Bolfvar, Simon
An address ... at th© congress of Angostura (February 15, 1819}
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AN ADDRESS OF BOLIVAR
AT THE
CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA
(FEBRUARY 15, 1819?

Reprint ordered by the Government of the
United States of Venezuela, to Commemorate the Centennial
of the Opening of the Congress
(Translated from the Original Spanish by Francisco Javier Yanes)

AN ADDRESS OF BOLIVAR
AT THE
CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA
(FEBRUARY 15, 1819)

Reprint ordered by the Government of the
United States of Venezuela, to Commemorate the Centennial
of the Opening of the Congress
(Translated from the Original Spanish by Francisco Javier Yanes)

PRESS OF
BYRON S. ADAMS
WASHINGTON, u. C.

V

7 DECREE
AUTHORIZING THE PRESENT EDITION OF THE

ADDRESS OF BOLIVAR

AT THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA

DOCTOR V. MARQUEZ BUSTILLOS
Provisional President of the Republic
Whereas:
The 15th day of February, 1919, is the anniversary of the First
Centenary of the meeting of the Second National Congress of Venezuela,
known in history as the Congress of Angostura; and
Whereas:
The Congress of Angostura established the juridical status of the
Revolution; reconstructed its international person, and in giving it the
prestige of constitutional institutions, prepared at the same time for the
expansion of its work of liberation in the South American continent;
and Whereas:
No document whatsoever can express more fully the scope of the
task intrusted to the Congress of Angostura or the transcendental value
of the ideas of the Liberator in calling it together, than the famous
Address of the Liberator on the very day of its opening meeting;
Be it decreed:
Article 1. That a Spanish and an English edition of the Address of
the Liberator on the opening of the Congress of Angostura be published
as a part of the commemoration by the Government of the United States
of Venezuela of the centennial anniversary of the illustrious Assembly.
Article 2. Each edition shall consist of five thousand copies and each
is to contain a portrait of the Liberator; this present decree; a com
mentary on the political ideas of Bolivar and the importance of said
Congress; a photographic reproduction of the building where the As
sembly met, and a fac-simile reproduction of the copy of the Correo del
Orinoco in which the beginning and the end of this historic document
were printed for the first time.
Article 3. The expenses involved in the execution of this decree
shall be defrayed by the National Treasury, as required by law.
Article 4. The present decree shall be countersigned by all the Min
isters of the Executive, the Ministers of Interior Relations and of Finance
being hereby intrusted with the execution thereof.
Given, signed and sealed with the Seal of the Federal Executive and
countersigned by the Ministers of Interior Relations, Foreign Relations,
Finance, War and Navy, Improvements, Public Works, and Public In
struction, in the Federal Palace at Caracas, on the nineteenth day of the
month of December, of the year one thousand, nine hundred and
eighteen, 109th of the Independence and 60th of the Federation.
V. MARQUEZ BUSTILLOS.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Interior Relations, Ignacio Andrade.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Foreign Relations, B. Mosquera.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Finance, Roman Cardenas.
Countersigned :
The Minister of War and Navy, C. Jimenez Rebolledo.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Improvements, G. Torres.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Public Works, Luis Velez.
Countersigned :
The Minister of Public Instruction, R. Gonzalez Rincones.

^.^.I'Ullffll'1 - ° ' '*'1'- "-^¦¦¦I.IL

BOLIVAR IN 1819
BY THE RUMANIAN PAINTER, SAMYS MUTZNER

THE POLITICAL IDEAS OF BOLIVAR

AT THE

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA

THE POLITICAL IDEAS OF BOLIVAR AT THE
CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA

From its earliest inception the Revolution of Venezuela tended un
consciously as well as instinctively, towards clearly defined ideas:
absolute independence, a republican form of government, community
of interests with all other countries and the closest touch with European
culture. Documents relating to the Revolution, both from Miranda and from
the revolutionary leaders of 1797, 1808 and 1810, prove that the aims of
the leading men capable of conceiving and achieving the political and
economic transformation of the Colony, were more far-reaching than
a mere change of authorities.
Scarcely free from the rule of the Captain General, the members of
the Venezuelan Colony, although invoking, as a matter of form, the
rights of Ferdinand VII, proceeded in fact to carry out substantial re
forms in the political and economic life of the country. They broke
away from old prejudices, opened up a new field to the aspirations of
the popular classes, even encouraging and fostering their desires; they
acted as if they felt thoroughly at home; they performed acts of sover
eignty; they initiated Latin- American diplomacy by sending represen
tatives to New Grenada, the United States and Great Britain, and gave
evident proof, in the most solemn manner, of their sentiments of
solidarity with the other Spanish colonies of America.
These facts, however, may be considered as not yet clothed with the
prestige of Law. But the First Congress of Venezuela set its seal on the
process by the well considered declaration of independence of Vene
zuela, and the Constitution of 1811, its immediate result, endowed the
new born State with all the attributes of a regular government. A new

10 bolivar's address
act was thus accomplished in the history of the Spanish Colonies in
America. On the American Continent, besides the United States, there
was now another constituted nation having the form and the essence of
all Free States, such as separate and definite powers, citizens-rights,
and an electoral system for securing the necessary change of the authori
ties. Thus the Republic of the United Provinces of Venezuela came into
being. The first Constitution of Venezuela was the expression of the mind
of the men of letters in whom the thought and the spirit of the Revolu
tion dwelt. An evidence of the genuineness of their intentions, it was
a digest of the most beautiful principles of democratic doctrines, and in
theory, a monument of political and social progress, which might have
been deemed inconceivable in Spanish America. It was, however, the
| fruit of doctrinal speculation without the clarifying assistance of ex
perience. Put to the test by subsequent events, it could not survive on
the angry waves that the Revolution had stirred up in the heretofore
almost dormant sea of the Colony. The rural and illiterate classes, hav
ing been called by rights and, above all in fact, to a decisive activity,
while acting in accordance with their instinct and ignorance, far from
being the foundation of the Republic, became the direct instrument of
its destruction. The new democracy perished by the action of its own
internal forces, rather than because of its enemies from without.
"A son of Caracas escaped from its ruins, physical and political"
at Cartagena de Indias, with that clear vision which ever was the guid
ing star of his purpose, analyzed the causes of the crumbling down of
his country, and looking ahead, just as he always did until his death,
for the interests of America, he warned the other colonies which were on
the road to emancipation, of the dangers to which the sad experience
of Venezuela clearly pointed. That very same son of Caracas becoming
later through the power of his genius the Armed Leader of the Revolu
tion, patterned his political action on the counsel he had so clearly
stated in his "Manifest of Cartagena." While feeling the most profound
respect for the ideal aspirations of a perfect democracy he did not
lose sight for a moment of the well established fact that when idealiza
tion misses contact with reality, failure ensues, and what is much worse,
the prestige of those very ideals is lost, for the success of which an
ineffectual struggle has been waged.
Above all, he was always guided by the principle that anarchy does
not lead to liberty; that the first condition of success lies in harmonious
efforts, and that such a goal could not be reached except through a
powerful authority, giving the Republic unity of will and unity of pur-

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 11
pose. Such was 1he political and military work of Bolivar from 1813 to
1819; to master the anarchical attempts of the idealistic patriots who
overlooked reality, and to master the anarchical attempts of the patriotic
leaders who sacrificed the ideals of the revolution to their personal
viewpoint. Bolivar is the great Unifier, and when the task had been
done, we find the idealists and men of action all united, those of the
East with those of the South, the Center and the West. And when the
Revolution had achieved the dream of unification, and all were agreed
as to its final purpose, it was then, and only then, that Bolivar deems the
time ripe to recommence — as a basis, and at the same time, as a sign
of the normal era which the Republic was triumphantly approaching —
the onward march of republican institutions, and thus convokes the
Second Venezuelan Congress, which was to meet in the historic city of
Angostura. With all the authority obtained at the cost of numberless sacrifices,
firm in his belief, justified by six years' experience, Bolivar expresses
once more the same fundamental ideas of the Manifesto of Cartagena
and the Kingston Letter. This is a decisive moment for the fate of the
young nation. Was there to be a repetition of those errors springing
from a generous spirit which had already proved to be incapable of
protecting and fostering the onward march of the Revolution; or was
the new era of regular government to rely on the wealth of experience
gained through contrast, sacrifice and failure? It would have been an
unpardonable mistake to fall a prey to the same disappointing illusions
of the Republic's first legislators. Eight years of strenuous life in the
midst of the hardships of a war which did not tolerate indifference nor
remissness, had definitely enlisted in political and social activities the
classes constituting the majority of the population of Venezuela. They
had to be accepted with their good qualities, their defects, their potential
energies, their natural limitations. The idea was to establish a republic,
not philosophic and abstract, but a concrete democracy whose subjects
and direct agents stood out clearly and precisely in that midst. This is
the wide difference existing between the exalted Congress of Angos
tura and the exalted Congress of 1811.
At the opening of the Congress, Bolivar submits his report as to the
exercise of the authority vested in him, which he surrenders to the
Representatives of the People. Having thus become a plain citizen,
exalted because of the services rendered by him to the country and by
his experience in such service, he addresses those in whose hands
rests the future of the Nation, and frankly asks of them all that he deems
indispensable for the stability and happiness of Venezuela. He delves

12 bolivar's address
into history to find that the success of a government does not lie so
much in its extrinsic form as in its harmonious relations with the people
to be guided and led. Thus, even in praising with sincere enthusiasm
the excellent features of democracy, he does not fail to admit that
democracy is not per se the only factor in the welfare of nations; this
must be sought for in something more permanent and deep than the
outward form of a system of government. His conception of a political
ideal is condensed in this doctrine : "the most perfect system of govern
ment is that which gives the greatest possible sum of happiness, the
greatest sum of social security, and the greatest sum of political
stability." But it is not possible to attain these ends when the status of
the men for whom legislation is made, has been disregarded. Thus,
after making an ingenuous analysis of the population of Venezuela,
pointing out its characteristics, Bolivar emphatically advises against the
thoughtless copying of the institutions of other peoples, no matter how
far advanced they be in the matter of pure doctrine, and demands
original measures to meet the needs of the people of Venezuela.
Stability is his great anxiety. He is personally aware of the manner
in which authority is challenged by the individualistic instinct which is
latent in every one, but which develops in a violent manner among those
who having distinguished themselves because of their qualifications,
audacity or success, feel that they are fit to grasp such authority and
exercise it. Bolivar fears anarchy as much as he fears tyranny, and his
earnest desire is to safeguard the State against either of these extremes.
Hence the idea of a hereditary Senate, which in his own words "would
be an intermediate power between the government and the people, that
would blunt the shafts these two eternal rivals direct against each
other." His entire system is inspired by the thought of the imperfec
tions of the people and the risk there is in trusting them with instru
ments of government, by far too delicate for their uneducated, inex
perienced hands. In everything Bolivar shows, besides the greatest ap
preciation for liberty as the acme of human aspirations, the fear, tem
pered by prudence, before the possibility that, in aiming at an impos
sible perfection, the effective benefits of a moderate and dignified free
dom be sacrificed.
He desires, above all, as the foundation of public happiness, the
formation of a national character, more effective than all the written
laws. He proclaims union as the motto of the new born republic and
urges "as the paramount care of the paternal love of Congress," popular
education. As a statesman he believes that nothing stable can be

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 13
founded unless based on justice and righteousness, and exacts that
morals be a part of the government of the people.
After earnestly requesting the adoption of these principles, Bolivar
still finds new words, not merely to urge, but to beg for measures which
are a consequence and crown of the great sacrifices he has undergone.
"I leave to your sovereign decision the reform or abrogation of all my
statutes and decrees; but I implore of you to confirm the absolute free
dom of the slaves, as I would beg for my life and the life of the
republic." This is conclusively national unification, which otherwise
would not be understood; it is the application of moral principles, and
a safeguard against contingencies and social cataclysms.
Finally, the Liberator asks Congress to sanction the grand political
idea of the formation of a great state inspiring love and respect, with
the necessary force to guarantee its own existence and to carry on its
liberating action far beyond its frontiers.
The Congress of Angostura fulfilled in a large measure the dreams
of Bolivar; it was worthy of the trust and discharged a historic mission.
A gathering of tried and illustrious men, the Congress of Angostura
was worthy the importance which the Revolution had assumed, and
in creating the powerful and splendid republic of Colombia, it ceased
to perform a Venezuelan task in order to fulfill an American mission.
After a century, the political ideas of Bolivar appear to be endowed
with that eternal life found in all that is drawn from nature by a deep
and sincere mind. Leaving aside all that which circumstances of the
moment bring into the thoughts of every statesman, there yet remains,
as a store of teachings justified by the history of one hundred years, a
wealth of clear, consistent principles, still having the novelty and fresh
ness of the most glowing political doctrines. It is towards the unity
of national character, towards a just democracy, free from tyranny and
Jacobinic exaggeration, towards the apotheosis of morals as the only
possible basis of social redemption and stability; towards the abolition
of slavery, the homogeneity of peoples and the eff a cement of caste; it
is towards the community of continental interests, based on a har
monious conception of right, fraternity and respect among all the
nations of America; it is towards all these ideals which might have
appeared to be dreams without foundation, had they not been pro
claimed by one who had already shown himself to be so capable in
action as to secure the liberty of entire countries; it is towards these
different goals that the peoples of America have been marching, some
over wide, smooth, firm and safe roads, others through difficult paths,
between falls and blows, among precipices and chasms. Before the

14 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
recent test to which humanity has seen civilization submitted, when it
boasted of most admirable material progress, an awe-stricken world,
its faith shattered, turns its eyes to that obsolete institution which under
the name of Moral Power, Bolivar brought to light "from the depths
of obscure antiquity."
Does it, perchance, differ from the Court of Nations which, due to
the happy inspiration of President Wilson, is to precede the supreme
reign of justice among all peoples? Bolivar himself thought that some
day "his ingenuous dream," improved through experience and knowl
edge, might become most efficacious.
May the memory forever linger of that day in which a great citi
zen of the world, inspired by a great ideal, divested by his own volition
of the unlimited power he had exercised, asked the representatives of
the people, as the reward for his invaluable services, to deign to grant
his country "a government preeminently popular, preeminently just,
preeminently moral, which would hold in chains oppression, anarchy
and guilt. A government which would allow righteousness, tolerance,
peace to reign; a government which would cause equality and liberty
to triumph under the protection of inexorable laws."
Caracas, February 15, 1919.

CORREO DEL ORINOCa

N°. 19.

ANGOST0HA SABADO 20 DE FEBRERO DE 1&I$.SK

T6tf.|fi

CORREO BRAZILENSE.
Continuation de la Refutation del Correo
Brazilense.
Supongamos que et rey Juan fuese indife-
rente 1 esta petition ; y veamfis qual sen a
la conduct! de sus Consejeros y Mirifstros.
Bien sabida es ta de todos los que sirven estas
plazas en Gobiernos despoticos; pero para
demostrar la de los empleados de la Corte del
Br.-.zil alegaremos el dictamen del Correo
Brazilense. ,
Connesa que hay abusos , principalroepte
c-n la forma de la administracion publica del
Brazil — que son necesarias mucha* reformas
ranto en lo legislative , como en la aJminis--
tnuivo— y que Us Icyes del Brazil , quando
era colon ii y ^espoblada, no convtenen al
Brazil desColonizado , poblado, y rica.
Dice que los hombres buenos y esptrituosos
son tos que el Gobierno debe contemplar y
convencerlos de sus imenciones de mejora-.
miento en las cosas pilblicas : porque la genteV
lgr.orante va con la corriente, y tos empleadcs |
y dduUdores del Gobierno 6 egoisi'as nocuidan!
del bien general: con tal que reciban suj
siclJo y coman y beban descansados , todo'
)o dem^ Us es indiferente. Los que est an
en pixler y autoridad, luego quese les habla]!
de rt-forma , tem» n perder sus comodidades , j,
y -d* cnuiitjuicnte llsman revolucion toda re-ij
fur ma , y jatobinismo toda demos tradon det
.".husns. Ferturbadores del sojiego publico son H
lUnados los que .anirttados de pat riot ismou
d.nuncian estOs mal«3 ? porque perturban la";]
frcicion de los malganados placeres de estos
eg.nstas. Son sentencias del Correo Bra-
zr'iV'.-s? en el misnio numero que estam'os
impngnando. ( Y si los que han de prover la petition , son
esc* mismos empleados, egoistas, yaduladoi-es
del Gobierno, que aborrecen y detestan la
rr forma ) j como podra ella rener lugar ? Mai
c'aro: el Gobierno se componede esf^ntismoj
err.pleaJos; ellos son lot que gobiernan &'
ii-nibre del rey, y los mas opuestos a toda
ri forma que desquicie su despot Unio : ; como
poes esperar de ellos el suceso de la petition f
i~.i el rey fuese un hombre de virtud y tilentoi
extraordinano , tal vez proveria tontra" jph
diciamen y voluntad de sus minis tros y con-'
sultores; pero si'endo tal , qual )o describio un'
papel Ingles despues do su emigration al Brazil,
nada de provecho podia esperarse de 61. " Un
hombre de eitasos talent os , de un earacterj
debit 6 irresoluto , y enteramento entregado,
a sus favoritos. Asi est a definido en  ;
" A Sketch of the causes and consequences of\
the late emigration to the Brazils. By B.
Bry lance."
<• Ni la Filosofia , ni la revelation pudieron j
mscnarle al Editor .del Correo Brazilense \
que los hombres , creados a imagen y seme-i
j-inza deDios, debian dependerde la voluntad, 1
humor y pasion de un individub tal como el'
que esta reinando en el Brazil, Y quando '1
fuese mas sabio que Salomon , mas fuerte que,,1
Hercules, y mas virtuoso que Trajano, tampoco1,
tendria derecho para mandar a su jntojo, y sin [
U'; trabas de una Consritucioo dictada por el
pueblo, 6 sus representantes. toda autotidadj
que no se derive de este principle , es ilegitima
y tiranica. Todo Gobierno que no redunda
en utilidaddelosgobernados, debeser abolido
6 reformado. No se congregaron los hombre-i *
en sotiedad para sacriicar sus der«<h"o*^jS,

interests a las eomodidades f plaeerea tl-* una
sola persona 6 familia ; el mejor e&tar de todos
los congregaJos, su salud y ffliti'dJd fue -la
mira de su congregacion. Es un crifnen de
blasfemia el dec ir que Dios , variando po<;te-
riormente sus designios en la creacion del
hombre, la destino al servicto y ucjlidad de
cierto numero de sus semejantes , abatiendolo
a la clase de los- brutos, y demas cosas que
hacen la propiedad de los ricos y Se trasmiren
a sus herederos. Estos son los efectos y estas
las conseqtiencias de la falsa doctrim que haee
denvar inmediatamente del Cielo.*-! poder de
los monareas absolutos , despojando al puebto
de su soberania. Sobre esta falsa ductrina ban
pirado los disparates que reproduce el Correo
Brazilense , quando censura la revolution de
PerOainbuco. Adelantando su critica el escritor de este
pertodico , duda que hubiese elementos anti-
guos para esta empresa , y desde luego la llama
obra del memento , parto de ir.consideracjon :
¦sequexadela precipitacion, error, einjusticia
de sus conductores ; y los tacha de ignorantes
en materias de Gobierno, administration , y
modo de conducir los negocios publico? , y no
como qoiefa ignorantes, sino con una' total
ignorancia. Le comestaremos capitulo por
capitulo. Los antiguos^lementos de toda revolution
tal como la de Pernambuco , n» son otra cosa
que los semimientos naturales contra ta opre-
sion : el deseo intiato de la tibertad en el
hombre es el resorte principal que da impulso
a su maquina para recupeTar sus derechos usiu*-
pados. Si estos nobles sentirntentos no erau
generates en todo el Brazil, al sistema de su
Gobierno debe atribuirse esta mengua; al
habito inveterado de las cadenas es imputable
la indiferencia y apatia con que el pueblo las
tolera , Irsbesa, ylasbendice. Aestadegra-
Jacion brutal debto el desp6ta el que la mayor
parto de los habitantes deaquellas Provincias
se bubiesen declarado contra la revolution ,
•ofrectendo en obsequio del tirano , con la
mayor promitud posible, sus personas y bienes.
1 Y de donde nace principal mente este embru-
tecimiento ? De doctrioat tales como las del
Correo Brazilense, Esta es la leche que
maman quantos tienen ta desgracia de nacer
eo monarquias tales como la de Portugal. A
.esta. lactancia debe el Editor de aquel Correo
la baxeza a que ha descendido su pluma ,
acujando a los Patriotas de Pernambuco , y
tributando tncienso a la Casa de Braganza.
De ella dice que es la mas popular que
ja*ms goberno a tos Portugueses : que la
revolucion de Pernambuco nada tenia de comun
coni el odio que se suponia contra- ta dinastia
rei"nante : que en oposicion a los poquisimos
faccioso* que tevantaron su descontento h'asla el
puntode rebel ion , se podia alegar U'inmens'a
mayoria, 6 totalidad de los habitantes- d,e'
Brazil que se declararon contra ellos , ofre-
ciendo en defensa del rey sus personas y bienes
con la mayor pron'itud posible. Asi se explica
en la pag. 210 del Correo de Febrero del ino
pasado , y as^coopera a perpetuar la esctavltud
de los Braztlense.
"Que fuese obra del momento la revolucion ,
parto de la incoruideracion , del error , y de
la precipitacion , unto quiere decir en el con-
cepto del escritor como revolucion no bien m'e-
diuda ni combinada. Pero qutsieramos que
pos senabi-e en la historia de- las revolutions
qu ales son Us que ban ttnidobueo tiito.

siempre que. Jus prasnotore-s han qnerido m«fi-
tarTas y combtnanas del modo que prWendc el
Cotreo Brazilense. En la tardanza ha^-yttli-
grado todas las que se han preparadoV-j* madof-
tado conforme al tnetodo que atlft eo su meme
tenia concrbido et Editor -quando reprobstft
ta de Pernambuco. . Tod as las vece^gjjifnjahg. .
prolongado el tiemipo de la efupcton nam
-aumenrar el numero de adeptos y de metfidaj
mas alia de lo' que' ie acost umbra en semejante^
empresas , todo se ha Aialogndo pci* Jas deta-
(iones y perfidias <te alguno de los- cotiiideptel.*
Los hombres buenos y espirku,oiosJson en'
todas- partes los que conciben f forman.las
fevoluciones i, en todas. partes son pocos lo*
Lndivi Juos de esta caliciad y «-l)o% sob. los que
debentrazaryexecutar las operacionesinsurrec-
cionales contra el despotismo ; <1 secreto de
elias no debe fiarse a la irtultitud :¦ esta Va con
la corriente, y cast nunca dexa de.seguird
grito y alarma de sus corifeos.
Nos valemos de la, misma nrzon que alega
el Correo Brazilense para decir qoe los hombtei
buenos j espirituosos son los qoe debe contem
plar el Gobierno y convencertos de sus !iruen-
ciones de mejoramiento eft lasxosaj'prltticas',
porque ta gente ignorante va con la. corriente.
Casi todas las revolurfpftes empieza^' pqr el
rompimiento de muy pocos iqdividpos'/, Lease
la del Duque de Braganza en Portujjal , y se
hallara comprobada el hecbo'; h(:de los Espa-
noles contra Bonaparte -fiie" inijriada' por.'un
punado de peine eh Madrid y por el, grito de
una verdulera-, la de . Venezuela centra laa
autoridades que seritoclina'x.m i estaf y paair
por las cesiones y abdicaciones.de Bayona , no
tuvo mas principio- que el de un.o^cial que
eictamo diciendo « Viva Fernando VII. v
muerori tos Franceses." La otra revolucion
de Venezuela por su' independencia y I ibenad
fue obra de un numero ' muy . rcducido ^de
penon-jsr«vecindadas en ta capital , y de muy
pocas se'manas dc, conciertqt la de Lspam en
Mayo de 1908 , y la de Caracas en'.Jjtfio del
mismo ano fueron .obra del momento y no
premeditadas. Parto. de incdnsideracion ,de
error , y precipitation era la de Espana en el
juicio de Napoleon f y sus partidartos \ y la
de toda la America insurrecta le merece el
mismo conccpto a Fernando , y sus scrvidot'eff.
f Se continual. J ,X . ¦¦-
LA MED I AC ION
Conclusion de la Exposition sobrcla Media*
cion entre la EspaMa $ la America.
Si Fernando se resuelte a eaa gnXtde opera-
racion politica , que puedecostar diScaldad al
amor proprio; pero no al"del Vtn yd* la. Patria,
se hallark de un solo paso transport»d"cHkl siglo
en que t\ rive al en que vive Europa, seyara » si
mismo y a su nacion una nueva exlstenfiia y'cam-
biari a urvtiempo Ufazde la Europa y del Mundo,
— i Sombra de Henrique IV. ! vuela del Bearn£
'ntes que pasr este rapido iniiante dado « tu
Augusto Nifcto para salvar 6 para perder sa
trono j, su pais I !— Ele'va su irnaginacicm a la
diura. de tus ideas , muettrale la ienda de la
.jlom y del heroismo , hazle conocer el precio
de un roc-nifiuo en que unlinmer'W* Coajijs pue-
Jen eviurse y tan inmensos bfenet jadauIHrse p
y excitalo cn.Ba a adoptar Us dos. inicas medi-
¦Jas , de que depende la salud y eVengrandeti-
-niento de Espana I — Gobierno representatiyo
y alianza con America , 1 dc qui.otta'cosayj^c*.
sita ella para levantarse de ese lecho de t^v1^
y clevarse a un grado de poder 'y de prospsiiiM

FAC SIMILE OF THE ISSUE OF "EL CORREO DEL ORINOCO"
CONTAINING THE BEGINNING AND THE END OF THE LIBERATOR'S ADDRESS

" Patria tos Sinajeiofje ta Hbertad." donctaldh
<u contestation pidiSpermiso para rctirarse , y^el
Presidente se lo ooncedio , nentbrando ana Diputa-
chit de diet Miembros para que lo acompaiianse
En seguidn se tratS m et Cnngreso de nombrar
un Presidente iiiferinoAc la Republica ; pero ocuf-
riendo muehat dificttUadcs pat a la election, se
acordoque el General Bouvau exertiese er-te Poder
par 2\ 6 a lo mas por 48 horns , y se maudo V"i
Diputation il comunicarte esta resolution. El
General contexts que sob por co-i<idcration a la
urgentiu admitia clencargo, baxn la preasa con
dition de que solo Jiitse por el termino prefixado.
Alsigmente dia , despues de largos disatswnes ,
se rcconocio niianimeinentc la absoluta necesidtidde
tjtte ett las actuates circwstatwias continuase inte.
rinamcnte el General Bolivak ea/a Presidencm
del Estado t y una Dipulncion Ju6 encargada dt
cumnniearle esta determination, manifest andole Un
poJernsai raioitesen que sefiutdaba. No obsUfrift^
inti-liv el eit la vcgaliva , y ,/, rui eeponer p\it
ftfcnVo Us motives de su rtsiscencia. An Ity
veriJkS en el. siguientc, .*— f
OriCtO DEI, GENERAL SIMOHf BOLIVAR. AL
CONGRESO bF VENEZUELA. ,r
" Senor Secretario del Congreso t . ,
" En este inswiue me ha honrado e,t C'pn>
gtf'so Soberano con una. seeunda Deputation
presidida por el honorable Senor General Uhua-
"fctBTA oara anunciarme mi cnntintulclon eft" la
Presidencia del Estado. Yo estoy confuSO",
me hallo oprimido con el cumulo de sentt-
miehtos de respeio , consideration, y grdt'itud
que mc inspira la bc-nevolencia del Soberano
Congreso. Si no consuttasc mas que mi obed:-
eucia , y los vows de mi corazon volatia , como
he sido i« vi tado, a tomar^posesinn de la dignidad
d£ Presidents de Venezuela ; pero la conviction
eo que estoy de ser incapaz de llenar debida
mente las obligaciones de primer Magistrddo
tnc fuerzA a representar sumisamente las jiistas
causus que mc impiden ser'vira la Republica
en rl Poder Esecurivb.
*' Una dolorosa experiencia ha roostrado qaan
incompatible* son las funcionet'de MagistradO ,
y uV Defensor de la Republica: muchos revests
hemo* sutViJo porestar rounidos cl Poder Mili-
¦Uuy Jr^eJ^Civil; puos que un hombre solD'rio;
puede atender a la conservation de la paz, ji
a^eiercicio de la guerra. y un hombre solo1,
diffcilmente reune las virtvi'des y los talentos que'
requiecen elTribuual y el Campo. ' Ademashe
recohocido en, la practtca de los negocios publi
co* que mis fuerzas son insuficientes para sopor.
tafia formidable carga de un E<=tado Milttante ,
y al mismo tiempo en la infancia. Los Rcpre-
sent-rues -del Pueblo deben saber que apenas
scriun bastantes todas las facuhades de todos
nuestrosConciudadanos para compouer un Go«
biurnorepaiador de tanus tabmidades i j que
podra , pues , reparar un koldado i
*' El Soberano Cougreso ha nombrado uni
Vice -Presidente para suplir mi ausencia de li!
Capital. Yo debo estar siempre , por mi estado ,
ausente de la resident ia del Gobierno ; por con.
sig'uiente este Y'ce-Pres'dente sera siempre el
primer Magistrado de la Nation -r j siendo tan
acertada y'sabia la election que ha recaydo en cl
honorable RepresentanteZeA , actual Presidente
del Congreso, yomeatrrevo arogarilos Re-
presentantes del Pueblo, sedignen radmitir la
respetuosa renuueia que hago de la Preside^;.,
del Estado.
" Mi amor por la Patria y mi deseo por con-
trlbutr a la expulsion de los Tiraoos de Vene
zuela me in<:tan imperios'atnente a representar lo
que tcngo el honor de cotnunicar a V.S.
" Dios guarde a V.S. muchos anos.=Angos-
tura a 16 de Febrero de 1819. 9°.s=sBoL]Vrtii."

[ ii}ix<fdce<tadcli6er>ra->r, fn-^ndn jfh ft jutail r**l0O! e! Aaiklo-'tfd^remb rfe V-etwzoeli.-^
' msnto dtbido; ha acordads'el Soberano Cbngm-dv Vliestro es ahora el aogitstfl d-eber daccnaapra-
i"*e publiquen s»i nombramicitlvs : te haga rm»i ros i la felicidad de la Kepiiblira : «n Vueufiil
f salvo de Arliiltrift por etios t yjse mtndc ilirtimtr j mamos esta la balanza de hu«stro< dMrinwt , Id
Igenerclmente esta Capital porta- ttoc/ic dr Afe 'fattl ftietfida' de nuestra gloria: illus sellarhn Ic9
jK ywc al intento V.E coMumqifisiu respechinji Dgcretos que iigen nueitfa Ltber/ad. Ln

Ordenes d ta Comandancia Utnei'at.
" Tettgt et honor de trunmUirlo a V E^di
orden del Soberano Congreso.^ Diot guard? h VE--
muchos aiins.=> Palacio del Congrtw en An^mttti n ....
, 17 de Febrero de 1819. t)°.= Kxemo. iV,T«< = Wj JJjf
¦ I'ocal Secretario iiifLrbio*=J)iego UputLtn I'rbtt'] t'iin
nija^=Excmo, Heiiur I'resid^nle dehi tit publica."

[Leido Mte Ofieio es el Congrcio, se iu*ciUroD divtr ¦ ..¦
nuetLionet, tobre que hubo largat ditcudooct de hi
quali* y diA rwnltadn st dwl notida al publico por
uu Suplcmeoto a ccta rjazeu.]
"fSPUESTA DEL SECRETARIO DEL CONGRESO
AL GENERAL BOLIVAR.
"Exano. Seiior; No habiendo el Stberano Con-
greso Haciom

,V OISCURSO
Pronunctado por el Oennttl Bolivar nJCon-
gresojTfneral de Venezuela en el uclu u'e lit
Jnstdtdcioii i —
- " SEnOR— | Dichoso el Ciudadano qut? baxn,,
'el escudo de las armas de su niando ha conVo- ¦
pado la Soberania Nacional , f ar.i que exerz*<a
su volunraj absoluta ! Yo , pues, me tuerrro
entfe los seres mas fovorecidos de la jDivina
Providtfntia, *ya que he teniJo el honor de
reunir a los Represcntante3 del Pueblo "de
Venezuela en este Augusto Congreso , fueuto
de la Auto idad legitima, depositu de l.t volun
tad sobsrlna y arbitro del Dcstino Je la
J^aclon. **Al tran-smitir a los Representantes del
Pueblo cl Poder Supremo .que se me habia
omfiado.,, coJaio'lo* voicw demi.tonzon , los
de mis Conctudadanos yloa d« huestras futuras
gctitrnoonei , que todo lo-'espeian de vueitri
sabiduria, rectiud, y prudeneiav Onando cum j
pio con este dulee Uebcr^me Hberto de la ¦¦
inmensa auiori.-'ad que .me agovtaba como de In
responsabi lidad ibraltadd que pesaba sobre mis
debiles fuerzas. Solamente una necesldad
fbrzosaunida a la voluntad imperiosa del Pueblo
me habria sometido- al terrible y peligroso en*
cargo de Dictador Oefe Hupremo de la Repu
blica. Pero ya respiro devolviendoos esta
autoridad , que.con tanto riesgo , dificultad j
• sSeoa he lognrtlo mai-teiwren medio- dc li>
tribulactoncs mas horrorosas que pueden afligir
Iruncnerpo social.
, ** No ha sido la fipoca de la Republica ,
que he presidido , una mera tempestad politics,
ni una guerra sangricnta , ni unaanarquia popu
lar , ha rjdp , si t el desarirollo de todos . loi
elementos desorgantsadores : hasidola inun-
dacion de un torrente infernal que ha aumer-
gido /.la tierra de Venezuela. Un hombre
i y un fiombre tOmo yo! ,;q«e diques podria
opqner al' impetu de estas devastacioncs ?¦ "'

ei»e* momento el Gefe Suprcino de la Repu.-
blica no es mas que un simple Ciudada*nt/t **
tal quiere quedar lustj la muerte. i>tr\tt& ."drt
fftrtbargo en la carrtra de Ijs anrir-s mu*ntrM
hfttla eneinigos en Vcnezheli. MultiiuJ dfr
ovnemiriios hijos tiene b l*atria c-.ip;icc»d6
dirij-irla: talentos, virtudes,cx.pencntia yquatl-
(o sc n-quiere para mandar a ho-iibres libres,
•ton el patrimonio de muchos de los que aqu'i
[ represent an el Pueblo, y fuera de cite Soberano
Cuerpo ie encue'iitran CludadatiOs qare en tu^as
epocas han mostrado valor para Arrostnr lot
pebgros , prudencia pSra e*marlos , y el arte en
fin de gobernorse'y de gober'nar a otros. Estct
iluKres* Bardnts ffierecfirJm , tin 'dtida , lp$
iwfragltW dfil jCongfeSo y .=1 cll&s <e' en'eargarl
del Gobierno , que tan coViliai f Jiricerimente
icabo de renunciar para siempre.
" La contiiiuacion de b atitoridnd eh un
¦rTllsilio iudiVrd'io frtqiient'ementt hn >Sdo el tcr-
mino de; lot Gobiernos DemocratfCos. Lai
repctitbs elecciones son e-enciak-s en lot sis-
tem.is populai es , por que nada es tan peligrfcso
corau dej*tr j'ermaiiecer Wgo tiempo en un mis
mo Ciudadiinn el Poder. El Pueblo s« acos-
Cumbra a obedecerle-, ,y cl se" dcosturobra a
mandavlo, de donde se origins la usurpation
y la tirarii.u Unjiisto zelo es' la garantia de
l.i Libertad Repiiulicana ," ¦/ nui-stios Ciudada-
uos deben tcmer con snbrad^ justjeia que tl
mismo Magisiiadu, (|Ue los ha m-ind.ido rnncho
tiempo , Ids mande perpetu<*nienre.
•* Ya , pues , que por este acio de mi adni--
ciun a la Libertad dc Veuexuela- puedn iKpiur
a la gloria de ser cciu.tdo cntfe sus mn> fiilen
a mantes ; permitidme, Seiiur , <j:te expon^.i
con la fmnqueza dt mi verdadero^Repiiblic.iiii)
ml rcspetuoso dictumen en este Prayrilu dvCon-
slilticion, q:ie me tom6 hi libertad de .-fiecerc?
en te-»timonio de la suiceiiJad y del c.mJj.t ds
mis sciHimientos. Como sc trata do la i-alinl
de todos , nic utrevoa creerque tcngo derechu
pi<la ser oido por los Representatues del TV bio.
Yosdmuy bien que vuestra ^.ibiduiia no bx
meneilerde con^ejos, y se tambi. n que mi Pro-
yecto acaso os p.irecer'a erroneo , irrpr.iciicihlr.
Ptio, "--enor, aecptad con bt-nignulad estr ira-
bajo, que mas bien es el tributo dt* mi sii.ctia
iumisii,i: al CoNGntso quf e\ efecio de tira lc\e-
dau piesuntunisa. Pot otra parte , siendn vues-
tra* tuueiones la creation de un cuerpo politico,
y aun se podria di-eir la creacion de una socie-

En medio de este' ptelago de angustias no be-l' dad enteia, rodeada de todos los inconvenientes
lido mas que un vii juguete deVhuracan revo- \, qj'e presenta una situation la mas singular y
lucionario que me airebauba como una' debit ,| d'ncfl » quizas el grito de un Cbid.idai-o pnede
paja. Yonohepodidohacernibienni niaU It {d"ttE* u pwencia de un peb^u nu-lmitu
Fuerzas irresistibleshan dirigido la marcha de '¦ ° «s<-OI"*ido. (I.) 
nuestrossucesos. Atribuirmelosnoseriajusto, , 
y seria darme una importancia que no merezto.
^ Quereis conocer los autores de los aconteci^
miento.'. pasados y del orden actual ? Consul-
tad los anates de Espana, de America, de
Venezuela : examinad las leyes de Indias , el
regimen de los antiguos mandataries , la infiu-
encia de la relieion y del dominio extrancero : r .
Oban-ad los . prkneros >ct» dd Gobictno <i« »™ grandes pjhntts de la ,ndu,tr,,.
¦ (el trab-jo» y cl saber. t,stimi..anL;o tstu-.
csorles dc la sotiedad , it'
il entrc los honibrts , ha-

" Legisladores ! Por el Proyecto de Cons-
titucton que reverentemente someto a vuestra
sabiduria, observareis el c.-piritu que lo Ux
dictado, Al proprncros l.i division dc ks
Ciudadanos en activos y pnsivos , he preten-
dido excitar la prosperidad national por las

RetuMicanojiaferocidaadenuestrosenemig^- *' ^J0* y cl *
y el taracter nacional. ' No me prtgunSC d°S Pod,WOSM rcs0
sobre losefrctosde estos trastornos para siepi-?,!* ,.za. '° ni<Is

para ;
pre lamemables , apenas se mc puede stiponer

simple instrumentrde los grandes mSvilai g*1" Ju ""J P™<*™te$ en las Asemblcs
nuehan Ahndo sobre Ven^uTla. Sinpmh„.' .?"nunas y Electorates, ponemos cl Pmmr

que han obrado sobre Venezuela. Sin embar<
go mi vida , mi.conducta, todas mis accioncs
pubticas y privadas estan sujetas a la censura'-dcl
pueblo. — Representantes ! vosotros debeis
juzgarlas. Yo someto la historia de mi mando
a vuestra imparrjal decision , nada anadire para
¦f escusarla: ya he dicho quanto puede hater riti

.... acctii*o *, las repctidas renu*. -j apo]og;a, Simerezco vuestra aprobacion habre
""A* rT TV"; in,1? Estadoque « i; a£n2Saj0 el sublime titulo de bUen Ciudadam
conjtrto a f .E. en la Sesion Uramana de aver . Vi c -».i _' u r -i.-.. t ' j
,Jt~,.j„ ...  *..._.•_.. " " .. .; j. viJoLS prefenble pari mi il de Liberlador que mejl

caahnuido este nomiizmieitto.y tide Via-Prea-\ Hrfenbl« P"1 - ¦¦•¦¦-•
dtnle del mme en la pertona del Seiiat Dipatada I1 JenMueh , al de Paafaador que me dip

que me-jdin
ue ' me dio
y a los que el mundo entoro

Francisco Antonio'Zea, por la de hoy hasta que j, Cundinamarca
estos destinos sean constitueionalmente' eJegidds ; \l pttede darme.
y i conteqiiencia de la cortanweift* cue w V.& v " Ltgisladorcs ¦' Yo deposito en vuestras

Icerlos hcr.rados y fclices. Poniendo restric-

y electorates , ponemos cl pn
Dique a la licencia popular, envitaiulo U
'concurrencia tumulruaria y cifjra q-*c en todo:
tiempos ha imprimido el . des.ttn.ito en Ij;
-Elecciones, y ha iigado por co-.r -yi'iciite, le
desacierto a los Magistr.idos . y \ m mnrc' i
del Gobierno; uues este acto pr- ;o-d:.d , -,
el acto geneiamo de U Libei-.w, , u Cc -\
'Esclavitud de un Put-blo.
"Auroeritji'do en la balanz- i'e 'v- poderes cl
(,,) ---q" ¦"•¦- "» eiU.lu ,uuLi., Ul- ,- C.-M'.tH -
interior »Jc la KcpublicA y del iiuuo I'ruuciu .. .
orttenu. Se ha cm Jo conrcnieiite mprimiriu , y j t:
M>lamenie et principioy fin del D,t;urjo l.aiu .jac pjc^j
.mpimu.t iuJo por scpuradu.

-*JB^h«Bai bubiedi "wado aspfrar sit) nuestra
>udefebd«ncia ? Noes por cierto.U esteril do-
nimaewftFtS-r UnaMundo j es su comercto lo que
importa a la Nacion y "aun al -Rey mism«*-
4 Y que eomparacion puede haber entre'unTno-'
nopolio miserable y ese merca'do inmenso que-
a todos: lei pueblos, y a ella principal mente ibre
ta America mdependleiue y libre? Situada a la
extremidad de Europa , rodeada casi toda de
puenos y tavoiecitfa del Cielo con un clima
delicioso , un -.uelo lib^ial , excetonto produc-
cionOs , no pocas niina-t, y un pueblo aobrio ,
eap'aVde las mas altas empresas , y dut.ido de
"un caracter 'y de una constancia singular, solo
)e faltaba "un Gobierno que hiciera valer inntas
vcptajas, y un enmerdo activo que reanunara
las' Artes y la Industna aletarg'adaspor su b'ar-
baro si^tema de exclusion y de intolerancia —
Ptroeritc (.omercio *i'il- debe darle \\ Tiovimiento
vital , no puede exl-lir Sino a favur de la amis-
i i J de A merit j , y amisud la mas inuma y
) t ma* gcnerOsa. Es de toda ev-id-ncia que m-
c-si'a por algunos aiios de concetiO;i\S liber .-le>.,
y aun de ciertos privilegios para soscner lacon-
turroncia conlas n^.cio:.es industnosas en r.Ues
tros mercados. Y^'cieeella que lerminnda por
l.ts a^mas la conqiiiiu enters de nue->i-.<t InJc*
pendencia, hemos de tene*- la estdpidn condos-
ceiijv-ncia de pe-rjudicarno* en nuestras rela
tione* com erci ales para favorecer |o< adelanta-
rmentos d .' sus fibricas y m*inifacturas ln-.ii
que llegden a C'-mpetir con l'i«. mrjores dc
Europa *— N't , la America no har'a sacrifices
sino por uni prrmta p.iz , cu) a poses-oti antiri-
pada'p-ieda servirle de compensation. Cada
dia que ella difiera el reconocimiinto de la lnde
pender.cia absoluta dp todo este -Continent? ,
Mncuya condition prclirnlnar jamas v firmara
ning";*l tT-atadd , es im nueu el/^ul.i para
obt*"..er una p.12 vectijosa, y un gran pAiO
Incia su pi-rdicion. P.irccc imp.sible que el
C.i'>inete d? Feina-ido. VII. do.* de conocer la
ut ;e'ici* del ppligrn, y su umco retried jo ,
-G-J&-t-H\0 R"f."KVAH>TATIVO Tf ALCNZA FI'A-
tf:is*l cos A-MKi«it *¦ En e*tov dos puntos
e-ia-Cffr^da todasu pobt'ca . y de ellnj depcr,Je
su salud yel reposo dc^a Europa ,' a que nH.h
seiia tanfimes^ocomoTiiTaTeio1ocionvnKr.|ja-..i.
La de Frantia nojuiLria »idu.t-nas que uu -.urno
compirada.'c°n 1* de un pueblo no m&iosieiri-
b!e por la.firnuva de su caracter , que por su
ignorances.-, su de^wpe ratio*, y su far-aiUmn. i
He aqu'wtn objelo verdudcramente digno dc
U MediacW.de las Alia* Pnccnc.as — intiui a.
Fernando a pi-ocbm.ir un Gobietno Kepriy *i.
•..uivo y la ludepem/encia de^A^neVrta^uricos
niedios de evitar en Espnna una-jtWoiuciqn ,
que no deiarla de comunicarsc a FrancUi y:
turbiria por largos alio* la tnnquilidad de-
Eurr.p.i y Lis r^actortiM del Mundo. EntanreV
¦ebtendri-an el t':ulo divino-dc bierihechor**,-*
U bummidad, b-grarun asegtuai li paa'j^Ja
CinccrJi-a 'universal , y merccen^n «) recon^ct
rn'i-nto de todis los pueblos , los apla-uio* desu
s-glo, y Lis bendicione> de la poiteridad.
4^ CoNVti-roN. )

. a^S.5Sfjtor Diputadi detos Estados-ifrti.lc- , , *raVs tr&end Capitblh , rr» en los pairtios de
-$. IrVins , y una delos ComerrCian'Tc.-- j" Agripa y de 2'rajano ; era en una hutmlde
iNOLKSEa mas henemeritos de la Indey-en- i"cSssa» baxu un techo pagfzo , que ficmulo*
'denSiat'en representation delos demas, fuervn semUtanteate vestido , trazaha la Capital del
'CWttidados d este acto solemne , y colocg'ia I " ^u"do y pomelos fundamtnlos de su itttnenso
'entreelSr.Provisor,GobernadordelObisptttio\'1 ^'F™0- h'"da bn/itiba alii sino sit genm :
y losprimeros Gefes militares. El Concurs*) \ " u<:'la ^?Wa degrandeuno cl mismo. floes par
de extrcngerus y de Ciudad anos fui my ' 1' fl JPaTato m lamagnificenaadentuUra -in/tat*
numeroso. -r

-£/ Gefe Suphemo abrto la Sesioti por <V>
tectum d? ttn Discuiso tan Ucno de inlet ex if
ta?i patttico , que ni Ciudadanos ni Extr.%.
gcros -mtdicrun contener las lagrimus. — Hi- ie-
cioK , tu ccrnto , -ta espresion de su semOhnte
todo aered'Uatia la rcrdad de sus sentimien*o» , ,
y su intima adhesion a los priiu:ipiostfilaijro~ \
picas y, liberates de que hacta en *aquelji£tu In i
mas paletica u <udcmne profesion. El ubjeto I
principal dc $a Din'ursu eta cxponer los jut.- '
dammtos de un Proyecto de Constitution, qur
S. 11. pi esentuba al Congreso , y hacer ver 'Our1
eta tu mas adaptada a nneslrv pais. Ltif'tx*
piesionti con que conctu'tit , deilarando j**.<o-
lud-j tl Con^rtso , y t >-cnnttiendo en U la
tobcuirua Nacional , escilarun (I um- n'vo
entu.-tasi,:', , sobre todo quando euipuiijitje> In
espodei , t.'ixo cur una t '/er^iu f-xttaouh-i^rtj
" jl// t<puda y las dc mis indites cui-iji't>\.rT<tbn -
dc ari.-iniistuiisicmpjrptui.tui asoit,', < jor **
A'tg/ntit /fi-tiii/o//.- /'/;<r el Corigic*- «>
Venezuela." A tstu a':, tfpettda tut '\n%
leas pot cl cone in so t se n'guiO una ink* <••
Artillftfa. El Gett'e Supremo inulu enrmnei ol Co^- .
gresu d que proevdiese d la I'raion dt ¦ .
i President" bitct ino, para adregarle cl tnatida
'. Rcsidtando ekcto a viva- ioz cl Dtputad£,
1 Fiut.cisco AntosIo 7.ea , S.E. le totrtd ti
juramento sobre los Santrs 1'-. <i ngelivs , » ev
\-segrtida a tabs lat Miemfnos una d una. — ,
\ 'Coneluidoetjumni.-tifot S.E. culuco al Peesi- \
1 dente en Lt si It a que octtpal/a H mismo bax-j del ¦
sol/" , y dirigiendose al cuerpo mililar di^'it*^
\ " Sr/iutr's Gcitetati-s , G fes i/ O/icialei, m.'i ••*
i cow pari, -ii)!- de nrmas , nasu/tos nv sonUis n'u.
qnr simple* Cindadanoi hasta que el Cotigt^L
Hjbeiano se.dignc emplearPos en la clasfijfri
«>adu qfw tibie* taiga. Contando can fM»-'
h-a sumisiou v<*y d darle en mi nombtffv
el vuesiro la.-, pnicbas mas' ctarat de iHuftfa.
obedunua t-rn/ze)>ftndule el mandate -ftttyV
I eslaba encargcrdo." Dt't'endo esto se arfrYti'
el President e del Congrc<u, y prcse>itii>tctd&\
sufiaslotl , conlinu') .- »• Jjciutiio <1 lu Itrpfa
bites el baston de General que ¦'¦_¦ a. .fiS

AKGOSTURA £C de IEBItE.RO de 16)9.
1K5TALACION del CONGRE.->0 GENE
RAL dp. VENEZUELA.
* Bevnidos los Dtputadot en ata Capital,
"htecpnrtidss las Actas de Election ejt turfo
js'iforirte^at^B/glq^&iio., Ji->oJi.& tl 'C'e*i^
"KvfcREMO paia el I $ an tv'rttcjife uTo*7i
del dia ta Imtflacum dtl Coiifieyo.
Una salva de AxtUhria at ponerst tt Hat ,
V una ilvminneion general , auumib el 14 la
sblemuidad dtl dua stguientr.
¦t.j£t l$4l$.salir el itot se lit zo otra salva de
jfrfilkrla, ' /As -Diptttodos >c rcrutieron d fas
*ther (/ nfdia en la Sala del Palacio del G&-
bienv* dj-tmada a sus sesioxes ,' y el Eitodo-\
yitnjt/i'-Ge*irtal , df Gobemador de la Plaza
y Cvv>awdante*t>cneral de la Provincial G*Jet
y OfinaUdpd en la casa del Gefe Snpttvi*
'prrra oemtptifyi't" tl tan atigusla cercmoitia.
' J] es caJbetazns awmtiaron ta mareba de la
lt<miliva , y Jos Diputados salierott d.recibir
u ..•),/-. funa de la% puertas del PaJocio.—
•l/fl rxMr&dfK&ttoxamcntQ , que oevjialf el
Jrente* Iftt&las hut.oics militates.

ordi^.

¦***Para setiiibi qna'.q.tier grado 6 t
one et Congreso mc datine , es pa
honrvso ¦ en el dure el exemplo de la ->,
nacivti y de l.i ciega ubtdiencia que ifaovH
dtstingnir u todo &Jdadu de la B*rpu'Mcu?'**-
El Presi'lsiUc dirtgiendose al Congreso dixo:
" Ptirece que no admile di^cusionlaconfirmacion
de todo.'. tcs grado* y etupleos conJ'eriJos j or
S.E.4t General Simon iioLivaR dm ante sit
Gobierno^ sin embargo pido para declaratfo-
la ttpiobacion espresadel CongreiO.1' eParete
al Conarao que los grados y entpleos ccmj'eri,-.
d's j'ui S.E. el General Simon Bolivjh ,
sundo G- fe Supj?mo de la- Republica , teen
Iwifii-ttivTivfi ?~ Todos t'S LhpHlddos~pc!^it-
dose en pie tespoHdicron que si , y el Prest-

cioit ; sino por Inx tnmm&Oi medius que la Auiu-
** ru,*za r*0o ha proportir"r.r'-' y por los inmetisoi
11 planes que i osotros cunufarreis para aprmechar.
" los , que debera calctdarsr. la grandi ta y el poder
",/irfuro rfe nuestra Itepjiblica.—Etta misnta sen.
. llez y el esplendor de ese graiule acto de patrio-
** ui7nu de que el General BoLiv.vn acaba de dor"
*' tan iluslre y memorable exemplo,t imprpne J
" c»ta sotemnidad un caracter antigno , que'-es y*
" un praagiode los alius dettinos de nuestro pais.
-' \i noma ni Alenas , Esparto misma en tos her-
'* -"-Oiux dian de la heroiadad y las deludes publico*
" tu preifutu urn e*ce/ia mas Sublime m - imi
'* mterrsantr. La imnginacion te exalta al conteH-
" / 'aria , desapat cent los siglos y las diitanctas,
" u «- <otrot v/ismes nos crtimos cattlempOTQrteos
" deLs ArUiide- y l*> Phociones, deles CeUnilo*
"yl-- fjHiut.n..i.da->. L* hiisaia JdiiittMpta y !to
** tt-tV-.i. firhiopiot liberates ijrte hdn't'eietada & AJt
" Gtj: * fir/ ¦¦) Meant* de la atta atafgntdadtm «flh
" henefieo-i Ewprradures Vespd&iano t Tito 4 JTru/tf.
"<w, Matoi Aurefiv , qm^ los reutplanartAt ofigbafs.
"wwe, culocanhay entre tilus m $Ae ' txf.deittk
.*• SjAnetul ; y emreellos oblendra lAtJpaarci atela
& Juuo'ia y las bendiciones de /« f/osJ^rkhTii.— *
" &ats a hora que puede justamente apretiarte'tt
'* . faime ru.-gu de wrtzd patriCliea de que hemot
** .ten ednin adures mar bien que testjgos. * Quandm
" x'tfttmt Siibtilucitiufi kayan, rrtifddo la sancitk
'* del Tiempo , quando todo lo debit y toda lo jte.
. v'u-r'i.j de nuestra edad, las pasiones , Ins mis.,
* rests y fas vanidades hity/m desaparecido , y
*• tolo queden los^rnndes heches y lot grdndei hoik-
M'orii, ntoncex se. hard a la tiidicaelvrtdsi Qtnefai
14 ShLi var tuda fnjusrieiaquc vtfxcetE ysu no>H.
-u hft se pio-'iitiinaru ton orgtdfa.m^exttuehr ;
*'yi!ft'*/ hi undo afli Tme.fa-.i'jit.^e^stiitu'u de
" tttefa lo que el ha hrchs por mu'tikia ttir>inj — .
4rffft ahai de angnstu* y petigwfsigjl 'svertfith
.(/>•> Jiirfiui*. y J°m rrjyuti* jjfr*&-& ''nlwj.r
Ds%,. iblef , erfuerzoi de quf dfjjis,$Qtijjife se eitarA
l \ '-itv extnrplo en ta hiSvfin- , ei> -cr^ttwu in 1
" pftteba de todus los revenes , esa JtrMexn. iuto'n*
J" triable para no desevpernt de lp salud at la
*• "Pttria , viettdolu sub/ugadn , y (I drvralido ijt
n snls .-' prrstindo , digo', de lautos tittdoi , que
'* 'tinne i ta imn-vtalidnd , para JUar SolSMt&tte ta
f1 etttcion en lo que estamaryiendii y tufftamtdo*,
**'<: // ht.h.cra rennntiado la AidoJvkdf A't*-
prima Sr<j\i.uiJi e?ta tin afrecia mas ftttOKS^J*
wytearts, yiandt atrahim tobr^ «k ehidxa.

".in.'.ulivs y culti nana* , y qUOftfip nb <frm mat
•".jarw tfji tilitla al parecer ww*^ , uada Aai^M
'X*#es*ido de laudable y mucho.X&gjnaitnrte ; pent
^¦faierlo en el momento en que esta- Autoridad
'*• ti/kirnzd ii tetter algunos afractivot a los o'foi
'' atfja ambicion y quando. tadafyfylfjjtia, proximo
^titifrniittn dicho\o de uue.il r a < dfitiis, y haeerlo df
\** flpprio inu.i-rtieittn y pot 'ft' puro amor de It
^'tmrtad , e> uta virtud fcni- Itervica y tan etnU
"• itrhtt , que yo no se si ha ieni.iu nutdelo , jf '
•* 'deinpero de que ten^a'innhtA^ys. ¦ Fero iptot
" ijpennitiremu* tbtsotrot qte el General Bolivar
.' . i'e el eve tm,!o sobre sits Conciudadanos que los
u mvnrrta con su gloria , y nu traiaremns <S los
** > <xnus de cumpetir con tl en nobles y patriotic*:*
- TSfiinrrctrfjJ, »u petmitu :tJi ¦'e.ii/ir dt crfrvJa-
.*.' gltrto, recinto sin revestirlede esa misma Autoridad
d+ one ft se lui despojado por mar.teaer intivlabfe

de ,te toufhni .- " Lt Sobrrano Cmgrts, it ¦'. .»!f* "*" tejw*, po, »a«liKr m*.,IMt
la JiVMi,„ cajtrma, in la h„J, ,JtSJi I "' -f hh" '?< ,"'ndo'"c ?"«""»"'" >> "«'•.-
, ,/ • *-, , I- i> . j k " t"'. avetUurarlut — No, no, reptiso con cnergta
et tapttxn-Gmetal Simon Bolivar todos ^ „ \luiddad el General Zuuv An. jama>, jmai
losgradosy cmpleos , cunfertdos por el mum. » „ %^ri a aceptar Ult(t Autoridad a que pa,*
durante suGultierrtO; y dewivtendote el baston, r ¦• sinttpre he remmeiada de todo corazon par pti

le dtv aieiitu u su. dtttcha, Despues tie
otgu,ir,s moment vs de a Undo, el Pretidente
habit mestos tcrtninns ¦ — .
'* Todas tat fracit,''ie.< y ttdos lot /mperio\r'ue- .
',' Tf/nrntu infancia deod. s £ pequeriot , cc-m^t
" hombre misvio a quien deben su instittu.iuti.-r-r,
"• Estas grandes dudades que todavia asotnorfi/f
* la imaginac^on , Menfis , Palmira , Tebas , AU'
" i am In j , Tyro , la Capita! mis.no de Belo y cjf
<• Seniira-nit , y in tainbten , suterbia /?.¦-¦•-
" Senora de fa tierra , no JuUte -n Ins priun.-i-- ,
*' olratosa que una -nezouma y miserable #'v.-».

f'pius y p'tr sntti-.tifnloi." — " Cantiwtb expo-
'** nift-do tvs pcligrns t'ue corrin la libertad , earlier-
" v&udj por mucbt tiempo un mistno hombre In
'¦ vrhnera Autoridr.de mn>tife\t6 la necesidad de
*• ^ccaier^ Cf.titra las vthas de a! gun ambicioso ,
.*'-£v)t/j-a las dc el mismo que no tenia ningvtia se-
M gtifidad /£' pensar y de obrai siempre del mumu
*¦ tn-'do , y termirtS su Discurjo protextando tn A
*• t'in'j mas Juerte y deti'-iia. que enmnguitcw.Lt
¦ t par ninguna consideration vulveria jant.is J
¦ .Z'otar una Autoridad, a que tan cordial y tan
" tAf-eramente habia renuntiadopor aseguror * ,v

¦Iieso-del Congreso por el numero de los Legis- > ti*re>io en artnak de Libertad-. Si , l'o& que j fal:adoDittniciocet: siempre ha fftado nnal equf-
ladores , y por la naturaleza del Seuado , he \ antes -eran Esclavos , ya son'Libres : los que I -.-ado. Ahora los Soldadoi Defraiorei it la

y oa\
procurado <Jarle una base fix a a este ¦ primer j
Cuerpo de.. la ^acion , y~ revestiriu de uni
consideration improiiar.tisima. para el eiho
de sus funciones sober anas.
11 Separando con Umttea Wen senalados la Ju
risdiction V \e<-utlva , de la Jurisdiction LegU-
laiiva, ijome Le propuestodividir sino enlazar.
con los vinculo; de la armonia que n.ue ce la
Independenr.ia, estas potestades Supremas cuyo

Independencia no- solamente estan annadoi de
a Justicia, «ro tarobien de la fuerza. Kuettr&x
,-as puedehtnedirse con las mas telectai da

sabeis la historia de los Helotas , de Espartico,
y de Hayti : quando vosotros sabeis que no-,
se.puede *er Libre y Esclavo a la\ez, sino,
viobndo a U vez las Leyes naturales , la'9,
J.eyes poutitas, y las j-eyes civile*. Y©'
cheque prolongado jamas ha dejadodeatcrrarfabandono a vuestra soberana decision la rt-\
a uno de los contendientes. Quando deseo v forma 6 la revocation de todos mis Estatutosf

antes eran enemigos ue una Madrasta , ya.son
Dcferfcores de-una Patria.. Eicareceros la*
Juscicia', la necesidad , y la beneficencia def , .
esta medida, es superfluo quando vosotroj* Europe, 7* 1« ™ ty des.gualdad en os
-....uiw-w.? a-p  >.,,«¦ rr,rdiosdestructorei._ Tan-grandeiTentajaslas
debemos a la liberaliclad sin litnites de algunos
^.enerosoi extrangcros que ban viito genii r la
numanidad y sucumbir la -causa dela razon , >"
no la han visto tranquilos etpectadoref , tine
que han voladocon sus protectores auxllios, y
han prcstado a la Republica quanto ella nece-
si-taba para hacer tritmfar sus prfncipios lil-iu-
tr6picos. Estos amigos de la humani'dad son
los genios custodies de la 'America', y a ello-i
sqmos deudores de un etemo reconocimifnto,
como ignalmente de un cumplimiento religiOso,

y Decretos -, peroyo imploro la confirmacion'
t,c la Libertad absoluta oe los Esclavos , como
implorarta mi v'lda , j la vidadela Republica.
«*.Representaros la historia Militar de Vene-

atribuir al Execuuvo una suma de facultades
¦superior i la que antes gozaba , no he descado
aidorizar un Despota j.ara que tiranise la
Republica. sino imaedir que el deipctismo ¦c.^ui'.m^v.. ... .....,.-.,..»  .-- ¦...-
c'trvulo de vicuitudes dcspblitas en que aUerna- Re, ublieano entre los Amiguos sera denro-.. ^ rf ^ ^ honor, y de la
tivamente la anarquia sea reemplazada por la, que,Venezuela ha enrrado en el gran quadro i
'"' de los Sacrificios hechos sobre el Altar de la
Libertad. Nada ha" podlilo Ilenar los nobles

oHgarquia , y por la monocratia. Al pedir,< ..
la estabilidad de los Jueces , la treation de

Jurados, y un nuevo Ccdigo , he pedidq.-atj pechos de nuesrros generosos guerreros , sino

en-unapalabra, la umca Libertad , puel que C'endo ¦ t el ,.oaer, ni por la fortuna , ni
— n (,or 1- gloria, sino tan solo por la.Libe.tadJ
ulos de Libertadores de la Republica, son1
Yo

Congreso la garantia-de-la Libertad Civil y la
mas -preciosa , la mis just* » la mas necesaria,

•in.eila' las. demas.son nulas. He pedido.la
correction de los mas Tamemables abuses que i titul.
eufre nuestro Ju'dicatura", por su origen vicio-.o
de ese pieiagq/de/ Legislation Espanola, que
¦semejWe a] tiempo recoge ie todas Las evades,
y de todos los hombres , asi las obras dela/
dementia como Us del talento , asi las. pro-
ducciories sensntas como las cstravagant*M'(>
#si.(os' monuoie^tos del.ingenio como l*s
dd cajiricto. ' Esta 'Rncieioppdra Jiiclic:arin— '
¦Honsrruo de diez rful cabezas , que hasta^
-ittora h.i ;ido el a2ore de los pueblos EspaAoles,
#s el sujj.itio in.is rrt:."-Jo *,ue la c6k"T* de!
jCiylo ha pt-rr., lido dt-.t<i'-g.\r sobre este desdi<
jt^a.lo Lrqier o.
" MeJ.ia:.d Mjyc e! n. do f.7;c'i"ode re^c-
n,*rar el i-jrlcier y I.-j -ronstu r.bres que la
ti^.iiiia f h g ijrr.i rus ban A\<lo, n*e lie ->er.t:c'o
Ji.,iiilicil de* loveoiai- un FiVer Mo;al, s..»?iio
•del./ont'iD de l.i obscii-i a,ui;'.t.|i.1 , y de .njiie-'

lofthonares sublimes que se iributan a los bien-
hechores del genero humano. No ccmba-

. . dep6tito de la te, del Honor , y <__ .
grat,!tud de Venezuela- Respetadla como la
Area Sa(iu *¦ que encierra no tanto los derechos
de nuestros bienhechores , quanto la gloria dc
nuestra iidelidad. Pereztamos primero. que
qticbrantar un empefioqueha salvadola Patria,
[ j la vida de sus hijos.
<-, " L.i reunion de la Nueva Granada y Vene-
J] zuela en un grande Estado , ha sidoel votoU^T*
,, ,_n' forme de los pueblos y Gobierno de estas Repti'
ties, fundando, blicas. La suerte de la guerra ha verificado cite
enlaze taii ancUJo por todos. los Colombians ;
de lit t ho estamos incorporadps. *Ef tos pueblo*
hermanos ya qs han confiado sus interests , sat
derechos sus destines- Al contemplar la reunion
de esta innrensa comarca , mi alma se remonta a
d la eminencia-que eiige ia perspectiva colosal ,
i que ofrece un qu'adro tan asombroso. . Volandp ,
Hombres que-se han desprenuido de todoe { por entre ja* proximas'edades , mi imagination
1 I ^IM- ' sefixa en los siglos futures, yob'set^aaidoJe-ute

dignos galar^ones. lo, pi
tma'socie.^ad 'sagraila con estos mclvtoiEaronps,^ .
he instituido el 6i„en de tos Libertadores dej de hccll° estamos incorportdoi,
Venezuela \ — Legisla.ores ! a vosotros par-
tencce las f-culudes de conceder honores y
.leci-fl^tiones, vjestro es el deber de exercer
este acto augusto de la gratitud national,
*' Hombres que.se han desprenuido de _ _
•losgozes, de todos los_bienes que antes poseian, '
como el produtto de su vlrtud y ulemoiw all«V con adni^acion .y paVnio , hrprospcridad.
hombres que hin espcrimentajo quauio es ] el eiplendor', la vida qrie \xa recibido esta bast*
cruel er. una guerra horrorosa , padeciendo las j region, me si*-nto arrebatado y-me parece mie
privacior-es Dias dclorosas , y los tormentosf
rr-^i aceibos ; hembres tan benem-£rito..p'e laj

Patria , han dcbi.;o llamar la atenciodr del
Gobierno, enaronseqiienciahe mandado recom*;
j on^arlos) con lo: btenes de la Mcion. Sj

U^olvidada1- Le) es qie rnntuvurini, ?!gun
t:empo, la vif*ud entrc lys U1- \e^a y Romanes.
l'-r.'T puede i.r te* :Co por yn camlido debrto
in is no e> im'W'jib'e , y yo me lisonjjeo q»u no
.d ¦ dvii.'rtu vnterani'.,iue t,n peisamicn' o que
niciorad'* por la espenencia y Us luces , puede
Jlegar A '.er mt:y elic'^z.
" Hjrrorizado !e h d'?ergencn q.»e hav
Ti*<f Joy debe rey car entre nosotros. por tl'
e /i.-i'a sufil vi _e ciratterizaal Gobierno Fede-'
r.eiv » , he -iido arr^^trajo a rogaros p.^ra qn«.
a lopteis. el Cencrjlismo y la reunion dc tod*-*
1l>. I . ¦ -• T ¦ ¦ ¦- de Venezuela en una Republic^.
5"la l- md.visiblt*. Lsta ir.eji-ja , en mi opinion J-
.ur^entc, vitil," redomor'a, ^*s de ni ruturaleza,
\q ie , sin 'ella, el f.-uto de nuestra r^encracion
^eri la muerte.
" Mi deber e: , Leplsl idores , pr €><.<. rasas
•^n quadro proh\3y ft cl de mi AiJ.Tiinistraciaj-i
Pohtifa, CimI, y Mtliiar , mas sena tans»r.
.demasiado vuestra imporlaTie itlencion, y pri-
TAros en este mom;mo de un tiempo tan pre-
ciojo como UfgjfUe. En cons^q'u°nfa , Ics
^tecr6Ur.o*-de.E-iudo daran cu;nta *il Congreso;
,de su* difei-entes Uepartamentoi exlbiend-j 3d
jrnismp tiempo los Docurneotoi y Archivoi que'
?.-rv~iX*n de ilustracton para' tomar un exa.ctq.
,conqciaiiento del estado real y poiitivo de )i'
J-lcptiblica, I
«* Yo.no os hablj.-iAde los attos mas notables
de mi on.ndo, si e^to* no incumbiesen a la.
niayoria de los Voitrolanos. Ne trata , Senor ,i
.de las reSolucione^ mas iinportantes de este
ultitno ueMOily. La atio* e iinpja esclavitiid}
cubrii con su n .gro minto h tierra de Vene-)
^""(ijja ,, y. njestn. de'-n .-e hillaba recirgado;.
itfe tempe.-'tijo.sa'i Nubts que ainenazaba^'^nj
{tfiluvsi'tk^e- fi^e^ ». Yo implore la froieceion).
r'ul i>ie>5.-de la humani.iad , y luegola R«den-'
ciori 'dit'h a> las tempesrades. La--esr]a.vitird;
rompio cus grillos', y Venezuela se l,a yisto-l
ro cacia de nuevos hijos , de hijos agrade,cidoij.

he «
¦ o.,^kt« ^i • de centro, de emporroa la familia homana.
ontr.-tvio para con el rueblo alguna especie '"- .- " -
le- mui'i), pi-Jo a jus Reprerenrantes oigan

ni' sullies tomo et premio de mi debiles ser-
\icic)s. ' Que el Congreso ordene la distribution
ile If« Biene*: Nationales-, conforme a la Ley
<,ue ji nonibre dc la Re|iiibli a be J-rtretado a
beoeftcio de los Mibiarc* Vmczolancs.
" Ya q'.ic poriniir.itos criuaifos hemos logrado
anonadar las hafites Espanojas, -desesperada
la Cortc de Madrid ha pretendido sorprender
v-inamente b tonci^ncia de los- ma grummet
Sober tios que atiban de estirpitr'.'Ta usurpasion
y ta tirania en Europa-, y debert ser- los protec
tores Jelj k-gittcriijad,, y de'la TuSKtU de la
Ainirican'a.'',,?ilcaDaii de alcaflzar" con

sas armas nuestra sumision recurre la Espafia a
sj poLtica insij^sa : no pudienda vencernos
ha tiuertdo emplftar srts artes suspicaces. —
Fernando ie ha humillado hasta confesar que
ha menester de la pro't-ccjon extrangera. pira i
retorriarnos a su ignominiosoyugo j ^unyugof
'que' todo pjder es nulo para impon*^lo !— *
Cdirvencida Venezuela de poseer las fuerzjs
suficieutei para repeler a sus opresores,;h*pro-j
ncmriado 'ptr-et brgano del GbbierJT6"j( jr>
AJti.ru volun*[-ui, -de' combatir hasta espir-. ;
poV-deferider-su'yida politica,' no solo'qootrtf.
la Espafia ,'srno contra todos loi hombres
st todos los hombres se hubiesen degradado
tanto , que abrazasen la defensa de un Gobi-1

ya Ix veo en el corazoh del imi verso , esrendi-
endose sobre sus dilatadas costas' ertre ei.na
oc<? aiios que la naturaleza habia S'paradn, y
que' .nuestra Patria reune con prolrngndc's y
anchurosos canales. Ya la veo servir delazn>-

Ya to veo enviando a todoi los ri'cimos dela
tierra los tesoros que abiigan sus monunm de
phta* y de ftro. Ya la veo di^fibuyendo por
sus divinas pl»ntas la . sa>ud- y Ja vida 'a los
hom&res dolientes de.l antignd univel-so. ' -Ya
la veo comunitandojus preciosds secretos a los
v bins que ignoran quan superior es la suma de
las. luces, a la suma de las riquezaf, que le
ha prodigado la naturaleza. Ya la veo serftad*
sobre el Trono de la libertad' empunando el cetro'
de la Justicia-, coronada por la Gloria, moatrar al
-mundo antlguola magestad del mundo moderno.
"Digi'.aos, Legisladores, acof*er.con indul-
gencia , la profesion de mi conciencia politiea ;
: los uhimos votes de mi corazon , y los ruegos
^ fervorosos que a nombre.del pueblo me airevo
a diriglros. Dignaos conceder ^'Venezuela
un Gobierno eroinenlcmente popular, eminen-
temente justo , emmeiiEenicnte triora)', que en -
cadene la opresion, la anarquia y la culpa. Un
Gobierno que haga reynar ]a inocencia , la
humanidad , y la paz. Un Gobierno que haga
triunfarbaxo el imperiode Leyes inexfirables ,
la igualdady la libertad. , " ,
** Sefior, empezad vuestra* funcioncf* yo fit
terminado las mias,'*

Ayer ha Hegada a din plaza el Cor one! Bokka5
owe viene del Sxertito- de Aptdte dei quid se neqtarft
el 9 del corriente. El ha paHtc^pado-verbahttetite
al Gobierno la contplela . derrola que .tu/rib un
Dtitacamente enemigo- de 600 hombres de Cuba-

erno devorador, cuyos unicos movilessonunaf
EspJda esterminadora , y las llamas de la InJ ?"^fi,, ?.w **?*? Martial reeoger ganpdo pa
'quisicion.' Un Gobierno que ya no quier4'?^SK'fflCU*/','^^^r—<,fr,
domlnios, sino desjertos : CiudaJes , sino rui-S d*ft ""* talKTHSS "^ '«¦«'««« ¦*
na5i vasallM;--*S«o.tumb«. La Declaration* »^"'/'«7'«^«»^.»w-«^»
j in m..- - j -t r ,*"*/-";*-"""¦¦'""*¦ en la ribera del Arauca no puede moversem dWa-
de b Republica de Venezuefe es 1* Acta mas \ cor dd gTV££0 del exfrciJoIun - cuerpo que no sea
glorios.i, masheipita^mas-dignadeunPueblo,! -tedrwdo por nuestros tropat que to observan de
Libre '} es la que con mayor satisfaccion tengo> Ccrc.-* , impidiendole , sacar ningnn partido , ni
el honor Jc ofrecer al Congreso ya sancionadajf. ¦^¦ataja del pair. , e'interceptandoteporla etptdda
por la expresion unanime del Pueblo Librej i t<*isu sus . eamunicadones. ¦AgunrdamospQpftM*
de' Venezuela. \j»e»fi> parte ojkial por ttcrito dfitda lisojtgerae
" Detde la segunda cpocn de la Republica,'.) natltias.
miestro Exercito caretia 4*^Bementos. milltares:

que han conpem.;o Ioj Insrumentos 4« \\s c«»-J ai-^nprs ha estaio desirWl'3 : '* siempw (g'lianff &• RODERICK, Jjnpretar del Gotiemo.

S-

BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS

ADDRESS
Delivered by the Liberator in Angostura,
on the 15th of February, 1819, at the Opening of the
Second National Congress of Venezuela.
Gentlemen :
Happy is the citizen who under the protection of the army of his
command has convoked National Sovereignty to exercise its absolute
will! I, therefore, count myself among those most favored by Divine
Providence since I have had the honor to gather the Representatives of
the People of Venezuela in this August Congress, the source of legiti
mate authority, depository of sovereign will and the arbiter of the
Destiny of the Nation.
In transferring to the Representatives of the People the Supreme
Power with which I have been entrusted, I fulfill the wishes of my own
heart, those of my fellow citizens and those of our future generations
which expect everything from your wisdom, uprightness and prudence.
In discharging this sweet duty, I free myself from the overburdening
of immense authority and the unlimited responsibility weighing upon
my weak shoulders! Only a compelling necessity coupled with the
commanding will of the People could have made me assume the tre
mendous and dangerous charge of Dictator Supreme Chief of the Re
public. But I can breathe easier now in handing back to you that
authority, which I have succeeded in maintaining with so much risk,
difficulty and hardships amid the most awful tribulations that could
ever afflict any social political body.
The epoch in the life of the Republic over which I have presided
has not been a mere political storm; it has been neither a bloody war,
nor yet one of popular anarchy. It has been indeed, the development
of all disorganizing elements; it has been the flooding of an infernal
torrent which has overwhelmed the land of Venezuela. A man, aye,
such a man as I am, what check could he offer to the march of such
devastation? In the midst of this sea of woes I have simply been a
mere plaything of the revolutionary storm, which tossed me about like
a frail straw. I could do neither good nor harm. Jrresjs.tihlp forces
have directed the trencUaf our ey-ents. To attribute this to me would

not be fair, it would be assuming an importance which I do not merit. Do
you desire to krioja_AKho--a^e^h^-authors.-o£.pjast events and the present
order of things? Consult then the Annals of Spain, of America, of

18 bolivar's address
[Venezuela; examine the Laws of the Indies, the rule of the old execu
tives; the influence of religion and of foreign domination; observe the
first acts of the Republican Government, the ferocity of our enemies
and our national temperament. Do not ask me what are the effects of
such mishaps, ever to be lamented. I can scarcely be accounted for
but as a mere instrument of the great forces which have been at work
in Venezuela. However, my life, my conduct, all my acts, both public
and private, are subject to censure by the people. Representatives!
You are to judge them. I submit the history of my tenure of office to
your impartial decision; I shall not add one thing more to excuse it; I
have already said all that could be my apology. If I deserve your ap
proval, I have attained the sublime title of a good citizen, to me prefer
able to that of Liberator, given me by Venezuela, that of Pacificator,
which Cundinamarca accorded me, and all the titles that the whole
world could bestow upon me.
Legislators! I deposit in your hands the supreme command of
Venezuela. Yours is now the august duty of devoting yourselves to
achieving the happiness of the Republic; you hold in your hands the
scales of our destinies, the measure of our glory; your hands will seal
the decrees insuring our Liberty. At this moment the Supreme Chief
of the Republic is nothing but a plain citizen, and such he wishes to
remain until death. I will serve, however, in the career of a soldier
while there are enemies in Venezuela. The country has a multitude of
most worthy sons capable of guiding her; talents, virtues, experience,
and all that is required to direct free men, are the patrimony of many
of those who are representing the people here; and outside of this
Sovereign Body, there are citizens, who at all times have shown their
courage in facing danger, prudence in avoiding it, and the art, in short,
to govern themselves and of governing others. These illustrious men
undoubtedly merit the vote of Congress, and they will be entrusted with
the Government that I have just resigned so cordially and sincerely and
forever. The continuation of authority in the same person has frequently
proved the undoing of democratic governments. Repeated elections
are essential to the system of popular government, because there is
nothing so dangerous as to suffer Power to be vested for a long time in
one citizen. The people become accustomed to obeying him, and he
becomes accustomed to commanding, hence the origin of usurpation
and tyranny. A proper zeal is the guarantee of republican liberty, and
our citizens must very justly fear that the same Magistrate who has
governed them for a long time, may continue to rule them forever.

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 19
And, now that by this act of adherence to the Liberty of Venezuela,
I can aspire to the glory of being counted among her most faithful
lovers, permit me, Sirs, to state with the frankness of a true republican,
my respectful opinion regarding the scope of this Project of a Constitu
tion, which I take the liberty to submit, as a token of the sincerity and
candor of my sentiments. As this is a question involving the welfare of
all, I venture to believe that I have the right to be heard by the Repre
sentatives of the People. Well I know that in your wisdom you have
no need of counsel; I am also aware that my project may perhaps
appear to you erroneous and impracticable. But, Sirs, receive with
benevolence this work which is a tribute of my sincere submission to
Congress rather than the outcome of a presumptuous levity. On the
other hand, your functions being the creation of a body politic, and, one
might say, the creation of an entire community surrounded by all the
difficulties offered by a situation — a most peculiar and difficult one —
the voice of a citizen may perhaps point out a hidden or unknown
-danger. By casting a glance over the past, we shall see what is the basic J
element of the Republic of Venezuela. *
America, on becoming separated from the Spanish monarchy,
found itself like the Roman Empire, when that enormous mass fell to
pieces in the midst of the ancient world. Each dismembered portion
formed then an independent nation in accordance with its situation or
its interests, the difference being that those members established anew
their former associations. We do not even preserve the vestiges of
what once we were; we are not Europeans, we are not Indians, but an
intermediate species between the aborigines and the Spaniards — Ameri
cans by birth and Europeans in right, we are placed in the dilemma
of disputing with the natives our titles of possession and maintaining
ourselves in the country where we were born, against the opposition of
the invaders. Thus, ours is a most extraordinary and complicated case.
Moreover, our part has always been a purely passive one; our political
existence has always been null, and we find ourselves in greater diffi
culties in attaining our liberty than we ever had when we lived on a
plane lower than servitude, because we had been robbed not only of
liberty but also of active and domestic tyranny. Allow me to explain
this paradox.
In an absolute regime, authorized power does not admit any limits.
The will of the despot is the supreme law, arbitrarily executed by the
subordinates who participate in the organized oppression according to
the measure of the authority they enjoy.

20 bolivar's address
They are intrusted with civil, political, military and religious func
tions; but in the last analysis, the Satraps of Persia are Persians, the
Pashas of the Great Master are Turks, the Sultans of Tartary are Tar
tars. China does not send for her Mandarins to the land of Genghis-
khan, her conqueror. America, on the contrary, received all from
Spain, which had really deprived her of true enjoyment and exercise of
active tyranny, by not permitting us to share in our own domestic
affairs and interior administration. This deprivation had made it im
possible for us to become acquainted with the course of public affairs;
neither did we enjoy that personal consideration which the glamour of
power inspires in the eyes of the multitude, so important in the great
revolutions. I will say, in short, we were kept in estrangement, absent
from the universe and all that relates to the science of government.
The people of America having been held under the triple yoke of
ignorance, tyranny and vice, have not been in a position to acquire
either knowledge, power or virtue. Disciples of such pernicious mas
ters, the lessons we have received and the examples we have studied,
are most destructive. We have been governed more by deception than
by force, and we have been degraded more by vice than by superstition.
Slavery is the offspring of Darkness ; an ignorant people is a blind tool,
turned to its own destruction; ambition and intrigue exploit the
credulity and inexperience of men foreign to all political, economical
or civil knowledge; mere illusions are accepted as reality, license is
taken for liberty, treachery for patriotism, revenge for justice. Even
as a sturdy blind man who, relying on the feeling of his own strength,
walks along with the assurance of the most wideawake man and, strik
ing against all kinds of obstacles, can not steady his steps.
A perverted people, should it attain its liberty, is bound to lose this
very soon, because it would be useless to try to impress upon such people
that happiness lies in the practice of righteousness; that the reign of
law is more powerful than the reign of tyrants, who are more inflexible,
and all ought to submit to the wholesome severity of the law; that good
morals, and not force, are the pillars of the law and that the exercise of
justice is the exercise of liberty. Thus, Legislators, your task is the
more laborious because you are to deal with men misled by the illu
sions of error, and by civil incentives. Liberty, says Rousseau, is a
succulent food, but difficult to digest. Our feeble fellow-citizens will
have to strengthen their mind much before they will be ready to as
similate such wholesome nourishment. Their limbs made numb by
their fetters, their eyesight weakened in the darkness of their dungeons
and their forces wasted away through their foul servitude, will they

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 21
he capable of marching with a firm step towards the august temple of
Liberty? Will they be capable of coming close to it, and admiring the
light it sheds, and of breathing freely its pure air?
Consider well your decision, Legislators. Do not forget that you
are about to lay the foundations of a new people, which may some day
rise to the heights that Nature has marked out for it, provided you
make those foundations proportionate to the lofty place which that
people is to fill. If your selection be not made under the guidance of
the Guardian Angel of Venezuela, who must inspire you with wisdom
to choose the nature and form of government that you are to adopt
for the welfare of the people; if you should fail in this, I warn you, the
end of our venture would be slavery.
The annals of past ages display before you thousands of govern
ments. Recall to mind the nations which have shone most highly on
the earth and you will be grieved to see that almost the entire world
has been, and still is, a victim of bad government. You will find many
systems of governing men, but all are calculated to oppress them, and if
the habit of seeing the human race, led by shepherds of peoples, did not
dull the horror of such a revolting sight, we would be astonished to see
our social species grazing on the surface of the globe, even as lowly
herds destined to feed their cruel drivers.
Nature, in truth, endows us at birth with the instinctive desire for
liberty; but whether because of negligence, or because of an inclination
inherent in humanity, it remains still under the bonds imposed on it.
And as we see it in such a state of debasement we seem to have reason
[o be persuaded that the majority of men hold as a truth the humiliating
principle that it is harder to maintain the balance of liberty than to
endure the weight of tyranny. Would to God that this principle, con
trary to the morals of Nature, were false! Would to God that this
principle were not sanctioned by the indolence of man as regards his
most sacred rights!
Many ancient and modern nations have cast off oppression; but
those which have been able to enjoy a few precious moments of liberty
are most rare, as they soon relapsed into their old political vices;
because it is the people more often than the government, that bring on
tyranny. The habit of suffering domination makes them insensible to
the charms of honor and national prosperity, and leads them to look
with indolence upon the bliss of living in the midst of liberty, under the
protection of laws framed by their own free will. The history of the
world proclaims this awful truth!
Only democracy, in my opinion, is susceptible of absolute freedom.

22 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
But where is there a democratic government that has united at the
same time power, prosperity and permanence? Have we not seen, on
the contrary, aristocracy, monarchy rearing great and powerful empires
for centuries and centuries? What government is there older than that
of China? What republic has exceeded in duration that of Sparta, that
of Venice? The Roman Empire, did it not conquer the world? Does
not France count fourteen centuries of monarchy? Who is greater than
England? These nations, however, have been, or still are, aristocracies
and monarchies.
Notwithstanding such bitter reflections, I am filled with unbounded
joy because of the great strides made by our republic since entering
upon its noble career. Loving that which is most useful, animated by
what is most just and aspiring to what is most perfect, Venezuela in
separating from the Spanish Nation has recovered her independence,
her freedom, her equality, her national sovereignty. In becoming a
democratic republic, she proscribed monarchy, distinctions, nobility,
franchises and privileges; she declared the rights of man, the liberty
of action, of thought, of speech, of writing. These preeminently liberal
acts will never be sufficiently admired for the sincerity by which they
are inspired. The first Congress of Venezuela has impressed upon the
annals of our legislation with indelible characters the majesty of the
people, so fittingly expressed in the consummation of the social act
best calculated to develop the happiness of a Nation.
I need to gather all my strength in order to feel with all the rever
ence of which I am capable, the supreme goodness embodied in this
immortal Code of our rights and our laws! But how can I venture to
say it! Shall I dare profane by my censure the sacred tablets of our
laws? There are sentiments that no lover of liberty can hold within
his breast; they overflow stirred by their own violence, and notwith
standing the efforts of the one harboring such sentiments, an irresistible
force will disclose them. I am convinced that the Government of
Venezuela must be changed, and while many illustrious citizens will
feel as I do, not all possess the necessary boldness to stand publicly for
the adoption of new principles. This consideration compels me to
take the initiative in a matter of the gravest concern, although there
is great audacity in my pretending to give advice to the Counsellors of
the People. The more I admire the excellence of the Federal Constitution of
Venezuela, the more I am persuaded of the impossibility of its appli
cation in our State. And, in my opinion, it is a wonder that its model
in North America may endure so successfully, and is not upset in the

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 23
presence of the first trouble or danger. Notwithstanding the fact that
that people is a unique model of political virtues and moral education;
notwithstanding that it has been cradled in liberty, that it has been
reared in freedom and lives on pure liberty, I will say more, although
in many respects that people is unique in the history of humanity, it
is a prodigy, I repeat, that a system so weak and complicated as the
federal system should have served to govern that people in circum
stances as difficult and delicate as those which have existed. But, what
ever the case may be, as regards the American Nation, I must say that
nothing is further from my mind than to try to assimilate the conditions
and character of two nations as different as the Anglo-American and
the Spanish-American. Would it not be extremely difficult to apply to
Spain the Code of political, civil and religious liberty of England? It
would be even more difficult to adapt to Venezuela the laws of North
America. Does not the Spirit-of Lamsuatate that they must be suited to
the people for whom they are made; that it is a great coincidence when
the laws of one nation suit another; that laws must bear relation to
the physical features of a country, its climate, its soil, its situation,
extension and manner of living of the people; that they must have
reference to the degree of liberty that their constitution may be able
to provide for the religion of the inhabitants, their inclinations, wealth,
number, trade, customs and manners? Such is the Code that we should
consult, not that of Washington!
The Venezuelan Constitution, notwithstanding the fact that the
bases on which it rests have been taken from the most perfect consti
tution of its kind, — should we consider correctness of principles and the
beneficent effect of its administration — differed essentially from the
American Constitution in a cardinal point, and the most important with
out doubt. The Congress of Venezuela, like the American Congress,
shares in some of the duties of the Executive Power. We, moreover,
subdivide this power, having vested it in a collective body subject to
the objection of making the life of the government a periodical one,
suspending and dissolving it whenever their members separate. Our
triumvirate lacks, one may say, unity, continuity and individual re
sponsibility, is deprived of action at a given moment, of continued life,
of real uniformity, and immediate responsibility, and a government that
does not possess everything that constitutes its moral force, must be
called incapable.
Although the faculties of the President of the United States are
limited by excessive restrictions, he alone exercises by himself all the
functions of government that the Constitution vests in him, and there

24 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
is no doubting that his administration must be more uniform, constant
and truly his own than that of a power divided among several persons,
which can be but a hideous composite. The judiciary power of Vene
zuela is similar to the American, indefinite in its duration, temporary
and not for life, and enjoying all the independence appertaining to it.
The first Congress in its federal Constitution took into considera
tion the spirit of the Provinces rather than the solid idea of creating a
republic indivisible and centralized. Our legislators in this instance
yielded to the inconsiderate request of those provincials captivated by
the dazzling appearance of the happiness of the American people, be
lieving that the blessings they enjoy are solely due to the form of gov
ernment and not to the character and habits of the citizens. In effect,
the example given by the United States, because of their rare pros
perity, was too enticing not to be followed. Who could resist the
glorious attraction of the full and absolute enjoyment of sovereignty,
independence, liberty? Who could resist the admiration inspired by an
intelligent government which binds at the same time private and public
rights, and forms by common consent the supreme law of individual
choice? Who could resist the rule of a beneficent government that
with an able, active and powerful hand directs always and everywhere
all its activities towards social perfection, which is the sole end of human
institutions? But, no matter how flattering might appear and might be the effect
of this splendid federal system, it was not feasible that Venezuelans
could enjoy it of a sudden just after having cast off their fetters. We
were not prepared for so much good; good as well as evil produces
death when it is sudden and excessive. Our moral constitution had not
attained yet the necessary consistency to reap the benefits of a govern
ment entirely representative and so exalted that it might be adopted to
a republic of saintly men.
Representatives of the People! You have been called to confirm
or suppress whatever you may deem worthy of being preserved, amended
or rejected in our social compact. To your lot falls the correction of
the work of our first legislators; I would fain say that it behooves you
to cover a portion of the beauties found in our political code, because
not every heart is so made as to love all beauties, nor can all eyes stand
the heavenly light of perfection. The book of the Apostles, the doc
trines of Jesus, the divine writings sent us by Providence to better man
kind, so sublime, so holy, is a rain of fire in Constantinople, and
Asia entire would be a fiery conflagration should such a book of peace
be suddenly imposed as a code of religion, law and customs. Permit

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 25
me to call the attention of Congress to a matter which may be of vital
importance. We must bear in mind that our population is not the
people of Europe, not of North America, that it is rather a composite
of Africa and America, which is an offspring of Europe. Spain herself
ceases to be European on account of her African blood, her institutions
and her temperament. It is impossible to point out with preciseness
to what human family we belong. The greater portion of the natives
has been annihilated, the European has mixed with the native American
and the African, and this has mixed again with the Indian and the
European. All having been born of the same mother, our parents, of
different origin and blood, are foreigners, and all differ visibly in color
of skin. This dissimilarity is a hindrance of the greatest importance.
The citizens of Venezuela all enjoy by the Constitution, — the in
terpreter of what Nature intended,— a perfect political equality. Even
though this equality had not been a dogma in Athens, France and in
America, we need to make it such, to correct the difference that appar
ently seems to exist. My opinion is, Legislators, that the fundamental
principle of our system depends immediately and exclusively on equality
being established and exercised in Venezuela. That men_are all boim"
with jequaL rights . _to_ the Jienefits of society, has been sanctioned by the
majority of the learned; but it has also been sanctioned that not all men
are equally capable of attaining every distinction ; while all should prac
tise virtue not all do practise it; all should be courageous and all are not
courageous; all should possess talents and all do not possess them. Hence
the real distinction existing among individuals of the most liberally
established society. If the principle of poltical equality is generally
acknowledged, that of physical or moral inequality is also recognized.
Nature has made men unequal as regards genius, temperament, strength
and characteristics. The laws correct that difference by giving man a (
place in society so that education, industry, service, virtue may give him
a fictitious equality, properly called political and social equality. It is
an eminently beneficent inspiration that of reuniting all classes in a
State, where diversity multiples in proportion to the propagation of the
species. By this single step, cruel discord has been torn out by the
roots. How much jealousy, rivalry and hatred has been thus avoided!
Having done our duty towards justice, towards humanity, let us
do it now to politics, to society, by smoothing over the difficulties pre
sented by a system so simple and natural, but so weak that the slightest
obstacle will upset and ruin it. The diversity of origin requires to
be handled with infinite firmness, with infinite delicate tact in order to
deal with an heterogeneous society whose complicated mechanism will

26 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
become disjointed, divided, will dissolve at the slightest alteration.
The most perfect system of government is that which produces the
greatest sum of happiness possible, the greatest sum of social security
and political stability. Through the laws enacted by the first Congress
we have the right to expect that happiness be the lot of Venezuela, and
through your laws we must hope that security and stability will per
petuate such happiness. It is for you to solve the problem. But how,
after having broken all the chains of our former oppression, could we
accomplish the marvelous task of preventing the remnants of our fet
ters from being turned into liberticide weapons? The relics of Spanish
domination will last a long time before we succeed in annihilating them;
contagion of despotism has vitiated our atmosphere, and neither the
fire of war nor yet the remedy of our wholesome laws has succeeded in
purifying the air we breathe. Our hands are now free, while our hearts
still suffer the ills of servitude. Man in losing his liberty, — Homer has
said, — loses one-half of his manhood.
A republican government has been, is and must be that of Vene
zuela, based on the sovereignty of the people, the division of power,
civil liberty, proscription of slavery, abolition of monarchy and privi
leges. We need equality to recast, so to speak, in a single mass the
classes of men, political beliefs and public customs. Now, casting our
eye over the vast field to be surveyed, let us fix our attention on the
dangers to be avoided. Let History be our guide in this undertaking.
Athens is the first to give us the most brilliant example of an absolute
democracy, and at the same time Athens will offer the most melancholy
example of the extreme weakness of such a system of government. The
wisest among the legislators of Greece did not see his republic last ten
years, and suffered the humiliation of having to acknowledge the inade
quacy of absolute democracy to govern any form of society, even the
most cultured, moderate and restrained, because it only shines with
flashes of liberty. We must acknowledge, therefore, that Solon has
undeceived the world and shown how difficult it is to govern men with
mere laws.
The republic of Sparta, which appeared to be a chimerical inven
tion, did produce more real results than the skilful work of Solon.
Glory, virtues, morals, and therefore national happiness, were the result
of Lycurgus' legislation. Although two kings to one State are two de
vouring monsters, Sparta had very little to complain of its double throne
while Athens confidently expected the most splendid future with an
absolute sovereignty, free election of officials, frequently changed, and
laws that were gentle, wise and politic. Pisistratus, a usurper and a

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 27
tyrant, did more good to Athens than her laws, and Pericles, although
a usurper also, was the most useful citizen. The republic of Thebes did
not live longer than Pelopides and Epaminondas, because at times men
and not principles constitute a government. No matter how great the
wisdom contained in codes, systems and statutes, they are a dead letter
having but little influence in society; virtuous men, patriotic men,
learned men make the republic.
The Roman constitution has given the greatest power and fortune
to any one people in the world. It did not provide for an exact division
of powers. The Consuls, the Senate, the people now v/ere legislators,
now executive officials, now judges; all participated in all the functions.
The Executive, consisting of two Consuls, had the same difficulty as that
of Sparta. Notwithstanding this shortcoming, the republic did not
suffer the disastrous results, which all prevision might have thought
unavoidable, of an Executive consisting of two officials having the same
authority with the powers of a monarch. A government, the only in
clination of which was conquest, did not seem destined to cement the
happiness of the nation. A monstrous government, purely warlike,
raised Rome to the highest state of virtue and glory and made of the
earth a Roman domain as if to show man how far political virtue may
lead, and how unimportant institutions may be.
And passing now from ancient to modern times, we find England
and France attracting attention of all nations, and teaching them elo
quent lessons of all sorts in the matter of government. The revolution
of these two great peoples, like a brilliant meteor, has flooded the world
with such a profusion of political light that now all thinking men have
learned what are the rights of men, what are their duties, what consti-
tues the excellency of a government and what its vices. All know how
to appreciate the intrinsic value of the speculative theories of modern
philosophers and lawmakers. In fine, that star, in its luminous career,
has even inflamed the heart of the apathetic Spaniards, who have also
entered the political whirlwind, have made ephemeral attempts at
liberty, have acknowledged their incapacity to live under the gentle
rule of law, and have gone back to their immemorial dungeons and
the stake. This is the proper time, Legislators, to repeat what the eloquent
Volney says in the dedication of his Ruins of Palmyra: "To the rising
peoples of the Spanish Indies, to the generous men who lead them to
liberty. May the errors and misfortunes of the Old World teach wisdom
and happiness to the New World." Let us not lose, then, the benefit of
the lessons drawn from experience, and may the schools of Greece,

28 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
Rome, France, England and America instruct us in the difficult science
of creating and maintaining the nations under proper laws, just, legiti
mate and above all useful. We must never forget that the superiority
of a government does not consist in its theories, or in its form, or in its
mechanism, but in its being appropriate to the nature and character of
the nation for which it has been instituted.
Rome and Great Britain are the two nations which have excelled
most among ancient and modern peoples. Both were born to rule and
to be free, but both were constituted not with dazzling forms of liberty,
but built on solid foundations. Hence, I recommend you, Representa
tives, to study the British Constitution, which is the one that seems
destined to do the most possible good to the peoples that adopt it. But
no matter how perfect it may be, I am very far from suggesting a ser
vile imitation. When I speak of the British Government, I only refer
to whatever it has of the republican system; and truly, could we call a
monarchy a system, that recognizes popular sovereignty, the division
and balance of power, civil liberty and the liberty of conscience, the
freedom of the press and everything which is sublime in politics? Could
there be any more liberty in any republic whatsoever? And, could any
more be said of social order? I recommend such constitution as the
most worthy of being taken as a model by all who yearn for the enjoy
ment of the rights of men, and all political happiness compatible with
our frail nature.
Our fundamental laws would not be altered in the least should we
adopt a legislative power similar to the British Parliament. We have
divided, as Americans did, national representation into two Chambers,
the Representatives and the Senate. The first is very wisely constituted,
enjoys all the functions appertaining to it, and is not susceptible of a
radical reform, because it is the Constitution which gave it origin, form
and such faculties as the will of the people deemed necessary to be
legally and properly represented. If the Senate, instead of being elective
were hereditary, it would be, in my opinion, the foundation, the binding
tie, the very soul of our republic. This body would arrest the lightning
of government in our political storms, and would break the popular
waves. Attached to the government, because of its natural interest of
self-preservation, it will always oppose the invasions attempted by the
people against the jurisdiction and the authority of its rulers. We must
confess it: the generality of men fail to recognize what their real in
terests are and constantly endeavor to asail them in the hands of their
trustees; and the individual struggles against the masses, and the masses
against the authorities. It is necessary, therefore, that a neutral body

A PANORAMIC VIEW OF ANGOSTURA. NOW CIUDAD BOLIVAR

THE BUILDING WHERE THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA HELD ITS MEETINGS

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 29
should exist in every government, always siding with the aggrieved
party to disarm the offender. This neutral body, to be such, must not
owe its origin to the election of the government, nor to the election of
the people, so as to enjoy a full measure of freedom, neither fearing nor
expecting anything from either of these two sources of authority. The
hereditary Senate, as a part of the people, shares in its interests, in its
sentiments, in its spirit. For this reason it is not to be presumed that a
hereditary Senate would disregard the popular interests or forget its
legislative duties. The Roman Senators and the Lords of London have
been the staunchest columns on which the structure of political and civil
liberty has been erected.
These Senators would be elected by Congress the first time. The
succession to the Senate should engage the first attention of the govern
ment, which would educate them in a college specially devoted to in
structing these tutors, future legislators of the country. They should
learn the arts, sciences and letters, the accomplishments of the mind of
public men; from childhood they should know the career to which
Providence has destined them, and from a tender age they should
temper their soul to the dignity awaiting them.
The creation of a hereditary Senate would be in nowise a violation
of political equality; I do not pretend to establish a nobility because, as
a famous republican has said, it would be to destroy at the same time
equality and liberty. It is a calling for which candidates must be pre
pared; it is an office requiring much knowledge and the proper means
to become learned in it. Everything must not be left to chance and for
tune in the elections; the people are more easily deceived than Nature
perfected by art, and although it is true that these Senators would not
spring from the womb of Perfection, it is also true that they would
spring from the womb of a learned education. On the other hand, the
liberators of Venezuela are entitled to hold, always, a high rank in the
republic which owes its existence to them! I believe that posterity
would grieve to see the effacement of the illustrious names of their first
benefactors. I say, moreover, that it is a matter of public interest, of
the gratitude of Venezuela, of national honor, to preserve with glory
to the end of posterity a race of men of virtues, prudence and valor,
who mastering all obstacles have founded the republic at the cost of
the most heroic sacrifices. And if the people of Venezuela do not
applaud the elevation of their benefactors, they are unworthy of being
a free people, and never will be free.
A hereditary Senate, I repeat, will be the fundamental support of
the Legislative Power and, therefore, the basis of the entire govern-

30 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
ment. It will equally serve to counterbalance both the government and
the people; it will be an intermediate power that would blunt the
shafts those two eternal rivals direct against each other. In all con
flicts, the calm reasoning of a third party becomes the means of recon
ciliation; thus, the Senate of Venezuela will be the keystone of this
structure so delicate and so liable to violent shocks; it would be the
rainbow which calms the storms and maintains harmony between the
members and the head of this political body.
Nothing whatever could corrupt a legislative body vested with the
highest honors, self-dependent, having nothing to fear from the people,
and nothing to expect from the government; having no other object
than the repression of all elements of evil, and the fostering of all ele
ments of good, and having the greatest interest in the existence of a
society, in the good or bad results of which it must participate. It has
been very justly said that the Upper House of England is invaluable to
the nation because it is a bulwark to liberty, and I may add, that the
Senate of Venezuela would be not only a bulwark to liberty but a sup
port to make the republic everlasting.
The British Executive Power is clothed with all the sovereign
authority devolving upon it, but it is also surrounded by a triple line
of dikes, barriers and stockades. It is the Chief of the Government, but
its Ministers and subordinates rely more on the laws than on its
authority, because they are personally responsible, and not even the
orders coming from the Royal Authorities could exempt them from
such responsibility. It is the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy; it makes peace and declares war, but it is Parliament that gen
erally votes the sums to be paid to the military forces. If the courts
and judges are dependent on it, the laws originate in Parliament which
approves them. In order to neutralize this authority, the person of the
King is inviolable and sacred, and while leaving the head free, the hands
are bound. The Sovereign of England has three formidable rivals:
bis Cabinet, responsible to the people and Parliament; the Senate which
defends the interests of the people as representatives, of the nobility
of which it consists, and the House of Commons, acting as the organ
and mouthpiece of the British people. Moreover, as the judges are
responsible for the proper application of the laws, they never deviate
from them and the administrators of the Exchequer, being liable to
prosecution not only for their own transgressions, but also for those
of the government itself, guard most carefully against any malversation
of the public moneys. No matter how the nature of the Executive
Power of England is examined nothing can be found to lead to the

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 31
belief that it is not the most perfect model, whether for a kingdom, an
aristocracy, or a democracy. Let us apply to Venezuela this sort of
Executive Power in the person of a President appointed by the people
or their representatives, and we would have taken a great step toward
national happiness.
Whoever be the citizen discharging these functions he will be sup
ported by the Constitution; being authorized to do good, he can not
do harm, because whenever he is acting under the law, his Ministers will
cooperate with him. If, on the other hand, he attempts to violate the
law, his own Ministers would leave him isolated in the midst of the
Republic, and may even impeach him before the Senate. The Ministers
being responsible for any transgressions committed, they are the true
governing powers, because they have to pay for their own misdeeds.
Of no little advantage in the system is the obligation resting on the offi
cials near the Executive Power to take great interest and a most active
part in the deliberations of the government and to look on this depart
ment as if it were their own. It may happen that the President is not a
man of great talents or great virtues, but notwithstanding the lack of
these essential qualifications the President may perform his duties in a
satisfactory manner, as in such cases the Ministry, doing all, bears the
burden of the State.
However excessive the authority of the Executive Power of England
may appear to be, it might not be excessive in the Republic of Venezuela,
Here, Congress has bound the hands and even the head of the officials.
This deliberative body has assumed a portion of the Executive func
tions, against the maxim of Montesquieu, that a representative body
must not take any active resolution; it must make the laws and see
whether the laws made are properly executed. Nothing is more con
trary to harmony between powers than having them mix; nothing is
more dangerous to the people than a weak Executive, and if in a King
dom it has been deemed necessary to grant the Executive so many
faculties, in a republic these faculties are much more indispensable.
Let us direct our attention to this difference, and we will find that
the balance of power must be distributed in two ways. In republics the
Executive must be the stronger, because everything conspires against
it, while in monarchies the stronger must be the Legislative Power,
because everything conspires in favor of the monarch. The veneration
of peoples for Royalty is a fascination which has powerful influence in
increasing the superstitious respect paid to its authority. The splendor
of the throne, of the crown, of the purple, the formidable support of
nobility, the immense wealth that whole generations accumulate under

32 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
the same dynasty, the fraternal protection that kings mutually receive,
are very considerable advantages in favor of royal authority, making it
almost unlimited. These very advantages are, therefore, those which
must confirm the necessity of granting a republican Executive a greater
authority than that possessed by a constitutional prince.
A republican Executive is a man isolated in the midst of a com
munity, to restrain the impulse of the people towards license, the in
clination of judges and administrators towards the abuse of the law.
He is responsible to the Legislative body, the Senate and the people;
he is one single man resisting the combined attack of the opinions, the
interests and the passions of the social state, which, as Carnot has said,
does nothing but continually struggle between the desire to dominate
and that of getting away from domination. He is, in short, an athlete
pitted against a multitude of athletes.
The only means to correct this weakness would be a well supported,
well proportioned force against the resistance which the Legislative
Power, the Judiciary and the People necessarily oppose to the Executive
in a republic. If all the means that a just distribution of authority
grants the Executive are not placed within its reach, it will necessarily
become null or will misuse its own powers. I mean that it will be the
death of the government, whose heirs are anarchy, usurpation and
tyranny. It is sought to restrain executive authority with restrictions
and obstacles ; nothing is more just, but it must be borne in mind that
the ties, the preservation of which is desired, must be strengthened,
but not tightened.
Let us strengthen, then, the entire system of government, and see
to it that the balance be established so that it will not break, and that
its own sensitiveness be not a cause of decadence. As there is no form
of government weaker than democracy, its structure must be built with
great solidity, and its institutions carefully studied to insure stability.
If it be not so, we must be sure that a trial government, and not a per
manent system, is being established ; we must reckon with an ungovern
able, tumultuous and anarchical society, not with a social establish
ment where happiness, peace and justice hold sway.
Let us not be presumptuous, Legislators, let us be moderate in our
pretentions. It is not likely that we should attain that which humanity
has not succeeded in attaining, what the greatest and wisest nations
never attained. Indefinite liberty, absolute democracy are the rocks
upon which all republican hopes have been wrecked. Cast your eye
over the ancient republics, the modern republics, the rising republics;
almost all have tried to establish themselves as absolute democracies,

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 33
and almost all have failed in their just aspirations. They are praise
worthy, undoubtedly, who wish for legitimate institutions and social
perfection! But, who has told men that they possess already all the
wisdom, that they practice all the virtues uncompromisingly demanded
by the union of power and justice. Only angels, not mere men, can
exist free, peaceful, happy, while exercising all the sovereign power.
The people of Venezuela already enjoy the rights they can legiti
mately and easily enjoy. Let us moderate, now, the pressure of exces
sive pretentions, which the form of a government not suited to their
needs might perhaps excite. Let us abandon the federal forms not
suited to us; let us abandon the triumvirate of the Executive Power and
center it in one President; let us grant him sufficient authority to enable
him to struggle against the obstacles anent our recent condition, the
state of war we are in, and the kind of foreign and domestic enemies
against whom we will have to battle for a long time. Let the Legislative
Power relinquish the functions belonging to the Executive and acquire,
notwithstanding, a new consistency, a new influence in the balance of
authority. Let the courts be strengthened by the stability and inde
pendence of the judges, the creation of juries, and civil and criminal
codes not dictated by antiquity, nor by conquering kings, but by the
voice of Nature, by the cry of Justice and by the genius of Wisdom.
My desire is that all parts of government and administration should
require that degree of vigor that can only preserve the equilibrium, not
among the members of the government itself, but among the different
fractions of which our society consists. It would be of no importance
that the springs of a political system become loose because of weakness,
if this condition should not mean a general dissolution of the social
body and the ruin of its members. The cries of humanity on the battle
fields or in the mobs, clamor to Heaven against the inconsiderate and
blind legislators who have thought that experiments with chimerical
institutions can be made with impunity. All the peoples in the world
have tried to attain liberty, some by the force of arms, others by framing
laws, passing successively from anarchy to despotism, or from despotism
to anarchy. There are very few who have been contented with mod
erate pretensions by constituting themselves in a manner more in keeping
with their means, their minds and their circumstances. We do not at
tempt the impossible, lest by soaring above the region of liberty we
might descend to the region of tyranny. From absolute liberty we
always descend to absolute power, and the mean between these two
extremes is supreme social liberty. Abstract theories produce the per
nicious idea of unlimited freedom. Let us work to the end that the

34 BOLIVAR'S ADDRESS
public force be confined within the bounds that reason and interest de
mand; that national will be restrained to the limit marked out by a
just power; that a civil and criminal legislation, analogous to our
present constitution, have an absolute control over judicial power.
Then that equilibrium will exist and there will be no classes to hinder
the onward march of the State, and there will be no complications tram
meling up society instead of binding it together.
In order to form a stable government the basis is required of a
national spirit, the object of which is a uniform tendency toward two
capital points : to moderate the popular will, and to limit public author
ity. The terms which theoretically fix these two points are of difficult
determination, but it can be well imagined that the rule which must
govern is reciprocal restriction, in order to have the least friction pos
sible between that will and legitimate authority. This science is uncon
sciously acquired through practice and study. Progress of education
broadens the progress of practice, while uprightness of mind widens the
progress of enlightenment.
Love of country, love of law, love of the authorities, are the noble
passions which must have exclusive sway in a republican soul. The
Venezuelans love their country, but do not love their laws, because these
were noxious and the source of evil; nor could they love their authori
ties, because they were unjust, and the new authorities are scarcely
known in their new calling. If there is not a holy respect for the
country, the laws and the authorities, society becomes a disorder, an
abyss; an individual conflict between man and man, and hand to hand.
In order to bring our rising republic out of this chaos, all our
moral power will not be sufficient unless we cast the entire mass of the
j people in one single body, the composition of the government in one
| single body, legislation in one single body, and national spirit in one
I single body. Union, Union, Union, must be our motto. Our citizens are
I of different blood, let us mix it for the sake of union; our constitution
I has divided the powers, let us bind them together for the sake of union;
lour laws are sorry relics of all the ancient and modern despotisms; let
lus demolish such an awful structure. Let it fall, and discarding even its
ruins let us create a temple to Justice, and under the auspices of its
holy inspiration, let us frame a code of Venezuelan laws. If we wish
to consult monuments and models of legislation, Great Britain, France,
North America have admirable ones.
Popular education should be the paramount care of the paternal
love of Congress. Morals and enlightenment are the poles of a republic;
morals and enlightenment are our prime necessities. Let us take from

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 35
Athens her Areopagus, and the guardians of customs and laws; let us
take from Rome her censors and domestic tribunals, and forming a
holy alliance of those useful institutions, let us revive on earth the idea
of a people which is not contented with being free and strong, but wants
also to be virtuous. Let us take from Sparta her austere institutions,
and forming with these three springs a fountain of virtues, let us give
our republic a fourth power, having jurisdiction over childhood and the
heart of men, public spirit, good customs and republican morals. Let
us establish such an Areopagus to watch over the education of children,
over national instruction, that it may purify whatever is corrupt in the
republic; denounce ingratitude, selfishness, coldness of love for the
country, idleness, negligence of the citizens; pass judgment upon the
origin of corruption, and pernicious examples, applying moral penalties
to correct breaches of custom, — just as afflictive punishment is applied
to atone for a crime and not only whatever is repugnant to customs
but that which weakens them as well; not only what may violate
the Constitution, but also whatever should infringe on public respect.
The jurisdiction of such court, a truly holy tribunal, should be effective
with respect to education and instruction, and advisory only in what
refers to penalties and punishment. Its annals or records, however,
where its acts and deliberations are kept, the moral principles and
the conduct of the citizens, shall be the books of virtue and vice;
books that the people will consult for their elections, the executives for
their decisions and the judges for their trials. Such an institution, no
matter how chimerical it may appear, is infinitely more feasible than
others which ancient and modern legislators have established, much lestj,
useful to human kind.
Legislators! The project of a Constitution which I most respect
fully submit, will show you the spirit in which it was conceived. In
suggesting the division of citizens into active and passive, I have tried to
promote national prosperity through the two greatest levers of industry :
work and knowledge. By stimulating these two great springs of society,
the most difficult thing to make men honest and happy is attained. By
just and prudent restrictions on primary and electoral assemblies, we
place the first bar to popular license, avoiding tumultuous, blind gather
ings which at all times have made blunders at elections. These blunders
have extended to the executives and the government, because that all
important act is the maker of either the liberty or the slavery of a
people. By increasing in the balance of powers the weight of Congress by
the increase in the number of legislators, and the nature of the Senate,

36 bolivar's address
I have endeavored to give a fixed basis for the first Body of the Nation
and to clothe it with a dignity most important to the success of its
sovereign functions.
In separating by means of well defined boundaries the jurisdiction
of the executive from legislative jurisdiction, I have not endeavored
to divide but to bind with the bonds of that harmony born of indepen
dence, such supreme authorities, whose prolonged clash has never failed
to frighten one of the two contending parties. When I wish to vest the
Executive with a number of duties beyond those formerly devolving
upon it, it is not my desire to authorize a despot to tyrannize the Re
public, but to prevent a deliberating despotism from becoming the im
mediate cause of a cycle of despotic vicissitudes in which anarchy will
alternatively be replaced by oligarchy and by monocracy. In asking
for the stability of judges, the creation of juries, and the new code, I
ask Congress for the guarantee of civil liberty, the most priceless, the
most just, the most necessary form of liberty, in a word the only kind of
liberty, as without it, the others are void. I have requested the correc
tion of the most lamentable abuses lo which our judiciary is subjected,
due to its defective origin as coming from that sea of Spanish legisla
tion which, like time, gathers from all ages and men, whether the works
of the insane or the works of the sane, whether the production of the
wise or the productions of some extravagant mind, whether a monu
ment of genius or a monument of fancy. This judiciary encyclopedia, a
monster of ten thousand heads which has been until now the scourge
of the Spanish peoples, is the most refined punishment the wrath of
Heaven has permitted to descend upon this unfortunate empire.
While pondering over the effective means of regenerating the
character and customs which tyranny and war have formed in us, I
have dared to invent a Moral Power, drawn from the depths of obscure
antiquity and from the now forgotten laws which for a time sustained
public virtue among the Greeks and Romans. This may be an ingenuous
dream, but not an impossibility, and I flatter myself that you will not
altogether disdain a thought that, improved through experience and
instruction, may become most efficacious.
Horrified at the separation that has prevailed and must prevail
among us because of the subtile spirit that characterizes the federal
government, I have been led to beg of you to adopt centralization and
the union of all the States of Venezuela into a Republic, one and indi
visible. This measure which in my opinion is urgent, vital, saving, is
of such nature that without it death will be the fruit of our regeneration.
It is my duty, Legislators, to present before you a detailed and true

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 37
report of my political, civil and military administration, but this would
overtax your valuable attention, and deprive you at this moment of a
time as important as pressing. Therefore, the Secretaries of State will
report to Congress on their respective departments, submitting at the
same time the documents and records which will serve to illustrate and
to give an exact idea of the real, positive condition of the Republic.
I would not mention to you the most notable acts of my administra
tion, did they not concern the majority of the Venezuelans. I refer,
Gentlemen, to the most important resolutions taken in this last period.
Atrocious, godless slavery covered with its sable mantle the land of
Venezuela and our skies were overcast with storm clouds threatening
a deluge of fire. I implored the protection of the God of Humanity, and
Redemption scattered the storm. Slavery broke its chains and Vene
zuela has found herself surrounded by her new children, grateful chil
dren who have turned their instruments of captivity into arms of liberty.
Yea, those who were slaves are now free; those who were the enemies
of their foster mother are now the defenders of a country. To empha
size the justice, the necessity, the beneficent results of this measure, is
superfluous, when you know the history of the Helots, Spartacus and
Haiti; when you know that one can not be free and enslaved at the
same time, unless in violation of the laws of nature and the civil and
political laws. I leave to your sovereign decision the reform or abroga
tion of all my statutes and decrees; but I implore of you the confirma
tion of the absolute freedom of the slaves, as I would beg for my life
and the life of the Republic.
To mention the military history of Venezuela would be to remind
you of the history of republican heroism among the ancients; it would
be to tell you that Venezuela has been inscribed in the great roll of
honor of the sacrifices made on the altar of liberty. Nothing could fill
the noble breasts of our generous warriors, but the exalted honors paid
to the benefactors of humanity.
Not fighting for power, nor yet for fortune, not even for glory
but only for liberty, the title of Liberators of the Republic is their
most fitting guerdon. I have, therefore, founded a sacred associa
tion of these illustrious men; I have created the Order of the Libera
tors of Venezuela. Legislators, the authority to confirm honors and
decorations belongs to you; it is your duty to perform this august act
of national gratitude.
Men who have given up all pleasures; all the comforts they en
joyed as the fruits of their virtues and talents; men who have under
gone all that is cruel in a horrible war, suffered the most painful priva-

38

BOLIVAR S ADDRESS

tions, and the bitterest torments; men so well deserving of the country,
must attract the attention of the government, and in consequence I
have directed that they be allowed a compensation out of the national
wealth. If I have acquired any merit whatever before the eyes of the
people, I ask the representatives of the people to grant my request as
the reward of my feeble services. Let Congress direct the distribution
of the national property in accordance with the law that in the name of
the Republic I have decreed, for the benefit of the military men of
Venezuela. Now that after infinite victories we have succeeded in annihilating
the Spanish hosts, the Court of Madrid in desperation has vainly en
deavored to impose upon the mind of the magnanimous sovereigns who
have just destroyed usurpation and tyranny in Europe, and must be
the protectors of the legality and justice of the American cause. Being
incapable of attaining our submission by force of arms, Spain has re
course to her insidious policy; being unable to conquer us, she has
brought into play her devious artfulness. Ferdinand has humbled him
self to the extent of confessing that he needs foreign protection to
bring us back to his ignominious yoke, a yoke that there is no power
which could impose on us! Venezuela, fully convinced of possessing
sufficient strength to repel her oppressors, has made known by the voice
of the government her final determination to fight to the death in de
fense of her political life, not only against Spain, but against all men,
if all men had degraded themselves to the extent of espousing the de
fense of a devouring government whose only incentives are a death
dealing sword and the flames of the inquisition. A government that
wants not domains, but deserts, not cities but ruins, not vassals but
graves. The Declaration of the Republic of Venezuela is the most
glorious, most heroic, most worthy Act of a free people; it is the one that
with the greatest satisfaction I have the honor to offer Congress, being
already sanctioned by the unanimous will of the free people of
Venezuela. Since the second epoch of our Republic our army has lacked mili
tary elements; it has always lacked arms, it has always lacked ammuni
tions, has always been poorly equipped. Now the soldiers, defenders
of our independence, are not only armed with justice, but also with
force. Our troops can cope with the most select of Europe, since there
is no inequality in the weapons of destruction. Such great advantages
are due to the boundless liberality of some generous foreigners who
have heard the groans of humanity, and have seen the Cause of Right
yield. But they have not been mere spectators, they have rushed with

CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 39
their generous help and have loaned the Republic everything that was
needed for the triumph of its philanthropical principles. These friends
of humanity are the guardian angels of America and to them we owe
eternal gratitude, and the religious fulfillment of the sacred obligations
we have contracted with them. The national debt, Legislators, is a
sacred trust in the faith, the honor and the gratitude of Venezuela.
Let it be respected like the Holy Ark, holding not only the rights of
our benefactors, but the glory of our faithfulness. May we perish before
we break a pledge which has saved the country and the life of her
children. The merging of New Granada and Venezuela into one Great State,
has been the unanimous wish of the peoples and the government of
both republics. The fortunes of war have effected this union so earnestly
desired by all Colombians; in fact, we are incorporated. These sister
countries have already entrusted to you their interests, their rights and
their destinies. In contemplating the union of these countries my soul
rises to the heights demanded by the colossal perspective of such a won
derful picture. Soaring among the coming ages my imagination rests
on the future centuries, and seeing from afar with admiration and
amazement the prosperity, the splendor and the life which have come
to this vast region, I feel myself carried away, and I see her in the very
heart of the universe, stretching along her lengthy shores between two
oceans which Nature has separated, but which our country unites
through long wide channels. I can see her as the bond, as the center,
as the emporium of the human family. I can see her sending to all the
corners of the globe the treasure hidden in her mountains of silver
and gold; I see her sending broadcast, by means of her divine plants,
health and life to the sufferers of the old world; I see her confiding her
precious secrets to the learned who do not know how much her store
of knowledge is superior to the store of wealth bestowed by Nature
upon her; I can see her sitting on the throne of liberty, the scepter of
justice in her hand, crowned by glory, showing the old world the majesty
of the modern world.
Deign, Legislators, to accept with indulgence the profession of my
political faith, the highest wishes of my heart and the fervent prayer
which on behalf of the people I dare address you: Deign to grant to
Venezuela a government preeminently popular, preeminently just, pre
eminently moral, which will hold in chains oppression, anarchy and
guilt. A government which will allow righteousness, tolerance, peace
to reign; a government which will cause equality and liberty to triumph
under the protection of inexorable laws.
Gentlemen, commence your duties; I have finished mine.

SIMON BOLIVAR,
Presidente Interino de la Republica de Venezuela, Capka.v- General de sus
Exercitos y los de la Nueva^- Granada , &c. ike. &c.
PROCLAMA.
Venezolanos !
jLLL CoiTgreso general de Venezuela ha reasumido el Poder Soberano que
antes me habiais confiado : yo lo ha devue'to al Pueblo transmiticntfol-o a sus
legitimos Representantes.
La Soberania Nacional me ha honrado nucvamente , encargandome cl
Poder Executivo baxo el titulo de Presidente Interino de Venezuela.
Venezolanos !- — Yo me siento incapaz de gobernaro" : asi lo lie repre-
sentado por muchas veces i vuestros Representantes , y a pe'sar cle mis justas
renuncias he sido for-eado a mandaros.
Soldados del Excrcito Libertador ! — Mi unica ambicion ha sido siempre
la de participar con vesotros de los peligros que arrostrais por la Republica.
Ciudadanos ! — Una Legion Britanka , protectora de nuestra Libertad.,
ha llegado a Venezuela a ayudarnos a quebrantar nuestras cadenas : recibidla
con la veneracion que inspira el heroismo benefico. Abrid vuestros brazos
a esos Extrangeros generosos que vienen a disputarnos los titulos de Libertadores
de Venezuela. Quartel-general de Angostura a 20 de Febrero de 181 9. =9°
SIMON BOLIVAR.

Impreso por Andres Roderick , Impresor del Gobierno.

FAC SIMILE OF THE PROCLAMATION OF THE LIBERATOR, DATED FEBRUARY 20 1819

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