her in that case:
but especially a great multitude of people that were standing
by the way ; who then flocking about her litter, lamented
and greatly bewailed her estate.
Now when she came to the Court, Her Grace was there
straightways shut up, and kept as close prisoner for a
fortnight, seeing neither Queen, nor Lord, nor friend at that
time ; but only then, the Lord Chamberlain, Sir John Gage,
and the Vice-Chamberlain, which were attendant upon the
doors. About which time, Sir William St. Lo was called before
the Council ; to whose charge was laid, that he knew of
Wyatt's rebellion : which he stoutly denied, protesting that
he was a true man, both to God and his Prince, defying all
traitors and rebels. But being straitly examined, was, in
conclusion, committed to the Tower.
The Friday before Palm Sunday [16th March], [Stephen
Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, with nineteen others
of the Council (who shall be here nameless, as I have
promised) came unto Her Grace, from the Queen's Majesty ;
and burdened [accused] her with Wyatt's conspiracy : which

342 Examined by the Council. P'S*:
she utterly denied, affirming that " she was altogether guilt
less therein."
They being not contented with this, charged Her Grace
with the business made by Sir Peter Carew and the rest of
the Gentlemen of the West Country ; which she also utterly
denying, cleared her innocency therein.
In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they declared
unto her, that " It was the Queen's will and pleasure that she
should go unto the Tower, while the matter were further
tried and examined."
Whereat, she being aghast, said that "She trusted the
Queen's Majesty would be a more gracious Lady unto her ;
and that Her Highness would not otherwise conceive of her,
but that she was a true woman." Declaring furthermore to
the Lords, that " She was innocent in all those matters,
wherein they had burdened her, and desired them therefore
to be a further mean to the Queen her sister, that she, being
a true woman in thought, word, and deed, towards Her
Majesty, might not be committed to so notorious and doleful
a place " : protesting that she would request no mercy at
her hand, if she should be proved to have consented unto
any such kind of matter as they laid unto her charge. And
therefore, in fine, desired their Lordships to think of her what
she was; and that she might not so extremely be dealt
withal for her truth.
Whereunto, the Lords answered that " There was no
remedy. For that the Queen's Majesty was fully determined
that she should go unto the Tower" ; wherewith the Lords
departed, with their caps hanging over their eyes [this was
a purposed sign of disrespect] .
But not long after, within the space of an hour or a little
more, came four of the foresaid Lords of the Council, with
the Guard, who warding the next chamber to her, secluded
all her Gentlemen and yeomen, Ladies and gentlewomen ;
saving that for one Gentleman Usher, three Gentlewomen,
and two Grooms of her Chamber, were appointed in their
rooms, three other men, and three waiting women of the
Queen's, to give attendance upon her ; that none should have
access to her Grace.
At which time, there were a hundred of Northern soldiers,
in white coats, watching and warding about the gardens all

J'«63.] Ordered to be sent to the Tower. 343
that night : a great fire being made in the midst of the Hall;
and two certain Lords watching there also with their Band
and company.
Upon Saturday, being Palm Sunday Eve [17th March], two
certain Lords of the Council, whose names here also we do
omit [but who were the Marquis of Winchester and the Earl
of Sussex], came and certified Her Grace that "forthwith
she must go unto the Tower ! the barge being prepared for
her, and the tide now ready, which tarrieth for nobody."
In heavy mood, Her Grace requested the Lords, that " She
might tarry another tide ; " trusting that the next would be
more joyous and better [because in the day time].
But one of the Lords [i.e., Winchester] replied that
" Neither tide nor time was to be delayed ! "
And when Her Grace requested him, that she might be
suffered to write to the Queen's Majesty, he answered that
"He durst not permit that;" adding that, "in his judge
ment it would rather hurt than profit Her Grace in so doing."
But the other Lord, who was the Earl of Sussex, more
courteous and favourable, kneeling down, told Her Grace
that " She should have liberty to write, and, as he was a true
man, he would deliver it to the Queen's Highness ; and
bring an answer of the same, whatsoever came thereof."
Whereupon she wrote; albeit she could not, nor might
not speak with her; to her great discomfort, being no offender
against Her Majesty.
[The actual letter written by the Princess, at this moment, is in the Stale
Paper Office. Domestic, Mary, Vol. IV. No. 2.
The Lady Elizabeth to the Queen.
If any ever did try this old saying, that A King's word was more than
another maris oath, I most humbly beseech your Majesty to verify it in
me ; and to remember your last promise, and my last demand, that " I be
not condemned without answer and due proof," which it seems that I now
am : for, without cause proved, I am, by your Council, from you, com
manded to go to the Tower, a place more wonted for a false traitor than a
true subject, which, though I know I desire it not, yet, in the face of all
this realm, [it] appears proved. While I pray to GOD I may die the
shamefullest death that ever any died afore, if I may mean any such thing I
and to this present hour I protest before GOD (who shall judge my truth,
whatsoever malice shall devise), that I never practised, counselled, nor
consented to anything that might be prejudicial to your person any way,
or dangerous to the State by any means. And therefore, I humbly b?-

344 Her passionate, touching letter. [**£
seech your Majesty to let me answer afore yourself and not suffer me to
trust to your Councillors ; yea, and that afore I go to the Tower, if it be
possible, if not, before I be further condemned. Howbeit, I trust assuredly
your Highness will give me leave to doit, afore I go ; that thus shamefully,
I may not be cried out on, as I now shall be : yea, and without cause !
Let conscience move your Highness to take some better way with me
than to make me be condemned in all men's sight afore my desert known I
Also I most humbly beseech your Highness to pardon this my boldness,
which innocency procures me to do ; together with hope of your natural
kindness which I trust will not see me cast away, without desert : which
what it is, I would desire no more of GOD but that you truly knew ; but
which thing, I think and believe you shall never by report know ; unless
by yourself you hear.
I have heard of many, in my time, cast away for want of coming to
the presence of their Prince ; and, in late days, I heard my Lord of
Somerset say that " If his brother [The Admiral Thomas Lord
Seymour] had been suffered to speak with him, he had never suffered ;
but persuasions were made to him so great that he was brought in belief
that he could not live safely if the Admiral lived, and that made him give
consent to his death." Though these persons are not to be compared to
your Majesty ; yet, I pray GOD, as evil persuasions persuade not one
sister against the other ! and all for that they have heard false report, and
not hearken to the truth not known.
Therefore, once again, kneeling with humbleness of heart, because I
am not suffered to bow the knees of my body ; I humbly crave to speak
with your Highness : which I would not be so bold as to desire, if I knew
not myself most clear, as I know myself most true.
And as for the traitor Wyatt, he might peradventure, write me a letter ;
but, on my faith, I never received any from him. And as for the copy of
the letter sent to the French King, I pray GOD may confound me eternally
if ever I sent him word, message, token, or letter, by any means ! And to
this truth, I will stand in to my death.
Your Highness's most faithful subject, that hath been from the begin
ning, and will be to my end, ELIZABETH.
I numbly crave but only one word of answer from yourself.]
And thus the tide [season] and time passed away for that
time, till the next day, being Palm Sunday, when, about nine
of the clock, these two came again, declaring that " it was
time for Her Grace to depart."
She answered, " If there be no remedy, I must be con
tented ; " willing the Lords to go on before.
And being come forth into the garden, she did cast up her
eyes towards the window ; thinking to have seen the Queen,
which she could not. Whereat she said, " She marvelled
much, what the Nobility of the realm meant ; which, in that
sort, would suffer her to be led forth into captivity, the
LORD knew whither ! for she did not,"

l*s£] ISSHUT UP IN THE TOWER. 345
After all this, she took her barge, with the two aforesaid
Lords, three of the Queen's Gentlewomen.and three of her own,
her Gentleman Usher, and two of her Grooms : lying and
hovering upon the water, an hour; for that they could not shoot
the Bridge [the tide used to rush through the narrow spaces of
old London bridge, with the force of a mill-race] : the bargemen
being very unwilling to shoot the same so soon as they did,
because of the danger thereof. For the stern of the boat
struck upon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water
was so shallow.
Then Her Grace desired of the Lords, that " She might
not land at the stairs where all traitors and offenders
customably used to land" [called the Traitor's Gate].
They answered that " it was past their remedy ; for that
otherwise they had in commandment."
"Well," said she, "if it be so, my Lords ! I must needs
obey it : protesting before all your Honours, that here now
steppeth as true a subject as ever was, towards the Queen's
Highness. And before thee, O GOD 1 I speak it ; having
none other friends, but only Thee ! "
The Lords declared unto her that "there was no time then
to try the truth."
" You have said well, my Lords ! " quoth she, " I am
sorry that I have troubled you ! "
So then they passed on [i.e., through the Traitor's Gate], and
went into the Tower : where were a great company of har
nessed men, and armed soldiers warding on both sides:
whereat she being amazed, called the Lords to her, and
demanded " the cause, why those poor men stood there ? "
They declared unto her, that " it was the use and order of
the place so to do."
" And if it be," quoth she, " for my cause ; I beseech you
that they may be dismissed."
Whereat, the poor men kneeled down, and with one voice,
desired GOD to preserve Her Grace; who, the next day,
were released of their cold coats.
After this, passing a little further, she sat down upon a
cold stone, and there rested herself.
To whom, the Lieutenant [Lord CHANDOS, seep. I76]then
being, said, "Madam, you were best to come out of the rain I
for you sit unwholesomely."

346 Lord Sussex, again her friend. [**£
She then replying, answered again, " Better sitting here,
than in a worse place ! For, GOD knoweth ! I know not
whither you will bring me!"
With that, her Gentleman Usher wept. She demanded of
him, " What he meant so uncomfortably to use her, seeing
she took him to be her comforter, and not her dismayer :
especially for that she knew her truth to be such, that no
man should have cause to weep for her." But forth she
went into the prison.
The doors were locked and bolted upon her; which did
not a little discomfort and dismay Her Grace. At what
time, she called to her gentlewoman for her book [i.e., her
Bible], desiring GOD, "Not to suffer her to build her
foundation upon the sands, but upon the rocks ! whereby all
blasts of blustering weather should have no power against
her." After the doors were thus locked, and she close shut up ;
the Lords had great conference how to keep ward and watch,
every man declaring his opinion in that behalf, agreeing
straightly and circumspectly to keep her : while that one of
them, I mean the Lord of Sussex, swearing, said, " My
Lords ! let us take heed ! and do no more than our Com
mission will bear us ! whatsoever shall happen hereafter.
And, further, let us consider that she was the King our
Master's daughter! and therefore let us use such dealing,
that we may answer unto it hereafter, if it shall so happen !
For just dealing," said he, " is always answerable."
Whereunto the other Lords agreed that it was well said of
him : and thereupon departed.
It would make a pitiful and strange story, here by the way,
to touch and recite what examinations and rackings of poor
men there were, to find out the knife that should cut her
throat ! what gaping among the Lords of the Clergy to see
the day, wherein they might wash their goodly white rochets
in her innocent blood ? But especially the Bishop of Win
chester, Stephen Gardiner, then Lord Chancellor, and
ruler of the rost.
Who then, within few days after [March,, 1554], came unto
her, with divers other of the Council, and examined her of
of the talk that was at Ashridge, betwixt her and Sir James
a Croft concerning her removing from thence to Don-

J-^*:] Is confronted with Sir James a Croft. 347
nington Castle, requiring her to declare, "What she meant
thereby?" At the first, she, being so suddenly taken, did not well
remember any such house : but within a while, well advising
herself, she said, " Indeed, I do now remember that I have
such a place : but I never lay in it, in all my life. And as
for any that hath moved me thereunto, I do not remember."
Then to enforce the matter, they brought forth Sir James
a Croft. The Bishop of Winchester demanded of her, "What she
said to that man ? "
She answered that, " She had little to say to him, or to
the rest that were then prisoners in the Tower. But my
Lords ! " quoth she, "you do examine every mean prisoner
of me ! wherein, methinks, you do me great injury ! If they
have done evil, and offended the Queen's Majesty, let them
answer to it accordingly. I beseech you, my Lords ! join not
me in this sort with any of these offenders ! And as con
cerning my going unto Donnington Castle, I do remember
Master Hoby and mine Officers, and you Sir James a Croft !
had such talk : but what is that to the purpose, my Lords !
but that I may go to my own houses at all times?"
The Lord of Arundel, kneeling down, said, " Your Grace
saith true ! and certainly we are very sorry that we have so
troubled you about so vain matters."
She then said, "My Lords, you did sift me very narrowly !
But well I am assured, you shall do no more to me, than
GOD hath appointed : and so, GOD forgive you all ! "
At their departing, Sir James a Croft kneeled down,
declaring that "He was sorry to see the day in which he
should be brought as a witness against Her Grace." " But,
I assure your Grace," said he, " I have been marvellously
tossed and examined touching your Highness ; which, the
Lord knoweth ! is strange to me. For I take GOD to
record ! before all your Honours ! I do not know anything
of that crime that you have laid to my charge ! and will
thereupon take my death, if I should be driven to so straight
a trial."

348 Sir J. Gage's threat to her Gentlemen. [j-?°£
That day or thereabouts, divers of her own Officers, who
had made provision for her diet, brought the same to the
utter [outer] gate of the Tower ; the common
These were not .... ¦ • •*. 1_ • l_ n
the officers of rascal soldiers receiving it : which was no small
such^Tent^ grief unto the Gentlemen, the bearers thereof.
white and green, wherefore they required to speak with [Sir
John Gage] the Lord Chamberlain, being then Constable of
the Tower : who, coming before his presence, declared unto
his Lordship that "they were much afraid to bring Her
Grace's diet, and to deliver it unto such common and
desperate persons as they were, which did receive it ; be
seeching His Honour to consider Her Grace, and to give
such order that her viands might at all times be brought in
by them which were appointed thereunto."
" Yea, sirs ! " said he, " who appointed you this office ? "
They answer, " Her Grace's Council ! "
" Council! " quoth he, "there is none of them which hath
to do, either in that case, or anything else within this place ;
and, I assure you ! for that she is a prisoner, she shall be
served with the Lieutenant's men, as the other prisoners are."
Whereat the Gentlemen said that " They trusted for more
favour at his hands ! considering her personage," saying
that " They mistrusted not, but that the Queen and her
Council would be better to Her Grace than so ! " and there
with shewed themselves to be offended at the ungrateful
[harsh] words of the Lord Chamberlain, towards their Lady
and Mistress.
At this, he sware, by GOD ! stroking himself on the breast ;
that " If they did either frown or shrug at him ; he would set
them where they should see neither sun nor moon ! "
Thus taking their leave, they desired GOD to bring him
into a better mind towards Her Grace, and departed from him.
Upon the occasion whereof [there being always a fear oj
poisoned food], Her Grace's Officers made great suit unto the
Queen's Council, that some might be appointed to bring her
diet unto her ; and that it might no more be delivered in to
the common soldiers of the Tower : which being reasonably
considered, was by them granted. Thereupon were appointed
one of her Gentlemen, her Clerk of the Kitchen, and her two
Purveyors, to bring in her provisions once a day. All which
was done. The warders ever waiting upon the bringers

J'iFS63.] Her Cook is too much for Sir John. 349
thereof (and the Lord Chamberlain himself, being always
with them), circumspectly and narrowly watched and
searched what they brought ; and gave heed that they should
have no talk with any of Her Grace's waiting servants ; and
so warded them both in and out.
At the said suit of her Officers, were sent, by the command
ment of the Council, to wait upon Her Grace, two Yeomen
of her Chamber, one of her Robes, two of her Pantry and
Ewry, one of her Buttery, another of her Cellar, two of her
Kitchen, and one of her Larder : all which continued with
her, the time of her trouble.
Here the Constable (being at the first not very well pleased
with the coming in of such a company against his will) would
have had his men still to have served with Her Grace's men:
which her servants, at no hand, would suffer; desiring his
Lordship to be contented, for " that order was taken that no
stranger should come within their offices."
At which answer, being sore displeased, he brake out into
these threatening words : " Well," said he, " I will handle
you well enough ! "
Then went he into the kitchen, and there would needs
have his meat roasted with Her Grace's meat ; and said
" His cook should come thither, and dress it."
To that, Her Grace's Cook answered, " My Lord ! I will
never suffer any stranger to come about her diet, but her
own sworn men, so long as I live ! "
He said, "They should ! "
But the Cook said, " His Lordship should pardon hini for
that matter ! "
Thus did he trouble her poor servants very stoutly : though
afterward he were otherwise advised, and they were more
courteously used at his hands. And good cause why ! For
he had good cheer, and fared of the best ; and Her Grace
paid well for it.
Wherefore he used himself afterwards more reverently
towards Her Grace.
After this sort, having lain a whole month there, in close
prison ; and being very evil at ease therewithal ; she sent
[in April] for the Lord Chamberlain and Lord Chandos
[see p.$4$]to come and speak with her.
Who coming, she requested them that " She might have

350 The Princess may walk in a garden. ['•'

Fox. :5°3'

liberty to walk in some place, for that she felt herself not
well." To the which, they answered that " They were right sorry
that they could not satisfy Her Grace's request; for that
they had commandment to the contrary, which they durst
not in any wise break."
Furthermore, she desired of them, " If that could not be
granted; that she might walk but into the ' Queen's Lodgings.'"
" No, nor that ! " they answered, " could, by any means,
be obtained, without a further suit to the Queen and her
Council." " Well," said she, " my Lords ! if the matter be so hard
that they must be sued unto, for so small a thing ; and that
friendship be so strait, God comfort me ! "
And so they departed : she remaining in her old dungeon
still ; without any kind of comfort, but only GOD.
The next day after, the Lord Chandos came again unto
Her Grace, declaring unto her that " He had sued unto the
Council for further liberty. Some of them consented there
unto. Divers others dissented, for that there were so many
prisoners in the Tower. But in conclusion, they did all
agree that Her Grace might walk into those ' Lodgings ' ;
so that he and the Lord Chamberlain, and three of the
Queen's Gentlewomen did accompany her : and the windows
were shut, and she not suffered to look out at any of them."
Wherewith, she contented herself; and gave him thanks for
his goodwill in that behalf.
Afterwards, there was liberty granted to Her Grace to walk
in a little garden, the doors and gates being shut up ; which,
notwithstanding, was as much discomfort unto her, as the
walk in the garden was pleasant and acceptable. At which
times of her walking there, the prisoners on that side straightly
were commanded not to speak, or look out at the windows
into the garden, till Her Grace were gone out again : having
in consideration thereof, their keepers waiting upon them for
that time.
Thus Her Grace, with this small liberty, contented herself
in GOD, to whom be praise therefore.
During this time, there used a little boy, the child of a
man in the Tower, to resort to their chambers, and many

J,,g£] The little Flower Boy of the Tower. 351
times to bring Her Grace flowers ; which likewise he did to
the other prisoners that were there. Whereupon naughty
and suspicious heads thinking to make and wring out some
matter thereof, called, on a time, the child unto them, pro
mising him figs and apples, and asking, " When he had been
with the Earl of Devonshire ? " not ignorant of the child's
wonted frequenting unto him.
The boy answered that " He would go by-and-by thither."
Further they demanded of him, " When he was with the
Lady Elizabeth ? "
He answered, " Every day ! "
Furthermore they examined him, " What the Lord Devon
shire sent by him to Her Grace ? "
The child said, " I will go [and] know what he will give to
carry to her." Such was the discretion of the child, being
yet but three years of age.
" This same is a crafty boy ! " quoth the Lord Chamber
lain ; " what say you, my Lord Chandos ? "
" I pray you, my Lord ! give me the figs ye promised me ! "
" No, marry," quoth he, " thou shalt be whipped if thou
come any more to the Lady Elizabeth, or the Lord
Courtney ! "
The boy answered, " I will bring the Lady, my Mistress,
more flowers ! "
Whereupon the child's father was commanded to permit
the boy no more to come into their chambers.
And the next day, as Her Grace was walking in the garden,
the child, peeping in at a hole in the door, cried unto her,
saying, " Mistress ! I can bring you no more flowers ! "
Whereat, she smiled, but said nothing; understanding
thereby, what they had done.
Wherefore, afterwards, the Lord Chamberlain rebuked his
father highly ; commanding him to put him out of the house.
" Alas, poor infant ! " quoth the father.
" It is a crafty knave ! " quoth the .Lord Chamberlain.
" Let me see him here no more ! "
The 5th day of May [1554], the Constable was discharged
of his office of the Tower ; one Sir Henry Bedingfield being
placed in his room. A man unknown to Her Grace, and
therefore the more feared : which so sudden [a] mutation
was unto her, no little amaze.

352 Sent from the Tower to Woodstock. lJ'?£x3:
He brought with him a hundred soldiers in blue coats ;
wherewith she was marvellously discomforted ; and demanded
of such as were about her, " Whether the Lady Jane's scaf
fold were taken away or not ? " fearing, by reason of their
coming, least she should have played her part.
To whom, answer was made, that " The scaffold was taken
away ; and that Her Grace needed not to doubt [fear] any
such tyranny, for GOD would not suffer any such treason
against her person."
Wherewith, being contented, but not altogether satisfied,
she asked, "What Sir H. Bedingfield was ? and whether he
was of that conscience or not, that if her murdering were
secretly committed to his charge, he would see the execution
thereof?" She was answered that " They were ignorant what manner
of man he was." Howbeit they persuaded her that GOD
would not suffer such wickedness to proceed.
" Well ! " quoth she, " GOD grant it be so ! For Thou ! 0
GOD ! art the withdrawer and mollifier of all such tyrannous
hearts and acts! and I beseech Thee! to hear me thy
creature ! which am Thy servant and at Thy commandment !
trusting by Thy grace ever so to remain."
About which time, it was spread abroad, that Her Grace
should be carried from thence ; by this new jolly captain and
his soldiers ; but whither, it could not be learned. Which
was unto Her Grace a great grief, especially for that such a
kind of company was appointed to her guard : requesting
rather to continue there still, than to be led thence with such
a rascal company.
At last, plain answer was made by the Lord Chandos,
that " There was no remedy ; but from thence she must needs
depart to the Manor of Woodstock, as he thought."
Being demanded of her, " For what cause ? "
" For that," quoth he, " the Tower is like[ly] further to be
furnished." Whereat she, being more greedy, as far as she durst, de
manded, " wherewith ! "
He answered, " With such matter as the Queen and
Council were determined in that behalf: whereof he had no
knowledge." And so departed.

J^*;] Lord Williams, her staunch friend. 353
In conclusion, the 16th day of May she was removed from
the Tower : the Lord Treasurer [the Marquis of Winchester]
being then there, for the lading of her carts, and discharging
the Place of the same.
Where Sir Henry Bedingfield, being appointed her
goaler, did receive her with a company of rakehells to guard
her ; besides the Lord of Derby's Band [servants] wafting in
the country about, for the moonshine in the water [!]. Unto
whom, at length came, my Lord [Williams] of Thame,
joined in Commission, with the said Sir Henry for the safe
guiding of her to prison. And they together conveyed Her
Grace to Woodstock, as hereafter followeth.
The first day [16th May], they conducted her to Richmond,
where she continued all night : being restrained of her own
men, which were laid out in chambers ; and Sir Henry
Bedingfield his soldiers appointed in their rooms, to give
attendance on her person.
Whereat she, being marvellously dismayed, thinking verily
some secret mischief a working towards her, called her Gen
tleman Usher, and desired him with the rest of his company
to pray for her, "For this night," quoth she, "I think to die."
Whereat he being stricken to the heart, said, " GOD
forbid that any such wickedness should be pretended [in
tended] against your Grace ! "
So comforting her as well as he could, he at last burst out
in tears ; and went from her down into the court where were
walking the Lord [Williams] of Thame, and Sir Henry
Bedingfield ; and he staying aside the Lord of Thame, who
had proffered to him much friendship, desire to speak with
him a word or two.
Unto whom, he familiarly said, " He should with all his
heart." Which when Sir Henry standing by, heard, he asked,
" What the matter was ? "
To whom the Gentleman Usher answered, " No great
matter, sir, but to speak with my Lord a word or two ! "
Then when the Lord of Thame came to him he spake in
this wise, " My Lord ! you have always been my good Lord,
and so I beseech you to remain. Why I come to you at this
time, is to desire your Honour, unfeignedly to declare unto
Z 1

354 Sir H. Bedingfield grunts! [j^;
me, whether any danger is meant unto my Mistress this night
or not ? that I and my poor fellows may take such part as [it]
shall please GOD to appoint. For certainly we will rather
die, than she should secretly and innocently miscarry."
" Marry," said the Lord of Thame, " GOD forbid that
any such wicked purpose should be wrought ! and rather than
it should be so, I, with my men, are ready to die at her feet also."
And so, GOD be praised ! they passed that doubtful night,
with no little heaviness of heart.
The next day [17$ May] passing over the water [*'.«., the
Thames] at Richmond, going towards Windsor ; Her Grace
espied certain of her poor servants standing on the other side,
which were very desirous to see her. Whom, when she
beheld, turning to one of her men standing by, said, " Yonder,
I see certain of my men ; go to them ! and say these words
from me, Tanquam ovis I "
So, she passing forward to Windsor, was lodged there that
night, in the Dean of Windsor's house : a place indeed more
meet for a priest, than a Princess.
And from thence [on 18th May] Her Grace was guarded and
brought the next night, to Master Dormer's house ; where
much people standing by the way, some presented to her one
gift, and some another. So that Sir Henry was greatly
moved thereat, and troubled the poor people very sore, for
shewing their loving hearts in such a manner ; calling them
" Rebels ! " and " Traitors ! " with such like vile words.
Besides, as she passed through the villages, the townsmen
rang the bells, as being joyful of her coming ; thinking verily
it had been otherwise than it was indeed : and as the sequel
proved after, to the poor men. For immediately the said
Sir Henry hearing the same, sent his soldiers hither : who
apprehended some of the ringers, setting them in the stocks,
and otherwise uncourteously misused some others for their
good wills.
On the morrow [19th May] Her Grace passed from Master
Dormer's, where was, for the time of her abode, a straight
watch kept; came to the Lord of Thame his house [at Thame]
where she lay all the next night ; being very princely enter
tained, both of Knights and Ladies, gentlemen and gentle
women. Whereat Sir Henry Bedingfield granted [grmtted]

3'fg£] AND IS MOCKED AT FOR HIS COARSENESS. 355
and was highly offended, saying unto them that " They could
not tell what they did, and were not able to answer to their
doings in that behalf ; letting them to understand that she
was the Queen's Majesty's prisoner, and no otherwise ; ad
vising them therefore to take heed, and beware of after claps ! "
Whereunto, the Lord of Thame answered him in this wise,
that " He was well advised of [in] his doings, being joined in
Commission as well as be," adding with warrant, that " Her
Grace might, and should, in his house, be merry."
After this, Sir Henry went up into a chamber, where were
appointed for Her Grace, a chair, two cushions, and a foot-
carpet, very fair and prince-like ; wherein presumptuously he
sat, calling for Barwick, his man, to pull off his boots : which
as soon as it was known among the ladies and gentles, every
one musing thereat, did laugh him to scorn ; and observed his
indiscreet manners in that behalf, as they might very well.
When supper was done, he called my Lord, and willed him
that all the Gentlemen and Ladies should withdraw them
selves ; every one to his lodging : marvelling much that he
would permit there such a company ; considering so great a
charge was committed to him.
" Sir Henry ! " quoth my Lord, " content yourself ! All
shall be voided, your men and all."
" Nay, my soldiers," quoth Sir Henry, " shall watch all
night." The said Lord of Thame answered, " It shall not need."
" Well," said he, " need or need not, they shall do so,"
mistrusting, belike, the company ; which, GOD knoweth, was
without cause.
The next day [20th May] Her Grace took her journey from
thence, to Woodstock ; where she was enclosed, as before
in the Tower of London ; the soldiers guarding and warding
both within and without the walls, every day to the number
of three score, and, in the night, without the walls forty ;
during the time of her imprisonment there.
At length, she had gardens appointed for her walks, which
were very comfortable to Her Grace. Always when she did
recreate herself therein, the doors were fast locked up, in as
straight a manner as they were in the Tower ; there being at
the least five or six locks between her lodging and her walks ;
Sir Henry himself keeping the keys, trusted no man therewith.

356 The joke of the stray Welsh goat, p^;
Whereupon she called him " her gaoler : " £.nd he, kneeling
down, desired Her Grace not to call him so, for he was
appointed there to be one of her Officers.
"From such Officers," quoth she, "good Lord, deliver me ! "
And now, by way of digression, or rather of refreshing the
reader (if it be lawful in so serious a story to recite a matter
incident, and yet not impertinent to the same) occasion
here moveth or rather enforceth me to touch briefly what
happened in the same place and time, by a certain merry con
ceited man, being then about Her Grace. Who (noting the
straight and strange keeping of his Lady and Mistress by the
said Sir Henry Bedingfield, with so many locks and doors,
with such watch and ward about her, as was strange and
wonderful) spied a goat in the ward where Her Grace was ;
and (whether to refresh her oppressed mind, or to notify her
straight handling by Sir Henry ; or else both), he took it up
on his neck, and followed Her Grace therewith, as she was
going to her lodging. Who, when she saw it, asked him,
" What he would do with him ? " willing him to let it alone.
Unto whom, the said party answered, " No, by Saint
Mary ! if it like your Grace ! will I not ! For I cannot tell
whether he be one of the Queen's friends or not. I will, GOD
willing ! carry him to Sir Henry Bedingfield, to know what
he is."
So, leaving Her Grace, went, with the goat on his neck,
and carried it to Sir Henry Bedingfield ; who, when he saw
him coming with it, asked him half angrily, " What he had
there ? "
Unto whom the party answered, saying, " Sir! I cannot
tell what he is. I pray you, examine him ! for I found him
in the place where my Lady's Grace was walking, and what
talk they have had, I cannot tell. For I understand him not,
but he should seem to me to be some stranger : and I think
verily a Welshman, for he hath a white frieze coat on his
back. And forasmuch as I being the Queen's subject, and
perceiving the strait charge committed to you of her keeping,
that no stranger should have access to her, without sufficient
license : I have here found a stranger (what he is, ,1 cannot
tell) in the place where Her Grace was walking; and, there
fore, for the necessary discharge of my duty, I thought it

}'?s<£] Sir Henry nervous as to pens and paper. 357
good to bring the said stranger to you to examine, as you see
cause." And so he set him down.
At which his words, Sir Henry Bedingfield seemed much
displeased, and said, " Well ! well ! you will never leavethis
gear, I see." And so they departed.
Now to return to the matter from whence we have digressed.
After Her Grace's being there a time [i.e., about a year],
she made suit to the Council, that she might be suffered to
write to the Queen ; which, at last, was permitted to Her
Grace. So that Sir Henry Bedingfield brought her pen,
ink, and paper ; and standing by her, while she wrote, which
he very straitly observed ; always, she being weary, would
carry away her letters, and bring them again when she called
for them.
In the finishing thereof, he would have been messenger to
the Queen of the same; whose request Her Grace denied,
saying, " One of her own men should carry them ; and that
she would neither trust him, nor none of his thereabouts"."
Then he answering again, said, " None of them durst be so
bold," he trowed, " to carry her letters, being in her present
case ! "
" Yes," quoth she, " I am assured I have none so dishonest
that would deny my request in that behalf; but will be as
willing to serve me now as before."
" Well," said he, " my Commission is to the contrary ; and
may not suffer it."
Her Grace, replying again, said, " You charge me very
often with your Commission ! I pray GOD you may justly
answer the cruel dealing ye deal with me ! "
Then he kneeling down, desired Her Grace to think and
consider how he was a servant, and put in trust there by the
Queen to serve Her Majesty : protesting that if the case were
hers, he would as willingly serve Her Grace, as now he did
the Queen's Highness.
For the which answer, Her Grace thanked him, desiring
GOD that she might never have need of such servants as he
was : declaring further to him that his doings towards her
were not good or answerable, but more than all the friends
he had, would stand by ; for in the end, she plainly told him,
they would forsake him.

358 The Princess is a prisoner at [j-

Fox.

To whom, Sir Henry replied, and said that " There was
no remedy but his doings must be answered ; and so they
should, trusting to make a good account thereof."
The cause which moved Her Grace so to say, was for that
he would not permit her letters to be carried, four or five days
after the writing thereof. But, in fine, he was content to send
for her Gentleman from the town of Woodstock, demanding
of him, " Whether he durst enterprise the carriage of Her
Grace's letters to the Queen or not ? "
And he answered, " Yea, sir ! That I dare, and will, with all
my heart." Whereupon, Sir Henry, half against his stomach, took
them to him, to the effect aforesaid.
Then, about the 8th of June [1555] came down Doctor
Owen and Doctor Wendif, sent by the Queen to Her Grace,
for that she was sickly ; who ministering to her, and letting
her blood, tarried there, and attended on Her Grace five or six
days : who being well amended, they returned again to the
Court, making their good report to the Queen and Council,
of Her Grace's behaviour and humbleness towards the Queen's
Highness ; which Her Majesty hearing, took very thankfully.
But the Bishops thereat repined, looked black in the mouth,
and told the Queen, they " marvelled she submitted not her
self to Her Majesty's mercy, considering that she had offended
Her Highness."
Wily champions, ye may be sure ! and friends at a need !
GOD amend them !
About this time, Her Grace was requested by a secret friend,
" to submit herself to the Queen's Majesty ; which would be
very well taken, and to her great quiet and commodity."
Unto whom, she answered that " She would never submit
herself to them whom she had never offended ! For," quoth
she, " if I have offended, and am guilty; I then crave no mercy,
but the law ! which I am certain I should have had, ere this,
if it could be proved by me. For I know myself, I thank
GOD ! to be out of the danger thereof, wishing that I were
as clear out of the peril of my enemy ; and then I am sure I
should not be so locked and bolted up within walls and doors as
I am. GOD give them a better mind ! when it pleaseth Him."

J'iF5&|:] Woodstock for more than a year. 359
About this time [i.e., after the Queen's marriage on j,rd July
r554] was there a great consulting among the Bishops and
gentlemen, touching a marriage for Her Grace : which some
of the Spaniards wished to be with some stranger, that she
might go out of the realm with her portion. Some saying
one thing, and some another.
A Lord [Lord Paget] being there, at last said that " the
King should never have any quiet common wealth in Eng
land; unless her head were stricken from the shoulders."
Whereunto the Spaniards answered, saying, " GOD forbid
that their King and Master should have that mind to consent
to such a mischief! " This was the courteous answer of the
Spaniards to the Englishmen speaking, after that sort, against
their own country.
From that day, the Spaniards never left off their good per
suasions to the King, that the like honour he should never
obtain as he should in delivering the Lady Elizabeth's
Grace out of prison : whereby, at length, she was happily
released from the same.
Here is a plain and evident example of the good nature and
clemency of the King and his Councillors towards Her Grace.
Praised be GOD therefore ! who moved their hearts therein.
Then hereupon, she was sent for, shortly after, to come to
Hampton Court.
In her imprisonment at Woodstock, these verses she wrote
with her diamond, in a glass window.
Much suspected by me,
Nothing proved can be,
Quoth Elizabeth the prisoner.
[In the Second Edition of his Actes, &c, published in 1 570 under the fresh
title of Ecclesiastical History, p. 2,294; John Fox gives the following
additional information of the Woodstock imprisonment.
And thus much touching the troubles of Lady Elizabeth
at Woodstock.
Whereunto this is more to be added,that during the same
time the Lord [Williams] of Thame had laboured for the
Queen, and became surety for her, to have her from Wood
stock to his house, and had obtained grant thereof. But
(through the procurement either of Master Bedingfield, or
by the doing of [the Bishop of] Winchester, her mortal

360 After Mary's marriage, is delivered [*¦*£
enemy), letters came over night, to the contrary : whereby
her journey was stopped.
Thus, this worthy Lady, oppressed with continual sorrow,
could not be permitted to have recourse to any friends she
had ; but still in the hands of her enemies, was left desolate,
and utterly destitute of all that might refresh a doleful heart,
fraught full of terror and thraldom. Whereupon no marvel,
if she hearing, upon a time, out of her garden at Woodstock,
a certain milkmaid singing pleasantly, wished herself to be a
milkmaid, as she was : saying that " Her case was better, and
life more merry than hers, in that state she was.]
Sir Henry Bedingfield and his soldiers, with the Lord
[Williams] of Thame, and Sir Ralph Chamberlain guard
ing and waiting upon her, the first night [July 1555] from
Woodstock, she came to Rycot.
The next night to Master Dormer's; and so to Cole-
brook, where she lay all that night at the George. By the
way, coming to the said Colebrook, certain of her gentle
men and yeomen, to the number of three score met Her
Grace, much to all their comforts : which had not seen Her
Grace of long season before, neither could : but were com
manded, in the Queen's name, immediately to depart the
town," to Her Grace's no little heaviness and theirs, who
could not be suffered once to speak with from them. So
that night all her men were taken her, saving her Gentleman
Usher, three gentlewomen, two Grooms, and one of her
Wardrobe ; the Soldiers watching and warding round-about
fhe house, and she shut up close within her prison.
The next day Her Grace entered Hampton Court on the
back side, unto the Prince's Lodgings. The doors being shut
to her ; and she, guarded with soldiers as before, lay there a
fortnight at the least, ere ever any had recourse unto her.
At length, came the Lord William Howard, who mar
vellously honourably used Her Grace: whereat she took
much comfort, and requested him to be a means that she
might speak with some of the Council.
To whom, not long after came the Bishop of Winchester,
the Lord of Arundel, the Lord of Shrewsbury, and Secre
tary Petre ; who, with great humility, humbled themselves
to Her Grace.

1 '^63-'] fRom prison at Woodstock. 36 i
She again likewise saluting them, said, " My Lords! I am
glad to see you ! For, methinks, I have been kept a great
while from you, desolately alone. Wherefore I would desire
you to be a means to the King's and Queen's Majesties, that
I may be delivered from prison, wherein I have been kept a
long space, as to you, my Lords, is not unknown ! "
When she had spoken, Stephen Gardiner, the Bishop of
Winchester kneeled down, and requested that " She would
submit herself to the Queen's Grace ; and in so doing he had
no doubt but that Her Majesty would be good unto her."
She made answer that "rather than she would do so, she
would lie in prison all the days of her life : " adding that
" she craved no mercy at Her Majesty's hand, but rather
desired the law, if ever she did offend her Majesty in thought,
word, or deed. And besides this, in yielding," quoth she,
" I should speak against myself, and confess myself to be an
offender, which I never was towards Her Majesty; by occasion
whereof, the King and Queen, might ever hereafter conceive
an ill opinion of me : and, therefore, I say, my Lords ! it
were better for me to lie in prison for the truth, than to be
abroad and suspected of my Prince."
And so they departed, promising to declare her message to
the Queen.
On the next day [July 1555] the Bishop of Winchester
came again unto Her Grace, and kneeling down, declared that
" The Queen marvelled that she should so stoutly use herself,
not confessing to have offended ; so that it should seem the
Queen's Majesty wrongfully to have imprisoned Her Grace."
" Nay," quoth my Lady Elizabeth, " it may please her
to punish me, as she thinketh good."
" Well," quoth Gardiner, " Her Majesty willeth me to
tell you, that you must tell another tale ere that you be set
at liberty."
Her Grace answered that " She had as lief be in prison
with honesty and truth, as to be abroad suspected of Her
Majesty. And this that I have said, I will stand to. For I
will never belie myself! "
The Lord of Winchester again kneeled down, and said,
" Then your Grace hath the vantage of me and the other
Lords, for your long and wrong imprisonment."
" What vantage I have," quoth she, " you know ; taking

362 The Queen sees her, at night. [j-^;
GOD to record, I seek no vantage at your hands, for your so
dealing with me. But GOD forgive you, and me also ! "
With that, the rest kneeled, desiring Her Grace that " all
might be forgotten," and so departed, she being fast locked
up again.
A sevennight after [July 1555], the Queen's Majesty sent
for Her Grace, at ten of the clock in the night, to speak with
her. For she had not seen her in two years before. Yet for
all that, she was amazed at the so sudden sending for,
thinking it had been worse for her, than afterwards proved ;
and desired her gentlemen and gentlewomen to "pray for her!
for that she could not tell whether ever she should see them
again or not."
At which time, coming in with Sir Henry Bedingfield and
Mistress Clarencius [p. 332], Her Grace was brought into
the garden, unto a stairs' foot, that went into the Queen's
Lodging ; Her Grace's gentlewomen waiting upon her, her
Gentleman Usher and his grooms going before with torches.
Where her gentlemen and gentlewomen being all commanded
to stay, saving one woman; Mistress Clarencius conducted
her to the Queen's bedchamber, where Her Majesty was.
At the sight of whom, Her Grace kneeled down, and
desired GOD to "preserve Her Majesty! not mistrusting, but
that she should try herself as true a subject towards Her
Majesty as ever any did," and desired Her Majesty even so
to judge of her; and said "she should not find her to the
contrary; whatsoever false report otherwise had gone of her."
To whom, the Queen answered, "You will not confess
your offence ; but stand stoutly in your truth ! I pray GOD !
it may so fall out."
" If it do not," quoth she, " I request neither favour nor
pardon at your Majesty's hands."
" Well," said the Queen, " you stiffly still persevere in
your truth ! Belike, you will not confess but that you have
wrongly punished ! "
" I must not say so, if it please your Majesty ! to you ! "
" Why, then," said the Queen, " belike you will to others."
" No, if it please your Majesty ! " quoth she, " I have
borne the burden, and must bear it. I humbly beseech your
Majesty to have a good opinion of me, and to think me to be
your true subject ; not only from the beginning, hitherto ; but
for ever, as long as life lasteth."

J,Tg£] Elizabeth in charge of Sir T. Pope. 363
And so they departed [separated], with very few comfortable
words of the Queen in English. But what she said in
Spanish, GOD knoweth ! It is thought that King Philip
was there, behind a cloth [tapestry], and not shewn; and that
he shewed himself a very friend in that matter, &c.
Thus Her Grace departing, went to her lodging again ; and
the sevennight after, was released of Sir Henry Beding
field, " her gaoler," as she termed him, and his soldiers.
So Her Grace, set at liberty from imprisonment, went into
the country, and had appointed to go with her, Sir Thomas
Pope, one of Queen Mary's Councillors ; and one of her
Gentleman Ushers, Master Gage ; and thus straitly was she
looked to, all Queen Mary's time.
And this is the discourse of Her Highness's imprisonment.
Then there came to Lamheyre, Master Jerningham, and
Norris, Gentleman Usher, Queen Mary's men ; who took
away from Her Grace, Mistress Asheley to the Fleet, and
three others of her gentlemen to the Tower; which thing was
no little trouble to Her Grace, saying, that " she thought
they would fetch all away at the end." But God be praised !
shortly after was fetched away Gardiner, through the merci
ful providence of the LORD'S goodness, by occasion of whose
opportune decease [13^ November, 1555], the life of this so ex
cellent Prince that is the wealth of England, was preserved.
After the death of this Gardiner ; followed the death also,
and dropping away of others, her enemies ; whereby, by little
and little, her jeopardy decreased, fear diminished, hope of
more comfort began to appear, as out of a dark cloud ; and
though as yet Her Grace had no full assurance of perfect
safety, yet more gentle entertainment daily did grow unto
* her, till the same day, which took away the said Queen Mary,
brought in the same her foresaid sister, Lady Elizabeth in
to the right of the Crown of England. Who, after so long
restrainment, so great dangers escaped, such blusterous
storms overblown, so many injuries digested and wrongs
sustained : the mighty protection of our merciful GOD, to
our no little safeguard, hath exalted and erected, out of thrall,
to liberty ; out of danger, to peace and rule ; from dread, to
dignity ; from misery, to majesty ; from mourning, to ruling ;
briefly, of a prisoner, hath made her a Prince ; and hath

364 Elizabeth's generosity to Sir Henry. [j-^
placed her in her royal throne, being placed and proclaimed
Queen with as many glad hearts of her subjects, as ever was
any King or Queen in this realm before, or ever shall be (I
think) hereafter.
In whose advancement, and this her princely governance,
it cannot sufficiently be expressed what felicity and blessed
happiness this realm hath received, in receiving her at the
LORD's almighty and gracious hand. For as there have
been divers Kings and Rulers over this realm, and I have
read of some ; yet could I never find in English Chronicles,
the like that may be written of this our noble and worthy
Queen, whose coming in was not only so calm, so joyful, so
peaceable, without shedding of any blood ; but also her
reigning hitherto (reign now four years and more) hath been
so quiet, that yet (the LORD have all the glory !) to this
present day, her Sword is a virgin, spotted and polluted with
no drop of blood.
In speaking whereof, I take not upon me the part of the
Moral, or of the Divine Philosopher, to Judge of things done ;
but only keep me within the compass of an Historiographer,
declaring what hath been before; and comparing things done,
with things now present, the like whereof, as I said, is not to
be found lightly in Chronicles before. And this, as I speak
truly, so would I to be taken without flattery; to be left to our
posterity, ad sempitemam clementice illius memoriam.
In commendation of which her clemency, I might also here
add, how mildly Her Grace, after she was advanced to her
Kingdom, did forgive the said Sir Henry Bedingfield;
suffering him, without molestation, to enjoy goods, life, lands,
and liberty. But I let this pass.
Thus hast thou, gentle Reader ! simply but truly described
unto thee, the time, first, of the sorrowful adversity of this
our most Sovereign Queen that now is ; also, the miraculous
preserving her in so many straights and distresses : which I
thought here briefly to notify, the rather for that the won
drous works of the LORD ought not to be suppressed; and
that also Her Majesty, and we her poor subjects likewise,
having thereby a present matter always before our eyes, be
admonished how much we are bound to His Divine majesty,
and also to render thanks to Him condignly for the same.

it

THE PASSAGE
of our most dread Sovereign
Lady, ^ueen Elizabeth,
through the City of Lon
don to Westminster,
the day before her
Coronation.
Anno. 1558.

§ Cum privilegio.

s<

"^

r-

367

-<.
^r
' • A]
*^C!>^ o^
is
¦o
vClx^5l '?^^3^sfr«w °
L~
7%£ Receiving of the Queens Majesty.
||Pon Saturday, which was the 14th day of
January, in the year of our Lord God,
1558 [i.e., 1559], about two of the clock, at
after noon, the most noble and Christian
Princess, our most dread Sovereign Lady,
Elizabeth, by the grace of GOD, Queen
of England, France, and Ireland, Defender
of the Faith, &c, marched from the Tower,
to pass through the City of London, towards Westminster :
richly furnished, and most honourably accompanied, as well
with Gentlemen, Barons, and other the Nobility of this realm,
as also with a noble train of goodly and beautiful Ladies,
richly appointed.
And entering the City, was of the people received marvel
lous entirely, as appeared by the assembly's prayers, wishes,
welcomings, cries, tender words, and all other signs : which
argue a wonderful earnest love of most obedient subjects
towards their Sovereign. And, on the other side, Her Grace,
by holding up her hands, and merry countenance to such as
stood afar off, and most tender and gentle language to those
that stood nigh to Her Grace, did declare herself no less
thankfully to receive her people's good will, than they lov
ingly offered it unto her.
To all that " wished Her Grace well ! " she gave " Hearty
thanks ! " and to such as bade " GOD save Her Grace ! " she
368 The Queen's loving behaviour. [jan.fI559.
said again, " GOD save them all ! " and thanked with all
her heart. So that, on either side, there was nothing but
gladness ! nothing but prayer ! nothing but comfort !
The Queen's Majesty rejoiced marvellously to see that so
exceedingly shewed towards Her Grace, which all good Princes
have ever desired ; I mean, so earnest Love of Subjects, so
evidently declared even to Her Grace's own person, being
carried in the midst of them. The people, again, were won
derfully ravished with the loving answers and gestures of
their Princess ; like to the which, they had before tried, at her
first coming to the town, from Hatfield. This Her Grace's
loving behaviour preconceived in the people's heads, upon
these considerations, was then thoroughly confirmed; and
indeed implanted a wonderful hope in them touching her
worthy government in the rest of her reign.
For in all her Passage, she did not only shew her most
gracious love towards the people in general; but also
privately, if the baser personages had either offered Her
Grace any flowers or such like, as a signification of their
good will ; or moved to her any suit, she most gently (to the
common rejoicings of all lookers on, and private comfort of
the party) stayed her chariot, and heard their requests. So
that, if a man should say well, he could not better term the
City of London that time, than a Stage wherein was shewed
the wonderful Spectacle of a noble hearted Princess towards
her most loving people ; and the people's exceeding comfort
in beholding so worthy a Sovereign, and hearing so prince-like
a voice ; which could not but have set the enemy on fire,
(since the virtue is in the enemy always commended) much
more could not but inflame her natural, obedient, and most
loving people ; whose weal leaneth only upon her Grace, and
her government.
Thus, therefore, the Queen's Majesty passed from the
Tower [see as to her former dismal visit in March, 1554, at p. 345],
till she came to Fanchurch [Fenchurch] : the people on each
side, joyously beholding the view of so gracious a Lady, their
Queen ; and Her Grace no less gladly noting, and observing
the same.
Near unto Fanchurch, was erected a scaffold richly fur
nished ; whereon stood a noise of instruments ; and a child,

jan'iss-] The First of the Five Pageants. 369
in costly apparel, which was appointed to welcome the Queen's
Majesty, in the whole City's behalf.
Against which place, when Her Grace came, of her own
will she commanded the chariot to be stayed ; and that the
noise might be appeased, till the child had uttered his wel
coming Oration, which he spake in English metre, as here
followeth. O peerless Sovereign Queen ! Behold, what this thy town
Hath thee presented with, at thy First Entrance here !
Behold, with how rich hope, she leadeth thee to thy Crown !
Behold, with what two gifts, she comforteth thy cheer !
The First is Blessing Tongues ! which many a " Welcome ! "
say. [sky !
Which pray, thou may'st do well ! which praise thee to the
Which wish to thee long life ! which bless this happy day !
Which to thy Kingdom "Heapes!" [Hips!], all that in
tongues can lie.
The Second is True Hearts ! which love thee from their root !
Whose Suit is Triumph now, and ruleth all the game,
Which Faithfulness has won, and all untruth driven out ;
Which skip for joy, when as they hear thy happy name !
Welcome, therefore, 0 Queen ! as much as heart can think.
Welcome again, O Queen ! as much as tongue can tell,
Welcome to joyous Tongues, and Hearts that will not shrink !
" GOD, thee preserve ! " we pray ; and wish thee ever well !
At which words of the last line, the people gave a great
shout ; wishing, with one assent, as the child had said.
And the Queen's Majesty thanked most heartily, both the
City for this her gentle receiving at the first, and also the
people for confirming the same.
Here was noted in the Queen's Majesty's countenance,
during the time that the child spake, besides a perpetual at-
tentiveness in her face, a marvellous change in look, as the
child's words touched either her person, or the people's
2 A 1

370 Subject of the First Pageant is [jan.'IS59.
Tongues and Hearts : so that she, with rejoicing visage, did
evidently declare that the words took no less place in her
mind, than they were most heartily pronounced by the child,
as from all the hearts of her most hearty citizens.
The same Verses were fastened up in a table [painted board.
Table is the Elizabethan word for picture] upon the scaffold ;
and the Latin thereof likewise, in Latin verses, in another
table, as hereafter ensueth.
Urbs tua qua ingressu dederit tibi munera primo,
0 Regina ! parem non habitura, vide !
Ad diadema tuum, te spe quam divite mittat,
Qua; duo letitice det tibi dona, vide !
Munus habes Primum, Linguas bona multa Precantes,
Quce te quum laudant, turn pia vota sonant,
Fcelicemque diem hunc dicunt, tibi secula longa
Optant, et quicquid denique lingua potest.
Altera dona feres, vera, et tui Amantia Cor da,
Quorum gens ludum jam regit una tuum :
In quibus est infr acta fides, falsumque perosa,
Quceque tuo audito nomine Iceta salit.
Grata venis igitur, quantum Cor concipit ullum t
Quantum Lingua potest dicere, grata venis !
Cordibus infractis, Linguisque per omnia Icetis
Grata venis! salvam te velit esse DEUS !
Now when the child had pronounced his oration, and the
Queen's Highness so thankfully received it ; she marched
forward towards Gracious [Gracechurch] Street, where, at the
upper end, before the sign of the Eagle, the city had erected
a gorgeous and sumptuous Ark, as here followeth.
A Stage was made which extended from one side of the
street to the other, richly vawted [vaulted] with battlements,
containing three ports [gates] ; and over the middlemost was
advanced three several stages, in degrees [tiers]. Upon the
lowest stage, was made one seat royal ; wherein were placed
two personages representing King Henry VII., and Eliza
beth his wife, daughter of King Edward IV. Both of these
two Princes sitting under one Cloth of Estate, in their seats ;

Jan'^59-] "^HE UNION OF YORK AND LANCASTER. 37 1
no otherwise divided, but that th[e] one of them, which was
King Henry VII., proceeding out of the House of Lancaster,
was enclosed in a red rose ; and the other, which was Queen
Elizabeth, being heir to the House of York, enclosed with
a white rose : each of them royally crowned and decently ap
parelled, as pertaineth to Princes, with sceptres in their hands,
and one vawt [vault] surmounting their heads, wherein aptly
were placed two tables, each containing the title, of those two
Princes. And these personages were so set, that the one of
them joined hands with the other, with the ring of matrimony
perceived on the finger.
Out of the which two roses sprang two branches gathered
into one : which were directed upward to the second stage or
degree ; wherein was placed one representing the valiant and
noble Prince, Henry VIIL, who sprang out of the former
stock, crowned with a crown imperial. And by him sate
one representing the right worthy Lady, Queen Anne ; wife
to the said Henry VIIL, and mother to our most sovereign
Lady, Queen Elizabeth that now is. Both apparelled with
sceptres and diadems, and other furniture due to the estate of
a King and Queen : and two tables surmounting their heads,
wherein were written their names and titles.
From their seat also, proceeded upwards one branch directed
to the third and uppermost stage or degree, wherein likewise
was planted a seat royal ; in the which was set one repre
senting the Queen's most excellent Majesty, Elizabeth, now
our most dread Sovereign Lady, crowned and apparelled as
the other Princes were.
Out of the forepart of this pageant was made a standing
for a child, which, at the Queen's Majesty's coming, declared
unto her the whole meaning of the said pageant.
The two sides of the same were filled with loud noises of music.
And all empty places thereof, were furnished with sentences
concerning Unity. And the whole pageant was garnished
with red and white roses ; and in the forefront of the same
pageant, in a fair wreath, was written the name and title of
the same, which was
THE UNITING OF THE TWO
HOUSES OF YORKAND LANCASTER.
This pageant was grounded upon the Queen Majesty's name.

372 The Queen will preserve concord! [j^,^
For like as the long war between the two Houses of York
and Lancaster then ended, when Elizabeth, daughter of
Edward IV., matched in marriage with Henry VII., heir
to the House of Lancaster; so since that the Queen's
Majesty's name was Elizabeth, and forasmuch as she is the
only heir of Henry VIIL, which came of both Houses as the
knitting up of concord : it was devised that like as Eliza
beth was the first occasion of concord; so She, another
Elizabeth, might maintain the same among her subjects.
So that Unity was the end, whereat the whole device shot ; as
the Queen's Majesty's name moved the first ground.
This pageant now against the Queen's Majesty's coming,
was addressed [set forth] with children representing the fore-
named personages ; with all furniture due unto the setting
forth of such a well-meant matter, as the argument declared,
costly and sumptuously set forth, as the beholders can witness.
Now, the Queen's Majesty drew near unto the said pageant,
and forasmuch as the noise was great, by reason of the press
of people, so that she could scarce hear the child which did
interpret the said pageant ; and her chariot was passed so
far forward that she could not well view the personages re
presenting the Kings and Queens above named ; she required
to have the matter opened unto her, and what they signified,
with the End of Unity, and Ground of her Name, according as
is before expressed.
For the sight whereof, Her Grace caused her chariot to
be removed back ; and yet hardly could she see, because the
children were set somewhat with the farthest in.
But after that Her Grace understood the meaning thereof,
she thanked the City, praised the fairness of the work, and
promised that " She would do her whole endeavour for the
continual preservation of concord! " as the pageant did import.
The child appointed in the standing above named, to open
the meaning of the said pageant, spake these words unto Her
Grace.
The two Princes that sit under one Cloth of State :
The Man in the red rose ; the Woman in the white :
Henry the Seventh, and Queen Elizabeth his mate,
By ring of marriage, as man and wife unite.

jan.!i5s9-] Latin Sentences concerning Unity, ^jt,
Both heirs to both their bloods : to Lancaster, the King,
The Queen, to York ; in one the two Houses do knit.
Of whom, as Heir to both, Henry the Eighth did spring,
In whose seat, his true Heir, thou, Queen Elizabeth ! dost
sit!
Therefore as civil war and shed of blood did cease ;
When these two Houses were united into one :
So now, that jar shall stint and quietness increase,
We trust, O noble Queen ! thou wilt be cause alone !
The which also were written in Latin verses. And both
drawn in two tables upon the forefront of the said pageant,
as hereafter followeth.
Hii quos jungit idem solium, quos annulus idem :
Hac albente nitens, ille rubente rosa :
Septimus Henricus rex, regina Elizabetha,
Scilicet Haredes gentis uterque sua.
Hac Eboracensis, Lancastrius ille dederunt
Connubio e geminis quo foret una domus.
Excipit hos hares Henricus copula regum
OCTAVUS, magni regis imago potens.
Regibus hinc succedis avis regique parenti
Patris justa Hares Elizabetha tui.
C Sentences placed therein, concerning
Unity.
Nulla concordes animos vires domant.
Qui juncti terrent, dejuncti timent.
Discordes animi solvunt, concordats ligant.
Augentur parva pace, magna bello cadunt.
Conjuncta manus fortius tollunt onus.
Regno pro mcenibus aneis civium concordia.
Qui diu pugnant, diutius lugent.
Dissidentes principes, subditorum lues.

374 Subject of the Second Pageant is [jJ,

an. 1559

Princeps ad pacem natus, non ad arma datur.
Filia concordia copia, neptis quies.
Dissentiens respublica hostibus patet.
Qui idem tenent, diutius tenent.
Regnum divisum facile dissolvitur.
Civitas concors armis frustra tentatur.
Omnium gentium consensus firmat fidem.
&c.
These Verses and other pretty Sentences were drawn in
void places of this pageant, all tending to one end, that quiet
ness might be maintained and all dissention displaced : and
that by the Queen's Majesty, Heir to Agreement, and agree
ing in name with her which tofore had joined those Houses,
which had been the occasion of much debate and Civil War
with this realm (as may appear to such as well search
Chronicles ; but be not to be touched in this Treatise, only
declaring Her Grace's Passage through the City, and what
provision the City made therefore).
And ere the Queen's Majesty came within hearing of this
pageant, as also at all the other pageants ; she sent certain to
require the people to be silent, for Her Majesty was disposed
to hear all that should be said unto her.
When the Queen's Majesty had heard the child's oration
and understood the meaning of the pageant at large ; she
marched forward towards Cornhill, always received with like
rejoicing of the people.
And there, as Her Grace passed by the Conduit, which was
curiously trimmed against that time, adorned with rich
banners, and a noise of loud instruments upon the top thereof :
she espied the second pageant. And because she feared, for
the people's noise, that she should not hear the child which
did expound the same, she inquired what that pageant was,
ere that she came to it. And there understood, that there
was a child representing Her Majesty's person, placed in a
Seat of Government, supported by certain Virtues which sup
pressed their contrary Vices under their feet : and so forth,
as, in the description of the said pageant, shall hereafter
appear.

jan?iS59-] The Seat of Worthy Governance. 375
This pageant, standing in the nether end of Cornhill, was
extended from one side of the street to the other ; and, in the
same pageant was devised three gates, all open : and over the
middle part thereof was erected one Chair or Seat royal, with
Cloth of Estate to the same appertaining, wherein was placed
a child representing the Queen's Highness, with considera
tion had for place convenient for a table, which contained her
name and title.
And in a comely wreath, artificially and well devised, with
perfect sight and understanding to the people, in the front of
the same pageant, was written the name and title thereof
which is
THE SEAT OF WORTHY GOVERNANCE.
Which Seat was made in such artificial manner, as to the
appearance of the lookers on, the forepart seemed to have no
stay; and therefore, of force, was stayed by lively [living]
personages. Which personages were in number four, stand
ing and staying the forefront of the same Seat royal, each
having his face to the Queen and the people ; whereof every
one had a table to express their effects. Which are Virtues,
namely, Pure Religion, Love of Subjects, Wisdom, and
Justice ; which did tread their contrary Vices under their
feet: that is to wit, Pure Religion did tread upon Igno
rance and Superstition, Love of Subjects did tread upon
Rebellion and Insolency, Wisdom did tread upon Folly
and Vainglory, Justice did tread upon Adulation and
Bribery. Each of these personages, according to their
proper names and properties, had not only their names in
plain and perfect writing set upon their breasts, easily to be
read of all : but also every of them was aptly and properly
apparelled ; so that his apparel and name did agree to
express the same person, that in title he represented. This
part of the pageant was thus appointed and furnished.
The two sides over the two side ports h'ad in them placed
a noise of instruments [i.e., a band of players] ; which, imme
diately after the child's speech, gave a heavenly melody.
Upon the top or uppermost part of the said pageant stood
the Arms of England, royally portraitured ; with the proper
beasts to uphold the same. One representing the Queen's

376 The Virtues trampling on the Vices. \jaaJ15S9,
Highness sat in this Seat, crowned with an imperial crown :
and before her seat was a convenient place appointed for one
child, which did interpret and apply the said pageant as
hereafter shall be declared.
Every void place was furnished with proper Sentences
commending the Seat supported by the Virtues; and defacing
the Vices, to the utter extirpation of rebellion, and to ever
lasting continuance of quietness and peace.
The Queen's Majesty approaching nigh unto this pageant,
thus beautified and furnished in all points, caused her
chariot to be drawn nigh thereunto, that Her Grace might
hear the child's oration, which was this :
While that Religion True shall Ignorance suppress,
And with her weighty foot, break Superstition's head ;
While Love of Subjects shall Rebellion distress,
And with Zeal to the Prince, Insolency down tread ;
While Justice can Flattering tongues and Bribery deface ;
While Folly and Vainglory, to Wisdom yield their hands :
So long, shall Government not swerve from her right race,
But Wrong decayeth still, and Righteousness upstands.
Now all thy subjects' hearts, 0 Prince of peerless fame !
Do trust these virtues shall maintain up thy throne !
And Vice be kept down still, the wicked put to shame ;
That good with good may joy, and naught with naught may
moan!
Which Verses were painted upon the right side of the
same pageant; and in Latin thereof, on the left side, in
another table, which were these.
Qua subnixa alte solio regina superbo est,
Effigiem sancta Principis alma refert,
Quam Civilis Amor fulcit, Sapientia firmat,
Justicia illustrat, Religioque beat
Vana Superstitio et crassa Ignorantia frontis

JaJIS5gi] Seat of Governance upheld by Virtues 2,77
Pressa sub Pur a Religione jacent.
Regis Amor domat Effranos, animosque rebelles
Justus Adulantes, Donivorosque terit.
Cum regit Imperium sapiens, sine luce sedebunt
Stultitia, atque hujus numen inanis honor.
Beside these Verses, there were placed in every void room
of the pageant, both in English and Latin, such Sentences
as advanced the Seat of Governance upholden by Virtue.
The ground of this pageant was that, like as by Virtues
(which do abundantly appear in Her Grace), the Queen's
Majesty was established in the Seat of Government ; so she
should sit fast in the same, so long as she embraced Virtue,
and held Vice under foot. For if Vice once got up the head,
it would put the Seat of Government in peril of falling.
The Queen's Majesty, when she had heard the child, and
understood the pageant at full, gave the City also thanks
there ; and most graciously promised her good endeavour for
the maintenance of the said virtues, and suppression of vices.
And so marched on, till she came against the Great
Conduit in Cheap ; which was beautified with pictures and
sentences accordingly, against Her Grace's coming thither.
Against Soper Lane's end was extended from the one side
of the street to the other, a pageant which had three gates,
all open.
Over the middlemost whereof, were erected three several
stages, whereon sat eight children, as hereafter followeth.
On the uppermost, one child ; on the middle, three ; on the
lowest, four ; each having the proper name of the Blessing
that he did represent, written in a table, and placed above
his head.
In the forefront of this pageant, before the children which
did represent the Blessings, was a convenient standing cast
out for a child to stand, which did expound the said pageant
unto the Queen's Majesty ; as was done in the other before.
Every of these children were appointed and apparelled
according to the Blessing, which he did represent.
And on the forepart of the said pageant was written, in fair
letters, the name of the said pageant, in this manner following.

378 Subject of the Third Pageant is [j^!,^
THE EIGHT BEATITUDES, EXPRESSED
IN THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE
GOSPEL OF SAINT MATTHEW,
APPLIED TO OUR SOVEREIGN
LADY QUEEN ELIZABETH.
Over the two side posts was placed a noise of instruments.
And all void places in the pageant were furnished with
pretty Sayings commending and touching the meaning of the
said pageant; which were the Promises and Blessings of
Almighty GOD made to His people.
Before the Queen's Highness came into this pageant, she
required the matter somewhat to be opened unto her; that Her
Grace might the better understand what should, afterward,
by the child, be said unto her. Which was so, that the City
had there erected the pageant with eight children, represent
ing the Eight Blessings touched in the Fifth Chapter of
St. Matthew; whereof every one, upon just considerations,
was applied unto Her Highness. And that the people
thereby put Her Grace in mind, that as her good doings
before, had given just occasion why that these Blessings
might fall upon her ; that so, if Her Grace did continue in
her goodness, as she had entered, she should hope for the
fruit of these Promises, due unto them that do exercise
themselves in the Blessings.
Which Her Grace heard marvellously graciously, and
required that the chariot might be removed towards the
pageant, that she might perceive the child's words : which
were these, the Queen's Majesty giving most attentive ear,
and requiring that the people's noise might be stayed.
Thou hast been eight times blest! O Queen of worthy fame !
By Meekness in thy spirit, when care did thee beset !
By Mourning in thy grief ! by Mildness in thy blame !
By Hunger and by Thirst, and justice couldst none get !
By Mercy showed, not felt ! by Cleanness of thy heart!
By seeking Peace always ! by Persecution wrong ! [smart !
Therefore, trust thou in GOD ! since He hath helped thy
That, as His Promise is, so He will make thee strong!

Jan.'issg] ^HE BEATITUDES APPLIED TO THE QUEEN. 379
When these words were spoken, all the people wished that
" As the child had spoken, so GOD would strengthen Her
Grace against all her adversaries ! " whom the Queen's
Majesty did most gently thank, for their so loving wish.
These Verses were painted on the left side of the said
pageant ; and other, in Latin, on the other side, which were
these : Qui lugent hilares fient, qui mitia gestant
Pectora, multa solijugera culta metent.
Justitiam esuriens sitiensve veplebitur, ipsum
Fas homini puro corde videre DE UM.
Quem alterius miseret Dominus miserebitur hujus,
Pacificus quisquis, filius ille DEI est.
Propter justitiam quisquis patietur habetque
Demissam mentem, calica regna capit.
Huic hominum generi terram, mare, sidera vovit
Omnipotens, horum quisque beatus erit.
Besides these, every void place in the pageant was fur
nished with Sentences touching the matter and ground of the
said pageant.
When all that was to be said in this pageant was ended ;
the Queen's Majesty passed on forward in Cheap side.
At the Standard in Cheap, which was dressed fair against
the time, was placed a noise of trumpets, with banners and
other furniture.
The Cross, likewise, was also made fair and well trimmed.
And near unto the same, upon the porch of Saint Peter's
Church door, stood the Waits of the City ; which did give a
pleasant noise with their instruments, as the Queen's Majesty
did pass by. Who, on every side, cast her countenance, and
wished well to all her most loving people.
Soon after that Her Grace passed the Cross, she had espied
the pageant erected at the Little Conduit in Cheap ; and
incontinent required to know what it might signify. And it
was told Her Grace, that there was placed Time.
" Time ! " quoth she, " and Time hath brought me hither! "

380 The City's noble gift to the Queen. [jail.f15S9.
And so forth the whole matter was opened to Her Grace, as
hereafter shall be declared in the description of the pageant.
But when in the opening, Her Grace understood that the
Bible in English, should be delivered unto her by Truth
(which was therein represented by a child), she thanked the
City for that gift, and said that she would oftentimes read
over that book ; commanding Sir John Parrat, one of the
knights which held up her canopy, to go before, and to re
ceive it : but learning that it should be delivered unto Her
Grace, down by a silken lace, she caused him to stay.
And so passed forward till she came against the Aldermen,
in the high end of Cheap, tofore the Little Conduit ; where
the Companies of the City ended, which began at Fanchurch
[Femhurch Street] and stood along the streets, one by another,
enclosed with rails hanged with cloths, and themselves well
apparelled with many rich furs, and their Livery Hoods
upon their shoulders, in comely and seemly manner ; having
before them sundry persons well apparelled in silks and
chains of gold, as Whifflers and Guarders of the said Com
panies : besides a number of rich hangings (as well of
tapestry, arras, cloths of gold, silver, velvet, damask, satin,
and other silks) plentifully hanged all the way, as the
Queen's Highness passed from the Tower through the City.
Out at the windows and penthouses of every house did hang
a number of rich and costly banners and streamers, till Her
Grace came to the upper end of Cheap.
And there by appointment, the Right Worshipful Master
Ranulph Cholmeley, Recorder of the City, presented to
the Queen's Majesty, a purse of crimson satin, richly
wrought with gold ; wherein the City gave unto the Queen's
Majesty a thousand marks in gold [= £666 = about £5,000
now] ; as Master Recorder did declare briefly unto the Queen's
Majesty. [Compare the similar usual gift to her Mother
25 years before, in this Vol. p. 16]. Whose words tended to
this end, that "The Lord Mayor, his brethren and commonalty
of the City, to declare their gladness and good will towards
the Queen's Majesty, did present Her Grace with that gold ;
desiring Her Grace to continue their good and gracious
Queen, and not to esteem the value of the gift, but the mind
of the givers."

jan',559.] The Queen's NOBLE SPEECH TO THE ClTY. 38 1
The Queen's Majesty, with both her hands took the
purse, and answered to him again marvellously pithily ; and
so pithily that the standers by, as they embraced entirely her
gracious answer, so they marvelled at the couching thereof :
which was in words truly reported these. " I thank my
Lord Mayor, his brethren, and you all ! And whereas your
request is, that I should continue your good Lady and Queen :
be ye ensured that I will be as good unto you, as ever Queen
was to her people ! No will in me can lack ! neither, do I
trust, shall there lack any power ! And persuade yourselves
that, for the safety and quietness of you all, I will not spare,
if need be, to shed my blood ! GOD thank you all ! "
Which answer of so noble a hearted Princess, if it moved
a marvellous shout and rejoicing, it is nothing to be mar
velled at ; since both the heartiness thereof was so wonder
ful, and the words so jointly knit.
When Her Grace had thus answered the Recorder, she
marched towards the Little Conduit ; where was erected a
pageant, with square proportion, standing directly before the
same Conduit, with battlements accordingly. And in the
same pageant were advanced two hills or mountains of con
venient height.
The one of them, being on the north side of the same
pageant, was made cragged, barren, and stony ; in the which
was erected one tree, artificially made, all withered and
dead, with branches accordingly. And under the same
tree, at the foot thereof, sat one, in homely and rude
apparel, crookedly, and in mourning manner, having over
his head in a table, written in Latin and English, his name,
which was
RUINOSA RESPUBLICA,
A DECAYED COMMON WEAL.
And upon the same withered tree, were fixed certain tables
wherein were written proper Sentences, expressing the causes
of the Decay of the Common weal.
The other hill, on the south side, was made fair, fresh,
green, and beautiful ; the ground thereof full of flowers and
beauty. And on the same was erected also one tree, very
fresh and fair ; under which, stood upright one fresh personage,

382 Subject of the Fourth Pageant is [y„,.'I59i
well apparelled and appointed ; whose name also was writ
ten, both in English and in Latin, which was
RESPU BLICA BENE IN STITUTA,
A FLOURISHING COMMON WEAL.
And upon the same tree also, were fixed certain tables con
taining Sentences, which expressed the causes of a Flourishing
Common weal.
In the middle, between the said hills, was made arti
ficially, one hollow place or cave, with door and lock
enclosed ; out of which, a little before the Queen's Highness's
coming thither, issued one personage, whose name was
Time (apparelled as an old man, with a scythe in his hands,
having wings artificially made), leading a personage, of less
stature than himself, which was finely and well apparelled,
all clad in white silk ; and directly over her head was set
her name and title, in Latin and English, Temporis Filia,
The Daughter of Time.
_ Which two, so appointed, went forward, towards the south
side of the pageant.
And on her breast was written her proper name, Veritas,
Truth; who held a book in her hand, upon the which was
written, Verbum Veritatis, The Word of Truth.
And out of the south side of the pageant, was cast a
standing for a child, which should interpret the same pageant.
Against whom, when the Queen's Majesty came, he spake
unto Her Grace these words :
This old man with the scythe, old Father Time they call :
And her, his daughter Truth, which holdeth yonder book;
Whom he out of his rock hath brought forth to us all,
From whence, these many years, she durst not once outlook.
The ruthful wight that sitteth under the barren tree,
Resembletb to us the form when Common weals decay ;
But when they be in state triumphant, you may see
By him in fresh attire, that sitteth under the bay.

Jan.'I55g.]^ ruinous Common Weal, & its opposite. 383
Now since that Time again, his daughter Truth hath
brought ;
We trust, 0 worthy Queen ! thou wilt this Truth embrace !
And since thou understandest the good estate and nought ;
We trust Wealth thou wilt plant, and Barrenness displace !
But for to heal the sore, and cure that is not seen,
Which thing the Book of Truth doth teach in writing plain ;
She doth present to thee, the same, 0 worthy Queen !
For that, that words do fly, but writing doth remain.
When the child had thus ended his speech, he reached
his book towards the Queen's Majesty; which, a little before,
Truth had let down unto him from the hill : which by Sir
John Parrat was received, and delivered unto the Queen.
But she, as soon as she had received the book, kissed it ;
and with both her hands held up the same, and so laid
it upon her breast ; with great thanks to the City therefore.
And so went forward toward Paul's Churchyard.
The former matter, which was rehearsed unto the Queen's
Majesty, was written in two tables, on either side the
pageant, eight verses : and in the midst, these in Latin.
Ille, vides, falcem lava qui sustinet uncam,
Tempus is est, cui stat filia Vera comes ;
Hanc pater exesa deductam rupe reponit
In lucem, quam non viderat ante diu.
Qui sedet a lava cultu male tristis inepto,
Quem duris crescens cautibus orbis obit
Nos monet ejfigia, qua sit Respublica quando
Corruit, at contra quando beata viget,
Ille docet juvenis forma spectandus amictu
Scitus, et aterna laurea fronde virens.
The Sentences, written in Latin and English upon both
the trees, declaring the causes of both estates, were these ;

384 The connection of the Pageants. Qan.'ISS9,
C Causes of a Ruinous Common
Weal are these.
Want of the Fear of GOD. Civil disagreement.
Disobedience to rulers. Flattering of Princes.
Blindness of guides. Unmercifulness in rulers.
Bribery in magistrates. Unthankfulness in subjects.
Rebellion in subjects.
C Causes of aFlourishing
Common weal.
Fear of GOD. Obedient subjects.
A wise Prince. Lovers of the Common Weal.
Learned rulers. Virtue rewarded.
Obedience to officers. Vice chastened.
The matter of this pageant dependeth of them [*.«., the
pageants] that went before. For, as the first declared Her
Grace to come out of the House of Unity ; the second, that
she is placed in the Seat of Government, stayed with virtues
to the suppression of vice ; and therefore in the third, the
Eight Blessings of Almighty GOD might well be applied
unto her : so this fourth now, is to put Her Grace in remem
brance of the state of the Common Weal, which Time, with
Truth his daughter, doth reveal : which Truth also, Her
Grace hath received ; and therefore cannot but be merciful
and careful for the good government thereof.
From thence, the Queen's Majesty passed towards Paul's
Churchyard. And when she came over against Paul's School, a child
appointed by the Schoolmaster thereof, pronounced a certain
Oration in Latin, and certain Verses : which also were there~
written, as follows.
Philosophus ille divinus Plato, inter multa praclare ac sa-
pienter dicta, hoc posteris proditum reliquit, Rempublicam illam
felicissimam fore, cui Princeps sophia studiosa, virtutibusque
ornata contigerit. Quem si vere dixisse censeamus {ut quidem
verissime) cur non terra Britannica plauderet ? cur non populus

jan?iS59-] The Latin Speech at St. Paul's School. 385
gaudiam atque latitiam agitaret ? immo, cur non hunc diem albo
{quod aiunt) lapillo notaret ? quo Princeps talis nobis adest,
qualem priores non viderunt, qualemque posteritas haud facile
cernere poterit, dotibus quum animi, turn corporis undique feli-
cissima. Casti quidem corporis dotes ita aperta sunt, ut oratione
non egeant. Animi vero tot tantaque, ut ne verbis quidem
exprimi possint. Hac nempe Regibus summis orta, morum atque
animi nobilitate genus exuperat. Hujus pectus Christi religionis
amore flagrat. Hac gentem Britannicum virtutibus illustrabit,
clipeoque justitia teget. Hac Uteris Gracis et Latinis eximia,
ingenioque prapollens est. Hac imperante, pietas vigebit, Anglia
florebit, Aurea Secula redibunt. Vos igitur Angli, tot commoda
accepturi, Elizabetham Reginam nostram celeberrimam ab ipso
Christo hujus regni imperio destinatam, honore debito prose-
quimini. Hujus imperiis animo libentissimo subditi estote, vosque
tali principe dignos prabete. Et quoniam, pueri non viribus
sed precibus ojficium prestare possunt, nos Alumni hujus Schola
ab ipso Coleto, olim Templi Paulini Decano, extructa, teneras
palmas ad ccelum tendentes Christum Opt. Maxi. precaturi
sumus, ut tuum celsitudinem annos Nestoreos summo cum
honore Anglis imperitare facial, matremque pignoribus charis
beatam reddat. Amen.
Anglia nunc tandem plaudas, latare, re sulta,
Presto jam vita est, prasidiumque tibi.
En tua spes venit tua gloria, lux, decus omne
Venit jam solidam qua tibiprestat opem.
Succurretque tuis rebus qua pessum abiere.
Perdita qua fuerant hac reparare volet
Omnia florebunt, redeunt nunc aurea secla.
In melius sur gent qua cecidere bona.
Debes ergo illi totam te redder e fidam,
Cujus in accessu commoda tot capies.
Salve igitur dicas, imo de pectore summo.
Elizabeth Regni non dubitanda salus,
Virgo venit, veniatque optes comitata deinceps.
2B T

386 The Queen passes out at Ludgate. [_j„.'1sw
Pignoribus charis, Iceta parens veniat.
Hoc DEUS omnipotens ex alto donet OJympo,
Qui calum et terram condidit atque regit.
Which the Queen's Majesty most attentively hearkened
unto. And when the child had pronounced, he did kiss the
Oration, which he had there fair written in paper, and delivered
it unto the Queen's Majesty, which most gently received the
same. And when the Queen's Majesty had heard all that was
there offered to be spoken ; then Her Grace marched toward
Ludgate : where she was received with a noise of instru
ments ; the forefront of the Gate being finely trimmed against
Her Majesty's coming.
From thence, by the way, as she went down toward Fleet
Bridge, one about Her Grace, noted the City's charge, that
" there was no cost spared."
Her Grace answered, that " She did well consider the same,
and that it should be remembered ! " An honourable answer,
worthy a noble Prince : which may comfort all her subjects,
considering there can be no point of gentleness or obedient
love shewed towards Her Grace ; which she doth not most
tenderly accept, and graciously weigh.
In this manner, the people on either side rejoicing, Her
Grace went forward towards the Conduit in Fleet Street,
where was the fifth and last pageant, erected in the form
following. From the Conduit, which was beautified with painting, unto
the north side of the street, was erected a Stage embattled
with four towers, and in the same, a square plat rising with
degrees. Upon the uppermost degree was placed a Chair or royal
Seat; and behind the same Seat, in curious artificial manner,
was erected a tree of reasonable height, and so far advanced
above the seat as it did well and seemly shadow the same,
without endamaging the sight of any part of the pageant.
And the same tree was beautified with leaves as green as Art
could devise, being of a convenient greatness and containing
thereupon the fruit of the date tree ; and on the top of the

jan.'is»-] S u b j e c t of the Fifth Pageant. 387
same tree, in a table was set the name thereof, which was,
A Palm Tree.
And in the aforesaid Seat or Chair was a seemly and meet
personage, richly apparelled in Parliament robes, with a
sceptre in her hand, as a Queen ; crowned with an open crown :
whose name and title were in a table fixed over her head in
this sort, Deborah, The Judge and Restorer of Israel. Judic. 4.
And the other degrees, on either side, were furnished with
six personages ; two representing the Nobility, two the Clergy,
and two the Comminalty. And before these personages, was
written in a table,
DEBORAH, WITH HER ESTATES,
CONSULTING FOR THE GOOD
GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL.
At the feet of these, and the lowest part of the pageant,
was ordained a convenient room for a child to open the
meaning of the pageant.
When the Queen's Majesty drew near unto this pageant ;
and perceived, as in the others, the child ready to speak :
Her Grace required silence, and commanded her chariot to be
removed nigher that she might plainly hear the child speak ;
which said, as hereafter followeth :
Jabin, of Canaan King, had long, by force of arms,
Oppressed the Israelites ; which for GOD's People went :
But GOD minding, at last, for to redress their harms ;
The worthy Deborah, as Judge among them sent.
In war, She, through GOD's aid, did put her foes to flight,
And with the dint of sword the band of bondage brast ;
In peace, She, through GOD's aid, did always maintain right
And judged Israel, till forty years were past.
A worthy precedent, 0 worthy Queen ! thou hast 1
A worthy woman, Judge! a woman sent for Stay!
And that the like to us, endure always thou may'st ;
Thy loving subjects will, with true hearts and tongues, pray I

388 Blue Coat Boys at St. Dunstan's.^J,^
Which verses were written upon the pageant: and the same
in Latin also.
Quando DEI populum Canaan, rex pressit J a bin,
Mittitur a magno DEBORA magna DEO :
Qua populum eriperet, sanctum servaret Judan,
Milite qua patrio frangeret hostis opes.
Hac Domino mandante DEO lectissima fecit
Fcemina, et adversos contudit ense viros.
Hac quater denos populum correxerat annos
Judicio, bello strenua, pace gravis.
Sic, 0 sic, populum, belloque et pace, guberna!
Debora sis Anglis, Elizabetha tuis !
The void places of the pageant were filled with pretty
Sentences concerning the same matter.
The ground of this last pageant was, that forasmuch as
the next pageant before, had set before Her Grace's eyes the
Flourishing and Desolate States of a Common Weal; she
might bythis, be put in remembrance to consult for the worthy
Government of her people ; considering GOD, ofttimes, sent
women nobly to rule among men, as Deborah which governed
Israel in peace, the space of forty years ; and that it behoveth
both men and women so ruling, to use advice of good counsel.
When the Queen's Majesty had passed this pageant ; she
marched towards Temple Bar.
But at St. Dunstan's, where the children of the Hospital
[».«., Christ's Hospital, now known as the Blue Coat School, see
p- 394L were appointed to stand with their Governors ; Her
Grace perceiving a child offered to make an oration unto her,
stayed her chariot; and did cast up her eyes to heaven, as who
should say, " I here see this merciful work towards the poor ;
whom I must, in the midst of my royalty, needs remember."
And so, turned her face towards the child, which, in Latin,
pronounced an Oration to this effect.
That after the Queen's Highness had passed through
the City ; and had seen so sumptuous, rich, and noble
spectacles of the citizens, which declared their most

i«n.fiS59-] The everlasting Spectacle of Mercy. 389
hearty receiving and most joyous welcoming of Her
Grace into the same : this one Spectacle yet rested and
remained ; which was the everlasting Spectacle of
Mercy unto the poor members of Almighty GOD, fur
thered by that famous and most noble Prince, King
Henry VIIL, Her Grace's Father; erected bythe City
of London ; and advanced by the most godly, virtuous,
and gracious Prince, King Edward VI., Her Grace's dear
and loving brother. Doubting nothing of the mercy of
the Queen's most gracious clemency : by the which they
may not only be relieved and helped, but also stayed
and defended ; and therefore incessantly, they would
pray and cry unto Almighty GOD for the long life and
reign of Her Highness, with most prosperous victory
against her enemies.
The child, after he had ended his Oration, kissed the paper
wherein the same was written, and reached it to the Queen's
Majesty; who received it graciously both with words and
countenance, declaring her gracious mind towards their relief.
From thence, Her Grace came to Temple Bar, which was
dressed finely, with the two images of Gotmagot the Albion,
and Corineus the Briton ; two giants big in stature, furnished
accordingly : which held in their hands, even above the gate,
a table, wherein was written, in Latin verses, the effect of all
the pageants which the City before had erected. Which
Verses are these :
Ecce sub aspectu jam contemplaberis uno
0 Princeps populi sola columna tui !
Quicquid in immensa passim perspexeris urbe
Qua cepere omnes unus hie arcus habet.
Primus, te solio regni donavit aviti,
Hares quippe tui vera parentis eras.
Suppressis vitiis, domina virtute, Secuudus,
Firmavit sedem regia virgo tuam.
Tertius, ex omniposuit te parte beatam
Si, qua ccepisti pergere velle, velis.
Quarto, quid verum, Respublica Lapsa quid esset,
Qua Florens staret te docuere tui.

390 The Verses above Temple Bar.^,,
Quinto, magna loco monuitte Debora, missam
Calitus in regni gaudia longa tui.
Perge ergo Regina ! tua spes unica gentis !
Hac Postrema urbis suscipe Vota tua.
" Vive diu ! regnaque diu ! virtutibus orna
Rem patriam, et populi spem tueare tui !
Sic, 0 sic petitur ccelum ! Sic itur in astra !
Hoc virtutis opus, catera mortis erunt ! "
Which Verses were also written in English metre, in a
lessefr] table, as hereafter followeth.
Behold here, in one view, thou mayst see all that plain ;
O Princess, to this thy people, the only stay!
What eachwhere thou hast seen in this wide town ; again,
This one Arch, whatsoever the rest contained, doth say.
The First Arch, as true Heir unto thy Father dear,
Did set thee in thy Throne, where thy Grandfather sat !
The Second, did confirm thy Seat as Princess here ;
Virtues now bearing sway, and Vices beat down flat 1
The Third, if that thou wouldst go on as thou began,
Declareth thee to be blessed on every side !
The Fourth did open Truth, and also taught thee when
The Common Weal stood well, and when it did thence slide !
The Fifth, as Deborah, declared thee to be sent
From heaven, a long comfort to us thy subjects all !
Therefore, go on, 0 Queen ! (on whom our hope is bent)
And take with thee, this wish of thy Town as final !
" Live long ! and as long, reign ! adorning thy country
With virtues ; and maintain thy people's hope of thee !
For thus, thus heaven is won ! thus, must thou pierce the sky !
This is by virtue wrought ! All other must needs die! "

jan'issg] The City's farewell ! Hope and Prayer. 391
On the south side [i.e., of Fleet Street, at Temple Bar] was
appointed bythe City, a noise of singing children; and one child
richly attired as a Poet, which gave the Queen's Majesty
her Farewell, in the name of the whole City, by these words.
As at thine Entrance first, 0 Prince of high renown !
Thou wast presented with Tongues and Hearts for thy fair ;
So now, sith thou must needs depart out of this Town,
This City sendeth thee firm Hope and earnest Prayer 1
For all men hope in thee, that all virtues shall reign ;
For all men hope that thou, none error wilt support ;
For all men hope that thou wilt Truth restore again,
And mend that is amiss ; to all good men's comfort !
And for this Hope, they pray thou mayst continue long
Our Queen amongst us here, all vice for to supplant !
And for this Hope, they pray that GOD maymake thee strong,
As by His grace puissant, so in His truth constant !
Farewell ! O worthy Queen ! and as our hope is sure,
That into Error's place, thou wilt now Truth restore !
So trust we that thou wilt our sovereign Queen endure
And loving Lady stand, from henceforth, evermore !
While these words were in saying, and certain wishes
therein repeated for the maintenance of Truth, and rooting
out of Error ; she, now and then, held up her hands to heaven
ward, and willed the people to say " Amen ! "
When the child had ended, she said, " Be ye well assured,
I will stand your good Queen ! "
At which saying, Her Grace departed forth, through Temple
Bar towards Westminster, with no less shooting [i.e., firing
of guns] and crying of the people, than, when she entered the
City, with a great noise of ordnance which the Tower shot off,
at Her Grace's entrance first into Tower Street.
The child's saying was also, in Latin verses, written in a
table which was hanged up there.

392 The City, of itself, beautified itself. \jan;7Ssg.
O Regina potens ! quum primam urbem ingredereris
Dona tibi, Linguas fidaque Corda dedit.
Discedenti etiam tibi nunc duo munera mittit,
Omina plena Spei, votaque plena Precum.
Quippe tuis Spes est, in te quod provida virtus
Rexerit, errori nee locus ullus erit.
Quippe tuis Spes est, quod ut verum omne reduces
Solatura bonas, dum mala iollis, opes.
Hac Spe freti or ant, longum ut Regina gubernes,
Et regni excindas crimina cuncta tui.
Hac Spe freti or ant, divina ut gratia fortem,
Et vera fidei te velit esse basin.
Jam, Regina, vale ! et sicut nos spes tenet una,
Quod vero indueto, perditus error erit.
Sic quoque speramus quod eris Regina benigna
Nobis per regni tempora longa tui !
Thus the Queen's Highness passed through the City ! which,
without any foreign person, of itself, beautified itself ; and re
ceived Her Grace at all places, as hath been before mentioned,
with most tender obedience and love, due to so gracious a
Queen, and sovereign Lady.
And Her Grace likewise, of her side, in all Her Grace's
Passage, shewed herself generally an Image of a worthy Lady
and Governor ; but privately these especial points were noted
in Her Grace, as signs of a most Prince-like courage, whereby
her loving subjects may ground a sure hope for the rest of
her gracious doings hereafter.

393

Certain Notes of the Queens Majesty's
great mercy, clemency, and wisdom
used in this Passage.
j]Bout the nether end of Cornhill, toward Cheap,
one of the Knights about Her Grace, had espied
an ancient Citizen which wept, and turned his
head back. And therewith said this Gentleman,
" Yonder is an Alderman, " for so he termed him,
"which weepeth, and turneth his face backward ! How may it
be interpreted that he doth so ? For sorrow ! or for gladness ? "
The Queen's Majesty heard him ; and said, " I warrant
you, it is for gladness ! " A gracious interpretation of a noble
courage, which would turn the doubtful to the best. And
yet it was well known, that (as Her Grace did confirm the
same) the party's cheer was moved, for very pure gladness
for the sight of Her Majesty's person ; at the beholding
whereof, he took such comfort, that with tears he expressed
the same.
In Cheapside, Her Grace smiled ; and being thereof de
manded the cause, answered, " For that she had heard one
say, Remember old King Henry VIII ! " A natural child !
which at the very remembrance of her father's name took so
great a joy ; that all men may well think that as she rejoiced
at his name whom this Realm doth hold of so worthy memory,
so, in her doings, she will resemble the same.
When the City's charge without partiality, and only the
City, was mentioned unto Her Grace ; she said, " It should
not be forgotten ! " Which saying might move all natural
Englishmen heartily to shew due obedience and entireness to
their so good a Queen, which will, in no point, forget any
parcel of duty lovingly shewed unto her.

394 The poor woman's branch of rosemary. 17 „ '

«ss>

The answer which Her Grace made unto Master Recorder
of London, as the hearers know it to be true and with melting
hearts heard the same, so may the reader thereof conceive
what kind of stomach and courage pronounced the same.
What more famous thing do we read in ancient histories
of old time, than that mighty Princes have gently received
presents offered them by base and low personages. If that
be to be wondered at, as it is passingly ! let me see any writer
that in any one Prince's life is able to recount so many pre
cedents of this virtue, as Her Grace shewed in that one
Passage through the City. How many nosegays did Her
Grace receive at poor women's hands ? How ofttimes stayed
she her chariot, when she saw any simple body offer to speak
to Her Grace ? A branch of rosemary given to Her Grace,
with a supplication, by a poor woman, about Fleet Bridge,
was seen in her chariot till Her Grace came to Westminster ;
notwithstanding the marvellous wondering of such as knew
the presenter, and noted the Queen's most gracious receiving
and keeping the same.
What hope the poor and needy may look for, at Her
Grace's hand ; she, as in all her journey continually, so in her
hearkening to the poor children of Christ's Hospital, with
eyes cast up unto heaven, did fully declare ; as that neither
the wealthier estate could stand without consideration had to
the poverty, neither the poverty be duly considered unless
they were remembered, as commanded to us by GOD's own
mouth. As at her first Entrance, she, as it were, declared herself
prepared to pass through a City that most entirely loved her ;
so she, at her last Departing, as it were, bound herself by
promise to continue good Lady and Governor unto that City,
which, by outward declaration, did open their love to their so
loving and noble Prince, in such wise as she herself wondered
thereat. But because Princes be set in their Seat by GOD's appoint
ment, and therefore they must first and chiefly render the
glory of Him from whom their glory issueth ; it is to be
noted in Her Grace, that, forasmuch as GOD hath so
wonderfully placed her in the Seat of Government over this
realm ; she in all doings, doth shew herself most mindful of

jan.'is».] Elizabeth renders thanks to GOD. 395
His goodness and mercy shewed unto her. And amongst all
Other, two principal signs thereof were noted in this Passage.
First, in the Tower : where Her Grace, before she entered
her chariot, lifted up her eyes to heaven, and said :
O LORD ! Almighty and everlasting GOD ! I give Thee
most hearty thanks, that as Thou hast been so merciful
unto me, as to spare me to behold this joyful day ! And I
acknowledge that Thou hast dealt as wonderfully and
mercifully with me, as Thou didst with thy true and
faithful servant Daniel, the prophet ; whom thou de-
liveredst out of the den, from the cruelty of the greedy
and raging lions : even so, was I overwhelmed, and only
by Thee ! delivered. To Thee ! therefore, only, be thanks,
honour, and praise for ever ! Amen.
The second was, the receiving of the Bible, at the Little
Conduit, in Cheap. For when Her Grace had learned that
the Bible in English, should there be offered; she thanked
the City therefore, promised the readingthereof most diligently,
and incontinent commanded that it should be brought. At
the receipt whereof, how reverently, she did, with both her
hands, take it ! kiss it ! and lay it on her breast ! to the great
comfort of the lookers on !
GOD will undoubtedly preserve so worthy a Prince ; which,
at His honour, so reverently taketh her beginning. For this
saying is true, and written in the Book of Truth : "He that
first seeketh the Kingdom of GOD, shall have all other things
cast \jnto him."
Now, therefore, all English hearts, and her natural people
must needs praise GOD's mercy, which hath sent them so
worthy a Prince ; and pray for Her Grace's long continuance
amongst us.
gSttqmnteo at london irt fleet ^>tteet
toit&in Cemple Bar, at t&e sip of t&e
JEmnlJ ano §tar, og EUc&arD Cot*
till, t&e .rriii. Dap of lanuarp.
[^59]

396

Rev. William Harrison, B.D.
Canon of Windsor, and Rector of
Radwinter.
Elizabeth arms England, which Mary
had left defenceless.
[Book II., Chap. 16 oi Description of England, in Holinshed's Chronicle. Ed. 15871-8].
Reprinted by F. J. Furnivaix, M.A., for New SSiakspere Society, p. 278, Ed. 1877.]
jOw well, and how strongly our country hath been
furnished, in times past, with armour and artil
lery, it lieth not in me, as of myself to make
rehearsal. Yet that it lacked both, in the late time of
Queen Mary ; not only the experience of mine elders, but
also the talk of certain Spaniards, not yet forgotten, did
leave some manifest notice.
Upon the first, I need not stand : for few will deny it.
For the second, I have heard that when one of the greatest
Peers of Spain [evidently in Queen Mary's reign] espied our
nakedness in this behalf, and did solemnly utter in no
obscure place, that " It should be an easy matter, in short
time, to conquer England ; because it wanted armour ! " his
words were then not so rashly uttered, as they were politicly
noted. For, albeit, that, for the present time, their efficacy was
dissembled; and semblance made as though he spake but
merrily : yet at the very Entrance of this our gracious Queen
unto the possession of the Crown, they were so providently
called to remembrance, and such speedy reformation sought,
of all hands, for the redress of this inconveniency, that our
country was sooner furnished with armour and munition
from divers parts of the main [the Continent], besides great

Rev. W. Harrison, B.D.-j fJECAY QF THE ENGLISH LONG BOW. 397
plenty that was forged here at home, than our enemies could
get understanding of any such provision to be made.
By this policy also, was the no small hope conceived by
Spaniards utterly cut off ; who (of open friends, being now
become our secret enemies ; and thereto watching a time
wherein to achieve some heavy exploit against us and our
country) did thereupon change their purposes : whereby
England obtained rest ; that otherwise might have been
sure of sharp and cruel wars.
Thus a Spanish word uttered by one man at one time,
overthrew, or, at the least, hindered sundry privy practices
of many at another time.
In times past, the chief force of England consisted in their
long bows. But now we have in manner generally given over
that kind of artillery, and for long bows indeed, do practice
to shoot compass for our pastime ; which kind of shooting
can never yield any smart stroke, nor beat down our enemies,
as our countrymen were wont to do, at every time of need.
Certes, the Frenchmen and Reitters [i.e., Reiters, the German
or Swiss Lance-knights] deriding our new archery, in respect
of their corslets, will not let, in open skirmish, if any leisure
serve, to turn up their tails, and cry, " Shoot, English ! "
and all because our strong shooting is decayed, and laid in
bed. But if some of our Englishmen now lived, that served
King Edward III. in his wars with France : the breech of
such a varlet had been nailed to his back with one arrow;
and another feathered in his bowels, before he should have
turned about to see who shot the first.
But as our shooting is thus, in manner, utterly decayed
among us one way : so our countrymen wax skilful in sundry
other points; as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver,
and handling of the pike ; in the several uses whereof, they
are become very expert.
Our armour differeth not from that of other nations ; and
therefore consisteth of corslets, almain rivets, shirts of
mail, jacks quilted and covered with leather, fustian, or
canvas over thick plates of iron that are sewed in the same.
Of which, there is no town or village that hath not her
convenient furniture. The said armour and munition like-

398 1,172,674 fighting Englishmen, [•"•"¦f-^g
wise is kept in one several place of every town, appointed
by the consent of the whole parish; where it is always
ready to be had and worn within an hour's warning.
Sometimes also it is occupied [used], when it pleaseth the
magistrate, either to view the able men and take note of the
well keeping of the same ; or finally to see those that are en
rolled, to exercise each one his several weapon : at the charge
of the townsmen of each parish, according to his appoint
ment. Certes there is almost no village so poor in England,
be it never so small, that hath not sufficient furniture in
a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers (as, one archer,
one gunner, one pike, and a bill-man), at the least. No,
there is not so much wanting as their very liveries [uniforms]
and caps ; which are least to be accounted of, if any haste
required. So that if this good order continue, it shall be
impossible for the sudden enemy to find us unprovided.
As for able men for service, thanked be GOD ! we are
not without good store. For by the Musters taken in 1574
and 1575, our number amounted to 1,172,674; and yet they
were not so narrowly taken, but that a third part of this
like multitude was left unbilled and uncalled.
What store of munition and armour, the Queen's Majesty
hath in her storehouses, it lieth not in me to yield account ;
sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And whereas it was
commonly said, after the loss of Calais, that England would
never recover the store of ordnance there left and lost ; the
same is proved false: since some of the same persons do
now confess that this land was never better furnished with
these things in any King's days, since the Conquest.
The names of our greatest ordnance are commonly
these :
Robinet, whose weight is 200 lbs. ; and it hath i\ inches
within the mouth.
Falconet, weighing 500 lbs., and his wideness is 2 inches
within the mouth.
Falcon hath 800 lbs., and z\ inches within the mouth.
Minion poiseth [weigheth] 1,100 lbs., and hath 3J inches
within the mouth.
Sacre hath 1,500 lbs., and is 3 j inches wid£ in the
mouth.

Rev. W. Harrison, RD.-J g IZES> & ^ op A R T I L L E R Y. 399
Demi-Culverin weigheth 3,000 lbs., and hath 4^ inches
within the mouth.
Culverin hath 4,000 lbs., and 5J inches within the
mouth.
Demi-Cannon, 6,000 lbs., and 6J inches within the
mouth.
Cannon, 7,000 lbs., and 8 inches within the mouth.
E. Cannon, 8,000 lbs., and 7 inches within the mouth.
Basilisk, 9,000 lbs., and 8f inches within the mouth.
By which proportions, also, it is easy to come by the
weight of every shot, how many scores [i.e., of yards] it doth
fly at point blank, how much powder is to be had to the
same, and finally how many inches in height, each bullet
ought to carry.
The names of the l .. Weight of Scores [of yards] Pounds of Height of
Great Ordnance the Shot. lbs. of carriage. Powder. Bullet. Inches.
Robinet  I  o  \  1
Falconet  2  14  2  \\
Falcon  7,\  16  2$  2$
Minion  4$  17  4$  3
Sucre  5  18  5  3J
Demi-Culverin  9  20  9  4
Culverin  18  25  18  si
Demi-Cannon  30  38  28  6f
Cannon  60  20  44  7$
E. Cannon  42  20  20  6|
Basilisk  60  21  60  8J
As for the Armouries of some of the Nobility (whereof I
also have seen a part), they are so well furnished, that within
some one Baron's custody, I have seen three score or a
hundred corslets at once ; besides calivers, hand-guns, bows,
sheafs of arrows, pikes, bills, pole-axes, flasks, touch-boxes,
targets, &c. : the very sight whereof appalled my courage.
Seldom shall you see any of my countrymen, above
eighteen or twenty years old, to go without a dagger at the
least, at his back or by his side; although they be aged

400 Every one usually carries arms. [Rev- w- f *"**>*¦ an.

583.

burgesses or magistrates of any city who, in appearance, are
most exempt from brabling and contention.
Our Nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers, with their
daggers ; as doth every common serving man also that fol
loweth his lord and master.

Finally, no man travelleth by the way, without his sword
or some such weapon, with us ; except the Minister, who
commonly weareth none at all, unless it be a dagger or
hanger at his side.

The True Report
of the burning of the Steeple
and Church of Paul's
in London.

yeremiah xviii. [7, 8.]
I will speak suddenly against a Nation, or against a Kingdom,
to pluck it up, and to root it out, and destroy it. But if that
Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their
wickedness ; I will repent of the plague that I
thought to bring upon them.

Imprinted at London, at the
West end of Paul's Church, at
the sign of the Hedgehog,
by William Seres.
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.
Anno 1561, the 10th of June.
2C 1

The True Report of the burning of
the Steeple and Church of
Paul's in London.

N Wednesday, being the 4th day of June
in the year of our Lord 1561 (and in the
3rd year of the reign of our Sovereign
Lady ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God,
Queen of England France and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, &c.), between one
and two of the clock at afternoon, was
seen a marvellous great fiery lightning;
and immediately ensued a most terrible hideous crack of
thunder, such as seldom hath been heard; and that, by
estimation of sense, directly over the city of London. At
which instant, the corner of a turret of the Steeple of St
Martin's Church within Lud Gate was torn ; and divers
great stones casten down ; and a hole broken through the
roof and timber of the said Church by the fall of the same
stones. For divers persons (in time of the said tempest, being on
the river of Thames ; and others being in the fields near
adjoining to the city) affirmed that they saw a long and
spear-pointed flame of fire, as it were, run through the top of
the broche [or spire] or shaft of Paul's Steeple ; from the
East, westward. And some of the parish of St Martin's,
then being in the street, did feel a marvellous strong air or
whirlwind, with a smell like brimstone, coming from Paul's
Church ; and withal heard a rush of the stones which fell
from their Steeple into the Church.

404 Paul's Steeple struck by lightning. [IO junior
Between four and five of the clock, a smoke was espied by
divers to break out under the bowl of the said shaft of Paul's ;
and namely [particularly] by Peter JOHNSON, Principal
Registrar to the Bishop of LONDON ; who immediately
brought word to the Bishop's House.
But, suddenly after, as it were in a moment, the flame
brake forth in a circle, like a garland, round about the broche,
about two yards, to the estimation of sight, under the bowl
of the said shaft ; and increased in such wise that, within a
quarter of an hour, or little more, the Cross and the Eagle
on the top fell down upon the South cross He [Aisle],
The Lord Mayor being sent for, and his Bretheren [the
Aldermen], came with all speed possible ; and had a short
consultation, as in such a case might be, with the Bishop of
London and others, for the best way of remedy. And
thither came also [Sir Nicholas Bacon] the Lord Keeper
of the Great Seal, and [William Paulet, Marquis of
WINCHESTER] the Lord Treasurer : who, by their wisdom
and authority, directed as good order as in so great confusion
could possibly be.
Some there were, pretending experience in wars, that
counselled the remnant of the Steeple to be shot down with
cannons ; which counsel was not liked, as most perilous both
for the dispersing [of] the fire, and [the] destruction of houses
and people.
Others (perceiving the Steeple to be past all recovery;
considering the hugeness of the fire, and the dropping of the
lead) thought best to get ladders, and scale the Church ; and
with axes to hew down a space of the roof of the Church to
stay the fire, at the least to save some part of the said
Church : which was concluded [decided upon]. But before
the ladders and buckets could be brought, and things put in
any order (and especially because the Church was of such
height that they could not scale it, and no sufficient number
of axes could be had : the labourers also being troubled with
the multitude of idle gazers) ; the most part of the highest
roof of the Church was on fire.
First, the fall of the Cross and Eagle fired the South cross
He [Aisle]; which He was first consumed. The beams and

•ojune.ssi.] The Bishop of London's Palace saved. 405
brands of the Steeple fell down on every side, and fired the
other three parts : that is to say, the Chancel or Quire, the
North lie, and the body of the Church. So that, in one
hour's space, the broche [or spire] of the Steeple was burnt
down to the battlements ; and the most part of the highest
roof of the Church likewise consumed.
The state of the Steeple and Church seeming both
desperate; my Lord Mayor was advised, by one Master
Winter of the Admiralty \i.e. Admiral Sir William
Winter], to convert the most part of his care and provision
to preserve the Bishop's Palace adjoining to the north-west
end of the Church ; lest from that House, being large, the
fire might spread to the streets adjoining. Whereupon the
ladders, buckets, and labourers were commanded thither ;
and, by great labour and diligence, a piece of the roof of the
North He was cut down, and the fire so stayed : and, by
much water, that part quenched ; and the said Bishop's
House preserved.
It pleased GOD also, at the same time, both to turn, and
calm, the wind : which afore was vehement ; and continued
still high and great in other parts without the city.
There were above 500 persons that laboured in carrying
and filling water, &c. Divers substantial citizens took pains
as if they had been labourers ; so did also divers and sundry
Gentlemen, whose names were not known to the Writer
hereof: but amongst others, the said Master Winter, and
one Master Stranguish, did both take notable pains in
their own persons ; and also much directed and encouraged
others, and that not without great danger to themselves.
In the evening, came the Lord Clinton, [the] Lord
Admiral, from the Court at Greenwich ; whom the Queen's
Majesty (as soon as the rage of the fire was espied by Her
Majesty and others in the Court, of the pitiful inclination
and love that her gracious Highness did bear both to the
said Church and the city) sent to assist my Lord Mayor, for
the suppressing of the fire : who, with his wisdom authority
and diligent travail, did very much good therein.

406 The fire lasted from 4 till io p.m. [IoJuneT5<il
About ten of the clock, the fierceness of the fire was past,
the timber being fallen and lying burning upon the vaults of
stone ; the vaults yet (GOD be thanked ! ) standing un-
perished. So as only the timber of the whole Church was
consumed, and the lead molten : saving the most part of the
two low lies of the Quire, and a piece of the North He, and
another small piece of the South lie in the body of the
Church. Notwithstanding all which, it pleased the merciful GOD,
in his wrath, to remember his mercy ; and to enclose the
harm of this most fierce and terrible fire within the walls of
this one Church : not extending any part of his wrath in this
fire upon the rest of the city, which to all reason and sense
of man was subject to utter destruction. For in the whole
city, without the Church, no stick was kindled surely. Not
withstanding that, in divers parts and streets, and within the
houses both adjoining and of a good distance, as in Fleet
Street and Newgate Market, by the violence of the fire,
burning coals of great bigness fell down almost as thick as
hailstones ; and flaws of lead were blown abroad into the
gardens without the city, like flaws of snow in breadth :
without hurt (GOD be thanked ! ) to any house or person.
Many fond talks go abroad of the original cause of this.
Some say, It was negligence of plumbers : whereas, by due
examination, it is proved that no plumbers or other work
men laboured in the Church for six months before. Others
suspect that it was done by some wicked practice of wild
fire or gunpowder : but no just suspicions thereof, by any
examination, can be found hitherto. Some suspect Con
jurors and Sorcerers, whereof there is also no great likeli
hood : and if it had been wrought that way ; yet could not
the Devil have done it without GOD's permission, and to
some purpose of his unsearchable judgments, as appeareth
in the story of JOB.
The true cause, as it seemeth, was the tempest, by GOD's
sufferance. For it cannot be otherwise gathered, but that,
at the said great and terrible thunderclap, when St Martin's
Steeple was torn, the lightning (which by natural order
smiteth the highest) did first smite the top of Paul's Steeple;

iojuneiS6i.] Pilkington's Sermon at Paul's Cross. 407
and entering in at the small holes, which have always
remained open for building scaffolds to the works, and find
ing the timber very old and dry, did kindle the same : and
so the fire increasing, grew to a flame, and wrought the
effect which followed ; most terrible then to behold, and now
most lamentable to look upon.
On Sunday following, being the 8th day of June [1561],
the reverend [Father] in GOD [James Pilkington] Bishop
of Durham, at St Paul's Cross, made a learned and fruitful
Sermon ; exhorting the auditory to a general repentance,
and namely [especially] to humble obedience to the laws and
Superior Powers, which virtue is much decayed in these our
days : seeming to have intelligence from the Queen's High
ness, that Her Majesty intendeth more severity of laws shall
be executed against persons disobedient, as well in causes of
Religion as Civil ; to the great rejoicing of his auditors.
He exhorted also his audience to take this as a general
warning to the whole realm, and namely [especially] to the
city of London, of some greater plague to follow if amend
ment of life in all [e]states did not ensue. He much
reproved those persons which would assign the cause of this
wrath of GOD to any particular [e]state of men ; or that
were diligent to look into other men's lives, and could see
no faults in themselves : but wished that every man would
descend into himself and say with David, Ego sum qui
peccavi. " I am he that hath sinned." And so forth to that
effect, very godly.
He also not only reproved the profanation of the said
Church of Paul's, of long time heretofore abused [in Pauls
Walk] by walking, jangling, brawling, fighting, bargaining,
&c, namely [particularly] in Sermon and Service time : but
also answered by the way to the objections of such evil-
tongued persons which do impute this token of GOD's
deserved ire to alteration, or rather, Reformation of Reli
gion ; declaring out of ancient records and histories the like,
yea, and greater matters, [that] had befallen in the time of
superstition and ignorance.
For, in the 1st year of King Stephen [i 135-6 A.D.]
not only the said Church of Paul's was burnt: but also a
great part of the city : that is to say, frorn London Bridge

408 Previous fires in London. [io JnnTe is6l
to St Clement's [Church] without Temple Bar, was by fire
consumed. And in the days of King HENRY VI., the Steeple of Paul's
was also fired by lightning : although it was then stayed by
diligence of the citizens ; the fire being then, by likelihood,
not so fierce.
Many other such like common calamities he rehearsed,
which happened in other countries, both nigh to this realm
and far off, where the Church of Rome hath most authority.
And therefore [he] concluded the surest way to be, that
every man should judge examine and amend himself; and
embrace believe and truly follow the Word of GOD ; and
earnestly to pray to GOD to turn away from us his deserved
wrath and indignation ; whereof this his terrible work is a
most certain warning, if we repent not unfeignedly.
The which GOD grant may come to pass in all estates
and degrees, to the glory of His name, and to our endless
comfort in Christ our Saviour. Amen.
GOD save the Queen.

409

Rev. John Fox, the Martyrologist.
A false fearful Imagination of fre at
Oxford University.
[Acts and Monuments, 1576. The passages in brackets, from 1563 Edition.]
merry and pleasant Narration, touching a false fearful
Imagination of Fire raised among the Doctors and
Masters of Oxford in St. Mary's church, at the
recantation of Master Malary, Master of Arts of
Cambridge. Itherto, [gentle reader, we have remembered a
great number of lamentable and bloody tragedies
of such as have been slain through extreme cruelty :
now I will here set before thee again a merry and
comical spectacle, whereat thou mayest now laugh
and refresh thyself, which, forasmuch as it did necessarily
accord with our present enterprise, I have not thought it
good to pass it over with silence.]
There was one Master Malary, Master of Arts of
Cambridge, Scholar of Christ's College, who, for the like
opinions to those above rehearsed, holden contrary to the
Catholic determination of holy mother Church of Rome; that
is, for the right truth of Christ's gospel, was convented
before the bishops : and, in the end, sent to Oxford, there
openly to recant, and to bear his faggot; to the terror of the
students of that University. The time and place were
appointed that he should be brought solemnly into St.
Mary's church upon a Sunday; where a great number of the
head Doctors and Divines and others of the University were

410 Mighty audience in St. Mary's church. p^M

[Rev. J. Fox. 576'

together assembled : besides a great multitude of citizens and
town dwellers, who came to behold the sight. Furthermore,
because that solemnity should not pass without some effectual
sermon for the holding up of the mother Church of Rome, Dr.
Smith, Reader then of the Divinity Lecture, was appointed
to make the sermon at this recantation. Briefly, al the
preaching of this sermon there was assembled a mighty
audience of all sorts and degrees; as well of students as
others. Few almost were absent who loved to hear or see
any news ; insomuch that there was no place almost in the
whole church, which was not fully replenished with concourse
and throng of people.
All things thus being prepared and set in readiness, cometh
forth poor Malary with his faggot upon his shoulder. Not
long after, also, proceedeth the Doctor into the pulpit to
make his sermon; the purpose and argument whereof was
wholly upon the sacrament : the which Doctor, for the
more confirmation and credit to his words; had provided the
holy catholic cake and the sacrament of the altar, there
to hang by a string before him in the pulpit. Thus the
Doctor, with his god-almighty, entering his godly sermon,
had scarce proceeded into the midst thereof (the people
giving great silence with all reverence unto his doctrine),
but suddenly was heard in the church the voice of one
crying in the street, " Fire ! fire ! " The party who thus
cried first in the street, was called Heuster.
[The occasion of this exclamation came by a chimney that
was on fire in the town, wherein the fire, having taken hold
of the soot and dry matter, burned out at the top of the
chimney ; and so caused the neighbours to make an outcry.]
This Heuster coming from Allhallows parish saw the
chimney on fire, and so passing through the street by St.
Mary's church, cried "Fire! fire!" as the fashion is ; meaning
no hurt.
[Such is the order and manner amongst the Englishmen;
much diverse and contrary to that which is used among the
Germans. For whensoever any fire happeneth in Germany, by
and by, the bells ringing in the steeples stir up the people to
help. Who immediately are all ready in armour ; some go unto
the walls, others beset the ways, and the residue are appointed
to quench the fire. The labour is diversely divided amongst

R7s6^":] Fire! Fire! Where! Where! 411
them, for whilst some fetch water in leather buckets, other
some cast on the water, some climb the houses, and some with
hooks pull them down ; some again attend and keep watch
without, riding about the fields : so that, by this means, there
lacketh neither help within, neither safeguard without. But
the like is not used here in England: for when any such
thing happeneth, there is no public sign or token given ; but
the outcry of the neighbours doth stir up all the others to
help. There is no public or civil order in doing of things,
neither any division of labour: but every man, running
headlong together, catcheth whatsoever cometh next to hand
to quench the fire.]
This sound of fire being heard in the church, first of them
that stood outermost next to the church door ; so increased
and went from one to another: that at length it came unto
the ears of the Doctors, and at last to the Preacher himself.
Who, as soon as they heard the matter, being amazed with
sudden fear, and marvelling what the matter should mean ;
began to look up into the top of the church, and to behold
the walls. The residue seeing them look up, looked up
also. Then began they, in the midst of the audience, to cry
out with a loud voice, "Fire! fire!" "Where?" saith
one ; " Where ? " saith another. " In the church ! " saith
one. The mention of the church was scarcely pronounced,
when, as in one moment, there was a common cry amongst
them, " The church is on fire ! The church is set on fire by
heretics ! " &c. And, albeit no man did see any fire at all ;
yet, forasmuch as all men cried out so, every man thought it
true that they heard. Then was there such fear, concourse
and tumult of people through the whole church, that it
cannot be declared in words, as it was indeed.
And as in a great fire (where fire is indeed), we see many
times how one little spark giveth matter of a mighty flame,
setting whole stacks and piles a burning: so here, upon a
small occasion of one man's word, kindled first a general
cry, then a strong opinion running in e'very man's head
within the church, thinking the church to be on fire ; where
no fire was at all. Thus it pleased Almighty GOD to delude
these deluders : that is, that these great Doctors and wise
men of the schools, who think themselves so wise in GOD's
matters as though they could not err ; should see, by their

412 They were all exceedingly amazed, [*5£*£
own senses and judgments, how blinded and infatuated they
were, in these so small matters and sensible trifles.
Thus this strong imagination of fire being fixed in their
heads, as nothing could remove them to think contrary; but
that the church was on fire : so everything that they saw or
heard increased this suspicion in them, to make it seem most
true which was indeed most false. The first and chiefest
occasion that augmented this suspicion, was the heretic
there bearing his faggot : which gave them to imagine that all
other heretics had conspired with him, to set the church
on fire.
After this, through the rage of the people, and running to
and fro, the dust was so raised, that it showed as it had been
the smoke of fire : which thing, together with the outcry of
the people, made all men so afraid; that, leaving the sermon,
they began all together to run away. But such was the press
of the multitude running in heaps together ; that the more
they laboured, the less they could get out. For while they
ran all headlong unto the doors, every man striving to get
out first ; they thrust one another in such sort, and stuck so
fast: that neither they that were without could get into the
church again, neither they that were within could get out by
any means. So then, one door being stopped, they ran to
another little wicket on the north side, toward the college
called Brasennose, thinking so to pass out. But there again
was the like or greater throng. So the people, clustering and
thronging together; it put many in danger, and brought many
Much hurt unto their end, by bruising of their bones or sides.
throng" ** There was yet another door towards the West,
whereof some which albeit it was shut and seldom opened ; yet
ail aiive "whole now ran they to it with such sway, that the great
SSJEa?™ bar of iron (which is incredible to be spoken) being
broken. [1576.] pulled out and broken by force of men's hands :
the door, notwithstanding, could not be opened for the press
or multitude of people.
At last, when they were there also past all hope to get out,
then they were all exceedingly amazed, and ran up and
down : crying out upon the heretics who had conspired their
death. The more they ran about and cried out, the more
smoke and dust rose in the church : even as though all things
had now been on a flaming fire. I think there was never

^e^iweO None cried more than Dr. Smith. 413
such a tumultuous hurlyburly rising so of nothing heard of
before ; nor so great a fear where was no cause to fear, nor
peril at all : so that if Democritus, the merry philosopher,
sitting in the top of the church, and seeing all things in such
safety as they were, had looked down upon the multitude,
and beholden so great a number, some howling and weeping,
running up and down, and playing the mad men, now hither,
now thither, as being tossed to and fro with waves or tempests ;
trembling and quaking, raging and faring, without any
manifest cause; especially if he had seen those great Rabbins,
the Doctors laden with so many badges or cognisances of
wisdom, so foolishly and ridicuously seeking holes and corners
to hide themselves in ; gasping, breathing and sweating, and
for very horror being almost beside themselves : I think he
would have satisfied himself with this one laughter for all
his lifetime ; or else rather would have laughed his heart out
of his belly, whilst one said that he plainly heard the noise
of the fire, another affirmed that he saw it with his eyes,
and another sware that he felt the molten lead dropping
down upon his head and shoulders. Such is the force of
imagination, when it is once grafted in men's hearts through
fear. In all the whole company, there was none that behaved
himself more modestly than the heretic that was ^"SSs"1*'
there to do penance ; who, casting his faggot off head was
from his shoulders upon a monk's head that stood thltll&t.
by, kept himself quiet, minding to take such part as the
others did.
All the others, being careful for themselves, never made an
end of running up and down and crying out. None cried out
more earnestly than the Doctor that preached (who was, as I
said, Dr. Smith), who, in manner first of all, cried out in the
pulpit, saying, " These are the trains and subtleties of the
heretics against me : LORD have mercyupon me! LORD have
mercy upon me ! " But might not GOD, as it had been (to
speak with Job) out of a whirlwind, have answered Job xi. 6.
again unto this preacher thus : " Thou dost now implore my
mercy, but thou thyself showest no mercy unto thy fellows
and brethren ! How doth thy flesh tremble now at the
mention of fire ! But you think it a sport to burn other simple
innocents neither do ye anything at all regard it. If burning

414 Terror of the melting of the lead. [r7j6j3:^
and to suffer a torment of fire seem so grievous a matter unto
you, then you should also have the like consideration in other
men's perils and dangers, when you do burn your fellows and
brethren ! Or, if you think it but a light and trifling matter
in them, go to now, do you also with like courage, contemn,
and with like patience, suffer now the same torments
yourselves. And if so be I should now suffer you with the
whole church, to be burned to ashes, what other thing should
I do unto you than you do daily unto your fellows and
brethren ? Wherefore, since you so little esteem the death
of others, be now content that other men should also little
regard the death of you." With this, I say, or with some
other like answer, if that either GOD, or human charity, or
the common sense of nature would expostulate with them ;
yea if there had been a fire indeed (as they were more feared
than hurt), who would have doubted, but that it had happened
unto them according to their deserts ? But now, worthy it
is the noting, how the vain fear and folly of those Catholics
either were deluded, or how their cruelty was reproved;
whereby they, being better taught by their own example,
might hereafter learn what it is to put other poor men to the
fire, which they themselves here so much abhorred.
But to return again to the description of this pageant,
wherein (as I said before) there was no danger at all ; yet
were they all in such fear, as if present death had been over
their heads. In all this great maze and garboil, there was
nothing more feared than the melting of the lead, which
many affirmed that they felt dropping upon their bodies.
[For almost all the churches in England are covered with
lead, like as in Germany they are for the most part tiled.]
Now in this sudden terror and fear, which took from them
all reason and counsel out of their minds, to behold what
practices and sundry shifts every man made for himself it;
would make not only Democritus, and Heraclitus also, to
laugh, but rather a horse well near to break his halter. But
none used themselves more ridiculously than such as seemed
greatest wise men, saving that in one or two, peradventure,
somewhat more quietness of mind appeared ; among whom
was one Claymund, President of Corpus Christi College
(whom, for reverence and learning's sake, I do here name),
and a few other aged persons with him ; who, for their age

^ssi-iHfi'.] A MONK STUCK FAST IN A WINDOW. 415
and weakness, durst not thrust themselves into the throng
amongst the rest, but kneeled down quietly before the high
altar, committing themselves and their lives unto the
Sacrament. The others, who were younger and stronger, ran up and
down through the press, marvelling at the incivility of men ;
and waxed angry with the unmannerly multitude that would
give no room unto the Doctors, Bachelors, Masters, and
other Graduates and Regent Masters. But as the terror and
fear was common unto all men, so was there no difference
made of persons or degrees ; every man scrambling for
himself. The violet cap, or purple gown, did there nothing
avail the Doctor ; neither the Master's hood, nor the monk's
cowl, were there respected. Yea, if the King or Queen had
been there at that present and in that perplexity; they had
been no better than a common man.
After they had long striven and essayed all manner of
ways, and saw no remedy, neither by force nor authority
to prevail : they fell to entreating and offering of rewards ;
one offering twenty pounds [of good money], another his
scarlet gown, so that any man would pull him out, though it
were by the ears !
Some stood close unto the pillars, thinking themselves safe
under the vaults of stone from the dropping of the lead :
others, being without money, and unprovided of all shifts,
knew not which way to turn them. One, being a President
of a certain College (whose name I need not here to utter),
pulling a board out from the pews, covered his head and
shoulders therewith against the scalding lead; which they
feared much more than the fall of the church. Now what a
laughter would this have ministered unto Democritus
amongst other things, to behold there a certain grand
paunch ; who, seeing the doors stopped and every way closed
up, thought, by another compendious means, to get out through
a glass window, if it might be by any shift ? But here the
iron grates letted [hindered] him ; notwithstanding his greedy
mind would needs attempt, if he could haply bring his
purpose to pass. When he had broken the glass, and was
come to the space between the grates where he should creep
out ; first he thrust in his head with the one shoulder, and it
went through well enough. Then he laboured to get the

416 They all stuck in the doors. rRev-J'Fo*-
other shoulder after ; but there was a great labour about that,
and long he stuck by the shoulders with much ado ; for what
doth not importune labour overcome ? Thus far forth he
was now gotten ; but, by what part of his body he did stick
fast, I am not certain, neither may I feign : forasmuch as
there be yet witnesses who did see these things, who would
correct me, if I should do so. Notwithstanding, this is most
certain, that he did stick fast between the grates, and could
neither get out, nor in.
Thus this good man, being indeed a monk, and having but
short hose; by the which way he supposed soonest to escape,
by the same he fell into further inconvenience, making of one
danger two. For, if the fire or lead had fallen on the outside,
those parts which did hang out of the window had been in
danger ; and, contrariwise, if the flame had raged within the
church, all his other parts had lien open to the fire. And as
this man did stick fast in the window, so did the rest stick as
fast in the doors, that sooner they might have been burned,
than they could once stir or move one foot. Through the
which press, at last, there was a way found, that some, going
over their heads, gat out.
Here also happened another pageant in a certain monk
(if I be not misadvised) of Gloucester College, whereat
"pienoridet Calphurnius might well laugh with an open
Calphurnius ,, 0 ., , ° 1 ,, , ,, *
ore."— hosace. moutn. bo it happened, that there was a young
lad in this tumult, who, seeing the doors fast stopped with
the press or multitude, and that he had not way to get out,
climbed up upon the door ; and there, staying upon the top
of the door, was forced to tarry still : for, to come down into
the church again he durst not for fear of the fire, and to leap
down toward the street he could not without danger of
falling. When he had tarried there awhile, he advised
himself what to do ; neither did occasion want to serve his
purpose : for, by chance, amongst them that got out over
men's heads, he saw a monk, coming towards him, who had
a great wide cowl hanging at his back. This the boy thought
to be a good occasion for him to escape by. When the monk
came near unto him, the boy, who was on the top of the door,
came down, and prettily conveyed himself into the monk's
cowl ; thinking (as it came to pass indeed) that if the monk
did escape, he should also get out with him. To be brief, at

^sei-ws'.] The boy in the monk's cowl. 417
last the monk gat out over men's heads, with the boy in his
cowl, and, for a great while, felt no weight or burden.
At the last, when he was somewhat more come to himself,
and did shake his shoulders, feeling his cowl heavier than it
was accustomed to be, and also hearing the voice of one
speaking behind in his cowl ; he was more afraid than he was
before when he was in the throng: thinking, in very deed, that
the evil spirit which had set the church on fire had flown into
his cowl. By and by he began to play the exorcist : " In the
name of GOD," said he, " and all saints, I command thee to
declare what thou art, that art behind at my back ! " To
whom the boy answered, " I am Bertram's boy," said he ;
for that was his name. " But I," said the monk, " adjure
thee, in the name of the unseparable Trinity, that thou,
wicked spirit ! do tell me who thou art, from whence thou
comest, and that thou get thee hence !" "I am Bertram's
boy," said he, " Good Master ! let me go ! " and with that
his cowl began, with the weight, to crack upon his shoulders.
The monk when he perceived the matter; took the boy out,
and discharged his cowl. The boy took to his legs, and ran
away as fast as he could.
Among others, one wiser than the rest ran with the church-
door key, beating upon the stone walls; thinking therewith to
break a hole through to escape out.
In the meantime those that were in the street, looking
diligently about them, and perceiving all things to be without
fear ; marvelled at this sudden outrage, and made signs and
tokens to them that were in the church to keep themselves
quiet, crying to them that there was no danger.
But, forasmuch as no word could be heard by reason of the
noise that was within the church, those signs made them
much more afraid than they were before, interpreting the
matter as though all had been on fire without the church ;
and for the dropping of the lead and falling of other things,
they should rather tarry still within the church, and not to
venture out. This trouble continued in this* manner by the
space of certain hours.
The next day, and also the week following, there was an
incredible number of bills [written notices] set upon the church
doors, to inquire for things that were lost in such variety
3D 1

4i 8 Master Malary completes his penance. [R%-^°£
and number, as Democritus might here again have had just
cause to laugh. " If any man have found a pair of shoes
yesterday in St. Mary's Church, or knoweth any man that
hath found them, &c." Another bill was set up for a gown
that was lost. Another entreated to have his cap restored.
One lost his purse and girdle, with certain money ; another
his sword. One inquireth for a ring ; and one for one thing,
another for another. To be short, there were few in this
garboil ; but that either through negligence lost, or through
oblivion left something behind them.
Thus have you heard a tragical story of a terrible fire
which did no hurt ; the description whereof, although it be
not so perfectly expressed according to the worthiness of the
matter, yet because it was not to be passed with silence, we
have superficially set forth some shadow thereof: wherebythe
wise and discreet may sufficiently consider the rest, if any
thing else be lacking in setting forth the full narration
thereof. As touching the heretic, because he had not done his
sufficient penance there by occasion of this hurlyburly;
therefore the next day following he was reclaimed into the
Church of St. Frideswide [Christ Church] ; where he supplied
the rest that lacked of his plenary penance.

The Spoil

of

w^w^

Antwerp.

Faithfully reported by a
true Englishman, who was l&
present at the same.

November 1576.

Seen and allowed.

Printed at London by Richard Jones.

420

[The first thing here is to settle the authorship of this anonymous
tract ; which was also anonymously entered at Stationers' Hall,
probably from political reasons. From internal evidence at pp. 435,
441, 447, it is clear that the Writer was not one of the Fellowship of
the English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp ; but was an English
man who had arrived in that city on the 22nd October 1576. Who
this Writer was would seem to be clearly settled by the following
extracts from documents in the State Paper Office, London.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vols. 139-140.
915. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 15 September 1576.
The troubles and news of Flanders have set all the soldiers
of this realm in a triumph. . . .
But now I mean to become an eyed-witness of the stir in
Flanders ; and from thence your honour shall shortly (GOD
willing) hear of me.
951. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 7 October 1576.
Whereof I trust shortly to understand more, for to-morrow
(GOD willing) I go towards the Low Countries ; and mean
to spend a month, [or] two, or three, as your Honours shall
like, in those parts.
For I mean to spend this winter (or as long as shall be
thought meet) in service of my country. I beseech your
Honour to confer with Master Secretary [Sir Francis
Walsingham] who can more at large make you privy to
my intent.
955. Sir Amias Paulet, Ambassador for England
in France, to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Paris, 12 October 1576.
Master Gascoigne is departed towards Flanders ; having
prayed me to recommend him unto you by my letters,
and also to convey these letters enclosed unto you.

Dir9No™576:] The Spaniards only hold four towns. 421
If this George Gascoigne, who, as his handwriting shows, is
doubtless the Soldier-Poet, left Paris on the 8th October, he could
very well have come to Antwerp, as the Writer of this narrative states,
at page 149, he did, by the 22nd of that month.
Gascoigne the Poet was a very tall man, so that he was called
" long George." This he seems to refer to at page 441 where he says,
" I got up like a tall fellow."
For further confirmation of Gascoigne being the Author, see pp. 435-7
2. The best Plan of Antwerp, about the time of the Spanish Fury,
that we have met with, is that of George Braun's Civitates Orbis
Terrarum, Vol. I., Plan 17.
3. All the dates in the following narrative are Old Style.
4. It is to be specially noted that Antwerp was a Roman Catholic
city that had never, in the least way possible, rebelled against PHILIP
II. ; and that its awful destruction was made, without the least provoca
tion, by the soldiers of its Sovereign, that should have protected it. Its
only crime was its great wealth. 5,000 merchants met in its Bourse, or
Exchange, every week. It was then the Venice of the North, with about
125,000 inhabitants.
The following extract will explain the general position of affairs in
Flanders about this time.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr \Thomas~\ Wilson {Ambassador for
England in Flanders'] to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.
And except despair drive the Prince [of Orange], I do
not think that ever he will yield that to [the Duke of
ANJOU, the] Monsieur [of France] which he hath in his
power ; being now in better case since these late troubles
than ever he was before : having Zierikzee and Haarlem
again ; and Tergoes also, which he never had before.
There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp ; Lierre,
8 English miles from thence ; [Den]dermonde, 18 miles
distant ; and Maestricht, 50 miles distant ; and more they
have not in their power. . . .
The States, so far as I can understand, have none other
intention, but that the Spaniards may be' sent out of the
country ; and then they offer to live in all obedience to
their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards will not depart
except the King expressly command them. In the mean
season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.]

422 Heton's letter to Walsingham. [10n™i£S:

[5. The following illustrative documents, now in the State Paper
Office, London, carry on the story of the Spanish Fury to a some
what later date.
The spelling of the word Gascon is so important, that we took
the opinion of several experts at the State Paper Office upon it. They
were all unanimous that the word is written Gascon, and not Gaston
as printed in Volume 140 of the Calendar of those Foreign State
Papers. That being so and the Christian name being given as George :
it is clear that Thomas Heton, in the flurry in which he wrote the
Memorial from the Company, wrote George Gascon phonetically
for George Gascoigne.
6. The next two documents are the letters which the Soldier-Poet
brought to England, when he got out of Antwerp on 12th November
1576, as stated at page
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,009. Thomas Heton to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Antwerp, io November 1576.
Right Honourable, the 3rd of this month the States'
men, Horsemen and Footmen, entered this town with
consent : and on the morrow, which was Sunday the 4th of
this present, the Spaniards with certain Almains, out of the
Castle, entered the town and drave away the States' Power
and they fled as they could : the town [being] put to sack,
with a pitiful slaughter and a miserable spoil.
Our House [was] entered by Twelve Spaniards, soldiers,
who put me and the rest of the Company in great fear.
We were put to ransom first at 12,000 crowns ; and since it
it is grown one way and [an]other to 3,000 more : and what
the Company have lost, that had their chambers and pack-
houses in the town in burghers' houses, at this present,
I know not ; but they are spoiled of all.
In the name of the Company there is a letter written
to the honourable [Privy] Council of our state [See next
document] most humbly beseeching that their Honours
would be a mean[s] for us to Her Majesty, as to their
Honours in this case they shall think good.
If we might have had passport[s] when I revuired it,
first of the States, then of Monsieur [de] CHAMPAGNEV

.oNivHi5°£] The English Merchants' Memorial. 423
Governor of this town, and after of the Lords of this town,
as both by the Intercourse [of 1 507] and Privileges we ought
in right to have had ; then had we avoided this great peril
of life and miserable spoil which we have sustained.
And now I most humbly beseech you to move my good
Lords that some [persons and money] may be sent over for
our comfort, that we may be permitted to pass out of this
town in person, and [also] such goods as we have
remaining. For in this town we shall lack both victuals and
fuel ; and also be daily in fear of the like spoil that we have
sustained. And thus, what for the great peril that I have sustained,
and the burden and charge of my Office ; I must crave
pardon though my writing be not as it should be.
I do perceive they [the Spaniards] stand here in doubt
how Her Majesty will take this doing to us.
The Lord send me and my wife into England, if it be his
good will. At Antwerp, the 10th of November 1576.
Thomas Heton.
1,010 The Merchant Adventurers to the Privy Council.
From Antwerp, [10] November 1576.
Right Honourable our good and gracious Lords, &c.
In all humbleness these are showing to your Honours
that in respect of the troubles all over this country, and
especially the danger in this town of Antwerp ; such of
our Society as are here remaining did purpose, and some
attempted, to have, in due time, removed from this place
both their persons and goods ; some by water and some
by land, as well towards England as for Duchland [Germany^]
And being letted [hindered] of their purpose and attempts
both the ways, and not suffered to pass their goods out
of this town ; whereupon [they] sought Ho have had free
passage and passport here, according to the Intercourse
and Safe Conduct.
But after many delays, from time to time; the 3rd day
of this month, our requests were plainly denied, either
to be granted, or by writing answered.

424 The humanity of George Gascoigne. [io $£%%
So as, the 4th day, we are fallen into great peril of our
lives ; divers of our Company being hurt, and some slain.
And by sacking of this town ever since, we are not only
spoiled of our money and goods that were in private houses
thereof; but also we are further forced, for ransom and
safeguard of our persons and goods within the principal
House of our residence here, to answer and content the
Spanish soldiers and others who, in the Fury, entered our
said House, accounting charges, above the sum of £5,000
Flemish. Towards furniture [furnishing] whereof, we have been
constrained to give them all the money and plate that was
in our said House ; and also to use our credit for so much
as we could get besides. And yet all accounted and
delivered to them doth not discharge the one half of the
sum ; and for the rest we have given them Bills payable
at a month, and some part at two months : so as now we
have not money to provide for our needful sustentation.
Wherefore we most humbly beseech your good Lordships
aud Honours, of your accustomed clemencies, to have
compassion upon us ; and to be means to our most gracious
Sovereign Lady, the Queen's Majesty, that speedy order
may be given for our relief, and release out of this place :
where presently [at present] we are void of money and
credit; and shortly are like[ly] to be void of sustenance,
and not able to get it for money.
The discourse of these tragedies we omit, and refer the
same to be reported to your Lordships by this bringer,
Master GEORGE GASCON ; whose humanity, in this time of
trouble, we, for our parts, have experimented.
And so leaving the further and due consideration of our
case unto your Right Honourable wisdoms and clemencies ;
we beseech Almighty GOD to preserve your good Lordships
and Honours in long health and felicity.
Written at Antwerp, this [10th] day of Novembei 1576,
By your Lordships' and Honours'
Most bound and obedient,
The Governor and Fellowship of the
English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp,
Thomas Heton.

Dr T-owuson.-j qur Ambassador talks with Rodas. 425
7, In 1602, an anonymously written Play, based on this Narrative,
was published in London, under the title, A larum for London, or
the Siege of Antwerp, in 4to.
8. Five days after Gascoigne got out of Antwerp ; the English
Ambassador was there. No doubt he helped our Merchant Adventurers
in their dire extremity.
Jeronimo De Rodas, or Roda, was the supreme villain in
command of the troops that had sacked the town ; as Sancho
d'Avila was in charge of Antwerp Castle. Doctor Wilson thus
reports a conversation that he had with Rodas on the 17th November
1576, thirteen days after the massacre began. This gives us the
Spanish view of the matter ; and also such miserable excuse as they
could possibly offer for their villany, which however is no excuse at all.
We must remember that it would be the Ambassador's policy to
keep fair with Rodas, who was master of the situation for the moment.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr Thomas Wilson to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.
And now, if it please your Honours, I am to declare
my coming to Rodas, who did send unto me a Safe
Conduct for me and mine, upon a letter that I did write
to him from Ghent the 10th of this month: and the 17th
of the same, I did speak with him ; immediately after my
coming to Antwerp.
And, delivering my Letters of Credit, [I] made him
acquainted with all that I did at Brussels ; and that my
coming [to Flanders] was for the King's benefit and honour :
assuring him that if either the Estates would alienate this
country [of Flanders] to any foreign Prince, or would convert it
to themselves in prejudice of the King [Philip II.] ; Her
Majesty would employ all her force to withstand such attempts.
These speeches he liked very well : and was persuaded,
even by plain demonstration before my departure, that
my coming was to none other end ; as it was not indeed.
Hereupon he declared unto me at large, the whole doings
at Brussels, the Mutinies made by the Spaniards at Alost
and elsewhere after their victory had at Zierikzee ; and
blamed greatly the young heads at Brussels, and the fury
of the people to use the King's Council, and to break up
the door of his Palace, in such sort as they did : [Rodas
was very nearly made prisoner in the Palace at Brussels

426 Dr Wilson remonstrates with Rodas. [D9rN0™5s°£
on jth September 1576, by the Seigneur De Heze-] clearing
the Council from all intention of evil to the town, or people,
of Brussels ; making a very great discourse unto me of
this matter.
" Well," quoth I, " you are well revenged of the people
by your late victory here in Antwerp; which hath been
very bloody."
"Can you blame us?" quoth he. "Is it not natural to
withstand force with force; and to kill rather than to be
killed ? and not to lose the King's piece committed to our
charge?" All this I granted : and praised the Spaniards for their
valiant courage; that, being so few, could, with policy
and manhood, overcome so many.
" But now," quoth I, " I pray you give me leave to speak a
little. After you were lords of the town — which you got
wholly and quietly within two hours after your issuing
forth — what did you mean, to continue still killing, without
mercy, people of all sorts that did bear no armour at all ;
and to murder them in their houses ? to fire the chiefest and
fairest part of the city, after you were in full and quiet
possession of all ? And not contented to spoil the whole
town, but to ransom those that were spoiled ? And to spare
no Nation : although they did bear no arms at all ; nor
yet were dealers in any practice at all against the King's
Ministers, or the Spaniards?"
His answer was, That the fury of the soldiers could
not be stayed : and that it grieved him much when the city
was on fire ; and [that there] was no sparing to kill, when all
were conquered. The soldiers of Alost were adventurers,
had no Captains, desperate persons : and would not be ruled
by any Proclamation or commandment that could be given
or made.
" Well," quoth I, " if the Fury could not be stayed ; yet
the Ransoming might be forbidden ; which is an act against
the Law of all Nations." And therefore I required him,
in the name of the Queen's Majesty, to command restitution
to be made to the English Nation. . . .
To conclude, he told me, That he would be glad to do
what he might for restitution ; but he thought it would be
hard. For that which is to be paid with Bills, which for the

p'jt?.r?°7^] Antwerp citizens not allowed to arm. 427
Company amounteth to 5,000 crowns, at the month's end :
the same [Bills], he saith, shall be discharged ; and the
bonds cancelled. Further he hath promised to grant a Safe
Conduct for all English Merchants to go (with their goods
remaining, ships, and merchandizes), without danger, wither
soever they will : not aiding, or abetting, the King's enemies.
9. We next give the opinion of the Sieur De Champagney as to how
the massacre came about.
In the following January, he was in England : and then presented a
long Memorial in French, to our Privy Council ; in which occurs the
following reference to the Spanish Fury.

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 142.
1,029. The Sieur De Chapagney's Declaration.
At London, in January 1577.
That he undertook the Government of Antwerp most
unwillingly, at the express desire and command of the King
of Spain. That, during his Government, he did all in his
power to restrain the excesses of the Spaniards in the
Citadel ; so far as to incur their odium and hatred. That he
was unable to prevent the sack of the town, owing to the
treachery of the Almain Colonels [ Van Einden &c] of the
only troops under his command ; who would not suffer the
burghers to arm in their defence.
10. Edward Grimeston, in his General History of the Netherlands
to 1608 (which is mainly based on J. F. Le Petit's Chronique, printed at
Dordrecht in 1601) gives the following account of the destruction of
Antwerp Castle, which had been built by the Duke of Alva.
The inhabitants of Antwerp being still in fear, by reason
of their Castle, so long as the war was thus wavering,
fearing they should be, at some time, again surprised (term
ing it a den of thieves, an invention of men full of cruelty, a
nest of tyranny, a receptacle of all filthy villany abomination
and wickedness) obtained leave of the States to dismantle it
towards the town.
The which the burghers began the 28th of August [1577],

428 Antwerp Castle laid open town-ward. [Le^;
with such spleen as there was neither great nor small (wives
children, gentlewomen, and burghers ; and all in general) but
would pull down a piece of it ; men, women, and servants
going thither, with their Ensigns displayed, having many
victuallers on the plain before the Castle [the Esplanade] ; so
as it seemed a camp. And although the masons' work was
great, strong, and thick ; yet were they not long in beating
it down on that side.
Soon after, in imitation of that of Antwerp, followed the
dismantling of the Castles of Ghent, Utrecht, Valenciennes,
Bethune, Lille, Aire, and others ; and the Citadel of Arras
was laid open towards the town.

429

[The following Preface occurs in the Bodleian copy of this Tract.]

To the Reader.
Shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader,
to correct the errors passed and escaped
in printing of this pamphlet according to
this Table.*
And furthermore to understand that this victory
was obtained with loss of but five hundred Spaniards,
or six [hundred] at the most ; of whom I heard no
man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don
Emanuel. Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty
[treatise] ; and therefore thought meet to place it here
in the beginning. And therewithal to advertise thee,
that these outrages and disordered cruelties done to
our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers :
neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the
English House [see pp. 446, 447], a man of any charge
or reputation. So that I hope, these extremities not
withstanding, the King their master will take such
good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in
the end, shall rest satisfied with reason ; and the amity
between our most gracious Sovereign and him shall
remain also firm and unviolate : the which I pray
GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm.
Amen.
* The necessary corrections have been herein made. — E.A.

43i

The Spoil of Antwerp.
INCE my hap was to be present at so
piteous a spectacle as the Sacking and
Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example
which hath already filled all Europe with
dreadful news of great calamity, I have
thought good, for the benefit of my
country, to publish a true report thereof.
The which may as well serve for profitable
example unto all estates of such condition[s] as suffered in the
same : as also answer all honest expectations with a mean
truth set down between the extreme surmises of sundry
doubtful minds ; and increased by the manifold light tales
which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate
[prejudiced] rehearsals.
And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town
do seem unto the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of
GOD's so just a scourge and plague ; and yet the fury of the
vanquishers do also seem more barbarous and cruel than may
become a good Christian conqueror : let these my few words
become a forewarning on both hands ; and let them stand as
a lantern of light between two perilous rocks ; that both
amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather
fire out of the flint and honey out of the thistle.
To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written ; and
to that end I presume to publish this Pamphlet ; protesting
that neither malice to the one side, nor partial affection to
the other, shall make my pen to swerve any iote [jot or iota]
from truth of that which I will set down, and*saw executed.
For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the
vanquishers : their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes,
spoils, incests, and sacrileges committed in sundry other
places, might yield me sufficient matter without the lawful
remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or if I would

432 Mutiny of the Spaniards at Antwerp. [%^vc°*°;

1576.

undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad
the miseries and calamities of the vanquished : their long
sustained injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their
continual broils in war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their
accusations without cause, and condemnations without proof,
might enable a dumb stone to talk of their troubles, and
fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to lament and
bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours.
But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a
plain truth, for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been
carried about with doubtful reports; and for a profitable
example unto all such as, being subject to like imperfections,
might fall thereby into the like calamities.
And to make the matter more perspicuous ; I must derive
the beginning of this Discourse a little beyond the beginning
of the Massacre : that the cause being partially opened, the
effect may be the more plainly seen.
It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of
Antwerp hath been, by all likelihood, long pretended
[designed] by the Spaniards: and that they have done
nothing else but lie in wait continually, to find any least
quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof whereof,
their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city,
on 26th April 1574]; when their watch- word was Fuora
villiacco ! [This is apparently old Spanish for Out with the
townsfolk/] might sufficiently bewray their malicious and
cruel intent. And though it were then smoothly coloured
over [explained away] and subtilly appeased by the crafty
devisers of the same : yet the coals of the choler, being but
raked up in the embers of false semblance, have now found
out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath ; which meeting
together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their
detestable devices.
For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over- wearied
with the intolerable burden of their tyrannies ; and having
taken arms to withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies :
the town of Antwerp, being left open and subject unto the
Citadel, did yet remain quiet; and entered not into any
martial action.

?s Nov.0!!"!:] The Spaniards try to starve Antwerp. 433
Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved ; and having
not yet opportunity to work their will so colourably [with a
sufficient pretence] as they wished) bestowed certain cannon
shot out of the said Castle, and slew certain innocent souls ;
with some other small harm and damage done to the edifices :
thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor Flemings,
and to make them take arms for their just defence ; whiles
they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust
pretence. And this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October
[1576] last.
Now to answer all objections ; I doubt not but it will be
alleged that the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the
town ; because they of the town did not shoot at the Prince
of Orange's ships, which lay within sight thereof : but alas
it is easy to find a staff when a man would beat a dog.
For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either
to the town or Castle than friendly to waft up [convoy] all
manner of grain and victuals for the sustenance of the said
town : which even then began to want such provisions by
reason that the said Spaniards had built a Fort on [the]
Flanders side upon the same river [the Scheldt] ; and thereby
stopped all such as brought victual to the said town ; burning
and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all
terror to the poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might
lack provision[s].
And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a
bridge, which was the open passage between Antwerp and
Machlen [M alines], at a village called Walem [ Waelhem] A
manifest proof of their plain intent to distress the said town,
and to shut up the same from the rest of Brabant : since they
were walled in with the river on the one side ; and on that
other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so
terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their
commodities to the same.
All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town
of Antwerp appeased the people ; and put up [with] these
injuries until they might be better able to redress them.
Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain
2E 1

434 Estates send 4,000 men to Antwerp. [<*¦§£¦*£
High Duches [Germans], entered the town of Maestricht
upon a sudden ; and put the same to sack : killing and
destroying great numbers of innocent people therein. A
thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never revolted ;
but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects to
their King [PHILIP II] : and the one half thereof pertained
also unto the Bishop of Liege, who had yet meddled nothing
at all in these actions.
The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby
the cruel intent of the Spaniards ; and doubting [fearing]
their Duche [German] garrison, which was of the Count
Oberstein's Regiment, as they were also which betrayed
Maestricht) began to abandon the town, leaving their houses
and goods behind them ; and sought to withdraw themselves
into some place of safer abode.
Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and
doubting that the town would shortly be left desolate, levied
a Power of 3,000 Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen
[mostly Walloons and Germans] ; and sent the same, under
the conduct of the Marquis D'HavrE, the young Count
[Philip] d'Egmont, Monsieur de Capres, Monsieur de
Berselle [or Berselen], Monsieur de Gogines, and other
Nobles and Gentlemen, to succour and defend the town of Ant
werp against the cruel pretence [designs] of the said Spaniards.
And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the
2nd of this instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east
or south-east side thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat
the Spaniards, being enraged, discharged sundry shot of
great artillery from the Castle ; but to small purpose.
At last, Monsieur [FrEdEric Perrenot, Sieur] DE
CHAMPAGNEY, who was Governor of the town, and the Count
Oberstein, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded
of the States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town
in such order ?
Who answered, That they came to enter the same as
friends, and to entrench and defend it from the Spaniards :
protesting further, That they would offer no manner of
violent damage or injury to the persons or goods of any such
as inhabited the same.
Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] DE CHAMPAGNEY

fs Nov.0!!"!:] The Writer at Antwerp on 22 Oct. 435
and Count Oberstein went out unto them, and conferred
more privately together by the space of one hour: and
returned into the town, leaving the Estates' Power at a
village called Borgherhout.
On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November
1576], they were permitted to enter, and came into the town :
21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6 Cornets of Horsemen.
Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought
them sacks of wool and other such provision ; wherewith
they approached the Yard or plain ground which lieth before
the Castle : and, placing the same at the ends of five streets
which lie open unto the said Castle Yard [Esplanade],
entrenched under them with such expedition that in less
than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well
fortified from the Castle, for any sudden [attack].
At this time and twelve days before [i.e. from 12nd
October 1576], I was in the said town of Antwerp, upon
certain private affairs of mine own ; so that I was enforced
to become an eyed-witness [see page 420] of their Entry [i.e.
of the States' troops] and all that they did : as also afterwards
— for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not
depart — to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed.
The Castle thundered with shot at the town : but it was a
very misty day ; so that they could neither find their marks
very well, not yet see how the streets' ends were entrenched.
It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the in
habitants, and how soon many hands had despatched a
very great piece of work. For, before midnight, they had
made the trenches as high as the length of a pike ; and
had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [Counterscarp]
between all those streets and the Castle Yard : the which
they perfected unto the half way from St George's Church
yard unto the water's side by St Michael'! ; and there
left from work, meaning to have perfected it the next
day. That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had
been finished : as shall appear by a Model [Plan] of the
whole place which I have annexed to this treaty [treatise] ; by

436 Spaniards concentrate on Antwerp. [JK^;
view whereof the skillful Reader may plainly perceive the
execution of every particularity.*
These things thus begun and set in forwardness; it is
to be noted that the Spaniards (having intelligence of the
States' Power, when it set forward from Brussels ; and per
ceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had sent to Maes
tricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could be
made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the
4th of this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all
met at the said Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could
gather, were these :
There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen,
led by ALONZO de Vargas who is the General of the
Horsemen ; and 500 Footmen or more, governed by the
Camp Master, Francesco de Valdez.
There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed
by the Camp Master, Juliano DE Romero.
There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the
same that rebelled for their pay and other unreasonable
demands, immediately after the Winning of Zierikzee [f. de
Rodas, at page 426, states that these 2,000 soldiers were
" desperate men."] These had none other conductor than
their Electo [or Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief ; at this time a
man named Navarette], after the manner of such as mutiny
and rebel : but were of sundry Companies, as Don
Emanuel's, and others. Nevertheless I have been so bold
in the Model [Plan] as to set down the said Don Emanuel
for their leader: both because I think that, their mutiny
notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit; and also
because he was shin amongst them at their entry.
Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or there
abouts ; besides some help that they had of the garrison
within the Castle. And besides, 1,000 High Almains
[German s]ox more ; which came from Maestricht, Lierre, and
those parts, /ind they were of three sundry Regiments:
* This Plan of Antwerp at the time of the Spanish Fury, drawn up
from the instructions of George Gascoigne, is wanting in every copy
of this Narrative that we have met with. We have strenuously searched
for it in every direction ; but without success. Its disappearance is a
great loss. — E.A,

SnoTImo'.] Spaniards come to Antwerp Castle. 437
Charles Fugger's, Polwtller's, and Frondsberger's :
but they were led all by CHARLES FUGGER. So that the
whole force of the Spaniards and their complices was
5,000 and upwards.
The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said
4th day [of November 1576], about ten of the clock before
dinner: and, as I have heard credibly reported, would
neither stay to refresh themselves, having marched all night
and the day before ; nor yet to confer of anything but only
of the order how they should issue and assail : protesting
and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and
drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp : the which vow
they performed, contrary to all men's reason and expectation.
Their order of entry into the Castle Yard [Esplanade], and
their approach to the trenches I did not see : for I could not
get out of the town ; neither did I think it reasonable to be
Hospes in aliena republica curiosus.
Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I
will also here rehearse it for a truth :
The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maes
tricht and Lierre, came through a village on the east side of
the town called. Borgerhout about ten of the clock before
noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates, being
thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen
and Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But
before they could issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were
passed on the south-east side of the town ditch, and entered
at a Gate which standeth on the Counterscarf of the Castle
Yard [Esplanade], called the Windmill Port. There
entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen ; saving the
High Almains [Germans] who marched round about the
Castle, by a village called Kiel ; and, trailing their pikes
on the ground after them, came in at a small Postern on
the Brayes by the river, and on the west side pf the Castle.
Those which came from Alost, came through the said
village called Kiel, and so, through the Castle, [and] issued
out of the same at the Fore Gate, which standeth towards
the town.
Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard,
about eleven of the clock ; they of Alost and of the Castle

438 The Spaniards attack the Trenches. [£K|£
cast themselves into four Squadrons ; they of Maestricht and
Lierre into two Squadrons, and their Horsemen into a Troop
behind them ; and the High Almains [Germans] into a
Squadron or Battalion by the river's side.
Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every
Squadron should charge and endure ; they cast off certain
Loose Shot [Skirmishers] from every Squadron, and attacked
the Scarmouch [ ? Piguet]. The which continued not one
hour ; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto the
Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged

The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and
trenches with thundering shot : but now, upon a signal given,
ceased to shoot any more, for fear to hurt their own men ;
wherein I noted their good order, which wanted no direction,
in their greatest fury.
The Walloons and Almains [Germans] which served in the
Trenches, defended all this while very stoutly. And the
Spaniards with their Almains continued the charge with
such valour, that in fine they won the Counterscarf, and
presently scaled the Trenches with great fury. The
Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any
fresh relief or supply, many of them in this meanwhile
being slain and hurt, were not able any longer to repulse the
Spaniards : so that they entered the Trenches about twelve
of the clock, and presently pursued their victory down every
street. In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they
flanked the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no
longer resistance of any Power; and they proceeded in
chase, executing all such as they overtook. In this good
order they charged and entered ; in this good order they
proceeded ; and in as good order, their lackays and pages
followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on
fire in every place where their masters had entered.
The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the
town [being chiefly those commanded by the Marquis d' Havre]
being grown into some security by reason that their Trenches
were so high as seemed invincible ; and, lacking sufficient
generals or directors, were found as far out of order as the

Snw.0^:] The base treachery of Einden's men. 439
Spaniards were to be honoured for the good order and direc
tion which they kept.
For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches
came straggling and loose. Some came from the furthest
side of the town. Some, that were nearer, came very
fearfully! and many, out of their lodgings, from drinking
and carousing; who would scarcely believe that any
conflict was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in
the streets to put them out of doubt that they dallied
not To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was
such that they never had a Corps du Gard [Block House] to
supply and relieve their Trenches ; but only one in the
Market Place of the town, which was a good quarter of a
mile from their fortifications : and that also was of Almains
[Germans commanded by that double-dyed traitor Cornelis
Van Einden, or Van Ende] ; who, when they spied the
Spaniards, did gently kneel down, letting their pikes fall,
and crying, 0 Hebe Spaniarden ! O Hebe Spaniarden ! [" O
dear Spaniards ! " That is, Van Einden traitorously joined
with the invading Spaniards.]
Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach,
charge, and assault, together with their proceeding in victory;
and that by credible report, both of the Spaniards them
selves and of others who served in their company : let me
also say a little of that which I saw executed.
I was lodged in the English House, ut supra: and had
not gone abroad that morning by reason of weighty business
which I had in hand the same day. At dinner time [which
was then about 1 1 a.m.], the Merchantmen of my country,
which came out of the town and dined in my chamber,
told me, That a hot scarmouch [skirmish] was begun in
the Castle Yard, and that the fury thereof still increased,
About the midst of dinner, news came, That the shot was
so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people could be
discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were
fully ended, That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the
Trenches. Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into

440 The Writer beyond the Exchange. [£§5^
a high tower of the said English House : from whence I
might discover fire in four or five places of the town
towards the Castle Yard ; and thereby I was well assured
that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches.
So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to
see the certainty thereof : and as I passed towards the Bourse
[Exchange] I met many ; but I overtook none. And those
which I met were no townsmen, but soldiers ; nether walked
they as men which use traffic, but ran as men which are in
fear. Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the towns
men stand every man before his door with such weapons
as they had ; I demanded of one of them, What it meant ?
Who answered me in these words, Hilas, Monsieur, il
riy a point d'ordre ; et voild la mine de cette ville! [Alas,
Sir, there is no order ; and behold the ruin of this
town ! ]
Ayez courage, mon ami ! [Have courage, my friend !],
quoth I ; and so went onwards yet towards the Bourse :
meeting all the way more and more [of those] which mended
their pace.
At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed
to be but a boy of years, drew his sword, and laid about
him, crying Oit est ce que vous enfuyez, canaille ? Faisons
tite, pour I'honeur de la patrie ! [Where are you flying to,
rascals ? Make head, for the honour of our country ! ]
Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and
went backwards towards the Bourse.
The which encouraged me, par compagnie, to proceed.
But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that
time I came on the farther side of the Bourse, I might
see a great troop coming in greater haste, with their heads
as close together as a school of young fry or a flock of
sheep ; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse,
towards the Market Place : and, having their leaders fore
most (for I knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and
staves), [they] bare me over backwards ; and ran over my
belly and my face, [a] long time before I could recover on
foot. At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and
seeing them run so fast, began thus to bethink me, " What,

ti nov.0!^] The gate of the English House shut. 441
in God's name, do I hear? which have no interest in
this action ; since they who came to defend this town
are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves."
And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of
flyers came so fast that they bare me on my nose, and
ran as many over my back, as erst had marched over my
stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow; and went
with them for company : but their haste was such as I
could never overtake them until I came at a broad cross
street, which lieth between the English House and the
said Bourse.
There I overtook some of them grovelling on the
ground, and groaning for the last gasp ; and some others
which turned backwards to avoid the tickling of the
Spanish Musquets [Musketeers] : who had gotten the ends
of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways.
And there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase
and fearing to be surprised with such as might follow
in tail of us ; I gave adventure to pass through the said
cross street : and, without vaunt be it spoken, passed
through five hundred shots before I could recover the
English House.
At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants
standing before the gate : whom I would not dis
comfort nor dismay but said, That the Spaniards had
once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone
back again.
Nevertheless I went to the Governor : and privily per
suaded him to draw in the company ; and to shut up the
gates. The which he consented unto : and desired me, because
I was somewhat better acquainted with such matters than
the Merchants, to take charge of the key.
I took it willingly, but before I could well, shut and bar
the gate, the Spaniards were now come forwards into the
same street ; and passing by the door, called to come
in ; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the gate,
where I answered them ; whereof one came very near my
nose, and piercing through the gate, strake one of the
Merchants on the head, without any great or dangerous

442 Antwerp entered and won in 3 hours. [°- %%*%£
hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was yet such, that
they could not attend the spoil ; but passed on in
chase to the New Town, where they slew infinite
numbers of people : and, by three of the clock, or before,
returned victors ; having slain, or put to flight, all their
enemies. And now, to keep promise and to speak without par
tiality, I must needs confess that it was the greatest
victory, and the roundliest executed, that hath been seen,
read, or heard of, in our Age : and that it was a thing
miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height
should be entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen
and Horsemen.
For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten
in, the Horsemen found means to follow : and being, many
of them, Harquebussiers on horseback, did pass by their
own Footmen in the streets ; and much hastened both the
flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto
speedy executioners.
But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards
for their valour and order, must therewith confess that
it was the very ordinance of GOD for a just plague
and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth
all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible.
And yet the disorder and lack of foresight in the
Walloons did great[ly] help to augment the Spanish glory
and boast
To conclude. The Count D'OBERSTEIN was drowned
in the New Town. The Marquis d'Havre and [Sieur
DE] CHAMPAGNEY escaped out of the said New Town, and
recovered the Prince of Orange's ships.
Only the young Count [PHILIP] of EGMONT was taken,
fighting by St Michael's. Monsieur DE Capres and
Monsieur DE GoGlNES were also taken. But I heard
of none that fought stoutly, saving only the said Count
of Egmont ; whom the Colonel Verdugo, a Spaniard
of an honourable compassion and good mind, did
save : with great danger to himself in defending the
Count

£ Naov.o!ig5"£] Horrible Spanish Fury in Antwerp. 443
In this conflict there were slain 600 Spaniards, 01
thereabouts. And on the Thursday next following [8th
November 1576], a view of the dead bodies in the town
being taken, it was esteemed at 17,000 men, women, and
children. [This would be apart from those drowned in
the Scheldt!] A pitiful massacre, though GOD gave victory
to the Spaniards.
And surely, as their valiance was to be much com
mended ; so yet I can much discommend their barbarous
cruelty in many respects. For methinks that as when
GOD giveth abundance of wealth, the owner ought yet
to have regard on whom he bestow it : even so, when
GOD giveth a great and miraculous victory, the con
querors ought to have great regard unto their execution.
And though some, which favour the Spanish faction, will
alledge sundry reasons to the contrary : yet, when the blood
is cold and the fury over, methinks that a true Christian
heart should stand content with victory ; and refrain to
provoke GOD's wrath by [the] shedding of innocent
blood. These things I rehearse the rather, because they
neither spared Age nor Sex, Time nor Place, Person nor
Country, Professson nor Religion, Young nor Old, Rich
nor Poor, Strong nor Feeble: but, without any mercy, did
tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor
means to resist them.
For Age and Sex, Young and Old ; they slew great
numbers of young children ; but many more women more
than four score years of age.
For Time and Place ; their fury was as great ten days
after the victory, as at the time of their entry ; and
as great respect they had to the Church and Church
yard, for all their hypocritical boasting of the Catholic
Religion, as the butcher had to his shambles or slaughter
house. For Person and Country, they spared neither friend nor
foe, Portugese nor Turk.
For Profession and Religion, the Jesuits must give
their ready coin ; and all other Religious Houses, both
coin and plate : with all short ends that were good and
portable.

444 Hotel de Ville at Antwerp burnt. [£• §£°5g*
The Rich was spoiled because he had ; and the Poor
were hanged because they had nothing. Neither Strength
could prevail to make resistance, nor Weakness move pity
for to refrain their horrible cruelty.
And this was not only done when the chase was hot;
but, as I erst said, when the blood was cold ; and they
[were] now victors without resistance.
I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcases which
lay at every Trench where they entered ; the thick
ness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a
man. I forbear also to recount the huge numbers drowned
in the New Town : where a man might behold as many
sundry shapes and forms of man's motion at [the] time
of death as ever MICHAEL ANGELO did portray in
his Tables of Doomsday [Picture of the Last judgment].
I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains
[Germans], who lay burned in their armour. Some [with]
the entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body
free. Some [with] their head and shoulders burnt off;
so that you might look down into the bulk and breast,
and there take an anatomy of the secrets of Nature.
Some [were] standing upon their waist ; being burnt off
by the thighs. And some no more but the very top of
the brain taken off with fire ; whiles the rest of the body
did abide unspeakable torments.
I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every
street with the gore and carcases of horses ; neither do
I complain that the one lacked burial, and the other flaying,
until the air, corrupted with their carion, infected all that
yet remained alive in the town.
And why should I describe the particularity of every
such annoyance as commonly happens both in camps and
castles where martial feats are managed ?
But I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning
and destroying of the stately Town House, and all the
muniments and records of the city : neither can I refrain
to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented
unto sundry honest dames and virgins.
It is also a ruthful remembrance, that a poor English

fs Nov.°is76'.] 5'000 PERSONS KILLED IN COLD BLOOD. 445
Merchant, who was but a servant, having once redeemed
his master's goods for 300 crowns, was yet hanged until
he were half dead, because he had not 200 more to give
them. And the halter being cut down, and he come to
himself again ; [he] besought them on knees, with bitter
tears, to give him leave to seek and try his credit and
friends in the town, for the rest of their unreasonable
demand. At his return, because he sped not, as indeed no
money was then to be had, they hung him again outright :
and afterwards, of exceeding courtesy, procured the Friars
Minor to bury him.
To conclude. Of the 17,000 carcases which were viewed
on the Thursday : I think, in conscience, 5,000, or few
less, were massacred after their victory ; because they
had not ready money wherewith to ransom their goods
at such prices as they pleased to set on them. At least,
all the World will bear me witness, that ten days after,
whosoever was but pointed at, and named to be a Walloon,
was immediately massacred without further audience or
trial. For mine own part, it is well known that I did often
escape very narrowly ; because I was taken for a Walloon.
And on Sunday, the nth of this instant [November 1576],
which was the day before I gat out of the town, I saw three
poor souls murdered in my presence, because they were
pointed [at] to be Walloons : and it was well proved,
immediately [after], that one of them was a poor artificer,
who had dwelt in the town eight years before, and [had]
never managed arms, but truly followed his occupation.
Furthermore, the seed of these and other barbarous facts
brought forth this crop and fruit, That, within three days,
Antwerp, which was one of the richest towns in Europe,
had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, but only
in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every Don
DlEGO must walk, jetting up and down the streets, with
his harlot by him, in her chain and bracelets of gold.
And the notable Bourse, which was wont to be a safe
assembly for merchants and men of all honest trades, had
now none other merchandise therein but as many dicing
tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.

446 The English House spoiled by soldiers. [% %£%£
Men will boast of the Spaniards, that they are the best
and most orderly soldiers in the World : but, sure[ly], if
this be their order, I had rather be accounted a Besoigner
[French for an indigent beggar] than a brave soldier in
such a Band: neither must we think, although it hath
pleased GOD (for some secret cause only known to his
divine Majesty) to yield Antwerp and Maestricht thus into
their hands; that he will spare to punish this their
outrageous cruelty, when his good will and pleasure shall
be to do the same. For surely their boasting and bragging
of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged.
I have talked with sundry of them ; and demanded, Why
they would command that the Town House should be
burned ?
And their answer was, Because it was the place of
assembly where all evil counsels were contrived.
As though it were just that the stocks and stones should
suffer for the offence of men. But such is their obstinate
mind and arrogancy that, if they might have their will, they
would altogether raze and destroy the towns, until no one
stone were left upon another. Neither doth their stubborn
blindness suffer them to perceive that in so doing they
should much endamage the King their Master ; whom they
boast so faithfully to honour, serve, and obey.
As for the injuries done by them unto our own Nation
particularly ; I will thus set down as much as I know.
We were quiet in the House appointed for the Mansion
of English Merchants, under safe Conduct, Protection, and
Placard [Placcaet= Proclamation] of their King: having
neither meddled any way in these actions; nor by any
means assisted the Estates of the country with money,
munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the Governor [THOMAS
Heton] and Merchants, foreseeing the danger of the time,
had often demanded passport[s] of the King's Governors
and Officers to depart
And all these, with sundry other allegations, we
propounded and protested unto them before they entered
the English House ; desiring to be there protected, according
to our Privileges and Grants from the King their Master ;

f'Nov™'^?:] A RANSOM OF 12,000 CROWNS ASKED. 447
and that they would suffer us there to remain, free from
all outrage spoil or ransom, until we might make our estate
known unto [Sancho D' Avila] the Castellan [of Antwerp
Castle] and other Head Officers which served there for the
said King.
All which notwithstanding; they threatened to fire the
House unless we would open the doors : and, being once
suffered to enter, demanded presently the ransom of 1 2,000
crowns of the Governor. Which sum, being not indeed in
the House, neither yet one-third part of the same ; they
spared not with naked swords and daggers to menace the
Governor, and violently to present him death ; because
he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds.
I will not boast of any help afforded by me in that
distress : but I thank the Lord GOD ! who made me an
instrument to appease their devilish furies. And I think
that the Governor and all the Company will confess that I
used mine uttermost skill and aid for the safeguard of their
lives, as well as [of] mine own.
But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding ; the
Governor [Thomas Heton], being a comely aged man
and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and
procure reverence in any good mind ; especially the upright
ness of his dealing considered : they enforced him, with
great danger, to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels
which were in the House ; and to prepare the remnant of
12,000 crowns at such days and times as they pleased to
appoint. And of the rest of our Nation, which had their goods
remaining in their several packhouses and lodgings elsewhere
in the town ; they took such pity that four they slew,
and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt :
spoiling and ransoming them to the uttermost value that
might be made, or esteemed, of all their goods. Yea, a
certain one, they enforced to ransom his goods twice ; yea,
thrice : and, all that notwithstanding, took the said goods
violently from them at the last.
And all these injuries being opened unto their chief
Governors in time convenient ; and whiles yet the whole
sum, set for [the] several ransoms of our countrymen and
the English House in general, were not half paid ; so that

448 The Writer gets out of Antwerp. [^notTs
justice and good order might partly have qualified the
former rigours proferred by the soldiers : the said Governors
were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light
of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town!
So that it seemeth they were fully agreed in all things:
or, if any contention were, the same was but [a] strife who,
or which, of them might do greatest wrongs. Keeping the
said Governor and Merchants there still, without grant of
passport or safe conduct, when there are scarcely any
victuals to be had for any money in the town; nor yet
the said Merchants have any money to buy it, where it is.
And as for credit ; neither credit nor pawn can now find coin
in Antwerp.
In these distresses, I left them the 12th of this instant
November 1576 ; when I parted from them : not as one who
was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery ; but
to solicit their rueful causes here, and to deliver the same
unto Her Majesty and [the Privy] Council in such sort as I
beheld it there.
And this is, in effect, the whole truth of the Sacking and
Spoil of so famous a town. Wherein is to be noted— that
the Spaniards and their faction being but 5,000; the
Trenches made against them of such height as seemed
invincible; the Power within the town, 15,000 or 16,000
able fighting men well armed, I mean the townsmen ready
armed being counted : it was charged, entered, and won in
three hours ; and before six hours passed over, every house
therein sacked, or ransomed at the uttermost value.
Thewhichvictory(being miraculous and past man's capacity
to comprehend how it should be possible) I must needs
attribute unto GOD's just wrath poured upon the inhabitants
for their iniquity, more than to the manhood and force of the
Spaniards. And yet I mean not to rob them of their
deserved glory; but to confess that both their order and
valour in charging and entering was famous : and had they
kept half so good order, or shewed the tenth part of such
manly courage, in using their victory and parting of their
spoil ; I must then needs have said that CAESAR had never
any such soldiers. And this must I needs say for them that,
as their continual training in service doth make them expert

?5'not?°5E7°6:'] The Walloons and Germans fled. 449
in all warlike stratagem[s] ; so their daily trade in spoiling
hath made them the cunningest ransackers of houses, and
the best able to bring a spoil unto a quick market, of any
soldiers or master thieves that ever I heard of.
But I leave the scanning of their deeds unto GOD,
who will bridle their insolency when he thinketh good and
convenient And let us also learn, out of this rueful tragedy,
to detest and avoid those sins and proud enormities which
caused the wrath of GOD to be so furiously kindled and
bent against the town of Antwerp.
Let us also, if ever we should be driven to like occasion,
which GOD forbid ! learn to look better about us for good
order and direction ; the lack whereof was their overthrow.
For surely the inhabitants lacked but good guides and
leaders : for (having none other order appointed, but to
stand every man armed in readiness before his door) they
died there, many of them, fighting manfully ; when the
Wallooners and High Duches [Germans] fled beastly.
Let us also learn to detest the horrible cruelties of the
Spaniards, in all executions of warlike stratagems ; lest the
dishonour of such beastly deeds might bedim the honour
wherewith English soldiers have always been endowed in
their victories.
And finally let us pray to GOD for grace to amend our
lives, and for power and foresight to withstand the malice of
our enemies : that remaining and continuing in the peaceable
protection of our most gracious Sovereign, we may give
Him the glory ; and all due and loyal obedience unto Her
Majesty, whom GOD now and ever prospect and preserve.
Amen. Written the 25th day of November 1576,
by a true Englishman, who was
present at this piteous Massacre,
ut supra.

2F

A very true Report of the apprehension
and taking of that arch-Papist Edmund
Campion, the Pope his right hand; with
Three other lewd Jesuit Priests, and
divers other Lay people, most
seditious persons of like sort.
Containing also a controlment of a most untrue former
book set out by one A. M., alias Anthony M und ay,
concerning the same : as is to be proved and justified
by George Elliot, one of the Ordinary
Yeomen of Her Majesty's Chamber,
Author of this Book, and chiefest cause of the
finding of the said lewd and seditious people, great
enemies to GOD, their loving Prince,
and country.
Veritas non qucerit angulos.

Imprinted" at London at the Three Cranes in the
Vintry by THOMAS DAWSON.
i 5 8 i.

452

[The Edinburgh Review of April 1891, in an article on The Baffling
of the Jesuits, states
" Until Father Parsons landed at Dover on June 11
[and Father Campion on June 25], 1580; no Jesuit had
ever been seen in England. Ignatius Loyola had been
dead just twenty-five years, and two of his associates in
founding the Society of JESUS were still alive. Loyola
during his lifetime had admitted only a single Englishman
into the order, a lad of nineteen, of whom we know nothing
but that his name was Thomas Lith, and that he was
admitted to the novitiate in June 1555. During the next
ten years, six more Englishmen entered the order, two of
them being men of some mark — JASPER Heywood, formerly
Fellow of All Souls' ; and THOMAS DARBYSHIRE, who had
been Archdeacon of Essex and a Canon of St Paul's. In
the next decade, about the same number of English recruits
joined the society ; three, and three only, were scholars of
any reputation — Parsons, Campion, and Henry Garnet.
When the Jesuit Mission to England started, there were not
thirty English Jesuits in the world."
At Vol. I., p. 130, is a letter written from Goa, 10 Nov. 1579, by
Thomas Stevens, one of these English Jesuits.
The arrest and execution of Edmund Campion— in Latin, Edmundus
Campianus — was one of the most important events in our political
history during the year 1581. It made a profound impression through
out Western Europe, and occasioned the publication of many tracts in
various languages. For further information on this subject, the Reader
is referred to Edmund Campion, A Biography, by Richard Simpson.
London, 1867-8; and also to Mr Joseph Gillow's Biographical
Dictionary of the English Catholics, now in progress.
The following account of the arrest by the man who made it, is printed
from a copy of the extremely rare original edition that is now in
Lambeth Palace Library [Press Mark, xxx. 8. 17.]. It was printed
[? privately printed] in 1581 ; but it was not entered at Stationers' Hall.
It was clearly produced before the execution of Campion, on the ist of
December of that year ; to which there is no allusion in it j but
apparently not very much earlier, for the Writer says at page 465
" Some men may marvel that I would be silent so long."

& Eiiiot j the Queen to be horribly dealt with. 453
By this act of patriotism ; George Elliot earned the titles, among
the Roman Catholics, of Judas Elliot, and of Elliot Iscariot. It
is however only fair to him to state what moved him to go hunting after
Priests, Jesuits, etc.
Anthony Munday, in his Discovery of Edmund Campion and his
Confederates, &*e., published on 29th January 1582, in giving an account
of Campion's trial, states :
George Elliot, one of the Ordinary Yeomen of Her
Majesty's Chamber, upon his oath, gave forth in evidence,
as followeth :
That he, living here in England among certain of that
sect, fell in acquaintance with one Payne, a Priest ; who
gave him to understand of a horrible treason intended
against Her Majesty and the State, which he did expect
shortly to happen.
The order, how, and after what manner, in brief is thus :
That there should be levied a certain company of armed
men ; which, on a sudden, should enterprise a most mon
strous attempt. A certain company of these armed men
should be prepared against Her Majesty, as many against
my L[ord] of L[EICESTER], as many against my L[ord]
Treasurer, Lord Burghley], as many against Sir F[rancis]
WTalsingham], and divers others whose names he doth not
well remember.
The deaths of these noble personages should be presently
fulfilled : and Her Majesty used in such sort as [neither]
modesty nor duty will suffer me to rehearse. ., . .
But this should be the general cry everywhere, Queen of
"Queen Mary! Queen Mary!" ' scots. [a.m.i
It was also appointed and agreed upon, Who should
have this Man of Honour's room, and who should have
that Office. Everything was determined. There wanted
nothing but the coming over of such Priests and others as
were long looked for.
Upon this report, the aforenamed George Elliot took
occasion to question with this Payne, How they could
find in their hearts to attempt an act of so great cruelty ;
considering how high an offence it should be to GOD,
besides great danger might arise thereby.

454 The killing of Elizabeth, no murder ! [G- ™°J:
Whereto Payne made answer, That the killing [of] Her
a most traitor- Majesty was no offence to GOD, nor the utter-
ousandviiian- most cruelty they could use to her, nor [to] any
of eve™etrue that took her part : but that they might as law-
reai""hdue fully do it as to a brute beast. And himself
reverence of would be one of the foremost in the executing rofl
the person. , o L J
[a.m.] this villanous and most traitorous action.
In Lansd. MS. 32, No. 60, in the British Museum, there is a paper to
the same effect, signed by G. E. [George Elliot]. It is headed
Certain Notes and Remembrances concerning a Reconciliation, &c. ;
and bears marginal notes by Lord Burghley.
It will probably be new to most readers that Elliot's arrest of
Campion was a pure matter of accident. Elliot went to Lyford
Manor House more particularly in search of Payne the Priest, and
found Campion there by chance. The Jesuit had been secretly, but
securely, wandering through the land from one Roman Catholic house
hold to another, for more than a year ; despite the utmost efforts of the
English Government to put their hands on him : and at last he becomes
their prisoner almost by a pure accident.
Campion was lodged in the Tower on the 22nd July 1*581. Two days
later, Anthony Munday's Brief Discourse of the taking of Edmund
Campion &°c, was entered at Stationers' Hall [Arber, Transcript &*c,
II. 397]. It was therefore very hurriedly written, and mainly from
information supplied by Master Humphrey Foster, High Sheriff of
Berkshire : who, being himself a Roman Catholic, had been very slack
at the capture of Campion [p. 462] ; but who, for his own protection,
puts a better face on things in Munday's hurriedly written Discourse,
&*c

455

To the Christian Reader,
George Ellwt wisheth
all due reverence.

jOME experience, Christian Reader, that I have
gathered by keeping company with such seditious
people as Campion and his associates are,
partly moveth me to write this book ; and
partly I am urged thereunto (although my
wisdom and skill be very slender to set down and pen
matter of less moment than this) for that I (being one of the
Two in Commission at that time from Her Highness's most
honourable Privy Council for the apprehending of the said
seditious CAMPION and such like ; and the chiefest cause
of the finding out of the said lewd people, as hereafter more
at large appeareth) do think it a great abuse that the most
part of Her Majesty's loving subjects shall be seduced to
believe an untruth ; and myself and he which was in
Commission with me (whose name is David Jenkins, one
of the Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber) very vilely
slandered with a book set out by one ANTHONY MUNDAY
concerning the apprehension of the said lewd people — which,
for the truth thereof, is almost as far different from truth as
darkness from light ; and as contrary to truth as an egg is
contrary in likeness to an oyster.
And therefore considering I am able to report a truth for
the manner of the finding and taking of the said seditious
persons ; although fine skill be far from me to paint it out :
hoping the wise will bear with my want therein, and esteem
a true tale, be it never so bluntly told, rather than a lie, be it
never so finely handled — I have emboldened myself to take
this treatise in hand ; wherein, God willing, I will describe
nothing but truth ; as by the sequel shall appear. Which
is this :

G. Elliot
< Nov.] 1581.

456 To the Christian Reader. [t
That about four years past [?I578], the Devil (being a
crafty fox and chief Patron doubtless of the Pope's Prelacy •
having divers and many Officers and inferior substitutes to'
the Pope, his chief Vicar ; and intending by them to increase
the kingdom of this Antichrist) dispersed his said Officers
in divers places of this realm : where, like vagrant persons
(refusing to live within the lawful government of their
country) they lead a loose life; wandering and running
hither and thither, from shire to shire and country [County]
to country, with such store of Romish relics, Popish pelf,
trifles, and trash as were able to make any Christian heart]
that hath seen the trial of such practices as I have done,'
even for sorrow to bleed. Only thereby to draw the
Queen's Majesty's subjects their hearts and faiths both from
GOD and Her Highness ; as namely, by delivering unto them
Bulls from Rome, Pardons, Indulgences, Medals, Agnus DEI,
hallowed grains and beads, crucifixes, painted pictures, and
such other paltry : every part whereof they will not let [stop]
to say to be matters very necessary for salvation.
By reason whereof, most loving Reader, I myself, about
that time [1578], by the space of one quarter of a year
together, was deeply bewitched and drawn into their
darkness, as the blindest bayard of them all. But at the
last, even then (by GOD's great goodness, mighty providence,
and especial grace) all their enchantments, witchcrafts,
sorceries, devilish devices and practices were so broken and
untied in me ; and the brightness of GOD's divine majesty
shining so surely in my heart and conscience : that I perceived
all their doings to be, as they are indeed, only shows without
substance, manifest errors and deceitful juggling casts, and
none others.
Notwithstanding I determined with myself, for certain
causes which I omit, to sound the depth of their devilish
drifts, if I might; and the rather therefore used and
frequented their company : whereby appeared unto me not
a few of their ungracious and villanous false hearts, faiths,
and disloyal minds, slanderous words, and most vile treasons
towards my most excellent and noble mistress, the Queen's
Majesty, and towards divers of her most honourable Privy
Council ; in such sort as many times did make mine eyes
to gush out with tears for very sorrow and fear tp think of if.

hn^.™0!:] To the Christian Reader. 457
Wherefore, lately [about 1 4th May 1 5 8 1 ], I made my humble
submission unto the Right Honourable Her Highness's Privy
Council, for my unlawful living as aforesaid. At whose
hands I found such honourable dealing, and by their means
such mercy from Her Majesty, that I wish with all my
heart all the Papists, which are subjects born to Her Highness,
to run the same course that I have done : and then should
they easily see what difference there is between the good
and merciful dealing of our most gracious loving and natural
Prince; and the great treacheries of that great enemy to
our country, the Pope. For Her Highness freely forgiveth
offenders ; but the Pope pardoneth for money. Her Grace's
hands are continually full of mercy, ready to deliver enough
freely to any that will desire and deserve it : and the Pope
his great clutches and fists are ready to deliver nothing but
devilish devices and paltry stuff of his own making, to set
country and country together by the ears ; and yet for
these, hath he money.
Truly it is a most lamentable case that ever any Christian
should be seduced and drawn from the true worshipping of
GOD, and their duty to their Prince and country ; as many
are by the Pope and his Satanical crew. I beseech GOD
turn their hearts, and grant us all amendment ; which can
neither be too timely, if it were presently; nor never too
late, whensoever it shall happen : unless wilfully they proceed
in their dealings, which GOD forbid. For humanum est
errare, perseverare belluinum.
Shortly after my submission and reconciliation, as aforesaid,
it pleased my Lords of Her Highness's most honourable
Privy Council to grant the Commission that I before spake
of, to myself and to the said David Jenkins, for the
apprehension of certain lewd Jesuit Priests and other
seditious persons of like sort, wheresoever we should happen
to find them within England. Whereupon we determined
a certain voyage [journey] : in which Edmund Campion the
aforesaid Jesuit and others were by us taken and brought to
the Tower of London, in manner as hereafter followeth.

458
The true manner of taking of Edmund
Campion and his associates.
T happened that after the receipt of our
Commission aforesaid, we consulted
between ourselves, What way were best
to take first? For we were utterly
ignorant where, or in what place, certainly
to find out the said Campion, or his com
peers. And our consultation was shortly
determined : for the greatest part of our
travail and dealings in this service did lie chiefly upon mine
own determination, by reason of mine acquaintance and
knowledge of divers of [the] like sect.
It then presently came to my remembrance of certain
acquaintance which I once had with one Thomas Cooper
a Cook, who, in November [1578] was two years, served
Master Thomas Roper of [Orpington in] Kent ; where, at
that time, I in like manner served : and both of us, about the
same month [November 1578], departed the said Master
Roper his service ; I into Essex, and the said Cooper to
Lyford in Berkshire, to one Master Yate. From whence,
within one half year after [before May 1579], I was adver
tised in Essex, that the said Cook was placed in service ;
and that the said Master Yate was a very earnest Papist,
and one that gave great entertainment to any of that sect.
Which tale, being told me in Essex two years before
[1579] we entered [on] this journey, by GOD's great good
ness, came to my memory but even the day before [13th
July 1 581] we set forth. Hereof I informed the said David
Jenkins, being my fellow in Commission, and told him it
would be our best way to go thither first : for that it was
not meant that we should go to any place but where indeed
I either had acquaintance; or by some means possible in our
journey, could get acquaintance. And told him we would
dispose of our journey in such sort as we might come to the

uNw.fS] Elliot & Jenkins arrive at Lyford. 459
said. Master Yate's upon the Sunday about eight of the
clock in the morning : " where," said I, " if we find the said
Cook, and that there be, any Mass to be said there that day,
or any massing Priest in the house; the Cook, for old
acquaintance and for that he supposeth me to be a Papist,
will bring me to the sight thereof."
And upon this determination, we set from London [on
Friday] the 14th day of July last ; and came to the said
Master Yate's house, the 16th of the same month, being
Sunday, about the hour aforesaid.
Where, without the gates of the same house, we espied
one of the servants of the house, who most likely seemed, by
reason of his lying aloof, to be as it were a Scout Watcher,
that they within might accomplish their secret matters more
safely. I called the said servant, and enquired of him for the
said Thomas Cooper the Cook.
Who answered, That he could not well tell, whether he
were within or not.
I prayed him that he would friend me so much as to see ;
and told him my name.
The said servant did so, it seemed ; for the Cook came
forth presently unto us where we sat still upon horseback.
And after a few such speeches, as betwixt friend and friend
when they have been long asunder, were passed ; still sitting
upon our horses, I told him That I had longed to see him ;
and that I was then travelling into Derbyshire to see my
friends, and came so far out of my way to see him. And
said 1, " Now I have seen you, my mind is well satisfied ;
and so fare you well ! "
" No," saith he, " that shall you not do before dinner."
I made the matter very earnest to be gone ; and he, more
earnest and importune to stay me. But in truth I was as
willing to stay as he to have me.
And so, perforce, there was no remedy but stay we must.
And having lighted from horseback ; and being* by him
brought into the house, and so into the buttery, and there
caused to drink : presently after, the said Cook came and
whispered with me, and asked, Whether my friend (meaning
the said Jenkins) were within the Church or not ? Therein
meaning, Whether he were a Papist or no ?

460 Elliot hears Campion's last Sermon. [[?N^ Ji?£
To which I answered, " He was not ; but yet," said I, " he
is a very honest man, and one that wisheth well that way."
Then said the Cook to me, " Will you go up ? " By which
speech, I knew he would bring me to a Mass.
And I answered him and said, " Yea, for God's sake, that
let me do : for seeing I must needs tarry, let me take some
thing with me that is good."
some men And so we left Jenkins in the buttery; and I
dissemSfnf was brought by the Cook through the hall, the
aMTbutetoado fining parlour, and two or three other odd rooms,
my prince and and then into a fair large chamber : where there
vic^ilioidit was, at the same instant, one Priest, called Sat-
any^soSe WELL> saying Mass ; two other Priests kneeling
policy. For the by, whereof one was Campion, and the other
aiwaysSw°n by called PETERS alias COLLINGTON [or rather
strength. Colleton] ; three Nuns, and 37 other people.
When SATWELL had finished his Mass; then CAMPION
he invested himself to say Mass, and so he did : and at the
end thereof, made holy bread and delivered it to the people
there, to every one some, together with holy water ; whereof
he gave me part also.
And then was there a chair set in the chamber something
beneath the Altar, wherein the said Campion did sit down ;
and there made a Sermon very nigh an hour long :
1 had once my fae effect of his text being, as I remember, " That
Commission in . , o u « , v j
my hand to Christ wept over Jerusalem, &c. And so applied
them myself the same to this our country of England for that
ch2mbnerheif the PoPe ms authority and doctrine did not so
1 had, 1 pray flourish here as the same Campion desired.
whVhaf At the end of which Sermon, I gat down unto
happened unto ^ gajd JENKINS SQ soon as T could. For during
the time that the Masses and the Sermon were
made, JENKINS remained still beneath in the buttery or
hall ; not knowing of any such matter until I gave him some
intelligence [of] what I had seen.
And so we departed, with as convenient expedition as we
might, and came to one Master Fettiplace, a Justice of
the Peace in the said country [County]: whom we made
privy of our doings therein ; and required him that, accord
ing to the tenour of our Commission, he would take sufficient
Power, and with us thither.

^Emot.] Search for Campion, &c, at Lyford. 461
Whereupon the said Justice of Peace, within one quarter
of an hour, put himself in a readiness, with forty or fifty men
very well weaponed : who went, in great haste, together with
the said Master Fettiplace and us, to the said Master
Yate his house.
Where, at our coming upon the sudden, being about one
of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, before we
knocked at the gates which were then (as before they were
continually accustomed to be) fast shut (the house being
moated round about ; within which moat was great store of
fruit trees and other trees, with thick hedge rows : so that
the danger for fear of losing of the said CAMPION and his
associates was the more doubted) ; we beset the house with
our men round about the moat in the best sort we could
devise : and then knocked at the gates, and were presently
heard and espied ; but kept out by the space of half an hour.
In which time, as it seemeth, they had hidden Campion
and the other two Priests in a very secret place within the
said house ; and had made reasonable purveyance for him
as hereafter is mentioned : and then they let us into the
house. Where came presently to our sight, Mrs Yate, the good
wife of the house ; five Gentlemen, one Gentlewoman, and
three Nuns : the Nuns being then disguised in one Nun got
Gentlewomen's apparel, not like unto that they t™a,L\d'Cs°un"
heard Mass in. All which I well remembered to have apparei.
seen, the same morning, at the Masses and Sermon aforesaid :
yet every one of them a great while denied it. And especially
the said Mistress Yate ; who could not be content Mistress yate
only to make a plain denial of the said Masses and ^S^™ a
the Priests : but, with great and horrible oaths, for- miv^yov^r^°
sware the same, betaking herself to the Devil if search0™
any such there were ; in such sort as, if I had not seen them
with mine own eyes, I should have believed her. Master yate
But knowing certainly that these were but bare teL'stm', to
excuses, and that we should find the said ^sa0d"nln'for
Campion and his compeers if we made narrow Papistry!
search ; I eftsoons put Master Fettiplace in remembrance
of our Commission : and so he, myself, and the said JENKINS
Her Majesty's Messenger, went to searching the house ;
where we found many secret corners.

462 Jenkins finds Campion's hiding place, [[,n^&
Continuing the search, although with no small toil, in the
orchards, hedges, and ditches, within the moat and divers
other places ; atthe last [we] found out Master Edward Yate,
brother to the good man of the house, and two countrymen
called Weblin and Mansfield, fast locked together in a
pigeon house : but we could not find, at that time, CAMPION
and the other two -Priests whom we specially sought for.
It drew then something towards evening, and doubting
lest we were not strong enough ; we sent our Commission to
one Master Foster, High Sheriff of Berkshire ; and to one
Master WISEMAN, a Justice of Peace within the same
County ; for some further aid at their hands.
The said Master Wiseman came with very good speed
unto us the same evening, with ten or twelve of his own
men, very able men and well appointed : but the said
Master Foster could not be found, as the messenger that
went for him returned us answer.
And so the said house was beset the same night with at
the least three score men well weaponed ; who watched the
same very diligently.
And the next day, being Monday [17th July 1 581], in the
morning very early, came one Master Christopher
Lydcot, a Justice of Peace of the same shire, with a great
sort [company] of his own men, all very well appointed : who,
together with his men, shewed such earnest loyal and for
ward service in those affairs as was no small comfort and
encouragement to all those which were present, and did bear
true hearts and good wills to Her Majesty.
The same morning, began a fresh search for the said
Priests ; which continued with very great labour until about
ten of the clock in the forenoon of the same day : but the
said Priests could not be found, and every man [was] almost
persuaded that they were not there.
Yet still searching, although in effect clean void of any
hope for finding of them, the said David Jenkins, by
GOD's great goodness, espied a certain secret place* which
* In Munday's Brief Discourse, Gr>c. [24 July 1581] there is a
description of this " secret place " ; which may be correct as to its situa
tion in the Manor House at Lyford :
A chamber, near the top of the house ; which was but very simple :
having in it a large great shelf with divers tools and instruments both

nNov.™0''.] The three Priests yield themselves. 463
he quickly found to be hollow ; and with a pin of iron which
he had in his hand much like unto a harrow tine, he forth
with did break a hole into the said place : where
then presently he perceived the said Priests lying cot was then
all close together upon a bed, of purpose there hardby-
laid for them ; where they had bread, meat, and drink suffi
cient to have relieved them three or four days together.
The said JENKINS then called very loudly, and said,
" I have found the traitors !" ; and presently company
enough was with him : who there saw the said Priests
[that], when there was no remedy for them but nolens volens,
courteously yielded themselves.
Shortly after came one Master READE, another Justice
of the Peace of the said shire, to be assistant in these affairs.
Of all which matters, news was immediately carried in
great haste to the Lords of the Privy Council : First myself
who. gave further Commission that the said Priests the court'0
and certain others their associates should be ^ 's*£er me'
brought to the Court under the conduction of Messenger.
myself and the said JENKINS ; with commandment to
the Sheriff to deliver us sufficient aid forth of his shire,
for the safe bringing up of the said people.
After that the rumour and noise for the finding out
of the said Campion, Satwell, and Peters alias
Collington, was in the said house something assuaged ;
and that the sight of them was to the people there no
great novelty : then was the said High Sheriff sent for
once again ; who all that while had not been seen Anthony
in this service. But then came, and received into The"shM!ffth'
his charge the said Priests and certain others and his men
from that day until Thursday following. s^ctioTs'for
The fourth Priest which was by us brought up 3y?£S5 °£
to the Tower, whose name is WILLIAM Filbie, «™book.
upon it, and hanging by it ; which they judged to belong to some cross
bow maker. The simpleness of the place caused them to use small
suspicion in it : and [they] were departing out again ; but one in the
company, by good hap, espied a chink in the wall of boards whereto
this shelf was fastened, and through the same he perceived some light.
Drawing his dagger, he smit a great hole in it ; and saw there was a
room behind it : whereat the rest stayed, searching for some entrance
into it ; which by pulling down a shelf they found, being a little hole for
one to creep in at.

464 Campion, &c, brought to the Tower, [r?N*f™£
was not taken with the said CAMPION and the rest in
the said house : but was apprehended and taken in our
watch [on the 17th], by chance, in coming to the said house
to speak with the said Peters [or Colleton], as he
said ; and thereupon [was] delivered likewise in charge to
the Sheriff, with the rest.
Upon Thursday, the 20th day of July last [1581], we
set forwards from the said Master Yate his house towards
the Court, with our said charge; being assisted by the
said Master Lydcot and Master Wiseman, and a great
sort [company] of their men ; who never left us until we
came to the Tower of London. There were besides, that
guarded us thither, 50 or 60 Horsemen ; very able men and
well appointed : which we received by the said Sheriff
his appointment.
We went that day to Henley upon Thames, where we
lodged that night.
And about midnight we were put into great fear by
reason of a very great cry and noise that the said FlLBIE
made in his sleep ; which wakened the most that were
that night in the house, and that in such sort that every
man almost thought that some of the prisoners had been
broken from us and escaped ; although there was in and
about the same house a very strong watch appointed and
charged for the same. The aforesaid Master LYDCOT was
the first that came unto them : and when the matter was
examined, it was found no more but that the said FlLBIE
was in a dream ; and, as he said, he verily thought one
to be a ripping down his body and taking out his bowels.
The next day, being Friday [21st July 1581], we set
forward from Henley. And by the way received command
ment by a Pursuivant from the Lords of the Privy Council,
that we should stay that night at Colebrook; and the
next day after, being Saturday, to bring them through
the city of London unto the Tower, and there to deliver
them into the charge of Sir OWEN HOPTON Knight, Her
Majesty's Lieutenant of the same; which accordingly we
did. And this is, in effect, the true discourse [of] that was
used in the apprehension of the said CAMPION and his
associates.

itnovJisb!:] Some may marvel at my long silence. 465
Some men may marvel that I would be silent so long
for the setting out of the manner of their takings ; con
sidering I find myself aggrieved with the same untrue report
set out before by the said A. M[unday]. In good faith
I meant nothing less than to take any such matter in
hand, if so great an untruth had not been published against
us that were doers in those affairs ; and besides hitherto
divers other weightier business has partly hindered me
therein. But now at the last, although very late, I have rudely
set down the verity in this matter : thinking it better to
tell a true tale by leisure, than a lie in haste; as the
said A. M., by his former book, hath done to his own
discredit, the deluding of Her Majesty's liege people, and
the slander of some which have intermeddled in the said
cause.

2G

466

The names of those that were taken and brought up to
the Tower of London, as aforesaid.
i. Edward Campion, . . Jesuit and Priest.

2. Thomas Satwell [alias Foord],^
3. John Peters alias Collington I / Priests
[or more properly COLLETON], j
4. William Filbie, j

5. Edward Yate,
6. Edward Keynes, .
7. Humphrey Keynes, . . 1 _. ,_,
, _ /Gentlemen.
8. John Cotton,
9. William Ilsley [or Hildesley],
to. John Jacob [or James], .
11. John Mansfield, . . . (Husbandmen and
12. William Weblin [or Webley], [Neighbours thereby.

[?not.?!s&] Widow Beysaunt's story about Elliot. 467

JlNCE the committing of the persons before-
named to the Tower as aforesaid, there hath
been, for my service done in those and
such like affairs, no small nor few brags,
threatenings, curses, and evil wishes given
out against me by such as, if they were campion,
known, deserve both little liberty and small Tawme^
faVOUr. h.is apprehen-
Some of my friends have doubted [feared] me, That my
lest that sort of lewd people would do their t„rJakidn0gnofn
good wills to hurt me by some secret device, 5Ss>^S"ebJ)
as conjuration, witchcraft, or such like ; the me. . And in
which I rather think to be true, for that, shortly towirXthe
after the foresaid business ended, it pleased Jsedemehtoget
GOD to visit me with some sickness after I gut of England
.- , • 1 . , 1 r *or tne safety
was gone to bed at night; which indeed for of my body.
two or three hours handled me something hardly. But,
GOD I take to witness, I never was of that opinion
that it came to me by any other means but only by
riding post two or three journies about the business
aforesaid. Yet, within one day or two after my sickness, there came
to a neighbour's house [to] where I lodged in Southwark, one
Mistress Beysaunt, a widow, whose abode is most about
St. Mary Overies, and at the last by report smelleth of
Papistry, and asked the good wife of the house for me, and
what she had lately heard of me.
She answered, She knew me not ; nor nothing she had
heard of me.
Then said Mistress Beysaunt, " The very truth is, it is
he that took CAMPION and the rest of the company that are
in the Tower ; and was the cause that Master Roper
and divers other good men are troubled : and the It seemeth she
last day," saith she, "he did fall mad in the was privy to
street, and was carried so into his lodging ; prlTc'tice0"
and is not like[ly] to escape with life. I pray ^natme-
you inquire further of him, and let me have knowledge
thereof." So that hereby I may plainly see that the Papists take
great care for me : but whether it be for my weal or woe,

468 T. Roper committed through Elliot, [[j^;*''
and what her meaning was, let the world judge. But let
the Devil, the Pope, and them do what they can ; my faith
standeth so sure on CHRIST JESUS my Saviour, that through
him I defy them all.
There hath been great murmuring and grudging against
me about the committing of the aforesaid Master Thomas
Roper ; and many faults have been found for the same.
What I did therein I mean not here to recite : but my
dealings in those causes are known to such as before
whom I think the fault finders dare not shew their faces.
But whatsoever I did against him, I would have done
against mine own father ; the case standing as it did.
Yet such find-faults, to make the matter seem more
odious to the World against me, do not stick to report
and say, That the said Master ROPER hath brought me
up from my childhood to this day at his only charges.
Which is so false as GOD is true. For although I was
his servant ; I continued with him, in all, not past one
year. But to conclude. A great number of such like untruths
have been published against me, and no few bold brags ;
as report goeth. I could name some if I would: but I
let them pass ; unless I be commanded to the contrary
by such as have authority to deal with me therein. GOD
grant them amendment, I mean not towards myself; or
else make their doings known in such sort as they may
have their deservings ; or at least be put to the mercy of
Her Majesty : to whose Highness, JESUS send long life, a
prosperous reign, with all joy and felicity !
George Elliot.

Imprinted at London at the Three Cranes in the Vintry,
by Thomas Dawson.
1581.

469

On 12 March 1582, there was entered for publication at Stationers'
Hall [Arber, Transcript 8r*c, II. 408.] A brief Answer made unto
two seditious Pamphlets. By A. M. [Anthony Munday.] The
Preface to the Reader is however dated " From Barbican, the 22 of
March 1582."
We give here the beginning of this Answer ; the side notes being, of
course, the comments of Anthony Munday.

JOT long after I had published [on 22
January 1582] my book called The Dis
covery of Campion ; there came unto my
hands a seditious pamphlet in the French
tongue, intituled The History of the
Death which the Reverend Father, Master
Edmund Campion Priest, of the Society of
the name offssus, and others have suffered
in England for the Catholic, or Romish, religion ^j-lf™?1^.
or faith, the ist December 1 581 ; adding underneath for High
Translated out of English into French, [am.™'
When I had thoroughly perused this book, noting the
traitorous effects and slanderous speeches therein contained,
receiving the judgment likewise of divers learned and godly
men : as well to correct the manifest untruths wherewith
this pamphlet is notably stuffed, as also that the godly and
virtuous may discern their apparent impudency and wicked
nature ; I resolved myself to shape a brief Answer to such
a shameless libel ; myself being therein untruly and
maliciously abused.
First, our nameless historiographer, because he would aim
his course after some odd manner of conveyance, The manner of
taketh occasion to begin his book with the taking ^itSm?"
of Campion, his bringing to the Tower, what b°°k- tA-M-i
happened in his time of stay there, and lastly his martyrdom
(as he termeth it) with two other holy and devout Priests ;
and, in this manner continuing his unadvised labour, he
beginneth as hereafter followeth :

470 Elliot falsely accused of a murder. [m^1^*
George Elliot {sometime servant to Master Thomas
Roper ; and since belonging to a Gentlewoman, the widow of
Sir William Petre : in whose service he made show to be a
sound and good Catholic) not long since committed a murder,
To build u on as men say ; for which offence, fearing the danger
hearsay that was like[ly] to ensue, he went and submitted
sie'nde'r fci'nd- himself to one of the chief Lords in the Court ; and,
auon. [a.m.] tne better to win his favour, on his own behalf
promised to deliver into his hands the Father Edmund Campion.
This promise, saith he, was received ; and unto the said
George and an Officer, was delivered Commission to take and
apprehend the said Edmund Campion.
Then went they on their way, and coming into Berkshire to
[the] house of one Master Yate; George Elliot met with
the Cook of the house with whom he was very well acquainted,
because they had before both served one Master.
His Master The Cook, thinking no ill, began to tell him many
ga^i'at^Rela-6 things ; and that Father Campion was in the house
thf "n how ge with his Master.
Campion Upon which report, George sent his fellow to the
"°withhu' 'n fustice, who was a very great Calvinist. And he in
Masler'[A.M.] mean while was brought into the house by the said
Cook : where, like another fuD as, traitor and disloyal, he first
attended the sacrifice of the Mass which was celebrated that
day by the Father Edmund, as also a Sermon which he made.
In which time behold a good man came running, willing them
to take heed of a present treason.
Scantly was all carried away that had served for the Mass
and the Sermon ; but the fustice was there arrived with [a]
very great force, besetting the house round about, that none
should escape away.
After very diligent search through all the chambers and
other more secret places ; they were determined to return, as not
finding anything, until they were advertised {either by George,
who had understood it of the Cook ; or by some other) of a
certain corner, more dark and subtle ; where they found the
Father Edmund and two other Priests hidden : who, the same
day, with Gentlemen and other persons, were sent up to
London ; a spectacle of great joy unto their adversaries.
This much of our French historian's words, I thought

ffl Elliot's service with Lady Petre. 471
good in this place to set down : because the disproof
By that which thereto annexed may discover what truth all
followeth, they of this sect frequent in any of their actions.
written by
George«K'°coSer This aforenamed GEORGE Elliot came home
the troth of this unto my lodging [? in Barbican, see page 469; and
report.!. . jn February 1582]; where I shewed him the slanders
that were used of him in the French book.
Whereupon, taking good advice, and noting the circum
stances that so highly touched him ; upon his conscience,
he delivereth this unreprovable Answer.

George Elliot his Answer, to clear himself of the
former untrue Objections.
j|B0UT three years since [? 1578] it was my for
tune to serve Master Thomas Roper of
[Orpington in] Kent. With whom I had not
stayed past eleven weeks, but Payne the Priest
(of whom mention is made [see page 453] in the
Discovery of Campion set forth by the Author of this book
[U. ANTHONY Munday] ) inticed me [in November 1578]
from thence to serve my Lady Petre, to whom the said
Payne served craftily as Steward of her house.
With her I continued almost two years [ ? Nov. 1578-
Nov. 1580]. In which time, being myself bent
somewhat to that religion, frequenting the com- quenteth their
pany of a number of Papists, I perceived their &Sp^"th^a11
dealings to be, as they are indeed, full of wicked dealings dis-
° , , ,. . . , , loyal and
treasons and unnatural dispositions, too bad to traitorous.
be named. The conceit whereof (examining [AM]
first my duty to GOD, next my love to my Princess
[Sovereign], and last the care of my country,) by the
grace and permission of GOD, offered me so great dis
liking of their dealings that, so warily and conveniently
as I might, I weaned my affection from their abominable
infection : nevertheless using their companies still, for that
it gave me the better occasion to see into the depth of their
horrible inventions.

472 The Council want Payne the Priest. [£bES:
From my Lady Petre, in November was twelvemonth
[1580], by entreaty I came to Master Roper's again.
With whom I continued till Whitsuntide last [14th May
1 581], when my conscience hardly digesting such a weighty
burden as with their devices and practices it was very
sore ladened ; I was constrained to give over that slavish
kind of life, and humbly committed my reconciliation to
the Right Honourable and my good Lord, the Earl of
Leicester : to whom I made known the grievous estate
of my life which, for the space of four years, I had endured
amongst them.
Now whereas it hath pleased my adversary to set down
that I committed a murder, and to avoid the danger of law
offered to the aforesaid my good Lord to deliver
unto him Edmund Campion, thereby to obtain my
pardon.
How untrue this is, his Honour very well knoweth ; and so do
it is very un- a number more besides. For, in truth, I neither,
wS]nevere' as then, knew Campion, had never seen him in
saw campion au my jjfe nor knew where or in what place
in all his life, J . ; t , , i i
nor knew he was, it is very unhke[ly] then I should make
=ouid make"' him any such promise. But that he may learn
bSnlST*40 another time to order his matters with more
forth, cam.] truth and discretion ; I will set down both how
I went, with what Commission, and to what intent: and
then let him have judgment according to the credit of his
Work :

When I had revealed the traitorous speeches of PAYNE
the Priest (how, and after what manner, you may read in
the book [by Anthony Munday] before expressed [see
page 453] ) I was demanded, If I knew where he was at that
time? I could not make any certain answer.
Whereupon I was demanded again, If I would do my
endeavour to search him out ?
Whereto, according to my bounden duty, I agreed right
willingly.

Feb™&] Elliot hopes to meet Payne at Lyford. 473
Then was I appointed, in company with David Jenkins,
one of the Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber ; t saw the
and to us was delivered a Warrant to take and ^^"V"7"
apprehend, not any one man, but all Priests, neither was
Jesuits, and such like seditious persons, as in pAVNE°o'rany
our journey we should meet withal. Neither was SJ^?^ta//
CAMPION, Payne, or any one man named in the Priests,
Warrant : for that as the one was judged hard to S^Jatma
be found ; so it was uncertain where to find him persms\x.u.]
[that] I knew well enough.
Wherefore remembering, when I served Master Roper,
that there was one Thomas Cooper a Cook, who
served him likewise, and also knew the aforesaid PAYNE ;
to him I thought good to go, because I had understanding
that he dwelt at Lyford in Berkshire with one Master
YATE who was a very earnest Papist and gave great enter
tainment to all of that sect : thinking as it might so fall
out that we either might find the said PAYNE there, or else
understand where he was. And considering the generality
[comprehensiveness] of our Warrant, some other Priests
might chance to be there ; in respect that he was such
a host for all of that disposition.
When we came to Lyford, and had talked with this
aforesaid THOMAS COOPER ; we were framing ourselves to
depart thence, not having been within the house at all.
But he desiring us to stay dinner, we alighted and went
in with him ; he not telling me that
Campion was there with his Master
for he [Master Yate] was then in the gaol at Reading; or
any other Priest : though it hath pleased our nameless
Author to write so.
When we were within the house, this COOPER brought
us into the buttery : where he, whispering me in A hoIy kind of
the ear, demanded, If my fellow were within the w^^the
Church or no ? as much to say as, Whether he DevUis vicar.
was a Papist or no ? [A'M"]
I answered, " He was not ; yet nevertheless," quoth I,
" he is" a very honest man, and one that wisheth well that
way." Then said the Cook, "Will you go up ? "
Hereby I understood that he would bring me to a Mass.

474 Elliot's first sight of Campion. [&™£-
Whereto I consenting, leaving DAVID JENKINS in the
buttery, he brought me up : where, after one SATWELL alias
FOORD had said Mass, Campion prepared himself to say
Mass. And there was the first time that ever I saw
Campion in all my life : not having heard by any that
he was there in the house, before I was brought up into the
chamber. As concerning how he was taken, how he was brought
up to London, and how all things passed in that service ;
I have already set down in my book imprinted : which
conferring with his false report, you shall find it as much to
differ as truth doth from falsehood.
This have I thought good here to set down, in the
reproof of him who hath published such a manifest untruth :
and as concerning what I have reported to be spoken
by PAYNE, I am ready at all times to justify it with
my death, that they are his words according as he spake
them.
By me George Elliot.

i58q.
Est natura hominum novitatis avida.

THE SCOTTISH QUEEN's
Burial at Peterborough,
upon Tuesday, being Lammas Day
[ist August] 1587.

LONDON.
Printed by A. J. [Abel Jeffes] for Edward Venge ;
and are to be sold at his shop
without Bishops Gate.

tThe unique copy of this Tract is preserved in the Advocates' Library
at Edinburgh. As it is however, somewhat confusedly written; its
information has been corrected and completed from other contemporary

The following is a truer account of the actual interment :
On Sunday, being the 30th of July, 1587, in the 29th year of the reign
of Elizabeth the Queen's Majesty of England, there went from Peter
borough Master William Dethick, alias Garter Principal King of
Arms, and five Heralds, accompanied by 40 horse and men, to conduct
the body of Mary, late Queen of Scots, from Fotheringhay Castle in
Northamptonshire (which Queen had remained prisoner in England
nineteen years) : having for that purpose, brought a royal coach drawn
by four horses, and covered with black velvet ; richly set forth with
escutcheons of the Arms of Scotland, and little pennons round about it.
The body (being enclosed in lead ; and the same coffined in wood)
was brought down, and reverently put into the coach.
At which time, the Heralds put on their Coats of Arms, and bare
headed, with torches' light, brought the same forth of the Castle, about
ten of the clock at night : and so conveyed it to Peterborough [eleven]
miles distant from Fotheringhay Castle.
Whither being come, about two of the clock on the Monday morning
{31st July] ; the body was received most reverently at the Minster Door
of Peterborough, by the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, and [Robert
Cooke] Clarenceux King at Arms.
And, in the presence of the Scots which came with the same, it was
laid in a Vault prepared for the same, in the Quire of the said Church,
on the south side ; opposite to the tomb of Queen Katharine [of
Arragon], Dowager of Spain, the first wife of King Henry the Eighth.
The occasion why the body was forthwith laid into the Vault, and not
borne in the Solemnity ; was because it was so extreme[ly] heavy, by
reason of the lead, that the Gentlemen could not have endured to have
carried it, with leisure, in the solemn proceeding : and besides, [it] was
feared that the solder might rip ; and, [it] being very hot weather, might
be found some annoyance.
A Remembrance of the Order and Manner of the Burial of Mary,
Queen of Scots. Printed in Archaologia, I., 155 [for 355], 1770.

The following additional details are given in the Account drawn up
by [Doctor Richard Fletcher] the Dean of Peterborogh. See S.
Gunton, History of the Cathedral of Peterburgh, p. 78. Ed. 1686.
The body, with the closures, weighed nine hundred weight ; which
being carried, and attended orderly by the said persons, was committed
to the ground in the Vault appointed : and immediately the Vault was
covered, saving a small hole left open for the Staffs to [be] broken into.
There were at that time, not any Offices of the Church Service done :
the Bishop being ready to have executed therein. But it was by all that
were present, as well Scottish as others, thought good and agreed, that
it should be done at the day and time of Solemnity.]

T'he Scottish Queen's Burial at Peterborough,
upon 'Tuesday, being Lammas Day
[ist August], 1587.

Er body was brought in a coach, about
100 attending thereon, from Fotheringhay
Castle, upon Sunday [30th July], at night.
[Richard Howland] the Bishop of
Peterborough, [Richard Fletcher]
the Dean [of Peterborough], the Prebends,
and the rest [of the Chapter] met the same
at the Bridge; being not far from the
town : and so conveyed it to the Bishop's Palace, and from
thence upon Tuesday being Lammas Day, [it] was carried to
the Church, where she was buried * on the south side of the
Hearse by torchlight.
The Hearse [or Catafalque] was made field-bed wise ; the
valance of black velvet, with a gold fringe ; [and] the top of
* There is a Memorial entered on the wall of the Cathedral of Peter
borough, for one [named Robert Scarlet] who, being Sfxton thereof,
interred two Queens therein (Katharine Dowager and Mary of Scot
land) ; more than fifty years interceding betwixt their several sepultures.
This vivacious Sexton also buried two generations ; or the people in
that place twice over. Thus having built many houses (so I find graves
frequently called domus mternales) for others : some, as it was fitting,
performed this last office unto him. [He died on 2nd July 1594,
*t. 98.] Thomas Fuller, Worthies, &°c, ii. 293., Ed. 1663.

47 8 The Mourners come to Peterborough. [15'8
the imperial covered with baize. About it, were set ten
Posies [of the Motto of the Arms of Scotland], In my
defence, GOD me defend! with ten Scutcheons great and
little ; and, at the top, a double one with a crown imperial
thereupon. The Supporters [were] Unicorns, with ioo pen
nons or little flags. It was impaled with baize ; and in it
[were] fourteen stools, with black velvet cushions.
Upon the pillars supporting the imperial of the Hearse, the
which were all covered with velvet, were fixed Scutcheons :
bearing either [the] Red Lion alone ; or else parted with the
Arms of France, or with the arms of the Lord Lenox.
The Church and Chancel were hanged with baize and
Scutcheons, as at other funerals.

[Here must be inserted some additional information :
Upon Monday, in the afternoon, came to Peterburgh, all
the Lords and Ladies and other Assistants appointed ; and
at the Bishop's Palace was prepared [at Queen Elizabeth's
expense] a great supper for them : where all, at one table,
supped in the Great Chamber ; [it] being hanged with black.
Dean R. Fletcher, in S. Gunton's History, &c, p. 78, Ed. 1686,
On Tuesday, being the ist of August, in the morning,
about eight of the clock, the Chief Mourner, being [BRIDGET
Russell] the Countess of Bedford [now the Widow of her
third husband], was attended upon by all the Lords and
Ladies ; and brought into the Presence Chamber within the
Bishop's Palace : which [Chamber], all over, was hanged
with black cloth.
She was, by the Queen's Majesty's Gentlemen Ushers,
placed somewhat under a Cloth of Estate [canopy] of purple
velvet : where, (having given to the [Gentlemen representing,
on this occasion, the] Great Officers, their Staffs of Office (viz.
to the Lord Steward ; Lord Chamberlain ; the Treasurer,
and Comptroller [of the Household]), she took her way into
the Great Hall.
A Remembrance of the Order, cVv. Archaologia, I., 155 [for 355!
1770]-

J?.] The Order of the Funeral Procession. 479
The Mourners came out of the Bishop's Palace ; being set
in order by the Heralds thus :
First 100 Releevants ; poor old women, for the most part
widows : in black cloth gowns, with an ell of white holland
over their heads ; which they had for their labour, and nine
shillings apiece in money. These divided themselves in the
body of the Church ; and stood half on the one side, and
half on the other: and there stood during the whole
Solemnity. At the Church door, the Singing Men and Quiristers met
the Mourners with a Psalm ; and led them the way into
the Chancel, continuing singing, with the Organ, until the
Sermon began.
Then followed two Yeomen, viz. : the Sheriff [of Northamp
tonshire]^ Bailiff and the Bailiff of Peterborough ; with black
staves. And after them [100 poor men, in] Mourning Coats.
Then Sir George Savile, in a Mourning gown, carry
ing the great Standard : viz. a Cross on a Field azure ; the
Streamer, a Unicorn argent in a Field of guiles ; a Posy
written, In my defence, GOD me defend!
Then followed Mourning Cloaks, two by two, a great
number : whereof the first were the late Queen's Officers.
And after them, Mourning Gowns.
Among these Officers of her House was [Monsieur du
Preau] a French Jesuit, her Confessor, with a golden
crucifix about his neck ; which he did wear openly : and
being told, That the people murmured and disliked at it ;
he said, He would do it, though he died for it. Thus we
may see how obdurate their hearts are in malice ; and how
obstinate they shew themselves in the vain toys and super
stitious trifles of their own imaginations.
Then [Richard Fletcher] the Dean [of Peter
borough]. Next the two Bishops: [RICHARD Howland] of
Peterborough, and [William Wickham, * of] Lin
coln. [Charles Willoughby,] the Lord Willoughby of Par-
ham ;
[Lewis Mordaunt,] the Lord Mordaunt [of Turvey];
[Henry Compton,] the Lord Compton ;

480 The Order of the Funeral Procession. [r ?8
Sir Thomas Cecil [afterwards Lord Burlegh, and
later Earl of Exeter] :
All four, in gowns, with White Staffs ; representing the
[Lord] Steward ; [the Lord] Chamberlain ; [the] Treasurer,
and [the] Controller [of the Queen's Household].
After these, 16 Scots and Frenchmen ; which had been
Officers in her [Queen Mary's] House.
Then Sir Andrew Noel alone, carrying the Banner of
Scotland. Then [William, afterwards Sir William, Segar] Per-
cullis the Herald [Portcullis Pursuivant] bearing the Crown
[or Helmet] and Crest : thereon a red lion rampant crowned,
holding a sword the point upward ; the Helmet overmanteled
guiles powdered ermine.
Then the Target [or Shield, borne by John Raven,]
Rouge Dragon [Pursuivant] ;
The Sword by [Humphrey Hales] York [Herald] ;
The Coat of Arms by [Robert Glover,] Somerset
Herald. Then [Robert Cooke] Clarenceux [King at Arms]
with a Gentleman at Arms [or rather, a Gentleman
Usher]. Then followed the Coffin [empty of course], covered with
a pall of velvet ; six Scutcheons fixed thereon, upon the head
whereof stood a Crown of Gold.
Six Gentlemen bare [the supposed] corpse, under a velvet
canopy borne by these four Knights :
Sir Thomas Manners,
Sir John Hastings,
Sir James Harington,
Sir Richard Knightley.
Eight Banerols [a Banner, about a yard square, borne at
the funerals of great persons] borne by eight Squires ; four
on either side of the Coffin.
After the [supposed] corpse, came the Head Mourner
[Bridget Russell,] the Countess of Bedford; assisted
by the two Earls [John Manners,] of Rutland and
[Henry Clinton, of] Lincoln: [Lucy,] the Lady St.
JOHN of Basing bearing her train.

JJ Mary's Household avoid the Sermon. 481
Then followed, by two and two, other Ladies :
[William Dethick gives us a fuller List of these Ladies than
this Tract. The brackets show those who went together.
Elizabeth Manners, the Countess of Rutland. \
Elizabeth Clinton, the Countess of Lincoln. )
Anne, the [? Dowager] Lady Talbot. )
The Lady Mary Savile. .1
Elizabeth, the Lady Mordaunt. )
Catharine, the Lady St. John of Bletsoe. )
Theodosia, Wife of Sir Thomas Manners. )
Dorothy, Wife of Sir Thomas Cecil. j
Elizabeth, Wife of Sir Edward Montagu. )
Mabel, Wife of Sir Andrew Noel. j
Mistress ALINGTON. )
A Scottish Gentlewoman.) ]
The other Gentlemen.
The ten Scottish and French Women of the [late] Queen's
[Household] : with black attire on their heads, of Taffaty
before ; and behind, White Lawn hanging down, like French
Hoods. They, with the Scottish and French men, did all go out
before the Sermon, except Master Melvin [i.e. Andrew
Melville ; and also Barbara Mowbray] who stayed ; and
came in when it was ended.

The Head Mourner and the [twelve] Ladies, with the two
Earls assistant were placed within the Hearse [or Catafalque].
The two Knights, with their Banners, were set at the East
end of the Hearse, without the pale : and the eight Squires,
with their Bannerols, four of a side, in like manner without
the pale.
All the rest of the Mourners were carried up by a Herald
above the Hearse ; and placed of each side, the women next
the altar.
The Bishop and the Dean [of Peterborough] stood at the
altar, with two gilded basons.

All which being placed and set, and the Church quiet;
2H 1

482 Bishop Wickham's Funeral Prayer. [is!8
[William Wickham,] the Bishop of Lincoln began his
Sermon [out of Psalm xxxix. 5-7].*
And in his prayer [when he gave thanks for such as
were translated out of this Vale of Misery, he] used these
words :
" Let us bless GOD for the happy dissolution of Mary,
late the Scottish Queen and Dowager of France. Of whose
life and departure, whatsoever shall be expected, I have
nothing to say : for that I was unacquainted with the one ;
and not present at the other. Of Her Majesty's faith and
end, I am not to judge. It is a charitable saying of the
Father Luther ' Many [a] one liveth a Papist ; and dieth a
Protestant.' Only this I have been informed, That she took
her death patiently; and recommended herself wholly to
Jesus Christ."
The Sermon ended, a long piece of velvet and a cushion
were carried and laid before the Countess [of Bedford], to
go and kneel upon; hard before the Bishop [of Peter
borough]^ feet.
Then, by [Garter,] the King of Heralds, were carried the
four Officers with their White Staffs; and placed two at
the top of the stairs under the Bishop, and two beneath
them. Then the two principal Heralds [Garter and Clarenceux]
fetched up the Countess ; the two Earls [of Rutland and
Lincoln] leading her, and the Lady St John [of Basing]
bearing up her train.
There she kneeled awhile.
And then all returned to their places.
This was the First Offering [for Queen Elizabeth].
Not[e] that Brakenbury went this time before her [the
Countess of Bedford].
The two Earls [were] placed without the pale [of the
Hearse], before the Countess.
One of the Kings of Heralds fetched from the Hearse, the
Coat Armour ; brought it down to the other King of Heralds;
* In the discourse of his Text, he only dealt with general doctrine, of
the vanity of all flesh. Dean R Fletcher.

1589.

] The English Ladies kiss the Scotch. 483

and he delivered it to the two Earls. They carried it,
obeisance being done to the Countess, to the Bishop [of
PETERBOROUGH] ; and kissed it in delivering of it A third
Herald took it of the Bishop; and laid it down on the
altar. The Sword, the Target, the Helmet, Crown, and Crest, in
like sort was all done by the two Earls : kissing their hands
before them.
Then were the two Banners carried, by one after another,
severally by those that brought them ; and so set upon the
altar, leaning to the wall.
The other eight Bannerols were put into the Hearse as
they stood.

Then went the Countess [of Bedford], Master John
Manners [acting as Vice Chamberlain,] holding up her
train the second time ; and offered alone [for herself] to the
Bishop. Then the Ladies and Gentlemen, by two and two, went
up and offered.
Then the [four] Officers with White Staffs offered.
And, last of all, came there a Herald to the pulpit ; and
fetched the Bishop of Lincoln.
And then the most part of the Mourners departed, in the
same order they came in : and towards the door of the
Chancel, stood the Scottish women, parted on both sides ; and
as the English Ladies passed, they kissed them all.
Then over the Vault, where the body lay; [Richard
Fletcher] the Dean [of Peterborough] read the ordinary
words of [the] Burial [Service].
And this being done : the four Officers brake their White
Staffs over their heads ; and threw them into the Vault.
[Dean Fletcher's The Manner of the Solemnity, &°c, concludes thus :
And so they departed to the Bishop's House : where was

484 Thousands of people at the Funeral. [I5'8g
a great feast appointed accordingly [at Queen Elizabeth's
expense*]. The concourse of people was of many thousands.
And, after dinner, the Nobles departed away ; every one
towards his own home.
The Master of the [Queen's] Wardrobe paid to the Church,
for breaking of the ground in the Quire, and making the
grave, £10 ; and for Blacks of the Quire and Church, ^20.*]
FINIS.
* The total of Queen Elizabeth's expenses for this Funeral
amounted to ^321, 14s. 6d.

T [h O M a s] D [e l o n e y] .
Three Ballads on the Armada fight.
[Original broadsides, in British Museum. C. 18. e. 2/62-64.}
A joyful new Ballad declaring the happy obtaining of the great
Galleazzo, wherein Don Pedro de Valdez was the chief;
through the mighty power and providence of GOD : being a
special token of His gracious and fatherly goodness towards us ;
to the great encouragement of all those that willingly fight in the
defence of His Gospel and our good
Queen of England.
To the tune of Monsieur's Almain.
[Entered at Stationers' Hall, loth August, 1588 j see Transcript, ii. 495. Ed. 1875.]
Noble England,
fall down upon thy knee !
And praise thy GOD, with thankful heart,
which still maintaineth thee !
The foreign forces
that seek thy utter spoil,
Shall then, through His especial grace,
be brought to shameful foil.
With mighty power,
they come unto our coast ;
To overrun our country quite,
they make their brags and boast.

486 " Fight for LORD & our good Queen ! " [Jgg^fi
In strength of men
they set their only stay ;
But we, upon the LORD our GOD
will put our trust alway !
Great is their number
of ships upon the sea ;
And their provision wonderful :
but, LORD, Thou art our stay !
Their armed soldiers
are many by account ;
Their aiders eke in this attempt
do, sundry ways, surmount.
The Pope of Rome,
with many blessed grains,
To sanctify their bad pretence,
bestoweth both cost and pains,
But little land
is not dismayed at all !
The LORD, no doubt ! is on our side,
which soon will work their fall.
In happy hour,
our foes we did descry !
And under sail, with gallant wind,
as they came passing by.
Which sudden tidings
to Plymouth being brought ;
Full soon our Lord High Admiral,
for to pursue them sought.
And to his train
courageously he said,
" Now, for the LORD, and our good Queen,
to fight be not afraid !
Regard our Cause !
and play your parts like men !

»Aug°"88.1 The mighty Gallias ashore at Calais. 487
The LORD, no doubt ! will prosper us
in all our actions then."
This great Galleazzo
which was so huge and high,
That, like a bulwark on the sea
did seem to each man's eye.
There was it taken,
unto our great relief,
And divers nobles, in which train
Don Pedro was the chief.
Strong was she stuffed
with cannons great and small,
And other instruments of war,
Which we obtained all.
A certain sign
of good success, we trust :
That GOD will overthrow the rest,
as he hath done the first.
Then did our Navy
pursue the rest amain,
With roaring noise of cannons great,
till they, near Calais came.
With manly courage
they followed them so fast ;
Another mighty Galleon
did seem to yield at last :
And in distress
for safeguard of their lives,
A flag of truce, they did hand out,
with many mournful cries.
Which when our men
did perfectly espy
Some little barks they sent to her,
tp board her quietly.

488 Death of Captain de Moncaldo. [£2J£SB:
But these false Spaniards
esteeming them but weak,
When they within their danger came,
their malice forth did break :
With charged cannons
they laid about them then,
For to destroy those proper barks
and all their valiant men.
Which when our men
preceived so to be ;
Like lions fierce, they forward went
to 'quite this injury ;
And boarding them
with strong and mighty hand,
They killed the men, until their Ark
did sink in Calais sand.
The chiefest Captain
of this Galleon so high,
Don Hugo de Moncaldo, he
within this fight did die :
Who was the General
of all the Galleons great,
But through his brains, with powder's force,
a bullet strong did beat.
And many more,
by sword, did lose their breath,
And many more within the sea
did swim, and took their death.
There might you see
the salt and foaming flood,
Died and stained like scarlet red
with store of Spanish blood.
This mighty vessel
was threescore yards in length,

»S£MlI Not a ship of ours was lost! 489
Most wonderful, to each man's eye,
for making and for strength.
In her were placed
a hundred cannons great,
And mightily provided eke
with bread-corn, wine, and meat.
There were of oars
two hundred, I ween.
Threescore feet and twelve in length
well measured to be seen ;
And yet subdued,
with many others more :
And not a ship of ours lost !
the LORD be thanked therefore !
Our pleasant country,
so beautiful and so fair,
They do intend, by deadly war,
to make both poor and bare.
Our towns and cities,
to rack and sack likewise,
To kill and murder man and wife
as malice doth arise ;
And to deflour
our virgins in our sight ;
And in the cradle cruelly
the tender babe to smite.
GOD's Holy Truth,
they mean for to cast down,
And to deprive our noble Queen
both of her life and crown.
Our wealth and riches,
which we enjoyed long ;
They do appoint their prey and spoil
by cruelty and wrong,

490 Intended mercies of the Spaniards. [SaJb.0^
To set our houses
a fire on our heads ;
And cursedly to cut our throats
As we lie in our beds.
Our children's brains
to dash against the ground,
And from the earth our memory
for ever to confound.
To change our joy
to grief and mourning sad,
And never more to see the days
of pleasure we have had.
But GOD Almighty
be blessed evermore !
Who doth encourage Englishmen
to beat them from our shore,
With roaring cannons
their hasty steps to stay,
And with the force of thundering shot,
to make them fly away ;
Who made account,
before this time or day,
Against the walls of fair London
their banners to display.
But their intent,
the LORD will bring to nought,
If faithfully we call and cry
for succour as we ought.
And yours, dear brethren !
which beareth arms this day,
For safeguard of your native soil ;
mark well, what I shall say !
Regard your duties !
think on your country's good !

ItSZ&t] "The Queen will be among you I " 491
And fear not in defence thereof,
to spend your dearest blood !
Our gracious Queen
doth greet you every one !
And saith, " She will among you be
in every bitter storm !
Desiring you
true English hearts to bear
To GOD ! to her ! and to the land
wherein you nursed were ! "
LORD GOD Almighty !
(which hath the hearts in hand,
Of every person to dispose)
defend this English land !
Bless Thou, our Sovereign
with long and happy life !
Endue her Council with Thy grace J
and end this mortal strife !
Give to the rest
of commons more and less,
Loving hearts ! obedient minds !
and perfect faithfulness !
That they and we,
and all, with one accord,
On Sion hill, may sing the praise
of our most mighty LORD.
T. D.
FINIS.

Printed by John Wolfe
for Edward White
1588.

492 The Queen's intent to see Tilbury Camp. [£aJ£°J$];

The Queen's visiting of the Camp at Tilbury, with her
entertainment there.
To the tune of Wilson's wild.
[Entered at Stationers' Hall, loth August, 1588; see Transcript, ii. 495. Ed. 1875.]
Ithin the year of Christ our Lord,
a thousand and five hundred full,
And eighty-eight by just record,
the which no man may disannul ;
And in the thirtieth year remaining,
of good Queen Elizabeth's reigning .
A mighty power there was prepared
By Philip, then the King of Spain,
Against the Maiden Queen of England ;
Which in peace before did reign.
Her royal ships, to sea she sent
to guard the coast on every side ;
And seeing how her foes were bent,
her realm full well she did provide
With many thousands so prepared
as like was never erst declared ;
Of horsemen and of footmen plenty,
whose good hearts full well is seen,
In the safeguard of their country
and the service of our Queen.
In Essex fair, that fertile soil
upon the hill of Tilbury,
To give our Spanish foes the foil
in gallant camps they now do lie,
Where good order is ordained,
and true justice eke maintained
For the punishment of persons
that are lewd or badly bent.
To see a sight so strange in England,
'Twas our gracious Queen's intent.

EaSM The Queen leaves Whitehall, 8th Aug 493
And on the eighth of August, she
from fair St. James's, took her way,
With many Lords of high degree,
in princely robes and rich array ;
And to barge upon the water
(being King Henry's royal daughter !)
She did go, with trumpets sounding,
and with dubbing drums apace,
Along the Thames, that famous river,
for to view the Camp a space.
When she, as far as Gravesend came,
right over against that pretty town,
Her royal Grace with all her train
was landed there with great renown.
The Lords, and Captains of her forces,
mounted on their gallant horses,
Ready stood to entertain her,
like martial men of courage bold
" Welcome to the Camp, dread Sovereign ! "
Thus they said, both young and old.
The Bulwarks strong, that stood thereby,
well guarded with sufficient men,
Their flags were spread courageously,
their cannons were discharged then.
Each gunner did declare his cunning
for joy conceived of her coming.
All the way her Grace was riding,
on each side stood armed men,
With muskets, pikes, and good calivers,
for her Grace's safeguard then.
The Lord General of the field
had there his bloody Ancient borne,
The Lord Marshal's colours eke
were carried there, all rent and torn,

494 Simply passes through the Camp. [Sa^S
The which with bullets was so burned
when in Flanders he sojourned.
Thus in warlike wise they marched,
even as soft as foot could fall ;
Because her Grace was fully minded
perfectly to view them all.
Her faithful soldiers, great and small,
as each one stood within his place,
Upon their knees began to fall
desiring GOD, to " save her Grace ! "
For joy whereof, her eyes were filled
that the water down distilled ;
" LORD bless you all, my friends ! " she said,
" but do not kneel so much to me ! "
Then sent she warning to the rest,
they should not let such reverence be.
Then casting up her Princely eyes
unto the hill with perfect sight,
The ground all covered, she espies,
with feet of armed soldiers bright :
Whereat her royal heart so leaped,
on her feet upright she stepped.
Tossing up her plume of feathers
to them all as they did stand,
Cheerfully her body bending,
waving of her royal hand.
Thus through the Camp she passed quite,
in manner as I have declared.
At Master Rich's, for that night,
her Grace's lodging was prepared.
The morrow after her abiding,
on a princely palfrey riding ;
To the Camp, she came to dinner,
with her Lords and Ladies all.

J 9 9 9

"SJ Procession at the Review on gra August. 495
The Lord General went to meet her,
with his Guard of Yeomen tall.

The Sergeant Trumpet, with his mace,
And nine with trumpets after him,
Bareheaded went before Her Grace
in coats of scarlet trim.
The King of Heralds, tall and comely,
was the next in order duly,
With the famous Arms of England
wrought with rich embroidered gold
On finest velvet, blue and crimson,
that for silver can be sold.
With maces of clean beaten gold,
the Queen's two Sergeants then did ride,
Most comely men for to behold,
in velvet coats and chains beside.
The Lord General then came riding,
and Lord Marshal hard beside him,
Richly were they both attired
in princely garments of great price ;
Bearing still their hats and feathers
in their hands, in comely wise.
Then came the Queen, on prancing steed,
attired like an angel bright ;
And eight brave footmen at her feet
whose jerkins were most rich in sight.
Her Ladies, likewise of great honour,
most sumptuously did wait upon her,
With pearls and diamonds brave adorned,
and in costly cauls of gold :
Her Guards, in scarlet, then rode after,
with bows and arrows, stout and bold.

496 The Queen, alone, speakingto hersoldiers.[£ Sg0^;
The valiant Captains of the field,
mean space, themselves in order set ;
And each of them, with spear and shield,
to join in battle did not let.
With such a warlike skill extended,
as the same was much commended.
Such a battle pitched in England
many a day hath not been seen.
Thus they stood in order waiting
for the presence of our Queen.
At length, her Grace most royally
received was, and brought again.
Where she might see most loyally
this noble host and warlike train.
How they came marching all together,
like a wood in winter's weather,
With the strokes of drummers sounding,
and with trampling horses ; then
The earth and air did sound like thunder
to the ears of every man.
The warlike army then stood still,
and drummers left their dubbing sound ;
Because it was our Prince's will
to ride about the army round.
Her Ladies, she did leave behind her,
and her Guard, which still did mind her,
The Lord General and Lord Marshal
did conduct her to each place.
The pikes, the colours, and the lances,
at her approach, fell down apace 1
And then bespake our noble Queen,
" My loving friends and countrymen !
I hope this day the worst is seen,
that in our wars, ye shall sustain !

™™88.] The MIGHTY SUDDEN SHOUT OF THE SOLDIERS.497
But if our enemies do assail you,
never let your stomachs fail you !
For in the midst of all your troops ;
we ourselves will be in place !
To be your joy, your guide and comfort ;
even before your enemy's face ! "
This done, the soldiers, all at once,
a mighty shout or cry did give !
Which forced from the azure skies
an echo loud, from thence to drive ;
Which filled her Grace with joy and pleasure :
and riding then from them, by leisure,
With trumpets' sound most loyally,
along the Court of Guard she went :
Who did conduct Her Majesty
unto the Lord Chief General's tent.
Where she was feasted royally
with dainties of most costly prices
And when that night approaching nigh,
Her Majesty, with sage advice,
In gracious manner, then returned
from the Camp where she sojourned
And when that she was safely sit
within her barge, and passed away ;
Her Farewell then, the trumpets sounded ;
and the cannons fast did play 1 T. D.
FINIS.

Imprinted at London by John Wolf
for Edward White. 1588.
21 '

498 The profit which comes from Spain. \J;a^o.

A new Ballet of the strange and most cruel whips, which the
Spaniards had prepared to whip and torment English men and
women : which were found and taken at the overthrow of certain
of the Spanish ships, in July last past, 1588.
To the tune of The valiant Soldier.
[Entered at Stationers' Hall, 31 August, 1588 ; see Transcript, ii. 498. Ed. 1875.]

Ll you that list to look and see
what profit comes from Spain,
And what the Pope and Spaniards both
prepared for our gain.
Then turn your eyes and bend your ears,
and you shall hear and see
What courteous minds, what gentle hearts,
they bear to thee and me !
They say " they seek for England's good,
and wish the people well ! "
They say " they are such holy men,
all others they excel ! "
They brag that " they are Catholics,
and Christ's only Spouse !
And whatsoe'er they take in hand,
the holy Pope allows ! "
These holy men, these sacred saints,
and these that think no ill :
See how they sought, against all right,
to murder, spoil, and kill !
Our noble Queen and country first
they did prepare to spoil,
To ruinate our lives and lands
with trouble and turmoil.

£2*33:] Whip strings with wiry knots. 499
And not content, by fire and sword,
to take our right away ;
But to torment most cruelly,
our bodies, night and day.
Although they meant, with murdering hands,
our guiltless blood to spill ;
Before our deaths, they did devise
to whip us, first, their fill.
And for that purpose had prepared
of whips such wondrous store,
So strangely made, that, sure, the like
was never seen before.
For never was there horse, nor mule,
nor dog of currish kind,
That ever had such whips devised
by any savage mind !
One sort of whips, they had for men,
so smarting, fierce, and fell,
As like could never be devised
by any devil in hell :
The strings whereof with wiry knots,
like rowels they did frame,
That every stroke might tear the flesh,
they laid on with the same.
And pluck the spreading sinews from
the hardened bloody bone,
To prick and pierce each tender vein, .
within "the body known ;
And not to leave one crooked rib
on any side unseen,
Nor yet to leave a lump of flesh,
the head and foot between.

500 Whips with brazen tags, for women. [ti-JuJ°°^
And for our silly women eke,
their hearts with grief to clog ;
They made such whips, wherewith no man
would seem to strike a dog.
So strengthened eke with brazen tags
and filed so rough and thin,
That they would force at every lash,
the blood abroad to spin.
Although their bodies sweet and fair
their spoil they meant to make,
And on them first their filthy lust
and pleasure for to take :
Yet afterwards such sour sauce
they should be sure to find,
That they should curse each springing branch
that cometh of their kind.
O Ladies fair, what spite were this !
your gentle hearts to kill !
To see these devilish tyrants thus
your children's blood to spill.
What grief unto the husband dear !
his loving wife to see
Tormented so before his face
with extreme villainy.
And think you not, that they which had
such dogged minds to make
Such instruments of tyranny,
had not like hearts to take
The greatest vengeance that they might,
upon us every one ?
Yes, yes ! be sure ! for godly fear
and mercy, have they none !

"S.0i588]:]The Romans whipped Queen Boadicea. 501
Even as in India once they did
against those people there
With cruel curs, in shameful sort,
the men both rent and tare ;
And set the ladies great with child
upright against a tree,
And shot them through with piercing darts :
such would their practice be !

Did not the Romans in this land
sometimes like practice use
Against the Britains bold in heart,
and wondrously abuse
The valiant king whom they had caught,
before his queen and wife,
And with most extreme tyranny,
despatched him of his life ?
The good Queen Boadicea,
and eke her daughters three ;
Did they not first abuse them all
by lust and lechery ;
And, after, stripped them naked all,
and whipped them in such sort,
That it would grieve each Christian heart
to hear that just report ?
And if these ruffling mates of Rome
did Princes thus torment ;
Think you ! the Romish Spaniards now
would not shew their descent ?
How did they, late, in Rome rejoice,
in Italy and Spain ;
What ringing and what bonfires !
what Masses sung amain !

502 Spanish accounts that London was fired. [££5^$
What printed books were sent about
as filled their desire,
How England was, by Spaniards won,
and London set on fire !
Be these the men, that are so mild 1
whom some so holy call !
The LORD defend our noble Queen
and country from them all !
T. D.
FINIS.

Imprinted at London, by Thomas Orwin and
Thomas Gubbin; and are to be sold in
Paternoster Row, over against
the Black Raven,
1588.

\sW

INDEX

Abbes, James, martyr, 272.
Abbeville, captain of, 309.
Abergavenny, Lord, see Neville, Henry.
Adams, Richard, 288.
Addlington, Henry, martyr, 278.
Adheral, William, 278.
Admiral, the Lord, see Clinton, Edward;
and Dudley, John.
Ager, see Aucher.
Agnes, Saint, 73.
Ailewarde, William, 272.
Aire, 428.
Albright, Ann, 275.
Aldgate, 182, 244.
Alexander the Great, 147.
Alexander the jailor of Newgate, 178,
180.
Alexander, Nicholas, 291 , 293, 305, 323.
Alington, Mrs., 481.
Allen, Edmund, martyr of Maidstone,
280.
 John, 224.
 Robert, 185, 194-196.
 William, 273.
Alnwick, 67, 80.
Alost, 425-426, 436-437.
Alva, Duke of, 427.
Ambrose, George, martyr of London,
276.
 , martyr of Maidstone, 281.
Anderwick, 87-89, 156.
Andrea, Captain, 324-325, 327.
Andrews, William, martyr, 274.
Angelo, Michael, 444.
Angoule'me, Due d', see Charles.
 Bishop of, 3.
Angus, Earl of, 113, 123-124.
Anjou, Due d', 421.
Annan, 152, 156.
Anne, Saint, 15, 20, 21.
 Boleyn, see Boieyn.
Anthony, Saint, 73.
Anthony, The, 138.

Antichrist, 70-71, 73, 132.
Antwerp, The Spoil of, xxxii, xxxv,
419-449.
Apelles, 261.
Apocalypse, The, 260.
Apollonides, 84.
Apoutles, Acts of the, 172.
Appelby, Walter, martyr of Maidstone,
280.
Appulton, Roger, 222, 229, 247.
Apremont, Comte d', 3.
Aprice, John, martyr, 277.
Aragon, xvi, 66.
— — Catherine of, see Catherine.
Archelaus, 83.
Archer, John, martyr of Canterbury, 279.
Ardlie, John, 271.
Ardres, 61, 290, 299, 305.
Argyle, Earl of, 65, 108, 128.
Armada, The Spanish, xxxi, xxxv-
xxxvi, 485-502.
Arnus, 148.
Arran, Earl of, 40, 104, 113, 123, 132,
I3S-
Arras, 428.
Artemidorus, 83.
Arthur, King, 80.
 Captain, 117.
Arundel, Earl of, see Fitzalan, Henry.
Arundell, Sir Thomas, 13.
Ascue, Sir Hugh, 1 50.
Ashdon, Mrs., 281.
Ashford, 210 ; martyrs at, 280.
Ashley, Mrs. Catherine, 363.
Ashridge, 339, 341, 346.
Asia, 83, 335.
Askue, Thomas, martyr of Newbury,
278.
Astrology, 195.
Astyages, 82, 267.
Atkinson,  , 117.
Aucher, Sir Anthony, 292, 305, 315, 330.
Audley, Sir George, 1 50. 503

5°4

Tudor Tracts

Aumale, Due d', 328.
 Comte d', 3.
Auscoo, James, 282.
Auvergne, Bishop of, 3.
Avales, John, a London spy, 186, 194.
Avila, Sancho d', 425, 447.
Avondale, Master of, 133.
Awcocke (Alcocke), John, martyr, 271.
Aylmer, John, 337.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 404.
Bagnal, Sir Ralph, 149, 185.
Bale, John, xxi n.
Bamborough Castle, 80.
Bamford, William, 273.
Banbery,  , a dicer and spy, 185-186.
Barbican, the, 469, 471.
Barham, James, 221-222, 224.
Barnet, martyr at, 273.
Barney, Henry, 224.
Barteville, or Berteville, Jean de, xix n,
9°. 92-93. 95. 1 Si-
Barton,  , 140.
Barwick,  , 355.
Baskerville, Sir James, 13.
Bass Rock, the, 39.
Bath, Earl of, 173-174.
Beamerside, Laird of, 146.
Beard, John, a spy, 186, 194.
Bearward, Queen Elizabeth's, 32-35.
Beaton, Cardinal, xvi, 40, 45.
Beauvais, Bishop of, 3.
Beccles, martyr at, 277.
Beche, Joan, 276.
Bedford, Earl and Countess of, see
Russell.
Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 351-353, 355-
360, 362-364.
Bellay, M. du, 3, 60.
Belton, 47.
Benbricke (Benbridge),Thomas, martyr
of Winchester, 284.
Benden, Mrs., 281.
Berkeley, Lord, 12.
 Sir Maurice, 191, 250.
Berkhampstead, Great, 339.
Berselle, M. de, 434.
Berteville, see Barteville.
Berwick, 46, 75, 81-82, 142, 148, 151.
Besant, or Beysaunt, Mrs., 467.
Bethune, 428.
Beverton, 47.
Bishopsgate, 475.
Blackborne, 47.
Blackness (in France), 61, 322.

Blackness (in Scotland), 86, 138.
Blacksoll Field, 225.
Blage the grocer, 32-33.
 Sir George, 78, 150.
Blande, John, martyr, 271.
Blossling, 323.
Boadicea, 501.
Bohemians, The, 72.
Boleyn, Anne, ix, xi-xiv, xxii, xxvii-
xxviii, 7, 9-28, 334, 371.
 Jane, Lady Rochford, 7.
 Mary, 7.
Bon, John, and Mastr: Parson, xxi,
160-9, 194-5-
Bonger, Anne, 283.
Bonham, Sir Walter, 140, 150.
Bonkendale, 84.
Bonner, Bishop, xxv, 276.
Borgherout, 437.
Borne, Captain, 321, 324-325.
Borough Green, 224.
Basse, The, 138.
Bothwell, Earl of,40, 42, 45, 90, 136, 140.
Boughton, Sir Edward, 14.
Boulogne, ix, 1, 5-7, 60, 78, 91, 134,
178, 290, 307, 322.
Boulogneberg, 61.
Boulognois, The, 322-323.
Bourbon, Cardinal de, 3.
 Francis de, 3.
Bourch, Francis de, 317.
Bourchier, Henry, Earl of Essex, 19.
Bourne, Sir John, 170-171, 173, 175.
Bourner, Mrs., 282.
Bowes, Sir George, 50.
 Joyce, 282.
 Sir Robert, 80.
Bowland, 47.
Bowton, see Boughton.
Bowyer, Thomas, martyr, 278.
Brabant, 66, 433.
Bradbridge,  , martyr, 274.
 Joan, 280.
Bradford, John, 267, 272.
Brainford, see Brentford.
Brampton, 117.
Brandling, Sir Robert, 150.
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 7,
IS. 19. 30.
 Sir Charles, 122.
Bray, Lord, 19, 193.
Braye, Sir Edward, 229, 230.
Bren, John, 78, 87, 127.
Brene, Comte de, 3.
Brentford, martyrs at, 284.

Index

505

Bret, Captain, 222, 229-230, 243, 246-
247. 253- .
Breton, widow, 196.
Brice, Thomas, Register of Martyrs,
xxv, 259-288.
Bridges, see Brydges.
Bristol, martyrs at, 279.
Brittany, xvi, xxiii.
 Duke of, see Francis the Dauphin.
Broke, Captain, 138.
Broughton, 47.
Broughty Crag, 141, 148, 150, 156.
Browne, Sir Anthony, 34.
 Thomas, martyr, 275.
 Sir William, 13.
Browniedworth, Laird of, 146.
Bruges, 316, 317.
Brunston, Laird of, 129, 139, 142.
Brussels, 425, 436.
Bryan, Sir Francis, 78-79, 84, 149.
Brydges, Sir Edmund, 149.
 Sir John, Lord Chandos of Sude-
ley, 176, 345, 349, 350-352.
 Thomas, 176.
Brystow,  , martyr, 179.
Buccleuch, Lord, 45.
Buerton(? Brereton), Sir Randolph, 13.
Bulkeley, Sir Richard, 13.
Bulmer, Sir Ralph, 100, 134, 151.
Bungey, Cornelius, 274.
Burges, Denis, martyr at Lewes, 281.
Burghley, Lord, see Cecil, Sir William.
Burgundians, the, 298, 324.
Burnt Island, 47.
Burton, Jock Holly, see Hollyburton,
John.
Burwarde, Anthony, martyr, 274.
Bury St. Edmunds, martyrs at, 272,
283-284.
Bury, John, xxix n.
Buder, Sir Thomas, 12.
Butter,  , martyr, 271.
Butterden, 47.
Byldy, 47.
Caesar, Julius, 448.
Calais, ix, xxv-vii, I, 4-8, 60, 72, 171,
173 ; capture of, 289-320; and Queen
Mary's heart, 332.
 Deputy of, see Wentworth,
Thomas.
Calehill, 21 1, 256.
Caley, Robert, 257.
Calkewell, 307.
Calling Craig, 49.

Calverley, Sir George, 13.
 Sir Hugh, 192.
 John, 192.
Cambridge, 195, 276.
Camillus, 63.
Campbells, the, 128.
Campion, Edmund, xxxiv, 451-474,
passim.
Canamples, the Lord, 3.
Canongate, Edinburgh, 42.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, see Cran
mer, Thomas, and Warham, William.
 martyrs at, 273-275, 279, 280-281,
285.
Capel, Sir Henry, 14.
Cappadocia, 83.
Capres, M. de, 434, 442.
Cardmaker, John, 267, 27 1.
Careless, John, martyr, 278.
Carew, Master, 193.
 Sir Peter, 342.
Caria, 74.
Carman, Thomas, 283.
Carr, see Ker.
Cartwright, Hugh, 224.
Cassiiis, Earl of, 133.
Castiglione, 337.
Castile, xvi.
Castres, Bishop of, 3.
Catherine of Aragon, x-xiii, xxiii, xxxv,
476-477 n.
 of France, xxvii.
Catlyn, Hugh, 224.
Causun (Causton), Thomas, martyr, 270.
Cavarley,  , standard-bearer, 120.
Cavell, John, martyr, 276.
Cavers, 147.
Cecil, Dorothy, Lady, 481.
 Sir Thomas, 480.
 Sir William, Lord Burghley, xix«.,
xxxiv »., 155, 420, 453-454.
Cesforth, 49.
 Laird of, 146.
Chabot, Philippe, 3.
Chaloner, John, 122.
 Sir Thomas, no, 149.
Chamberlain, Edward, 122, 128, 140.
 Sir Ralph, 293, 302, 360.
Chamberlaine, Nicholas, martyr, 271.
Chambre, Comte de, 3.
Champagney, M. de, see Perrenot.
Chandos of Sudeley, Lord, see Brydges,
Sir John.
Chapman, Thomas, 224.
Chapuys, Eustace, xiv.

506

Tudor Tracts

Charing Cross, 14, 250-251, 271.
Charles v., Emperor, and King of
Spain, ix, xii, xiv, xvi, xviii, xxxv.
Charles 1. of England, xxxiv.
Charles, Due d'Angouleme, 3, 5.
 Due de VendSme, 3.
Charleton,  , 97.
Chartres, Bishop of, 3.
Chaworth, Sir John, 13.
Cheapside, 8, 14, 16, 25, 32, 181, 377,
379. 393-
Chedely,  , 181.
Chelmsford, martyrs at, 281.
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, 209, 216, 227,
242, 244-245, 321.
 Lord, son of Sir Thomas, 321.
Chichester, martyrs at, 272, 282.
Chittenden, Dunston, 279.
Cholmley, Ranulph, 380.
Christ's Hospital, 257, 388-389, 394.
Churchyard, Thomas, Narrative of
siege of Guisnes, xxvi «., 321-330.
Cicero quoted, 59, 74, 83, 335.
Clarentius, Mrs., xxvii »., 332, 362.
Clark, John, martyr, 279.
Clarke, George, 215-216, 223-224, 225.
 John, 224.
 Richard, 225.
Claymond, John, 414.
Clement vn., ix, xiii, xvi.
 John, martyr, 278.
Clere, Sir John, 117.
Clerk, Sir Rowland, 150.
Clifford, Lord, 12.
Clinton, Edward, Lord Clinton, xix,
78, 81, 95-96, 138, 148, 249, 405.
 Elizabeth, Countess of Lincoln,
481.
 Henry, Earl of Lincoln, 480, 482.
Cob, Thomas, martyr of Thetford, 273.
Cobham, Lord, 236.
 Thomas, 190-191.
Coelius quoted, 74, 83.
Coker, William, martyr, 273.
Colchester, martyrs at, 277, 281, 283.
Coldham Knowes, 143, 148.
Coldingham, 50.
Colebrook, 360, 464.
Coleman Street, 194.
Colet, Dean, 385.
Colham Hill, 309.
Colleton or Collington, alias Peters,
John, 460, 463-464.
Collier, Richard, martyr, 273.
Compton, Henry, Lord Compton, 479,

Conduit, the Great and the Lesser, 16-
17. 379-384. 395-
Coningsby,  , 117.
Constable, Sir John, 13.
 Sir Marmaduke, 150.
Conway, Sir John, 149.
Conyers, Sir George, 13.
Cooe, Roger, 273.
Cook, Robin, his school, 135.
Cooke, Robert, 476, 480.
Cookson,  , 308.
Cooper, Thomas, 458-460, 470, 473.
Coppinger, Sir Ralph, 120, 150.
Corineus the Briton, 389.
Cornelius,  , comptroller of ord
nance, 128,
 martyr, see Bungey.
Cornhill, 16, 20, 24, 374-375. 393-
Cornwallis, A. , 302.
 Sir Thomas, 236-238, 253, 339.
Coronation of Anne Boleyn, 9 sqq, of
Mary, 182-183; of Elizabeth, 365
sqq.
Corpus Christi, 160-169.
 College, Oxford, 414.
Corriar, Roger, 273.
Corwen, see Curwen.
Cotton, John, 466.
 Stephen, martyr, 284.
Counter prison, the, 178.
Courtenay, Edward, Earl of Devon
shire, 339, 351.
Coventry (London), 188, 193.
 (Warwickshire), martyrs at, 274.
Covert, John, 229.
 Richard, 224.
Cowboge, 49.
Cowley,  , martyr, 27 1.
Cowling Castle, 236.
Cox, Dr. Richard, 172.
Cranes, The Three, printer's sign, 451,
468.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can
terbury, xiii, xv, 14, 18, 29-35, 184.
267, 276, 334.
Cranstoun, 141.
Crippes, Captain, 321, 323.
Croft, Sir James a, 346-347.
Cromwell, Oliver, xvii.
 Sir Richard, 178.
 Thomas, Earl of Essex, xv, 29-35.
Crouch, Robert, 100.
Crownend, 47.
Croydon, 30.
Cumberland, Earl of, 12.

Index

507

Curtius, 130, 147.
Curwen, Sir Christopher, 14.
Cyrus, 68, 83.
Dacres, Lord, 78.
 Sir Thomas, 149.
Dale, John, martyr at Bury, 283.
Dalkeith, 125, 137.
Danby, Sir Christopher, 12.
 Sir Thomas, 150.
D'Andelot, M. de, 296, 315, 325, 327.
Daniel the Prophet, 70, 179, 197, 395.
Dapers the dicer, 185.
Darbyshire, Thomas, 452.
Darcy, Sir Arthur, 120.
 Sir Thomas, 78, 109, 120.
Darius, 68.
Darsie of Wrotham, 224.
Dartford, 236-237, 240, 247, 272.
Dauncey, Henry, preaching bricklayer,
'PS-
Dauphin, the, see Francis, Due de
Bretagne, and Henry II. of France.
David, 62, 72, 197, 407.
Davison, William, xxxiv ».
Davy, John, 284.
Dawn, Sir John, 14.
Dawson, Thomas, printer, 451, 468.
Day, John, printer, 169, 194-195.
 Richard, 283.
Deborah, Elizabeth compared to, 387-
388, 39°-
Decii, the, 130.
Deloney, Thomas, Ballads, xxxvi,
485-502.
Delves, Sir Henry, 13.
Democritus, 413, 415.
Dendermonde, 421.
Denis,  , martyr of Lewes, 281.
Denley, John, martyr, 272.
Dennis,  , 117.
 Sir Morice, 122.
 William, 122.
Deptford, 240.
Derby, Earl and Countess of, see
Stanley.
Derby,  , martyr, 279.
Dethick, William, 476, 481.
Dewneshe (Devenish), John, 265, 283.
Diefikie, M. de, 324-325.
Diego, Don, 445.
Dies, Sir Christopher, 150.
Diggell, William, martyr, 271.
Digges of Kent, 117.
Dive, Lewis, 323, 327.

Dives, 198.
Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, see
Catherine.
Dixon, Canon R. W., xxiii »., xxv «.
Dodd, Captain, 304, 311, 341.
Dodge, John, 224.
Donnington Castle, 347.
Dordrecht, 427.
Dorifall (Derifall), John, martyr, 278.
Dormer, Sir William, 354, 360.
Dorrell, Christopher, 211, 224.
 George, 241, 256.
 Stephen, 231.
 Thomas, 227.
Dorset, Marquis of, see Grey.
Douglas, George, 85, 87, 106, 137.
 Hugh, 95.
 James, 147.
Dover, 212, 219, 227, 452.
Drake, Robert, martyr, 276.
Driver,  , 184.
Drury, Sir William, the elder, 13.
 the younger, 321, 323.
Drylaw, 47.
Duddingston, 47.
Dudley, Sir Andrew, 141, 148, 150.
 Sir Edward, 144, 145, 151.
 Edward, Lord, 299, 304.
 Henry, 329.
 John, Earl of Warwick and Duke
of Northumberland, xx-xxii, 40, 6o,
75-79 5 his career, 91-92 ; at Pinkie,
l°3 sqq., 151. 155. 176, 185.
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, 453,
472.
Dunbar, 45, 47, 89, 127.
Dundee, 141.
Dunfermline, Abbot of, 132.
Dungate, Thomas, 278.
Dunglass, 85, 87, 89, 156.
Dunkeld, Bishop of, 132.
Dunkirk, 316, 317.
Dunstable, xiii.
Dunston, martyr, see Chittenden.
Durham, Bishop of, see Pilkington,
James.
East Barns, 47.
Edgebuckling Brae, 133.
Edgerston, Laird of, 146.
Edinburgh, 41-44. 6°. ioij 124-125,
129, 136.
Edminston Edge, 129.
Edward III., xxv, 293, 397.
 IV., 253, 370, 372.

5o8

Tudor Tracts

Edward vi., xvi, xviii, xx, xxv, xxviii, I
xxxi, 63, 69, 183-185, 194-195. 301.
338,389.
Egles, George, 281.
Egmont, Count Philip of, 434, 442.
Egypt, 82.
Einde or Ende, Cornelis van, see Van
Einde.
Elias, 264.
Eliot, Margaret, 277.
Elizabeth of York, 370-372.
Elizabeth, Queen, vii, ix, xxii, xxv, xxvii-
xxxiv, xxxvi, 32, 34, 171 ; the desire
of the Reformers, 259-288, 331 ;
Foxe's eulogy of, 334-335 ; her char
acter, 336-337 ; accused of compli
city in Wyatt's rebellion, 339 sqq. ;
committed to the Tower, 343 ; her
letter to Mary, 343-344 ; removed to
Woodstock, 352-355 ; her inscription,
359 ; interview with Mary, 362 ;
coronation, 365 sqq. ; arms England,
396-400 ; visit to Tilbury camp, 492
sqq.
Ellerker (?Sir Ralph), 1 17.
Elliot, George, Arrest of Campion,
451-474-
Ely, martyrs at, 274.
Emanuel, Don, 429, 436.
Enderleigh, 47.
Endmerden, 147.
Endymion, 74.
Erleston, 147.
Erskine, Master of, 133.
Esk River, 101, 125.
Essex, Earls of, see Bourchier, Henry ;
Cromwell, Thomas.
Estampes, Comte d', 3.
Estrees, M. d', 316, 329.
Eucharist, the, xx, 160-169, I7Z-
Eure, Lord, 48-49.
 Sir Henry, 50.
 Sir Ralph, 48-49.
Evers, Lord, 101, 126.
Everson or Iveson, Thomas, martyr,
272.
Everyngham, Sir Henry, 13.
Evington,  , martyr, 277.
Exodus, Book of, 74.
Eyemouth, 81, 156.
Eyre, Sir Arthur, 13,
Ezekiel quoted, ji.
Faldenside, 147.
Fane, George, 256.

Farington, Sir Henry, 13.
Farrer, see Ferrar.
Fauvell, 185.
Fauxside (Falside) Brae, 64, 99, 101,
108, 122, 125, 129, 132.
Fenchurch Street, 15, 36, 380. .
Fen wicks, the, 134.
Ferington, see Farington.
Fernihurst, Laird of, 146.
Ferrar, Bishop, 267, 270.
Ferrers, George, 97, 188-189; Us
Narrative of the Capture of Calais,
289-301.
Ferrers, Lord, 172.
Ferris, Sir Humphrey, 14.
Fettiplace,  , 460-461.
Ficket, the, 47.
Field of Cloth of Gold, ix, xii.
Fielding, SirW., 12.
Fiennes, 323.
— — (Piennes), M. de, 3.
Fiery Cross, the, 65.
Filbie, William, 463-464.
Finall, Thomas, 280.
Finch, John, 231.
 Sir Thomas, 244.
Fiscoke, John, 281.
Fisher, Thomas, 142.
Fitzalan, Henry, Earl of Arundel, 19,
55. 173-175. 191. 347. 3°°-
Fitzwalter, Lord and Lady, see Rad
cliffe.
Fitzwilliam, Sir George, 13.
Flammack, Sir Andrew, 120.
Flanders, xxiii, xxxii, 66, 298-299, 316,
324, 420-421, 425, 432, 494.
Fleet prison, 175-176, 194. 3°3-
 Street, 17, 19, 250-251, 386, 395,
406.
Fleming, Lord, 133.
 Sir Francis, 78, 149.
Fletcher, Richard, Dean of Peter
borough, 476-479. 481, 483-
Flodden Field, 99.
Flood (Floyd), John, martyr, 283.
Floraine, M. de, 3.
Flower, William, 271.
Fogge, Sir John, 229.
Forman, John, 278.
Forster, Sir John, 150.
Forth, Firth of, 39, 44, 86, 95, 99,
IOl, 124-125, 136 sqq.
Foster, Annis, 275.
 Humphrey, 454, 462.
 William, 279.

Index

509

Foster, William, martyr at Canterbury,
280.
Fotheringay Castle, xxx, 476.
Foulehurst, Sir Thomas, 13.
Foxe, Hugh, martyr, 265, 283.
Foxe, John, martyrologist, xv, xxv n. ,
xxvii «., xxviii »., xxxii «., 29, 318,
331. 333. 359-
France, xvi, xvii, xx, xxiii, xxxii, 66,
69, 91, 105, 128, 289-3 3°. passim.
Francis I., ix, xii, xviii, 3-9, 91.
 II., xxx, 301.
 Due de Bretagne, the Dauphin,
3-6-
 Sir Wilham, 150.
Franke,  , martyr, 271.
Frier, John, martyr, 282.
Frondsberger's regiment, 437.
Froude, James Anthony, xxvii n.
Froyton, 307-308, 312.
Fugger, Charles, 437.
Fusse, Thomas, 273.
Fytton, Sir Edward, 13.
Gage, Sir John, 173-175. 19°. 34'i
348, 350-351. 363-
Galliot, M. de, 3.
Gamboa, Sir Pedro de, 78, 123.
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win
chester, xv, xxv, 34, 181, 191, 212,
243. 341. 346-347. 359. 360-361, 363-
Garnet, Henry, 452.
Garrard, Sir William, 175, 177-178.
Gascoigne, George, 196 ; his Narra
tive of the Spoil of Antwerp, xxxii n. ,
xxxv, 419, 449.
Gascony, 66.
Gaston, George, lawyer and dicer,
xxxii »., 196, 422.
Gatehouse, the, 190."
Gates, Sir Henry, 149.
Geche, Alexander, 284.
George, Christian, 283.
Germany, xx, xxxii.
Gerningham, see Jerningham.
Ghent, 425, 428.
Gibson, Richard, martyr at Smithfield,
282.
Gilmerton, 129.
Glaiton, Ralph, 282.
Gloucester, martyrs at, 277.
Gloucester Hall, Oxford, 416.
Glover, Mrs., 281.
 , martyr at Coventry, 274.
—  martyr at Norwich, 283.

Glover, Robert, 480.
Gogines ( = Goignies), Antoine' de, 434,
442.
Gold, master-gunner, 96.
Goliath, 285.
Googan, David, 91.
Gore, James, martyr, 275.
Goreway, John, martyr, 274.
Gorgon, Saint, 98-99.
Gotmagot the Albion, 389.
Gough, John, printer, 8, 19.
Gourdault, captain, 309.
Governor (of Scotland), the, see Arran,
Earl of.
Gower, Sir Thomas, 81, 100.
Gracechurch Street, 15.
Grafton, Richard, xxvi n., 157, 289.
Graham, Master of, 108, 133.
Grammont, Cardinal de, 3.
Granado, Sir Jacques, 100, 150.
Grand Pre, Comte de, 3.
Grantham Crag, 40.
Gratwick, Steven, 280.
Gravelines, 300, 316.
Gravesend, 222, 229, 236, 493.
Greene, Bartlet, 275.
Greenhead, Laird of, 146.
Greenwich, xiv, 12, 14, 244, 334.
Gresham, Sir John, xxi »., 150, 194-195.
Gresley, Sir George, 1 3.
Grey, Sir Arthur, afterwards Lord Grey
de Wilton, 298, 324, 329.
 Henry, Marquis of Dorset and
Duke of Suffolk, 181, 188, 208, 219,
232, 252-253.
 Lady Jane, xx-xxiii, 173, 181,
219, 352.
 Lord John, 86.
 Lionel, 50.
 Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, 12.
 William, Lord Grey de Wilton,
78-79, 97, 109; at Pinkie, 112 sqq. ;
149, 151, 290 sqq. ; letter to Mary,
3!9. 323. 325, 329-
Greyden, 147.
Griffith, Maurice, Bishop of Rochester,
229.
Grimslow, John, 147.
Grimstone, Edward, 293, 302, 305, 314,
427.
Grinstead, martyrs at, 278.
Gubbin, Thomas, 502.
Guienne, 14.
Guildford, Sir John, 227, 255.
 Thomas, 231.

5">

Tudor Tracts

Guise, Due de (1532), 3.
 (1558), 190 sqq.
 Mary of, see Mary.
Guisnes, siege of, 290-330 passim.
 Deputy of, see Grey, William.
Guns and Gunnery, English, 398-399.
Gwin, John, 278.
Haarlem, 421.
Hackbutters at Pinkie, III, 119.
Haddington, 45, 47.
Hadley, 270.
Hailes Castle, 90, 142.
 William, 273.
Hales, Humphrey, 480.
 , Francis, merchant of Calais, 315,
316.
Hall, Nicholas, martyr, 272.
Halsall, Sir Thomas, 13.
Halyburton, Walter, 147.
Hamilton, Lord of, 88.
 Hobby, 127, 133.
Hammes, 290, 299, 304.
Hammon, John, 277.
Hampton Court, 195, 360.
Hanganside, Richard, 147.
Hannibal, 59, 68.
Hapsburgs, the, xii, xiv, xxiii-xxv.
Harcourt, Sir John, 13.
Hardilow Castle, 60.
Harecraig, 142.
Harington, Sir James, 480.
Harland, Thomas, martyr, 277.
Harlestone, Captain John, 291, 293,
3°5-
Harman, Dorick, 272.
Harper, Sir George, 212, 214, 218, 227,
230.
Harris, William, 283.
Harrison, William, Elizabeth arms
England, xxx n. , 396-400.
Hartley Wood, 225.
Hartpoole (Harpole), John, martyr,
276.
Harwood, Stephen, 273.
Hastings, Lord, 12.
 Earl of Huntingdon, 12, 171, 253.
 Sir Edward, 149, 171-172, 175-
176, 236-237, 253, 339.
 Sir John, 480.
Hatfield, 368.
Hatherwick, 47.
Haughton, Sir Richard, 14.
Havr£, Marquis d', 434, 438, 442.
Haward, Sir George, 122, 150.

Hawkes, Thomas, martyr, 271.
Hayward, Sir John, xix «.
Hearne, Thomas, xxiv n.
Hedgehog, The, printer's sign, 401.
Henby, Thomas, 224.
Henley-on-Thames, 464.
Henry v., xxvii.
 vi. , 408.
 vn., x, xv, 370-374, 389.
 viii., vii, ix, x-xviii, xxi, xxiii,
xxv, xxvii «. , xxviii-xxix, 4-9, 13, 27,
29-35. 37, 68, 134, 178, 301, 334,
371-373, 393, 493-
 II. of France, 3, 5, 91, 149, 290,
292, 300, 344.
 Duke of Richmond, 6.
Heraclitus, 414.
Herbert, Captain George, 321, 323.
 William, Earl of Pembroke, 181,
231, 245, 248-249, 251-253, 317.
 William, of St. Gillian, 321.
Heresy the cause of Wyatt's rebellion,
207-210.
Herleston, Sir Clement, 14.
Heronden, Walter, 224.
Hertford, Earl of, see Seymour, Edward.
Heton, Thomas, 422-424, 446-447.
Hetton, 49.
Heywarde, Thomas, 274.
Heywood, Jasper, 452.
Heze, M. de, 426.
Higbye (Higbed), Thomas, martyr,
266, 270.
Highfield, John, 302, 307 ; his report
on the capture of Calais, 312-317.
Highgate, 341.
Hilliard or Hylard, Sir Christopher, 12.
Hirsil Castle, 142-143.
Hoby, Sir Philip, 347.
Hobynton, Eustace, 302, 305.
Holcroft, Sir John, 150.
 Sir Thomas, 72.
Holdiche, Thomas, 224.
Holford,  , 325.
Holinshed, Raphael, xix »., xxiv «.,
xxvii »., 396.
Hollande, Roger, martyr at Smithfield,
283.
Hollingday (? Hollyday), martyr at
Smithfield, 282.
Hollyburton, John, 45, 147.
Hollyday, John, martyr at Smithfield,
283.
Holyrood Abbey, 43, 46, 124, 140.
Holywel,  , martyr, 278.

Index

5"

Home, see Hume.
Honingham, 170.
Hooke, Richard, 272.
Hooper, Bishop, 185, 267, 270.
Hopper, William, martyr, 273.
Hoppringle, George. 147.
Hopton, John, bishop Norwich, 276.
 Sir Owen, 464.
Horace quoted, 98, 154, 157, 416.
Horden, Edward, 231.
Horgill,  , 117.
Home, John, 279.
Horsley, Sir John, 13, 80, 150.
 , master gunner, 291.
Howard, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk,
xv, 4, 7. 15. 19, 3°. 222-223, 227-
230, 232, 253.
 Lord Thomas, 149.
 Lord William, 15, 19, 188, 243,
252, 339. 36o.
Howland, Richard, Bishop of Peter
borough, 477, 479, 481-483.
Hubbert, Sir Walter, 13.
Hudlestone, Sir John, 13.
Hulliarde (Hullier), John, martyr of
Cambridge, 276.
Hume Castle, 142, 145, 148, 151, 156.
 Lord, 42-43, 45, 85, 87, 100- 101,
142.
 Master of, 100.
 Andrew, 143-144.
 John, 143.
 Matthew, 85.
Humfrey, Philip, 284.
Hummeres, M. de, 3.
Hungary, xxiii.
Hunte, Martin, 278.
Hunter, William, martyr, 266, 270.
Hunthill, Lord, 50.
 Laird of, 146.
Huntingdon, Earl of, see Hastings.
Huntly, Earl of, xix »., 40, 77, 102-
103, 106, 113, 127, 133.
 Laird of, 146.
Hurst, Edmund, martyr, 278.
Hussey, Sir Henry, 150.
Hut, Katherine, 277.
Hyde, 274.
 Park, 248.
 Annis, 280.
Iambuchus, 83.
larba, 63.
Hen, Jasper, 224.
Ilsley, William, 466.

Inchcolm, 137, 139, 156.
Inchgarvie, 44.
Inchkeith, 40.
Innerwick, 87-88.
Inveresk, 64, 102.
Iphigenia, 338.
Ipswich, martyrs at, 276, 284.
Ireland, 321.
Irish archers at Pinkie, 65, 1 1 3, 123, 21 5.
Isley, Sir Henry, 211-212, 217-218,
223, 225, 227, 229, 231, 253.
 Thomas, 210, 228, 247, 253.
Islington, martyrs at, 282.
Italy, 501.
Ive, Thomas, 170, 177-178, 184, 186.
Iveson, see Everson.
Jackson, Ralph, martyr, 278.
Jacob, John, 466.
Jacobus de Voragine, 99.
James IV., xv, 99.
 v., xvi, xxx, 41, 60, 67-68, 301.
Jedworth, 48-50.
Jeffes, Abel, 475.
Jenkins, David, xxxiv »., 445, 457-463,
473-474-
Jeremiah quoted, 71, 179, 401.
Jermey, Sir Thomas, 13.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, 222, 230, 363.
 Sir John, 13, 117.
Jeronimo, 135.
Jerusalem, 286, 460.
Jesuits, the, xxxiii-xxxiv, 443, 451-474.
Jews, the, 73.
Joel quoted, 84.
John, Saint, quoted, 71, 172, 267.
Johnson, Peter, 404.
 Dr. Samuel, xxxiv.
Jones, Richard, 419.
Joseph, 197.
Josephus quoted, 83.
Judas, 453, 470.
Judd, Sir Andrew, 244.
Keble, Parson, 125.
Kelso, 145.
Kemp, Sir Thomas, 244, 256.
Ker, Dandy, 93.
Kers, the, 147.
Keyes, Captain, 321, 323.
Keynes, Edward, 466.
 Humphry, 466.
Kiel, 437.
Kinghorn, 43, 47, 137, 157.
Kingston-on-Thames, 244, 248,

512

Tudor Tracts

Kingston, John, 288.
Kipdorp, Port, 434.
Kirkham, Sir Robert, 13.
Kirkland, 47.
Kirkton, Adam, 147.
Kirkyetham, 49.'
Kitson, Sir Thomas, 13.
Knevett, Anthony, 190, 211, 215-216,
223, 225-227, 253.
 William, 211, 215, 223, 225-226,
253-
Knight, Stephen, martyr, 266, 270.
Knightley, Sir Richard, 480.
Knowles (Knollys), Sir Francis, 150.
Knox (Knockes) ? John, 94.
Kyng, George, martyr, 274.
Laking, Sir Thomas, 13.
Lambe, John, 224.
Lambert, Captain Oswald, 324-325,
327-
Lambeth, 29, 30.
Lamheyre, 363.
Lancaster, House of, 371-373.
Landrecies, 178, 192.
Lange, M. de, 3. -
Langres, Bishop of, 3.
Langton, Sir Thomas, 14.
Lashforde, Joan, 275.
Latimer, Bishop Hugh, 267, 274.
Latmos, Mt., 74.
Lauder, 141-142.
Launder, John, 272.
 (? the same), 283.
Launson, Elizabeth, 284.
Laurence, Henry, martyr at Canterbury,
273-
 Sir Oliver, 149.
Lauriston, 47.
Lavaroche (Laverock), Hugh, martyr,
277.
Lawrence, three martyrs named, 270-
271, 278.
Lazarus, 198.
Leadenhall Street, 15, 20.
Least, John, 272.
Lee, Sir Richard, 78, 137, 145.
Leicester, martyrs at, 278.
 Earl of, see Dudley, Robert.
Leith, 40-41, 44-46, 60, 86, 97, 124-
125, 136 sqq., 157.
Lennox, Earl of, 152, 478.
Leonard, John, 256.
Le Petit, J. F., 427.
Lesly's History of Scotland, xix n,

Lesse, John, 274.
Lewes, martyrs at, 278, 281.
Lichfield, martyr at, 282.
Liege, Bishop of, 434.
Lierre, 421, 436-438.
Lille, 428.
Limehouse, 170, 173, 184.
Limoges, Bishop of, 3.
Lincoln, Bishop of, see Wickham.
 Earl of, see Clinton.
Lingard's History, xxviii n.
Linton Bridge, 90.
 Laird of, 146.
Lion,  , martyr, 278.
Lisieux, Bishop of, 3.
Lisle, Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount, 19.,
— — Lady, 7.
Lister, Christopher, martyr of Col
chester, 277.
Lith, Thomas, 452,
Litleden, 147.
Livy quoted, 130.
Lollards' Tower, the, 274-275.
London Bridge, 188, 241, 243, 345, 408.
London Little-Grace, see Bonner,
Edmund.
Longniddry, 95.
Longueville, Due de, 3.
Loretto Chapel, 47.
Lorraine, Cardinal of, 3, 4.
 Mary of, see Mary.
 de Pont, Marquis de, 3.
Lothesby, John, 280.
Loudon, Earl of, 133.
Lovelace, Thomas, 256.
Low Countries, see Flanders.
Lowmas, John, 275.
Loyola, Ignatius, 452.
Lucius, King, 332.
Ludgate, 17, 188-189, 25°> 386,403.
Lupus quoted, 99.
Luther, x, xiv, 482.
Luttrell, Sir John, 121, 139.
Lydcot, Christopher, 462, 464.
Lyford, 458, 462 »., 473.
Lygon, Sir Richard, 13.
Lyn, River, 90.
Macdowell, Alexander, 147.
Machlen, see Mechlin.
Macon, Bishop of, 3.
Maestricht, 421, 434, 436-438, 446.
Magdeburg, xxxii.
Magnus, Saint, 185.
Maidison, Sir Edward, 13.

Index

5i3

Maidstone, 208-211, 214, 231, 253;
martyrs at, 280-281.
Mainarde, William, 281.
Malary,  , 409.
Malchus, 194.
Malines, see Mechlin.
Mailing, 217-218, 223-224, 227, 231.
Malory, Sir William, 13.
Mandane, 83.
Manering, Sir Randolph, 13.
Mangerton, Laird of, 80.
Manners, Elizabeth, Countess of Rut
land, 481.
 John, Earl of Rutland, 480, 482-
483-
 John, 483.
 Theodosia, Lady Manners, 481.
 Sir Thomas, 480-481.
Manning, Mrs., martyr, 280.
Mansfield, 462, 466.
Mantel,  , 253.
 Walter, 253.
Marbottle, 49.
Marcellus, 59.
March (Marsh), George, martyr, 184,
271.
Margaret, Queen of James IV. , xv, xxx.
Maries, the Three, 15, 16.
Marke, 313.
Markham, Sir John, 195.
Markle, 47.
Markstone, Laird of, 146.
Marshal, The Lord, see Grey, William.
Marshalsea, the, 172, 175, 186.
Martyrs, Register of, 259-288.
Marven, Sir John, 150.
Mary 1., Queen of England, xxi-xxviii,
xxx, xxxiii, 170 sqq. ; coronation of,
182-183; behaviour during Wyatt's
rebellion, 190-191 ; marriage of, 193,
212, 239 ; her titles, 201 : her per
secutions, 179, 265 sqq. ; and Calais,
290 sqq. ; death of, 331-332 ; other
references to, 220 sqq., 336, 362-363,
396.
Mary, Queen of Scots, xvi, xviii, xxx,
xxxiv-xxxv, 68-69, 3OI> 453 > ner
burial, 475-484.
Mary of Lorraine, Queen Regent of
Scotland, 139, 336.
Mase (Mace), John, martyr at Colches
ter, 277.
Mason, Sir John, 173, 174.
Mass, the, 160-169, 172.
Massingberd,  , 315. 2

Massingberd, Sir Thomas, 13.
Matilda, the Empress, xxiii.
Matthew, St., quoted, 71-72, 74-75,378.
Maxwell, Richard, 93.
May, the island of, 39.
Mechlin, 433.
Medes, the, 83.
Medusa, 98.
Meinthorn, 147.
Mellerstane, Laird of, 146.
Melville, Andrew, 481.
Merchant Adventurers at Antwerp,
420, 423-424, 427, 441, 444-446.
Mercurius quoted, 83.
Mering, Margaret, 282.
Mersington, 147.
Merton, Laird of, 146.
Methem, Sir Thomas, 12.
Mewtys, Sir Peter, 78, 88, 123.
Meyther, Andrew, 147.
Middlesex, Sheriff of, 170-172.
Middleton, Humphrey, 271.
Milk Castle, 152, 156.
Milles, Thomas, 278.
Milner, Simon, 281.
Milton, 210, 211.
Milwright,  , martyr, 277.
Mimms, 341.
Minge, William, martyr at Maidstone,
271.
Mirepoix, M. de, 3.
Molse, Prince de, 3.
Moncaldo, Hugo de, 488.
Monde, Sir Thomas, 211, 213, 214.
Mondragon, Christophe de, Colonel,
297-298, 324-325-
Montagu, Sir Edward, 481.
 Elizabeth, Lady, 481.
Monteagle, Lord, 13.
Montigues, M. de, 3.
Montmorency, Anne de, 3.
Moore,  , Clerk of the Cheque, 187.
Moorgate, 252.
Morant, William, 280.
Mordaunt, Elizabeth, Lady, 481.
 Sir John, 13.
 Lewis, Lord, 479!
More, Henry, 184.
 Sir Thomas, 148.
Morgan of Salisbury Court, dicer, 185.
 Serjeant, I73-I74-
 alias Robyns, Thomas, 196.
Morgyson (Margison), 8.
Morice, Sir Christopher, 42, 44.
 Ralph, xv »., 29, 35.
K I

5H

Tudor Tracts

Mories, Margery, 281.
Morpeth, 80.
Morris,  , 117.
Moutrell,  , 127.
Mowbray, Barbara, 481.
Mowe, Laird of, 146.
Moyle, Sir Thomas, 242, 244, 255.
Mudwin, Saint, 73-
Mumpsimus, 174.
Munday, Anthony, 451, 453-455. 462,
465, 469, 471-472.
Murray (Moray), James Stewart, Earl
of, 40.
Musgrave, Cuthbert, 135.
 Jack of, 249.
Musselburgh, 47, 64, 129, 138.
 battle of, see Pinkie.
Myddelton, Sir Geoffrey, 14.
Mylnefeld, 48.
Myssenden(? Missenden), Sir Thomas,
13-
Navarette, 436.
Navarre, Jean d'Albret, King of,
3, 4-
Needham, Sir Robert, 13.
Negro, Sir Pedro, 150.
Nesle, 307, 308, 312.
Netherlands, see Flanders.
Nevers, Comte de, 3.
 Comte Louis de, 3.
Neville, Henry, Lord Abergavenny,
20.9, 212, 214-218, 220-228, 231-232,
235, 238, 242, 244-245.
 Sir Thomas, 151.
Newbattle Abbey, 47.
Newbury, martyrs at, 278.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 39, 64, 79, 80, 82,
138, 150-151.
Newgate prison, 175-178, 180, 182,
189, 240, 271, 274.
 market, 406.
Newhaven or Newnam (France), 61.
Newman,  , ironmonger, 189.
 John, martyr, 273.
Newnam Bridge, 6, 291, 293, 304-319,
passim.
Newton, martyrs at, 279.
Nichols, Richard, martyr at Colchester,
277.
 William, 283.
Nicodemus, 172.
Noel, Sir Andrew, 480.
 Lady, 481.
Norfolk, Duke of, see Howard.

Norham, 49.
Normandy, 14.
Norris, Sir John, 13, 187, 190, 192,
363-
Norroy king-at-arms, 1 39, 142.
Northampton, martyrs at, 279.
 Marquis of, see Parr.
Northumberland, Duke of, see Dudley.
Norwich Nobody, see Hopton, John.
 martyrs at, 281-284.
 Harry, 327.
Numitius, 157.
Oberstein, Count, 434-435, 442.
Ogilvy, Master of, 133.
Orange, Prince of, see William.
Orleans, Due d', see Henry.
Ormiston, Laird of, 141, 146.
 William, of Endmerden, 147.
Ornaments, Rubric, xxxi.
Orpington, 458, 471.
Orwin, Thomas, 502.
Osmande, Thomas, martyr, 271.
Oswold, John, 277.
Otford, 227.
Otterburn, 49.
Outings Castle, 61.
Ovid quoted, 56, 98.
Owen, Dr., 340.
Oxford, 195, 409-418.
Padua, 59.
Paget, William, Lord, 54, 173-174,
359-
Painter, George, 274.
 Gregory, 275.
 Ivan, 275.
Pallas, 98.
Palmer, Sir Henry, 298, 304, 322-
324-
 Julius, 278.
 Sir Thomas, 185.
Papacy, the, ix-xi.
Papist practices, 72-73, 456, 501.
Paris, 8, 300, 301, 420.
 Bishop of, 3.
 judgment of, 25.
Parker, Sir Henry, 12.
Parliament, x, xxxi, xxxvi, 29, 30.
Parr, William, Marquis of Northamp
ton, 261.
Parrat, Sir John, 380, 383.
Parret, Thomas, 278.
Parsons, Robert, xxxiii, 452.
Partridge, Sir Miles, 89, 149, 185.

Index

5*5

Paston, Clement, 120, 124.
Paternoster Row, 502.
Patten William, Expedition into
Scotland, xix »., 53-157.
Pattingham, Patrick, 273.
Paul, Saint, quoted, 71, 74, 179, 267,
336.
Paul iv., 71.
Paulet, Sir Amias, 420.
 WilUam, Marquis of Winchester,
343. 352, 4°4-
Payne, John, a priest, 453-454, 471-474-
Pease (Peaths) Bridge, 85, 87, 101.
Peckes (Pikes), William, martyr, 284.
Peckham, Henry, 188, 225.
Pembroke, Marquess of, see Boleyn,
Anne.
 Earl of, see Herbert, William.
Penial Heugh, 101, 126.
Pensioners, the Gentlemen, 191-192.
Perdue (Pardue), Nicholas, martyr, 281.
Perrenot, Frederic, Sieur de Cham-
pagney, 422, 427, 434, 442.
Perseus, 98.
Perth, see Saint John's Town.
Peter, Saint, 77, 84, 177, 194, 336.
 the Exorcist, 99.
Peterborough, Bishop of, see Howland.
 Dean of, see Fletcher.
 Cathedral, xxxv, 475-484.
Peters, John, see Colleton.
Petre, Sir William, 360, 470.
 Lady, 470-472.
Peyton, 315.
Pharaoh, 82.
Philibert, Duke of Savoy, 316, 317.
Philip 11., xxiii, xxxv, 191-193,212, 254,
290. 293, 300, 310, 319, 321, 331,
363, 421, 425, 434, 492.
 Don, 120.
 de Valois, 293.
Phillipps, J. O. Haliwell, xxxvi n.
Philpot, John, martyr, 267, 275.
Phorcus, 98 n.
Picardy, 61.
Pickering, Sir William, 122.
Picket or Pigot, William, martyr, 266,
270.
Piennes, M. de, see Fiennes.
Pigot, Robert, martyr of Ely, 274.
Pilkington, James, Bishop of Durham,
xix, 407.
Pinkie Cleugh, Battle of, 105 sqq. ;
plans of, 114-119; various accounts
of, xix «.

Pittenweem, 47.
Plato quoted, 83, 384.
Pliny quoted, 59, 83.
Plotinus quoted, 83.
Plutarch quoted, 130.
Pointer,  , 184.
Pole or Poole, Sir Giles, 149.
Polley, Joan, 272.
Polwiller's regiment, 437.
Pompey, 63.
Ponde, Henry, martyr, 283.
Pont Rimy, M. de, 3.
Pope, Sir Thomas, 363.
Porsean, Comte de, 3.
Porsenna, 59.
Potkins, Mrs. Alice, 279.
Poynings, Sir Edward, xvi.
 Sir Thomas, 13.
Poyntz, Sir Nicholas, 43.
Prat (Prayt), Antoine de, 3.
Preau, M. de, 479.
Preston,  , 117, 130.
Prestonpans, 47, 197.
Proctor, John, Wyatfs Rebellion,
199-258 ; notice of, xxiv «.
Protector, the Lord, see Seymour,
Edward.
Protestant, earliest use of the term in
England, xxiii «., 174, 179, 188.
Psalms quoted, 72, 179-
Puritans, the, xxxi.
Queensferry, 47.
Quickwood, 47.
Rabutin, F. de, 295.
Radcliffe, Anne, Lady Fitzwalter, 7.
 Henry, Lord Fitzwalterandsecond
Earl of Sussex, 12, 109, 117, 120,
173-175, 181, 193, 253, 343, 346.
 Sir Humphrey, 186, 191.
 • Robert, first Earl of Sussex, 12,
19-
Radwinter, 396.
Ramsey, Henry, martyr, 280.
Ranton or Raunton, 46-47.
Ratcliff, II. *
Ratcliffe, see Radcliffe.
Raven, the Black, printer's sign, 502.
 John, 480.
Ravensdale, Thomas, martyr of Bristol,
279.
Raymond cited, 107.
Raynoldes, John, 224.
Reade,  , justice of the peace, 462.

5i6

Tudor Tracts

Reading, 272.
Record, Robert, mathematician, 180,
195-196.
Redborne, 341.
Redesdale, 50,
Reede, Thomas, 277.
Reformation, the, xiv-xv, xx-xxi, xxv.
Regulus, 59.
Reston, 84.
Resurrection, The, printer's sign, 169.
Ribauld, Jean de, xix «., 90, 92.
Ricarbie, Matthew, martyr, 283.
Rich, Master, 494.
Richmond, 354.
 Duke of, see Henry.
Riddell, Laird of, 146.
Ridley, Bishop, 274.
Robartes, John, 231, 256.
Robyns, alias Morgan, Thomas, 196.
Rocheline, Marquis de, 3.
Rochester, 211-255, passim.
 martyrs at, 282.
 Sir Robert, 181.
Rochford, Lady, see Boleyn.
Rochpiot, M. de, 3.
Rodas, Jeronimo de, 425, 436.
Rogers, John, 267, 270.
Rome, ix, x, xxii, xxv, xxxii, 59, 60,
70, 287-288.
Romero, Julian, 436.
Rookwood (Rockewood),Nicholas,25i.
Rooth, or Roth, Richard, 282.
Roper, Christopher, 210-21 1, 241, 256.
 George, 275.
 Thomas, 458, 467-473.
 William, 247.
Roses, Wars of the, xxii, xxiii.
Ross herald, 142.
Roth, or Routh, John, martyr, 278.
Rotherford, Charles, 147.
Rouen, Archbishop of, 3.
Rough, John, 282.
Rowan, Master of, 133.
Rowlet, Sir Ralph, 341.
Roxburgh, 64, 145, 147-148, 151, 156-
Roydon, Thomas, 224, 256.
Rush, Sir Thomas, 13.
Russell, Bridget, Countess of Bedford,
478, 480-483.
 Francis, Lord Russell, 173, 177.
 John, Earl of Bedford, 39, 173-
174, 177, 181.
Russians, the, 71.
Rutland, Earl and Countess of, see
Manners.

Ruysbank, 7, 290-291, 293, 304, 310-
313, 3i6.
Rycote, 360.
Ryddell, Peter, 79.
Ryse, Master, xxvii «, 332.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, 78-79, 128, 148-
149. 151-
Saint Albans, 273, 341.
Saint Andrew's, Holborn, xxiv n.
Saint Andrews, the Lord of, 3.
Saint Bartholomew, Massacre of, xxxii.
Saint Clair, Sir John, 13.
Saint Clement's, 408.
Saint Fridewaide's, Oxford, 418.
Saint George's Fields, 280.
Saint Gilliam, 321.
Saint James's Park, 249, 250.
Saint John's Town (Perth), 86, 141.
Saint John, Catherine, Lady St. John
of Bletso, 481.
 Lucy, Lady St. John of Basing,
480, 482.
Saint Leger, Warham, 224-225, 256.
Saint Lo, Sir William, 341.
Saint Martin's, London, 403, 406.
Saint Mary's, Oxford, 409-418.
Saint Mynettes, 39, 47.
Saint Omer, 310.
Saint Paul's Cathedral, Burning of the
Steeple, xxxii, 182-183, 401-408.
Saint Paul's Gate, 8.
 School, 17, 384.
 _ Wharf, 31.
Saint Pol, Comte de, 3.
Saint Quentin, battle of, 290.
Salamander, The, 41.
Salentines, the, 59.
Saligues, Captain, 314.
Salisbury, martyrs at, 276.
 Court, London, 185, 196.
Salmin, Sir Francis, 150.
Samuell, Robert, martyr, 273.
Sandgate, 290, 306-307, 310-312.
Sandingfield, 4.
Sandon, Sir William, 13.
Saragossa, 59.
Satwell, Thomas, 460, 463, 466, 474.
Saulle, Captain, 315.
Saunders, Laurence, martyr, 267, 270.
Savage, Captain John, 324, 330.
Savile, Sir George, 479.
 Sir Henry, 13.
 . Mary, Lady, 481.
Savoy, Duke of, see Philibert.

Index

5i7

Scaevola, 59.
Scarlett, Robert, xxxv «., 477 «.
Scheldt, the, 433.
Scipio, 59.
Scotland, xv-xx, 37 sqq., 55-157.
Scots Guards in France, 5.
 methods of fighting, m-112.
Searles, George, martyr, 278.
Seaton (Seton), 45, 64.
 George, Lord, 45.
Segar, Sir William, 480.
Segrave, 117.
Selve, Odet de, xviii n. , xix n.
Sempill, Master of, 127, 133.
Senarpont, M. de, 322.
Sensare, Comte de, 3.
Sentleger, see Saint Leger.
Seres, William, printer, 169, 401.
Sesforth, see Cesforth.
Sevenoaks, 211, 216, 223-224.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford,
Duke of Somerset, and Lord Pro
tector, xviii-xxii, xxiv «. ; his expedi
tions against Scotland, 37-157 ; pro
clamations to the Scots, 76, 82 ; his
dream, 82-83 > cause of his ruin, 185,
195, 338, 344-
 Sir Edward, of Berry Pomeroy,
117, 120, 149.
 Thomas, Lord High Admiral,
xxviii, 344.
Sheldon,  , 175.
Shelley, Sir Edward, 78, 116, 118,
130.
Shenton, 47.
Shepherd, Luke, John Bon and
Mastr: Parson, xxi «., 160-169, J94-
195-
Shitterdun, Nicholas, martyr, 271.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, see Talbot
Sidney, Sir Henry, 215.
Simson, John, martyr, 271.
Sinclair, Oliver, 47.
Sion House, 195.
Six Articles, Statute of, xxi, 29, 32.
Skelton, John, xxi «.
Skipwith, Sir William, 150.
Skraysburg, 50.
Slade, John, 284.
Sleche, William, 277.
Smith, Richard, martyr, 274.
 Dr. Richard, 410-418.
 Robert, 273.
Smithfield, 265, 272, 275, 280, 282.
Snod, Annis, 275.

Soale, Joan, 275.
Socrates, 83.
Solway Moss, battle of, xvi, 60, 67.
Somerset, Duke of, see Seymour.
 Herald, 87, 137, 144.
Soper Lane, 377.
Southam, Robert, martyr, 283.
Southwark, 186, 241, 245, 248,
467-
Southwell, Sir Richard, 173-175,
190.
 Sir Robert, 209, 211, 215-216,
218, 222, 227-228, 231-232, 238, 242,
244, 245.
South worth, Sir John, 150.
Spain, xiv, xxii-xxiii, xxv, 66.
 Kings of, see Charles v.,
Philip 11.
Spanish Armada, see Armada.
Sparrow, William, martyr, 282.
Spencer, John, martyr of Colchester,
277.
 Richard, martyr of Salisbury, 276.
Speryne, John, 181.
Spurge, Richard, martyr, 276.
Spurvose, Saunders, 147.
Standard, the, 16, 17, 379.
Stanhouse, 47.
Stanley, Mrs. Agnes, martyr, 280.
 117.
 Edward, third Earl of Derby, 4,
12, 19, 353-
Stephen, Saint, 267.
 King, 407.
Stepney, 184-186.
Stere, William, martyr, 273.
Stevens, George, martyr of Lewes, 281.
 Thomas, Jesuit, 452.
Stirling, 44, 86, 139.
Stocks Market, the, 177.
Strange, Sir Nicholas, 150.
Stranguish,  , 405.
Stratford-at-Bow, 186, 272.
Strelley, Sir Anthony, 151.
 Sir Nicholas, 13, 81.
Streter, Robert, martyr, 274.
Stroud (Kent), 229.
Sturley, see Strelley.
Sturtle (=Thirtell), Thomas, martyr,
280.
Sturton, Lord, 44.
 Sir Charles, 150.
Suetonius quoted, 83.
Suffolk, Dukes of, see Brandon, Charles,
and Grey, Henry.

5i8

Tudor Tracts

Sussex, Earls of, see Radcliffe.
Sutton, Sir Henry, 13.
Swallow, The, 4.
Swan, Thomas, 222, 229.
Swiss Guards, 5-
Switzerland, xx.
Sybil, John, 224.
Symon,  , martyr of Norwich,
283.
Symson, Cuthbert, 265, 283.
Synlawes, 50.
Syntercase, 307.
Syphax, 59.
Syth, Saint, 73.
Talbot, Anne, Lady, 481.
 Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, 40,
360.
 Sir John, 150.
Tande, Comte de, 3.
Tankerfield, George, martyr, 273.
Tantallon Castle, 90.
Taunton, E. L. , xxxiv n.
Tauthrie laces, 73.
Tawe, Mr. Justice, 186.
Tay, River, 141.
Taylor, Rowland, 267, 270.
 Walter, 224.
Temple Bar, 18, 250, 389, 391, 395,
408.
 Gate, 191.
Tencin, Guerin de, xxvi n.
Tergoes, 421.
Teviot, the, 145.
Teviotdale, 45, 50, 60, 146, 156.
Thermes, M. de, 301.
Thesterfelles, 47.
Thetford, martyrs at, 273.
Thomas, St. (Becket), 99.
Thorborow, Sir William, 150.
Thornton, siege of, 87-89, 156.
Thorpe, John, 318.
Throgmorton or Thockmorton, Cle
ment, 188-189.
 Job, 188.
 Sir John, 180.
 Sir Nicholas, 181.
Thurston, Mrs., 282-283.
Thynne, Sir John, 149.
Tilbury, 492.
Timmes, William, 276.
Tingle,  , martyr, 274.
Tomkins, Thomas, martyr, 271.
Tonbridge, 211, 215-216.
Tonnore, Comte de, 3.

Tottill, or Tottle, Richard, xxix ».,
395-
Tournon, Cardinal, 3.
Tower of London, 11-12, 14-15, 171,
173, 176, 181, 237, 242, 250, 252-
255, 338, 341 sqq., 363, 391, 457,
464, 466-467, 469.
Tower Street, 391.
Townley, Sir Richard, 150
Trafford, Sir Edmund, 13.
Tranent, 47.
Trapren, 47.
Tree, Mrs., 278.
Treport, 91.
Trevenion, Sir Hugh, 14.
Trismegistus, 83.
Trotter, Tom, 87.
Troy, 61.
Tucke, John, 211, 241, 256.
Tudor, Owen, xxvii.
Tully, see Cicero.
Tunstall, Sir Marmaduke, 13.
Tutson, John, martyr, 275.
Tuttesham, Thomas, 224.
Tuttie, James, martyr, 274.
Tweed, River, 145, 151.
Twysell, 49.
Tyler, Thomas, 284.
Tylmouth, 49.
Tyndale, Sir John, 13.
 William, 174.
Tyne, River, 90.
Tynedale, 50.
Tynemouth, 39.
Tyrell, Sir John, 13.
Udall, Nicholas, xiii n. , 20 sqq.
Uncumber, Saint, 73.
Underesk, 64, 102, 106-107, I25,
141.
Underhill, Edward, Narrative,
xxi «., xxii «., xxiii, xxiv ».,I70-I98.
 Guildford, 181.
 Thomas, 1 70.
Unicorn, The, 41.
Unton or Umpton, Sir Thomas, 13.
Utrecht, 428.
Uvedale, Sir William, 13.
Valdez, Francesco de, 436.
 Pedro de, 485, 487.
Valenciennes, 428.
Valerius quoted, 59, 83, 130.
Vandeville, M. de, 316.
Vane, Henry, 93.

Index

5i9

Vane, Sir Ralph, 78, 108-109, 122, 127,
148-149.
Van Einden, Cornells, 427, 439.
Vargas, Alonzo de, 436.
Vaux, Nicholas, Lord, 13.
Vendome, Due de, 3, 4.
Venge, Edward, 475.
Venice, 14, 421.
Verdugo, Colonel, 442.
Vemey, Sir Edmund, 151.
Vienne, Archbishop of, 3.
Villars, Comte de, 3.
Ville, Sir Alonzo de, 150.
Virgil quoted, 62.
Viridomax, 59.

Wade, Armagil, 63.
 Christopher, martyr, 272.
Waelhem, 433.
Wake, Master, 324.
Waldegrave, Sir Edward, 181.
 Sir William, 12.
Walden, 273.
Wales, xvi.
Walldyke, Lord, 149.
Walliford Field, 64.
Wallop, Lady, 7.
Walmesey, Laird of, 146.
Walsingham, martyr at, 273.
 Sir Francis, 420, 422, 453.
Warburton, Sir Peter, 13.
Ware, martyr at, 273.
Warham, Archbishop, xiii.
Warren, John, 271.
 , his widow, 272.
Warwick, Earl of, see Dudley, John.
Watton, see Wotton.
Webb, John, martyr of Canterbury,
275.
Weblin, William, 462, 466.
Weldon, Anthony, 224-225.
Wemyss, Laird of, 127, 133.
Wendif ( = Wendy), Dr. Thomas, 340,
358.
Wentworth, Thomas, Lord, xxvi, 150,
173, 290 sqq. ; his letters, 302, 303,
306, 308.
West, Sir George, 14.
Westercraig, 47.
Weston, Sir Francis, 13.
Wharton, Thomas, Lord, 152.
White, Edward, printer, 491, 497.
 Nicholas, martyr at Canterbury,
281.

White, Rawlins, martyr, 271.
 Sir Thomas, 243.
Whitechapel, 193.
Whitehall, 18, 19, 240, 248, 251, 255.
Whitwell, Thomas, 275.
Whod, Thomas, pastor of Lewes, 278.
Wickham, William, Bishop of Lincoln,
479, 482.
Wight, see White and Wreighte.
Wilford, Sir James, 78, 122, 150.
William, Prince of Orange, 421, 433,
442.
Williams, Sir John, Lord Williams of
Thame, 339, 353-355, 359, 360.
Willoughby, The Mary, 138.
Willoughby, Charles, Lord Willoughby
of Parham, 479.
 Sir Hugh, 122.
 Sir John, 13.
Wilson, Mrs., 281.
 Dr. Thomas, 421, 425-426.
Wimmes, see Wemyss.
Winchester, 192-193; martyrs at, 284.
 Marquis of, see Paulet.
— — Bishop of, see Gardiner.
 Place, Southwark, 241.
Windebank, Richard, 315, 321.
Windsor, 354.
 Sir Anthony, 13.
 Sir William, 13.
Wingfield, Sir Richard, 122.
Winnibank, see Windebank.
Winter  , martyr, 275.
 Sir William, 405.
Wiseman, John, martyr, 275.
 Justice, 462, 464.
Witherington, Sir John, 50.
Withers, Matthew, 284.
Wittenberg, x.
Wodehouse,  , 117.
 Sir William, 78.
Wolfe, John, 491, 497.
 Reynold, printer, 51.
Wolsey, Cardinal, ix, x, xv.
 William, martyr of Ely, 274.
Wood Street, 186, 193.
Woodhouse, see Wodeb/mse.
Woodman, Richard, martyr, at Lewes,
281.
Woodstock, 352, 355, 358-360.
Worcester, martyrs at, 175.
Worde, Wynkyn de, printer, 8, 19.
Wotton, Thomas, 224.
Wreighte (= Wight), Stephen, martyr,
284.

\ yVVV

520

Tudor Tracts

Wrighte, Richard, martyr, 273.
Wrotham, 224-225, 227.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, xxiv, xxviii, 186,
189, 191, 199-257, 339, 341, 344-
Wye, martyrs at, 280.
 Henry, martyr, 278.
Wynter, see also Winter.
 Gilbert, 171.

Yaldam, 225.
Yare, the, 147.

Yate, Edward, 468-459, 461-462, 464,
466, 470, 473. .
Yeman, Richard, 284.
Yeomen of the Guard, 31.
Yester, the Laird of, 127, 133.
York, Edward Lee, Archbishop of, 14.
 House of, 371-373-
 Place, 18.
Young,  , a dicer, 185.
Yren,  , martyr at Colchester, 277, .
Zierikzee, 421, 435, 436.

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