Yale University Library

Presented in Memory of

! Charles Andrew Armstrong Bennett
Professor of PhUosophy in Yale University

By Several of his Friends

This Memorial Collection
was Established in 1 934 with the Books
on Mysticism Gathered in London by
Edward Hubbard Russell Ph.B. 1878
Yale College

THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE

THE FORMS OF WATER
IN CLOUDS AND RIVERS, ICE AND GLACIERS.
By J. Tyndaix, LL.D., E.R.S.
With Twenty-six Illustrations. Sixth Edition,
crown 8vo. cloth, price 5s.
( Felicitous illustrations, pertinent anecdote, and a crystal style
make his (Professor Tyndall's) expositions read like a romance,
while, -we scarcely need add, he speaks with a scientific knowledge
that few are competent to question. We simply report, therefore,
a fascinating book, dealing largely with the phenomena of glaciers
and snow, with which, more than any living man, Professor Tyndall
has made us familiar.' — British Quarterly Review.
' The most unlearned can comprehend it and delight in it.'
Chemist and Druggist.
' This little book is well calculated to remove much of the
deplorable igtiorance of natural phenomena and their laws shown
by the otherwise well-educated of the present day. It cannot fail
to be intelligible and interesting to any thoughtful reader.'
Pharmaceutical Journal.

HENRY S. KING & CO., LONDON.

THE WARFARE OF
SCIENCE

ANDREW DICKSON WHITE, LL.D.
PRESIDENT OL' COHNELL UNIVERSITY

"WITH PREFATORY NOTE BY

PROFESSOR TYNDALL

llENBY S. KING 8r CO., LONDON
1878

( The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved)

TO
HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE,
OF BROOKLYN, N. Y.,
A CHBISTIAN MAN, WHO HAS PKOVED THAT HE WELCOMES
ALL TRUTH, AND FEARS NONE,
THIS LITTLE BOOK IS INSCRIBED,
WITH FEELINGS OF
THOROUGH RESPECT AND ESTEEM.

NOTE BY PEOFESSOE TYNDALL.

De. Andeew White occupies the responsible position of
President of Cornell University, in the United States —
an institution which numbers among its teachers our
accomplished countryman Mr. Gold win Smith. In the
Spring of 1873 I had the privilege of making Dr.
White's acquaintance, and of hearing him speak in
public in New York. The hue, moral and intellectual,
of the words he then uttered remained with me as a
memory, causing me to turn with interest to the follow
ing discourse, on its appearance in the ' Popular Science
Monthly.' In his preface, Dr. White describes the
parentage of his essay, which is sufficiently revealed by
its style, and mentions the changes that have been
made in it since its first publication.
An entire absence of bigotry characterises the little
volume; and to this I would more especially direct the
attention of intelligent Catholics both in England and
Ireland. They are not here addressed by the exponent

iv NOTE.
of a creed hostile to their own, who wishes them merely
to change their spiritual masters. There is no effort to
win them over to any creed ; but there is an effort made
to show them, and the world, that against the benefits
which religious associations have conferred upon hu
manity stands a vast debit of committed wrong. In our
day, the Roman Church, above all others, aims at the
revival and perpetuation of this wrong — striving after a
domination which she never fitted herself to exercise, and
which, if exercised, could only bring calamity upon the
human race. Ignorance alone can give her any chance
of success ; but with ignorance to work upon, her con
duct in Spain may be taken as a gentle illustration of
what it would be elsewhere. ' Gentle,' I say, because
unabashed as she seems, we must ascribe some power
of restraint to the knowledge, that her operations are
carried on in the full blaze of intellectual day.
It is to the intelligence within her own pale that
works like the present more especially appeal. It is in
that intelligence that liberal minds would willingly seek
a force sufficient to bridle pretensions which, if con
ceded, would place the sciences that have given us all
our knowledge of this universe at the mercy of their
hereditary foe. JOHN TYNDALL.
Athenjeum Club : May, 1876.

PEEFACE.

In its earlier abridged form this address was
given as a Phi Beta Kappa oration at Brown Uni
versity, and, as a lecture, at New York, Boston,
New Haven, Ann Arbor, and elsewhere. In that
form, substantially, it was published in The Popu
lar Science Monthly. I have now given it careful
revision, correcting some errors, and extending it
largely by presenting new facts and developing
various points of interest in the general discussion.
Among the subjects added or rewrought are : in
Astronomy, the struggle of Galileo and the retreat
of the Church after its victory ; in Chemistry and
Physics, the compromise between Science and
Theology made by Thomas Aquinas, and the un
fortunate route taken by Science in consequence ;
in Anatomy and Medicine, the earlier growth of

6 PREFACE.
ecclesiastical distrust of these sciences; in Scien
tific Education, the dealings of various European
universities with scientific studies; in Political
and Social Science, a more complete statement
of the opposition of the Church, on Scriptural
grounds, to the taking of interest for money ;
and, in the conclusion, a more careful summing up.
If I have seemed to encumber the text with notes,
it has been in the intention to leave no important
assertion unsupported ; and in the hope that others
— less engrossed with administrative care than
myself — may find in them indications for more
extended studies in various parts of the struggle
which I have but sketched.
A. D. W.
Cornell University, March, 1876.

THE WAEFAEE OF SCIENCE.

I purpose to present an outline of the great,
sacred struggle for the liberty of science — a strug
gle which has lasted for so many centuries, and
which yet continues. A hard contest it has been ;
a war waged longer, with battles fiercer, with
sieges more persistent, with strategy more shrewd
than in any of the comparatively transient war
fare of Caesar or Napoleon or Moltke.
I shall ask you to go with me through some of
the most protracted sieges, and over some of the
hardest-fought battle-fields of this war. We will
look well at the combatants ; we will listen to the
battle-cries ; we will note the strategy of leaders,
the cut and thrust of champions, the weight of mis
siles, the temper of weapons ; we will look also at
the truces and treaties, and note the delusive im-
potency of all compromises in which the warriors
for scientific truth have consented to receive direc-

8 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
tion or bias from the best of men uninspired by
the scientific spirit, or unfamiliar with scientific
methods. My thesis, which, by an historical study of this
warfare, I expect to develop, is the following : In
all modern history, interference with science in the
supposed interest of religion, no matter how con
scientious such interference may have been, has
resulted in the direst evils loth to religion and to
science — and invariably. And, on the other hand,
all untrammeled scientific investigation, no matter
how dangerous to religion some of its stages may
have seemed, for the time, to he, has invariably re
sulted in the highest good of religion and of science.
I say " invariably." I mean exactly that. It is a
rule to which history shows not one exception.
It would seem, logically, that this statement
cannot be gainsaid. God's truths must agree,
whether discovered by looking within upon the
soul, or without upon the world. A truth written
upon the human heart to-day, in its full play of
emotions or passions, cannot be at any real vari
ance even with a truth written upon a fossil whose
poor life ebbed forth millions of years ago.
This being so, it would also seem a truth irref
ragable, that the search for each of these kinds of,
truth must be followed out on its own lines, by
its own methods, to its own results, without any
interference from investigators on other lines, or

BEGINNING OF THE STRUGGLE. 9
by other methods. And it would also seem logi
cal to work on in absolute confidence that what
ever, at any moment, may seem to be the relative
positions of the two different bands of workers,
they must at last come together, for Truth is one.
But logic is not history. History is full of inter
ferences which have cost the earth dear. Strangest
of all, some of the direst of them have been
made by the best of men, actuated by the purest
motives, and seeking the noblest results. These
interferences, and the struggle against them, make
up the warfare of science.
One statement more, to clear the ground. You
will not understand me at all to say that religion
has done nothing for science. It has done much
for it. The work of Christianity has been mighty
indeed. Through these two thousand years, de
spite the waste of its energies on all the things its
Blessed Founder most earnestly condemned — on
fetich and subtlety and war and pomp — it has
undermined servitude, mitigated tyranny, given
hope to the hopeless, comfort to the afflicted, hght
to the blind, bread to the starving, joy to the
dying, and this work continues. And its work for
science, too, has been great. It has fostered sci
ence often. Nay, it has nourished that feeling of
self-sacrifice for human good, which has nerved'
some of the bravest men for these battles.
Unfortunately, a devoted army of good men

10 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
started centuries ago with the idea that indepen
dent scientific investigation is unsafe — that theolo
gy must intervene to superintend its methods, and
the Biblical record, as an historical compendium
and scientific treatise, be taken as a standard to de
termine its results. So began this great modern
war. GEOGRAPHY.
The first typical battle-field to which I would
refer is that of Geography — the simplest element
ary doctrine of the earth's shape and surface.
Among the legacies of thought left by the an
cient world to the modern, were certain ideas of
the rotundity of the earth. These ideas were vague ;
they were mixed with absurdities ; but they were
germ ideas, and, after the barbarian storm which
ushered in the modern world had begun to clear
away, these germ ideas began to bad and bloom in
the minds of a few thinking men, and these men
hazarded the suggestion that the earth is round —
is a globe.1
' Most fruitful among these were those given by Plato in the
Timceus. See, also, Grote on Plato's doctrine of the rotundity
of the earth. Also Sir (?. O. Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients,
London, 1862, chap, iii., sec. i. and note. Cicero's mention of the
antipodes and reference to the passage in the Timosus are even
more remarkable than the original, in that they much more clear
ly foreshadow the modern doctrine. See Academic Questions, ii.,
zxxiy. Also, Tusc. Quest., i., xxviii., and v., xxiv.

GEOGRAPHY. H
The greatest and most earnest men of the time
took fright at once. To them, the idea of the
earth's rotundity seemed fraught with dangers to
Scripture : by which, of course, they meant their
interpretation of Scripture.
Among the first who took up arms against the
new thinkers was Eusebius. He endeavored to
turn off these ideas by bringing science into con
tempt, and by making the innovators under
stand that he and the fathers of the Church de
spised all such inquiries. Speaking of the inno
vations in physical science, he said: "It is not
through ignorance of the things admired by them,
but through contempt of their useless labor, that
we think little of these matters, turning our souls
to better things." *
Lactantius asserted the ideas of those studying
astronomy to be "mad and senseless." *
' See Eusebius, Prcep. Ev., xv., 61.
* See Lactantius, Inst., 1., iii., chap. 3. Also, citations in
WheweU, Hist. Induct. Sciences, Lond., 1857, rol. i., p. 194. To
understand the embarrassment thus caused to scientific men at a
later period, see Letter of Agricola to Joachimus Vadianus in
1514. Agricola asks Vadianus to give his views regarding the an
tipodes, saying that he himself does not know what to do, between
the Fathers on one side and learned men of modern times on the
other. On the other hand, for the embarrassment caused to the
Church by this mistaken zeal of the Fathers, see Kepler's refer
ences and Fromund's replies ; also De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 58.
Kepler appears to have taken great delight in throwing the views
of Lactantius into the teeth of his adversaries.

12 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
But the attempt to " flank " the little phalanx
of thinkers did not succeed, of course. Even such
men as Lactantius and Eusebius cannot pooh-pooh
down a new scientific idea. The little band of
thinkers went on, and the doctrine of the rotun
dity of the earth naturally led to the consideration
of the tenants of the earth's surface, and another
germ idea was warmed into life — the idea of the
existence of the antipodes, the idea of the exist
ence of countries and men on the hemisphere op
posite to ours.1
At this the war-spirit waxed hot. Those great
and good men determined to fight. To all of
them such doctrines seemed dangerous ; to most of
them they seemed damnable. St. Basil and St.
Ambrose2 were tolerant enough to allow that a
man might be saved who believed the earth to be
round, and inhabited on its opposite sides; but
the great majority of the Fathers of the Church

1 Another germ idea, etc. See Plato, Timams, 62 C, Jowett's
translation, N. Y. ed. Also Plimdo, pp. 449, et seq. Also Cicero,
Academic Quest., and Tusc. Disput., ubi supra. For citations
and summaries, see Whewell, Hist. Induct. Sciences, vol. i., p. 189,
and St. Martin, Hist, de la Geog., Paris, 1873, p. 96. Also Leo-
pardi, Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi, Firenze, 1851,
chap, xii., p. 184, et seq.
2 For opinion of Basil, Ambrose, and others, see Lecky, Hut.
of Rationalism in Europe, New York, 1872, vol. i., p. 279, note.
Also, Letronne, in Revue des Deux Mondes, March, 1834.

Geography. \%
utterly denied the possibility of salvation to such
misbelievers. Lactantius asks : "... Is there any one so
senseless as to believe that there are men whose
footsteps are higher than their heads? — that the
crops and trees grow downward ? — that the rains
and snow and hail fall upward toward the earth %
. . . But if you inquire from those who defend
these marvelous fictions, why all things do not fall
into that lower part of the heaven, they reply that
such is the nature of things, that heavy bodies are
borne toward the middle, like the spokes of a
wheel ; while light bodies, such as clouds, smoke,
and fire, tend from the centre toward the heavens
on all sides. Now, I am at loss what to say of
those who, when they have once erred, steadily
persevere in their folly, and defend one vain thing
by another." St. Augustine seems inclined to yield a little in
regard to the rotundity of the earth, but he fights
the idea that men exist on the other side of the
earth, saying that " Scripture speaks of no such de
scendants of Adam."
But this did not avail to check the idea. What
may be called the flank movement, as represented
by Eusebius, had failed. The direct battle given
by Lactantius, Augustine, and others, had failed ;
in the sixth century, therefore, the opponents of
the new ideas built a great fortress and retired

14: THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
into that. It was well built and well braced. It
was nothing less than a complete theory of the
world, based upon the literal interpretation of
texts of Scripture, and its author was Cosmas
Indicopleustes.1 According to Cosmas, the earth is a parallelo
gram, flat, and surrounded by four great seas. At
the outer edges of these seas rise immense walls
closing in the whole structure. These walls sup
port the vault of the heavens, whose edges are
cemented to the walls ; walls and vault shut in the
earth and all the heavenly bodies. The whole of
this theologic, scientific fortress was built most
carefully, and, as was then thought, most script-
urally. Starting with the expression, To cvyiov Koo-fiiKov,
applied in the ninth chapter of Hebrews to the
tabernacle in the desert, he insists, with other in
terpreters of his time, that it gives a key to the
whole construction of the world. The universe is,
1 For Lactantius, see Instit., iii., 24, translation in the Ante-
Nicene Library ; also, citations in Whewell, i., 196, and in St. Mar
tin, Histoire de la Geographic, pp. 216, 217. For St. Augustine's
opinion, see the Civ. D., xvi., 9, where this great Father of the
Church shows that the existence of the antipodes " nulla ratione
eredendum est." Also, citations in Buckle's Posthumous Works,
vol. ii., p. 645. For a notice of the views of Cosmas in connection
with those of Lactantius, Augustine, St. John Chrysostom, and
others, see Schoell, Histoire de la Litterature Grecgue, vol. vii.,
pp. 37, et seq.

GEOGRAPHY. 15
therefore, made on the plan of the Jewish Taber
nacle — box-like and oblong.
Coming to details, he quotes those grand words
of Isaiah, " It is he that sitteth upon the circle of
the earth, . . . that stretcheth out the heavens like
a curtain, and spreadeth them out like a tent to
dwell in," ' and the passage in Job, which speaks
of the "pillars of heaven."2 He turns all that
splendid and precious poetry into a prosaic state
ment, and gathers therefrom, as he thinks, treas
ures for science.
This vast box is then divided into two com
partments, one above the other. In the first of
these, men live and stars move ; and it extends up
to the first solid vault or firmament, where live the
angels, a main part of whose business it is to push
and pull the sun and planets to and fro. Next he
takes the text, " Let there be a firmament in the
midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters
from the waters," 3 and other texts from Genesis.
To these he adds the text from the Psalms, "Praise
him, ye heaven of heavens, and ye waters that be
above the heavens," * casts that outburst of poetry
into his crucible with the other texts, and, after
subjecting them to sundry peculiar processes, brings
out the theory that over this first vault is a vast
cistern containing the waters. He then takes the
1 Isaiah xl. 22. 5 Job xxvi. 11.
8 Genesis i. 6. 4 Psalm cxlviii. 4.

10 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
expression in Genesis regarding the " windows of
heaven," ' and establishes a doctrine regarding the
regulation of the rain, which is afterward supple
mented by the doctrine that the angels not only
push and pull the heavenly bodies, to light the
earth, but also open and close the windows of
heaven to water it.
To find the character of the surface of the
earth, Cosmas studies the table of shew-bread in
the Tabernacle. The dimensions of that table
prove to him that the earth is flat and twice as
long as broad ; the four corners of the table sym
bolize the four seasons. To account for the move
ment of the sun, Cosmas suggests that at the north
of the earth is a great mountain, and that, at night,
the sun is carried behind this ; but some of the
commentators ventured to express a doubt here ;
they thought that the sun was pushed into a great
pit at night, and was pulled out in the morning.
Nothing can be more touching in its simplicity
than Cosmas's closing of his great argument. He
bursts forth in raptures, declaring that Moses, the
prophets, evangelists, and apostles, agree to the
truth of his doctrine.2
1 Genesis vii. 11.
s See Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, Paris, 1706, vol ii.,
p. 188 ; also pp. 298, 299. The text is illustrated with engravings
showing walls and solid vault (firmament), with the whole appa
ratus of "fountains of the great deep," "windows of heaven,"

GEOGRAPHY. 17
Such was the fortress built against human sci
ence in the sixth century, by Cosmas ; and it stood.
The innovators attacked it in vain. The greatest
minds in the Church devoted themselves to but
tressing it with new texts, and throwing out new
outworks of theologic reasoning. It stood firm
for two hundred years, when a bishop — Yirgilius
of Salzburg — asserts his belief in the existence of
the antipodes.
It happened that there then stood in Germany,
in the first years of the eighth century, one of the
greatest and noblest of men — St. Boniface. His
learning was of the best then known ; in labors he
was a worthy successor to the apostles ; his genius
for Christian work made him, unwillingly, Primate
of Germany ; his devotion afterward led him, will
ingly, to martyrdom. There sat, too, at that time,
on the papal throne, a great Christian statesman —
Pope Zachary. Boniface immediately declares
against the revival of such a terrible heresy as the
existence of the antipodes. He declares that it
amounts to the declaration that there are men on

angels, and the mountain behind which the sun is drawn. For an
imperfect reduction of one of them, see article Maps in Knight's
Dictionary of Mechanics, New York, 1875. For still another
theory, very droll, and thought out on similar principles, see Mun-
go Park, cited in De Morgan, Paradoxes, 309. For Cosmas's joy
ful summing up, see Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, vol. ii.,
p. 255.

18 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
the earth beyond the reach of the means of salva
tion ; he attacks VirgUius ; he calls on Zachary for
aid ; effective measures are taken, and we hear no
more of Yirgilius or his doctrine.
Six hundred years pass away, and in the four
teenth century two men publicly assert the doc
trine. The first of these, Peter of Abano, es
capes punishment by natural death ; the second,
known as Cecco d'Ascoli, a man of seventy years,
is burned alive. Nor was that all the punish
ment : that great painter, Orcagna, whose terrible
works you may see on the walls of the Campo
Santa at Pisa, immortalized Cecco by representing
him in the flames of hell.1
Still the idea lived and moved, and a hundred
years later we find the theologian Tostatus pro-
1 Virgil of Salzburg. See Neander's History of the Christian
Church, Torrey's translation, vol. iii., p. 63. Since Bayle, there has
been much loose writing about Virgil's case. See Wliewell, p. 197 ;
but for best choice of authorities and most careful winnowing out
of conclusions, see De Morgan, pp. 24-26. For very full notes as
to pagan and Christian advocates of doctrine of rotundity of the
earth and of antipodes, and for extract from Zachary's letter, see
Migne, Patrologia, vol. vi., p. 426, and vol. xli., p. 487. For Peter
of Abano, or Apono, as he is often called, see Tiraboschi ; also,
Gingucne, vol. ii., p. 293 ; also Naude, Histoire des Grands
hommes accusfo de Magie. For Cecco d'Ascoli, see Montucla, His
toire des Mathimaliques, i., 528 ; also, Daunou, Hiludes Historiques,
vol. vi., p. 320. Concerning Orcagna's representation of Cecco in
flames of hell, see Renan, Averroes et V Averroisme, Paris, 1867,
p. 328.

GEOGRAPHY. 19
testing against the doctrine of the antipodes as
" unsafe." He has invented a new missile — the
following syllogism : " The apostles were com
manded to go into all the world, and to preach
the gospel to every creature ; they did not go to
any such part of the world as the antipodes, they
did not preach to any creatures there : ergo, no
antipodes exist." This is just before the time of
Columbus. Columbus is the next warrior. The world has
heard of his battles : how the Bishop of Ceuta
worsted him in Portugal; how at the Junta of
Salamanca the theologians overwhelmed him with
quotations from the Psalms, from St. Paul, and
from St. Augustine.1 And even after Columbus
was triumphant, and after his voyage had greatly
strengthened the theory of the earth's sphericity,
the Church, by its highest authority, was again
solemnly committed to the theory of the earth's
flatness. In 1493 Pope Alexander VI. issues a
bull laying down a line of demarkation upon the
earth as a flat disk ; this line was drawn from
north to south, west of the Azores and Canary
Islands; and the Pope, in the plenitude of his
knowledge and powers, declared that all lands
1 For Columbus before the Junta of Salamanca, see Irving's
Columbus, Murray's edition, vol. ii., pp. 405-410. Figuier, Sa
vants du Moyen Age, etc., vol. ii., p. 394, et seq. Also, Humboldt,
Histoire de la Geographic du Nouveau Continent.

20 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
discovered east of this line should belong to the
Portuguese, and all discovered west of it should
belong to the Spaniards. This was hailed as an
exercise of divinely illuminated power in the
Church ; but in a few years difficulties arose. The
Portuguese claimed Brazil, and, of course, had no
difficulty in showing that it could be reached by
sailing to the east of the line, provided the sail
ing were sufficiently long-continued. The bull of
Pope Alexander quietly passed into the catalogue
of ludicrous errors.1
But in 1519 Science gains a crushing victory.
Magalhaens makes his famous voyages. He proves
the earth to be round, for his great expedition
circumnavigates it ; he proves the doctrine of
the antipodes, for he sees the men of the antip
odes ; 2 but even this does not end the war.
Many earnest and good men oppose the doctrine
for two hundred years longer. Then the French
astronomers make their measurements of degrees
in equatorial and polar regions, and add to other
proofs that of the lengthened pendulum : when
1 See Daunou, litudes Historiques, vol. ii., p. 417.
2 For effect of Magalhaens's voyages, and the reluctance to
yield to proof, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xiv., p.
395 ; St. Martin's Histoire de la Geog., p. 369 ; Peschel, Geschichte
des Zeitalters der Enldeckungen, concluding chapters ; and for an
admirable summary, Draper, Hist. Int. Dev. of Europe, pp. 451-
453.

GEOGRAPHY. 21
this was done, when the deductions of science
were seen to be established by the simple test
of measurement, beautifully, perfectly, then and
then only this war of twelve centuries ended.1
And now, what was the result of this war \
The efforts of Eusebius and Lactantius to deaden
scientific thought ; the efforts of Augustine to com
bat it ; the efforts of Cosmas to stop it by dogma
tism; the efforts of Boniface, and Zachary, and
others to stop it by force, conscientious as they all
were, had resulted in what ? Simply in forcing
into many noble minds this most unfortunate con
viction, that Science and Religion are enemies ;
simply in driving away from religion hosts of the
best men in all those centuries. The result was
wrholly bad. No optimism can change that ver
dict. On the other hand, what was gained by the
warriors of science for religion? Simply, a far
more ennobling conception of the world, and a far
truer conception of Him who made and who sus
tains it.
Which is the more consistent with a great, true
religion — the cosmography of Cosmas, or that of
Isaac Newton ? Which presents the nobler food
1 For general statement as to supplementary proof by measure
ment of degrees, and by pendulum, see SomervH.le, Phys. Geog.,
chapter i., § 6, note. Also Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii., p. 736, and
v., pp. 16, 32. Also Montucla, iv., 138.

22 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
for religious thought — the diatribes of Lactantius,
or the astronomical discourses of Thomas Chal
mers? ASTRONOMY.
The next great battle was fought on a question
relating to the position of the earth among the
heavenly bodies. On one side, the great body of
conscientious religious men planted themselves
firmly on the geocentric doctrine — the doctrine
that the earth is the centre, and that the sun and
planets revolve about it. The doctrine was old,
and of the highest respectability.1 The very name,
Ptolemaic theory, carried weight. It had been
elaborated until it accounted well for the phe
nomena. Exact textual interpreters of Scripture
cherished it, for it agreed with the letter of the
sacred text.2
But, most important of all, it was stamped with
the seal of St. Thomas Aquinas. The sainted theo
logian — the glory of the Mediaeval Church, the
" angelic doctor " — he to whom it wras believed an
1 Respectability of Geocentric Theory, Plato's Authority for it
etc, see Grate's Plato, vol. iii., p. 257. Also, Sir G. C. Lewis,
Astronomy of the Ancients, chap, iii., sec. i., for a very thoughtful
statement of Plato's view, and differing from ancient statements.
For plausible elaboration of it, see Fromundus, Anti-Aristarchus,
Antwerp, 1631. Also Melanchthon, Initia Doctrince Physical.
8 For supposed agreement of Scripture with Ptolemaic theory,
see Fromundus, passim, Melanchthon, and a host of other writers.

ASTRONOMY. 23
image of the Crucified had spoken words praising
his writings — had shown in his treatise on the
Heaven and Earth, by philosophy, theology, and
revelation, that the position of the earth must be
in the centre.1
Still the germs of the heliocentric theory 2 had
been planted long before, and well planted ; it had
seemed ready even to bloom forth in the fifth cen
tury, from the mind of Martianus Capella, and in
the fifteenth from the mind of Cardinal de Cusa ;
but it could not be forgotten that St. Thomas had
elaborated the opposite view ; the chill of dogma
tism was still over the earth, and up to the begin
ning of the sixteenth century there had come to
this great truth neither bloom nor fruitage.3
1 See St. Tliomas Aquimis, Liber de Ccelo et Mundo, sec. xx.
8 For Germs of Heliocentric Theory planted long before, etc.,
Bee Sir G. C Lewis ; also, Draper, Intellectual Dcvelopement of
Europe, p. 512 ; and for a succinct statement of the claims of
Pythagoras, Philolaus, Aristarchus, and Martianus Capella, see
Hozfer, Hist, de VAstronomie, 1873, p. 107, et seq. For germs
among thinkers of India, see Whewell, vol. i., p. 277. Also,
Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies,Hew York, 1874; Essay
on the Lunar Zodiac, p. 345.
8 For general statement of De Cusa's work, see Draper, Intel
lectual Development of Europe, p. 512. For skillful use of De
Cusa's view in order to mitigate censure upon the Church for its
treatment of Copernicus's discovery, see an article in the Catholic
World for January, 1869. For a very exact statement, in a spirit
of judicial fairness, see Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences,
p. 275 and pp. 379, 380. In the latter, Whewell cites the exact

M THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Quietly, however, the soil was receiving en
richment, and the air warmth. The processes of
mathematics were constantly improved, the heav
enly bodies were steadily though silently observed;
and at length appeared, afar off from the centres
of thought, on the borders of Poland, a plain,
simple-minded scholar, who first fairly uttered to
the world the truth, now so commonplace, then
so astounding, that the sun and planets do not
revolve about the earth, but that the earth and
planets revolve about the sun, and that man was
Nicholas Kopernik.1 •
Kopernik had been a professor at Borne, but,
words of De Cusa in the De Docta Ignorantia, and sums up in
these words : " This train of thought might be a preparation for
the reception of the Copernican system ; but it is very different
from the doctrine that the sun is the centre of the planetary sys
tem." In the previous passage, Whewell says that De Cusa " pro
pounded the doctrine of the motion of the earth, more, however,
as a paradox than as a reality. We cannot consider this as any dis
tinct anticipation of a profound and consistent view of the truth."
For Aristotle's views and their elaboration by St. Thomas Aquinas,
see the treatise De Ccelo et Mundo. It is curious to see how even
such a biographer of St. Thomas as Archbishop Vaughan slurs
over the angelic doctor's errors. See Vaughan's Life and Labors
of St. Thomas of Aquin, pp. 459, 460.
1 For improvement of mathematical processes, see Draper, In
tellectual Development of Europe, 513. In looking at this and
other admirable summaries, one feels that Prof. Tyndall was not
altogether right in lamenting, in his farewell address at New York,
that Dr. Draper has devoted so much of his time to historical
studies.

ASTRONOMY. 25
as this truth grew within him, he seemed to feel
that at Borne he was no longer safe.1
To publish this thought was dangerous indeed,
and for more than thirty years it lay slumbering
in the minds of Kopernik and the friends to whom
he had privately intrusted it.
1 Kopernik's danger at Konie. The Catholic World for Jan
uary, 1869, cites a recent speech of the Archbishop of Mechlin
before the University of Louvain, to the effect that Copernicus
defended his theory, at Home, in 1500, before two thousand schol
ars ; also, that another professor taught the system in 1528, and
was made Apostolic Notary by Clement VIII. All this, even if
the doctrines taught were identical with those of Copernicus, as
finally developed, which idea Whewell seems utterly to disprove,
avails nothing against the overwhelming testimony that Coper
nicus felt himself in danger — testimony which the after-history
of the Copernican theory renders invincible. The very title of
Fromundus's book, already cited, published within a few miles of
the archbishop's own cathedral, and sanctioned expressly by the
theological Faculty of that same University of Louvain in 1630,
utterly refutes the archbishop's idea that the Church was inchned
to treat Copernicus kindly. The title is as follows :
" Anti-Aristarchus | Sive [ Orbis-Terrse | Immobilis | In quo
decretum S. Congregationis S. R. E. | Cardinalium | IqC. XVI
adversus Pytha [ gorico-Copernicanos editum defenditur | Ant-
werpiee MDCXXXI."
L'Epinois, GaliUe, Paris, 1867, lays stress, p. 14, on the broach
ing of the doctrine by De Cusa, in 1435, and by Widmanstadt, in
1533, and their kind treatment by Eugenius IV. and Clement VII.,
but this is absolutely worthless in denying the papal policy after
ward. Lange, Gcschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., pp. 217, 218,
while admitting that De Cusa and Widmanstadt sustained this
idea and received honors from their respective popes, shows that,

26 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
At last he prepares his great work on the
Sevolution of the Heavenly Bodies, and dedicates
it to the pope himself. He next seeks a place of
publication. He dares not send it to Borne, for
there are the rulers of the older Church ready to
seize it. He dares not send it to Wittenberg, for
there are the leaders of Protestantism no less hos
tile. It is therefore intrusted to Osiander, of
Nuremberg.1 But, at the last moment, Osiander's courage
fails hie;. He dares not launch the new thought
boldly. He writes a groveling preface ; endeav
ors to excuse Kopernik for his novel idea. He
inserts the apologetic lie that Kopernik propounds
the doctrine of the movement of the earth, not as
a fact, but as an hypothesis ; he declares that it is
lawful for an astronomer to indulge his imag
ination, and that this is what Kopernik has
done. Thus was the greatest and most ennobling, per
haps, of scientific truths — a truth not less enno-
when the Church gave it serious consideration, it was condemned.
There is nothing in this view unreasonable. It would be a paral
lel case to that of Leo X., at first inchned toward Luther and the
others, in their " squabbles with the begging friars," and after
ward forced to oppose them. That Copernicus felt the danger,
is evident, among other things, by the expression in the preface,
" Statim me explodendum cum tali opinione clamitant."
1 For dangers at Wittenberg, see Lange, G^schichte des Mate-
rialismus, vol. i., p. 217.

ASTRONOMY. 27
bling to religion than to science — forced, in com
ing into the world, to sneak and crawl.1
On the 24th of May, 1543, the newly-printed
book first arrived at the house of Kopernik. It
was put into his hands ; but he was on his death
bed. A few hours later he was beyond the reach
of those mistaken, conscientious men, whose con
sciences would have blotted his reputation, and
perhaps have destroyed his life.
Yet not wholly beyond their reach. Even
death could not be trusted to shield him. There
seems to have been fear of vengeance upon his
corpse, for on his tombstone was placed no record
of his life-long labors, no mention of his great
1 Osiander, in a letter to Copernicus, dated April 20, 1541, had
endeavored to reconcile him to such a procedure, and ends by
saying, "Sic enim placidiores reddideris peripatheticos ettheologos
quos contradicturos metuis." See Apologia Tychonis in Kepleri
Opera Omnia, Frisch's edition, vol. i., p. 246. Kepler holds
Osiander entirely responsible for this preface. Bertrand, in his
Fondateurs de I'Astronomie Moderne, gives its text, and thinks it
possible that.Copernicus may have yielded " in pure condescension
toward his disciple." But this idea is utterly at variance with ex
pressions in Copernicus's own dedicatory letter to the pope, which
follows the preface. For a good summary of the argument, see
Figuier, Savants de la Renaissance, pp. 378, 379. See, also, cita
tion from Gassendi's life of Copernicus, in Flammarion, Vie de
Copernic, p. 124. Mr. John Fiske, accurate as he usually is, in
his recent Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, appears to have followed
Laplace, Delambre, and Petit into the error of supposing that
Copernicus, and not Osiander, is responsible for the preface.

28 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
discovery. There were graven upon it affecting
words, which may be thus simply translated : " I
ask not the grace accorded to Paul, not that given
to Peter; give me only the favor which thou
didst show to the thief on the cross." Not till
thirty years after did a friend dare write on his
tombstone a memorial of his discovery.1
The book was taken in hand by the proper
authorities. In due time it was solemnly con
demned ; to read it was to risk damnation ; and
the world accepted the decree.2 The earnest theo-
1 Figuier, Savants de la Renaissance, p. 380. Also, Flam
marion, Vie de Copernic, p. 190.
2 The " proper authorities " in this case were the " Congrega
tion of the Index," or cardinals having charge of the " Index Li-
brorum Prohibitorum." Recent desperate attempts to fasten the
responsibility on them as individuals seem ridiculous in view of
the simple fact that their work is sanctioned by the highest
Church authority, and required to be universally accepted by the
Church. Three of four editions of the " Index " in my own pos-
. session declare on their title-pages that they are issued by order
of the pontiff of the period, and each is prefaced by a special
papal bull or letter. See, especially, Index of 1664, issued under
order of Alexander VII., and that of 1761, under Benedict XIV.
Copernicus's work was prohibited in the Index " donee corriga-
iur." Kepler said that it ought to be worded " donee explicetur."
See Bertrand, Fondateurs de I'Astronomie Moderne, p. 57. De
Morgan, pp. 57-60, gives the corrections required by the Index
of 1620. Their main aim seems to be to reduce Copernicus to the
groveling level of Osiander, making of his discovery a mere hypo
thesis ; but occasionally they require a virtual giving up of the
whole Copernican doctrine, e. g., " correction " insisted upon for

ASTRONOMY. . 29
logians of the period immediately wheeled their
batteries of sacred learning to support the Church
in its effort to beat back the terrible doctrine that
the earth revolves about the sun. Among the
most vigorous of them in Northern Europe was
Fromundus. From the shadow of the Cathedral
of Antwerp he sent forth his famous treatise,
the Anti-Aristarchus, full of the strongest ar
guments against the new theory. His very title-
page was a contemptuous insult to the memory of
Kopernik, since it paraded the assumption that
the new truth was only an old and exploded theory
of Aristarchus. He declares that " sacred Script
ure fights against the Copernicans." To prove
that the sun revolves about the earth, he cites the
passage in the Psalms which speaks of the sun
" which cometh forth as a bridegroom out of his
chamber." To prove that the earth stands still,
he quotes the passage from Ecclesiastes, "the
earth standeth fast forever." To show the utter
futility of the Copernican ideas, he indulges in
scientific reasoning as he understands it — declar
ing that, if the hated theory were true, "the wind
would constantly blow from the east ; we should
with great difficulty hear sounds against such a
wind ; " that " buildings, and the earth itself,
cap. 8, p. 6. For scholarly account of the relation of the Prohibi
tory and Expurgatory Indexes to each other, see Mendham, Liter
ary Policy of the Church, of Rome.

30 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
would fly off with such a rapid motion ; " and,
greatest weapon of all, he works up, by the use of
Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas, a demonstration
from theology and science combined, that the earth
must stand in the centre, and that the sun must
revolve about it.1
Doubtless many will at once exclaim against
the Boman Catholic Church for this. Justice
compels me to say that the founders of Protes
tantism were no less zealous against the new scien
tific doctrine. Said Martin Luther : " People gave
ear to an upstart astrologer, who strove to show
that the earth revolves, not the heavens or the fir
mament, the sun and the moon. Whoever wishes
to appear clever must devise some new system,
which of all systems is, of course, the very best.
This fool wishes to reverse the entire science of
astronomy. But Sacred Scripture tells us that
Joshua commanded the sun to stand still, and not
the earth."
Melanchthon, mild as he was, was not behind
Luther in condemning Kopernik. In his treatise,
Initia Doctrmce Physical, he says : " The eyes are
1 See Fromundus's book, cited above, passim, but especially
the heading of chapter vi., and the argument in chaps, x. and xi.
For interesting reference to one of Fromundus's arguments, show
ing by a mixture of mathematics and theology, that the earth
is the centre of the universe, see Quetelet, Histoire des Sciences
MatMmatiques et Physiques, Bruxelles, 1864, p. 170.

ASTRONOMY. 31
witnesses that the heavens revolve in the space of
twenty-four hours. But certain men, either from
the love of novelty, or to make a display of inge
nuity, have concluded that the earth moves ; and
they maintain that neither the eighth sphere nor
the sun revolves. . . . Now, it is a want of honesty
and decency to assert such notions publicly, and
the example is pernicious. It is the part of a good
mind to accept the truth as revealed by God, and
to acquiesce in it." Melanchthon then cites pas
sages from the Bsalms and from Ecclesiastes
which he declares assert positively and clearly
that the earth stands fast, and that the sun moves
around it, and adds eight other proofs of his pro
position that " the earth can be nowhere, if not in
the centre of the universe." l
And Protestant people were not a whit behind
Catholic in following out these teachings. The
people of Elbing made themselves merry over a
farce in which Kopernik was the main object of
ridicule. The people of Nuremberg, a great Prot-
1 See Luther's Tischreden, Irmischer's Ausgabe. Also, Melanch-
thon's Initia Doctrines Physical. This treatise is cited under a
mistaken title by the Catholic World, September, 1870. The cor
rect title is as given above. It will be found in the Corpus Re-
formalorum, ed. Bretschneider, Halle, 1846. (For the above pas
sage, see vol. xiii., pp. 216, 217.) Also, Lange, Geschichie des
Materialising, vol. i., p. 217. Also, Prowe, Ueber die Abhdngigkeit
des Copernicus, Thorn, 1865, p. 4. Also, note, pp. 5 and 6, where
text is given in full.

32 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
estant centre, caused a medal to be struck, with
inscriptions ridiculing the philosopher and his the
ory.1 Then was tried, also, one piece of strategy very
common formerly in battles between theologians
themselves. It consists in loud shoutings that
the doctrine attacked is outworn, and already re
futed — that various distinguished gentlemen have
proved it false — that it is not a living truth, but a
detected lie — that, if the world listens to it, that is
simply because the world is ignorant. This strat
egy was brought to bear on Kopernik. It was
shown that his doctrine was simply a revival of
the Pythagorean notion, which had been thor
oughly exploded. Fromundus, as we have seen
in his title-page and throughout his book, delights
in referring to the doctrine of the revolution of
the planets around the sun, as " that Pythagorean
notion." This mode of warfare was imitated by
the lesser opponents, and produced, for some time,
considerable effect.2
But the new truth could neither be laughed
down nor forced down. Many minds had received
it ; only one tongue dared utter it. This new
warrior was that strange mortal, Giordano Bruno.
1 For treatment of Copernican ideas by the people, see Cath
olic World, as above.
2 See title-page of Fromundus's work cited in note at bottom
of p. 392 ; also, Melanchthon, ubi supra.

ASTRONOMY. 33
He was hunted from land to land, until, at last,
he turns on his pursuers with fearful invectives.
For this he is imprisoned six years, then burned
alive and his ashes scattered to the winds. Still
the new truth lived on ; it could not be killed.
Within ten years after the martyrdom of Bruno,1
after a world of troubles and persecutions, the
truth of the doctrine of Kopernik was established
by the telescope of Galileo.2
Herein was fulfilled one of the most touching
of prophecies. Years before, the enemies of Ko
pernik had said to him, " If your doctrines were
true, Venus would show phases like the moon."
Kopernik answered : " You are right ; I know
not what to say ; but God is good, and will in time
find an answer to this objection." s The God-
1 See Bartholmess, Vie de Jordano Bruno, Paris, 1846, vol. i.,
pp. 121 and pp. 212, et seq. Also Berti, Vita di Giordano Bruno,
Firenze, 1868, chapter xvi. Also Wliewett, i., 294, 295. That
Whewell is somewhat hasty in attributing Bruno's punishment
entirely to the Spaccio delta Bestia Trionfanie will be evident, in
spite of Montucla, to any one who reads the account of the per
secution in Bartholmess or Berti ; and, even if Whewell be right,
the Spaccio would never have been written, but for Bruno's indig
nation at ecclesiastical oppression. See Tiraboschi, vol. xi., p.
435. s Delambre, Histoire de I'Astronomie moderne, discours pr6-
liminaire, p. xiv. Also Laplace, Systime du Monde, vol. i., p. 326,
and for more careful statement, Kepleri Opera Omnia, edit. Frisch,
torn, ii., p. 464.
3 Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 473.

34 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
given answer came when the rude telescope of
Galileo showed the phases of Venus.
On this new champion, Galileo, the war was
long and bitter. The supporters of what was
called " sound learning " declared his discoveries-
deceptions, and his announcements blasphemy-
Semi - scientific professors, endeavoring to curry
favor with the Church, attacked him with sham
science ; earnest preachers attacked him with per
verted Scripture ! 1
I shall present this warfare at some length,
because, so far as I can find, no careful outline
of it has been given in our language, since the
whole histoiy was placed in a new light by the
revelation of the trial documents in the Vati
can Library, published for the first time by M. de
l'Epinois in 1867.
The first important attack on Galileo began
when he announced that his telescope had revealed
1 A very curious example of this sham science is seen in the-
argument, frequently used at the time, that, if the earth really
moved, a stone falling from a height would fall back of the point
immediately below its point of starting. This is used by Fromun
dus with great effect. It appears never to have occurred to him
to test the matter by dropping a stone from the topmast of a ship.
But the most beautiful thing of all is that Benzenburg has experi
mentally demonstrated just such an aberration in falling bodies as
is mathematically required by the diurnal motion of the earth.
See Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. i., p. 453, and ii., pp. 310,
311.

ASTRONOMY. 35
the moons of the planet Jupiter ; the enemy saw
that this strengthened the Copernican theory, and
gave battle immediately.
The whole theory was denounced as impossible
and impious. Professors, bred in the mixed science
favored by the Church,1 argued that the Bible
clearly showed, by all applicable types, that there
could be only seven planets ; that this was proved
by the seven golden candlesticks of the Apoca
lypse, by the seven-branched candlestick of the
Tabernacle, and by the seven churches of Asia : 2
theologians showed the destructive consequences
which must logically result to fundamental Chris
tian truths: bishops and priests uttered impres
sive warnings to their flocks ; and multitudes of
the faithful besought the Inquisition to protect
the fold by dealing speedily and sharply with the
heretic. In vain did Galileo try to save the great truths
he had discovered, by his letters to the Benedictine
Castelli and the Grand-duchess Christine, in which
he argued that literal Biblical interpretation should
not be applied to science ; it was declared that by
making such an argument his heresy was only
1 See Delambre as to the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter
being the turning-point with the heliocentric doctrine. As to its
effects on Bacon, see Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii., p. 298.
2 For argument drawn from the candlestick and seven church
es, see Delambre.

36 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
rendered more detestable ; that he was " worse
than Luther or Calvin."
In vain did he try to prove the existence of
satellites by showing them to the doubters through
his telescope. They either declared it impious to
look, or, if they did see them, denounced them as
illusions from the devil. Good Father Clavius
declared that to "see satellites of Jupiter, men
had to make an instrument which would create
them." ¦
The war on the Copernican theory, which up
to that time had been carried on quietly, now
flamed forth. It was declared that the doctrine
was proved false by the standing still of the sun
for Joshua ; by the declarations that " the founda
tions of the earth are fixed so firm that they can
not be moved," and that the sun " runneth about
from one end of heaven to the other." 2
The Dominican father, Caccini, preached a
sermon from the text, " Ye men of Galilee, why
stand ye gazing up into heaven % " and this wretched
pun was the first of a series of sharper weapons ;
for before Caccini finishes, he insists that " geom
etry is of the devil," and that " mathematicians
1 Libri, vol. iv., p. 211. De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 26, for ac
count of Father Clavius. It is interesting to know that Clavius,
in his last years, acknowledged that " the whole system of the
heavens is broken down, and must be mended."
2 Cautu, Histoire Uhiverselle, vol. xv., p. 478.

ASTRONOMY. 37
should be banished as the authors of all heresies ; "
and, for this, the Church authorities gave Caccini
promotion.1 Father Lorini proved that the doctrine was not
only " heretical," but " atheistic," and besought the
Inquisition to intervene. The Bishop of Fiesole
screamed in rage against the Copernican system,
and proposed to denounce Galileo to the grand-
duke. The Archbishop of Pisa secretly sought to
entrap Galileo and deliver him to the Inquisition
at Borne. The Archbishop of Florence solemnly
condemned the doctrines of Kopernik and Galileo
as unscriptural. But by far the most terrible champion who ap
peared against him was Bellarmin, one of the great
est of theologians, and one of the poorest of scien
tists. He was earnest, sincere, learned, but made
the fearful mistake for the world of applying to
science, direct, literal interpretation of Scripture.2
The weapons which men of Bellarmin's stamp
used were theological. They held up before the
world the dreadful consequences which must result

1 For Caccini's attack, see Delambre, Hist, de VAstron., disc.
prelim., p. xxii. ; also, Libri, Hist, des Sciences Math., vol. iv., p.
232 ; also, Martin, GaliUe, pp. 43, 44.
2 For Bellarmin's view, see Quinet, Jesuits, vol. ii., p. 189. For
other objectors and objections, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences
Mathsmatiques en Italie, vol. iv., pp. 233, 234 ; also, Martin,
Vie de Galilee.

38 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
to Christian theology were the doctrine to prevail
that the heavenly bodies revolve about the sun,
and not about the earth. Their most tremendous
theologic engine against Galileo was the idea that
his pretended discovery " vitiated the whole Chris
tian plan of salvation." Father Lecazre declared
that it "cast suspicion on the doctrine of the
Incarnation." Others declared that it " upset the
whole basis of theology ; that, if the earth is a
planet, and one among several planets, it cannot
be that any such great things have been done espe
cially for it, as the Christian doctrine teaches. If
there are other planets, since God makes noth
ing in vain, they must be inhabited ; but how
can these inhabitants be descended from Adam?
How can they trace back their origin to Noah's
ark? How can they have been redeemed by the
Saviour?"1 Nor was this argument confined to the theolo
gians of the Boman Church ; Melanchthon, Prot
estant as he was, had already used it in his attacks
upon the ideas of Kopernik and his school.2
In addition to this prodigious engine of war,.
there was kept up a terrific fire of smaller artillery
in the shape of texts and scriptural extracts.
But the little telescope of Galileo still swept
1 See Trouessart, cited in Flammarion, Mondes Imaginaires et
Reels, sixieme edition, pp. 315, 316.
2 Initia Doctrines Physical, pp. 220, 221.

ASTRONOMY. 39
the heavens, and the next revelation announced
was the system of mountains and valleys in the
moon. This was a signal for another attack. It
was declared that this, coupled with the statement
that the moon shines by light reflected from the
sun, was a contradiction of the statement in Gene
sis that the moon is a " great light " like the sun.
To make the matter worse, a painter, placing the
moon in a religious picture in its usual position
beneath the feet of the Blessed Virgin, outlined
on its surface mountains and valleys ; this was de
nounced as a sacrilege logically resulting from the
astronomer's heresy.
The next struggle was aroused when the hated
telescope revealed spots upon the sun, and their
motion, which indicated the sun's rotation. Mon
signor Elci, head of the University of Pisa, forbade
the Professor of Astronomy, Castelli, to mention
these spots. Father Busaeus, at the University of
Innspruck, forbade the astronomer Schemer to
allow the new discovery to be known there. At
the College of Douay and the University of Lou
vain it was expressly placed under the ban, and
this became the general rule among the Catholic
universities and colleges of Europe. The Spanish
universities were specially intolerant of this and
similar ideas,1 and up to a recent period they were
1 See Ticknor, Hist, of Span. Literature, vol. iii.

40 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
strictly forbidden in the most important university
of all — that of Salamanca. In 1820 the Abbe
Settele, professor at the College of Borne, having
announced a work on Optics and Astronomy, the
master of the sacred palace, under the authority of
the old decrees against the teachings of Kopernik
and Galileo, forbade the publication, and it was
not until 1822 that Pope Pius VII. sanctioned a
decision of the Inquisition permitting such teach
ings.1 Such are the consequences of placing the in
struction of men's minds in the hands of those
mainly absorbed in the work of saving men's
souls.2 Nothing could be more in accordance with
the idea recently put forth by the Bishop of Mont-
pellier, that the Church is alone fully empowered
to promulgate scientific truth or direct university
instruction ; but science gained the victory here
also. News came of observations of the solar
spots, not only from Galileo in Italy, but from
Fabricius in Holland. Father Schemer then en
deavors to make the usual treaty ; he promulgates
a pseudo-scientific theory — a statement based on a
"religious science" — which only provokes deri
sion. But the war grew more and more bitter, and
1 See Th. Martin, Galilee, pp. 34, 208, and 266.
2 See Martin, Galilee, pp. 34 and 208 ; also a curious note in the
earlier English editions, Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduction.

ASTRONOMY. 41
the principal weapons in it are worth examining.
They are very easily examined; you may pick
them up on any of the battle-fields of science;
but on that field they were used with more effect
than on almost any other. These weapons are two
epithets : " Infidel " and " Atheist."
The battle-fields of science are thickly strewn
with these. They have been used against almost
every man who has ever done anything new for
his fellow-men. The list of those who have been
denounced as infidel and atheist includes almost
all great men of science — general scholars, invent
ors, philanthropists. The deepest Christian life,
the most noble Christian character, have not availed
to shield combatants. Christians like Isaac New
ton and Pascal and John Locke and John Milton,
and even Howard and Fenelon, have had these
weapons hurled against them. Of all proofs of
the existence of a God, those of Descartes have
been wrought most thoroughly into the minds of
modern men ; and yet the Protestant theologians
of Holland sought to bring him to torture and to
death by the charge of atheism, and the Boman
Catholic theologians of France prevented the ren
dering of any due honors to him at his burial.1
1 For curious exemplification of the way in which these weap
ons have been hurled, see lists of persons charged with " infidel
ity " and " atheism," in Le Dictionnaire des AtMes, Paris, An. viii.
Also, Lecky, History of Rationalism, vol. ii., p. 50. For case of
Descartes, see Saisset, Descartes etses precurseurs, pp. 103, 110.

42 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
These epithets can hardly be classed with civil
ized weapons. They are burning arrows. They
set fire to great masses of popular prejudices ;
smoke rises to obscure the real questions; fire
bursts forth at times to destroy the attacked party.
They are poisoned. They go to the hearts of lov
ing women, they alienate dear children ; they in
jure the man after life is ended, for they leave
poisoned wounds in the hearts of those who loved
him best — fears for his eternal happiness — dread
of the Divine displeasure. Of course, in these
days, these weapons, though often effective in dis
turbing good men and in scaring good women, are
somewhat blunted. Indeed, they not unfrequently
injure assailants more than assailed. So it was not
in the days of Galileo ; they were then in all their
sharpness and venom.
Yet far more vile than the use even of these
weapons — vile indeed beyond belief — was the at
tack by the Archbishop of Bisa.
It is a remark made by one of the most moder
ate and judicially fair of modern philosophic his
torians, that, of all organizations this world has
known, the Boman Church has caused most unde
served woe and shed most innocent blood ; but, in
the whole terrible succession of Torquemadas and
Arbues and Granvilles, the vilest enemy of the
human race is probably this same Archbishop of
Pisa.

ASTRONOMY. 43
This man, whose cathedral is more truly conse
crated by the remembrance of Galileo's observa
tion of the lamp swinging before its altar, than by
all the church services of a thousand years, began
a siege against the great philosopher.
Galileo, after his discoveries had been denounced
as contrary to Scripture, had been induced to write
to the Duchess Christine and to his friend Castelli
two letters, to show that his discoveries might be
reconciled to Scripture. The archbishop saw his
opportunity : he determined to get hold of these
letters and exhibit them as proofs that Galileo had
uttered heretical views of theology and the Script
ures, and thus to bring the astronomer hopelessly
into the clutch of the Inquisition. The arch
bishop begs Castelli, therefore, to let him see the
original letter in the handwriting of Galileo. Cas
telli declines ; the archbishop then, while, as is
now revealed, writing constantly and bitterly to
the inquisitors against Galileo, professes to Cas
telli the greatest admiration of Galileo's genius,
and a sincere desire to know more of his discov
eries. Castelli is seduced by this ; but Galileo stur
dily forbids sending the letter, and the archbishop
is obliged to resort to open attack.
The whole struggle to crush Galileo and to
save him would be amusing were it not so fraught
with evil. There were intrigues and counter-in
trigues, plots and counter-plots, lying and spying,

44 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
and in the thickest of this seething, squabbling,
screaming mass, priests, bishops, archbishops, car
dinals, and even the future Pope Urban VIII.
himself. It is most suggestive to see in this
crisis of the Church, on the eve of the greatest
errors in church policy the world has known, in
all the efforts and deliberations of these conse
crated leaders of the Church, at the tomb of the
Prince of the Apostles, no more sign of the
guidance or presence of the Holy Spirit than in a
caucus of New York politicians.
But the opposing powers were too strong. In
1615 Galileo is summoned by the Inquisition to
Borne, and the mine, which had been so long pre
paring, was sprung. Pope Paul V. and the car
dinal inquisitors order eleven theologians of the
Inquisition to examine these two propositions
which had been extracted from Galileo's letters
on the solar spots : First, that the sun does not
move about the earth; secondly, that the earth
does move about the sun. The eleven theologians
solemnly considered these points, and in about a
month rendered a solemn decision that " the first
proposition, that the sun is the centre, and does not
revolve about the earth, is foolish, absurd, false im,
theology, and heretical, because expressly contrary
to Holy Scripture ; and that tlie second proposi
tion, that the earth is not the centre, but revolves
about the sun, is absurd, false in philosophy, and,

ASTRONOMY. 45
from a theological point of view, at least opposed
to the true faith." 1
The pope himself, Baul V., now intervenes ;
he orders that Galileo be brought before the In
quisition. Then the great man of science in that
age is brought face to face with the greatest the
ologian : Galileo is confronted by Cardinal Bel-
larmin. Bellarmin shows Galileo the error of
his opinion, and orders him to renounce it. De
Lauda, fortified by a letter from the pope, ordering
the astronomer to be placed in the dungeon of the
Inquisition should he refuse to yield, commands
him to " abandon entirely the opinion that the sun
is the centre of the universe, and that the earth
moves, and to abstain from sustaining, teaching,
or defending that opinion in any manner what
ever, orally or by writing." 2
Galileo bowed to this Order, was allowed to
retire, and the whole proceeding was kept secret.
About ten days later, on March 5, 1616, the
Congregation of the Index, moved thereto, as we
have seen, and as the letters and documents now
brought to light show, by Pope Paul V., solemn
ly rendered their decree : that the doctrine of
the double movement of the earth about its axis
and about the sun is false and entirely contrary
1 See the original documents in Epinois, pp. 34-36. Martin's
translation does not seem exactly correct.
2 See full official text in Epinois.

4G THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
to Holy Scripture ; that this opinion must neither
be taught nor defended. The same decree con
demned the writings of Kopernik, and all writ
ings which affirm the motion of the earth. The
great work of Kopernik was interdicted until
corrected in accordance with the views of the In
quisition ; and the works of Galileo and Kepler,
though not mentioned by name, were included
among those implicitly condemned as " affirming
the motion of the earth."
The condemnations were inscribed upon the
Index, and to the Index was prefixed the usual
papal bull giving its monitions the papal sanc
tion. To teach or even read the works denounced
or passages condemned, was to risk persecution in
this world and damnation in the next. Human
science had apparently lost the great decisive
battle. For some time Galileo remained at Borne per
fectly submissive.1 Bope Paul V. petted him, and
all seemed happy in the ending of the long war.
But, returning to Florence, something of his
old scientific ardor stirred within him ; and at last
Cardinal Barberini, who had seemed liberal and
friendly, having been made pope under the name
1 See proofs of this in Martin. The reader should be remind
ed that the archives exposed within the past few years have made
the statements of early writers untrustworthy on very many of
the nicer points.

ASTRONOMY. 47
of Urban VIII. , Galileo conceived new hopes, and
again in a published work alluded favorably to
the Copernican system. New troubles ensued.
Galileo was induced to visit Bome again, and
Pope Urban tried to cajole him into silence, and
personally took the trouble to try to show the
astronomer his errors by argument. Other oppo
nents were less considerate. Works appeared at
tacking his ideas — works all the more unmanly,
since their authors knew how Galileo was re
strained by force from defending himself ; and, as
if to accumulate proofs of the fitness of the Church
to take charge of advanced instruction, his salary
as professor at the University of Pisa was taken
from him. Sapping and mining began. Just as
the Archbishop of Pisa some years before had
tried to betray Galileo with honeyed words to
the Inquisition, so now Father Grassi tried it ;
and after various attempts to draw him out by
flattery, suddenly denounced his scientific ideas
as "leading to a denial of the real presence in
the Eucharist."
And here science again loses ground. Galileo
had announced his intention of writing upon the
theory of the tides, but he retreated, and thus
was lost a great treatise to the world.
For the final assault, the park of heavy artil
lery was at last wheeled into place. You see it on
all the scientific battle-fields. It consists of gen-

48 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
eral denunciation ; and Father Melchior Inchofer,
of the Jesuits, brought his artillery to bear well
on Galileo with this declaration : that the opinion
of the earth's motion is, of all heresies, the most
abominable, the most pernicious, the most scan
dalous ; that the immobility of the earth is thrice
sacred ; that argument against the immortality of
the soul, the Creator, the incarnation, etc., should
be tolerated sooner than an argument to prove that
the earth moves.1
But this state of things could not be endured
forever. Urged beyond forbearance, Galileo pre
pares a careful treatise in the form of a dialogue,
exhibiting the arguments for and against the Co
pernican and Ptolemaic systems. He then offers
to submit to any conditions the Church tribunals
may impose, if they will but allow it to be printed.
At last they consent, imposing the most humili
ating condition of all, which was a preface written
by Father Bicciardi and signed by Galileo, in
which the whole work was virtually exhibited as a
play of the imagination, and not at all as opposed
to the truth laid down in 1616 by the Inquisition.
The new work met with prodigious success ; it
put new weapons into the hands of the supporters
of the Copernican theory. The preface only em
bittered the contest ; it was laughed at from one
1 See Inchofer's Traciatus Syllepiicus, cited in Galileo's letter
to Deodati, July 28, 1634.

ASTRONOMY. 49
end of Europe to the other as ironical. This
aroused the enemy. The Jesuits, Dominicans, and
the great majority of the clergy, returned to the
attack more violent than ever ; and Pope Urban
VIH., his personal pride being touched, after
some halting joined the clerical forces.
The first important piece of strategy was to
forbid the sale of the work ; but the first edition
had already been exhausted and spread throughout
Europe. Urban now became angry, and both
Galileo and his works were placed in the hands of
the Inquisition. In vain did the good Benedic
tine Castelli urge that Galileo was entirely respect
ful to the Church ; in vain did he say that " noth
ing that could be done could now hinder the earth
from revolving." He was dismissed, and Galileo
was forced to appear in the presence of the dread
tribunal without defender or adviser. There, as
was so long concealed but as is now fully revealed,
he was menaced with torture by express order of
Bope Urban, and, as is now thoroughly estab
lished by documentary evidence, forced to abjure
under threats, and subjected to imprisonment by
command of Urban, the Inquisition deferring in
the most servile manner to the papal authority.
The rest of the story the world knows by
heart ; none of the recent attempts have succeeded
in mystifying it. The whole world will remem
ber forever how Galileo was subjected certainly to

50 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
indignity and imprisonment equivalent to physi
cal torture ; * how he was at last forced to pro
nounce publicly, and on his knees, his recantation
as follows : " I, Galileo, being in my seventieth
year, being a prisoner and on my knees, and be
fore your eminences, having before my eyes the
Holy Gospel, which I touch with my hands, ab
jure, curse, and detest the error and the heresy of
the movement of the earth."
He was vanquished indeed, for he had been
forced, in the face of all coming ages, to perjure
himself ; and, to complete his dishonor, he was
obliged to swear to denounce to the Inquisition
any other man of science whom he should dis-
- cover to be supporting heresy — the " heresy of
the movement of the earth."
Nor was this all. To the end of his life, nay,
after his life was ended, this bitter persecution
was continued, on the supposition that the
great truths he revealed were hurtful to religion.
After a brief stay in the dungeons of the Inquisi
tion, he was kept in exile from family, friends,
all his noble employments, and held rigidly to his
promise not even to speak of his theory. When,
1 It is not probable that torture in the ordinary sense was ad
ministered to Galileo, though it was threatened. See Th. Martin,
Vie de Galilee, for a fair summing up of the case. For text of
the abjuration, see Epinois ; also, Private Life of Galileo, Appen
dix.

ASTRONOMY. 51
in the midst of intense bodily sufferings from dis
ease and mental sufferings from calamities in his
family, he besought some little Hberty, he was
met with threats of a recommittal to his dungeon.
When, at last, a special commissioner had report
ed to the ecclesiastical authorities that Galileo had
become blind and wasted away with disease and
sorrow, he was allowed but little more liberty, and
that little tempered by the close surveillance of
the ecclesiastical authorities. He was forced to
bear contemptible attacks on himself and on his
works in silence ; he lived to see his ideas care>
fully weeded out from all the church colleges and
universities in Europe ; and when, in a scientific
work, he happened to be spoken of as " renowned,"
the Inquisition ordered the substitution of the
word "notorious." J
Nor did the persecution cease with his death.
Galileo had begged to be buried in his family
tomb in Santa Croce ; the request was denied : his
friends wished to erect a monument over him ;
this, too, was refused. Pope Urban said to the
embassador Niccolini that " it would be an evil
example for the world if such honors were ren
dered to a man who had been brought before the
Boman Inquisition for an opinion so false and
erroneous, who had communicated it to many
1 Martin, p. 227.

52 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
others, and who had given so great a scandal to
Christendom." 1
In accordance, therefore, with the wish of the
pope and the orders of the Inquisition, Galileo
was buried ignobly, apart from his family, without
fitting ceremony, without monument, without epi
taph. Not until forty years after did Pierozzi
dare to write his epitaph. Not until a hundred
years after did Nelli dare transfer his remains to
Santa Croce and erect above them a suitable monu
ment. Even then the old conscientious hostility
burst out : the Inquisition was besought to pre
vent such honors to " a man condemned for no
torious errors ; " and that tribunal refused to allow
any epitaph to be placed above him which had not
first been submitted to its censorship. Nor has
that old conscientious consistency in hatred yet
fully relented ; hardly a generation since has not
seen some Marini, or De Bonald, or Ballaye, or
De Gabriac, suppressing evidence, or torturing ex
pressions, or inventing theories, to blacken the
memory of Galileo and save the reputation of the
Church.2 1 Martin, p. 243.
2 For the persecution of Galileo's memory, see Th. Martin,
chaps, ix. and x. For documentary proofs, see De V Epinois. For
a collection of the slanderous theories invented against Galileo,
see Martin, final chapters and appendix. Both these authors are
devoted to the Church, but, unlike Monsignor Marini, are too up
right to resort to the pious fraud of suppressing documents or in
terpolating pretended facts.

ASTRONOMY. 53
The action of the Church authorities corre
sponded well to the spirit thus exhibited ; not
until 1757, over one hundred years after his con
demnation, was it removed, and then secretly;
not until 1835, over two hundred years after his
condemnation, was the record of it expunged from
the Index.
But this is by no means the only important
part of this history. Hardly less important, for
one who wishes to understand the character of the
warfare of science, is it to go back over those two
hundred years between that fearful crime and its
acknowledgment, and study the great retreat of
the army of the Church after its disastrous victory
over Galileo.
Having gained this victory, the conscientious
believers in the Bible as a compendium of history
and text-book of science exulted greatly. Loud
was the rejoicing that the "heresy," the "infi
delity," the " atheism," involved in believing that
the earth revolves about its axis and moves around
the sun, had been crushed by the great tribunal
of the Church, acting in strict obedience to the ex
pressed will of one pope and the written order of
another. But soon clear-sighted men saw that this victory
was a disaster. From all sides came proofs that
Kopernik and Galileo were right ; and although
Pope Urban and the Inquisition held Galileo in

54 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
strict seclusion, not allowing him even to speak
regarding the double motion of the earth ; and
although the condemnation of " all books which
affirm the motion of the earth " was kept on the
Index ; and although the colleges and universities
under Church control were compelled to teach the
opposite doctrine, it was seen that the position
gained by the victory over Galileo could not be
maintained for ever. So began the great retreat
— the retreat of the army of Church apologists
through two centuries of sophistry, trickery, and
falsehood. The first important move in the retreat was a
falling back upon the statement that Galileo was
condemned, not because he affirmed the motion
of the earth, but because he supported it from
Scripture. For a considerable time this falsehood
served its purpose ; even a hundred and fifty
years after Galileo's condemnation it was renewed
by the Protestant Mallet du Pan,1 in his wish to>
gain favor from the older Church ; but the slightest
critical examination of the original documents, re
cently revealed, show this position utterly unten
able. The letters of Galileo to Castelli and the
Grand-duchess Christine, in which he spoke of
the Copernican theory as reconcilable with Script
ure, were not published until after the condemna
tion ; and although the Archbishop of Pisa had
1 See Martin, pp. 401, 402.

ASTRONOMY. 55
endeavored to use them against him, they were
but casually mentioned in 1616, and entirely left
out of view in 1633. What was condemned in
1616 as "absurd, false in theology, and heretical,
because absolutely contrary to Holy Scripture,"
was the proposition that " the sun is the centre
about which the earth revolves / " and what was con
demned as " absurd, false in philosophy, and, from
a theologic point of view at least, opposed to the
true faith," was the proposition that " the earth is
not the centre of the universe and immovable, but
has a diurnal motion." *
What Galileo was made, by express order of
Pope Urban and by the action of the Inquisition
under threat of torture, to abjure, was " the erroi*
and heresy of the movement of the earth" 2
What the Index, prefaced by papal bulls bind
ing its contents upon the consciences of the faith
ful, for two hundred years steadily condemned, were
" all books which affirm the motion of the earth."
Not one of these condemnations was directed
against Galileo's private letters to Castelli and
Christine affirming the possibility of reconciling
his ideas to Scripture.
Having been dislodged from this point, the
1 See De V Epinois, p. 35, where the document is given in its
original Latin.
' See translation of the abjuration in appendix to Private Life
of Galileo, London, 1870.

56 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Church apologists sought cover under the state
ment that " Galileo was condemned not for heresy,
but for contumacy," and for " wanting in respect
for the pope." '
As to the first point, the very language of the
various sentences shows the falsehood of the asser
tion; they speak of "heresy," and never of "con
tumacy." As to the last point, the display of the
original documents settled that forever. It was
proved by them that from first to last he had been
toward the pope most patient and submissive.
He had indeed expressed his anger at times against
his traducers ; but to hold this the cause of the
judgment against him, is to degrade the whole
proceeding, and to convict the pope, Bellarmin, the
theologians, and the Inquisition, of direct false
hood, since they assigned entirely different reasons
for their conduct. From this, therefore, the apolo
gists hastily retreated.
The next rally was made about the statement
that the persecution of Galileo was the result of a
quarrel between Aristotelian professors on one side
and professors favoring the experimental method
on the other, and that at first Pope Urban favored
1 See Marini, who manipulated tne original documents to prove
this. Even Whewell appears to have been somewhat misled by
him ; but Whewell wrote before De l'Epinois had shown all the
documents, and under the supposition that Marini was an honest
man.

ASTRONOMY. 57
Galileo. But this position was attacked and car
ried by a very simple statement. If the Divine
guidance of the Church is such a sham that it can
be dragged into a. professional squabble, and the
pope made the tool of a faction in bringing about
a most disastrous condemnation of a proven truth,
how does the Church differ from any human
organization sunk into decrepitude, managed by
simpletons and controlled by schemers? If the
argument be true, the condition of the Church is
worse than its enemies have declared it. Amid
the jeers of an unfeeling world the apologists
sought new shelter.
The next point at which a stand was made was
the assertion that the condemnation of Galileo was
" provisory ; " but this proved a more treacherous
shelter than the other. When doctrines have been
solemnly declared, as those of Galileo were solemnly
declared, " contrary to the sacred Scriptures," " op
posed to the true faith," and " false and absurd in
theology and philosophy," to say that such dec
larations are " provisory," l is to say that the truth
held by the Church is not immutable ; from this,
then, the apologists retreated.
While this retreat was going on, there was a
constant discharge of small-arms in the shape of
innuendoes, hints, and small sophistries, by small
1 See Marini.

58 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
writers ; every effort was made to blacken Gali
leo's private character ; the irregularities of his
early life were dragged forth, and stress was laid
on breaches of etiquette ; but this succeeded so
poorly, that in 1850 it was thought necessary by
the Boman court to cover their retreat by some
more careful strategy.
The original documents of the trial of Galileo
had, during the storms of the early part of the
century, been transferred to Paris ; but after sev
eral years, in 1846, they were returned to Bome
by the French government, on the express prom
ise by the papal authorities that the decisions
should be published. After various delays, on
various pretexts, in 1850 the long-expected pub
lication appeared. The ecclesiastic charged with
presenting them to the world was Monsignor Ma
rini. This ecclesiastic was of a kind which has too
often afflicted the weary earth — fox-like in cun
ning, cat-like in treachery. Despite the solemn
promise of the papal court, the wily Marini be
came the instrument of the Boman authority in
evading the promise ; by suppressing a document
here, and interpolating a statement there, he man
aged to give plausible standing-ground for nearly
every important sophistry ever broached to save
the reputation of the Church and destroy the rep
utation of Galileo. He it was who supported the
idea that " Galileo was condemned not for heresy,

ASTRONOMY. 59
but for contumacy," and various other assertions
as groundless. The first effect of Monsignor Marini's book
seemed favorable in covering the retreat of the
Church ; aided by him, such vigorous writers as
Ward were able to throw up temporary intrench-
ments between the Church and the indignation of
the world.
But some time later came an investigator very
different from wily Monsignor Marini. This man
was a Frenchman, M. de l'Epinois. Like Marini,
De l'Epinois was devoted to the Church, but, unlike
Marini, he could not lie. Having obtained access,
in 1867, to the Galileo documents at the Vatican,
he published fully all those of importance, without
suppression or piously-fraudulent manipulation.
This made all the intrenchments based upon Ma
rini's statements untenable. Another retreat had
to be made.
And now was made the most desperate effort
of all. The ape-logistic army, reviving an idea
which popes and Church had spurned, declared
that the pope, as pope, had never condemned the
doctrines of Kopernik and Galileo ; that he had
condemned them as a man simply ; that therefore
the Church had never been committed to them ;
that they were condemned by the cardinals of the
Inquisition and Index, and that the pope had evi
dently been restrained from signing their condem-

60 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
nation by Providence.1 Nothing could show the
desperation of the retreating party better than
jugglery like this. The facts are, that from Pope
Urban downward, among the Church authorities
of the seventeenth century, the decision was spoken
of as made by the pope and the Church. Urban
VIII. spoke of that of 1616 as made by Pope Paul
V. and the Church, and of that of 1633 as made
by himself and the Church.2
When Gassendi attempted to raise the point
that the decision was not sanctioned by the Church
as such, a great theological authority, Father Le-
cazre,2 rector of the College of Dijon, publicly
contradicted him, and declared that it " was not
certain cardinals, but the supreme authority of
the Church," that had condemned Galileo ; and to
this statement the pope and the Church gave con
sent, either openly or by silence.3 The suspected
thinkers, like Descartes and others, who attempted
to raise the same point, were treated with con
tempt. Father Castelli, who had devoted himself
to Galileo, and knew to his cost just what the con
demnation meant and who made it, takes it for
granted, in his letter to the papal authorities, that
it was made by the Church. Cardinal Querenghi
1 See Epinois and TIi. Martin, passim.
a See pages 136, 144, and elsewhere in Martin, who, much
against his will, is forced to allow this.
3 Martin, pp. 146, 147.

ASTRONOMY. 61
in his letters, the embassador Guicciardini in his
dispatches, the historian Viviani in his biogra
phy of Galileo — all writing under Church inspec
tion at the time — take the view that the Church
condemned Galileo. The Inquisition itself, backed
by the greatest theologian of the time, Bellarmin,
took the same view ; ' and if this were not enough,
we have the Boman Index, containing the con
demnation for nearly two hundred years, prefaced
by a solemn bull of the reigning pope, binding
the condemnation on the consciences of the whole
Church, and reiterating year after year the con
demnation of " all books which affirm the motion
of the earth" as damnable.2 To attempt to face
all this, added to the fact that the Inquisition con
demned Galileo, and required his abjuration of
" the heresy of the movement of the earth " by
written order of the pope, was soon seen to be im
possible. In spite, then, of all the casuistry of De l'Epi
nois and all the special pleadings of M. Martin,
the sturdy common-sense of the world proved too
strong ; and now comes to view the most astound
ing defense of all — that hinted at by Viscount
de Bonald and developed in the Dublin, Review.
This was nothing less than an attempt to retreat
under a charge of deception against the Almighty
1 See Martin, p. 145.
2 See note on condemnation of Kopernik.

02 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
himself. The argument is as follows : " But it
may well be doubted whether the Church did
retard the progress of scientific truth. What re
tarded it, was the circumstance that God has thought
fit to express many texts of Scripture in words
which have every appearance of denying the earth's
motion. But it is God who did this, not the
Church ; and, moreover, since He thought fit so to
act as to retard the progress of scientific truth, it
would be little to her discredit even if it were true
that she had followed His example."
With this, the retreat of the army of apologists
is complete ; further than this, through mazes of
sophistry and into depths of contempt, they could
not go.1
' For the attempt to make the crime of Galileo a breach of
etiquette, see Dublin Review, as above. Whewell, vol. i., 393.
Citation from Marini : " Galileo was punished for trifling with the
authorities to which he refused to submit, and was punished for
obstinate contumacy, not heresy." The sufficient answer to all
this is, that the words of the inflexible sentence designating the
condemned books are : " Libri omnes qui affirmant telluris mo-
tum." See Bertrand, p. 59. As to the idea that " Galileo was
punished not for his opinion, but for basing it on Scripture," the
answer may be found in the Roman Index of 1704, in which are
noted for condemnation " Libri omnes docentes mobilitatem terra?
et inmobilitatem solis." For the way in which, when it was found
convenient in argument, Church apologists insisted that it was
" the Supreme Chief of the Church, by a pontifical decree, and
not certain cardinals," who condemned Galileo and his doctrine,
see Father Lecazre's letter to Gassendi in Flammarion, Plnraliie
des Mondes, p. 427, and Urban VIII. 's own declarations as given

ASTRONOMY. 63
Do not understand me here as casting blame
on the Bomau Church at large. It must in fair
ness be said, that some of its best men tried to
stop this great mistake. Even Bope Urban himself
would have been glad at one time to stop it ; but
the current was too strong, and he weakly yielded,
becoming a bitter persecutor.1 The whole of the
civilized world was at fault, Brotestant as well as
Catholic, and not any particular part of it. It was
not the fault of religion ; it was the fault of the
short-sighted views which narrow-minded, loud-
voiced men are ever prone to mix in with religion,
and to insist are religion.2
by Martin. For the way in which, when necessary, Church apolo
gists asserted the very contrary of this, declaring that " it was is
sued in a doctrinal decree of the Congregation of the Index, and
not as the Holy Father's teaching," see Dublin Review, Septem
ber, 1865. And for the most astounding attempt of all, to take
the blame off the shoulders of both pope and cardinals, and place
it upon the Almighty, see the article above cited, in the Dublin
Review, September, 1865, p. 419. For a, good summary of the
various attempts, and for replies to them in a spirit of judicial
fairness, see Th. Martin, Vie de Galilee, though there is some
special- pleading to save the infallibility of pope and Church. The
bibliography at the close is very valuable.
1 For Baronius's remark, see De Morgan, p. 26. Also, Wlie-
well, vol. i., p. 394.
2 For an exceedingly striking statement, by a Roman Catholic
historian of genius, as to popular demand for persecution, and the
pressure of the lower strata, in ecclesiastical organizations, for
cruel measures, see Balmh, Le Protestantisme compare au Catholi.
cisine, etc., 4th ed., Paris, 1855 vol. ii. Archbishop Spaulding

64 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
But the losses to the earth in the long war
against Galileo were followed by losses not less
unfortunate in other quarters. There was then in
Europe one of the greatest thinkers ever given
to mankind — Bene Descartes. Mistaken though
many of his theories were, they were fruitful in
truths. The scientific warriors had stirred new
life in him, and he was working over and summing
up in his mighty mind all the researches of his
time ; the result must make an epoch in history.
His aim was to combine all knowledge and thought
into a " Treatise on the World." His earnestness
he proved by the eleven years which he gave to
the study of anatomy alone. Petty persecution he
had met often, but the fate of Galileo robbed him
of all hope, of all energy ; the battle seemed lost ;
he gave up his great plan forever.1
But champions pressed on. Campanella, full
of vagaries as he was, wrote his Apologia pro
Galileo, though for that and other heresies, reli-
has something of the same sort in his Miscellanies. L'Epinois,
Galilee, pp. 22, et seq., stretches this as far as possible, to save the
reputation of the Church in the Galileo matter.
' Humboldt, Cosmos, London, 1851, vol. iii., p. 21. Also,
Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 222, where the let
ters of Descartes are given, showing his despair, and the giving
up of his best thoughts and works to preserve peace with the
Church. Also, Saisset, Descartes et ses precurseurs, pp. 100, et seq.
Also, Jolly, Hist, du Mouvement Intellectuel au XVI' Siecle, vol. i.,
p. 390

ASTRONOMY. G5
gious and political, he seven times underwent tor
ture.1 And Kepler comes. He leads science on to
greater victories. Kopernik, great as he was, could
not disentangle his scientific reasoning entirely
from the theological bias. The doctrines of Aris
totle and Thomas Aquinas as to the necessary su
periority of the circle, had vitiated the minor feat
ures of his system, and left breaches in it through
which the enemy was not slow to enter. Kepler
sees these errors, and, by wonderful genius in in
sight and vigor in thought, he brings to the world
the three laws which bear his name, and this for
tress of science is complete. He thinks and speaks
as one inspired. His battle is severe ; he is some
times abused, sometimes ridiculed, sometimes im
prisoned. Protestants in Styria and at Tubingen,
Catholics at Bome, press upon him ; 2 but Newton,
Halley, Bradley, and the other great leaders fol
low, and to science remains the victory.
1 Libri, pp. 149, el seq.
2 Fromundus, speaking of Kepler's explanation, says : " Vix
teneo ebullientem risum." It is almost equal to the New York
Church Journal, speaking of John Stuart Mill as " that small
sciolist," and of the preface to Dr. Draper's recent work as " chip-
pering." How a journal generally so fair in its treatment of such
subjects can condescend to use such weapons, is one of the won
ders of modern journalism. For Protestant persecution of Kep
ler, see vol. i., p. 392. Among other things, Kepler's mother was
•declared a. witch, and this was followed by a reminder of the
Scriptural injunction, " Ye shall not suffer a witch to live."

66 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
And yet the war did not wholly end. During
the seventeenth century, in all France, after all
the splendid proofs added by Kepler, no one dared
openly teach the Copernican theory, and Cassini,
the great astronomer, never declared it.1 In 1672
Father Biccioli, a Jesuit, declared that there were
precisely forty-nine arguments for the Copernican
theory and seventy-seven against it ; so that there
remained twenty-eight reasons for preferring the
orthodox theory.2 Toward the end of the seven
teenth century, after the demonstration of Sir
Isaac Newton, even Bossuet, the " eagle of Meaux,"
among the loftiest of religious thinkers, declared
for the Ptolemaic theory as the Scriptural theory ; 3
and in 1724 John Hutchinson published in Eng
land his Moses's Principia, maintaining that the
Hebrew Scriptures are a perfect system of natural
philosophy, and are opposed to the Newtonian
theory of gravitation.4 In 1746 Boscovich, the
great mathematician of the Jesuits, used these
words : "As for me, full of respect for the Holy
Scriptures and the decree of the Holy Inquisition,
I regard the earth as immovable : nevertheless,
1 For Cassini's position, see Henri Martin, Hist, de France,
vol. xiii., p. 175.
2 Daunou, Etudes Historiques, vol. ii., p. 439.
3 Bossuet, see Bertrand, p. 41.
4 For Hutchinson, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduc
tion.

ASTRONOMY. 07
for simplicity in explanation, I will argue as if the
earth moves, for it is proved that of the two hy
potheses the appearances favor that idea." 1 And
even at a date far within our own nineteenth cen
tury, the authorities of the Spanish universities
vigorously excluded the Newtonian system, and
the greatest of them all, the University of Salaman
ca, held it under the ban until a very recent period.2
Nor has the opposition failed even in our own
time. On the 5th of May, 1829, a great multitude
assembled at Warsaw, to do honor to the memory
of Kopernik, and to unveil Thorwaldsen's statue
of him. Kopernik had lived a pious, Christian life. He
was well known for unostentatious Christian char
ity. With his religious belief no fault had ever
been found ; he was a canon of the church of
1 Boscovich. This was in 1746, but in 1785 Boscovich seemed
to feel his position in view of history, and apologized' abjectly.
Bertrand, pp. 60, 61. See also WhewelPs notice of Le Sueur and
Jacquier's introduction to their edition of Newton's Principia.
For a clear statement of Bradley's exquisite demonstration of the
Copernican theory by reasonings upon the rapidity of light, etc.,
and Foucault's exhibition of the rotation of the earth by the pen
dulum experiment, see Hoefer, Hist, de I'Astronomie, pp. 492, et.
seq. For the most recent proofs of the Copernican theory, by dis
coveries of Bunsen, Bischoff, Benzenburg, and others, see Jevons,
Principles of Science.
2 See note in introduction to Lyell's Principles of Geology ;
also, Buckle, Hist, of Civ. in England, vol. i., chap. i.

68 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Frauenberg, and over his grave had been written
the most touching of Christian epitaphs.
Naturally, then, the people expected a religious
service. All was understood to be arranged for
it. The procession marched to the church and
waited. The hour passed, and no priest appeared ;
none could be induced to appear. Kopernik, sim
ple, charitable, pious, one of the noblest gifts of
God to the service of religion as well as science,
was still held to be a reprobate. Five years after
that, his book was still standing on the Index of
books prohibited to Christians; and although, in
1757, under Benedict XIV., the Congregation
of the Index had secretly allowed the ideas of
Kopernik and Galileo to be simply tolerated, it
was not until 1822, as we have seen, that Pius
VII. allowed the publishing of them at Bome ;
and not until 1835 did the prohibition of them
fully disappear from the Index.1
1 Bertrand, Fondateurs de VAstron. Mod., p. 61. Flammarion,
Vie de Copernic, chap. ix. As to the time when the decree of
condemnation was repealed, various authorities differ. Artaud, p.
307, cited in an apologetic article in Dublin Review, September,
1865, says that Galileo's famous dialogue was published in 1744
at Padua, entire, and with the usual approbations. The same
article also declares that in 1818 the ecclesiastical decrees were
repealed by Pius VII., in full Consistory. Whewell says that Gali
leo's writings, after some opposition, were expunged from the
Index Expurgatorius in 1818. Cantu, an authority rather favor
able to the Church, says that Copernicus's work remained on the

ASTRONOMY. 09
The Protestantism of England was little bet
ter. In 1772 sailed the famous English expedi
tion for scientific discovery under Cook. The
greatest by far of all the scientific authorities
chosen to accompany it was Dr. Priestley. Sir-
Joseph Banks had especially invited him ; but the
clergy of Oxford and Cambridge intervened.
Priestley was considered unsound in his views
of the Trinity ; it was suspected that this would
vitiate his astronomical observations ; he was re
jected, and the expedition crippled.1
Nor has the warfare against dead champions
of science been carried on only by the older
Church. On the 10th of May, 1859, was buried Alex
ander von Humboldt. His labors were among
the greatest glories of the century, and his funeral
one of the most imposing that Berlin had ever
seen; among those who honored themselves by
their presence was the prince regent — the present
emperor. But of the clergy it was observed that
none were present save the officiating clergyman
and a few regarded as unorthodox.2
Index as late as 1835. Cantu, Histoire Uhiverselle, vol. xv., p.
483 ; and with this Th. Martin, not less favorable to the Church,
but exceedingly careful as to the facts, agrees.
1 See Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. ii., p. 56, for the
facts and the admirable letter of Priestley upon this rejection.
2 Bruhns and Lassell, Life of Humboldt, London, 1873, vol. ii.,
p. 411.

70 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Nor have attempts to renew the battle been
wanting in these latter days. The attempt in the
Church of England, in 1864, to fetter science,
which was brought to ridicule by Herschel, Bow-
ring, and De Morgan ; the Lutheran assemblage
at Berlin, in 1868, to protest against " science
falsely so called," in the midst of which stood Pas
tor Knak denouncing the Copernican theory ; the
"Syllabus," the greatest mistake of the Boman
Church, are all examples of this.1
And now, what has been won by either party
in this long and terrible war ? The party which
would subordinate the methods and aims of sci
ence to those of theology, though in general obedi
ent to deep convictions, had given to Christianity
a series of the worst blows it had ever received.
They had made large numbers of the best men in
Europe hate it. Why did Bicetto and Bruno and
Vanini, when the crucifix was presented to them
in their hours of martyrdom, turn from that blessed
image with loathing ? 2 Simply because Christian
ity had been made to them identical with the most
horrible oppression of the mind.
1 For the very amusing details of the English attempt, and of
the way in which it was met, see De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 42.
For Pastor Knak and his associates, see Revue des. Deux Mondes,
1868. 2 For a striking account, gathered from eye-witnesses of this,
frightful scene at the execution of Bruno, see letter of Scioppius,
in appendix to vol. iv. of Libri, Hist, des Mathemaliqucs.

ASTRONOMY. ft
Worse than that, the well-meaning defenders
of the faith had wrought into the very fibre of
the European heart that most unfortunate of all
ideas, the idea that there is a necessary antagonism
between science and religion. Like the landsman
who lashes himself to the anchor of the sinking
ship, they had attached the fundamental doc
trines of Christianity, by the strongest cords of
logic which they could spin, to these mistaken
ideas in science, and the advance of knowledge
had wellnigh engulfed them.
On the other hand, what had science done for
religion? Simply this: Kopernik, escaping per
secution only by death ; Giordano Bruno, burned
alive as a monster of impiety ; Galileo, imprisoned
and humiliated as the worst of misbelievers ; Kep
ler, hunted alike by Brotestant and Catholic, had
given to religion great new foundations, great
new, ennobling conceptions, a great new revela
tion of the might of God.
Under the old system we have that princely
astronomer, Alfonso of Castile, seeing the poverty
of the Btolemaic system, yet knowing no other,
startling Europe with the blasphemy that if he had
been present at creation he could have suggested a
better ordering of the heavenly bodies. Under
the new system you have Kepler, filled with a re
ligious spirit, exclaiming, " I do think the thoughts

72 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
of God." 1 The difference in religious spirit be
tween these two men marks the conquest made in
this, even by science, for religion.
But we cannot leave the subject of astronomy
without noticing the most recent warfare. Espe
cially interesting is it because at one period the
battle seemed utterly lost, and then was won beau
tifully, thoroughly, by a legitimate advance in sci
entific knowledge. I speak of the Nebular Hy
pothesis. The sacred writings of the Jews which we have
inherited speak literally of the creation of the heav
enly bodies by direct intervention, and for the con
venience of the earth. This was the view of the
Fathers of the Church, and was transmitted through
the great doctors in theology.
More than that, it was crystallized in art. So
have I seen, over the portal of the Cathedral of
Freiburg, a representation of the Almighty mak
ing and placing numbers of wafer-like suns, moons,
and stars ; and at the centre of all, platter-like and
largest of all, the earth.2 The lines on the Crea
tor's face show that He is obliged to contrive ; the
lines of his muscles show that He is obliged to toil.
1 As a pendant to this ejaculation of Kepler may be cited those
wondrous words of Linnaeus : " Deum omnipotentem a tergo
transeuntem vidi et obstupui."
2 For papal bull representing the earth as a flat disk, see
Daunou, Jlltudes Historiques, vol. ii., p. 421.

ASTRONOMY. 73
Naturally, then, did sculptors and paintsrs of the
mediaeval and early modern period represent the
Almighty as weary after labor, and enjoying dig
nified repose.
These ideas, more or less gross in their accom
paniments, passed into the popular creed of the
modern period.
But about the close of the last century, Bruno
having guessed the fundamental fact of the nebu
lar hypothesis, and Kant having reasoned out its
foundation idea, Laplace developed it, showing the
reason for supposing that our own solar system, in
its sun, planets, satellites, with their various mo
tions, distances, and magnitudes, is a natural result
of the diminishing heat of a nebulous mass — a re
sult obeying natural laws.
There was an outcry at once against the " athe
ism" of the scheme. The war raged fiercely.
Laplace claimed that there were in the heavens
many nebulous patches yet in the gaseous form,
and pointed them out. He showed by laws of
physics and mathematical demonstration that his
hypothesis accounted in a most striking manner
for the great body of facts, and, despite clamor,
was gaining ground, when the improved telescopes
resolved some of the patches of nebulous matter
into multitudes of stars.
The opponents of the nebular hypothesis were
overjoyed ; they sang pseans to astronomy, because,

74 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
as they said, it had proved the truth of Scripture.
They had jumped to the conclusion that all nebulas
must be alike — that if some are made up of sys
tems of stars, all must be so made up ; that none
can be masses of attenuated gaseous matter, be
cause some are not.
Science, for a time, halted. The accepted doc
trine became this : that the only reason why all the
nebulas are not resolved into distinct stars is be
cause our telescopes are not sufficiently powerful.
But in time came that wonderful discovery of the
spectroscope and spectrum analysis, and this was
supplemented by Fraunhofer's discovery that the
spectrum of an ignited gaseous body is discontinu
ous, with interrupting lines ; and this, in 1846, by
Draper's discovery that the spectrum of an ignited
solid is continuous, with no interrupting lines.
And now the spectroscope was turned upon the
nebulas, and about one-third of them were found
to be gaseous.
Again the nebular hypothesis comes forth
stronger than ever. The beautiful experiment of
Blateau on the rotation of a fluid globe comes in
to strengthen if not to confirm it. But what was
likely to be lost in this ? Simply a poor concep
tion of the universe. What to be gained ? A far
more worthy idea of that vast power which works
in the universe, in all things by law, and in none
by caprice.1
1 For Bruno's conjecture (in 1591), see Jevons, vol. ii., p. 299.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 75

CnEMISTBY AND PHYSICS.
The great series of battles to which I next
turn with you were fought on those fields occu
pied by such sciences as Chemistry and Natural
Bhilosophy. Even before these sciences were out of their
childhood, while yet they were tottering mainly
toward childish objects and by childish steps, the
champions of that same old mistaken conception of
rigid Scriptural interpretation began the war. The
catalogue of chemists and physicists persecuted or
thwarted would fill volumes.
The first entrance of these sciences, as a well-
For Kant's part in the nebular hypothesis, see Lange, Geschichte
des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 266. For value of Plateau's beauti
ful experiment very cautiously estimated, see W. Stanley Jevons,
Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 36. Also, ElisSe
Rectus, The Earth, translated by Woodward, vol. i., pp. 14-18,for
an estimate still more careful. For a general account of discov
eries of nature of nebula? by spectroscope, see Draper, Conflict
between Religion and Science. For a careful discussion regarding
the spectra of solid, liquid, and gaseous bodies, see Schellen, Spec
trum Analysis, pp. 100, et seq. For a very thorough discussion
of the bearings of discoveries made by spectrum analysis upon
the nebular hypothesis, ibid., pp. 632-537. For a presentation
of the difficulties yet unsolved, see article by Plummer, in London
Popular Science Review for January, 1875. For excellent short
summary of recent observations and thought on this subject, see
T. Sterry Hunt, Address at the Priestley Centennial, pp. 7, 8. For ¦
an interesting modification of this hypothesis, see Proctor's recent
writings.

76 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
defined force, into the modern world, began in the
thirteenth century. But the thirteenth century
was marked by a revival of religious fervor ; to
this day the greatest and best works of the ca
thedral-builders are memorials of its depth and
strength. Out of this religious fervor naturally came a
great growth of theological thought and ecclesi
astical power, and the spirit of inquiry was soon
obliged to take account of this influence.
First among the distinguished men who, in that
century, laid foundations for modern science, was
Albert of Bollstadt, better known as Albert the
Great, the most renowned scholar of Germany.
Fettered though he was by the absurd methods
of his time, led astray as he was by the scholastic
spirit, he had conceived ideas of better methods
and aims. His eye pierces the mists of scholas
ticism ; he sees the light, and draws the world
toward it. He stands among the great pioneers of
modern physical and natural science. He aids in
giving foundations to botany and chemistry, and
Humboldt finds in his works the germ of the com
prehensive science of physical geography.1
1 For a very careful discussion of Albert's strength in inves
tigation and weakness in yielding to scholastic authority, see Kopp,
Ansichten iiber die Aufgabe der Chemie von Geber bis Stahl, Braun
schweig, 1875, pp. 64, et seq. For a very extended and enthusiastic
biographical sketch, see Pouchet. For comparison of his work

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 77
The conscience of the time, acting, as it sup
posed, in defense of religion, brought out a missile
which it hurled with deadly effect. You see those
mediasval scientific battle-fields strewed with such :
it was the charge of sorcery, of unlawful compact
with the devil.
This missile was effective. You find it used
against every great investigator of Nature in those
times and for centuries after. The list of great
men charged with magic, as given by Naude, is
astounding. It includes every man of real mark,
and the most thoughtful of the popes, Sylvester
II. (Gerbert), stands in the midst of them. It
seemed to be the received idea that, as soon as a
man conceived a wish to study the works of God,
his first step must be a league with the devil.1
This missile was hurled against Albert. He
was condemned by the authorities of the Dominican
order, subjected to suspicion and indignity, and
only escaped persecution by yielding to the ecclesi
astical spirit of the time, and working mainly in
theological channels by scholastic methods. It was
with that of Thomas Aquinas, see Milman, History of Latin
Christians, vol. vi., 461. IlUait aussi trh-habile dans les arts me-
caniques, ce que left soupconner d'etre sorcier. Sprengel, Histoire
de la Medecine, vol. ii., p. 389.
1 For the charge of magic against scholars and others, see
Naude, Apologie pour les grands hommes accuses de Magie, passim.
Also ,Maury, Hist, de la Magie, troisieme 6dit., pp. 214, 215. Also,
Cuvier, Hist, des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 396. F

78 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
a sad loss to the earth ; and certainly, of all organi
zations that have reason to lament the pressure of
those ecclesiastical forces which turned Albert the
Great from the path of experimental philosophy,
foremost of all in regret should be the Christian
Church, and especially the Boman branch of it.
Had the Church of the thirteenth century been so
full of faith as to accept the truths in natural
science brought by Albert and his compeers, and
to have encouraged their growth, this faith and
this encouragement would to this day have formed
the greatest argument for proving the Church
directly under Divine guidance ; they would have
been the brightest jewels in her crown. The loss
to the Church, by this want of faith and courage,
has proved, in the long-run, even greater than the
loss to science.
The next great man of that age whom the
theological and ecclesiastical forces of the time
turn from the right path is Vincent of Beauvais.
Vincent devoted himself to the study of Nature
in several of her most interesting fields. To as
tronomy, mineralogy, botany, and chemistry, he
gave much thought ; but especially did he devote
himself to the preparation of a full account of the
universe. Had he taken the path of experimen
tal research, the world would have been enriched
with most precious discoveries; but the impulse
followed by Albert of BoUstadt, backed as it was

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 79
by the whole ecclesiastical power of his time, was
too strong, and, in all the life-labor of Vincent, noth
ing, appears of any permanent value. He built a
structure which careless observation of facts, literal
interpretation of Scripture, and theological subtil
izing, combmed to make one of the most striking
monuments of human error.1
But the theological ecclesiastical spirit of the
thirteenth century gained its greatest victory in
the work of the most renowned of all thinkers of
his time, St. Thomas Aquinas. In him was the
theological spirit of his age incarnate. Although
he yielded somewhat, at one period, to love of
studies in natural science, it was he who finally
made that great treaty or compromise which for
ages subjected science entirely to theology. He
it was whose thought reared the most enduring
barrier against those who, in that age and in sue
ceeding ages, labored to open for science the path
by its own legitimate method toward its own noble
ends. Through the earlier systems of philosophy as
they were then known, and through the earlier the-
ologic thought, he had gone with great labor and
vigor ; he had been a pupil of Albert of BoUstadt,
and from him had gained inspiration in science.
1 See Eitudes sur Vincent de Beauvais par I'Abbe Bourgeat,
chaps, xii., xiii., xiv. Also, Pouchel, Histoire des Sciences Natu-
relies au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853, pp. 470, et seq.

80 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
All his mighty powers, thus disciplined and cult
ured, he brought to bear in making a treaty or
truce, giving to theology the supremacy over sci
ence. The experimental method had already been
practically initiated ; Albert of BoUstadt and Boger
Bacon had begun their work in accordance with its
methods; but St. Thomas Aquinas gave all his
thoughts to bringing science again under the sway
of the theological bias, metaphysical methods, and
ecclesiastical control. He gave to the world a
striking example of what his method could be made
to produce. In his commentary upon Aristotle's
treatise upon " Heaven and Earth " he illustrates
all the evils of such a combination of theological
reasoning and literal interpretation of the Script
ural with scientific facts as then understood, and
it remains to this day a prodigious monument to
human genius and human folly. The ecclesiasti
cal power of the time hailed him as a deliverer ;
it was claimed that striking miracles were vouch
safed, showing that the blessing of Heaven rested
upon his labors. Among the legends embodying-
the Church spirit of that period is that given by
the Bollandists and immortalized by a renowned
painter. The great philosopher and saint is repre
sented in the habit of his order, with book and pen
in hand, kneeling before the image of Christ cru
cified ; and as he kneels the image thus addresses
him : " Thomas, thou hast written well concerning

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 81
me ; what price wilt thou receive for thy labor \ "
To this day the greater ecclesiastical historians of
the Boman Church, like the Abbe Bohrbacher, and
the minor historians of science, who find it con
venient to propitiate the Church, like Pouchet,
dilate upon the glories of St. Thomas Aquinas in
thus making a treaty of alliance between religious
and scientific thought, and laying the foundations
for a " sanctified science." But the unprejudiced
historian cannot indulge in this enthusiastic view.
The results both for the Church and for the prog
ress of science have been most unfortunate. It
was a wretched step backward. The first result of
this great man's great compromise was to close
that new path in science which alone leads to dis
coveries of value — the experimental method — and
to reopen the old path of mixed theology and
science, which, as Hallam declares, " after three or
four hundred years had not untied a single knot,
or added one unequivocal truth to the domain of
philosophy ; " the path which, as all modern histoiy
proves, has ever since led only to delusion and evil.1
1 For work of Aquinas, see St. Thomas Aquinas, Liber de Ccelo
et Mundo, section xx. Also, Life and Labors of St. Thomas of
Aquin, by Archbishop Vaughan, pp. 459, et seq. For his labors in
natural science, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1843, vol.
i., p. 381. For theological views of science in middle ages, and
rejoicing thereat, see Pouchet, Hist, des Sci. Nat. au Moyen Age,
•ubi supra. Pouchet says : " En general au milieu (hi moyen age

82 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
The path thus unfortunately opened by these
strong men became the main path in science for
ages, and it led the world farther and farther from
any fruitful fact or hopeful method. Boger Bacon's
investigations were virtually forgotten ; worthless
mixtures of literal interpretation of Scripture with
imperfectly authenticated physical facts took their
place. Every age since has been full of examples of
this, but out of them I will take just one ; and it
shall be no other than that Francis Bacon, who,
more than any other man, led the modern world
les sciences sont essentiellement chretiennes, leur but est tout-
a-fait religieux, et elles semblent beaucoup moins s'inquieter de
l'avancement intellectuel de l'homme que de son salut eternel."
Pouchet calls this " conciliation " into a " harmonieux ensemble "
" la plus glorieuse des conquetes intellectuelles du moyen age."
Pouchet belongs to Rouen, and the shadow of the Rouen Cathe
dral seems thrown over all his history. See, also, L'Abbe Rohr-
bacher, Hist, de VEglise Caiholique, Paris, 1858, vol. xviii., pp.
421, et seq. The abbe dilates upon the fact that " the Church or
ganizes the agreement of all the sciences by the labors of St.
Thomas of Aquin and his contemporaries." For the theological
character of science in middle ages, recognized by a Protestant
philosophic historian, see the well-known passage in Guizot, His
tory of Civilization in Europe ; and by a noted Protestant eccle
siastic, see Bishop Hampden's Life of Thomas Aquinas, chaps.
xxxvi., xxxvii. See, also, Hallam, Middle Ages, chap. ix. For
dealings of Pope John XXII., and kings of France and England,
and republic of Venice, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes,
pp. 140, 141, where, in a note, the text of the bull Spondent Pari-
ter is given.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 83
out of the path opened by Aquinas, and back into
the path trod by Boger Bacon. Strange as it may
at first seem, Francis Bacon, whose keenness of
sight revealed the delusions of the old path and
the promises of the new, that man whose boldness
in thought did so much to turn the world from
the old path into the new, presents, in his own
writings, one of the most striking examples of the
strength of the evil he did so much to destroy.
The Novum Organum, considering the time
when it came from his pen, is doubtless one of the
greatest exhibitions of genius in the history of hu
man thought. This treatise it was which showed
the modern world the way out of the scholastic
method and reverence for dogma into the experi
mental method and reverence for demonstrated
fact. In the course of it occur many passages
which show that the great philosopher was fully
alive to the danger, both to religion and to sci
ence, arising from their mixture. Early in his
argument he says : " But the corruption of phi
losophy from superstition and admixture of theol
ogy separates altogether more widely, and intro
duces the greatest amount of evil, both into whole
systems of philosophy and into their parts." And
a little later he says : " Some moderns have in
dulged this vanity with the greatest carelessness,
and have endeavored to found a Natural Philoso
phy on the first of Genesis and the Book of Job,

84 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
and other sacred Scriptures, so ' seeking the dead
among the living.' And by so much the more is
this vanity to be restrained and coerced because
their expressions form an unwholesome mixture
of things human and divine ; not merely fantas
tic philosophy, but heretical religion. And so it
is very salutary that, with due sobriety of mind,
those things only be rendered to faith which are
faith's." 1 Still later, in his treatise, Bacon returns
to the charge yet more strongly. He says : " Nor
is it to be overlooked, that natural philosophy has
in all ages had a troublesome and stubborn adver
sary in superstition and the blind and immoder
ate zeal for religion. Thus it has been among the
Greeks, that they who first proposed to the yet
unprepared ears of men the natural causes of
lightning and tempests were condemned, on that
head, for impiety toward the gods ; nor by some
of the old fathers of the Christian religion were
those much better received, who laid it down from
the most sure demonstrations, such as no one in
his senses could nowadays contradict, that the
earth is round, and asserted in consequence that
there must be antipodes. Furthermore, as things
are now, the condition of discourses on Nature is
made severe and more rigorous in consequence of
the summaries and methods of scholastic theolo-
1 The Novum Organon, translated by the Rev. G. W. Kitchin,
Oxford, 1855, chap. Ixv.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 85
gians, who, while they have, as far as they could,
reduced theology to order, and have fashioned it
into the form of an art, have besides succeeded in
mingling far more than was right of the quarrel
some and thorny philosophy of Aristotle with the
body of religion."
" The fictions, too, of those who have not
feared to deduce and confirm from the principles
and authority of philosophies the true Christian
religion, have the same tendency, though in a
different way. These celebrated the wedding of
faith and sense, as though it were lawful, with
much pomp and solemnity, and soothed the minds
of men with a grateful variety of things, but,
meanwhile, mingled the divine with the human in
ill-matched state. And in mixtures like this of
theology with natural philosophy, those things
only which are now received in philosophy are
included ; while novelties, though they be changes
for the better, are all banished and driven out."
And, again, Bacon says : " Lastly you may
find, thanks to the unskillf ulness of some divines,
the approach to any kind of philosophy, however
improved, entirely closed up. Some, indeed, in
their simplicity are rather afraid, lest perhaps a
deeper inquiry into Nature should penetrate be
yond the allowed limits of sobriety." Still further
on Bacon penetrates into the very heart of the
question in a vigorous way, and says : " Others,

86 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
more craftily, conjecture and consider that, if the
means be unknown, each single thing can be re
ferred more easily to the hand and rod of God —
a matter, as they think, of very great importance
to religion : and this is nothing more nor less
than wishing to please God by a lie." And, final
ly, he says : " Whereas, if one considers the mat
ter rightly, natural philosophy is, after God's
word, the surest medicine for superstition, and
also the most approved nourishment of faith." 1
No man who has thought much upon the an
nals of his race can, without a feeling of awe, come
into the presence of such inspired clearness of in
sight and boldness of utterance. The first thought
of the reader is, that, of all men, this Francis Ba
con is the most free from the unfortunate bias he
condemns. He certainly cannot be deluded into'
the old path. But, as we go on through the trea
tise, we are surprised to find that the strong arm
of Aquinas had been stretched over the interven
ing ages, and had laid hold upon this master-think
er of the sixteenth century. Only a few chapters
further along we find Bacon, after alluding to the
then recent voyage of Columbus, speaking of the-
prophecy of Daniel regarding the latter days,
that " many shall run to and fro and knowledge
be increased," as " clearly signifying that it is in
1 Novum Organon, chap, lxxxix.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 87
the fates, i. e., in providence, that the circumnavi
gation of the world, which through so many
lengthy voyages seems to be entirely complete or
in course of completion, and the increase of sci
ence, should happen in the same age." 1
Here, then, we have this great man indulging
in that very mixture of literal Scriptural interpre
tation and scientific thought which he had con
demned, and therefrom evidently deducing the
conclusion that these great voyages and discover
ies, which were the beginning of a new world in
thought and action, were the end of all things.
But in his great work on The Advancement
of Learning the firm grip which the meth
ods he condemned held upon him is shown yet
more clearly. In his first book he shows how
"that excellent Book of Job, if it be revolved
with diligence, it will be found pregnant and
swelling with natural philosophy," and endeavors
to show that the " roundness of the world," the
" fixing of the stars, ever standing at equal dis
tance," the "depression of the southern pole,"
" matter of generation," and " matter of minerals,"
are " with great elegancy noted." But, curiously
enough, he uses to support some of these truths
the very texts which the Fathers of the Church
used to destroy them, and those for which he finds
Scriptural warrant most clearly are such as science
1 Novum Organon, chap, xciii.

88 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
has since disproved. So, too, he says that Solo
mon was enabled by " donation of God " in his
proverbs " to compile a natural histoiy of all verd
ure." *
Certainly no more striking examples of the
strength of the evil which he had all along been
denouncing could be exhibited than these in his
own writings ; after this we cease to wonder at
his blindness to the discoveries of Kopernik and
the experiments of Gilbert.
I pass from the legions of those who from that
day to this have stumbled into similar errors by
degrading our sacred volume into a compendium
of histoiy or a text-book of science, and turn next
to a far more serious class of effects arising from
the great mediasval compromise between science
and theology. We have considered the wrong
road into which so many master-spirits were led
or driven ; we will now look at the war brought
against those men of science who persevered
in the right road.
The first great thinker who, in spite of some
stumbling into theologic pitfalls, persevered in this
true path was Boger Bacon. His life and works
seem until recently to have been generally mis
understood. He has been ranked as a supersti
tious alchemist who stumbled upon some inven-
1 Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, edited by W. Aldis
Wright, London, 1873, pp. 47, 48.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 89
tions ; but more recent investigation has revealed
him to be one of the great masters in human
progress. The advance of sound historical judgment
seems likely to bring nearer to equality the fame
of the two who bear the name of Bacon. Bacon of
the chancellorship and the Novum Organon may
not wane; but Bacon of the prison-cell and the
Opus Majus steadily approaches him in bright
ness.1 More than three centuries before Francis Ba
con advocated the experimental method, Boger
Bacon practised it, and the results as now re
vealed are wonderful. He wrought with power
in philosophy and in all sciences, and his knowl
edge was sound and exact. By him, more than
by any other man of the middle ages, was the
world put on the most fruitful paths of science —
the paths which have led to the most precious
inventions. Among them are clocks, lenses, burn
ing specula, telescopes, which were given by him
to the world, directly or indirectly. In his writ
ings are found formulas for extracting phospho
rus, manganese, and bismuth. It is even claimed,
1 For a very contemptuous statement of Lord Bacon's claim to
his position as a philosopher, see Lange, Geschichte des Material.
ismus, Leipsic, 1874, vol. i., p. 219. For a. more just statement,
see Brewster, Life of Sir Isaac Newton. See, also, Jevons, Prin
ciples of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 298.

00 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
with much appearance of justice, that he investi
gated the power of steam. He seems to have
very nearly reached also some of the principal
doctrines of modern chemistry. But it should
be borne in mind that his method of investiga
tion was even greater than these vast results. In
the age when metaphysical subtilizing was alone
thought to give the title of scholar, he insisted on
real reasoning and the aid of natural science by
mathematics. In an age when experimenting was
sure to cost a man his reputation, and was likely
to cost him his life, he insisted on experiment and
braved all its risks. Few greater men have lived.
As we read the sketch given by Whewell of Ba
con's process of reasoning regarding the refraction
of light, he seems fairly inspired.1
On this man came the brunt of the battle.
The most conscientious men of his time thought
it their duty to fight him, and they did it too
well. It was not that he disbelieved in Chris
tianity ; that was never charged against him. His
orthodoxy was perfect. He was attacked and con
demned, in the words of his opponents, '¦'¦propter
quasdam novitates suspectas."
He was attacked, first of all, with that goodly
1 Kopp, in his Ansichten, pushes criticism even to some skep
ticism as to Roger Bacon being the discoverer of many of the
things generally attributed to him ; but, after all deductions are
carefully made, enough remains to make Bacon the greatest bene
factor to humanity during the middle ages.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 91
old missile, which, with the epithets " infidel " and
" atheist," has decided the fate of so many battles
— the charge of magic and compact with Satan.
He defended himself with a most unfortunate
weapon — a weapon which exploded in his hands
and injured him more than the enemy, for he
argued against the idea of compacts with Satan,
and showed that much which is ascribed to de
mons results from natural means. This added
fuel to the flame. To limit the power of Satan
was deemed hardly less impious than to limit the
power of God.1
The most powerful protectors availed him lit
tle. His friend Guy Foulkes having been made
pope, Bacon was for a time shielded, but the fury
of the enemy was too strong. In an unpublished
letter, Blackstone declares that when, on one oc
casion, Bacon was about to perform a few experi
ments for some friends, all Oxford was in an up
roar. It was believed that Satan was let loose.
Everywhere were priests, fellows, and students
rushing about, their garments streaming in the
wind, and everywhere resounded the cry, " Down
with conjurer ! " and this cry, " Down with the
conjurer ! " resounded from cell to cell and hall
to hall.2
1 For an account of Bacon's treatise, De Nullitate Magics, see
Hoefer. 2 Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1843, vol. i., p. 63 ;

92 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
But the attack took a shape far more terrible.
The two great religious orders, Franciscan and
Dominican, vied with each other in fighting the
new thought in chemistry and philosophy. St.
Dominic, sincere as he was, solemnly condemned
research by experiment and observation. The
general of the Franciscan order took similar
grounds. In 1243 the Dominicans solemnly interdicted
every member of their order from the study of
medicine and natural philosophy, and in 1287
this interdiction was extended to the study of
chemistry.1 In 1278 the authorities of the Fran-
and for a somewhat reactionary discussion of Bacon's relation to
the progress of chemistry, see a recent work by the same author,
Ansichten icber die Aufgabe der C/iemie, Braunschweig, 1874, pp.
85, et seq. Also, for an excellent summary, see Hoefer, Hist, de la
Chimie, vol. i., pp. 368, et seq. For summaries of his work in
other fields, see Whewell, vol. i., pp. 367, 368. Draper, p. 438.
Saisset, Descartes et ses Precurseurs, deuxieme edition, pp. 397, et
seq. Nourrisson, Progres de la pensee humaine, pp. 271, 272.
Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, Paris, 1865, vol. ii., p. 397.
Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 417. As to
Bacon's orthodoxy, see Saisset, pp. 53, 55. For special examina
tion of causes of Bacon's condemnation, see Waddinglon, cited
by Saisset, p. 14. On Bacon as a sorcerer, see Featherstonaugh's
article in North American Review. For a good example of the
danger of denying full power of Satan, even in much more recent
times, and in a Protestant country, see account of treatment of
Bekker's Monde Enchante by the theologians of Holland, in,
Nisard, Histoire des Livres Populaires, vol. i., pp. 172, 173.
J Henri Martin, Hist, de France, vol. iv., p. 283.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 93
ciscan order, assembled at Baris, solemnly con
demned Bacon's teachings.
Another weapon began to be used upon the
battle-fields of that time with much effect. The
Arabs had made noble discoveries in science.
Averroes had, among many, divided the honors
with St. Thomas Aquinas. These facts gave the
new missile : it was the epithet " Mahometan."
This, too, was flung with effect at Bacon.1
Bacon was at last conquered. He was impris
oned for fourteen years. At the age of eighty
years he was released from prison, but death alone
took him beyond the reach of his enemies. How
deeply the struggle had racked his mind may be
gathered from that last affecting declaration of
his : " Would that I had not given myself so
much trouble for the love of science ! "
Sad is it to think of what this great man
might have given to the world had the wrorld not
refused the gift. He held the key of treasures
which would have freed mankind from ages of
error and misery. With his discoveries as a basis,
with his method as a guide, what might not the
world have gained ! Nor was the wrong done to
that age alone; it was done to this age also.
The nineteenth century was robbed at the same
time with the thirteenth. But for that interfer-

1 On Bacon as a " Mahometan," see Saisset, p. IV. G

94 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
ence with science, the nineteenth century would,
without doubt, be enjoying discoveries which will
not be reached before the twentieth century.
Thousands of precious lives shall be lost in this
century, tens of thousands shall suffer discomfort,
privation, sickness, poverty, ignorance, for lack of
discoveries and methods which, but for this mis
taken religious fight against Bacon and his com
peers, would now be blessing the earth.
In 1868 and 1869, sixty thousand children died
in England and in Wales of scarlet fever; prob
ably nearly as many died in this country. Had
not Bacon been hindered, we should have had in
our hands, by this time, the means to save two-
thirds of these victims; and the same is true of
typhoid, typhus, and that great class of diseases
of whose physical causes science is just beginning to
get an inkling. Put together all the efforts of all
the atheists who have ever lived, and they have not
done so much harm to Christianity and the world
as has been done by the narrow-minded, conscien
tious men who persecuted Boger Bacon, and closed
the path which he gave his life to open.1
' For proofs that the world is steadily working toward great
discoveries as to the cause and prevention of zymotic diseases
and of their propagation, see Beale's Disease Germs, Baldwin
Latham's Sanitary Engineering, Michel Levy, Traiie d'Hygiene
Publique et Priv'ee, Paris, 1869. And for very thorough summa
ries, see President Barnard's paper read before Sanitary Congress

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 95
But, despite the persecution of Bacon and the
defection of those who ought to have followed
him, champions of natural science and the experi
mental method arose from time to time during the
succeeding centuries. We know little of them
personally. Our main knowledge of their efforts
is derived from the efforts of their opponents and
persecutors. In 1317 Bope John XXII. issued his bull
Spondent Pariter, nominally leveled at the al
chemists, but really dealing a terrible blow at the
beginnings of the science of chemistry.
In 1380 Charles V. of France carried out the
same policy, and even forbade the possession of
furnaces and apparatus necessary for chemical pro
cesses. Under this law the chemist John Ba-
rillon, for possessing chemical furnaces and appa
ratus, was thrown into prison, and it was only
by the greatest effort that his life was saved.
In 1404 Henry IV. of England issued a decree
of the same sort; and in 1418 the republic of
Venice followed the example of pope and kings.
But champions of science still pressed on. An
tonio de Dominis relinquishes his archbishopric of
Spalatro, investigates the phenomena of light, and
dies in the clutches of the Inquisition.1
in New York, 1874, and Dr. J. C. Dalton' s Anniversary Discourse
on the Origin and Propagation of Disease, New York, 1874.
1 Antonio de Dominis, see Montucla, Hist, des Mathematiques,
vol. i., p. 705. Humboldt, Cosmos. Libri, vol. iv., pp. 145, et seq.

96 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Pierre de la Bamee stands up against Aristo-
telianism at Paris. A royal edict, sought by the
Church, stopped his teaching, and the massacre of
St. Bartholomew ended his life.
Somewhat later, John Baptist Porta began his
investigations. Despite many absurdities, his work
was most fruitful. His book on meteorology was
the first in which sound ideas were broached. His
researches in optics gave the world the camera
obscura, and, possibly, the telescope. In chemis
try he seems to have been the first to show how
to reduce the metallic oxides, and thus to have
laid the foundation of all those industries based
upon the staining and coloring of glass and enam
els ; and, last of all, he did much to change natural
philosophy from a " black art " to a vigorous open
science. He encountered the same old policy of
conscientious men. The society founded by him
for physical research, " I Secreti," was broken up,
and he was summoned to Bome and censured.1
In 1624 some young chemists of Paris, having
taught the experimental method and cut loose
from Aristotle, the Faculty of Theology besets the
Parliament of Paris, and the Parliament prohibits
this new chemical teaching under penalty of death."
1 For Porta, see Hoefer, Hist, de la Chemie, vol. ii., pp. 102-
106. Also, Kopp. Also, Sprengel, Hist, de la Medecine, iii., p.
239. Also, Musset-Parthay.
2 Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xii., pp. 14, 15.

CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS. 97
The war went on in Italy. In 1657 occurred
the first sitting of the Accademia del Cimento, at
Florence, under the presidency of Prince Leopold
dei Medici. This Academy promised great things
for science. It was open to all talent. Its only
fundamental law was " the repudiation of any fa
vorite system or sect of philosophy, and the obliga
tion to investigate Nature by the pure light of
experiment." The new Academy entered into scientific in
vestigations with energy ; Borelli in mathematics,
Bedi in natural history, and many others, pushed
on the boundaries of knowledge. Heat, light,
magnetism, electricity, projectiles, digestion, the
incompressibility of water, were studied by the
right method and with results that enriched the
world. The Academy was a fortress of science, and
siege was soon laid to it. The votaries of scholas
tic learning denounced it as iiTeligious. Quarrels
were fomented. Leopold was bribed with a car
dinal's hat and drawn away to Bome ; and, after
ten years of beleaguering, the fortress fell : Borelli
was left a beggar ; Oliva killed himself in de
spair.1 1 Napier, Florentine History, vol. v., p. 485. Tiraboschi, Sto-
ria delta Lileralura. Henri Martin, Histoire de France. Jevons,
Principles of Science, vol. ii., pp. 36-40. For value attached to
Borelli's investigations by Newton and Huyghens, see Brewster's

98 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Still later, just before the great discoveries by
Stahl, we find his predecessor Becher opposed with
the following syllogism : " King Solomon, accord
ing to the Scriptures, possessed the united wisdom
of heaven and earth. But King Solomon sent his
vessels to Ophir to seek gold, and he levied taxes
upon his subjects. Now, if Solomon had known
anything about alchemy, he would not have done
this; therefore Solomon did not know anything
about alchemy (or chemistiy in the form which
then existed) ; therefore alchemy (or chemistry) has
no reality or truth." And we find that Becher
is absolutely turned away from his labors, and
obliged to devote himself to proving that Solomon
used more money than he possibly could have ob
tained from Ophir or his subjects, and therefore
that he must have possessed a knowledge of chem
ical methods and the philosopher's stone as the re
sult of them.1
And, in our time, Joseph de Maistre, uttering
his hatred of physical sciences, declaring that man
Life of Sir Isaac Newton, London, 1875, pp. 128, 129. Libri, in
his Essai sur Galilee, p. 37, says that Oliva was summoned to
Rome, and so tortured by the Inquisition that, to escape further
cruelty, he ended his life by throwing himself from a window.
1 For this syllogism, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes,
pp. 106, 107. For careful appreciation of Becher's position in
the history of chemistry, see Kopp, Ansichten uber die Aufgabe der
Chemie, etc., von Geber bis StaM, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 201, et

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 99
has paid too dearly for them, asserting that they
must be subjected to theology, likening them to
fire — good when confined, but fearful when scat
tered about — this brilliant thinker has been the
centre of a great opposing camp, an army of good
men who cannot relinquish the idea that the Bible
is a text-book of science.
ANATOMY AND MEDICINE.
I pass, now, to fields of more immediate im
portance to us — to anatomy and medicine.
It might be supposed that the votaries of sci
ences like these would be suffered to escape at
tack ; unfortunately, they have had to stand in the
thickest of the battle.
The Church, even in its earliest centuries,
seems to have developed a distrust of them. Ter
tullian, in his " Treatise upon the Soul," stigma
tizes the surgeon Herophilus as a " butcher," and
evidently on account of his skill in his profession
rather than on account of his want of it. St. Au
gustine, in his great treatise on the City of God,
which remains to this day one of the treasures of
the Church, speaks with some bitterness of " med
ical men who are called anatomists," and says that
" with a cruel zeal for science they have dissected
the bodies of the dead, and sometimes of sick per
sons, who have died under their knives, and have

100 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
inhumanly pried into the secrets of the human
body to learn the nature of disease and its exact
seat, and how it might be cured ! " 1
But it was not until the mixture of theology
and science had begun to ferment, in the thirteenth
century, and the ecclesiastical power had been
aroused in behalf of this sacred mixture, that the
feeling against medical science broke into open
war. About the beginning of that century Bope
Innocent III. forbade surgical operations by
priests, deacons, or subdeacons. Pope Honorius
went still further, and forbade medicine to be
practised by archdeacons, priests, or deacons ; in
1243 the Dominican authorities banished books on
medicine from their monasteries ; somewhat later,
Pope Boniface VIII. interdicted dissection as sac
rilege.2 1 For Tertullian's views, see the De Anima, chap. x. For
views of St. Augustine, see the De Civ. Dei, book xxii.,
chap. 24.
2 For Boniface VIII. and his interdiction of dissections, see
Buckle's Posthumous Works, vol. ii., p. 567. For injurious effects
of this ecclesiastical hostility to anatomy upon the development
of art, see Woltman, Holbein and His Time, pp. 266, 267. For an
excellent statement of the true relation of the medical profession
to religious questions, see Prof. Acland, General Relations of
Medicine in Modem Times, Oxford, 1868. For thoughtful and
witty remarks on the struggle at a recent period, see Maury,
L'Ancienne Academic des Sciences, Paris, 1864, p. 148. Maury
says : " La faculte n'aimait pas a avoir affaire aux theologiens qui
precedent par anathemes beaucoup plus que par analyses."

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 101
Toward the close of that great religious cen
tury came a battle which serves to show the spirit
of the time.
The great physician and chemist of the day
was Arnold de Villa Nova. Although he has
been overrated by some modern historians as a
votary of the experimental method, and under
rated by others as a votary of alchemy, the
sober judgment of the most thoughtful has ac
knowledged him as one of the most useful fore
runners of modern masters in medical and chemi
cal science. The missile usual in such cases was hurled at
lim. He was charged with sorcery and dealings
with the devil. The Archbishop of Tarragona
first excommunicated him and drove him from
Spain ; next he was driven from Paris, and took
refuge at Montpellier ; thence, too, he was driven ;
finally, every place in France was closed against
him, and he became an outcast.1
Such seemed the fate of men in that field who
1 For uncritical praise of Arnold de Villa Nova, see Figuier,
L'Alchimie et les Alchimisles, 3eme edit. For undue blame, see
Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1842, vol. i., p. 386. For a
more broad and fair judgment, see Kopp, Geschichte der Cliemie,
Braunschweig, 1843, vol. i., p. 66, and vol. ii., p. 185. Also, Pou
chet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853,
pp. 52, et seq. Also, Draper, Int. Dev. of Europe, p. 421. Whe
well, Hist, of the Induct. Sciences, vol. i., p. 235 ; vol. viii., p. 36.
FrSdault, Hist, de la Medecine, vol. i., p. 204.

102 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
gained even a glimmer of new scientific truth.
Even men like Cardan, and Paracelsus, and Porta,
who yielded much to popular superstitions, were
at once set upon if they ventured upon any other
than the path which the Church thought sound —
the insufficient path of Aristotelian investigation.
We have seen that the weapons used against
the astronomers were mainly the epithets " infidel "
and "atheist." We have also seen that the mis
siles used against the chemists and physicians were
the epithets "sorcerer" and "leaguer with the
devil ; " and we have picked up on various battle
fields another effective weapon, the epithet " Mo
hammedan." On the heads of the anatomists and physicians
were concentrated all these missiles. The charge
of atheism ripened into a proverb : " Ubi sunt tres
medici, ibi sunt duo athei." Magic seemed so
common a charge that many of the physicians
seemed to believe it themselves. Mohammedan
ism and Averroism became almost synonymous
with medicine, and Petrarch stigmatized Aver-
roists as "men who deny Genesis and bark at
Christ." *
Not to weary you with the details of earlier
1 Renan, Averroes el I'Averroisme, Paris, 1867, pp. 327, 333,
335. For a, perfectly just statement of the only circumstances.
which can justify the charge of " atheism," see Dr. Deems's arti
cle in Popular Science Monthly, February, 1876.

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 103
struggles, I will select a great benefactor of man
kind and champion of scientific truth at the period
of the revival of learning and the Beformation —
Andreas Vesalius, the founder of the modern sci
ence of anatomy. The battle waged by this man
is one of the glories of our race.
The old methods were soon exhausted by his
early fervor, and he sought to advance science by
truly scientific means — by patient investigation
and by careful recording of results.
From the outset Vesalius proved himself a
master. In the search for real knowledge he
braved the most terrible dangers. Before his time
the dissection of the human subject was thought
akin to sacrilege. Occasionally an anatomist, like
Mundinus, had given some little display with such
a subject ; but, for the purposes of investigation,
such dissection was forbidden.1 As we have al
ready seen, even such men in the early Church
as Tertullian and St. Augustine held anatomy in
1 Wliewell, vol. iii., p. 328, says, rather loosely, that Mundinus
"dissected at Bologna in 1315." How different his idea of dissec
tion was from that introduced by Vesalius, may be seen by Cu-
vier's careful statement that the entire number of dissections by
Mundinus was three. The usual statement is that it was two. See
Cuvier, Hist, des Sci. Na'.., tome iii., p. 7 ; also, Sprengel, Fredault,
and Hallam ; also, IAttr'e, Medecine et Medecins, chap, on anatomy.
For a very full statement of the agency of Mundinus in the prog
ress of anatomy, see Portal, Hist, de VAnatomie et de la Chirur-
gbrie, vol. i., pp. 209-216

104 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
abhorrence, and Boniface VIII. interdicted dis
section as sacrilege.
Through this sacred conventionalism Vesalius
broke without fear. Braving ecclesiastical censure
and popular fury, he studied his science by the
only method that could give useful results. No
peril daunted him. To secm-e the material for his
investigations, he haunted gibbets and charnel-
houses ; in this search he risked alike the fires of
the Inquisition and the virus of the plague. First
of all men he began to place the science of hu
man anatomy on its solid, modern foundations
— on careful examination and observation of the
human body. This was his first great sin, and
it was soon aggravated by one considered even
greater. Perhaps the most unfortunate thing that has
ever been done for Christianity is the tying it to
forms of science which are doomed and gradually
sinking. Just as, in the time of Boger Bacon, ex
cellent but mistaken men devoted all their energies
to binding Christianity to Aristotle ; just as, in the
time of Beuchlin and Erasmus, they insisted on
binding Christianity to Thomas Aquinas : so, in
the time of Vesalius, such men made every effort
to link Christianity to Galen.
The cry has been the same in all ages ; it is
the same which we hear in this age for curbing
scientific studies — the cry for what is called " sound

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 105
learning." Whether standing for Aristotle against
Bacon, or Aquinas against Erasmus, or Galen
against Vesalius, or making mechanical Greek
verses at Eton instead of studying the handiwork
of the Almighty, or reading Euripides with trans
lations instead of Lessing and Goethe in the ori
ginal, the cry always is for " sound learning."
The idea always is that these studies are safe.
At twenty-eight years of age Vesalius gave to
the world his great work on human anatomy.
With it ended the old and began the new. Its
researches, by their thoroughness, were a triumph
of science ; its illustrations, by their fidelity, were
a triumph of art.
To shield himself, as far as possible, in the bat
tle which he foresaw must come, Vesalius prefaced
the work by a dedication to the Emperor Charles
V. In this dedicatory preface he argues for his
method, and against the parrot repetitions of the
mediaeval text-books ; he also condemns the wretch
ed anatomical preparations and specimens made by
physicians who utterly refused to advance beyond
the ancient master.
The parrot-like repeaters of Galen gave battle
at once. After the manner of their time, their
first missiles were epithets ; and, the almost in
finite magazine of these having been exhausted,
they began to use sharper weapons — weapons the-
ologic.

106 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
At -first the theologic weapons failed. A con
ference of divines having been asked to decide
whether dissection of the human body is sacrilege,
gave a decision in the negative. The reason is
simple : Charles V. had made Vesalius his physi
cian, and could not spare him. But, on the ac
cession of Philip II. of Spain, the whole scene
changed. That most bitter of bigots must of
course detest the great innovator.
A new weapon was now forged. Vesalius was
charged with dissecting living men,1 and, either
from direct persecution, as the great majority of
authors assert, or from indirect influences, as the
recent apologists for Philip II. allow, Vesalius be
came a wanderer. On a pilgrimage to the Holy
Land to atone for his sin, he was shipwrecked, and
in the prime of his life and strength he was lost
to this world.
And yet not lost. In this century he again
stands on earth ; the painter Hamann has again
given him to us. By the magic of Hamann's pen
cil, we look once more into Vesalius's cell. Its
windows and doors, bolted and barred within, be
token the storm of bigotry which rages without ;
the crucifix, toward which he turns his eyes, sym
bolizes the spirit in which he labors ; the corpse
1 For a similar charge against anatomical investigations at a
much earlier period, see Liitri, Medecine el Medecins, chapter on
anatomy.

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 107
of the plague-stricken, over which he bends, ceases
to be repulsive ; his very soul seems to send forth
rays from the canvas which strengthen us for the
good fight in this age.1
He was hunted to death by men who conscien
tiously supposed he was injuring religion. His
poor, blind foes destroyed one of religion's great
est apostles. What was his influence on religion ?
He substituted for repetition, by1 rote, of worn-out
theories of dead men, conscientious and reverent
searching into the works of the living God ; he
substituted for representations of the human struct
ure — pitiful and unreal — truthful representations,
revealing the Creator's power and goodness in
every line.2
I hasten now to the most singular struggle and
victory of medical science between the sixteenth
and nineteenth centuries.
Early in the last century, Boyer presented In
oculation as a preventive of small-pox, in France ;
thoughtful physicians in England, led by Lady
Montagu and Maitland, followed his example.
1 The original painting of Vesalius at work in his cell, by
Hamann, is now at Cornell University.
2 For a curious example of weapons drawn from Galen and
used against Vesalius, see Lewes, Life of Goethe, p. 343, note.
For proofs that I have not over-estimated Vesalius, see Portal,
ubi supra. Portal speaks of him as " le ghiie le plus droit qu'eut
V Europe ; " and again, " Vesale me parait un des plus grands
hommes qui ait exists."

108 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Theology took fright at once on both sides of
the Channel. The French theologians of the Sor-
bonne solemnly condemned the practice. English
theologians were most loudly represented by the
Bev. Edward Massy, who, in 1722, preached a ser
mon in which he declared that Job's distemper
was probably confluent small-pox, and that he had
been doubtless inoculated by the devil ; that dis
eases are sent by Brovidence for the punishment
of sin, and that the proposed attempt to prevent
them is "a diabolical operation." This sermon
was entitled " The Dangerous and Sinful Bractice
of Inoculation." Not less absurd was the sermon
of the Bev. Mr. Delafaye, entitled "Inoculation
an Indefensible Bractice." Thirty years later the
struggle was still going on. It is a pleasure to note
one great churchman, Maddox, Bishop of Worces
ter, giving battle on the side of right reason ; but
as late as 1753 we have the Bector of Canterbury
denouncing inoculation from his pulpit in the pri-
matial city, and many of his brethren following
his example. Among the most common weapons
hurled by churchmen at the supporters of inocula
tion, during all this long war, were charges of sor
cery and atheism.1
1 See Sprengel, Histoire de la Medecine, vol. vi., pp. 39-80.
For the opposition of the Paris Faculty of Theology to inocula
tion, see the Journal de Barbier, vol. vi., p. 294. For bitter de
nunciations of inoculation by the English clergy, and for the noble

ANATOMY AND MEDICINE. 109
Nor did Jenner's blessed discovery of vacci
nation escape opposition on similar grounds. In
1798 an anti-vaccine society was formed by clergy
men and physicians, calling on the people of Eng
land to suppress vaccination as " bidding defiance
to Heaven itself — even to the will of God," and
declaring that " the law of God prohibits the prac
tice." In 1803 the Bev. Dr. Bamsden thundered
against it in a sermon before the University of
Cambridge, mingling texts of Scripture with cal
umnies against Jenner ; but Plumptre in England,
Waterhouse in America, and a host of other good
men and true, press forward to Jenner's side, and
at last science, humanity, and right reason, gain the
victory.1 But I pass to one typical conflict in our days.
In 1847 James Voung Simpson, a Scotch phy
sician of eminence, advocated the use of anass-
thetics in obstetrical cases.
Immediately a storm arose. From pulpit after
pulpit such a use of chloroform was denounced as
stand against them by Maddox, see Baron, Life of Jenner, vol. i.,
pp. 231, 232, and vol. ii., pp. 39, 40. For the strenuous opposition
of the same clergy, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i.
p. 464, note. Also, for the comical side of this matter, see Nich
ols's Literary Illustrations, vol. v., p. 800.
1 For the opposition of conscientious men in England to vacci
nation, see Duns, Life of Sir James Y. Simpson, Bart., London,
1873, pp. 248, 249 ; also, Baron, Life of Jenner, ubi supra, and
vol. ii., p. 43 ; also, Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, vol. ii. II

110 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
impious. It was declared contrary to Holy Writ,
and texts were cited abundantly. The ordinary
declaration was, that to use chloroform was " to
avoid one part of the primeval curse on woman." '
Simpson wrote pamphlet after pamphlet to
defend the blessing which he brought into use ;
but the battle seemed about to be lost, when he
seized a new weapon. " My opponents forget,"
said he, " the twenty-first verse of the second chap
ter of Genesis. That is the record of the first surgi
cal operation ever performed, and that text proves
that the Maker of the universe, before he took the
rib from Adam's side for the creation of Eve,
caused a deep sleep to fall on Adam."
This was a stunning blow ; but it did not en
tirely kill the opposition. They had strength left
to maintain that " the deep sleep of Adam took
place before the introduction of pain into the
world — in the state of innocence." 2 But now a
new champion intervened — Thomas Chalmers.
With a few pungent arguments he scattered the
enemy forever, and the greatest battle of science
against suffering was won.1
But was not the victory won also for religion?
Go to yonder monument, in Boston, to one of the
discoverers of anassthesia. Bead this inscription
1 See Duns, Life of Sir J. Y. Simpson, pp. 215-222.
2 Ibid., pp. 256-259.
8 Ibid., p. 260 ; also, Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, ubi supra.

GEOLOGY. HI
from our sacred volume : " This also cometh from
the Lord of hosts, which is wonderful in counsel
and excellent in working." geology. *
I now ask you to look at another part of the
great warfare, and I select it because it shows
more clearly than any other how Protestant na
tions, and in our own time, have suffered them
selves to be led into the same errors that have
wrought injury to religion and science in other
times. We will look very briefly at the battle
fields of Geology.
From the first lispings of this science there was
war. The prevailing doctrine of the Church was,
that " in the beginning God made the heavens and
the earth ; " that " all things were made at the be
ginning of the world ; " and that to say that stones
and fossils have been made since " the beginning,"
is contrary to Scripture. The theological substi
tutes for scientific explanations ripened into such
as these : that the fossils are " sports of Nature,"
or " creations of plastic force," or " results of a
seminal air acting upon rocks," or " models " made
by the Creator before he had fully decided upon
the best manner of creating various beings. But,
while some latitude was allowed among these
theologico-scientific explanations, it was held es-

112 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
sential to believe that they were placed in all the
strata, on one of the creation-days, by the hand of
the Almighty ; and that this was done for some
mysterious purpose of his own, probably for the
trial of human faith.
In the sixteenth century Fracastoro and Palissy
broached the true idea, but produced little effect.
Near the beginning of the seventeenth century De
Clave, Bitaud, and De Villon revived it ; straight
way the theologic faculty of Paris protested
against the doctrine as unscriptural, destroyed the
offending treatises, banished the authors from Paris,
and forbade them to live in towns or enter places
of public resort.1 At the middle of the eighteenth
century, Buffon made another attempt to state
simple and fundamental geological truths. The
theological faculty of the Sorbonne immediately
dragged him from his high position, forced him to
recant ignominiously, and to print his recantation.
It required a hundred and fifty years for science
to carry the day fairly against this single prepos
terous theory. The champion who dealt it the
deadly blow was Scilla, and his weapons were facts
revealed by the fossils of Calabria.
But the advocates of tampering with scientific
reasoning now retired to a new position. It was
strong, for it was apparently based on Scripture,
1 Morley, Life of Palissy the Potter, vol. ii., pp. 315, et seq.

GEOLOGY. 113
though, as the whole world now knows, an utterly
false interpretation of Scripture. The new posi
tion was, that the fossils were produced by the
Deluge of Noah.
In vain had it been shown, by such devoted
Christians as Bernard Palissy, that this theory was
utterly untenable ; in vain did good men protest
against the injury sure to result to religion by
tying it to a scientific theory sure to be exploded :
the doctrine that fossils were the remains of ani
mals drowned at the flood continued to be upheld
oy the great majority as " sound doctrine," and
as a blessed means of reconciling science with
Scripture.1 To sustain this " Scriptural view," so called,
efforts were put forth absolutely herculean, both
by Catholics and Protestants. Mazurier declared
certain fossil remains of a mammoth, discovered
in France, to be bones of giants mentioned in
Scripture. Father Torrubia did the same thing
in Spain. Increase Mather sent similar remains,
discovered in America, to England, with a similar
statement. Scheuchzer made parade of the bones
of a great lizard discovered in Germany, as the
homo diluvii testis, the fossil man, proving the
reality of the Deluge.2
1 Audiat, Vie de Palissy, p. 412. Cantu, Hist. Universelle,
vol. xv., p. 492.
2 For ancient beliefs regarding giants, see Leopardi, Saggio

114 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
In the midst of this appears an episode very
comical but very instructive ; for it shows that the
attempt to shape the deductions of science to meet
the exigencies of theology may mislead heterodoxy
as absurdly as orthodoxy.
About the year 1760 news of the discovery of
marine fossils in various elevated districts of Eu
rope reached Voltaire. He, too, had a theologic
system to support, though his system was opposed
to that of the sacred books of the Hebrews. He
feared that these new discoveries might be used to
support the Mosaic accounts of the Deluge. All
his wisdom and wit, therefore, were compacted
into arguments to prove that the fossil fishes were
remains of fishes intended for food, but spoiled
and thrown away by travelers; that the fossil
shells were accidentally dropped by Crusaders and
pilgrims returning from the Holy Land ; and that
sopra gli errori popolari, etc., chapter xv. For accounts of the -
views of Mazurier and Scheuchzer, see Biichner, Man in Past,
Present, and Future, English translation, pp. 235, 236. For In
crease Mather's views, see Philosophical Transactions, xxiv., 85.
For similar fossils sent from New York to the Royal Society as
remains of giants, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i.,
p. 421. For Father Torrubia and his Gigantologia Espanola, see
D'Archiac, Introduction d I'Pttude de la PaUoniologie stratiogra-
phique, Paris, 1864, p. 202. For admirable summaries, see Lyell,
Principles of Geology, London, 1867; D'Archiac, Geologie et
Paleontologie, Paris, 1866 ; Pictet, Traite de Paleontologie, Paris,
1853 ; Vezian, Prodrome de la Geologic, Paris, 1863 ; Haeckcl,
History of Creation, New York, 1876, chapter iii.

GEOLOGY. H5
sundry fossil bones foimd between Paris and
Etampes were parts of a skeleton belonging to the
cabinet of some ancient philosopher. Through
chapter after chapter, Voltaire, obeying the sup
posed necessities of his theology, fights desperate
ly the growing results of the geologic investiga
tions of his time.1
But far more widespread and disastrous was
the effort on the other side to show that the fossils
were caused by the Deluge of Noah.
No supposition was too violent to support a I
theory which was considered vital to the Bible.J
Sometimes it was claimed that the tail of a comet
had produced the Deluge. Sometimes, by a pro
saic rendering of the expression regarding the
breaking up of " the fountains of the great deep,"
a theory was started that the earth contained a
great cistern, from which the waters came and to
which they retired. By taking sacred poetry as ,
prose, and by giving a literal interpretation of it,
Thomas Burnet, in his " Sacred Theory of the
Earth," Whiston, in his " Theory of the Deluge,"
and others like them, built up systems which bear
to real geology much the same relation that the
" Christian Topography " of Cosmas bears to real
1 See Voltaire, Dissertation sur les Changements arrives dans
noire Globe ; also, Voltaire, Les Singularities de la Nature, chap
ter xii., near close of vol. v. of the Didot edition of 1843 ; also,
Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii., p. 328.

116 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
geography. In vain were exhibited the absolute
geological, zoological, astronomical proofs that no
universal deluge, or deluge covering any great ex
tent of the earth, had taken place within the last
six thousand or sixty thousand years ; in vain did
Bishop Clayton declare, that the Deluge could not
have taken place save in that district where Noah
lived before the flood ; in vain was it shown that,
even if there had been a universal deluge, the
fossils were not produced by it : the only answers
were the citation of the text, " And all the high
mountains which were under the whole heaven
were covered," and denunciations of infidelity. In
England, France, and Germany, belief that the
fossils were produced by the Deluge of Noah was
insisted upon as part of that faith essential to sal
vation.1 It took a hundred and twenty years for
the searchers of God's truth as revealed in Na
ture — such men as Buffon, Linnaeus, Whitehurst,
and Daubenton — to push their works under these
mighty fabrics of error, and, by statements which
could not be resisted, to explode them.
Strange as it may at first seem, the war on ge-
1 For a candid summary of the proofs from geology, astronomy,
and zoology, that the Noachian Deluge was not universally or
widely extended, see McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia cf Bibli
cal Theology and Ecclesiastical Literature, article Deluge. For
general history, see Lyell, D'Archiac, and Vezian. For special
cases showing bitterness of the conflict, see the Rev. Mr. Davis's
Life of Rev. Dr. Pye Smith, passim.

GEOLOGY. 11?
ology was waged more fiercely in Brotestant coun
tries than in Catholic ; the older Church had"
learned, by her earlier wretched mistakes, what
dangers to her claim of infallibility lay in med
dling with a growing science ; in Italy, then en- ;
tirely under papal control, little open opposition
was made ; and, of all countries, England furnished '
the most bitter opponents to geology at first, and
the most active negotiators in patching up a truce
on a basis of sham science afterward.1
Tou have noted already that there are, gen
erally, two sorts of attack on a new science. First,
there is the attack by pitting against science some
great doctrine in theology. You saw this in
astronomy, when BeUarmin and others insisted
that the doctrine of the earth revolving about the
sun is contrary to the doctrine of the incarnation.
So now, against geology, it was urged that the
scientific doctrine that the fossils represented ani
mals which died before Adam, was contrary to
the doctrine of Adam's fall, and that " death en
tered the world by sin."
Then, there is the attack by literal interpreta-
1 For comparison between conduct of Italian and English eccle
siastics, as regards geology, see Lyellf Principles of Geology, tenth
English ed., vol. i., p. 33. For a philosophical statement of rea
sons why the struggle was more bitter, and the attempt' at decep
tive compromises more absurd in England than elsewhere, see
Maury, L'Ancienne Academie des Sciences, second edition, p. 152.

118 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
tion of texts, based upon the idea that the Bible
is a compendium of history or a text-book of nat
ural science, which serves a better purpose, gener
ally, in rousing prejudices.
Toward the close of the last century, in Eng
land, the opponents of geology on Biblical grounds
seemed likely to sweep all before them. Cramp
ing our sacred volume within the rules of an his
torical compend, they showed the terrible dangers
arising from the revelations of geology, which
make the earth older than the six thousand years
required by Archbishop Usher's interpretation of
the Old Testament. Nor was this panic confined
to ecclesiastics. Williams, a thoughtful layman,
declared that such researches led to infidelity and
atheism, and are " nothing less than to depose the
Almighty Creator of the universe from his office."
The poet Cowper, one of the mildest of men, was
also roused by these dangers, and in his most elab
orate poem wrote : " Some drill and bore
The solid earth, and from the strata there
Extract a register, by which we learn
That he who made it, and revealed its date
To Moses, was mistaken in its age ! "
And difficult as it is to realize it now, within
the memory of many of us the battle was still
raging most fiercely in England, and both kinds
of artillery usually brought against a new science

GEOLOGY. 119
were in full play, and filling the civilized world
with their roar.
About thirty years ago, the Bev. J. Mellor
Brown, the Bev. Henry Cole, and others, were
hurling at all geologists alike, and especially at
such Christian divines as Dr. Buckland and Dean
Conybeare, and Pye Smith, and such religious
scholars as Prof. Sedgwick, the epithets of " infi
del," " impugner of the sacred record," and " as
sailant of the volume of God." *
Their favorite weapon was the charge that
these men were "attacking the truth of God,"
forgetting that they were simply opposing the
mistaken interpretations of Messrs. Brown, Cole,
and others, like them, inadequately informed.
They declared geology " not a subject of law
ful inquiry," denouncing it as " a dark art," as
"dangerous and disreputable," as "a forbidden
province," as " infernal artillery," and as " an
awful evasion of the testimony of revelation." *
This attempt to scare men from the science
having failed, various other means were taken.
To say nothing about England, it is humiliating
to human nature to remember the annoyances,
and even trials, to which the pettiest and narrow-
1 For these citations, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, intro
duction. 8 See Pye Smith, D.D., Geology and Scripture, pp. 156, 157,
168, 169.

120 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
est of men subjected such Christian scholars in
our own country as Benjamin Silliman and Ed
ward Hitchcock and Louis Agassiz.
But it is a duty and a pleasure to state here
that one great Christian scholar did honor to re
ligion and to himself by standing up for the claims
of science, despite all these clamors. That man
was Nicholas Wiseman, better known afterward
as Cardinal Wiseman. The conduct of this pillar
of the Boman Catholic Church contrasts nobly
with that of timid Brotestants, who were filling
England with shrieks and denunciations.1
And here let me note, that one of the prettiest
skirmishes in this war was made in New England.
Prof. Stuart, of Andover, justly honored as a
Hebrew scholar, virtually declared that geology
was becoming dangerous ; that to speak of six pe
riods of time for the creation was flying in the
face of Scripture; that Genesis expressly speaks
of six days, each made up of an evening and a
morning, and not six periods of time.
To him replied a professor in Tale College,
James Kingsley. In an article admirable for
keen wit and kindly temper, he showed that Gen
esis speaks just as clearly of a solid firmament as
of six ordinary days, and that if Prof. Stuart had
1 Wiseman, Twelve Lectures on the Connection between Science
and Revealed Religion, first American edition, New York, 1837.

GEOLOGY. 121
got over one difficulty and accepted the Coperni
can theory, he might as well get over another and
accept the revelations of geology. The encounter
was quick and decisive, and the victory was with
science and our own honored Yale.1
But perhaps the most singular attempt against
geology was made by a fine specimen of the Eng
lish Don — Dean Cockburn, of York — to scold its
champions out of the field. Without, apparently,
the simplest elementary knowledge of geology, he
opened a battery of abuse. He gave it to the
world at large, by pulpit and press ; he even in
flicted it upon leading statesmen by private let
ters.2 From his pulpit in York minster, Mary
Somerville was denounced coarsely, by name, for
those studies in physical geography which have
made her honored throughout the world.3
1 See Silliman' s Journal, vol. xxx., p. 114.
2 Prof. Goldwin Smith informs me that the papers of Sir Rob
ert Peel, yet unpublished, contain very curious specimens of these
epistles. 3 See Personal Recollections of Mary Somerville, Boston, 1874,
pp. 139 and 375. Compare with any statement of his rehgious
views that Dean Cockburn was able to make, the following from
Mrs. Somerville : " Nothmg has afforded me so convincing a proof
of the Deity as these purely mental conceptions of numerical and
mathematical science which have been, by slow degrees, vouch
safed to man — and are still granted in these latter times, by the
differential calculus, now superseded by the higher algebra — all of
which must have existed in that sublimely omniscient mind from
eternity." — See Personal Recollections, pp. 140, 141.

122 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
But these weapons did not succeed. They
were like Chinese gongs and dragon -lanterns
against rifled cannon. Buckland, Bye Smith,
Lyell, Silliman, Hitchcock, Murchison, Agassiz,
Dana, and a host of noble champions besides,
press on, and the battle for truth is won.
And was it won merely for men of science ?
The whole civilized world declares that it was won
for religion — that thereby was infinitely increased
the knowledge of the power and goodness of God.
POLITICAL ECONOMY.
From the many questions on which the sup
porters of right reason in Folitical and Social Sci
ence have only conquered conscientious opposition
after centuries of war, I select the taking of in
terest on loans ; in hardly any struggle has rigid
adherence to the Bible as a scientific text-book
been more prolonged or injurious.1
Certainly, if the criterion of truth, as regards
any doctrme, be that it has been believed in the
Church " always, everywhere, and by all," then on
no point may a Christian of these days be more
sure than that every savings-institution, every loan
and trust company, every bank, every loan of
1 For another great error of the Church in political economy,
leading to injury to commerce, see Lindsay, History of Merchant-
Shipping, London, 1874, vol. ii.

POLITICAL ECONOMY. 123
capital by an individual, every means by which
accumulated capital has been lawfully lent, even
at the most moderate interest, to make the masses
of men workers rather than paupers, is based on
deadly sin.
The fathers of the Christian Church received
from the ancient world a strong prejudice against
any taking of interest whatever ; in Greece, Aris
totle had condemned it ; in Bome it was regarded
during many generations as a crime.1
But far greater, in the early Church, was the
influence of certain texts in the Old and New
Testaments. Citations from Leviticus, Deuteron
omy, the Psalms, Ezekiel, and St. Luke, were uni
versally held to condemn all loans at interest.2
On these texts the doctrine and legislation of
the universal Church, as regards interest for
money, were based and developed. The fathers
of the Eastern Church, and among them St. Ba
sil, St. Chrysostom, and St. Gregory Nazianzen ;
1 See Murray, History of Usury, Philadelphia, 1866, p. 25 ;
also, Coquelin and GuillaumXn, Dictionnaire de I' Economic Poli
tique, articles Interet and Usure ; also, Lecky, History of Ration
alism in Europe, vol. ii., chapter vi. ; also, Jeremy Benlham's De
fence of Usury, Letter X. ; also, Mr. D. S. Dickinson's Speech in
(lie Senate of New York, vol. i. of his collected writings. Of all
the summaries, Lecky's is by far the best.
2 The texts cited most frequently were Leviticus xxv. 36, 37 ;
Deuteronomy xxiii. 19 ; Psalms xv. 5 ; Ezekiel xviii. 8 and 17;
St. Luke vi. 35. See Lecky ; also, Dickinson's Speech, as above.

124 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
the fathers of the Western .Church, and among
them Tertullian, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, and
St. Jerome, joined most earnestly in this con^
demnation. St. Chrysostom says : " What can be
more unreasonable than to sow without land, with
out rain, without ploughs ? All those who give
themselves up to this damnable agriculture shall
reap only tares. Let us cut off these monstrous
births of gold and silver ; let us stop this execra
ble fecundity." St. Jerome threw the argument
into the form of a dilemma, which was used as a
weapon against money-lenders for centuries.1
This entire agreement of the fathers of the
Church led to the crystallization of the hostility
to interest-bearing loans into numberless decrees
of popes and councils, and kings and legislatures,
throughout Christendom, during more than fifteen
hundred years ; and the canon law was shaped in
accordance with these. In the ninth century, Al
fred, in England, confiscated the estates of money
lenders, and denied them burial in consecrated
ground ; and similar decrees were made in other
parts of Europe. In the twelfth century the
Greek Church seems to have relaxed its strictness
somewhat, but the Boman Church only grew more
and more severe. St. Bernard, reviving religious
1 See Dictionnaire de I'Economie Politique, articles Intiret
and Usure for these citations. For some doubtful reservations
made by St. Augustine, see Murray.

POLITICAL ECONOMY. 125
earnestness in the Church, was especially strenu
ous in denouncing loans at interest ; and, in 1179,
the Third Council of the Lateran decreed that
every impenitent money-lender should be ex
cluded from the altar, from absolution in the hour
of death, and from Christian burial !
In the thirteenth century this mistaken idea
was still more firmly knit into the thought of the
Church by St. Thomas Aquinas ; hostility to loans
at interest had been poured into his mind, not
only from the Scriptures, but from Aristotle.
At the beginning of the fourteenth century
the Council of Vienne, presided over by Pope
Clement V., declared that, if any one " shall per
tinaciously presume to affirm that the taking of
interest for money is not a sin, we decree him to
be a heretic fit for punishment." x
The economical and social results of this con
scientious policy were exceedingly unfortunate.
Money could only be loaned, in most countries, at
the risk of incurring odium in this world and dam
nation in the next ; hence there was but little
capital and few lenders; hence came enormous
rates of interest ; thereby were commerce, manu
factures, and general enterprise dwarfed, while
pauperism flourished.
But even worse than this were the moral re-
1 See citation of the Latin text in Lecky.

126 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
suits. For nations to do what they believe is evil,
is only second in bad consequences to their doing
what is really evil: all lending and borrowing,
even for the most legitimate purposes and at the
most reasonable rates, tended to debase the char
acter of both borrower and lender.1 And these
moral evils took more definite shapes than might
at first be thought possible. Sismondi, one of the
most thoughtful of modern political philosophers
and historians, declares that the prohibition of in
terest for the use of money in Continental Europe
did very much to promote a passion for luxury
and to discourage economy ; the rich who were
not engaged in business finding no easy way of
employing their savings productively.2
These evils became so manifest, when trade be
gan to revive throughout Europe in the fifteenth
century, that most earnest efforts were made to
induce the Church to change its position.
The first important effort of this kind was
made by John Gerson. His general learning had
made him Chancellor of the University of Paris ;
his sacred learning made him the leading theolo
gian and orator at the Council of Constance ; his
piety led men to attribute to him " The Imitation

1 For this moral effect, see Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, lib.
xxi., chap. xx.
2 See citation in Lecky

POLITICAL ECONOMY. 127
of Christ." Shaking off theological shackles, he
declared : " Better is it to lend money at rea
sonable interest, and thus to give aid to the poor,
than to see them reduced by poverty to steal,
waste their goods, and sell, at a low price, their
personal and real property." l
But this idea was at once suppressed by the
Church — buried beneath citations from Scripture,
the fathers, councils, popes, and the canon law.
Even in the most active countries there seemed no
hope. In England, under Henry VII., Cardinal
Morton, the lord-chancellor, addressed Parliament,
asking them to take into consideration loans of
money at interest, and the result was a law which
imposed on lenders at interest a fine of a hundred
pounds, besides the annulment of the loan ; and, to
show that there was an offence against religion in
volved, there was added a clause " reserving to the
Church, notwithstanding this punishment, the cor
rection of their souls according to the laws of the
same." 2 Similar enactments were made by civil
authority in various parts of Europe, and, as a cli
max, just as the trade and commerce and manu
factures of the modern epoch had received an im
mense impulse from the great series of voyages of
discoveiy, by such as Columbus, Vasco de Gama,
1 See Coquelin and Guillaumin, article InlerSt.
* See Craik's History of British Commerce, chapter vi. The
statute cited is 3 Henry VII., chapter vi.

128 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Magellan, and the Cabots, this barrier against en
terprise was strengthened by a decree from Pope
LeoX.1 But this mistaken policy was not confined to
the older Church. The Bef ormed Church was led
by Luther and several of his associates into the
same line of thought and practice. Said Luther :
" To exchange anything with any one and gain by
the exchange, is not to do a charity, but to steal.
Every usurer is a thief worthy of the gibbet. I
call those usurers who lend money at five or six
per cent." 2
The English Keformers showed the same ten
dency. Under Henry VIIL, the law of Henry
VII. against taking interest had been modified ;
but the revival of religious feeling under Edward
VI. caused, in 1552, the passage of the " Bill of
Usury." In this it is said : " Forasmuch as usury
is by the Word of God utterly prohibited, as a vice
most odious and detestable, as in divers places of
the Holy Scriptures it is evident to be seen, which
thing by no godly teachings and persuasions can
sink into the hearts of divers greedy, uncharita
ble, and covetous persons of this realm, nor yet by
any terrible threatenings of God's wrath and ven-

1 See Lecky.
8 See citation from the Tischreden, inGuillaumin and Coque-
lin, article InterSt.

POLITICAL ECONOMY. 129
geance," etc., etc., it is enacted that whosoever
shall thereafter lend money " for any manner of
usury, increase, lucre, gain, or interest, to be had,
received, or hoped for," shall forfeit principal and
interest, and suffer imprisonment and fine at the
king's pleasure.1
But, most fortunately, it happened that Calvin
turned in the right direction, and there was de
veloped among Protestants the serviceable fiction
that " usury " means illegal or oppressi/oe interest.
Under cover of this fiction commerce and trade
revived rapidly in Protestant countries, though
with occasional checks from exact interpreters of
Scripture. But, in the older Church, the more correct
though less fortunate interpretation of the sacred
texts relating to interest continued. When it was
attempted in France, in the seventeenth century,
to argue that " usury " means oppressive interest,
the Theological Faculty of the Sorbonne declared
that usury is the taking of any interest at all, no
matter how little, and the eighteenth chapter of
Ezekiel was cited to clinch this judgment.
Another attempt to ease the burden on indus
try and commerce was made by declaring that
" usury means interest demanded not as matter of
favor but as matter of right." This, too, was sol
emnly condemned by Pope Innocent XI.
1 See Craik's History of British Commerce, chapter vi.

130 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Again the army of right reason pressed forward,
declaring that " usury is interest greater than the
law allows." This, too, was condemned, and the
declaration that " usury is interest on loans not
for a fixed time " was condemned by Pope Alex
ander VII.
Still the attacking forces pressed on, and among
them, in the seventeenth century, in France, was
Bichard Simon : he attempts to gloss over the
strict interpretation of Scripture in this matter by
an elaborate treatise : he is immediately confronted
by Bossuet. It seems hardly possible that one of the great
est intellects of a period so near us could have been
so doubly deceived. Yet Bossuet, the glory of the
French Church, one of the keenest and strongest
of thinkers, not only mingled Scripture with as
tronomy, and opposed the Copernican theory, but
also mingled Scripture with political economy, and
denounced the lending of money at interest. He
declared that the Scriptures, the councils of the
Church from the beginning, the popes, the fathers,
all interpreted the prohibition of " usury " to be a
prohibition of any lending at interest, and Bossuet
demonstrated this interpretation as the true one.
Simon was put to confusion, and his book con
demned.1 1 For citation, as above, see Lecky. For further account, see
(Euvres de Bossuet, edition of 1845, vol. xi., p. 330.

POLITICAL ECONOMY. 131
There was but too much reason for Bossuet's
interpretation. The prohibition of this, one of the
most simple and beneficial principles in political
and economical science, was affirmed not only by
the fathers, but by twenty-eight councils of the
Church (six of them general councils), and by sev
enteen popes, to say nothing of innumerable doc
tors in theology and canon law.1
But about the middle of the eighteenth cen
tury the evil could be endured no longer — a way
of escape must be found. The army opposed to the
Church 'had become so formidable, that the Bo
man authorities saw that a concession must be
made. In 1748 appeared Montesquieu's Spirit of
the laws ; in it were concentrated twenty years'
study and thought of a great thinker on the ne
cessities of the world about him. In eighteen
months it went through twenty-two editions, and
it was translated into every civilized language ;
this work attacked, among other abuses, the posi
tion of the Church regarding interest for money.
The Church authorities had already taken the
alarm. Benedict XIV. saw that the best thing
for him — nay, the only thing — was a surrender
under form of a compromise. In a brief he de
clared substantially that the law of the Church
1 See citation from Concina in Lecky/ also, acquiescence in
this interpretation by Mr. Dickinson, in Speech in Senate of New
York, above quoted.

132 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
was opposed to the taking of interest on loans ;
and then, after sundry non-committal and am
biguous statements, he hinted that there were
possible exceptions to the rule.
Like the casuistry of Boscovich in using the
Copernican theory for " convenience in argument,"
while acquiescing in its condemnation by the
Church, this casuistry of Benedict broke the spell.
Turgot, Adam Smith, Bentham, and their disci
ples, pressed on, and science won for mankind an
other great victory.
Yet in this case, as in others, insurrections
against the sway of scientific truth appeared
among some over-zealous religionists. When the
Sorbonne, having retreated from its old position,
armed itself with sundry new casuistries against
those who held to its earlier decisions, provincial
doctors in theology protested indignantly, making
the old citations from the Scriptures, fathers,
saints, doctors, popes, councils, and canonists.
And even as late as 1830, when the Boman court,
though declining to commit itself on the doc
trine involved, decreed that confessors should no
longer disquiet lenders of money at legal interest,
the old weapons were again furbished and hurled
by the Abb6 Laborde, Vicar of the Metropolitan
Archdiocese of Auch, and by the Abbe Dennavit,
Brof essor of Theology at Lyons. Good Abbe Den
navit declared that he refused absolution to those

INDUSTRIAL SCIENCES. 133
who took interest, and to priests who pretend that
the sanction of the civil law is sufficient.1
But the peace on this question is too profound
to be disturbed by such outcries. The Torlonia
family at Bome, to-day, with its palaces, chapels,
intermarriages, affiliations, and papal favor, all
won by lending money at interest, and by devotion
to the Boman See, is a growth on ramparts long
since surrendered and deserted.
INDUSTRIAL SCIENCES.
Did time permit, we might go over other
battle-fields no less instructive than those we
Tiave seen. We might go over the battle-fields
of Agricultural Progress, and note how, by a
most curious perversion of a text of Scripture,
many of the peasantry of Bussia were prevented
from raising and eating potatoes, and how in Scot
land at the beginning of this century the use of
fanning-mills for winnowing grain was denounced
as contrary to the text " the wind bloweth where
it listeth," etc., as leaguing with Satan, who is
" prince of the powers of the air," and as suffi
cient cause for excommunication from the Scotch
Church.2 1 See Replique des dome Docleurs, etc., cited by Guillaumin and
Coquelin. 2 Burton, History of Scotland, vol. viii., p. 511. See, also,

134 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
We might go over the battle-fields of Civil
Engineering, and note how the introduction of
railways into France was declared, by an Arch
bishop, to be an evidence of the divine dis
pleasure against country innkeepers who set
meat before their guests on fast-days, and now
were punished by seeing travelers carried by their
doors ; and how railroad and telegraph were de
nounced from noted pulpits as " heralds of Anti
christ." And then we might pass to Brotestant
England and recall the sermon of the Curate of
Botherhithe at the breaking in of the Thames
Tunnel, so destructive to life and property, de
claring that " it was but a just judgment upon the
presumptuous aspirations of mortal man." J
VARIOUS SCIENCES.
We might go over the battle-fields of Ethnol
ogy and note how, a few years since, an honored
American investigator, proposing in a learned so
ciety the discussion of the question between the
Mause Headrigg's views in Scott's Old Mortality, chapter vii. For
the case of a person debarred from the communion for " raising
the devil's wind" with a winnowing-machine, see Works of
Sir J. Y. Simpson, vol. ii. Those doubting the authority or mo
tives of Simpson may be reminded that he was, to the day of
his death, one of the strictest adherents of Scotch orthodoxy.
1 See Journal of Sir I. Brunei, for May 20, 1827, in Life of I.
IC Brunei, p. 30.

VARIOUS SCIENCES. 135
origin of the human race from a single pair and
from many pairs, was called to order and silenced
as atheistic, by a Brotestant divine whose memory
is justly dear to thousands of us.1
Interesting would it be to look over the field
of Meteorology — beginning with the conception,
supposed to be scriptural, of angels opening and
shutting " the windows of heaven " and letting
out "the waters that be above the firmament"
upon the earth — continuing through the battle of
Fromundus and Bodin, down to the onslaught
upon Lecky, in our own time, for drawing a logi
cal and scientific conclusion from the doctrine that
meteorology is obedient to laws."
We might go over the battle-fields of Cartog
raphy and see how at one period, on account of
expressions in Ezekiel, any map of the world which
did not place Jerusalem in the centre, was looked
on as impious.3
1 This scene will be recalled, easily, by many leading ethnolo
gists in America, and especially by Mr. E. G. Squier, formerly
minister of the United States to Central America.
2 The meteorological battle is hardly fought out yet. Many
excellent men seem still to entertain views almost identical with
those of over two thousand years ago, depicted in The Clouds of
Aristophanes. 3 These texts are Ezekiel v. 5 and xxxviii. 12. The progress
of geographical knowledge, evidently, caused them to be softened
down somewhat in our King James's version ; but the first of
them reads, in the Vulgate, " Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gen-

136 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
We might go over the battle-fields of Social
Science in Protestant countries, and note the op
position of conscientious men to the taking of the
census, in Sweden and in the United States, on
account of the terms in which the numbering of
Israel is spoken of in the Old Testament.1
And we might also see how, on similar grounds,
religious scruples have been avowed against so
beneficial a thing as Life Insurance.2
tium posui earn et in circuitu ejus terras ; " and the second reads
in the Vulgate " in medio terra?,'' and in the Septuagint imrhv
o/itpaKhv Trjr yris. That the literal centre of the earth was meant,
see proof in St. Jerome, Commentar. in Ezekiel, lib. ii., and for
general proof, see Leopardi, " Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli
antichi," pp. 207, 208. For an idea of orthodox geography in the
middle ages, see Wright's Essay on Archaeology, vol. ii., chapter
" On the Map of the World in Hereford Cathedral." For an ex
ample of the depth to which this idea of Jerusalem as the centre
had entered into the thinking of the great poet of the middle ages,
see Dante, Inferno, Canto xxxiv. .
" E se' or sotto 1'emisperio giunto,
Ch' e opposito a quel, che la gran secca
Coverchia, e sotto '1 cui colmo consunto
Fu l'uom che nacque e visse senza pecca."
1 See Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, 1874, vol.
ii., p. 3. The writer of the present article himself witnessed the
reluctance of a very conscientious man to answer the questions of
a census marshal, Mr. Lewis Hawley, of Syracuse, N. Y., and this
reluctance was based upon the reasons assigned in II. Samuel
chapter xxiv. 1, and I. Chronicles, chapter xxi. 1, for the number
ing of the children of Israel.
2 See De Morgan, Paradoxes, pp. 214-220.

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUCTION. 137

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUCTION.

But an outline of this kind would be too meagre
without some sketch of the warfare on instruction
in science. Not without profit would it be to note
more at length how instruction in the Copernican
theory was kept out of the Church universities in
every great Catholic country of Europe ; how they
concealed the discovery of the spots on the sun ;
how many of them excluded the Newtonian dem
onstrations ; how, down to the present time, the two
great universities of Protestant England and nearly
all her intermediate colleges, under clerical super
vision, have excluded the natural and physical
sciences as far as possible ; and how, from proba
bly nine-tenths of the universities and colleges of
the United States, the students are graduated with
either no knowledge or with clerically emasculated
knowledge of the most careful modern thought on
the most important problems in the various scien
ces, in history, and in criticism.
From the dismissal of the scientific professors
from the University of Salamanca by Ferdinand
Vn. of Spain, in the beginning of this century,
down to sundry dealings with scientific men in our
own land and time, we might study another inter
esting phase of the same warfare ; but, passing all
this, I shall simply present a few typical conflicts
that have occurred within the last ten years.

138 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
During the years 1867 and 1868 the war which
had been long smouldering in France, between the
Church and the whole system of French advanced
education, came to an outbreak. Toward the end
of the last century, after the Church had held
possession of advanced instruction in France for
more than a thousand years, and had, so far as it
was able, made experimental science contemptible;
and after the Church authorities had deliberately
resisted and wrecked Turgot's noble plans for the
establishment of a system of public schools, the
French nation decreed the establishment of the
most thorough and complete system of the higher
public instruction then known. It was kept under
lay control, and became one of the great glories
of France. But, emboldened by the restoration of the Bour
bons, the Church began to undermine the hated
system, and in 1868 had made such progress that
all was ready for an assault.
Foremost among the leaders of the besieging
party was the Bishop of Orleans — Dupanloup — a
man of much buzzing vigor. In various ways, and
especially in an open letter, he had fought the
" Materialism " of the School of Medicine at Paris,
and especially were his attacks leveled at Profess
ors Vulpian and See, and the Minister of Public
Instruction, Duruy, a man of great merit, whose

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUCTION. 139
only crime was a quiet resistance to clerical con
trol.1 In these writings, Bishop Dupanloup stigma
tized Darwin, Huxley, Lyell, and others, as authors
of " shameful theories," and made especial use of
the recent phrase of a naturalist, that "it is more
glorious to be a monkey perfected than an Adam
degenerated." The direct attack was made in the French Sen
ate, and the storming party in that body was led
by a venerable and conscientious prelate, Cardinal
de Bonnechose. It was charged by Archbishop de Bonnechose
and his party, that the tendencies of the teachings
of these professors were fatal to religion and mo
rality. A heavy artillery of phrases was hurled,
such as " sapping the foundations," etc., " breaking
down the bulwarks," etc., etc., and, withal, a new
missile was used with much effect, the epithet of
" materialist." The result can be easily guessed ;
crowds came to the lecture-rooms of these profess
ors, and the lecture-room of Prof. See, the chief
offender, was crowded to suffocation.
A siege was begun in due form. A young
physician was sent by the cardinal's party into the
heterodox camp as a spy. Having heard one lect
ure of Prof. See, he returned with information
1 For Dupanloup, Letlre d un Cardinal, see the Revue de TVil-
rapeutique, 1868, p.- 221.

140 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
that seemed to promise easy victory to the besieg
ing party. He brought a terrible statement, one
that seemed enough to overwhelm See, Vulpian,
Duruy, and the whole hated system of public in
struction in France.
Good Cardinal Bonnechose seized the tremen
dous weapon. Bising in his place in the Senate,
he launched a most eloquent invective against the
Minister of State who could protect such a fortress
of impiety as the College of Medicine ; and, as a
climax, he asserted, on the evidence of his spy
fresh from Brof. See's lecture-room, that the pro
fessor had declared, in his lecture of the day be
fore, that so long as he had the honor to hold his
professorship he would combat the false idea of
the existence of the soul. The weapon seemed re
sistless, and the wound fatal ; but M. Duruy rose
and asked to be heard.
His statement was simply that he held in his
hand documentary proofs that Prof. See never
made such a declaration. He held the notes used
by Prof. See in his lecture. Prof. See, it appeared, ,
belonged to a school in medical science which com
bated the idea of an art in medicine. The in
flamed imagination of the cardinal's too eager
emissary had, as the lecture notes proved, led him
into a sad mistake as to words and thoughts, and
had exhibited Prof. See as treating a theological
when he was discussing a purely scientific ques-

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUCTION. 141
tion. Of the existence of the soul the professor
had said nothing.
The forces of the enemy were immediately
turned; they retreated in confusion, amid the
laughter of all France ; and a quiet, dignified state
ment as to the rights of scientific instructors by
Wurtz, the dean of the Faculty, completed their
discomfiture. Thus a well-meant attempt to check
what was feared might be dangerous in science
simply ended in bringing ridicule on religion, and
thrusting still deeper into the minds of thousands
of men that most mistaken of all mistaken ideas —
the conviction that rehgion and science are ene
mies.1 But justice forbids our raising an outcry against
Boman Catholicism alone for this. In 1864 a
number of excellent men in England drew up a
declaration to be signed by students in the natural
sciences, expressing " sincere regret that researches
into scientific truth are perverted by some in our
time into occasion for casting doubt upon the
truth and authenticity of the Holy Scriptures."
1 For general account of the Vulpian and See matter, see Re
vue des Deux Mondes, 31 Mai, 1868. Chronique de la Quinzaine,
pp. 763-765. As to the result on popular thought, may be noted
the following comment on the affair by the Revue, which is as
free as possible from anything like rabid anti-ecclesiastical ideas :
" Elle a Hi vraimenl curieuse, instructive, assez trisle et meme un
peu amusante." For Wurtz's statement, see Revue de Th&rapeu-
tique for 1868, p. 303. K

142 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Nine-tenths of the leading scientific men of Eng
land refused to sign it. Nor was this the worst.
Sir John Herschel, Sir John Bowring, and Sir W.
B. Hamilton, administered, through the press, cas-
tigations which roused general indignation against
the proposers of the circular, and Prof. De Morgan,
by a parody, covered memorial and memorialists
with ridicule. It was the old mistake, and the
old result followed in the minds of multitudes of
thoughtful young men.1
And in yet another Protestant country this
same wretched mistake was made. In 1868, sev
eral excellent churchmen in Prussia thought it
their duty to meet for the denunciation of " sci
ence falsely so called." Two results followed:
Upon the great majority of these really self-sacri
ficing men — whose first utterances showed crass
ignorance of the theories they attacked— there
came quiet and widespread contempt ; upon Pas
tor Knak, who stood forth and proclaimed views
of the universe which he thought Scriptural, but
which most schoolboys knew to be childish, came
a burst of good-natured derision from every quar
ter of the German nation.2
Warfare of this sort against Science seems
petty indeed ; but it is to be guarded against in
1 De Morgan, Paradoxes, pp. 421—428 ; also, Daubeny's Essays.
2 See the Berlin newspapers for the summer of 1868, especially
Kludderadalsch.

SCIENTIFIC INSTRUCTION. 143
Protestant countries not less than in Catholic ; it
breaks out in America not less than in Europe. I
might exhibit many proofs of this. Do conscien
tious Boman bishops in France labor to keep all
advanced scientific instruction under their own con
trol — in their own universities and colleges ; so do
very many not less conscientious Protestant clergy
men in our own country insist that advanced edu
cation in science and literature shall be kept under
control of their own sectarian universities and col
leges, wretchedly one-sided in their development,
and miserably inadequate in their equipment : did
a leading Spanish university, until a recent period,
exclude professors holding the Newtonian theory ;
so does a leading American college exclude pro
fessors holding the Darwinian theory : have Cath
olic colleges in Italy rejected excellent candidates
for professorships on account of "unsafe" views
regarding the Immaculate Conception ; so are Prot
estant colleges in America every day rejecting ex
cellent candidates on account of " unsafe " views
regarding the Apostolic Succession, or the Incar
nation, or Baptism, or the Perseverance of the
Saints. And how has all this system resulted ? In the
older nations, by natural reaction, these colleges,
under strict ecclesiastical control, have sent forth
the most bitter enemies the Christian Church has
ever known — of whom Voltaire and Benan and

144 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Saint-Beuve are types ; and there are many signs
that the same causes are producing the same re
sult in our own country.
I might allude to another battle-field in our
own land and time. I might show how an at
tempt to meet the great want, in the State of New
York, of an institution providing scientific in
struction, has been met with loud outcries from
many excellent men, who fear injury thereby to
religion. I might picture to you the strategy
which has been used to keep earnest young men
from an institution which, it is declared, cannot
be Christian because it is not sectarian. I might
lay before you wonderful lines of argument which
have been made to show the dangerous tendencies
of a plan which gives to scientific studies the
same weight as to classical studies, and which lays
no less stress on modern history and literature than
on ancient history and literature.
I might show how it has been denounced by
the friends and agents of denominational colleges
and in many sectarian journals ; how the most pre
posterous charges have been made and believed by
good men ; how the epithets of " godless," " infi
del," " irreligious," " unreligious," " atheistic,"
have been hurled against a body of Christian trus
tees, professors, and students, and with little
practical result save arousing a suspicion in the
minds of large bodies of thoughtful young men,

SUMMARY. 145
that the churches dread scientific studies untram
meled by sectarianism. SUMMARY.
You have now gone over the greater struggles
in the long war between Ecclesiasticism and Sci
ence, and have glanced at the lesser fields. You
have seen the conflicts in Physical Geography, as
to the form of the earth ; in Astronomy, as to the
place of the earth in the universe, and the evolu
tion of stellar systems in accordance with law ; in
Chemistry and Physics ; in Anatomy and Medi
cine ; in Geology ; in Meteorology ; in Cartogra
phy ; in the Industrial and Agricultural Sciences ;
in Political Economy and Social Science ; and in
Scientific Instruction ; and each of these, when
fully presented, has shown the following results :
First. In every case, whether the war has been
long or short, forcible or feeble, Science has at
last gained the victory.
Secondly. In every case, interference with
Science, in the supposed interest of religion, has
brought dire evils on both.
Thirdly. In every case, while this interference,
during its continuance, has tended to divorce re
ligion from the most vigorous thinking of the
world, and to make it odious to multitudes of the
most earnest thinkers ; the triumph of Science
has led its former conscientious enemies to make

146 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
new interpretations and lasting adjustments, which
have proved a blessing to religion, ennobling its
conceptions and bettering its methods.
And in addition to these points there should
be brought out distinctly a corollary, which is, that
science must be studied by its own means and to
its own ends, unmixed with the means and un
biased by the motives of investigators in other
fields, and uncontrolled by consciences unenlight
ened by itself.
The very finger of the Almighty seems to
have written the proofs of this truth on human
history. No one can gainsay it. It is decisive,
for it is this : There has never been a scientific the
ory framed from the use of Scriptural texts, whol
ly or partially, which has been made to stand.
Such attempts have only subjected their authors
to derision, and Christianity to suspicion. From
Cosmas finding his plan of the universe in the
Jewish tabernacle, to Increase Mather sending
mastodon's bones to England as the remains of
giants mentioned in Scripture ; from Bellarmin
declaring that the sun cannot be the centre of the
universe, because such an idea " vitiates the whole
Scriptural plan of salvation," to a recent writer de
claring that an evolution theory cannot be true,
because St. Paul says that " all flesh is not the
same flesh," the result has always been the same.1
J ' In the Church Journal, New York, May 28, 1874, a reviewer,

SUMMARY. 147
Such facts show that scientific hypothesis will
be established or refuted by scientific men and
scientific methods alone, and that no conscientious
citation of texts, or outcries as to consequences of
scientific truths, from any other quarter, can do
any thing save retard truth and cause needless
anxiety.1
praising Rev. Dr. Hodge's book against Darwinism, says : " Dar
winism — whether Darwin knows it or not ; whether the clergy, who
are half prepared to accept it in blind fright as ' science,' know
it or not — is a denial of every article of the Christian faith. It is
supreme folly to talk as some do about accommodating Chris
tianity to Darwinism. Either those who so talk do not under
stand Christianity, or they do not understand Darwinism. If
we have all, men and monkeys, women and baboons, oysters and
eagles, all ' developed ' from an original monad and germ, then St.
Paul's grand deliverance — ' All flesh is not the same flesh. There
is one kind of flesh of men, another of beasts, another of fishes,
and another of birds. There are bodies celestial and bodies ter
restrial ' — may be still very grand in our funeral-service, but very
untrue to fact." This is the same dangerous line of argument
which Caccini indulged in in Galileo's time. Dangerous, for sup
pose " Darwinism " be proved true ! For a soothing potion by a
skillful hand, see Whewell on the consistency of evolution doc
trines with teleological ideas ; also, Rev. Samuel Houghton, F. R. S.,
Principles of Animal Mechanics, London, 1873, preface, and pagi
156, for some interesting ideas on teleological evolution.
1 For some excellent remarks on the futility of such attempts
and outcries, see the Rev. Dr. Deems, in Popular Science Month
ly for February, 1876. To all who are inchned to draw scientific
conclusions from Biblical texts, may be commended the advice
of a good old German divine of the Reformation period : " Seek
ing the milk of the Word, do not press the teats of Holy Writ
too hard."

148 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Such facts show, too, that the sacred books of
the world were not given for any such purpose as
that to which so many men have endeavored to
wrest them — the purpose served by compends of
history and text-books of science.
Is skepticism feared ? All history shows that
the only skepticism which does permanent harm
is skepticism as to the value and safety of truth as
truth. No skepticism has proved so corrosive to
religion, none so cancerous in the human brain
and heart.
Is faith cherished? All history shows that
the first article of a saving faith, for any land or
time, is faith that there is a Power in this' universe
strong enough to make truth-seeking safe, and
good enough to make truth-telling useful.
May we not, then, hope that the greatest and
best men in the Church — the men standing at cen
tres of thought — will insist with power, more and
more, that religion be no longer tied to so injuri
ous a policy as that which this warfare reveals ;
that searchers for truth, whether in theology or
natural science, work on as friends, sure that, no
matter how much at variance they may at times
seem to be, the truths they reach shall finally be
fused into each other ? The dominant religious
conceptions of the world will doubtless be greatly
modified by science in the future, as they have
been in the past ; and the part of any wisely re-

CONCLUSION. 149
ligious person, at any centre of influence, is to
see that, in his generation, this readjustment of
religion to science be made as quietly and speed
ily as possible.
No one needs fear the result. No matter
whether Science shall complete her demonstration
that man has been on the earth not merely six
thousand years, or six millions of years ; no mat
ter whether she reveals new ideas of the Creator
or startling relations between his creatures ; no
matter how many more gyves and clamps upon
the spirit of Christianity she destroys : the result,
when fully thought out, will serve and strengthen
religion not less than science.1
What science can do for the world is shown,
not by those who have labored to concoct palata
ble mixtures of theology and science — men like
1 In an eloquent sermon, preached in March, 1874, Bishop
Cummins said, in substance : " The Church has no fear of Sci
ence ; the persecution of Galileo was entirely unwarrantable ;
but Christians should resist to the last Darwinism ; for that is
evidently contrary to Scripture." The bishop forgets that Gali
leo's doctrine seemed to such colossal minds as Bellarmin, and
Luther, and Bossuet, " evidently contrary to Scripture." Far more
logical, modest, sagacious, and full of faith, is the attitude taken
by his former associate, Dr. John Cotton Smith : " For geology,
physiology, and historical criticism have threatened or destroyed
only particular forms of rehgious opinion, while they have set
the spirit of religion free to keep pace with the larger generaliza
tions of modern knowledge." — Picton, The Mystery of Matter,
London, 1S73, p. 72.

150 THE WARFARE OF SCIENCE.
Cosmas, and Torrubia, and Burnet, and Whiston
• — but by men who have fought the good fight of
faith in truth for truth's sake — men like Boger
Bacon, and Vesalius, and Balissy, and Galileo.
What Christianity can do for the world is
shown, not by men who have stood on the high
places screaming in wrath at the advance of sci
ence ; not by men who have retreated in terror
into the sacred caves and refused to look out upon
the universe as it is ; but by men who have
preached and practised the righteousness of the
prophets, and the aspirations of the Bsalmist, and
the blessed Sermon on the Mount, and " the first
great commandment, and the second which is like
unto it," and St. James's definition of " pure reli
gion and undefiled."
It is shown in the Boman Church, not by Tos-
tatus and Bellarmin, but by St. Carlo Borromeo,
and St. Vincent de Paul, and Fenelon, and Eu
genie de Guerin ; in the Anglican Church, not by
Dean Cockburn, but by Howard, and Jenner, and
Wilberforce, and Florence Nightingale ; in the
German Church, not by Pastor Knak, but by Pas
tor Fliedner ; in the American Church, not by
the Mathers, .but by such as Bishop Whatcoat, and
Channing, and Muhlenberg, and Father De Smet,
and Samuel May, and Harriet Stowe.
Let the warfare of Science, then, be changed.
Let it be a warfare in which Beligion and Science

CONCLUSION. 151
shall stand together as allies', not against each
other as enemies. Let the fight be for truth of
every kind against falsehood of every kind ; for
justice against injustice ; for right against wrong ;
for the living kernel of religion rather than the
dead and dried husks of sect and dogma ; and the
great powers, whose warfare has brought so many
sufferings, shall at last join in ministering through
earth God's richest blessings.

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