YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with the income ofthe WILLIAM C. EGLESTON FUND THE AMERICAN INDIAN s s The American Indian An Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World CLARK WISSLER Curator of Anthropology in the American Museum of Natural History New York City New York Douglas C. McMurtrie 1917 PREFACE This book is offered as a general summary of anthropological research in the New World. It is in the main a by-product of the author's activities as a museum curator in which capacity he has sought to objectify and systematize the essential facts relating to aboriginal America. Thus, he is first of all indebted to the American Museum of Natural History for the oppor tunities and resources necessary to the development of the subject and for permission to use the experience so gained in the composition of these pages. Of personal obligations there are many. All of my associ ates in the Museum have been most helpful: particularly, acknowledgment should be made to Doctor Robert H. Lowie who read the manuscript and offered many suggestions as to the scope and form of the work. In addition, recognition should be given Professor A. L. Kroeber, University of Cali fornia, for valuable criticisms ; to Mr. Leslie Spier for data on the archaeology of eastern North America ; and to Mr. Andrew T. Wylie, Teachers College, for suggestions as to the form of presentation. Finally, it is a pleasure to acknowledge my obligation to Professor Henry Fairfield Osborn, President of the American Museum of Natural History, for inspiration and encouragement in the earlier stages of the work. The technical preparation of these pages was undertaken by my secretary, Miss Bella Weitzner, who compiled the tables of linguistic stocks, the bibliography, and the index, and whose long experience, coupled with extensive anthropological knowl edge, greatly facilitated all phases of the work. The specimens illustrated are from the Museum collections. The maps, dia grams, and many of the drawings were executed by Mr. S. Ichikawa who also rendered indispensable assistance in the selection and arrangement of the illustrations. Clark Wissler fune, 191 7 CONTENTS Page I CHAPTER I The Food Areas of the New World 7 Hunting Areas . 9 The Salmon Area t . . 14 The Area of Wild Seeds 16 The Agricultural Areas 17 General Discussion .... . . 23 Distribution of Narcotics . . . . 28 CHAPTER II Domestication of Animals and Methods of Transportation . 32 Canoes and Navigation 41 CHAPTER III The Textile Arts ... 45 Spinning 46 Netting 49 Basketry 5° Cloth 55 Feather-work 61 Clothing 61 CHAPTER IV The Ceramic Arts . 67 Processes of Manufacture -69 Pottery Forms . . 72 Pottery Decoration 75 CHAPTER V Decorative Designs 76 Textile Designs 76 Distribution of Designs 79 Symbolism 95 CHAPTER VI Architecture 100 Vlll THE AMERICAN INDIAN CHAPTER VII Page Work in Stone and Metals . ... 115 Types of Artifacts n8 Mines and Quarries . . I23 Metal Work . 124 CHAPTER VIII Special Inventions 127 The Fine Arts LiteratureMusic CHAPTER IX 134137 145 CHAPTER X Social Grouping The Local Group . Clans and Gentes . Dual Divisions Relationship Systems Taboos and Social Privileges Age Grades and Societies Totemic Features 149 153154158159161162 163 CHAPTER XI Social Regulation .... . . . 166 Conceptions of Property and Inheritance .... 173 Marriage Regulations 175 Education and General Discipline . 177 CHAPTER XII Ritualistic Observances .180 Supernatural Guardians and Totemism .... .185 Shamanism . . . 187 The Personal Relation in Ritualism 191 CHAPTER XIII Mythology ... . 194 Mythology and Religious Conceptions .... . 198 Unity of New World Culture 202 CONTENTS IX CHAPTER XIV page The Classification of Social Groups according to their Cultures 204 The Historic Tribes 206 North American Culture Areas 206 1. The Plains Area ... 206 2. Plateau Area 209 3. California Area 212 4. North Pacific Coast Area .' 213 5. Eskimo Area . 215 6. Mackenzie Area 217 7. Eastern Woodland Area 219 8. Southeastern Area. 222 9. Southwestern Area 224 10. The Nahua Area 227 South American Culture Areas 229 11. The Chibcha Area 229 12. The Inca Area 231 13. The Guanaco Area 232 14. Amazon Area 236 15. The Antilles 242 Culture Centers 242 CHAPTER Archaeological Classification North America 1. The North Atlantic Area 2. South Atlantic Area . 3. The Iroquoian Area 4. The Mississippi-Ohio Area 5. The Great Lake Area 6. The Plains 7. The Pueblo Area . 8. California 9. The Columbia Basin . 10. North Pacific Coast Area 11. The Arctic Area . 12. The Canadian Area 13. Northern Mexico 14. Central Mexico 15. State of Oaxaca 16. Yucatan 17. Panama 18. The Antilles XV 245 245 245249250 252 253254256258259260260260 260 261 261261 261263 X THE AMERICAN INDIAN South America . • • • 19. Colombia . ... 20. Ecuador . ... • • 21. Peru . ... • • 22. Chile ... • • 23. The Atlantic Highlands 24. Patagonia CHAPTER XVI Chronology of Cultures Chronologies determined by Stratification Inapplicability of Old World Chronology . Inferential Chronologies Page 264 264265265 266267 268 270273275276 CHAPTER XVII Linguistic Classification Comparative Phonetics Comparative Morphology Distribution of Stocks 280286289 294 CHAPTER XVIII Somatic Classification Breadth of Face Flattening of the Femur Head Form Orbits and Nasal Skeleton . Bodily Proportions Summary of Somatic Characters Relations to Mankind in General Grouping by Somatic Characters Chronological Types 298299 300 301 307 3°9 309310320 323 CHAPTER XIX Correlation of Classifications . . . 327 Linguistics and Culture .... ... 33 1 Somatic Correlations 333 General Relations of Culture, Linguistics, and Somatology . 334 The Migration Factor 334 The Influence of Environment 337 CHAPTER XX Theories of Culture Origins 342 Culture Trait Association 350 The Historical Conception of Culture 352 CONTENTS XI CHAPTER XXI Page New World Origins ... 355 APPENDIX Linguistic Tables and Bibliography . . ... 367 Linguistic Stocks of the United States and Canada . . 369 Linguistic Stocks of Mexico and Central America . . 378 Linguistic Stocks of South America .... . . 381 Bibliography . 387 Index . . 413 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Ruin known as the 'House of the Magician' . . Frontispiece 1. Food Areas of the New World 8 2. Cree Indians Driving Bison . .... 11 3. Patagonians Hunting the Guanaco . . 13 4. Iroquois Woman Pounding Maize into Meal 19 5. The Distribution of Maize and Manioc . 24 6. Pueblo Indian Planting Maize . 26 7. Cultivating Maize and Squashes . 26 8. Distribution of Coca and Tobacco . . 29 9. Distribution of Animal Transport . 33 10. Eskimo Dog Sledge ... .36 11. Indians of the Bison Area on the March 36 12. Various Methods of Using the Tumpline . . 40 13. Types of Canoes . . 42 14. Ancient Mexican and Egyptian Spinners . . 48 15. Navajo Woman Spinning .... -48 16. Basketry Weaves 51 17. Distribution of Types of Basketry . . 53 18. Ojibway Weaving Frame .... • 56 19. A Navajo Weaver 56 20. Distribution of Weaving . . . . -57 21. Cape of Sagebrush Bark ... 59 22. Peruvian Feather Poncho ... . . 61 23. Types of Costume and their Distribution . 62 24. Forms of Footwear .... ¦ 64 25. A Pueblo Indian Potter 67 26. Distribution of Pottery 68 27. Lower Mississippi Pottery 7° 28. South Atlantic Pottery 7<> 29. North Atlantic Pottery 71 30. Pottery from Southwestern United States 72 31. Mexican Pottery 72 32. Central American Pottery . . 73 Xll THE AMERICAN INDIAN 33. Peruvian Pottery 34. Pottery from Eastern South America . 35. Types of Textile Design .... 36. Types of Prehistoric Peruvian Textile Designs 37. Decorative Design Areas .... 38. Types of North American Basketry 39. Beaded and Painted Designs . 40. The Decorative Art of the Plains Indians 41. Design Elements 42. Decorations on Birchbark 43. Art of the North Pacific Coast Indians 44. Prehistoric Textile Designs, Maya . 45. Mexican Textile Designs . 46. A Series of Peruvian Designs . 47. A Peruvian Poncho 48. A Series of Designs and their Names 49. True Symbols . . . . 50. Cross-Section of the Temple of the Cross 51. Groundplan of the House of the Nuns . 52. Elevations and Groundplans, Yucatan . 53. Section of the Hall of the Six Columns, Mexico 54. Reconstruction of Pueblo Bonito . 55. Pebbles Showing the Process of Abrading 56. Pieces of Worked Nephrite 57. Common Types of Arrow-Head 58. Knives of Copper from the Eskimo and Inca 59. Methods of Drilling 60. Wooden Slat Armor 61. Two Figures from Palenque 62. Statues of the Chacmool Type . 63. A Sculptured Turtle at Quirigua . 64. Life Size Pottery Figure .... 65. Distribution of Sculpture 66. Distribution of Clans and Gentes . 67. Culture Areas . . ... 68. The Plains Indian Culture Area 69. Plains Indian Life 70. The Chilkat Indians . .... 71. Pueblo Indian Life 72. A Patagonian Shelter Tent 73. Scenes from Fuegian Life 74. Distribution of Forests in South America 75. A Caraja Village in Central Brazil 76. Archaeological Areas 77. Types of Stone Implements, North Atlantic Area CONTENTS Xlll Page 78. Section of Rock-Shelter 248248251 252 252255262282 79. Finch's Rock-Shelter 80. Iroquois Archaeological Types .... 81. Problematic Forms 82. Archaeological Types of the Mississippi-Ohio Area 83. The Fluted Ax and the Spud 84. Ancient Maya Cities 85. Linguistic Stocks in the United States and Canada 86. Linguistic Stocks in Mexico and Central America 284 87. Linguistic Stocks in South America . . . 288 88. Consolidation of California Stocks 293 89. North American Types .... ... 298 90. Brazilian Types 299 91. Patagpnian Types . 299 92. The Cephalic Index 302 93. Skulls from North and South America . . ... 304 94. Types from Central Brazil 309 95. Diagrammatic Representation of Average Bodily Forms . . 310 96. Bodily Forms from Various Races 311 97. Lines of Dispersal for the Primates 315 98. Living and Extinct Groups of Primates . . . .315 99. Dispersal of Mankind 318 100. Somatic Areas 324 101. Superposition of Culture Areas 330 102. Distribution of Men's Societies among the Plains Indians . 349 103. North American Indian Tribes 435 104. South American Indian Tribes 435 INTRODUCTION The term anthropology now stands for the specific science of man. Ethnology, archaeology, and somatology are merely divisions, or convenient groups of problems within the scope of this science. The ideal of anthropology is to coordinate all the data concerning man's culture, language and anatomy, past and present, with a view to solving the problems of his origin and the interpretation of his culture. To this end, it must employ the methods of history, zoology, psychology, geol ogy, and the exact sciences, as the case may require. Its pur suit will prove no light task, but to him who has a grasp of some of these subjects and a working insight into the others, anthropology offers problems of the most enticing sort. Nat urally, but few of us can hope to grapple first-hand with these great inquiries, but the anthropology of today has moved for ward so far that no man who wishes to be considered well educated can afford to ignore its fundamentals any more than he can those of zoology or sociology. This book, however, is not designed to serve as an introduc tion to anthropology in general. On the other hand, it deals with one of the two grand world divisions under which the subject matter of anthropology is comprehended, for as we shall see in the course of this discussion, the native culture of the American Indian stands out in sharp contrast to the culture of the Old World. This contrast is due to fundamental differ ences in the specific cultures of the two hemispheres, which differences naturally tend to form two groups of problems. Yet, the problems that arise in the anthropology of the New World have a great deal in common with those pertaining to the Old. The functions of culture seem to be the same in each ; hence, a review of the New World, such as we are now to take up, will at the same time introduce us to the methods and viewpoints of anthropology in general. Yet, aside from these academic considerations, the American Indian makes an appeal to popular interest. The name oc- 2 THE AMERICAN INDIAN cupies so large a place in our own culture that it may be doubted if there is anywhere in all the land a normal individual who has not acquired some interest in the Indian's history. On every hand we hear: How came the Indian here? Who were his ancestors? What knowledge and habits did he bring with him? What has he accomplished of his own initiative and how did he achieve it? And it is right and proper that every one of us should be interested in these questions, be cause we have not only displaced the Indian in this land but we have absorbed a great deal of his culture. For instance, what a void we should create if, by some magical power, we could strike from our history, geography and literature all that pertains to his race! Again, what havoc would be wrought by his withdrawal from painting, sculpture and decorative art! But these losses, incalculably great as they are, would be lost in the overwhelming economic vacuity that would result from the obliteration of maize, cacao, manioc, the potato, the squash, coca, quinine, tobacco and all the other numerous and nameless contributions the Indian has made to our culture. From that eventful day in 1492 when Columbus first laid eyes upon the Indian, down to this very hour, he has been the most studied of peoples. No other race of the world can so stir the imagination of the European. It is thus plain that we have before us one of our greatest cultural assets, the source of the most original traits of our present-day culture and a heritage upon which we may realize more and more. Just the other day a student of Indian life in Dakota conceived the idea of train ing our farmers to raise maize in the great Northwest, in spite of the short season, by using the methods developed by the Indians of the same locality long before the white man's foot intruded. Again, the fashionable lady who goes shopping to morrow will select new and striking designs on ribbons and silks that are the advance products of a great revival in American decorative art, the foundation for which was laid by our museum collectors and scientific students of Indian life. It behooves us, therefore, to systematize and extend our knowledge of this vanishing race whose life has been trampled under foot in the ruthless march of culture's evolution, but INTRODUCTION 3 whose own cultural achievements were too virile and too finely adjusted to local geographical conditions to be obliterated. Further, the chief concern of scientific anthropology is to solve the very questions of origin that actuate the popular mind. As applied to the New World, the sole objective of anthropology is to discover the origin and conditions which have produced the Indian and his culture. Such questions of origin look simple and innocent enough but, my dear Reader, here are problems whose final solution shall surely put the intellect of man and his scientific methods to a supreme test. Positive and complete answers can not now be given to any of these questions, yet anthropology has something definite to offer on every point, though so far this information lies hidden from the uninitiated reader in the accumulated mass of pub lished data and special literature for the reason that no formal attempt has as yet been made to summarize or to present a general review of New World anthropology as a whole. It is to make up in some measure for this deficiency that the follow ing handbook of the subject is projected. At the outset, we shall introduce the reader to what appear to be the most important facts in the culture of the native peoples. Such facts are conveniently comprehended under three main headings: Material Traits of Culture (Chapters I to VIII), the Fine Arts (Chapter IX), and Social Traits (Chap ters X to XIII). The thirteen chapters devoted to these topics are offered as a review of the data necessary to a more search ing and constructive view of our subject. Turning from this descriptive task, we shall first consider the classifications under which all these data may be assembled. The historical de velopment of anthropology as a whole, commits us to a histori cal and geographical point of view, consequently the basic principle of classification in every case will be geographical distribution. Hence, we take up in turn the problems of the grouping of the living tribes according to culture; the evi dences for the distribution of the extinct tribes, if such there be; the distribution of languages ; and finally, the problem of somatic types. The completion of this task should leave us with a systematic view of the New World as a whole. 4 THE AMERICAN INDIAN We may, then, profitably consider such synthetic problems as suggest themselves. Among these, by far the most popular, are those dealing with the origins of New World peoples and their culture, their relation to the races of the Old World, and the antiquity of their arrival in the New. These subjects have been many times discussed, but they are here considered as interpretations based upon empirical classifications of scien tific data. As we proceed, the reader will become conscious of a certain asymmetry in the descriptive chapters, but this is unavoid able, for it so happens that we have much more complete data for the United States and Canada than for other parts of the New World. For South America, in particular, the data are quite unsatisfactory. Consequently, most of the illus trative examples and the inductive interpretations in this book are drawn from the best known parts of North America. On the other hand, the data at large are sufficient to reveal the main characteristics of the whole New World and to make clear the fundamental unity that exists throughout. In addition, the limitations of space have necessitated passing over many topics in silence. For example, we have omitted all discussions of warfare and fighting customs, chiefly because these are the most familiar to general readers. Moreover, these subjects are rather fully treated in historical books and tales of adventure, but the reader who wishes to go deeper into the problem may, with profit, consult the writings of Bandelier and Friederici. Another very important point that might be considered is the density of native populations in pre-Columbian times, a subject we should have gladly made room for if there were available reliable estimates. Recently this problem has been taken up by Mr. James Mooney, who is now preparing a publication on the subject. However, when we take into account the modes of life followed in the different areas, it appears a fair assumption that in 1492 the native population was about at its maximum; that is, the hunting areas contained as many people as the fauna would support and the agricultural areas about all that could be provided for under the existing systems. Yet, this may prove an error INTRODUCTION 5 when more data are available. Again, the choice of topics has been governed by the importance of the problems involved. Thus, so far, no very important problems have been found in war customs, population, etc., but in forms of social organiza tion, certain industries, art, etc., we do find problems that bear upon the very fundamentals of anthropology. In the preparation of this volume our ideal has been to treat these fundamental problems rather than to present a digest of all possible phases of New World native life. CHAPTER I THE FOOD AREAS OF THE NEW WORLD The most tangible and objective of human traits are those having to do with food. It is obvious that the fundamental necessity for man's existence is a sufficient quantity of some kind of edible organic substance. Moreover, a retrospect of the world, as we find it today, suggests that one of the eternal problems confronting the several groups of mankind has been the discovery of practical methods for adapting living forms to dietary requirements. For this reason, if for no other, it seems advisable to begin our study of man in the New World with a general discussion of food complexes. The almost universal tendency among the several groups of mankind is to specialize in some one kind of food which thereby becomes the staple, or main support, to be supplemented by secondary foods when opportunity permits. Even our own very complex culture has not fully overcome this disposition, as shown in our great dependence upon bread and beef. An other characteristic is that this specialization is uniformly dis tributed over a considerable area. Because of these two con ditions our task of classification is far less difficult than if it were otherwise. Guided by these considerations the New World may be comprehended under eight large food areas, the general boun daries of which are indicated on the map. Thus, beginning with North America, we have in the north a large extent of territory presenting Arctic and sub-Arctic characteristics. This region is the natural range of the caribou, or American reindeer, whose flesh was the main support of the aboriginal popula tions. On the Pacific slope, centering in the drainage of the Columbia River, we have the salmon area. To the south, in California and a portion of the interior, is the area of wild nuts and seeds. In the heart of the continent is the bison area. ! 1 M. THE AME RI C AN • I NDI A N £ W,L0s4S^>- Wsi^NMAiZEAREA %€> Fig. i. Food Areas of the New World HUNTINGAREAS 9 Eastern United States is embraced in the eastern maize area. Beginning at the Colorado River and extending down through the Isthmus and the Andean regions to the lower part of Chile, is the area of intensive agriculture in which maize is also the leading food. The interior of the southern continent, centering around the Amazon drainage, is, in the main, a dense tropical forest about whose native inhabitants we have the least knowl edge of any. In fact, we cannot certainly characterize the food of the whole area, but inferring the whole from the known parts, we should say that small game and cultivated manioc are the important foods. Finally, the lower part of the con tinent has certain similarities to the North American caribou area, the chief food animal being the guanaco. It will be observed that these eight areas can be grouped: three of them being the homes of hunting peoples, three of agriculturists, one of fishers, and one of gatherers of wild seeds. HUNTING AREAS In the caribou area live two groups of tribes generally rec ognized as having little in common, the Eskimo and the Canadian Indians. As we shall see later, this view as to their diversity is in a large measure justifiable, but with respect to food they have close similarities. It is customary to character ize the Eskimo as a people living upon sea mammals, partic ularly the seal; but we must not overlook the fact that their winter clothing is of caribou skin and that the flesh of that animal is an important part of their diet. However, the se vere winters of their extreme northern range drive the caribou southward and leave the seal the only recourse during the period of prolonged darkness. Yet whenever the caribou are in reach the Eskimo places his chief dependence upon them. Thus, while our classification should not be permitted to ob scure the large part that sea mammals play in the domestic economy of the Eskimo, the caribou is absolutely indispensable to his existence, not so much for food as for winter clothing. Hence, we see that Eskimo culture must be considered as a modified form of caribou culture. 10 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The Indians of this area, chiefly the Dene and Northern Algonquin tribes, are an inland people occupying the sub- Arctic tundra and the sparse forest belt below it, which grad ually shades off into the denser forests of southern Canada.' Among these tribes we find the typical caribou culture. \ Vivid pictures of the prehistoric caribou hunting life have been penned by Hearne * and its surviving form by Warburton Pike.2 In southern Canada the moose and other deer were also available and in the far North the musk-ox; wood bison were also found in a few localities, and hares and other small animals were eaten when needed. Though not reaching the seacoast at any place, these inland tribes had within their range lakes and rivers well stocked with fish, and in season frequented by water fowl. As with the Eskimo, these sources of. supply were drawn upon in season. Yet all these foods were merely supplementary, for the people pinned their faith to the caribou and developed their whole feeding and clothing complex around this animal. Consequently the failure of the caribou in any locality for even one season alone would spell disaster. The methods of hunting are fully described in the descriptive literature of the several tribes, but, as always, such methods are largely dictated by the habits of the animals themselves.1 Among both the Eskimo and the Indians, the method of killing caribou is to drive or stampede them into artificial or natural lanes or defiles where the hunters are concealed. A variant of this is to run them into deep water, where they are at the mercy of swift canoe men. Snaring is also highly devel oped, even the largest game being caught in this way. Fish ing of whatever kind is with three forms of appliances: the harpoon, the hook and line, and the net. These methods were both known to the Eskimo and to the Indian, though not used by both to the same relative degrees. The cache is an important invention of this area and has found its way into our own culture. The name is usually applied to an. elevated or a subterranean enclosure for storing dried or frozen meat. The caribou, living in great herds, must move forward as they graze over the almost barren tun- 0 -9 HUNTINGAREAS II dra and the hunters must follow with equal speed. So the cache method was devised to solve the problem. The kill of the day is dressed as quickly as possible and then cached, after which the pursuit is again taken up. Thus, each family group will have a number of stores in various accessible places upon which they may draw in case of need. The bison area is contiguous to the caribou area, but is of far less extent. It is also entirely inland, and like the upper portion of the caribou area, is comparatively treeless, except along the water courses and upon the higher ridges. The tribes formerly residing here are known to us as Buffalo Indians, and no characterization could be more exact. Along the foothills of the mountains, elk were formerly abundant and also moun tain sheep, and out on the plains antelope were to be met, but these were obscured by the seething masses of bison, or buffalo encountered everywhere, summer or winter. Edible fish were not abundant, and some of the tribes observed a taboo against them as well as all water animals. The methods of hunting bison bear certain analogies to those employed in the caribou area. Before horses were intro duced, small herds were enticed or stampeded into enclosures where they were shot down at will; at other times they were rounded up by systematic grass firing and while in compact formation, attacked at close range by foot men.3 In favorable times, the surplus meat was dried and packed in bags. This is a convenient place to note the manufacture of pem mican, a process which appears in some parts of the caribou area, but which seems to be more characteristic of this area. To make pemmican, the dried meat of the buffalo was pounded fine with stone hammers and packed in bags which were then sealed with melted fat. A special variety of pemmican was prepared by pulverizing wild cherries, pits and all, and mixing with the pounded meat. This is known in the literature as berry pemmican. There was also a variety in eastern Canada and New England made of deer and moose meat. When prop erly protected, pemmican will keep for many months and being compact and easily transported forms an exceedingly valuable food. From the very first it was adopted by Canadian 12 THE AMERICAN INDIAN and Arctic explorers among whom it is still the chief depen dence. In pemmican we have our first good example of the many ingenious processes by which the various groups of mankind have converted raw foods into more serviceable and conserv- able forms. In all cases, the chief consideration seems to have been its preservation and availability for transport. The next great hunting area is in South America. Fromi the interior of Argentina to the Horn we have in the main an open country, suggesting the central portion of the United1 States. There are few trees and in some parts, as the cele brated Pampas, there are rich, grassy plains. At the time of discovery (1492) , the fauna here was not so rich as that of the northern continent. Yet the guanaco was abundant. This is considered to be the wild llama, a ruminant having close • similarities to the camels of the Old World, but much smaller. Another animal of economic importance was the rhea, or American ostrich. The early accounts suggest that the orig inal human inhabitants of this area were a nomadic hunting people, primarily dependent upon the guanaco, which they pursued with the bola and the lasso. For this reason we shall speak of the region as the guanaco area. In the extreme southern part of the area, or lower Patagonia, we find a con dition somewhat like that of the Eskimo, the tribes tending to live more on fish and seals, until we reach the Fuegians, who were almost entirely dependent upon marine fauna. Spanish colonization soon made great changes in the gua naco area proper by the introduction of horses and cattle.* The latter soon ran wild in great herds like the buffalo of the northern continent, and the former not only ran wild, but were domesticated by the natives. Dobrizhoffer4 has given us most readable accounts of how completely these natives assimilated horse culture. Some of the Patagonians are still famous for their horsemanship. Though it is true that in these three great hunting areas the main food was flesh, many vegetable products were used. Even in the Arctic the Eskimo gather berries and edible roots *Col. Church' states that horses were purposely turned into the Pampas in 1535. HUNTING AREAS '3 Fig. 3. Palagonians Hunting the Guanaco. Wood, 1876. I 14 THE AMERICAN INDIAN in summer. Throughout the caribou area proper, the berry crop is considerable, and judging from Morice's6 account of the Carrier some tribes dried and pressed them into takes for storage. Edible roots also played an important part. As we come southward into the bison area, the flora grows somewhat richer in wild fruits, such as the cherry, plum, strawberry, etc., while in the more arid portions, the prickly pear is abundant. Of roots there were several species, but particularly the prairie turnip (tipsina, in Dakota). Even in the guanaco area we find the Aucaria imbricata, a kind of pine tree growing along the eastern border of the Andes, bearing abundant nuts, not unlike chestnuts, which are eaten raw, boiled, or roasted. Here also the algarroba, or mesquite tree, abounds and from its seeds a food is prepared. In the treeless parts of Patagonia are the prickly pear and a few other scant food plants, while the pampas proper is devoid of all except a few edible grasses. On the other hand, the territory of the Fuegians is fairly well provided with berries which they use, but also produces wild celery and scurvy-grass, of which they make no use. THE SALMON AREA All the streams between San Francisco Bay, California, and Bering Strait, Alaska, draining into the Pacific are visited by salmon. These ascend from the sea en masse to spawn, constituting a "run," in local speech. As they reach the very headwaters, they are available to all the tribes of this drain-' age, even those far inland. The run for each species of salmon occurs but once a year and this developed periodic seasonal practices not unlike those of agricultural peoples. As the time for the run approaches, the tribes gather upon the banks of the streams, equipped with fishing appliances, dip nets, harpoons, and weirs, as the local conditions may require. Then when the salmon pass, they are taken out in great num bers, to be dried and smoked. In the interior of the Columbia Basin, the dried fish are afterwards pounded fine in mortars, thus being reduced to a state not unlike pemmican. This pulverized food is carefully stored in baskets as the chief reserve food supply of the year. The tribes on the coast and SALMONAREA 15 outlying islands engage in sea fishing all the year and are almost entirely dependent upon the marine fauna, but those of the interior hunt deer and other game to complete their diet. Of vegetable foods there are several varieties. Inland, sev eral species of roots are gathered, dried and pounded fine in the same manner as dried fish. The chief root is camas but there are several other species in general use. In their proper season, berries are also very numerous in certain localities. One striking peculiarity of these inland people is the extent to which they pounded or pulverized dried flesh and vegetables quite like agricultural peoples treat forms of grain. The trait seems to be almost a conventionality and leads one to suspect that the idea was borrowed from their southern neighbors who, as we shall see, were in contact with grain grinders. The tribes of the coast, particularly the indented island-studded part north of Puget Sound, did not have this pulverizing habit, nor did they make very extensive use of roots. Dried fish and berries were their staples. Where available, a kind of clover was eaten green and the inner bark of the hemlock worked up into a kind of bread-like food. While in this area the tribes of the coast maintained fairly permanent villages ; those of the interior were rather nomadic, or more correctly, moved in an annual cycle, according to their food habits. Thus at the salmon run each group took its accustomed place on a river bank; then as berries ripened, they shifted to the localities where they were abundant; later they moved again for the gathering of roots ; again for hunting deer, and so on in one ceaseless round. To a less extent this seasonal shifting prevailed among the coast tribes, for by the use of canoes they could readily reach the places sought and return again to their villages. This correlation between the use of wild foods and instability of residence is perhaps more striking in this area than in the others but, nevertheless, holds for all. The Eskimo regularly shifted from sea to inland and back again as winter set in. Likewise, the caribou, bison, and guanaco hunters, each in their respective habitats, shifted according to seasonal re- 16 THE AMERICAN INDIAN quirements. The more extended and definite annual cycle of the salmon area seems to be due to the fact that each of their staple foods was available for but single short periods of the year, not unlike so many successive harvests of an agricultural people whose fields were far apart. THE AREA OF WILD SEEDS The area of wild seeds is often spoken of as the "acorn area," and will frequently be so designated in this work. However, it should be borne in mind that in southern California acorns are found only on the uplands and mountains and that in the surrounding parts and eastward over the Great Basin wild seeds take their place. Yet, since the most typical culture is found in central and southern California, we may consider the acorn the most characteristic food. At the proper time acorns are stored in large basketry bins to protect them against thieving rodents. The raw acorns are not palatable, for they contain a large amount of tannic acid ; however, this objection is eliminated by pounding the kernels into flour and then leeching with hot water. Good descriptions of this ingenious process may be read in the publications of the University of California. From this substance, a kind of bread or cake is made, which proves to be a very satisfactory food, but even here this is supplemented by foods from several varieties of wild seeds, roots, herbs, and grasses.7 The tribes on the eastern side of the mountains out on the arid plateaus are forced to get along without the acorn and in consequence eke out their living from but a scant flora. One peculiarity of the area is the rarity of berries and fruits, which is in contrast to the interior of the salmon area. The term "digger," generally applied to the natives of this area, was suggested by their persistent gathering of roots and plants. It was also an expression of contempt due to the con trast between the scanty diet of these Indians and those of the bison area with whom travelers were more familiar. Like wise, the fauna was not particularly favorable. Deer were to be found in the mountains, but rarely in large numbers, and small game animals were not numerous. In the eastern part, AGRICULTURAL AREAS 17 the rabbit was an important item, and as noted above, salmon were caught wherever they made "runs," and other fish were used when available. Likewise, the coast people depended to some extent upon the marine fauna. Thus, notwithstanding the popular idea of modern California as an ideal habitat for us modern Americans, it must be regarded as rather unfavor able to the development of primitive tribes, for while enough food could be found, the daily routine of gathering it in small bits was time-consuming in the extreme. Moreover, in parts of Nevada, Utah, and Idaho the margin of even this sort of food was so narrow that many species of insects were eaten. THE AGRICULTURAL AREAS There are just two cultivated native food plants, maize and manioc (cassava), that rise to the level of chief staples. Both take the highest rank in excellence among the world's foods, and after the epoch-making discovery of Columbus were quickly spread to other parts of the world.8 The uniqueness of these plants and the sharp contrast they make when com pared with the cultivated staples of the Old World, is the strongest possible argument for the independent development of American culture. In the first place, we have a distinct agricultural area in the eastern half of the United States, including a very small sec tion of Canada. The chief crop was maize, on which account we speak of this division as the eastern maize area. Although its contact with the great agricultural area of Mexico and the South is slightly broken in Texas, we have no reason to doubt a historical connection between the two areas, and conse quently we may consider them as parts of the same whole. The remaining inland boundaries of this eastern maize area mark the approximate climatic limits to its growth. These limits also define the distribution of agriculture, from which we have reason to infer that the introduction of that art did not precede the introduction of maize culture. However, this is a problem to be discussed later. We see, then, that the In dian tribes had extended agriculture in the East to its physical limits. The stretch of country from Louisiana to Maine pre- l8 THE AMERICAN INDIAN sents considerable climatic variety which is reflected in the aboriginal crop lists, for though maize was grown throughout, it seems to have been more exclusively toward the north. Roughly considered, in the northern half of the area, the crops were squash, beans, and maize, all planted in the same field, while in the southern half, maize was supplemented by a kind of millet, and squashes gave way to melons, sweet potatoes, and gourds. Tobacco, though not strictly a food, may be noted here.i It was extensively grown in the South, and its cultivation] carried as far north as the climate permitted. Wild plants were also abundant and many species were used. Parker's 9 exhaustive study of Iroquois foods shows how com pletely that people drew upon the contiguous flora. From the data at hand, we have reason to believe that in the South a still greater number of species were eaten. In the far North wild rice became almost a staple; but while, as Jenks 10 has shown in his laudable investigation of this food, it was some times planted by the natives, it was not truly domesticated as was rice in the Old World. Of manufactured foods, other than those made of maize, maple sugar takes first place. Practically every essential de tail of the process now in use was developed by the Indians of this area before 1492. The sugar maple being a northern tree, the trait is almost peculiar to the northern half of the area, though the box elder and a few other trees have, in later times at least, permitted a makeshift extension of the art. That any kind of sugar was made in the South is doubtful. Another food deserving mention is oil derived from hickory and walnuts. This oil was highly characteristic of the south and added a valuable element to the otherwise starchy diet. In early days the natives did a good business in supplying this oil to the colonists. In some parts of the Atlantic coast plain tukahoe (a fungus) bread was made, and in the south, per simmon bread. Of foods and dishes made with maize there is a long list, which is in the main the same as we ourselves use. Two note worthy studies of this aspect of maize culture by Carr11 and Figure in the American Museum of Natural History Fig. 4. Iroquois Woman Pounding Maize into Meal AGRICULTURAL AREAS 19 Parker 12 show how completely the white colonists absorbed the maize complex of the Indians. One important characteristic of agriculture in this area is that it was woman's work, the man being a hunter. This sexual division of labor tended to give a well-balanced diet, but was not constant throughout, for in the far North where agriculture dwindled out into the caribou area, vegetable foods were decidedly in the minority, while in the extreme South, where agriculture was rather intense and the flora rich, the fruits of the chase were in the minority.s The chief game was the deer. The bison of the prairies found its way as far east as the Alleghanies, but except in the open country was not an important item. The wild turkey and various small game were also abundant. Fish were taken where found by the usual methods, but in the south the use of poisons was general. Next we turn to the great area of intensive agriculture, the only one in the New World, where work in the fields is not re garded as woman's work exclusively, and in which hunting ceases to be an occupation. As may be anticipated, it is also the home of the most advanced Indian cultures. We see from the map that it extends to about 35 ° on either side of the equator and is thus almost entirely within the torrid zone. On the other hand, all of this surface, except a narrow coast belt and a few intervening valleys, is the most elevated land in the New World. It is upon these highlands exclusively that maize was grown. Furthermore, there is a general tendency to aridity throughout, which, combined with the elevation, gives a very favorable climate. It is just the region where the most intensive cultures would be anticipated. As we proceed with the later sections of this book, the reader may be appalled at the complexity and variety of peoples in this area ; hence it is fortunate that at the outset we are able to see one element of unity in the whole. Beginning with the north, we have the pueblo-dwelling peoples of southwestern United States and northern Mexico. Besides maize, beans, melons, squashes and sunflower seed were the chief crops. In historic times, at least, onions and chili peppers were favorite garden plants; and according to 20 THE AMERICAN INDIAN PLANTS CULTIVATED BY THE NATIVES OF THE NEW WORLD BEFORE 1 492 The following list enumerates the most important plants originally cultivated by the several Indian tribes before the discovery of the New World in 1492. Name Agave, or aloe {Agave americana Linn.) Alligator pear (Persea gratissima Geartn. f .) Arrowroot (Maranta arundinacea Linn.) Barnyard grass (Rchinochloa crusgalli (L.) Beauv.) Bean, kidney (Phaseolus vulgaris Linn.) Bean, Lima (Phaseolus lunatus Linn., var.macrocarpus Benth.) Coca, or cocaine (Erythroxylum coca Lamarck) Cherimoya^BOBd Cherimolia Miller) Ca&hew nut (Anacardium occidentale Linn.) Capsicum or Chili pepper (Capsicum annuum Linn. and Capsicum frutescens Linn.) Cacao (Theobroma cacao Linn.) Corn (See maize) Cotton (Gossypium barbadense Linn.) Guava (Psidium guajava Linn.) Gourd (Cucurbita pepo, var. ovifera Linn.) Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tuberosus Linn.) Maize (Zea mays Linn.) Manioc (Manihot utilissima Pohl.) Mat6 or Paraguay tea (Ilex Paraguariensis St. Hil. and Ilex conocarpa Reiss.) Madia (Madia saliva Molina) Potato (Solanum tuberosum Linn.) Pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo Linn.) Prickly pear or Indian fig (Opuntia ficus-indica Mill.) Pineapple (Ananas sativus Schult. f.) Peanut (Arachis hypogcea Linn.) Papaw (Carica papaya Linn.) Oca (Oxalis tuberosa Molina) (Oxalis crenata Jacq.) Quinine (Cinchona calisaya Wedd.) (Cinchona officinalis Linn.), and others Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd.) Sweet potato (Ipomma batatas Poir.) Star apple (Chrysophyllum cainito Linn.) Squash (Cucurbita maxima Duchesne) Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum Linn.) and other species Tomato (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.) Area of Cultivation Mexico to Chile Central America and West Indies Tropical America Mexico and southern United States Distribution same as maize Brazil and Peru Peru and Bolivia Peru and Brazil Tropical America Tropical America Tropical America Tropical America Tropical America Distribution same as maize Mississippi Valley See map (Fig. 5) See map (Fig. 5) Paraguay and western Brazil Brazil ChileChile and Peru Temperate North America MexicoMexico and Central America Peru and Brazil West Indies and Central America Chile and Bolivia Chile and Bolivia Bolivia and Peru Bolivia and Peru Colombia and Peru Tropical America West Indies and Panama Tropical America See map (Fig. 8) Peru •V. AGRICULTURAL AREAS 21 local conditions, the following wild plants were largely used : piiion nut, mesquite, bean and saguaro. Tobacco and cotton were cultivated. Fish as food was not an important factor, in fact, it was under the ban of some tribes. Game was rather scarce, rabbits being the most numerous. Turkeys were do mesticated. Of prepared foods, the most unique is the piki maize bread, made in thin, paper-like sheets. For the remainder of the North American part of the area the Nahua and May_a may be taken as the types. Here agri culture was more highly organized than in any of the areas we have discussed. With the former, maize is made into peculiar cakes called "tortillas," which, with beans and the inevitable chili pepper, constitutes the usual menu. If we add to this cacao we have the list for the Maya also. In the lower parts, especially in Central America, there were many fruits, many of which are now cultivated by Europeans, as the mammae apple, the alligator pear, the cashew nut, to gether with the fleshy stalk of its tree, the tomato, pineapple, etc. The Andean region of South America is peculiar in that at almost any point one may shift from high to low valleys, thus quickly passing through several varieties of climate. Like wise, one may, by lateral shifting, encounter deserts and the most well-watered stretches in succession. All this tends to nullify the effects of changing latitude, so that the aggregate agricultural conditions in Colombia, Ecuador and Peru can be made the same. Still we find some cultural differences. The Chibcha peoples of Colombia in the highlands raised maize, potatoes, sweet potatoes, manioc, beans, tobacco, coca, and cotton. They did not have the llama, and game was scarce, but carefully protected and conserved. The other peoples of Colombia did more hunting, but in addition still cultivated maize. Salt was manufactured in favorable local ities and formed an important article of trade. The adjoining highlands of Venezuela formerly had a hunt ing and maize-growing population which was exterminated by the Spaniards. Ecuador was partly under the control of the Inca at the Spanish conquest but, no doubt, still retained its former food 22 THE AMERICAN INDIAN habits. Its population was almost exclusively agricultural. Maize was the staple except on the highest levels, where quinoa was substituted. Potatoes were universal, and coca, peppers, and other plants in the lowest valleys. On the coast there was fishing. To the south was the Inca empire with its highly organized agriculture. Here the crops were about the same as for Ecuador, but in favorable places manioc, ground nuts, beans, gourds, tomatoes, guava, and fiber plants were raised. Hunt ing was carried on in an organized manner, large drives being made over great areas. The game animals were chiefly the guanaco and vicuna, of which the flesh was often dried and stored for the use of the army. The familiar term "jerked meat" is believed to have come from the char qui, as this dried meat was called in Peru. Birds were taken in nets, and on the coast there was some fishing. The great basin of the Amazon with the adjoining coast is one of the world.'s most typical tropical areas, but almost everywhere throughout there was some native agriculture. As a whole, the area presents some geographical variety, for the eastern part of South America also has its highlands, though far less pretentious than those of the West. Here, however, the elevation was much less; consequently, maize did not become the chief cultivated food, manioc, or cassava, taking its place. Otherwise, the range of plants was about the same as in the Andean region. Tobacco, potatoes, and cotton were common. The celebrated mate, or Paraguay tea, and the edible clay of the Botocudo peoples are the principal unique features. Yet, in no case were the tribes of these high lands so dependent upon agriculture as were those of the west coast. In this respect they present a close analogy to the eastern maize users of North America, with whom they are geographically connected by the West Indies. Further, the almost complete delegation of agricultural responsibilities to the women is in itself an indication of the large part hunting played in their sustenance. Finally, we come to the interior of the continent where high temperature, low elevation, and abundant moisture combine GENERAL DISCUSSION 23 to produce rank flora. Our knowledge of this area is still rather scant, but what information we have indicates that the whole interior Amazon Basin with the contiguous east coast noted above should be considered as one distinct food area. That the art of agriculture is now absolutely unknown to any of the Amazon tribes is doubtful, because far into the interior we find manioc, tobacco, coca, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, etc., growing in the village fields. Also, maize has been re ported from a number of localities, though the climate is un favorable to it. The blowgun with poisoned darts is used in hunting, the game consisting largely of birds and small tree- climbing animals. No living' thing is so abundant as to offer opportunity for food specialization, and the native must make use of everything he can lay hands upon. On the upper Ama zon and elsewhere the taking of fish by poisoning the water is common. A very characteristic dish of this whole area is the "pepper-pot." Small game of whatever kind is cast into a pot and boiled into a thick broth made hot with peppers. The pot is rarely emptied, but the contents continually aug mented. GENERAL DISCUSSION Now that we have gained a general perspective pf New World food traits, we may note some of their most distinctive characteristics. It is clear that the art of agriculture centers around maize, for almost everywhere we find it grown. Its only rival is manioc, but, as we have seen, this plant is re sorted to only in spots where it is too moist for maize. In the same way, the quinoa displaces it in the highest altitudes of the Andes. But this only serves to show how maize domi nates aboriginal agriculture. We can be quite sure that if we knew the full history of this plant we should have a good insight into the development of the higher cultures of Mexico and Peru, yet in spite of its obvious importance, very little attention has been given to the subject. Though this homely art of maize culture is still practised by many surviving na tives, the only field studies we have approaching a satisfactory standard are those of Parker 13 for the Iroquois, Hough 14 for 24 THE AMERICAN INDIAN WM. Manioc Fig. 5. The Distribution of Maize and Manioc GENERAL DISCUSSION 25 the Hopi, and Wilson 1S for the Hidatsa. For the Pueblo peoples who still raise maize in the aboriginal way we have little more than the pioneer work of Cushing.16 With respect to Mexico and the Andean region the literature is even more fragmentary. While we do have a great deal of more or less generalized information, this has been re-stated so often that it is difficult to weigh it and even the very best of such liter ature can never take the place of exhaustive field studies. For example, it is only from the works of Parker " and Wilson 18 that we can form a definite conclusion as to how closely the cul tivation of maize of white farmers follows aboriginal patterns. However, the gross characteristics of aboriginal maize cul ture are clearly known. In the first place, no beasts of draught were employed, but all was by hand. Nowhere do we find a plowing machine drawn by men. As an independent propo sition it may seem strange that the Peruvians, with all their genius, should have missed the idea of harnessing either men or llamas to a digging tool, but when we note that maize grows best in bunches or "hills," while the Old World inventors of the plow sowed grain broadcast, we find a partial explana tion. The heaping up of earth around the growing plant is still one of the fundamentals in maize culture. It is a fair assumption that the hoe is an aboriginal solution of the prac tical problem involved here. The mere sowing of grain by the ancients of the Old World was the one great problem, for after that there was little to do until the harvest, while in the case of maize the tending of the crop was the most exacting. The for mer presents a much simpler mechanical problem than the latter; in fact, it is not until 1731 that we hear of a horse cultivator in England. The aborigines dug up the ground with pointed and spade like tools. From New Mexico to Chile, spade-like tools with foot-rests for thrusting into the ground were common, but in the eastern parts of both continents we find a simple digging stick. In Peru the digging tools were sometimes pointed with copper and bronze. The hoe was universal in the eastern maize area and seems to have extended into the West Indies, but from New Mexico 26 THE AMERICAN INDIAN F. N >VilOOrt. Fig. 6. Pueblo Indian Planting Maize Fig. 7- Cultivating Maize and Squashes with a Bone Hoe. Hidatsa Indians GENERAL DISCUSSION 27 southward it does not appear in our collections. The signifi cance of this' is not yet clear. The data for the eastern maize area show us that the agricultural pattern was to hoe up hills around the plants. As stated before, maize, squashes and beans were often put in the same hill. Tobacco was planted in hills and so were the sweet potatoes of the south. The first Atlantic colonists adopted the hoe pattern of the native, es pecially in the south, where to some extent it still survives. Artificial fertilization was practised from Nova Scotia to Chile. One method, widely distributed in both continents, was the placing of fish in the maize hill. Manures, both human and animal, were used in parts of the area of intensive agriculture. So particular a correspondence as planting with fish, reported for localities between New England and Peru, points clearly to a common origin, but it is the study of the maize plant itself that affords the strongest argument for diffusion from one center. The investigations of Harsh- berger 19 and Collins 20 indicate that maize was developed from a wild grass of the Maya habitat. The distribution from this center of varieties once so developed would readily account for the uniformity of maize culture we have noted. Unfor tunately, no careful study of the aboriginal varieties of maize has been made, but the data at hand suggest that about all the distinct kinds we still have on our farms were in existence by 1492 and that they existed side by side in the same fields. The time required to stabilize all these forms and the subse quent precision of domestic routine that preserved their racial integrity to the present among some of the surviving natives, is one of the most impressive facts of our subject. So brief a review as this must needs pas's over in silence many interesting points, but we should give passing notice to the evidence for the local adaptation of these widely dis tributed varieties of maize. Wilson 21 has shown that the Hidatsa of the upper Missouri have trained certain varieties to ripen early and within the limits of the short season, a characteristic the maize of our eastern farms does not mani fest. Collins 22 makes clear that the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona have developed varieties with long, deep- 28 THE AMERICAN INDIAN growing root habits to reach the moisture in their very arid fields. These are, no doubt, but suggestions of many other adaptations awaiting discovery and which present very inter esting chronological problems. The art of irrigation was known from Arizona to Chile, and in Peru was carried out on a scale scarcely equalled by modern nations. The remains of aqueduct systems in the Andes show such genius and organization that our respect for the native American rises to a high point. The alternate of maize, cassava, or manioc, deserves special consideration. Though requiring a more tropical hab itat than maize, it also requires a fairly dry, sandy soil. At the period of discovery it was found in the West Indies, Cen tral America, and even in Florida. The poisonous nature of the juice leads to a mode of preparation described fully in the special literature.23 The essential procedure is to grate the pulpy parts and squeeze them in a basketry press called a tipiti. The pulp is then made into cakes and heated to drive out the remaining volatile poison, finally giving cassava bread, which is a staple food. If we now take a general view of the data at hand it appears a fair assumption that the prevailing type of agriculture was developed by a centrally located highland people and thence diffused, without essential modification, both to the north and to the south. While our experience shows that the art could have been extended farther to the extremes of the con tinent, it is doubtful if the aboriginal type could have been greatly extended without fundamental changes. In other words, the more primitive hunting tribes of the north and south borrowed the trait one after the other, so far as their habitat permitted. DISTRIBUTION OF NARCOTICS In connection with this discussion of cultivated plants some n note should be made of aboriginal narcotics. The best known ' are tobacco and coca, both extensively cultivated in aborig inal times, as shown on the distribution map (Fig. 8). The narcotic element in coca is cocaine, a modern derivative. DISTRIBUTION OF NARCOTICS 29 iA ^. xJ «.^j ^^\ t^> ^-> !'& /„„„ mu Bill 1 IIhF1 * ^H^i if "» * ».. ^WEA "I if • ¦¦ Coca Chewing Ti iwmir Uss^ Tobacco Chewing U' [ p^ Tubular Pipe and Cigarette 'P; x iW Cigar ¦11 Elbow Pipe ^Fig. 8. Distribution of Coca and Tobacco 30 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The native, however, simply chewed the dried leaves mixed' with lime or other alkalis. Such coca chewing still prevails in the area indicated on the map and has spread to the natives of other parts of both continents, as well as to the whites themselves. As will be noted, the chewing of tobacco is found in South America contiguous to the coca-chewing area, but it also occurs on the Pacific Coast of America.24 One peculiarity of the latter habit is that the tobacco is taken with pulverized shells or ashes, ground fine in mortars; in other words, after the coca method. The appearance of this trait in these two disconnected areas and its analogy to the betel nut culture of Melanesia and southeastern Asia is truly puzzling. The taking of snuff is also largely correlated with chewing, since we find it in both the chewing areas, though it extended rather well over the Amazon country and even to the West Indies. However, the usual substance for making snuff powder is said to be the Acacia niopo berry. Along with chewing tobacco go various forms of eating, drinking, licking, etc. Yet, the most widely distributed method of using tobacco was smoking, of which three aboriginal forms can be localized. First, we have the true pipe found in the greater part of the United States and Canada and in the lower Atlantic side of South America; secondly, the cigar in the West Indies and the greater part of the Amazon country; and lastly, the tubu lar pipe in western United States, Mexico, and Central Amer ica. The usual form of this last is a small section of cane stuffed with crushed tobacco to which the name cigarette is applied. These methods of smoking are not so exclusively localized as the map would imply, but grade one into the other. The map indicates the approximate extent of smoking in 1492, but as we all know, the custom was quickly carried to all parts of the world, both savage and civilized. The Asiatic peoples have a distinct type of pipe and a different method of smoking, which in late times has reached the Eskimo of Alaska from Siberia. DISTRIBUTION OF NARCOTICS 31 1. Hearne, 1795. I. 2. Pike, 1892. I. 3. Allen, 1876. I. 4. Dobrizhoffer, 1822. I. 5. Church, 1912. I. 6. Morice, 1906. I. 7. Merriam, C Hart, 1905. 1. 8. Laufer, 1907. I. 9. Parker, 1910. I. 10. Jenks, 1900. I. 11. Carr, 1896. I. 12. Parker, 1910. I 13. Parker, 1910. I. 14. Hough, 1915. I. 15. Wilson, G. L., 1917. I. 16. Cushing, 1884. I. 17. Parker, 1910. I. 18. Wilson, G. L., 1917. I. 19. Harshberger, 1893. I. 20. Collins, 1914. I. 21. Wilson, M.L., and Atkinson, 1915. 1. 22. Collins, 1914. I. 23. Im Thurn, 1883, I. 24. McGuire, 1899. I; Krause, 1885. 1. CHAPTER II DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALS AND METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION The domestication of animals and methods of transportation may be treated as a single division of our subject, because from the standpoint of Old World culture, one of these con cepts calls the other promptly to mind, and even in. aboriginal America there is found some relation between the two. The most common domesticated animals were the dog, the llama, and the related alpaca. There were no others. It is true that we have on record instances of individual animals of other species being tamed, but in no case were they propagated. Of birds, we have the turkey of Mexico and of the Pueblo tribes of the United States. Lawson l is responsible for the statement that in Carolina cranes were bred in captivity, while, according to Roger Williams, the Narragansett trained hawks to guard their fields. But all these are exceptional cases. Also, eagles and serpents were sometimes confined for ceremonial reasons, but not truly domesticated. The bee was domesticated in Mexico by the Aztec and the Maya, as is still the case among some groups of natives in Central America and northwest Brazil. The dog appears in Paleolithic Europe in close association with the remains of man and was practically universal in aboriginal America. The history of its development and dis persion over the earth would in a large measure be the history of man's cultural achievements. It is thus quite natural that we have a large body of literature on the dog. Unfortunately, this is largely speculative, whereas what we need for our dis cussion is actual investigation. The available data indicate that in the New World dogs served at least four purposes: transportation, hunting, guard ing and companionship, or food, according to locality. They DOMESTIC ANIMALS 33 TX £ ^> A A Sled B Toboggan C Travois D Packing V&>- Fig. 9. Distribation of Animal Transport 34 THE AMERICAN INDIAN varied greatly in size and form, from the small, pug-like type found in Peru and the hairless variety of the tropics, to the great hairy beasts reared in some parts of the Arctic. Since it is certain that all dogs will readily cross with wolves and foxes and yet tend to remain fertile, the preservation of these types must have required some selective breeding. The only definite study of native dog culture so far made is that of Wilson 2 for the Hidatsa (Siouan) which reveals a complex not inferior to that for agriculture. The Peruvians are cred ited with three distinct varieties of dog, the contempora neousness of which necessitates our assuming the existence of breeding control similar to that exercised by us. However, since the methods of propagation are unknown, except for a few northern localities, a comparative discussion of the subject is out of the question. Dog transportation, on the other hand, has received careful consideration. The most striking characteristic is its limited distribution, for, notwithstanding that the dog occurs every where, its use in transportation is confined to the caribou and bison areas with very narrow fringes in those adjoining. Above the forest line dogs were made to draw sledges, a trait quite characteristic of the Eskimo, but found among the most northern Indians of Canada as well. These sledges have straight parallel runners and do not differ essentially from our own simple farm types. There are different methods of har nessing, but for the most part the dogs are hitched by long single traces and run somewhat fan-shaped with the leader at the apex. Excellent descriptions are given in Arctic books of travel.3 In all the wooded parts of the caribou area a toboggan is used, the snow being rather too soft for sledges. This is also the great snowshoe area. While dogs were used to drag these toboggans, the hunters themselves not infrequently drew them. The early development of the Canadian fur trade by the Hudson's Bay and French companies greatly stimulated dog traction and greatly increased the use of sledges where ice conditions permitted. The former southern limits of the to boggan are not certainly known but it seemed to end with the DOMESTIC ANIMALS 35 Ojibway and Iroquois, though it may have been used along the upper Missouri.4 In the spring and summer dogs were made to bear packs and drag tent poles.6 This method was more widely dis tributed than the use of sledges and toboggans, covering the entire caribou and bison areas and extending somewhat into the inland portion of the salmon area. In the bison area, particularly in the northern part, we find an original contri vance known to us as a travois. Though of two or three varieties, the essential structure is the same throughout — a V-shaped frame with an intervening section of net or wood upon which the load is placed.6 The structure suggests that this travois is merely a development of the pack and trailing tent poles, the more widely distributed method. It may be worth noting that dog packing in particular is a concomitant of those hunting tribes following a regular migratory circle. The excursions of the Eskimo to the caribou ranges, the corresponding shifts of the Canadian Indians, and the bison-hunting expeditions of the Plains were in pre- Columbian days facilitated by pack trains of dogs. The intru sion of this method into the inland salmon area is consistent with the journeys then made to gather food, as we have stated. On the contrary, topographical conditions in California made large movements unnecessary, which may be one reason why dog packing was not adopted. The maize areas were more independent and had little use for this trait. So far as we know, dog transportation was not in vogue in the area of intensive maize culture. Mexico and the Pueblo area had no way of land transport except by human carriers, and it is not until Peru is reached that the use of the llama comes to notice. This small, camel-like animal has little more carrying power than a large dog, but is particularly well adapted to mountain travel. For the remainder of South America our information is vague, but so far there is no reason to believe that the dog or any other animal was used for transport. All this suggests that dog traction was intrusive to the New World. When we recall that in Europe and Asia the dog and reindeer are used to draw sledges and that the trait is 36 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 10. Eskimo Dog Sled Fig. i J. Indians ofthe Bison Area on the March, Using the Dog Travois DOMESTIC ANIMALS 37 continuous from Scandinavia to Greenland, this assumption seems justified. Yet, the problem is far from simple. The situation in the Old World is complicated by the presence of horse culture which appears as an early development and by the domestication of the reindeer. Either or both could have greatly stimulated dog traction, but on the other hand, dog traction could have developed in America and spread into Siberia. That it came in with the earliest Asiatic settlers is improbable, since in that case, though not necessarily, we should expect to find it surviving in southern South America. It is also true that the method of hitching in America is differ ent from that in Siberia and contiguous parts of Alaska, and that nothing like the travois is found there. Returning to our subject, we see that the prevailing mode of land transport in the New World was by human carrier. The wheel was unknown in pre-Columbian times. The wild fauna afforded nothing like the horse and ox of the Old World. The caribou has been found far less suitable for domestica tion than the closely allied reindeer, and the bison has proved itself rather too strenuous. Yet, these are not sufficient ex cuses. The plain fact is that the tribes in contact with these animals were relatively primitive. It is fair to assume that if the bison and the caribou had been available to the Peru vians, the tale would be different. Before the time of Columbus, no tribe had an animal able to carry a man. The dog packers walked in front of their trains, and even the Eskimo walked more than they rode. The coming of the Spaniards made quick changes. The mule and donkey were soon in general use in the area of intense maize culture, though they have not yet entirely displaced the llama in Peru. Wild cattle soon overran Texas and southern California and in the Pampas became almost as numerous as the bison in the North. Their presence greatly modified the food supply, but the most far-reaching change resulted from the spread of the horse. By direct instruction or mere self-initiated imitation, the natives of the bison and guanaco areas acquired horse culture. Unfortunately, the history of this cultural acquisition is lost, 38 THE AMERICAN INDIAN but we know that the use of the horse spread much faster than exploration, so that in many cases our first actual view of a tribe is as a horse user. The bison in the North and the guanaco in the South, supplanted later by wild cattle, presented almost parallel environments. In Europe at the time of Columbus, the horse was used almost exclusively by soldiers and aris tocrats as a riding animal, mules for packing and bearing the common folk, while carts and plows were drawn by oxen. This horse-riding complex was thus readily adaptable to the native culture of these two areas. At least they seem to have taken it over as a whole, for saddles and other riding appli ances are of the same European patterns both south and north.7 The important differences between the horse cultures of the two areas appear in the adaptations made to the original cultures. Thus, in the bison area the horse was also used with an enlarged dog travois and in some cases seems to have been so used before the art of riding was acquired. The native names of mysterious-dog, elk-dog, etc., indicate the apper ceptive attitude in the northern continent. In South America there was nothing like this, but a unique weapon known as the bola was peculiarly adapted to mounted use. It is be lieved that this weapon soon entirely displaced the bow and quickly led to the invention of the lasso and its use by all Spanish ranchers north and south. In the bison area the bow was essential for killing buffalo even from horseback. In the Pampas a long lance became the other chief weapon, and though this and the lasso appeared among the Comanche on the southern borders of the bison area, they did not prevail among the other tribes of the North. The use of the horse spread somewhat from these two con tinental centers: In the more open parts of the eastern maize area horses were common, but nowhere here except possibly in the Gulf States did they rise to a military level. In the greater part of California they were never used, but in some parts of the inland salmon area they rose to the importance attained in the bison area. The greater part of the caribou area was too cold for the horse. TRANSPORTATION 39 The military and commercial necessities of Peru were met by caravans of llamas but even then human carriers were in general use. How the large stones found in some of the ruins of that country were transported is not known, but it must have been by human traction alone. Northward from Ecuador to the Colorado River there is no evidence of anything but human carriage. Tribute was brought to Mexico City by brigades of carriers. Chairs and litters for the transportation of people were used throughout the area of intense culture, and to some extent in the Gulf regions of the United States. In all areas there were special appliances for holding the pack upon the back. While only the lightest loads were carried upon the head, in contrast to the African negro way, a wide spread method was to support the pack by a strap over the forehead, one form of which is now known as a "tumpline." Perhaps the most unique appliance is the kia of the Pima tribes in Arizona.8 (Fig. 12.) Before proceeding with our subject we may consider the extent to which animals were domesticated for food. The only place where a pastoral culture was noted is again in Peru. The Spaniards found the llama in great domesticated herds, sometimes reaching the thousands. In addition to their use in transportation, they were slaughtered for their flesh and sheared for their wool. The alpaca was also herded for its superior wool. The use of milk seems to have been unknown here as well as in other parts of the New World. In fact, the Indians as a whole seem to be as deeply prejudiced against milk as the Chinese,9 for it is with the greatest difficulty that our reservation tribes can be led to care for milk cows. The Spanish Americans seem to have been influenced by this also, for though great ranches were maintained it was seldom that a single animal was milked. This is still shown in our western states where cattle raising was derived from Mexico and gives us a fine illustration of culture diffusion. Dogs were used as food, but not everywhere. The Spanish colonists found them in general use in Mexico, and in the West Indies the first discoverers found a small edible dog. In North America, dog flesh was eaten in parts of the bison area, 40 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Alaska Arizona Mexico Chile Fig. 12. Various Methods of Using the Tumpline. Mason, 1896. I TRANSPORTATION 41 chiefly among the Siouan tribes. On the other hand, many tribes, even of the same stock, are as averse to its use as are the whites. Since here the local distribution of the custom is geographical and is associated to some extent with certain ceremonies, its occurrence may be sporadic,10 for the general tendency north of Mexico is to regard the dog as not proper food. Turkeys were raised for their feathers and eggs by the Pueblo and Mexican peoples. According to some authorities the latter domesticated geese also. Turkeys were wild in some parts of South America in pre-Columbian times, but seem never to have been tamed. As to the tribes of the lower Mississippi, we cannot be certain for some of them got chickens so early that the first French settlers in Louisiana found them raised everywhere.11 They also had orchards of European fruits and raised hogs, while many others ran wild. The natives of Cuba, however, are credited with having domestic fowls and with stocking fish ponds when first discovered. The sheep, and to some extent the goat, was introduced into the great maize area and later developed the chief material characteristics of the Navajo tribe. The domestication of the bee for its honey has been noted above. CANOES AND NAVIGATION We come now to the second form of transportation and the one which is not in any way associated with the domestica tion of animals. It is strictly a mechanical affair from which the modern science of navigation has evolved. Somewhat in contrast to the Old World, the New has no great insular regions except that of the West Indies. The other favorable island group is on the Pacific Coast north of the Columbia River. The only other one in ice-free waters is on the lower west coast of South America. In the region of high culture the coast line is very regular and the inland waters very shallow. South America has one great central river system but no lakes. On the other hand, North America has a large river and lake area with many portages. So far as can be seen, boats were in use wherever advantageous, and from this point of view may be 42 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Av,*-i -^ nX ¦ *¦¦¦**-- ¦. . .|'y..-..u......u „.../<./"»''••¦-'" " ^/r^— * ^CTffiffi^M Fig. 13. Types of Canoes Used in the New World, a, The "Bull Boat," Bison Area; b, Eskimo Kayak; c, Eskimo Woman's Boat; d, Balsa, or Reed Boat; e, Birchbark Canoe; f, Fuegian Bark Canoe; g, North Pacific Coast Dug-Out; h, Amazon Dug-Out TRANSPORTATION 43 considered universal. Boats were made according to the ma terials at hand.12 In regions of large trees the dug-out was preferred, but in the far North, the extreme South and parts of the Amazon country and the lake region of North America, we find frame boats covered with skins or bark. The crudest are the bark boats of the Fuegians; the finest are the birch bark canoes of the Ojibway and the kayaks of the Eskimo. From Central California to Chile we have occasional occur rences of the balsa type, a raft-like structure of reeds. If we except the Eskimo, row-locks were not used, the method of propulsion for small boats being to paddle first on one side and then on the other. The double paddle is found only among the Eskimo. (Yet it was reported by Frezier in 1717 as being used in the insular region of Chile with a boat combining some of the features of the balsa and the kayak.13) Even the great dug-outs of the North Pacific Coast were propelled by paddles. The use of sails is somewhat in doubt, but it is asserted that the Spaniards found them in Peru with balsas large enough to carry fifty men. Sails are used on the North Pacific Coast, but whether known before the era of Russian trade is not clear. The Eskimo use both the row-lock and sails, but as these occur on the Siberian coast, they are most likely intrusive. From the same source may have come sails on the West coast. Large canoes are mentioned for the West Indies, but no sails are spoken of until later, so that we cannot be sure of their original use there. The only boat with hull built up of planks was that of the now extinct Santa Barbara of California. Another unique form was the circular tub-like boat with a skin-covered frame, used to ford rivers in the widely separated bison and guanaco areas, and one on the lower Colorado River made of basketry, Spanish name coritas. The two regions in which an approach was made to a sea faring culture were the North Pacific Coast and the Antilles. The great war dug-outs of the former with their carved prows remind one of old Norse models. The latter region was overrun in succession by two races of canoe men, both appa rently war-like, the Arawak and the Carib. Of these only the 44 THE AMERICAN INDIAN latter have any just claim to long voyages. In summer, the use of boats by the Eskimo was a prominent feature, especially in Alaska, where voyages of trade to Siberia seem to have been made. I. Lawson, i860. I; Mason, 1907. I. 2. Wilson, G. L., 1917. I. 3. Boas, 1888. I; Stefansson, 1914. I. 4. Maximilian, 1843. I. 5. Stefansson, 1914. 1 ; Hearne, 1795. 1. 6. Wissler, 1910. I. 7. Wissler, 1915. I. 8. Russell, 1908. I. 9. Laufer, 1914. I. 10. Wissler, 1910. I. 11. Swanton, 191 1. I. 12. Mason, 1901. 1. ; Friedrici, 1907. 1. 13. Frezier, 1717. I, p. 120. CHAPTER III THE TEXTILE ARTS The subject now before us is far less intelligible to the layman than any of the preceding, chiefly because it deals with definite processes or crafts which must be mastered to be thoroughly understood. This cannot be expected even of professional anthropologists, who must necessarily be guided by the state ments of textile experts. With such guidance we may, how ever, safely proceed to a general view of the subject. There seem to be but four classes of textile fiber in general use: wool, bast, cotton, and silk. Of these, aboriginal America used all but the last. The sheep was not found here, but the hair of the Rocky Mountain goat was used in western Canada and also that of a dog bred for that purpose. In the bison area, particularly on the lower Mississippi, buffalo hair was spun. Mexico and Central America seem not to have used wool of any kind, no doubt because it was not available. The same may be said of Colombia and parts of Ecuador. As soon, however, as the range of the llama, vicuna and alpaca is reached, their respective wools come into use. Some archaeo logical data indicate that at one time their use extended far down into Chile and out into Argentina. , Of bast fibers we have a respectable list. Even as far north as the caribou area willow bark was used. On the Pacific coast of Canada cedarbark fiber, and inland in the salmon area sagebrush bark were used, extending far down among the Shoshonean tribes of the United States. In Cali fornia the plants Iris, Asolepias and Apocyrum were used for string twisting. In the bison area practically no bark fiber was used, but about the Great Lakes and eastward, basswood or linn bark was largely employed. Occasionally, cornhusk fiber was utilized. In southeastern United States, particularly on the lower Mississippi, the fibers of Indian hemp and pem- 46 THE AMERICAN INDIAN menaw grass were extensively used. In Arizona and New Mexico we find the maguey, extending down into Peru. In the remaining parts of South America there are a number of bast fibers in use. Thus, we may conclude that the use of bast fibers was general except among the highly specialized hunting peoples of the extreme North and South. Cotton, though a vegetable fiber, is a wool rather than a bast. Fiber experts claim that it is only the cultivated vari eties that can be successfully spun. Proceeding from north to south we first encounter cotton in the Pueblo area of the United States. That it was grown in what is now the great cotton belt of the United States is improbable, but from the Pueblo country down through Mexico to Peru, cotton was the great textile fiber. The known varieties were white and brown. In other parts of South America and the Antilles a little cotton was grown, chiefly to be used in making hammocks. Taking a general view of the preceding facts, we note that the distribution of cotton culture is in the main coincident with the regions of higher culture; at least, it is not found among non-agricultural peoples. Wool fibers appear in three disconnected regions: around Peru, British Columbia, and the lower Mississippi. Bast fiber, on the other hand, is practically universal, but shows decided specialization in the several food areas. One other class of fiber not generally recognized by us is sinew, or tendon. Among the Eskimo and the Indians of Canada it is of the greatest importance and also holds a high place in the bison area, the salmon area, and the northern part of the eastern maize area. In fact, when skin clothing is made, we find it in use, even in the guanaco area of South America. SPINNING The twisting of fiber into thread is the pre-requisite of the whole textile art. Its distribution over the world is as uni versal as the use of fire and its origin probably fully as remote. Though there is but one way to do it, twist the fibers one upon the other, the appliances vary considerably. The primitive way, and no doubt the first historically, is solely by hand. SPINNING 47 A more mechanical way is to give the twist by a spindle bearing a whorl. Our first problem is to distinguish the different methods of spinning and state their respective distributions. In this we must proceed with hesitancy because of inadequate data, but since very little native spinning survives there is no ground for expecting important additions to our field observations. The subject is, therefore, ready for such comparative study as can be made. We have neither the time nor the special knowledge to do this now, but will discuss the most obvious points. One of the most direct approaches is the distribution of the spindle whorl. Its known occurrence in North America is in the highlands from Panama to the Colorado River. Then with a break in continuity we find it in British Columbia and on the adjoining coast. The only other place where there is even a suspicion of its use is the lower Mississippi. This con jecture is based upon the bare mention of an improvised affair, a wad of clay upon a stick, by an early writer.1 Archaeological data are on the whole consistent with the foregoing facts, from which their general finality may be assumed. Pre-Columbian sites yielding undoubted spindle whorls must be our safest criteria, because we lack definite knowledge as to the exact state of spinning before white con tact, and it is conceivable that the use of the European whorl could have been introduced quickly, as we have already noted in case of the horse. Peru presents a puzzling case, for not withstanding the high development of the art, the early histori cal data indicate the absence of a true whorl,2 and objects of this nature are seldom found in excavating. However, in the northern part of the Andean region, pottery objects resembling whorls are frequent. In other parts of South America they are rare, but the modern natives use them. If we try to correlate the distribution of the whorl with that for fibers, we note that it is wanting in the distinctively bast and sinew areas. Where cotton, wool or both together are spun, we find the whorl, unless Peru should prove to be an exception. Outside of the whorl area we have defined, bast and sinew thread are given the final twist by rolling under the palm of 48 THE AMERICAN INDIAN the hand, usually upon the bare thigh or calf of the leg. (The peculiar slit skirt of the Algonkin and Iroquois is regarded as a hand spinner's costume by Parker.3) A twisting appliance has, however, been noted for the Eskimo.4 But to return to our subject. The methods of preparing fibers for spinning differ with the materials, but after they are separated and cleaned, all must be carded, or extended Fig. 14. Ancient Mexican and Egyptian Drawings of Spinners. The first shows the prevailing New World method. There is some doubt as lo what part of the process is represented in the Egyptian figure, but the draft, or tension, is supplied according to the Old World method in the same direction. No aboriginal appliance 1 for this has come to light, but with the introduction of the sheep, the European card was also introduced and has been in use ever since. The difference between hand and whorl-twisting is merely a matter of machinery. In either case, the native first arranges the roving by hand. The only twisting machine in use for true textile fibers was the whorled or rolled spindle, but there was nothing like the wheel of the Old World. Fur ther, we are told that it is only bast fiber that can be twisted by rolling under the palm upon the thigh. Neither cotton nor wool can be economically handled that way because of y / Fig. 15. A Navajo Spinner NETTING 49 the shortness and other characteristics of the fiber. In this case, the fiber must be made into a roving and then twisted from each end under the necessary draft, or tension. Thus, in the New World, we find that wherever cotton or wool are spun, a stick or spindle is used to facilitate the twist and to wind the finished thread. In Europe, spinning was by the whorl and distaff method; the spindle, being provided with a whorl or fly-wheel, was twirled and dropped, its weight provid ing the draft, and the momentum of the whorl the twist. There is yet no reason to believe that this method was practised in the New World before its discovery, the draft here being given by a pull of the hands, the spindle resting in a bowl on the ground, or simply held in the hands. The New World whorl is, therefore, not a true whorl, and was often dispensed with, as seems to have been the case in parts of Peru. The uniformity of the aboriginal method of spinning cotton is clear when we compare such studies as Roth's6 for the less cultured peoples of South America with the processes used in Old Peru. On this account we are scarcely left any other alternative than to conclude that the cotton complex of the entire New World is essentially one, as is the maize complex (p. 28), and that it was likewise diffused from a single center. Just what may be the relation between the wool and cotton complexes is not clear, for we have the salmon area peoples spinning wool and not cotton, and again the buffalo-hair spinning of the Mississippi Valley. As to how the latter was spun, we have no precise data, but in the salmon area a form of the characteristic New World spindle method was used.6 Cotton could not be raised there, obviously. NETTING The making of string readily suggests nets, a form of textile almost as world-wide as fiber twisting. Accompanying the art are two implements: the shuttle and the mesh gauge. Unfortunately, no careful study of the net technique and the distribution of the implements is available, but one who reads Rau's searching paper on modes of fishing 7 will see at a glance the importance of the problem. First, the manner of tying 50 THE AMERICAN INDIAN the meshes of the net is very much the same everywhere. This may be because the trait is as old and fundamental as the firedrill or merely due[ to the fact that there is but one good way by which a net can be formed. In the absence of investigation, speculation on this point is useless, yet we seem to have here an unusually promising subject for weighing the relative merits of the independent origin and diffusion theories of culture. In the New World, fish nets seem to have been in use, wherever possible, from Cape Horn to Alaska and their antiq uity is vouched for by the excavation of notched pebbles used as sinkers. Stefansson,8 however, secured archaeological data from the northernmost coast of Alaska and western Canada, indicating that nets were of relatively recent introduction among the Eskimo of those districts. In view of the data supporting their antiquity elsewhere and their present uni versal distribution, this appears as a localized exception. The netting shuttle and mesh gauge are found chiefly in North America where they have a continuous distribution with Siberia and adjacent parts of the Old World. The pre cise forms of eastern Siberia are found in Alaska, but as we move southward along the coast toward California, the forms show more variation, as also eastward over the Great Lake area. So far, such implements have not been reported from South America, where nets are frequently made of cotton and woven upon a frame, as is the case with hammocks. The most recent contribution to the subject is Moore's theory that the so-called bannerstone found east of the Mississippi is a mesh gauge.9 The closely allied techniques of lace making and tatting are found in many parts of the great cotton-using area, but have not been studied in detail. BASKETRY It is doubtful if any people exist who do not understand the art of intertwining twigs or other elements; likewise most of them show some conception of basketry. Even such an ex treme marginal group as the Tasmanians made some progress BASKETRY 51 with it, and in the New World it is difficult to find groups of tribes entirely innocent of the art. About the only localities without basketry are among the eastern Eskimo, and parts of Fig. 16. Basketry: Straight Weave; Close and Open Twine; and Coil the bison and guanaco areas, all specialists in skin work. The subject has received a great deal of attention and that great master of material culture, O. T. Mason, has left us an excellent treatise.10 Our museums have extensive collections, 52 THE AMERICAN INDIAN while those of private students are equally rich ; there is also an abundant literature. Notwithstanding all this, the subject presents many unsolved problems. Baskets can be readily classified as woven or coiled (sewed). The basic concepts for these different classes seem to have nothing in common, from which it is fair to assume that they have separate histories. Under these heads many techniques may be distinguished.11 From our point of view, coiled basketry reaches its highest development in California, where the Pomo are generally given the first rank. Aesthetically considered, these baskets are probably the finest in the whole world. From this center, coiling extends to the interior highlands among the Shoshoni- speaking tribes, thence northward through the inland salmon area and the Dene portion of Canada. Even the Eskimo of Alaska use it, and also the natives of eastern Siberia. To the east, it stops in the plains, but extends southward among the Pima, Navajo, Apache, and other non-pueblo-dwelling tribes. Of the Pueblo peoples only one section of the Hopi uses the process and elsewhere there are but the crudest of attempts. In Mexico the technique disappears and does not come to notice again until we reach Patagonia. While in California. a few of the coast tribes were coilers, the main distribution is inland, for beginning with the upper part of California, the entire coast belt including the Aleutian chain is exclusively devoted to woven basketry. In the eastern part of North America coiling is rare, a few of the northern Algonkin tribes 'following the lead of their Den6 neighbors. Notwithstanding the high development in the coil area, it is itself a part of the great western twined area. (Twine is a form of woven basketry.) The Pomo, for example, also make fine baskets of this weave, which can be said of most coil workers. In other words, coiled basketry seems to be a smaller ' area overlying a larger one of twined basketry. The Pueblo peoples do not make it, but do produce a kind of wickerwork like the tribes of northern Mexico, while their non-Pueblo neighbors, the Apache, Walapai, etc., make twined as well as coiled baskets. BASKETRY 53 Fig. 17. General Distribution of Types of Basketry 54 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Almost all of the twine and coil basket weavers are stone boilers, that is, they cook in baskets by dropping hot stones into their contents. Close fine twining and coiling is thus a necessity, for cooking baskets must be water-tight. In the pottery region of the Pueblos and southward, basketry is open and coarser. This undoubtedly accounts for the very high development of the art in California and northward. Returning to the concentric distribution of the coil and twine technique, one must wonder which is the older. Some of the Dene coiled globular baskets are almost identical with a Chinese style, but this is more likely due to similar materials, for the intervening Siberian styles are more like those of the Eskimo. Thus coil seems to center in California and twine on the coast of the north, thus indicating their most probable centers of dispersion. We must, however, allow for more complex conditions, since archaeological remains in certain cliff-houses indicate a high development of coil in prehistoric times. The studies of Kroeber12 and Barrett,13 as to the direction of the spiral coil in making the basket, suggest that central California and Arizona are of one type, whHe southern California (the Shoshoni-speaking tribes) and the interior as well as on northward, are of another. The meaning of this is not quite clear, but can be most readily explained as due to differ entiation from two centers of influence. Hence, the chrono logical relation of coil and twine basketry remains a problem for the future. The central portion of the bison area marks a hiatus between the basketry of the east and the west. Down the Mississippi; and south from the Great Lakes, across the Antilles and on into the manioc or Amazon area of South America, basketry has one common characteristic in that it is made of flat or splint-like materials. Basketry of this sort is also found in the Andean region, but seems not to have been the prevailing! style. The material is usually cane, which is probably respon sible for the observed distribution. North of the Ohio River and in New England where suitable cane was not to be had, we find wood splints in use. These are made from the easily separated annual layers of certain trees. It seems a reason- CLOTH 55 able assumption that a historical connection exists between those two forms, and since basketry of cane is very widely dis tributed and the materials more readily prepared, we may suspect this to be the parent form. In this connection birchbark vessels may be noted. They are an associate of the birchbark canoe from Nova Scotia to northern Russia.14 At no place in America, however, do they entirely displace woven or coil techniques. Though closely analogous to splint basketry, matting does not always accompany it. Yet there are few peoples outside of the great hunting areas who do not use mats in some form. In the main we have two kinds: those woven of flat flexible materials, and those made by binding together long reeds or even twigs. CLOTH We can make one clear distinction between basketry and cloth, for the latter is formed by the weaving of spun or twisted materials. It is therefore made of string, or yarn. We have -noted that some knowledge of thread-making is universal among mankind, but it is otherwise with the weaving of cloth. Such weaving in the New World may be compre hended under two designations: loom weaving and finger weaving, or upward weaving and downward weaving. In the loom, the weaver begins at the bottom and builds the fabric upward, driving the weft home with a downward stroke; in the other, the warp threads are hung loosely from a horizontal support and the fabric built from the top, the weft being pushed upward into place. In loom weaving, a sword or batten is used to beat down the weft and also as a shedding device, though an additional shedding device may be used. In downward weaving there are neither battens nor shedding devices, the fingers taking their place, though a bodkin or other pointed instrument may be used to force the weft into position. Loom weaving begins with the Pueblo peoples and extends southward over the entire area of intense maize culture. Finger weaving is found in the salmon area, the Chilkat 56 THE AMERICAN INDIAN blanket16 being the most unique example, and covers the en tire eastern maize area. The data for the Antilles are meager, but since the natives there made some use of cotton, it is safe Fig. 18. Ojibway Weaving Frame, Showing the Suspended Warp and Method of Twining in the Weft. Weaving Proceeds Downward. See Fig. 70 to assume a loom. In South America the entire manioc area seems to have been influenced by the Andean region in that looms of some kind were in use. Cotton was raised in many parts for making hammocks, which were woven on a kind of loom.16 In fact, the loom is a correlated part of the spindle- Fig. iq. A Navajo Weaver A typical New World loom. The weaving proceeds upward Goddard, 1913. I CLOTH 57 T=SiSM F •; r — v j, *ZrJj^' --^-r — ~7~ls\ ^^ ^k''\^ \ F (\ ^^^ \ ^ / / V. rf~-Ay""l y-T ^~\ J hi jr = 'P i ^^ True Loom //} j ¦|1U Suspended Warp •/---.* F Simple Frame ^^S^o. 0 Fig. 20. Distribution of Weaving 58 THE AMERICAN INDIAN spinning complex, which we have closely associated with cotton. The chances are, therefore, that this whole loom complex spread as a unit. The distribution of downward weaving will repay further study. Thus in the Aleutian Islands flexible baskets are woven suspended, and the Ojibway and other Central Al gonkin tribes wove flexible wallets and soft bags in the same way. This, with the Chilkat blanket, gives us a broad sweep across the continent. In the main, too, this region is also the area of spinning without a spindle. Turning aside for a moment, we find a peculiar type of sage brush bark weaving in the plateaus among the Shoshoni and Salish in which parallel twisted strands are joined by widely separated rows of twined thread in pairs.17 Among the Kwa- kiutl and neighboring tribes, cedarbark is used in the same way. A similar technique for bags and mats is found around the Great Lakes and eastward. A few specimens from the Salish suggest that wild goat wool was sometimes treated in a similar fashion. It appears, then, that north of the area of intense maize culture we have in general a basketry-like basis for weaving, and that when weaving is attempted with twisted elements, it is with suspended warp as for baskets and mats. Consistent with this is the rarity of the spindle. Our problem is not simple, however, because among the modern Salish we find a frame for weaving coarse wool blan kets.18 This may have been introduced by whites, but as the batten and shedding devices are absent and the weave is downward, we still have one of the weaving characteristics of the area. Very widely spread is the weaving of blankets from twisted strips of rabbit fur, a method which has a continuous distribution from Yucatan northward in Mexico and thence over the great plateau area of the United States to Canada where it traverses about the whole of the caribou area and reaches far down into the eastern maize area. This blanket is usually woven on a frame, but also without a batten or shedding device. The • similarities between the Salish goat wool blanket and the rabbitskin blanket are so striking that CLOTH 59 one must suspect some reactionary influence. Returning to our subject, it is clear that the loom and upward weaving is a development of the South, presumably the area of intense maize culture, and that from there it was diffused around the north coast of South America and down the east side. Also the spindle method of spinning is definitely associated with the loom, though in one instance its distribution is wider. V »» Fig. 21. Cape of Sagebrush Bark, Showing a Simple Open Weave. Teit, 1900. I Space forbids going into details as to the quality of the product. From early accounts it appears that there was a remarkably high development in the Andean region. It seems that at the time of the Spanish Conquest the textile art was the chief social interest and that the whole governmental machinery was directed toward the encouragement of its production. Thus taxes, fines and tributes were levied in fine cloth. As to the qualities, we have not only the testimony of early observers, but in the desert burial grounds of Peru we have immense storehouses of prehistoric cloth preserved com pletely in the original forms and colors. Recent studies of 60 THE AMERICAN INDIAN museum collections by a textile expert 19 have shown that the fineness of weave exceeds that of any other known part of the world. As to forms of weave, we find the same techniques as in the Old World, even to the pile and gauze. Outside of America, the known weaves can mostly be traced to southern Asia; hence, it is peculiar that we should find two disconnected world centers of textiles and that each should develop the same techniques. As to the weaves and qualities of Mexico and Central America, we are far less certain, since nature has not preserved samples for us, but from historical statements we infer that they also were of a high order. In southwestern United States we have an environment analogous to that of Peru, but which has less perfectly preserved examples of cliff-house textiles. This, however, is the extreme margin of the area where, consequently, we cannot expect very high development. Our museums contain a few specimens, but they have not been studied by a textile expert. The surviving Pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico and the Navajo still weave, but to what extent they have been influenced by white contact we are not certain. For a long time they have used the wool of the domestic sheep almost exclusively, and though their work is highly prized by collectors, it is very coarse when compared with Peruvian types. Of the cotton cloth in the manioc area we have very little data. The early accounts of the southern half of the eastern maize area indicate a fair degree of textile development.20 While the information avail able is not specific, the statements of early observers lead us to suspect that tapestry and double cloth were known, and that while the typical suspended, or downward, weaving was used, some tribes used a true loom, the two-barred loom, and a loom with three cross rods for twilling buffalo-hair cord. Woven feather-work was common, and there is mention of painted cloth. Perhaps the most distinctive textile of this area was buffalo-hair weaving, this art extending far up into the Mississippi Valley.21 The Chilkat blanket of the North Pacific Coast is quite coarse in weave, though somewhat finer than the fabrics of the immediate interior. The remainder ' CLOTHING 6l of the continent, however, cannot boast anything that rises to the true cloth standard. FEATHER-WORK This seems a convenient place to note one of the most characteristic developments of New World technique, viz., feather-work. The center of the art seems to have been in Mexico, where highly decorative schemes were carried out by overlaying cloth with feathers. A few specimens have been preserved for us, but our real insight into this trait-complex is from historical accounts, particularly Sahagun. Cloaks and mantles for distinguished persons, headdresses for war leaders, and other badges of distinction were in feather mosaics.22 The less distinguished persons sometimes wore mantles of turkey feathers, an art extending to the Pueblo tribes of the United States, thence eastward through the Gulf States and northward as far as the Hudson River. On the Pacific Coast feather mosaics reach a high state of development in California basketry. Feather insignia and headdresses were conspicu ous among some of the warlike tribes of the bison area. Turning southward from Mexic°> we find a fair development of feather mosaics in Peru ;23 then out into the Amazon country where true mosaic work is rare we find one of the most char acteristic traits to be brilliant feather-head decorations. Thus, taking Mexico as the center, we see a radiation of feather-work into both continents. We may also be reminded of the very striking parallel in Hawaii and the possibility of an historical connection between the two. CLOTHING To describe the different styles of clothing for the various groups of natives is impossible in a few pages, but some of the general characteristics may be noted. The most com pletely clothed are the Eskimo and the caribou hunters of Canada. These people cut out and fit pieces of prepared skin together somewhat like a modern tailor. Moreover, their patterns are equally intricate and their skill in fitting gives distinct local styles. The southern limits of tailored skin 62 THE AMERICAN INDIAN =sr Tailored Clothing llll Textilo Clothing R Robes Fig. 23. General Types of Costume and Their Distribution CLOTHING 63 garments are practically those of the caribou area, but in modified form they extend down into the most nomadic part of the bison area. Also, in some of the inland districts of the salmon area variants appear. The whole Pacific Coast plain from the Tlingit of Alaska to Lower California was occupied by bare-footed, scantily clothed peoples, among whom the true coat and trousers were unknown. In the southern part of the eastern maize area, the costume consisted of little more than a breech or loin cloth. When needed, a robe or kind of loosely fitted cape was put on. Notwithstanding its ill adaptation to winter climate, this form of costume ex tended into New England, where, while leggings and moc casins protected the feet, the trunk was covered by a robe so arranged as to leave one arm free. This was covered by a muff-like sleeve.24 In the bison area, as far north as Dakota, where the winters are severe, the bison robe was the only upper garment. It is quite clear, therefore, that tailored skin clothing is an associate of the caribou or reindeer area, and that the only definite intrusion it makes is in the western part of the bison area and the contiguous parts of the salmon area. In the great weaving area of Mexico and the Andes, clothing is of woven cloth. The peculiarity of such clothing is that it was never cut and fitted, but each garment was worn in the form in which it came from the loom. Thus a poncho, or shirt, is rectangular, with one slit for the neck and two for the arms. In some cases very short sleeves were added, formed by folding a rectangular piece of cloth and sewing. Thus, in the textile area we find the tailor's art at its lowest. That this is not entirely a matter of environment is suggested by the weakness of tailoring among the skin-wearing tribes of Patagonia, who do little more than muffle themselves in a robe. Originally this robe was worn over one shoulder like the Algonkins of the Atlantic plain. When we look to the Old World we find a similar distribu tion. In Siberia and northern Europe, we have tailoring of reindeer skins. Across southern Asia and around the Medi terranean is the great historical textile area from which all our own fine textiles seem to have been derived. As we pro- 64 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Arctic Boot Moccasin MYYyy. Sandal ¦III Patagonian Boot I I Barefoot Fig. 24. Forms of Footwear CLOTHING 65 ceed southward into Africa and Australia we meet with peoples who wear skins, but who do not cut them into gar ments. While there is a climatic factor here, there are still other influences to be considered. Europeans and their New World offspring are the only peoples except the Chinese who specialize in the cutting and fitting of cloth. History shows that tailored garments came into Europe relatively late, whereas in China they seem to be very ancient. Now the Chinese and Europeans were in contact with the reindeer hunters of the North and when we have such continuity for the distribution of a trait we usually consider it a case of diffusion from one center.26 The continuity of the trait in Siberia and America is also clear. We see, then, that the whole tailoring art of the world has a continuous geographical distribution and centers around skin garments rather than those of cloth. It has been noted that certain peculiar styles of garment in the bison area were due to the natural form of the skins.26 This seems to be the natural consequence with a people who, lacking tailoring traditions, worked out a more complete cos tume of skins. We have noted that in the case of textiles the rectangular form necessitated by the technique of loom weaving, together with the lack of the tailoring idea, gave a characteristic form to the woven garments. In the bison area we find a skin poncho which follows so closely the main form of the textile poncho to the south that it is difficult to deny a historical relation, though, as stated above, the similarity is disguised by the peculiar contour of the edges of the skin. There are many other interesting problems in costume, but we have no space for their discussion. For example, a study of footgear is highly suggestive. Thus we find in both the Old and New World that the sandal is a correlative of textile clothing. In the bison area, moccasins have hard soles in contrast to those of the forest regions, which, considering the geographical relations, suggests the intrusion of the sandal idea, though denied by Hatt.27 Going barefoot is peculiarly prevalent on the west coast of the salmon area and is the rule in the southern half of the eastern maize area and thence 66 THE AMERICAN INDIAN through the Antilles and down the eastern side of the Andes. In Patagonia a skin shoe again appears, but the Fuegians tend to go barefoot. I. Adair, 1775. I. 2. Crawford, 191 5. 1. 3. Parker, cited by Wissler, I9I5- H. 4. Nelson, E. W., 1899. I. 5. Roth, 1910. I. 6. Kissell, 1916. II. 7. Rau, 1884. I. 8. Stefansson, 1914. I. 9. Moore, 1916. I. 10. Mason, 1904. I. 11. Kissell, 1916. I. 12. Kroeber, 1908. I. 13. Barrett, 1908. I. 14. Boas in Teit, 1909. I. 15. Emmons, 1907. I. 19 20 16. Im Thurn, 1883. I. 17. Teit, 1900. I. 18. Teit, 1909. I. Crawford, 1915. I; 1916. I. * Du Pratz, 1758. I; Lewis, T. H.F (Editor), 1907. I; Hunter, 1823. I; Adair, 1775. I; Kaim, 1772. I. 21. Bushnell, 1909. I. 22. Seler, 1904. I. 23. Mead, 1907. I. 24. Willoughby, 1905. I. 25. Hatt, 1916. I. 26. Wissler, 1915. II. 27. Hatt, 1916. I. CHAPTER IV THE CERAMIC ARTS The first point to demand our attention is the distribution of pottery in general. As nearly as can be told, at the time of discovery, North America had but one large area in which no pottery was made. If we draw a line from Ottawa to the mouth of the St. Lawrence and another to Edmonton, and then one from Edmonton to Los Angeles, we shall have, in the rough, the northern boundary to pottery making. There seems to have been a narrow strip down into the bison area that should be excepted. This extended down through the country of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche. On the other hand, certain early information for the Ojibway, Cree, and Blackfoot westward from Winnipeg, indicates that they made pottery; but this about exhausts the exceptions. Practically the whole of the Pacific belt and the great sweep of the caribou area is without pottery, but the Eskimo of Alaska and eastward at least as far as Coronation Gulf made it. Archaeological evidence does not change the boundary; hence, we may infer that the distribution of pottery was still in progress at the opening of the period of discovery and that it was distributed from the South. In Siberia we find a pottery somewhat like that of the Eskimo, which suggests that in this case the trait is intrusive from Asia. Yet, we must not over look the possibility of contact with North American potters around Hudson Bay, a region whose archaeology is absolutely unknown. The improbability of this arises from the absence of the trait from the greater part of the caribou-hunting peoples, its tendency to fail the most typical bison hunters, and that its encroachment in each case resembles the fringe of an adjoining area. We see that its extension out into Sas katchewan and Alberta is coincident with the distribution of Algonkian-speaking tribes: the Blackfoot, Cree, and Ojibway. 68 THE AMERICAN INDIAN * .rf>aix v^\ #|SM 1 * l CV i ^-^^ 7^? PXiv. ¦Ui rf ib ^^Ipw^ Vt» ;, \ ¦'¦'"¦'¦¦ I ' *» ¦! V ! ^^^^^fe^ „ * ! ^^v^P^ r-pj V . ¦<5^vr f^L feM~~ Vx"^ ( i ' / r ¦(¦'¦'•\ l\rJ/ 4/ H:X ^KY-if/} -¦ ^f / ¦ 1 \ 7[yJ&y; -r'f^ I 1 ^ ¦X/X. *f t$ ft ,-\;x, 1/ :^.» 9 Fig. 26. Distribution of Pottery CERAMICS 69 In the bison area the encroachments are chiefly among the Siouan-speaking tribes. Then, if we recall the limits of maize culture, we note a rather close agreement between the dis tributions for the two traits. As we know that maize came up from the South, it is reasonable to suppose that pottery came by the same road. As to their time relations, we cannot be so sure, for though pottery has gone a little farther than maize culture, there is a climatic limit to the latter. Over the Antilles, through Mexico, and on into South America was the great pottery region. In some places archae ologists have uncovered deposits of sherds many feet thick, suggesting an intensive pursuit of the art similar to that for textiles (p. 59). Outside of the Andean area pottery is less intense. It has been reported from sections of the manioc area throughout, from which we may infer that its distribu tion there is approximately continuous. In the South, some where near the 300 of latitude, it disappears altogether, so that about the only part of the southern continent that did not make some pretense of pottery was lower Patagonia and a portion of the Brazilian highlands. PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE The process of manufacture varied according to locality, but one general characteristic applies to all, no wheel was used in the New World. It is true that large vessels were often built up on shallow baskets and turned slowly to bring the successive parts within easy reach, but this does not involve the principle of the wheel. Even the Lacandone (Guatemala) method of supporting the pot upon a block which is turned by the feet, is not a true wheel, for the turning is merely for the sake of bringing all parts of the surface to the potter's hand.1 As a rule, all the New World potters used the coil method ; i.e., slender rods of clay were rolled out to convenient lengths and the vessel built up spirally. In some vessels from the Pueblo area the original traces of the coils were retained as decorative motives, but as a rule, the surfaces were after wards scraped smooth and to the requisite thinness. So far as we have data, the coil method was used in all of the Amazon 70 THE AMERICAN INDIAN area of South America and in southwestern and eastern United States, except in the general area about the Great Lakes. In this northern section, we have the Mandan-Hidatsa type, fully described by G. L. Wilson,2 in which the vessel is worked Fig. 27. Lower Mississippi Pottery. Holmes, 1903. I out from a single block of clay, then beaten into shape with a paddle, fired, rubbed with grease, and coated with a solution of boiled maize. Less complete, but still adequate, data from the Blackfoot, Menomini, and Pawnee indicate that in the upper Mississippi area we had a generalized type of this process in contrast to the coil method. Eastward in the northern Algonkin area our data are not so good, but it is generally believed that the coil process prevailed, except in the farthest north where the pottery was very crude. This upper Mississippi, or Mandan-Hidatsa type has a striking resemblance to Alaska-Siberian pottery. The studies of Jochelson and Bogoras 3 show one general method for Alaska and eastern Siberia, a method closely paralleling the Fig. 28. South Atlantic Pottery. Holmes, 1903. I Mandan-Hidatsa type. The Blackfoot, Menomini, Cree, and some of the adjacent tribes fired their pots by putting them over the fire, as in use, after first soaking them with fat. This is also the usual method among the Chukchee and Alaskan Eskimo. The archaeological specimens collected by Stefansson CERAMICS 71 at Cape Parry also show this crude firing. We thus have two regions of similar pottery traits, which as previously stated, may, after all, be connected west of Hudson Bay. In Mexico, Central America, and the Andean region the coil method seems to have been in use, but as to its relative position we cannot be sure. Traces of molding are seen in % prehistoric pottery from Central America and Peru, where the potter's art ceased to be mere woman's work and rose to the level of a profession. On a priori grounds the coil method Algonkin Iroquois Mandan Mounds Fig. 29. North Atlantic and Upper Mississippi Pottery. Holmes, 1903. I seems ill adapted to the fine modeling found here, yet it is clear that it is the fundamental method throughout the greater part of the pottery area. That it is the most primitive way may be doubted, since we find the crude pottery of the upper Mississippi and the trans-Bering region simply worked out from a mass. Such questions, however, must await chrono logical studies of the ceramic art. The methods of tempering clay with sand, gravel, pulverized stone, or shell, used in the New World, are not essentially dif ferent from those employed in the Old. The use of "slips," or thin washes of such clays as will give pleasing color tones was understood in most places, the exceptions being the southern coast of Brazil and Patagonia, the greater part of eastern United States, the upper Mississippi, and Alaska. In short, the use of "slips" is found wherever pottery rises above the mere utilitarian level. The principle of glaze, highly characteristic of later Old World pottery, was not understood in the New. Yet, in the Pueblo area, a true glaze was used for decoration, giving us 72 THE AMERICAN INDIAN what is known as the glazed type.4 Since this glaze does not cover the entire surface, its use could not have been to make vessels water-tight. Glazed ware has also been reported from Totonac sites near Vera Cruz and also from the vicinity of Coban, Guatemala. Fig. 30. Pottery from Southwestern United Stales However, when we turn to pottery paints the New World takes high rank. A brief visit to a museum will make this point clear. The only place where aboriginal pottery of the higher type survived the Conquest is in southwestern United States, and it is from here that most of our knowledge of processes comes. Here we find the paints of both vegetable and mineral origin, the reds and yellows from iron, the blacks from juices of plants. By proper firing, the desired colors could be made permanent. On the whole, aboriginal clay work was almost exclusively limited to ornamental and useful Fig. 31. Mexican Pottery vessels, though in a few localities in the United States the stone pipe gave way to one of clay and in certain parts of Mexico true bricks were made. POTTERY FORMS Our consideration of pottery forms may properly begin with the United States.6 On the whole, wherever , pottery is ex tensively manufactured, there is considerable variety of form, CERAMICS 73 but still the preference is given to two or three forms which may be taken as the distinguishing characteristics of the sev eral areas. For example, in the lower Mississippi Valley the most distinctive forms are the bottle-like vases and effigy bowls. Among the latter are some remarkable human heads.6 In the South Atlantic region, the bowl is the prevailing form and one type approaches the olla of the Southwest. In the North Atlantic area is the well-known pointed-bottomed jar of the Algonkin, and inland the highly original Iroquois square-topped pot. Finally, in the upper Mississippi, we find Fig. 32. Central American Pottery. MacCurdy, 1911. 1 a simple, globular, narrow-rimmed pot. The greatest variety of form is in the lower Mississippi area, where ceramics rises to the level of a true art. Proceeding southward, the next great pottery area is south western United States, where the leading forms are the shallow bowl and the bulging olla. Notwithstanding the great complexity of ceramic culture in Mexico and Central America, there is at least one characteristic form throughout, viz., a support of three long legs. There is also a tendency toward flat bottoms and cylindrical bodies in vessels not supported by legs. In Colombia and Ecuador, hourglass shapes abound, while in Peru, we find the pointed jar, the double jar of which "whistling jars" are an example, and the effigy vase, the latter reminding one of the lower Mississippi group. In southern and eastern Brazil, the most distinctive shape is the bulging burial urn, in some cases with a hood. Frequently, these urns take Jan hourglass form which is also the leading form for household pottery north of the Amazon. In addition, through- 74 THE AMERICAN INDIAN out the whole of the Amazon pottery area we find an extra ordinarily large tub-shaped vessel, and in eastern Brazil a local development of effigy jars quite parallel to that of the lower Mississippi.7 > An interesting theoretical problem lies in these pottery Fig. 33. Peruvian Pottery forms. It appears that almost everywhere the cooking pot tends toward the oval or hemispherical form and that the regional distinctions we have drawn are in vessels for other purposes, often largely ornamental. Thus, when we move northward from the lower Mississippi, pottery becomes strictly a vessel for cooking, or specifically utilitarian. In the North Atlantic area, pottery has a rival in soapstone, but vessels of this material have a form of their own which seems to have Calchaqui Brazil Brazil Guiana Fig. 34- Pottery Forms from Eastern South America. Joyce, 1912. 1.; Von den Steinen, 1897. I.; Im Thurn, 1883. 1 something in common with the cooking kettle of the eastern Eskimo. Some pottery vessels collected by Stefansson and Anderson between Hudson Bay and the Mackenzie River have corners quite like Eskimo soapstone kettles, but the better type of Alaskan ware has a shape like that common in CERAMICS 75 Aleutian baskets ; yet, if there is a fundamental ceramic con tainer concept in the New World, it is that of the globular cooking pot. The strong claims for the recognition of this form appear when we examine the animal-like vessels of Central America and the lower Mississippi in which we usually see the globular part with ornamental appendages. POTTERY DECORATION Decorations of pottery fall into two groups, those produced by secondary modeling, and true designs. The former is a prominent feature in Peru, Colombia, Central America, the lower Mississippi, and eastern Brazil. Elsewhere it is rel atively infrequent, the preference being given to painted or incised designs. The secondary modeling of the so-called Chiriqui pottery from Panama has been carefully studied by MacCurdy 8 who finds that practically all consists of efforts to represent the armadillo and the alligator. Von den Steinen has given an illuminating discussion of animal forms in eastern Brazil, in some cases so reduced by conventionalization as to appear symbolic.9 A somewhat similar study has been made of lower Mississippi pottery,10 but without the help of the makers, the specimens being prehistoric. In Colombia we find frog and monkey-like creatures represented as peeping over the rims of jars, but it is in Peru that ceramic modeling reaches its highest level. Here, we not only have animals and natural objects faithfully represented, but human heads so executed as to suggest their being portrait jars. Painted and incised ceramic decorations tend to be geometric and often closely parallel textile designs, to be discussed under the next head. We shall, therefore, defer their discussion until the whole subject of design has been considered. I. Tozzer, 1907. I. 6. Moore, 191 1. I. 2. Wilson, G. L., Am. Mus. Mss. 7. Von den Steinen, 1897. I. 3. Bogoras,i904. 1;Jochelson,i9o8. 1. 8. MacCurdy, 191 1. I. 4. Kidder, 1915. I; Nelson, N. C, 9. Von den Steinen, 1897. I, p. 264. 1916. I. 10. Holmes, 1903. I. 5. Holmes, 1903. I. CHAPTER V DECORATIVE DESIGNS In the preceding discussions we have ignored the most interesting and suggestive sides of textiles and ceramics, namely, their decorations. Wherever such products occur we almost always find them richly ornamented by designs in color which constitute the greater part of the decorative art of their makers. Taking the New World decorative designs as a whole, we are impressed with their extreme geometric un representative character and the rarity of realistic art. A stroll through a large museum reveals an astonishing complexity of geometrical design in contrast to similar collections from the Old World. Nowhere else do we find anything in basketry approaching the finest basketry decorations of the Pacific Coast or in pottery that of the Andean region. From the standpoint of aesthetic values, the ancient Old World products may be rated as superior, but the range and richness of geo metric design in the New World cannot be denied. Anthropologists have given the subject of decorative design a great deal of attention, and we consequently have for the tribes of the northern continent a body of special research literature not equalled by that for any other part of the world. Quite recently, the use of ceramic design as an index to chron ology and relationship in extinct cultures has appeared as a special method in archaeological research and promises a con siderable development in the near future.1 Unfortunately, no such progress has been made in the art of the southern continent or even for the Antilles and Mexico. Our first task, therefore, is to consider rather fully the status of the North American design problem and then to view the southern continent from that horizon. TEXTILE DESIGNS If we compare the decorations upon a representative series of baskets from the Rocky Mountain region with those upon DECORATIVE DESIGNS 77 a series of pottery vessels from Arizona and New Mexico, there seems to be a definite similarity. Closer inspection suggests that this is true because certain combinations of angles and checker patterns are common to both. The chief point of difference is that curved lines and realistic figures are rare in basketry, whereas they occur with somewhat greater frequency on the pottery in question. Again, if we examine the blankets of the Navajo, we find a series of designs strikingly like those upon the basket series. Since we know that the Navajo weaving is of recent origin, we infer that many of their blanket designs were borrowed from basketry and because of the much greater distribution of the latter, that the pottery designs were also greatly influenced thereby. An important point has been made that the technique of weaving itself places certain form limitations upon designs which tend to make them similar, irrespective of the wishes of the artist.2 In all weaving we have a geometrical relation between the warp and weft elements since they have a right- angle relation to each other and, in the main, can build up a design by equal rectangular units only. In basketry these units are usually so large that diagonals can only be run as steps and even in cloth it is difficult to escape this effect. These stepped designs and diagonal rows of small squares constitute one of the prevailing characteristics of textile art, so that in our dis cussions of design distribution we must make full allowance for similarities due to the limitations imposed by the weaving technique. For example, we find a certain type of designs for cane bas kets in Louisiana, and passing over to northern South Amer ica,3 we find baskets of similar materials with designs almost identical. In this case we have other facts that suggest this similarity to be but another example of culture diffusion. Yet, we can find baskets in some of the Pacific. Islands which can scarcely be distinguished from cane baskets of the New World, if we consider the designs only, and in this case there is no good reason for expecting diffusion. The limitations set by weaving are more clearly shown when realistic figures are attempted (Fig. 35). Painted pottery, 78 THE AMERICAN INDIAN on the other hand, imposes no such restrictions in the matter of design, but leaves the hand free to make curves of any form. Accordingly, when we find the aboriginal potters of Arizona Fig. 35. Types of Textile Design, a, Checker; b. Twill; c, A Typical Pattern from Cane Basketry; d. Design from the Penn Treaty Wampum Belt; e, Bird Figure from Peruvian Cloth; i. Design on a Peruvian Basket. Holmes, 1888. I and New Mexico using a great array of checked and angular patterns, with stepped lines, we must necessarily refer them to textiles. DESIGNAREAS 79 Another significant point is that the extensive use of realistic figures in cloth occurs only where weaving is highly developed, as in Peru and Mexico. When we examine examples of such decorations as are preserved in our museum collections, we note that even so, these figures are greatly distorted to make their contours coincide with the fixed lines of weaving. Fur ther, it is also in these same localities that pottery decorations become more realistic, suggesting that some allowance must be made for the degrees of complexity in the culture of the weavers. It may be that the simple designs upon New England pottery are about all that can be expected from such a crude cultural setting. Yet, we must conclude that in the earlier stages of their historical developments in the New World both textiles and pottery were decorated with geometric designs and that the use of realistic figures came later. This is somewhat at variance with a current theory of art genesis which considers geometric art to be mere conventionalizations of earlier realistic figures. We have already noted how the weaving technique itself conventionalized all figures and have recognized other factors producing conventional effects, but the cultural conditions in the New World do not seem con sistent with the above theory of design origin. The total distribution of the several types of design points clearly to a development from the simplest geometrical textile designs to the realistic textile figures. DISTRIBUTION OF DESIGNS Like many other culture traits, designs tend to fall into geographical groups. While the boundaries to such areas can not always be drawn with great precision, their centers can be located without much difficulty. We have noted that California seemed to be the center of the highest attainments in basket-making, and it so happens that this is also the great center for basketry designs. As indicated on the map (Fig. 17) the basketry area includes the great plateau region extending from well up into British Columbia southward to the non- Pueblo tribes of Arizona and New Mexico. Here we saw that two kinds of technique were in use, coil and woven bas- 8o THE AMERICAN INDIAN ketry, usually twined weaving, and that while tribes tend, to specialize now in one of these and then in another, this vari ation seems to have little effect upon the'designs, for the same innm Fig. 37. Decorative Design Areas in North America: 1, North Pacific Coast Center; 2, California Center; 3, Southwest, or Pueblo Center; 4, Plains, or Bison Center; 5, Eastern Center — subtypes a and b; 6, Southeastern, or Gulf Center designs occur upon both. The coil . technique offers great freedom in design because of its similarity to embroidery; but this is, perhaps, compensated by the trick of overlaying mii"*** Types of North American Basketry i:l§ti Fig. 38. A Pomo Basket, California DESIGNAREAS 8l twined strands with thin strips of colored materials to pro duce the designs. In the inland salmon area, coil baskets are decorated by imbrication, which is also an ingenious overlay, and for that reason was most likely derived from twine over lay. The basketry of the Tlingit gives a different type of decoration, chiefly in the use of bands of overlay, but these are a secondary part of the art of the North Pacific area to which we shall return later. Another important art center is to be found among the Pueblo peoples of the Southwest where we see an exuberant development of pottery designs and blanket decorations.4 Archaeological collections6 show that, if anything, there has been a deterioration in pottery decoration during the historic period but, on the other hand, there seems to have been a marked development in blanket designs. We are clear that Navajo textiles have passed through a development of this kind, for the old specimens are almost entirely striped.6 While Navajo weaving is supposed to be of recent origin, it is obvious that the designs were not copied from European techniques, but from aboriginal American models. Further, we have some textile remains from cliff ruins in which striped decorations are the rule and the same tendency is shown in Hopi and Zuni weaving. A few exceptional specimens have come to notice that bear designs of another character, partic ularly those from the Gila River;7 but these are toward the south and may therefore be intrusive. However, our most important problem in this area is to be found in pottery decoration. If we consider modern Pueblo pottery only, we find that its designs are largely geometric in appearance, although a strong realistic tendency is also plainly evident. Even many of the highly conventionalized geometric forms prove to be symbols of mountains, clouds, thunder, rain, etc., while among them appear unmistakable drawings of plants and animals. Yet, taking modern pottery as a whole, the geometrical character of the designs seems to predominate. In the discussions of southwestern chronol ogy, we shall see that the more widely diffused and older type of pottery is decidedly geometric in character. Thus, two of 82 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 39. Beaded and Painted Designs of the Plains Indians. Kroeber, 1902. I DESIGNAREAS 83 the favorite design concepts are the simple checker textile pattern and the step or "terrace." Again, if we look almost anywhere in the Pueblo area we shall find these patterns occurring. They have so sure a place in textile art and lend themselves so much less readily to freehand work that a non-pottery origin is suggested. Quite recently a localized tendency toward realistic pottery painting has come to notice in southwestern New Mexico, but even here we also meet with the familiar geometric designs.8 Adjoining the southwest and east of the great basketry area is the bison area, which is weak in basketry and cloth, but still has a highly developed embroidery of beads and quills in which the designs are geometric and manifest many of the characteristics of textile designs.9 In fact, the way in which beads and quills are handled in this area requires that designs be built up by accretions of small rectangular surface contours, which is just what we have in weaving. If our general prin ciple of technique limitations holds, we should expect to find geometric forms prevailing. This is exactly what we do find (Fig. 39)- Even among the basket-making Apache of the Southwest, we find objects of skin decorated with designs upon covered surfaces of beads. This is clearly an intrusion from the bison area because it is only now and then that we find identity between the designs on Apache baskets and objects of skin, each having a style of its own. On the other hand, these beaded designs are quite like those found far out into the buffalo country. These buffalo hunters did not decorate pottery, in fact, some did not even make it, but they did paint rawhide objects and, strange to say, even this freehand work was in geometric designs not at all unlike those in beads and quills. While the reason for this is not entirely clear, we note that all the beadwork is by women, who also paint the geometric designs, whereas the men who paint upon robes, v tents, etc., use realistic figures. This suggests that the differ ence may be merely a matter of social convention. An important problem is the origin of Plains art as a whole. Though we have shown that bead technique imposes textile 84 THE AMERICAN INDIAN limits upon the decorations, the fact that the Plains area is in direct contact with basketry-making peoples and the weavers of the Southwest reveals the possibility of diffusion. While this, like most other problems, is one for the future, there are several good reasons for believing that the art of the bison, or Plains area, is in the main an independent development. In the first place, its center is in the very heart of the area, while it is weakest on the margins. In its great western, Sho- shoni fringe we find a condition not unlike that of the Apache in that beadwork and basketry exist side by side but with different design systems. There is, however, a more direct approach to the problem by the analytic comparison of designs. Kroeber 10 has care fully analyzed the designs of California baskets and Plains beadwork in search of the prevalent design units. When these are found, they prove to be, in the main, very simple geometric forms and though many can be very closely matched for the two areas, their very simplicity, taken with the prin ciple of textile limitation, lessens the probability of their common origin. On the other hand, if we take more complex design wholes we find very little correspondence between the two areas, for each has a number of highly unique designs not found in any other part of the world. Hence, even this method tends to assert independence of origin. To the north and east of the Plains area we have another art area in which neither ceramics nor true textiles play an important part. This region comprises the greater part of the caribou area and the northern half of the eastern maize area, a region in which, although the decorations are again by beads and quills, there is yet a distinct type of design. Here we have exactly the opposite of the preceding, for instead of textile-like designs we find curved figures and more or less realistic, plant-like forms. The cause for this very extra ordinary contrast is an important problem. When we try to locate the geographic center of this art, it proves somewhat elusive, but closer inspection reveals two sub-centers, one in eastern Canada, the other near Lake Superior. The eastern sub-type has been brought to notice i t DESIGNAREAS 85 by Speck11 under the designation double-curve art (Fig. 42). These curved designs, while obviously resembling vines and leaves, are still somewhat less realistic than beadwork de signs of the western sub-type, perhaps because of their greater conventionalization. Though these curved designs do occur in beads and quill, they are more frequently found incised in birchbark or painted on skins. The best-known examples of the latter are the Naskapi coats in museum collections. These observations suggest that this eastern sub-center was originally dominated by freehand work upon skins and bark O 0 y.',JV/YYY.AVimMIUJJUA Fig. 41. Design Elements Used in Plains Indian Beadwork. Kroeber, 1908. II from which the somewhat similar beaded designs were most likely copied. No cloth is made here and practically no woven decorated basketry, but we find some woven wampum belts and some bands of quill and moose-hair interwoven with bast fiber, in which the designs tend to be geometric. So far, we do not recall a single example of the double-curve art in these truly woven objects. All this suggests that we have here at the eastern sub-center a type of design which developed from freehand drawing upon skins and birchbark. When we turn to the western sub-type we find practically no painting upon skins or decorative drawing upon bark and the beaded decorations correspondingly more numerous and decidedly floral. From this sub-center come those admirably beaded flowers seen in our museum collections. Speck 12 has included the more conventionalized examples of these under 86 THE AMERICAN INDIAN his double-curve motive, but all they have in common seems to arise from their universal floral foundations. While there is little in the way of skin painting accompanying the west ern sub-type of beading, there is a far greater textile develop- Fig. 42. Decorations on Birchbark from Eastern North America. The upper figures represent the side and bottom of a bark vessel from the Penobscot Indians. The lower sketch is a typical "double curve" design. (Center 5b, Fig. 37.) Speck, 1914. I ment, especially at the sub-center. The weaving of bands containing quills or moose-hair is a feature in the Dene region. From the Ojibway of Wisconsin southward, we find a rather high development of bag weaving and many forms of mats. The designs upon quill bands and mats are almost without DESIGNAREAS 87 exception geometric, while bags show two forms — purely tex tile geometric and realistic animal figures. Drawing and sketching upon birchbark was developed almost to the point of writing and in that sense was not decorative. It was, how ever, entirely pictographic. Wooden objects were not infre quently adorned with incised curved designs somewhat like the floral effects in beads. The chief differences, therefore, be tween the two sub-centers are the disturbing textile develop ments in the west, with a decided realistic tendency in bead- work, while in the east freehand double-curve floral figures prevailed. The similarities are in the more fundamental character — a predominatingly freehand floral decoration. In the preceding areas we found textiles or embroidery techniques in the majority, and at the same time the decorative art was geometric. But here in the north and east we find textiles extremely weak; yet, when they do appear they tend to geo metric forms. Beadwork, however, more often followed the freehand motives than not. So we see here the suggestion of a chronological relation in that this particular beaded art was derived from bark and skin decorations. The extreme floral character of some of this beadwork has led many to regard the whole as a post-Columbian develop ment. The very wide distribution of the Cree and Montagnais, together with their very early intimate association with French colonists, presents a favorable condition to rapid diffusion. Yet, the very characteristic double-curve art on bark and painted skins cannot be attributed to Europeans. All that can reasonably be conceded is that their trade stimulated the use of beads, and their decorative preferences tended to em phasize the old floral character. On the other hand, there seems not the least reason to doubt that the very striking beaded flowers of the west are due to European influence. Strange to say, all the regions we have so far considered are almost completely innocent of carving or modeling in the round, everything being flat. But we now turn to the North Pacific Coast and Eskimo areas where carving is the leading art. Faint traces of carving appear at the northern border of California and grow stronger as we ascend the coast until we 88 THE AMERICAN INDIAN reach the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands which seems to be its geographical center. In the central part of the area we find the great totem poles and colossal grave figures, be sides an endless array of smaller objects, all in wood. As we proceed still farther northward, wood tends to disappear and ivory to take its place. Like most other traits, ivory carving begins to be frequent with the Tlingit and gradually grows in intensity as wood disappears, the difference appearing merely as a matter of environment. Then as we go around the north coast of Alaska and eastward along the extended habitat of the Eskimo, carving almost dies out. This peculiar distribu tion among the Eskimo suggests an indirect historical relation with the carving center. The intense development of carving at this center has a noticeable effect upon decoration. Boas 13 has shown how the very curious relief carving upon the outsides of wooden vessels results from an attempt to carry around the contour of animals or men in such a way that the whole may stand for a realistic model. Naturally, when flat surfaces are treated the whole figure is spread out upon it. Sometimes these de signs are merely laid out in color and though no doubt more conventionalized thereby, they are still the undeniable off spring of carving. All this is a feature of the central group of tribes where the art is most intense and where it is, in part, at least, the expression of a very complex system of beliefs concerning family ancestors. North from the Tlingit and south from the Nootka of Vancouver Island we have many vessels carved in the life-like forms of animals, but practically no trace of the relief ornamentation just mentioned, a fact which strongly suggests that this feature is purely a develop ment of the more intense art at the center and that it is, there fore, relatively recent. We have noted that there is also a textile center in this region, but we now see that it does not coincide with that for carving, its location being inland among the Salish peoples. Emmons 14 has made a good case for the relatively recent introduction of the Chilkat blanket to that tribe. In this famous textile we usually find the queer spread-out animal Fig- 43- Art of the North Pacific Coast Indians as Represented in the American Afuseunz of Natural History DESIGNAREAS 89 forms noted above and not the usual type of textile designs. It has been clearly shown that this decoration was directly copied from house fronts.16 Now, if the blanket came from the Southeast it must have arisen in a place and at a time too re mote to have incorporated this decoration at the start. In fact, there is evidence of several sorts to show that these textiles were originally decorated with bands of small geometric figures. The basketry of the Haida and Tlingit 16 shows a similar banded style, and this, in turn, has a curious resemblance to the quill woven bands of the Dene people of the adjacent caribou area. The significance of the latter is not clear. Thus, we find in this art area a good example of conflict between a carving center and a textile one, the Chilkat blanket being about the only compromise. The Eskimo of Alaska took up basketry but not its design decoration. Next we turn to a more difficult problem; namely, the art of the southern half of the eastern maize area. The data available are so much less adequate than for the preceding that one must hesitate to even enter such a discussion. For though, as stated elsewhere, we have historical records vouch ing for a higher textile development in the Gulf States than in the North, no specimens have come down to us. There are reasons for suspecting that the bag weaving we have noted for the upper section of the Mississippi Valley is in a large meas ure the fringe of this area, but without some corroborative data we are scarcely justified in formulating it as an assump tion. Basketry has survived in Louisiana,17 where we find cane weaving in designs of black and red. As previously stated, the material and technique restrict designs to just such as we find here, and from this it may be inferred that they truly represent the former basketry art of the whole south eastern area. What may be the relation of the pottery found here to the historic tribes is also a puzzle. If this pottery was extant at the period of discovery, then one of the most dis tinctive design concepts was the spiral scroll. When we turn to the art of the intense culture area, our problem becomes very largely one of archaeology and the yet undetermined sequences of culture, because the thoroughness 90 THE AMERICAN INDIAN of the Spanish conquest practically obliterated the native culture. No doubt careful research would still reveal many surviving traits in the present populations of these countries but such studies have not been sufficiently numerous to assist us. As suggestions we may cite Tozzer's 18 study of the Lacandones as a surviving Maya people. With numerous dense groups of people, as in ancient Mexico and Peru, where a political organization gradually overflowed and submerged the successive local groups, there must have been a great variety of art types that persisted in the homely affairs of life; but the succeednig centuries of European trade Fig. 44. Prehistoric Sketches of Textile Designs from the Maya, Spinden, 1913. 1 seem to have swept them into oblivion. For Mexico and southward we have no clear idea of the aboriginal textile development. Among the present Huichol 19 we find con siderable weaving in which the designs have a marked realistic tendency. So far as known, this is a trait of the modern textile art for the whole stretch of country from the Rio Grande to Panama. While it is certain that we have here a result due in part to contact with Spanish culture, there is no reason for assuming that a new textile art was created since the conquest. The general similarity to Peru, in the range and direction of conventionalization, is sufficient warrant for assuming an original textile art of a similar level. We may, however, get some idea of Maya textile design from the known sculptures and codices.20 According to early Spanish author ities, the Maya peoples were the most expert weavers in New Spain, which statement, if true, enables us to gauge the whole state of the art from the illustrations the native artists have left us. From these the specific resemblances to modern DESIGN AREAS 91 native Mexican weaving are clear 21 and also the general re semblance to Peruvian styles previously noted (Fig. 45). When we turn to the pottery of this region, even less sur vives among the living peoples so that any study of the ceramic art also becomes essentially archaeological. However, the mmm* Fig. 45- Mexican Textile Designs. The costumed figure is from a Prehistoric Maya Drawing (Spinden, 1913. I.), but the other sketches represent the work of modern Huichol Indians (Lumholtz, 1904. I.), in Northern Mexico ceramic collections in our museums are not extensively em bellished with painted designs. In contrast to the pottery of the Pueblo area they are plain, modeling in relief and realistic painting here taking the place of mere design. In the Panama area, including Costa Rica and the Chiriqui district, we have a complex of alligator and armadillo designs, recalling again Peruvian and some modern Mexican textile decorations.22 In a few instances the Maya were particularly successful with 92 THE AMERICAN INDIAN l@S3BOIs Fig. 46. A Series of Peruvian Designs. Mead, 1 916. I DESIGNAREAS 93 textile-like designs for mosaic and stucco work", but these, the well-known case of Mitla in Mexico,23 and the single example at Chanchan, Peru, are the striking exceptions to the rule that wherever architectural embellishment is undertaken, it tends toward realistic carving. When we come to South America, we find that certain acci dents have preserved us a good series of aboriginal textiles from Inca culture. In the technique of design these ancients were remarkably proficient, even to the extent of using com plex color sequences.24 On the whole, their designs tend to be realistic figures: men, cats, birds and fish being distinguish able in many degrees of conventionalization. In fact, we find here the best illustrations of the geometric biases in loom weaving. Associated with this art is an equally superior development of pottery decoration. One prominent feature of this pottery is the introduction of life forms, so that we have jars representing persons, birds, monkeys, fishes, etc., in which the modeling is of a high order. The decorations are in both color and incised work. In color, we have the great triumph of Nasca and Titicaca ware, so far superior to anything yet discovered in the New World. The painted designs upon this pottery are comparable to those upon cloth in that they have the same realistic tendencies. Certain fixed conventional forms appear both on pottery and cloth, suggesting the fundamental unity of design concepts for both ceramics and textiles. As we go out from Peru in either direction, pottery decora tions become inferior; consequently, we may be sure that the center of the art was in that country. The great problem for the future is to discover the historical relations of this center to the adjacent cultures. If we follow around the north coast and down into Brazil we find greater use of painted pottery decorations than in the corresponding parts of North America. No doubt one factor in this distribution is the presence of the very strong Peruvian art center. In a similar way this Peru vian influence can be seen in Chile and the adjacent parts of Argentina, presumably again connecting with eastern Brazil. As to the textile designs in these outlying regions, we are so ignorant that little can be said, though the explorations of 94 THE AMERICAN INDIAN German anthropologists 26 among the wilder peoples of east ern Brazil give us a fair idea of designs in a few localities. As previously noted, we find here the designs peculiar to cane basketry in all parts of the world ; however, some textile work exists in which simple striped designs occur, though on the whole the designs are similar to those upon basketry. Painted decorations upon bark and wood are also found which have a geometric character; but these are almost entirely made up of triangles. In the northwest Amazon country there is an identity be tween pottery designs and those used in body painting.26 The colors are laid on in large masses, but in the form of true tex tile designs. A similar style of body painting has been re ported for Panama. This relatively brief survey of New World art reveals some interesting general characteristics. The experience of anthro pologists shows that by generalizing design characteristics we can consistently differentiate a few centers of development and influence. These prove also to be centers of specialization in industrial art. For example, the tribes of California are la mentably deficient in everything but basketry. Again, we see that geometric art and realistic decoration tend to be antag onistic to each other in the sense that wherever one pre dominates the other adjusts itself to it. But while this is so strikingly true of the centers we find many interme diately situated peoples practising the two or more special arts of the nearest centers, but less successfully. In North America particularly, we find a tendency for women to pro duce the geometric art and men the realistic. That this has an important psychological basis is unlikely since the distinc tion is clearest among the groups where hunting is the chief work of the men. Here the textile arts fall to the women, who thus find their activities limited. Among the Pueblo peoples on the other hand, where the men wove, we still find geometric art. Finally, we must not forget that we have been but skimming over the surface of a very complex problem. Each small ter ritory presents its own particular characteristics. Art, too, Fig. 47. A Peruvian Poncho This is a prehistoric textile of fine weave and typical in design SYMBOLISM 95 has everywhere strong individualities which tend to obscure the common elements, thus making every thorough survey of even a small area extremely exacting. The work of Kroeber 27 in California demonstrates that often the large areas we have designated can be resolved into many small geographical sub- areas, which can, in some cases, be further differentiated into tribal types. However, all this is too intricate for discussion here. SYMBOLISM No discussion of our subject, however brief, can disregard symbolism. Though an old subject, it seems to have been given new life by Von den Steinen's observations in Brazil 28 and Haddon's 29 vigorous exposition of the realistic origin theory. Following this, with Boas 30 as leader, a number of American anthropologists began an intensive study of de signs in the basketry and beadwork areas we have discussed. It was found that all tribes have names for many of their designs and in some cases, at least, employ these names to express ideas. Since these are almost always derived from familiar objects, as bird, feather, tree, etc., we are confronted with the possibility that the names were given at a time when the design was truly pictographic. This theory must be con sidered notwithstanding that we found certain objections to such origins in the influence of the technique. Accordingly, we have this problem: When a design is called by a definite name, is that name a clue to its historic origin? The study of design names shows that this nomenclature develops according to the practical needs of the workers, for among the Pomo 31 and Dakota,32 who lead in their respective centers, designs have been analyzed into their structural el ements and names given to the same. Further, when definite composite designs have been established, the names of the separate design elements in the complex are compounded into a single term. In other words, we have an intense systema- tization of design composition, with a corresponding terminol ogy. When we turn to less specialized decorations like the Maidu 33 and Arapaho u we find that they have a much longer 96 THE AMERICAN INDIAN list of design names, which upon inspection prove to be the result of a less elaborate classification and a failure to compre hend the advantages of design analysis. This forcibly suggests that the present association between a design and its name is quite likely to be the result of other than genetic causes. D ? D m WM, nn wm V DUD m v ^ V ^ V Fig. 48. A Series of Designs and Their Names, from the Dakota Indians: a, Twisted; b, Full-of -points; c. Forked tree; d, Dragon-fly; e, Filled-up; i. Tripe; g, Feathers; h, Leaf; i, Tent; j, Arrow; k, Three- row; 1, Vertebra; m, Whirlwind; n.Bag; o, Pointed; p, Trails; q, Cut-out Another way of testing the case is to compare the designs associated with one name. For example, from the special lit erature we find "flying goose" designs among the Tlingit, Thompson, Pit River, Maidu, Wintun, and Yurok, but we fail to find these designs identical or even similar. The tab- SYMBOLISM 97 ulation of "butterfly" designs gives the same kind of result. The converse of this experiment is to take a single design and tabulate its names. Thus, the Pomo "quail tip" design is found elsewhere under the names bushes, pine cones, moun tains, squirrel foot, and foot. This suggests that we must allow for the borrowing of both designs and names indepen dently, or at least for the former. Now while this is very good argument against the wide application of the design name theory of origin, it does not by any means prove that in the beginning the decorator did not copy from nature, for subsequent and repeated borrowing would completely disassociate the names. On the other hand, the steady growth of this art would produce a conventional naming system of whose existence we have good evidence in the published studies. Also, the acquisition of textile decora tion requires the comprehension of simple steps, or elements, before mastery can be acquired over complexes. It is incon ceivable that decorative art began with the most complicated designs and developed into the simplest; and although it sometimes happens that designs do degenerate to mere dots and bars, yet there is no reason for believing that the whole of decorative design was evolved in this way. Unfortunately, we lack similar studies for pottery decora tions, but the objective analysis of certain local types by Fewkes 35 gives us ground for suspecting an analogous relation of names and designs. It is clear, however, that in pottery decoration we have different technical conditions; yet, one must assume that beginners would start with very simple forms, as in textiles. However, in the art of most peoples we find a few designs that rise to the level of true symbols. Among the best known New World symbols are the cloud terraces of the Pueblo peoples and the "whirling logs" or swastika 36 of the Navajo. The list is, however, very short, but in addition we find many degrees of symbolic association as among the Arapaho, where current designs were often chosen by an individual to stand for some personal interests peculiar to himself. Again, not a single case of real symbolism has so far been reported for the 98 'THE AMERICAN INDIAN many basket makers of California. Its strongest development is in the Southwest which is, perhaps, the center of its northern dispersion. Among the Navajo we note that because of their sacred character the true symbols are not used in blankets, and in the Plains we further note that the conventional and aesthetic relations are practically never modified to meet the demands of interpretation; it is always the latter that is sac rificed. All this indicates that we are dealing with decoration primarily, upon which is occasionally grafted some symbolism. The facts are that practically all of the religious art of the Fig. 49. True Symbols. The first represents the clouds, or "cloud terrace" of the Pueblo Indians; the second, the swastika, or "whirling logs" of the Navajo New World is highly realistic and, therefore, stands apart from the art of ordinary decoration. In conclusion, we may recall our initial question: Is the pattern name at its inception symbolic, or even representa tive? We can safely say that in most cases it was certainly neither. The suggestion is that symbolic art is primarily realistic, and that many true symbols may be explained as derived from pictures; but true symbols are relatively rare in the geometric designs we have studied and we have conse quently no good reason for assuming that many of these as a class were once realistic. In short, the problem is an historical one. We have seen that geometric art is sometimes under pressure from realistic art and perhaps is always so. Hence, the feeling that its designs should be representative may universally arise and so account for all these design interpre tations as secondary phenomena. SYMBOLISM I. 2.3. 4 56.7 8 9. 10.11.12. 13-14-15- 16.17- 18. 19- 20. Spinden, 1913. 1; Kidder, 1915.I. Holmes, 1888. I. Schmidt, 1905. I, p. 330. Kidder, 1915. I; James, 1914. I. Fewkes, 1898. I. James, 1914. I. Hough, 1907. I. Fewkes, 1914. I. Boas, 1903, I; Kroeber,i9o8. II. Kroeber, 1905. I. Speck, 1914. I. Speck, 1914. I. Boas, 1897. I. Emmons, 1907. I. Boas, in Emmons, 1907. I. Emmons, 1903. I. Swanton, 191 1. I. Tozzer, 1907. I. Lumholtz, 1900. I. Spinden, 1913. I, p. 148. 99 21. Lumholtz, 1904. I. 22. Holmes, 1888. II; MacCurdy, 1911. I. 23. Joyce, 1914. I. 24. Mead, 1906. I. 25. Von den Steinen, 1897. I; Koch- Griinberg, 1908. I. 26. Whiffen, 1915. I. 27. Kroeber, 1905. I. 28. Von den Steinen, 1897. I. 29. Haddon, 1902. I. 30. Boas, 1903. I. 31. Barrett, 1908. I. 32. Wissler, 1904. I. 33. Dixon, 1902. I. 34. Kroeber, 1902. I. 35. Fewkes, 1914. I. 36. Wilson, Thomas, 1896. I.; Matthews, 1902. I. CHAPTER VI ARCHITECTURE The only regions in which building rises to the level of archi tecture are those occupied by the higher cultures of Mexico and Peru. Roughly considered, there are indications of three centers of development: Maya, Nahua and Inca, though in last analysis we may find but two, the Maya and Inca, using those terms in their broadest sense. The chief characteristics common to both are rectangular groundplans, massive masonry walls, often of rubble, and the absence of the arch. The last is probably the most important factor, for the clumsy method of a stepped ceiling, closed by a slab of stone, not only doomed the builders to narrow rooms, but required very thick, firm walls for their support. The published plans of the most typical ruins show long, narrow rooms or tiers of rooms, the widest so far reported being 14 feet.1 That these ancient builders were aware that at best this method of vaulting gave but weak support, is shown by the tendency to support upper stories upon a solid masonry core around which the lower rooms were grouped.2 This may also be one cause for the relative infrequency of storied structures and the almost universal practice of securing height and elevation by building upon artificial or natural mounds (Fig. 52). The necessity for narrow rooms no doubt led to the enclosed rectangular court plan, which prevailed both in the North and the South (Fig. 51). Curved or circular walls are very rare and when found are isolated and not a part of a rectangular building. Consequently, we have a plain rectangular contour as a uni versal character. Windows are very rare, especially in the North, and the doors are usually rectangular with straight lintels. Colon nades formed with rectangular stone supports are common, and in a few cases we meet with the cylindrical pillar, but it ARCHITECTURE IOI did not develop far enough to constitute an architectural feature. Some remarkable feats of masonry are found, and the skill of these ancients in handling cement and transport ing huge masses of stone excites our admiration. Fig. so. A Cross-Section ofthe Temple ofthe Cross, Palenque, Chiapas. Holmes, 1893-1897. I In the essential characteristics we have noted, there is little to distinguish between the buildings of Peru and Yucatan, though, as we shall see presently, they did have important differences. The present state of our knowledge suggests that all the ruins of southern Mexico and of the adjoining Central American states are historically related; but the type seems to disappear toward the Isthmus and reappears in Ecuador. 102 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The disconnection of these two centers in the face of their common structural characteristics presents an interesting problem as to how much of this is due to borrowing. If we SBiiiiiilHHS 264 FT <& H- s-JIII] EIIIIL. 279 FT Fig. si. Groundplan of the House of the Nuns, Uxmal, Yucatan. Morgan, 1881. I take a little broader view, we shall find certain more widely distributed building concepts. First, the pyramidal mound for burial seems to extend from northern Mexico to the Isthmus and then to recur in Colombia, passing through Ecuador and down into the coast of Old Peru. At least in one part of the ARCHITECTURE 103 Inca domain we find buildings upon them. In fact, their gen eral absence in Old Peru is accounted for by the rocky nature of the country, which affords sites of natural elevation to which buildings were frequently adjusted by terraces.3 It may be of interest to note that the pyramid mound both for burial and building sites extends up into the Mississippi FIRST LEVEL SECOND LEVEL A B CD E F Fig. 32. Elevations and Groundplans of the Ruin Known as Santa Rosa Xlabpak, Yucatan. Spinden, 191 3. I Valley as far as the famous Cahokia of Illinois, and that this distribution is continuous with the general mound area of the upper valley. In other words, the occurrence of mounds of this type has a generally continuous distribution from the Great Lakes of the North to the coast of Old Peru of the South. Throughout, they are most numerous in level districts. The northern limits of building attributed to the Nahua are on the Gulf Coast about the 24° of latitude, or in striking distance of the Rio Grande. Though all the later northern buildings are far less preserved than those of the older Maya, IO4 THE AMERICAN INDIAN they seem to have one suggestive difference, the absence of the vaulted ceiling and the consequent increased size- of rooms. The rooms were probably flat and supported by beams resting upon internal pillars where necessary (Fig. 53). It seems strange that the Maya did not make more use of wood, but the Nahua style reminds us of Pueblo architecture, where beams of wood support the ceilings and roofs.4 Thus again, we have an interesting case of continuous distribution. It is certain that the large and imposing ruins did not house the bulk of the population. The surviving examples show that the prevailing habitation was a small, rectangular one-room house whose essential structure, when of stone or adobe, was the same as found in the several units of the so-called palaces and temples, except that the roof was thatched. In Peru, the roofs were often supported by ridge poles which would give us about the same interior effect as the stepped ceilings. The walls of the houses take three forms, all of which may be encountered on either continent; namely, stone, adobe and mud reinforced with canes or wattling. Studies among the Pueblos of New Mexico have indicated that when we know more of that area we shall find a period of single detached adobe and stone rectangular houses preceding the composite pile of the modern pueblo. In fact, the Pueblo Indians of the present show a disposition to revert to the detached house, which does not materially differ from a single unit in the vil lage structure. In like manner, we find in Peru a grouping of single houses around a court so as to form a complete enclo sure, and the groundplan of these is not essentially different from those of the preceding structures. Similar conditions have been reported for the Maya district. We see, then, that in at least two particulars we have a broad cultural base for the highly specialized building arts of the Maya and Inca. That all these widely distributed char acters result by diffusion from these two centers is scarcely logical, for even cultures are not built of nothing, but all have a long train of historical antecedents. It is much more reason able to assume that diffusion, and perhaps other factors, brought a certain extended uniformity in house-building ARCHITECTURE 105 before the final burst of higher culture in these two centers. Granting-that in this burst they may have been independent, they nevertheless had the same heritage from which to fashion their art. One argument for their independence is to be found in the secondary decorative features. In this respect the northern buildings are far in the lead. The embellishment of the facades is often intricate and full round sculptures are let into the walls by tenons; stucco reliefs are built out upon rough skel etons of stone work; and elaborate mosaics of separately carved stones are arranged so as to make grotesque faces, as Fig. S3. Restored Section of the HaU of the Six Columns, Mitla, Mexico. Holmes, 1893-1897. I well as geometric patterns. A special feature is the use of monolithic monuments commonly called stelae, placed around and among buildings, the surfaces of which are richly carved with pictographs and hieroglyphs. The exterior and inside ornamentation was often painted in a very skilful way. When we turn to Peru, such monuments are conspicuously absent and the exteriors of the buildings are, in the main, plain,6 Still, we have an approach to it in the celebrated stucco walls of Chanchan, bearing an elaborate textile design, and in the inland we find trades of painting upon smooth stucco, suggesting that there was a great deal of such orna mentation that has disappeared. Then we have a few noted monoliths, as the Chavin stone and the very remarkable gate way at Tiahuanaco. To these may be added the curious sculptures at San Augustine, Colombia. Both the stucco and the monolithic carvings have a certain general resemblance to those of the Maya, but on the other hand, they have great differences. It is also noticeable that they have their counter- io6 THE AMERICAN INDIAN <%&ggM : i--»'s«^K8iL*t BN IbBSIhBK'I li' ¦ 1 li-'l" "1 1 -¦' 'il' i if |ppfll£f'£^g 1 i I'l 1 i'I'1"'' fcff *"L~sJ2%cT: lli'I llip '-: -i'li '''. ¦ jfi ' -¦ WmMmw$ feaBsTOf^ 11^11^1111' IJl'JWK j§jg&*j|fe^3 ;' . !;':lVl|i ' ^g^^^a^j^^^ fi .j.,1 JftlllSISKB li-liM sffllW lf': i 1 ^^gf III III;' ^^MS'S^ifl'Ssi SgwiUfe^fifc-^^j'.J ¦'"' ' fei^^^ip»i.-.W ^a^jy^fe^ y - !¦ *i i/'M in 38k MtSS 1«H i» ARCHITECTURE I07 parts in the textile and ceramic art of their respective lo calities. Yet, the distinction remains, that secondary embel lishment, or what is often considered true architecture, is characteristic only of the Maya type. Associated with the foregoing culture were no less worthy feats of highway and drainage construction, particularly by the two great military cultures, the Nahua and Inca. In Peru, roads were paved and graded and brooks spanned by stone culverts, many of which are still in use.7 These were necessarily formed by huge stone slabs supported by piers. Chasms were bridged by true suspension bridges and in some cases crossed in chairs running on cables. Even a kind of pontoon bridge was in use. In Mexico, the country was less rugged, but the roads were excellent. In both regions the irrigation and aqueduct systems are famous. As all travel was by foot, and only in Peru were pack animals used, these road builders had a somewhat different problem than con fronted the users of carts in the Old World. As we proceed southward in Peru, architecture rapidly deteriorates, disappearing altogether at the River Maule. Thence toward the east in the neighborhood of the Calchaqui, we find rough stone structures of many rooms, not unlike one- story pueblos. Burial is now in urns without true mounds, but many small carved monoliths have come to notice. Once out into the guanaco area we find the simplest kind of skin tent, which in the far south becomes merely a windbreak (Fig. 72). Throughout the Amazon, on the north coast and southward as far as the Suyas, hammocks are in general use and the houses are frequently primitive. On the other hand, very large thatched structures are found, under which, as under one great shed, lives the whole community. So far, there seems to be no consistent distribution of varieties of this type, some are oval and well thatched, some square, and some mere roof shelters. In fact, the only thing essential is a hammock to keep one off the ground and a roof overhead. The whole population is rather nomadic. As we go eastward through the highlands of Venezuela, the court structures of Colombia disappear, but still the prevailing form is the rec- 108 THE AMERICAN INDIAN tangular hut ; but in Guiana we begin to encounter the oval thatched house of Brazil. Of some interest are the pile- dwellings of the north coast, now almost extinct, though a few survive in swamps and even on dry land. In some of the inundated districts floating houses are found. Finally, the meager archaeological data we have reveal only one important site at the mouth of the Amazon where mound structures have been reported. The structure of habitations in the United States and Canada has been carefully studied so that we can make very definite statements as to the types and their distributions.8 Nowhere outside of the frontier to the Pueblo area do we find buildings of stone until we reach the Eskimo. Consequently, there is very little content to the archaeology of architecture, our data being almost exclusively from the surviving tribes. The only building that reminds us of the traits we have dis cussed in our consideration of the area of intense maize cul ture was found in the lower Mississippi Valley, a rectangular house with walls of clay reinforced by wattling. Sometimes, as in Arkansas, there were two or three rooms suggesting the houses of Colombia, but these were not the prevailing type on the lower Mississippi* The Gulf States form a fairly distinct house area. Partic ularly on the Atlantic side were curious oblong rectangular houses with curved, or bowed, roofs. Their construction was simple, a framework of light poles, lashed into place, with coverings of bark or thatch. (For type illustrations see the Handbook of American Indians.) In the Florida swamps a kind of platform pile-dwelling is found, with roof and open sides reminding one of Guiana types. A very widely dis tributed structure is an oval dome-shaped house, plastered over with mud, with no opening except the door. In fact, none of these southern houses seems to have been provided with smoke holes, most of the cooking being done out-of-doors. In northeastern United States the prevailing form among the Algonkin tribes was a low, oval framework of poles covered with bark, mats, or thatch, according to the season and locality. The Iroquois of New York, who are generally regarded as of ARCHITECTURE 109 southern origin, lived in long, rectangular, bark-covered com munal houses known in local literature as the "long houses."9 The structural similarity of this to one of the southern types is obvious. West of Lake Michigan the dome-shaped Algon kin house often gave way to a rectangular one with a flat roof, and among the Eastern Dakota we meet with this form made by setting up rows of posts in the ground. A little farther west on the Missouri we have what is usually called an earth-lodge, a circular, conical-roofed framework covered with thatch and finally with turf.10 However, its distribution is restricted in the main to Caddoan and Siouan tribes of bison hunters, who also raised some maize. Next, we have a well-known type of shelter to which the Dakota name, tipi, is usually applied. In the East, it appears in northern New England, extending up into Labrador, thence eastward through the great Cree and Ojibway range, well up into the Canadian Northwest. Also, it sweeps down into the bison area, reaching some of the nomadic peoples of the Pueblo area and again invading the salmon area in Oregon and Washington. The other forms of shelter we have noted have all but disappeared, while the tipi is still used by the surviving tribes of this great area. These conditions tend to make it the most typical Indian shelter, and it now has so firm a place in the popular mind that it is used in art and story, regardless of the locality. Not infrequently we see pic tures of Pocahontas, Henry Hudson on Manhattan, and even of California incidents associated with tipis, a form of shelter entirely inappropriate. The term wigwam in Colonial- liter ature is the Algonkin name for the oval bark-covered house we have described, and the modern tendency to apply the same name to the tipi has led to great confusion. It is not to be expected that we shall find a single type of tipi prevailing throughout. The essential structural concept is a tripod of poles, supporting other poles forming a cone.11 The base tripod is formed by binding together three or four poles, but in far western Canada these poles sometimes have interlocking forks, a feature also noted in southern Nevada and in the older type of Navajo hogan. Where birch trees 110 THE AMERICAN INDIAN grow, the cover is birchbark; in the bison area it is skins. The Ojibway, however, often used mats, as was sometimes the case on the Columbia River. In the far North, we find a pointed skin tent, even forming a summer dwelling for the Eskimo. For the details of varieties of tipi and their distribution we must refer the reader to the special literature. We note that it seems to follow the outlines of the caribou and bison-hunting areas and is everywhere definitely associated with a nomadic hunting life, for many tribes on the borders used it only when on hunting trips. Its origin and development, therefore, is one of the important problems in our subject and must re ceive close attention in the future. Curiously enough, the tipi is found in Siberia and has analogous forms in northern Europe, suggesting the possibility of its definite association with reindeer culture. We have now covered the whole of the northern continent except the western part and the Arctic. The most distinctive structures here are the wooden totem-pole houses of the North Pacific Coast, reaching their highest development among the Haida and Tlingit.12 The structural plan consists of four massive, upright timbers supporting two long, equally heavy beams. These are placed parallel about four feet apart and are essentially ridge poles. Around these a rectangular en closure is made by setting split planks upon end. The ends are gabled and the roof of planks. The only framework is the massive central support, in contrast to which the remainder of the building appears flimsy in the extreme. But we find one feature not so far observed north of the Nahua area, namely, architectural embellishment. The four interior posts are carved in high relief, and outside is the famous totem pole. Paint is used to reinforce the carving, and in addition the front of the house is decorated with one of those curious spread-out animal forms we have noted in the preceding chapter. Had these people carved in stone instead of wood, we should now find their country one of our richest archaeological fields, but the perishable nature of their building material has left no records of their past history. ARCHITECTURE III The influence of this type of architecture reaches northern California, for though the heavy carved timbers have a central distribution only, we find the rectangular house of upright planks, with a circular door throughout the coastal belt of Oregon and Washington. In Canada it invades the mountainous area of the D6ne, but in Alaska it stops rather suddenly. Central and southern California present simple but various forms of shelter.13 Yet, they may be characterized as shelters of brush and tule reeds. More permanent houses are some times formed by setting up poles over slight excavations. Toward the interior we meet with the great Shoshoni range, the characteristic shelter of which is a simple brush-covered lodge. Two forms occur, the precise distribution of which is not yet known, but the prevailing one seems to be a low dome- shaped, grass-covered affair still encountered among the Co manche and the Apache. The other type we have mentioned is a pointed brush shelter upon a tripod of forked poles, a form closely allied to the Navajo hogan and perhaps to the tipi. Strictly considered, none of these houses so far described can be classed as underground. Yet, some approach this qualification in that they have sunken floors. Thus, in Cali fornia, the house is often over a shallow pit, and elsewhere it was common to remove the surface soil to expose the clay or other hard layer, loam being too powdery when dry to make a good floor. However, when we turn to the inland Salish tribes of British Columbia, we meet a more distinctly under ground house entered through the smoke-hole at the center by a stepped ladder.14 The distribution of this form centers very closely among the inland Salish who may, therefore, be considered its originators. The next place where we encounter a subterranean house is among the Eskimo of Alaska. In this case we have two ways of entering: through the smoke-hole, and by a long covered trench, each used according to the season. The Eskimo house, however, is often set over a very shallow excavation and earth heaped over its framework like the earth-lodge of the Missouri. This form of house extends eastward beyond the mouth of the Mackenzie, but from there 112 THE AMERICAN INDIAN on timber is too scarce. Stone houses were noted by Stefansson near Coronation Gulf, and their distribution from that point eastward seems to be continuous. Their roofs are usually of skins, often supported by whale ribs. The snowhouse we all know so well is universal from east to west as a temporary residence, which in summer gives way to a small skin tent. Its long, low, tunnel-like entrance and internal arrangement is the same as that for the earth-covered type of Alaska, and both together may be regarded as revealing the characteristic Eskimo house concept. Jochelson 16 has brought together some data for a historical connection between the earth-covered houses of the Old and New Worlds. While it is clear that examples of such dwellings are found intermittently from Europe, across Asia, to America, we do not find the definite structural parallels necessary to form satisfactory conclusions regarding their historical rela tions. Archaeological work has brought to light a somewhat more extensive distribution of such houses in America. Numerous depressions in the upper half of the Ohio Valley have been regarded as old house sites and recently Sterns 16 located rectangular house pits in Nebraska, but, except in the last case, our knowledge is not definite, and the very perishable nature of the structures so far observed makes further dis covery extremely difficult. In conclusion, attention may be called to one peculiarity of aboriginal house construction. The chimney was unknown. Not even the skilled architects of Mexico and Peru seemed to have hit upon the idea. It is true that in the historic pueblos they are found, but this is generally attributed to Spanish influence. In the older type of pueblo structure only the rooms having open roofs were used as living quarters. Hence, the universal American way of heating a house is by an open hearth at the center with a hole in the roof immediately above. Fortifications may also be considered under the general head of architecture. At the time of discovery the native villages in the southern half of the eastern maize area were circled by palisades. In the north, the Iroquois possessed such ARCHITECTURE 113 fortified towns and even in New England they were known.17 It is now considered that certain rings of earth in New York State mark the sites of palisaded villages, and there is reason to believe that similar redoubts in the Ohio Valley had a like origin. The palisade was used as far up the Missouri as the Mandan villages. In fact, the distribution of palisaded villages is about coincident with maize culture in the East. The only other place for which palisades are reported is the North Pacific Coast, though the usual form in that region was a high rock with overhanging platforms like a blockhouse. Nowhere else do we find fortifications until we reach the Pueblo area. It is true that a number of earthworks are designated as forts, but their use as such is largely hypothetical. Perhaps the best-known example is Fort Ancient in Ohio. In the Pueblo region the houses were so placed, either in cliff recesses, upon mesas, or piled upon each other in such manner as to make other defensive works unnecessary. In the Antilles and eastern South America the palisaded village was known, but we have no record of other kinds of defensive works. It is, however, important to note that we have here a continuity of at least one trait for the eastern halves of both continents. Naturally the great military empires of Mexico and Peru developed fortifications. In the former, the road from Tlax- cala to Mexico City was defended by a stone wall about six miles long, faced by a ditch.18 The internal citadel of the defense works at Mexico City was about the temple of Te- nochtitlan, surrounded by a wall six feet high, where the last stand against Cortez was made. Strange to say, the great ruined cities of the Maya show no definite fortifications. It is, however, in the Inca territory that the greatest systems of defense appear.19 Important points on roads were guarded by blockhouses, cities were defended by systems of outlying forts, etc. The most famous fortresses are Ollantaitambo and Sac- sahuaman. The latter is distinguished for its remarkable masonry and the former for its internal passages cut in solid rock. 114 THE AMERICAN INDIAN I. Spinden, 1913. I. 2. Holmes, 1895-1897. I. 3. Joyce, 1912. I. 4. Holmes, 1895-1897. I. 5. Thompson, 1911. I. 6. Joyce, 1912. I. 7. Markham, 1910. I. 8. Morgan, 1881. I. 9. Morgan, 1881. I. 10. Fletcher and La Flesche, 191 1. I ; Spinden and Will, 1906. I. 11. Wissler, 1910. I. 12. Emmons, 1916. I. 13. Kroeber, 1904. I. 14. Teit, 1900. I. 15. Jochelson, 1908. I. 16. Sterns, 1915. I. 17. Willoughby, 1906. I. 18. Joyce, 1914. I. 19. Markham, 1910. I. CHAPTER VII WORK IN STONE AND METALS It is frequently said that the whole of the New World was at the time of discovery still in the stone age. This is an unjust estimate of the metallurgic development in Mexico and Peru, but is true in a certain sense, since some stone tools were still in use even at the most advanced metallic centers. Outside the region of high culture the characterization holds and, even at the present moment, stone-age culture survives among a few outlying remnants of the aboriginal population. The gradual displacement of stone tools by trade gave opportunities for the actual observation of their fabrication paralleled in no part of the continental Old World. For, although we have from western Europe a remarkable chronological series of stone implements in which it is believed the several steps in their development can be differentiated, it is practically im possible to tell exactly how the work was done. Since we find in America somewhat analogous forms made from similar materials, the tendency has been to interpret European speci mens by American data. In Europe we find one distinction not at all applicable to our subject. Stone work there is clearly divided into two successive periods, that in which chipping alone occurs and that in which polishing predominates; while in practically all parts of the New World we find the two processes in simul taneous use. In the main, the stone industry of every social group comprises the following different methods: chipping, or flaking; abrading, or pecking; grinding and polishing; sawing and drilling. The process used is dependent upon the materials. Thus any stone like flint, which has the property of conchoidal frac ture, is flaked. While the precise manipulations seem to differ according to locality, the essential procedure is every- 116 THE AMERICAN INDIAN where the same. A pebble is first brought to a generalized or blank form, by striking with a hammerstone. From this the desired implement is worked out, the fine chipping being by hand pressure with an antler or bone blunt-pointed tool. Holmes,1 our leading experimental archaeologist, has worked out in his laboratory many of the necessary processes, which, in the main, agree with those observed among living peoples.2 Fig. JJ. Pebbles Showing the Process of Abrading, or Pecking. Boas, 1909. I For pecking, our best data are from the Nootka of Van couver Island, who occasionally resorted to it as late as twenty-five years ago.3 As shown in the figure, parallel grooves were battered in the pebble to be shaped, then the intervening ridges pecked away, and so on. The battering tool was a long, oval pebble of tough, hard stone. When the approximate shape of the desired implement had been at tained, it was finished by grinding on suitable stones. This seems to have been the method employed wherever polished tools of similar materials have been found. But nephrite, the fine, green, jade-like stone found on the North Pacific Coast and in Central America, cannot be worked in this way. It can only be cut and ground. Again, our best data are from Canada and Alaska. The Eskimo successfully sawed off pieces of the required shape by the use of thongs and sand and water; in short, the same principle as is employed WORK IN STONE 117 in modern stone cutting. From unfinished pieces in collec tions and the fine examples unearthed by Smith,4 it appears that the final separation of the block was by fracture pro duced by wedging. As to drilling and perforating, our data are less complete. Soft stones, like slate, were drilled with stone points. By ex- \ Fig. 56. Pieces of Nephrite Showing the Method of Cutting and Break ing. Smith, H. I., 1899. I perimental methods Rau 6 has reconstructed the process of drilling with a hollow reed and sand, which accounts for the unfinished borings with attached cores we sometimes find in museums. Again, the Nootka6 made large perforations by pecking. First, a pit was formed in the stone to be perforated, into which a hard pebble was laid and pounded upon until the hole reached the middle; then the stone was inverted and the process repeated. Il8 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The fine sculptures of the Maya were executed with stone tools. We can safely assume, therefore, that all the stone work of the New World belongs strictly to a stone age and was such as could, and -in the main was, accomplished without the use of metal tools. TYPES OF ARTIFACTS Our next task is to enumerate the most distinctive types of stone artifacts and their respective distributions. The most universal is the arrow-head, which, though of many varieties, tends to take the generalized triangular form. The notched head is found in both continents, but is strikingly absent from Eskimo collections. By paying minute regard to size, secon dary form, and materials, it has been possible to draw some dis tinctions between the arrow-heads from different parts of the two continents, but such study has not advanced to a point where a summary can be made.7 The fact is that the diffi culties of observing consistent distinctions are so great as to be discouraging. Nor do we find any great divergence from the arrow-heads of the Old World, for somewhat similar notched forms are common in Neolithic deposits. On the other hand, the fact that they do not occur in Paleolithic culture may have a significant bearing upon the history of our continent. Lance heads and even knives are often indistinguishable from arrow-heads except as to size. Another closely related instrument is the drill. If we add to these, scrapers and a few gravers, we about exhaust the list of analogous tools. Chipping, in particular, lends itself to fanciful productions and we often find in our collections from both continents many unusual objects. This work has been greatly stimu lated by the modern tourist trade. While the celt and the gouge from America cannot readily be distinguished from those of Neolithic Europe, or any other part of the world, the grooved ax (Fig. 77) is so far unique, though a single specimen has been found in China.8 Yet its distribution in the New World is rather restricted, even if we include all implements hafted by a groove. For we find this WORK IN STONE 119 grooved ax to be rare in South America, so far having been reported only for Ecuador. In North America the grooved ax is not found on the Pacific side, but is first met with among the Pueblos and bison-hunting tribes, though with the latter it is usually a hammer that is grooved. In the eastern maize area it is frequently met with. In Mexico and Central America it is relatively infrequent, and in the Greater Antilles is not found at all. On the other hand, neither the Eskimo nor the Siberians seem to make use of this principle of hafting. Fig. 57. Common Types of Arrow-Head The highly developed tribes of the North Pacific Coast use a grooved hammer, but in some cases a transverse hole is made, through which the binding is run. The important prin ciple in hafting here is the holding of the flat face of the tool against a similar surface on the end of the handle, as in the adze. Curiously enough, this method has a distribution not quite the same as that of grooved tools. In Siberia, Alaska, and on the North Pacific Coast, where the adze is common, hammers are hafted in this same way, but in the Pueblo and Plains regions the tendency is to twine the handle around the entire tool. Then, in the eastern maize area the grooved ax again bears the hafting shoulder, as also seems to be the case in Ecuador. That east of the Mississippi, celts were hafted and used as axes is clear from a few specimens found in swamps.9 In these cases, the wedge-shaped top of the celt is put in a hole through the wooden handle. 120 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The other most important group of tools is that passing under the name of knife. From the Eskimo, particularly in Alaska, we have a knife for carving formed by setting a small flake in the lower edge of a bone handle. Similar knives have been found along the Upper Missouri,10 the significance of which is not clear. Among the Eskimo on the North Pacific Coast, and in the northern part of the eastern maize area, we find knives of slate, a material which takes a very keen edge, but does not wear well. The semilunar knife of the Eskimo is usually of slate and is found in the St. Lawrence Valley as well. In Peru, we find the same form in copper and bronze. Chipped blades were used as knives in all parts of both continents. The large, fine, obsidian blades of Mexico are the most famous. An implement of unique character is the pitted hammer stone, the precise distribution of which cannot be stated." The stone pestle is essentially a hand hammer, and is found in all parts of the northern continent, except possibly in the heart of the bison and caribou areas. Detached stone mortars are a feature of the Pacific Coast, though in California they are usually mere holes in large boulders. In the interior and the east stone mortars are rare. Both in the Plains and in California, we find flat stones with skin and basketry hoppers, respectively. In the eastern maize area the mortars were usually of wood, as also in eastern South America. A particularly characteristic object in the culture of the New World is the stone pipe, the forms and distributions of which have been extensively treated by McGuire.12 In the main, there are two types of stone pipe, the common or elbow form, and the tubular pipe. The former has a wide distribution over the eastern half of the United States, extending into Canada and northwestward to the Pacific. It does not occur with any frequency in the West Indies and northern South America, but is fairly abundant in eastern Brazil and Argentina. The tubular stone pipe, on the other hand, is found in the western part of the United States and is the exclusive form in the high land region from British Columbia to the Rio Grande; it is even occasionally met with in the Mississippi Valley. How ever, in Arizona and New Mexico, it begins to give way to the WORK IN STONE 121 tube of cane which prevails in Mexico and Central America (Fig. 8). The center of development for highly carved stone pipes is the eastern half of the Mississippi drainage. Of special and frequently problematical stone objects we have a long list. In North America, the bannerstone (Fig. 81) and the discoidal (Fig. 82) are common on the Atlantic side. The Columbia River Valley also presents a large number of curiosities, such as stone weights, tool handles, monkey heads, Fig. 38. Knives of Copper from the Eskimo of North America and the Inca of Peru, respectively etc., perhaps a greater variety than any other region. In the Antilles we have large, curious rings or collars, and in Mexico, yokes. Central America yields carved jadeite celts and animal-shaped metates. From Ecuador come large stone seats and from Peru curious carvings in stone, suggesting ap pliances for a game of chance. The small area about Cata- marca, Argentina, produces a curious mace-like object and in eastern South America we find a large, finely formed ax. The distribution of these forms presents many interesting problems for which the reader must turn to the special liter ature. Among questions of wider interest is that of steatite work. The making of steatite vessels was a prominent industry on the Atlantic side of North America. In New England and 122 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Virginia, as well as elsewhere, aboriginal quarries are found, together with tools and vessels in all stages of completion, giving us a complete view of the industry. The art is also highly developed among the Eskimo of the east. The apparent former southern extension of the Eskimo into New England raises the question as to a possible historical relation between them and their Indian (Algonkin) neighbors, which, while not altogether probable, deserves study. Again, on the Pacific Coast, especially in California, we find large, globular vessels and other forms. In closing, it may be noted that in the New World is the place where we get the most complete data as to the methods of hafting stone tools. While in Neolithic Europe axes were perforated, as is still the case with us, no such method was known here. It is true that a few South American forms were drilled, but not in a way to permit of similar hafting. Even the metal-using aborigines of Mexico and Peru simply set the blade into a mortise in the handle, suggesting that the hafted celt was the original and most fundamental New World ax form. When we examine the total distribution of the stone objects we have discussed, we find them not particularly numerous in the caribou and bison areas of the North and the guanaco and Amazon areas of the South. This may, in part, be due to lack of systematic collecting, especially in the Amazon country, but in the remaining regions we have the great hunting areas of the New World where bone is the prevailing tool material. For example, the Den6 tribes of Canada seem to have used stone very rarely, even their arrows were tipped with bone. Like wise, antler-tipped arrows were very common in the North Atlantic states. Among the bison hunters, bone points were also in general use, though stone was not unknown. The use of bone awls, wedges, drills, knives, and even celts was com mon in all these hunting areas. Collections from excavations in Alaska and from the vicinity of New York Bay give us sufficient samples of unfinished bone and antler objects to indicate the processes by which these materials were worked. These processes were about the same MINES AND QUARRIES 123 in the two areas : linear pieces were removed by grooving and breaking; cutting was by sawing or hacking deep notches, then breaking. On the whole, the art seems most intense among the Eskimo, and in comparison with North America, the southern continent appears rather weaker in bone work, par ticularly in the simpler culture of Tierra del Fuego. Again, in the Antilles we find the thick parts of shells used for making celts and other tools. Of ornaments, pendants, and beads, there are great varieties of various materials from both continents. Even pearl beads were extensively used by the Ohio mound builders. MINES AND QUARRIES Under the general head of materials dug from the earth, we have an important series of archaeological topics. Notwith standing that many of these aboriginal mining operations must have survived well down into the period of colonization, none was carefully observed by explorers. In the United States and Canada, copper, cinnabar, ocher, salt, alum, clay, steatite, flint and other flakable stones, catlinite, turquoise, coal (for making ornaments), and mica were dug out. Practically all such operations were confined to the eastern maize area and the Pueblo habitat. South of the Rio Grande, gold, silver, and copper, and in the Andean region, gold, copper, tin, silver, and platinum were worked. Here also, stone-quarrying operations were extensive, but outside of the Andean highlands we have practically no evidence of mining or quarrying in South America. Archaeological interest centers chiefly in flint workings and copper mining. In the case of the former, we have sites where a large part of the surface has been dug over for quartzite and other nodular forms. Of such sites the best known is that studied by Holmes at Washington, District of Columbia.13 The most extensive diggings seem to be those explored by Smith in Wyoming, which appear as part of a chain reaching into Oklahoma. Other noted sites are Flint Ridge, Ohio; Mill Creek, Illinois; Hot Springs, Arkansas; and two in Penn sylvania. In some of these the pits reach a, depth of twenty 124 THE AMERICAN INDIAN feet. The natives usually worked out the "blanks" on the spot, leaving behind a great mass of chips among which the archaeologist finds many rejects and abandoned forms. Some fairly successful attempts have been made to trace the materials of which stone implements are made to partic ular known diggings, from which it appears that the natives made long journeys for this purpose. The method has, how ever, not been carried far enough to bring definite results. Some recent studies for the lower Hudson show that we have here a very important method from which much may be ex pected in the future. Outside the regions of high culture the only important copper workings were those of Lake Superior. Free copper was gathered in many places, particularly west of Hudson Bay and in Alaska, but no evidences of extensive mining have come to hand for these sections. As just stated, very extensive workings have been noted at Lake Superior, from which stone hammers to the weight of twenty-six pounds have been col lected in the ancient pits; in one instance a wooden shovel, a bowl, and a ladder were recovered. The aboriginal method of taking out the virgin copper seems to have been cracking by heat, breaking, and wedging. In one pit twenty-six feet deep a six-ton piece of copper had been worked out and raised five feet on an incline of logs by wedging; most of the supporting timbers and wedges were still in place.14 Some copper may have been mined in the Pueblo region before Spanish days, but we have no data as to methods. Our knowledge of operations in Mexico and Peru are equally vague, though here they must have been prosecuted on a far larger and more systematic scale. METAL WORK Lake Superior copper needed but to be beaten into shape and was, therefore, an ideal primitive metal. Particularly in Wisconsin we find copper duplicates of the most important stone tools, which are less intensively distributed over the whole of the eastern maize area. However, in the immediate vicinity of the mines, we encounter a few departures from WORK IN METALS 125 stone tool models, suggesting that the copper-working art had begun a development of its own. The most curious of these is a socketed ax reminding one of certain bronze axes found in Europe16 (Fig. 83). No satisfactory evidence of casting or even beating in dies has been found for regions north of Mexico. Ingenious experi ments by Cushing 16 and others have demonstrated the possi bility of making all the objects so far found here with the most primitive tools. Stefansson 17 collected specimens from Coronation Gulf, showing long, slender rods fashioned by beating together thin sheets of copper. A very important problem is that of tracing out the dis tribution of Lake Superior copper. It is generally believed that most of the copper objects found in Ohio and eastward came from this source, but the source of supply for the Gulf states is not so clear, since some copper was to be found in the Appalachian chain. Now turning to the region of higher culture, we have the best data from Peru, where ore was smelted in small pottery furnaces into which the operator blew through copper tubes. However, some ores, particularly silver, required greater heat and for such, large hopper-like pottery furnaces were set up on high hills where the wind would create a draft. At the various intakes to these furnaces, fires were placed to heat the air, a mechanism employed by some Old World smelters. Another question of great interest is the use of bronze in the New World. The fact that implements contain tin, but in varying quantities, has led to the theory that the appear ance of bronze is merely accidental or due to the natural mixtures in the ore. This view has received its strongest support from analytic studies of Peruvian copper tools, which reveal a lack of any consistent correlation between the amount of tin contained and the use for which the object was de signed. Still, the investigations of Mead 18 have shown that the percentage of tin is often too great to be attributed to natural mixtures in the ore, and those of Mathewson 19 sug gest that there is a correlation between the difficulty of casting tools of different forms and the amount of tin they contain. 126 THE AMERICAN INDIAN According to this view, the amount of tin added was an index of the casting process and was not added to harden the tool. Microscopic studies of typical tools also show that the com bination of tin and copper was often made in the melting pot and not in the smelter. We may, therefore, consider it as settled that the art of making bronze was known in the New World, though the real purpose of the process may have been the facilitation of casting. In both Mexico and the Andean countries of South America, gold and silver were skilfully worked by casting, soldering, hammering, and inlaying. The graves and sacred lakes of the Andes still yield very fine examples of this art, most of which are melted down to be sold as bullion. From Ecuador, we have a few examples of gold objects overlaid with platinum, which shows how truly meritorious were the aboriginal metal working arts of the New World. i. Holmes, 1897. I. 11. Moorehead, 1910. I. 2. Spencer and Gillen, 1899. I. 12. McGuire, 1899. I. 3. Boas, 1909. I. 13. Holmes, 1897. I. 4. Smith, H. I., 1900. I. 14. Holmes, 1901. I. 5. Rau, 1873. I. 15. Moorehead, 1910. I. 6. Boas, 1909. I. 16. Cushing, 1895. I. 7. Moorehead, 1910. I. 17. Stefansson, 1914. I. 8. Laufer, 1912. I. 18. Mead, 1915. I. 9. Skinner, 1909. I. 19. Mathewson, 1915. I. 10. Brower, 1904. I. > CHAPTER VIII SPECIAL INVENTIONS There remain a great array of culture traits we have not noted, such as machinery, fire-making, lamps, weapons, musical instruments, fermentation, glues and cements, paper, dyes and paints, woodwork, maps, astronomical knowledge, writing, poisons, medicine, surgery and anatomical knowledge, etc. For descriptive details on these topics, the reader must turn to the standard books of reference. Few of these sub jects have been developed to a point whereby significant problems arise and the only function their discussion could now serve would be the increasing of our wonder at the com plexity of aboriginal life. Therefore, we shall refer to but a small number of them. One of the more fundamental traits in which the old culture of Asia outstripped the New World was the development of the wheel and revolving machinery. Yet, we have noted the spindle whorl and find certain kinds of drills that embody a kind of wheel concept. However, among the Eskimo we find drills turned by a strap pulled back and forth and also oper ated by a strung bow. This gives a reciprocating motion which is the principle in old Asiatic drills and lathes.1 The geographical position of the Eskimo makes it probable that we have in this a case of relatively recent borrowing from the Old World. The only other New World localities in which these forms of drilling occur are among the Northern Algonkin. From the native sketches in Mexican codices and the references of early writers, we infer that the universal mode of drilling was by rolling between the palms of the hands. Even the Peruvians seem never to have risen above this method. Yet, we have four problematic localities in which forms of the Old World pumpdrill occur : the Iroquois, Pueblos, Round Valley Indians of California and the North Pacific Coast. In the 128 THE AMERICAN INDIAN case of the former, we cannot be sure that this drill was not introduced by European colonists, and as archaeological data from the Southwest give no trace of it, we may regard its Hand Drilling From a Mexican Codex Strap Drill Pumpdrill Fig. S9- Methods of Drilling. Tylor presence there as of Spanish origin. Again, the California drill is operated on a slightly different principle, and its very limited distribution suggests its intrusion. If these forms of the pumpdrill are truly independent inventions, they are evidently recent, for they would with time have spread over SPECIAL INVENTIONS I29 large areas. In short, we are justified in assuming that the rotating tool or wheel had no place in the original mechanical concepts of the New World. Perhaps one of the greatest discoveries ever made by man was that fire could be kindled at will. The great English anthropologist, Tylor, has given us a model study of fire- making.2 It appears that in aboriginal times practically the whole of the New World kindled fire with the simple hand- drill.3 Only among the Eskimo and a few of the adjoining Indians were other types of drill in use, as may be inferred from the preceding discussion. To strike fire from flint one must have good iron, preferably steel, hence, that method was unknown here; but nature provides a fair substitute in iron pyrites to which the Eskimo frequently resort and which is the prevailing method in the greater part of the caribou area. It is sometimes believed that this is intrusive from the Old World, but it is also the method in the guanaco area of South America, which suggests that the cause may be environmental. Another invention of great significance is the art of writ ing. So far as we can tell, no form of writing was practised in South America, that achievement appearing to be a Maya contribution. The codices of Mexico and their official use at the time of the Conquest are a matter of common knowl edge, but the more definite extinct Maya system of writing presents one of the great puzzles of our subject.4 Some progress has been made in recovering the key to it, in so far as the calendar and dates are concerned. From these, it appears that the Maya system is both pictographic and phonetic and that the Mexican scheme was in the main derived from it. North of Mexico the existence of true writing may be doubted. In the pictographic year counts of certain tribes of Plains Indians,6 we find something faintly suggesting the Mexican codex, and in the birchbark ceremonial tablets of the Ojibway we have true picture writing. Yet, in no case did such picture writing become an accepted mode of communica tion, its function usually being merely to herald the deeds of the scribe. By this means, however, were developed a few conventional characters that were equivalent to hieroglyphs.6 130 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Yet, if the Inca of Peru did not have writing, they did have a scheme of knotted cords, or quipu, the methods of which have been inductively worked out by Locke.7 From this study it appears that the quipu could have served no other purpose than that of recording numbers. In fact, from the Spanish authors and the modern survivals of these knotted cord records, we know that the quipu were used to keep accounts. Mr. Locke's careful study of specimens in the American Museum of Natural History of New York demon strates that the numerical system upon which the quipu were based was decimal. Further, an empirical analysis of the knots on the several cords shows them to have definite numeri cal relations from which we infer that the quipu were instru ments of enumeration only. It is scarcely conceivable that they could have been used for the recording of other facts. Hence, the oft-repeated statement that they were used to record historic narratives or as mnemonic systems for the same, are unwarranted. Before leaving this subject, we should note one very remark able achievement by the Maya. This was no less than the discovery and use of the zero in mathematics.8 In the Old World, this important contribution to our culture was invented by an Asiatic people, probably a Hindu group, from whom it found its way into Europe. On the other hand, it appears in ancient Maya. The very isolation of these two discoveries suggests their independent invention, but irrespective of this interpretation, the use of the zero in the New World gives its people a high place in culture. Though somewhat of a diversion, we may at this point note the making of bark cloth and paper. In Mexico, where writing was practised, good paper was made of amatl bark and, when this was not available, of maguey fiber. The latter was covered with thin animal membranes, reminding one of parch ment. Outside of Mexico and Central America, no paper was used, but some bark garments were made in the forest regions of South America. In this connection an interesting point is raised by the ridged bark-beater of Mexico and Central America, an implement which reminds one of the tool used SPECIAL INVENTIONS 131 by the tapa makers of the Pacific Islands. Then, far up on the west coast of North America, the natives shred cedar bark for weaving by beating with a similar ridged tool. We have here another very puzzling problem arising from the scattered distribution of an industrial process. Another item of importance is astronomical knowledge and methods of reckoning time. Of the South American system we know next to nothing, but that of the Maya excites our unbounded admiration. It is a veritable mathematical puzzle of the most ingenious kind.9 That it was based upon careful astronomical study is clear from the corrections made for the odd five days in the year. The religion of the Maya, Nahua, and Inca was largely based upon star gods and the movements of the heavenly bodies, itself implying very exact astronomical knowledge. North of Mexico, methods of reckoning time are very crude, though apparently strongest among the Pueblo and adjacent Plains tribes. Some of the latter kept moon counts by tally sticks and scored the years by winters, but this was quite perfunctory. So far as we know, the northern limits of this influence are near the Ohio River, the whole distribution sug gesting that it is a phenomenon of diffusion from the centers of higher culture. Perhaps the next most significant topic in our list is that of weapons. Some very engaging problems center around the bow, harpoon, spear, shield, sling, ax, sword, blowgun, and defensive armor. Practically all have been made the subjects of special study. Thus, defensive armor of wood and hide has been studied by Hough, who for one thing favors a Jap anese origin for North American plate armor.10 This subject has been more exhaustively treated by Laufer n who demon strates the improbability of its Japanese origin since this type of armor appears in other parts of Asia before it was known in Japan, particularly among the wilder tribes, sug gesting that we may yet find a much earlier historical con nection between the plate armor of the New World and the Old. Yet, while it is true that wooden armor is found only on the upper Pacific side, cotton armor was worn in Mexico 132 THE AMERICAN INDIAN and in Peru, often reinforced with metal. In recent times, at least, some forms of armor were used by the Araucanians and Abipones of Chile and Argentina. • While shields of wicker and cane were widely used in the area of intense culture and in the eastern maize area, the small circular shield seems to have centered in Mexico. Among the Pueblo and Plains tribes, a similar shield of bison hide appears, whose decorations are quite like those of ancient Mexico. Since the restricted distribution of the circular Fig. 60. Wooden Slat Armor, British Columbia. Teit, 1900. I shield is geographically continuous, we may assume for it a single, origin. In Peru, on the other hand, the shields were rectangular. A case of some theoretical interest is the blowgun, found among the forest Indians of eastern South America, in the Antilles, and even in eastern United States, the Iroquois of New York being the most northern point in its distribution. The somewhat analogous distribution of this weapon in Asia gives us one of the most probable cases of independent in- ' vention. Finally, we may turn to the bow. Its use appears to have been universal from the Eskimo of the North to the simple Fuegians of the South. Though in the historic horse culture of the guanaco area it was not used, the evidence for its former use there is generally considered as conclusive. However, the SPECIAL INVENTIONS I33 tendency of the great military cultures of Mexico and Peru seems to have been toward mass fighting hand to hand, with swords and clubs. We notice the same thing among the Haida and other strong tribes of the northwest coast. In other words, as in the Old World, it was the less organized, more nomadic peoples who made most effective use of the bow. One point of particular interest is the sinew reinforced bow, the highest type of which is found in' Asia.12 In various forms it covers the highlands of North America well down into Mexico, but did not reach far into the eastern maize area. The Eskimo also had this bow in several forms, those of the West being more like the Asiatic type. Now, as this structural concept does not appear in South America,13 we have the suggestion of an Asiatic intrusion. This does not, however, apply to the bow trait as a whole, for its distribution carries it into the most remote marginal areas, and along with it the notched arrow-head. Thus bow culture, in general, seems best explained as a trait brought in by the earliest visitors to the New World. Among the curiosities is the pellet-shooting bow of Brazil which has its parallel in Asia, frequently cited as another clear case of independent invention. 1. Rau, 1873. I. 8. Spinden, 1917. I. 2. Tylor, 1889. I. 9. Morley, 1915. I. 3. Hough, 1893. I. 10. Hough, 1893. I. 4. Morley, 1915. I. 11. Laufer, 1914. II. 5. Mooney, 1898. I. 12. Mason, 1894. I. 6. Wissler, 191 1. I. 13. Meyer, 1898. I. 7. Locke, 1912. I. CHAPTER IX THE FINE ARTS No doubt many readers will object to the title we have given this chapter on the ground that no aboriginal production can rise to the level of an actual "fine art," but we feel that the name is justified because the productions here considered occupy the same place in aboriginal life as do the fine arts in Europe. They may be comprehended under the familiar heads of sculpture, painting, literature, and music. As we have indicated before, the center of New World sculpture was Yucatan, where stone carving is one of the most distinctive traits of Maya culture. True stone carving is rare in South America. The Peruvians did next to nothing of this sort; in fact, the only two places where stone carving rises to an observable level are in the extreme southern limits of Inca influence and again in Colombia, where we have the isolated statues of St. Augustine. In North America, no stone carving worthy of the name occurs north of the Rio Grande. Thus, the ancient Maya cities constitute the center of the sculptor's art, which fringes out in northern Mexico above and in Panama below. Although the carving of small objects in stone reached a very high level in the West Indies, it can scarcely be ranked as sculpture. Even the Aztec and other antecedent Mexican cultures which produced a fair amount of stone carving have not left behind evidences of sculptural skill strictly comparable to those of the Maya. Students of aboriginal art claim that the Maya development came before the Aztec and that the influence of the latter is plainly seen in the later Maya.1 For example, the well- known Chacmool statue found at Chichen Itza is said to rep resent a Nahua type, examples of which have been found in several parts of Mexico and also in Salvador, south of the Maya. These statues are, however, fairly representative of SCULPTURE 135 aboriginal sculpture for human figures, but do not reach the level of the best Maya work, of which the great turtles of Quir- Fig. 61. Two Figures from Palenque, Chiapas. Spinden, 191 3. I igua may be cited as examples. However, Maya sculpture is usually in low relief, sometimes little more than drawing. Among the numerous examples that have been brought to 136 THE AMERICAN INDIAN notice are the masterpieces shown in the drawings. The curious form of forehead appearing in all figures is not wholly conventional, but is a good representation of the effects, of Fig. 62. Statues of the Chacmool Type. The upper one from Mexico, the lower from Yucatan. Sanchez, 1877. I head flattening practised upon infants. Like the Greeks and other classical sculptors, the Maya colored their carved figures. On the other hand, in contrast to the marble of the Greeks, the stones at the disposal of the Maya were very inferior and were worked entirely with stone tools. g&Sxx-. Fig. 63. A Sculptured Turtle at Quirigua, Guatemala Spinden, 1913. I Fig. 64. Life Size Pottery Figure. Valley of Mexico Saville, 1807. 1 LITERATURE I37 Outside of the sculpture area as defined above, rock in scriptions and drawings are numerous, particularly in the northern continent. Most of these pictographs are obviously recent, but no one has studied them with sufficient care to suggest a chronological grouping. Closely allied with sculpture, in our minds, at least, is modeling in clay. We have already noted this art in the chapter on ceramics. Very good examples, in some cases of respectable size, are found in both Mexico and Central America. The Inca culture of Peru, which did not successfully carve stone, did nevertheless, reach a high level in clay modeling, but apparently limited its work to small vessels and figures. At least, we find nothing like the large clay figures from Mexico. Painting in the New World never rose above flat tones, but the drawing is often good. Many examples have been preserved in the codex collections from Mexican and Maya cultures, but nothing of the kind has come down to us from the Andean region. Of the historic peoples, the Eskimo seem to lead in graphic skill, though they are, perhaps, equalled by the Dakota.2 Elsewhere drawing is rather crude. LITERATURE Every student of our subject feels a keen regret that so few fragments of Inca, Maya, and Aztec literature have survived, for there is just enough to show that a considerable advance had been made. To most of us the term literature implies printed works, but we are here using the term in the broadest sense, for literature arose and took many of its essential forms before attempts were made to write it. There is fair evidence that the Inca cultivated the drama. Thus Garcilasso,3 him self of Inca descent, states that they "composed both tragedies and comedies, which were represented before the Inca and his court on solemn occasions. The subject matter of the tragedy related to military deeds and the victories of former times ; while the arguments of the comedies were on agricultural and familiar household subjects. They understood the com- 138 HI " THE AMERICAN INDIAN <*>*& & J* V , Stone Carving IIIIHII Wood and Ivory Carving WM/A Clay Modelling h r- 1 Fig. 65. Distribution of Sculpture, Carving, and Modeling LITERATURE 139 position of long and short verses, with the right number of syllables in each." 4 Markham finds evidence of "four different kinds of plays called Anay Sauca, a joyous representation, Hayachuca, Llama-llama, a farce, and Hanamsi, a tragedy. There is clear proof that the memory of the old dramatic lore was pre served, and that the dramas were handed down by memory even after the Spanish conquest. It is to be found in the sen tence pronounced on the rebels at Cuzco, by the Judge Areche, in 1781, which prohibited 'the representation of dramas, as well as all other festivals which the Indians celebrated in memory of their Incas'." 6 A few complete plays have been recorded in later times, the most famous of which is Ollantay. As to what effect the inter vening years of Spanish control had upon the literary form of this production is now a matter of debate, but since Ollantay was preserved in the native tongue, the presumption is that it has suffered little. The reader is referred to Markham's translation 6 and discussion for a statement of the case, and to our page 141 for a selection of Inca verse. There is reason to believe that the early peoples of Mexico also had achieved something in the dramatic art, though good examples have not survived. Even among the Pueblo villages of the United States there are still native festivals in which there appear performances that deserve recognition as dramas.7 This is true, to a less degree, of certain ceremonies among the outlying tribes of both continents. While the content we have given to the term literature is far wider than the modern concept of books,8 the Maya and Aztec did have some written literature. Brinton quotes the Spanish writer, Landa (1565), as follows: — The sciences that they (Maya) taught' were the reckoning of the years, months, and days, the feasts and ceremonies, the administration of their sacraments, the fatal days and seasons, their methods of divination and prophecies, events about to happen, remedies for diseases, their ancient history, together with the art of reading and writing their books with characters which were written, and pictures which represented the things written. I40 THE AMERICAN INDIAN They wrote their books on a large sheet doubled into folds, which was afterwards inclosed between two boards, which they decorated hand somely. They were written from side to side in columns, as they were folded. They manufactured this paper from the root of a tree and gave it a white surface on which one could write. Some of the principal nobles cultivated these sciences out of a taste for them, and although they did not make public use of them, as did the priests, yet they were the most highly esteemed for this knowledge.9 The first concern of the Spanish conquerors was to replace the native culture with their own, and it may be doubted if religion played a much less part in one than in the other. Hence, the Spaniards bent every effort to destroy the native priestcraft, and as the native literature was in its keeping, all books were destroyed at sight. Yet, the people could not be made to forget, and many manuscripts were written in secret. A number of these have been preserved under their native class name, The Books of Chilan Balam.10 It is from this source alone that we get an inkling of what Maya literature was like. No doubt, back of it all was a wealth of unwritten verse and narrative of real artistic merit. Outside of the areas we have just discussed, we find but the feeblest effort to record tribal literature; the skeleton-like year counts of the Plains Indians and the mnemonic song tablets of the Algonkin are about all that come to notice. Literature in all these areas is comprised in mythology, ritual, and song. A naive notion prevails among us that poetry and song be long to the most advanced states of culture, whereas, it is nearer the truth to say that they are the truly primitive modes of artistic expression. Modern Europe has a verse and song complex quite distinct from Asia and of very ancient origin. The scales of Bronze Age trumpets are said to prove its existence even at that early period. Versification must be as old as song, and both are found in all parts of the world. It is said, the languages of the New World do not have the vocalic quantities or accentuations of the classical world, so that aboriginal poetry is, in the main, made up of refrains of meaningless syllables and repetitions.11 Yet, there is form and sentiment, often of great artistic merit. LITERATURE 141 Unfortunately, the study of aboriginal verse has not been attempted. The field is particularly difficult, for since the essence of verse is lost when translated, the multiplicity of native languages effectively bars progress. We cannot, there fore, compare our data or draw satisfactory conclusions as to the relative place of Inca or any other type of verse in the New World as a whole. As a suggestion, the reader may compare the following selections: — AN INCA HYMN12 O Uira-cocha! Lord of the universe, Whether thou art male, Whether thou art female, Lord of reproduction, Whatsoever thou mayest be, O Lord of divination, Where art thou? Thou mayest be above, Thou mayest be below, Or perhaps around Thy splendid throne and sceptre. Oh hear me! From the sky above, In which thou mayest be, From the sea beneath, In which thou mayest be, Creator of the world, Maker of all men; Lord of all Lords, My eyes fail me For longing to see thee; For the sole desire to know thee. Might I behold thee, Might I know thee, Might I consider thee, Might I understand thee. Oh look down upon me, For thou knowest me. The sun — the moon — The day — the night — Spring — winter, Are not ordained in vain By thee, O Uira-cocha ! I42 THE AMERICAN INDIAN They all travel To the assigned place; They all arrive At their destined ends, Whithersoever thou pleasest. Thy royal sceptre Thou holdest. Oh hear me! Oh choose me ! Let it not be That I should tire, That I should die. Far removed, geographically, from this beautiful verse, but of almost equal merit, is the following Navajo prayer chant: — 13 A NAVAJO PRAYER Tsegihi. House made of the dawn. House made of evening light. House made of the dark cloud. House made of male rain. House made of dark mist. House made of female rain. House made of pollen. House made of grasshoppers. Dark cloud is at the door. The outward trail is dark cloud. The zigzag lightning stands high up on it. Male deity! Your offering I make. I have prepared a smoke for you. Restore my feet for me. Restore my legs for me. Restore my body for me. Restore my mind for me. Restore my voice for me. This very day take out your spell for me. Your spell remove for me. You have taken it away for me. Far off it has gone. Happily I recover. Happily my interior becomes cool. Happily I go forth. My interior feeling cold, may I walk. LITERATURE I43 No longer sore, may I walk. Impervious to pain, may I walk. With lively feelings may I walk. As it used to be long ago, may I walk. Happily may I walk. Happily with abundant dark clouds, may I walk. Happily with abundant showers, may I walk. Happily with abundant plants, may I walk. Happily on a trail of pollen, may I walk. Happily may I walk. Being as it used to be long ago, may I walk. May it be happy (or beautiful) before me. May it be beautiful behind me. May it be beautiful below me. May it be beautiful above me. May it be beautiful all around me. In beauty it is finished. In beauty it is finished. Going still farther afield we have the following poetical gem from the Eskimo: — I look toward the south, to great Mount Koonak, To great Mount Koonak, there to the south; I watch the clouds that gather round him; I contemplate their shining brightness; They spread abroad upon great Koonak; They climb up his seaward flanks ; See how they shift and change; Watch them there to the south ; How the one makes beautiful the other ; How they mount his southern slopes, Hiding him from the stormy sea, Each lending beauty to the other." No doubt these verses are quite freely translated, but linguists have recorded very similar examples in the original, and Mr. James R. Murie has furnished us the texts and translations for two short Pawnee songs: — WAR SONG OF THE PAWNEE IRUSKA SOCIETY Kira katu kari rarixa Kira katu kari rarixa Kira katu kari rarixa Kira katu kari rarixa ey ey a Let me see (if) this is real — — — I44 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Ti rat pari Am I living (my life) Tiras ta kawahat You (who) possess the skies Kira katu kari rarixa Ti rat pari A good free rendering of this was published by Brinton:— 16 Let us see, is this real, Let us see, is this real, Let us see, is this real, This life I am living? Ye gods, who dwell everywhere, Let us see, is this real, This life I am living? PAWNEE WAR SONG He e e e e e e Yo e yoha eyu eyu eyo Eru he ee ee ee A tiras ta kawaha ti rat pari hey Ero he ee ee ee Tat ara kitawira I in you entrust my fate Hawa re ra wira Again I do have on warpath He e e e e yo This is said to be a popular song among the Pawnee and was composed by a man named Tiriraktawirus when upon the warpath alone. Therefore, the following translation by Miss Curtis 16 is not far wrong: — O great expanse of the blue sky: see me roaming here. I trust in you, protect me! Again on the warpath, lonely. From these texts we see that many of the lines in a verse are filled out by meaningless syllables and even the thought is carried along by abbreviated phrases here and there. The full import of such a verse is not self-evident, but is conveyed by a secondary prose narrative, in which the incidents and MUSIC 145 situations leading to the composition are fully stated. This must be considered in translations, such as we have just noted, for this setting is generally known to the singers. Thus, it appears that the song verses of the more primitive tribes are not themselves narratives, but rather mnemonic suggestions of prose tales. One more example may not be amiss : — DAKOTA FOX SOCIETY SONG17 E ha e — yo e — yo he ye ye E ha e — yo e — yo he ye ye ye E ha e — yo e — yo he-ye yo yo E ha e — yo e — yo he ye yo He ye e ye yo! To-ka-la-ka mi-ye ca ya ya, Lo, the Fox, the Fox am I ! yea, yea, Na ke nu la wa on we lo, Still the Fox a moment yet then, We ha e yo e yo he ye yo! Then the Fox shall be no more! This is the song of a warlike society, the joining of which carries an obligation of bravery and even foolhardiness when on the line of battle; hence, the pathetic lament of the phrases. Under the head of mythology we shall consider the literary value of prose narrative. In such narrative and oratory rests a vast store of unwritten lore, much of which has great literary merit. In our own literature the speech of Logan is justly famous. As to its precise correctness we may entertain some doubts, but there are authentic reports of similar speeches from other Indians, and anthropologists have collected literal transcriptions of discourses that rise to the same level of excellence. However, for the comprehension of this phase of New World culture, the reader must turn to the published works on Indian languages. MUSIC If the history of verse did not show its origin to be in song, its form would; but there is another side to the song, viz., the music. What the music of the Peruvians and Maya was like we can only conjecture, but among the less cultured surviving 146 THE AMERICAN INDIAN tribes we find aboriginal music in what seems to be an adul terated form. Though some attention has been given to the subject, the study of this surviving native music as a culture trait-complex has never advanced beyond a few isolated ex periments. On the other hand, a number of investigators have sought by analytic methods to discover the fundamental structural elements, but their work is still in the controversial stage. For one thing, effort has been made to discover the ideal scales toward which the Indian singer strove, whereas, the proper procedure is the empirical-determination of actual scales. Nevertheless, this analytic study has revealed what seem to be the most distinctive characters of New World music. First and foremost is what has been described as a "rhythmic pulsation of the voice on sustained notes somewhat analogous to the effect produced on the violin when the same note is slightly sounded several times during one stroke of the bow."18 This is a feat of singing learned with difficulty and which makes the proper notation of the music in our system extremely difficult. Another surprising characteristic is the disassociation of dance and instrumental rhythms from the song. Thus, we may sometimes find the drumming, danc ing and singing each in a different rhythm, something almost incomprehensible to our musicians. As may be expected, there is no harmony, but this quality is lacking in all primitive music; hence, its absence is not distinctive of the New World. Yet, too much weight should not be given these immature generalizations, for in the first stages of linguistic development analogous traits of New World languages were assumed, most of which are now historical curiosities. What we need first of all is patient collecting and classifying. Already we find evidences of geographical areas for music, just as in art, mythology, etc. Thus, the entire eastern maize area and the bison area seem to have one type, the Pacific Coast belt an other, and the Pueblo area another. This, unfortunately, can not be definitely* stated and must remain a mere surmise until properly investigated.19 A little more can be done with instruments, though even here we lack good studies. The two most common instruments MUSIC 147 are the drum and the rattle. We refer to the calabash type of rattle. Its distribution is coincident with that of agriculture but extends somewhat farther in North America, where we find rawhide a substitute among the non-agricultural bison tribes, and beyond them the hollowed-out wooden rattle of the Northwest. It is a fair assumption that the type arose among a calabash-producing people and was thence diffused. There are other types of minor rattling, rasping, and clapping instruments of restricted distribution. The only one approach ing the calabash rattle in importance is the notched stick.20 Drums seem to be of greater variety. One general tam bourine type is found in the bison area and northward to the Eskimo and Siberia. In the eastern maize area the single- headed water- tuned drum prevailed, whose distribution seems to be continuous through the West Indies into South America. In southwestern United States and southward, a double-headed drum similar to our own was in use. The large wooden signal drums of the Amazon country we suspect to be of recent African origin. As the case now stands, there were no stringed instruments in the New World before 1492. The only debatable case is that of the musical bow found in California and northern Mexico. Of wind instruments, the most complicated is the pan-pipe of Peru and Brazil.21 Yet, the aboriginal origin of this instru ment has been made improbable by the discovery that it has the same arbitrary scale as the pan-pipe of Melanesia.22 Trumpets were used in Mexico and Peru and still survive in the Amazon area. Closely allied to this is a reed instrument of cane, sometimes called a cornet, used in Peru and still found along the Amazon. True flutes were used in Peru,23 but in North America, the flageolet. No more than with song music can we compare the types of composition for these in struments in the several geographical areas. This is truly unfortunate, for it seems that music offers one of the very best trait-complexes for the study of diffusion and invention. It is one of the weak points in the careful, painstaking study of ritualism now prosecuted by American anthropologists, for when a ritual passes from one tribe to another (of which phe- 148 THE AMERICAN INDIAN nomenon we have already many instances), we may expect that its music will be carried more faithfully than anything else. i. Spinden, 1913. I. 2. Mallery, 1886. I. 3. Garcilasso, 1688. I. 4. Markham, 1910. I, p. 147. 5. Markham, 1910. I, p. 147. 6. Markham, 1910. I. 7. Beckwith, 1907. I. v 8. Mackenzie, A. S., 191 1. I. 9. Brinton, 1890. I, p. 245. 10. Brinton, 1890. I. 11. Brinton, 1890. I. 12. Markham, 1910. I, pp. 100-101. 13. Matthews, 1907. I, pp. 54-55. 14. Brinton, 1890. I, p. 290. 15. Brinton, 1890. I, p. 292. 16. Curtis, 1907. I, p. 112. 17. Curtis, 1907. I, p. 51. 18. Curtis, 1907. I, p. 27. 19. Gilman, 1908. 1; Densmore, 1910. I; 1913. I; Burton, 1909. I. 20. Lowie, 1909. I, p. 219; Hawley, 1898. I. 21. Mead, 1903. I. 22. Hornbostel, 191 1. I. 23. Mead, 1903. I. CHAPTER X SOCIAL GROUPING In the sixteenth century, there were at least three well-organ ized governments in the New World : the Nahua, Inca, and Chibcha. Though our data as to the details of these organiza tions are but fragmentary, it is clear that the social structure upon which they rested was communistic. The family group was the unit to which plots of land were assigned and upon which levies were made. Each family group had its head man who also held a place in the council for the next higher group. The government was vested in a single family group, one of whom was the chief or monarch. He qualified and was chosen by such means as this group elected, regardless of his parent age. These were the fundamental characteristics common to all the governments of the area of higher culture : they differed from each other not in these but in the ways in which the ruling family group built up its power and organized its political machinery. The thoroughness and efficiency of the Inca system was notorious, for it left practically nothing to the individual, an ideal toward which certain European states seem to be headed. The apparent ease of the Spanish conquest is often cited as proof to the contrary, but the conquerors suc ceeded by a bold dash at the ruling group and, once having laid hands upon the machinery, the thoroughly domesticated natives were easily handled. So it was rather by the very thoroughness of the system, than its weakness, that they suc ceeded. In fact, wherever there were still independent cities, the invaders met with the most heroic resistance, some com munities perishing to the last man.1 Further, it was largely the ready-trained army of the native kingdoms, or such units of it as the usurpers could lay hands upon, that did the work against these refractory cities. The political organization in Mexico was less thorough than that of the Inca, though far superior to that in Colombia. 150 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Mexico was ruled by the head family group in the City of Mexico, which Bandelier2 has shown rose from the determined head of a warlike people that the preceding government had failed to conquer. When once upon its feet, this ruling family conquered, one by one, the surrounding cities and forced them to pay tribute. The system was thus plainly a matter of military rule, arbitrary and absolute. Apparently, this power had not yet seized the entire social machinery of pro duction as in Peru, but was in a fair way to do so when the Spaniards came. The same form of growth by conquest of city after city is apparent in the Inca scheme, while in Colombia it was still in its incipient stage. These main characteristics will best enable us to comprehend this remarkable development. It is probable that underlying governments so built up, there must necessarily have been originally a considerable diversity of language and social custom. As to the attitude of the several governments toward these subjected groups, we are left in doubt, but both in Mexico and in Peru the conquered were required to participate in the official religious practices, or perhaps we should say that because each military and other governmental act was accompanied by ritualistic observances, the conquered could not conform to one without the other. The Inca seem to have developed the method of dispersing refractory social groups over the empire as a means of decreas ing resistance. Outside of the Andean region, the family group appears to be the prevailing independent unit, but, as elsewhere, the ten dency is for two or more of these to live together under some kind of a federation. So far as we know, no strong subjecting tendencies were developed by any of these federations. The Araucanians seem to have formed a very efficient organization for the common defense, since neither the Inca nor the Span iard succeeded in subjecting them; yet they seem not to have developed the missionary idea of extending their culture by conquest. In North America we find upon the frontier of the Mexican state a large number of pueblos, each village or group of vii- THE FAMILY GROUP 151 lages, a government to itself, yet recognizing a common inter est in times of peril. Their heroic struggle against the Span iards in 1680 reveals the existence of basic elements for union, but at no time did any of these villages appear to be moved by the spirit of conquest and force its neighbors into a closer organization. On the other hand, they were not easily assim ilated, preserving to this very day a great deal of their inde pendence. It is quite probable that underneath their individ ualities these villages, with their family groups, closely co ordinated ritualistic observances, their elected governors and war captains, present the fundamental characteristics of the towns from which the southern aboriginal empires were built up. In the immediate vicinity of the Pueblo villages were the somewhat nomadic Apache, Ute, and Navajo, with simple tribal organizations in which each local group was a law unto itself. But to the east, through the Gulf States and up into Virginia, we find a tendency to close federation. Among the best-known examples are the Cherokee, Creek, and Powhatan organizations. Further north in New York,, was the famous Iroquois League,3 with its finely balanced government, the aggressiveness of which created several small but weak neigh boring unions. Farther west, we have the Pawnee group and the very loosely coordinated Dakota council of "Seven Fires." Beyond this, we have little more than informal alliances as the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, and Sarsi; the Cheyenne, Ara- paho, Kiowa, and Comanche. Yet, outside of these few attempts at political consolidation, we must be prepared to meet a bewildering array of small inde pendent tribal governments and, in some cases, nothing at all save the fundamental unit groups. Thus it happens that one of the most forbidding aspects of our subject to the layman, is the nomenclature by which we designate these numerous political groups. All these group names have historical origins and so represent neither systems of tribal relationship nor equal social values. When our colonial forefathers observed a new political group under a common head, they gave to it a tribal name derived from its own language or from some other 152 THE AMERICAN INDIAN circumstances. Such designations can have little classificatory value. It is true that a linguistic nomenclature has been provided which is essentially classificatory, but this again employs the conventional historic names for the several social groups. The list for these tribal names is further complicated by the occurrence of alternate equivalents and again by unex pected subdivisions into subordinate groups. Hence, when a tribe name is encountered, practically nothing except more or less political independence can be taken for granted; as to other relations, we must know the conditions in each case. What we have just seen to be the most fundamental social tendencies of the New World, will prepare us for a very for midable list of tribes. It is estimated that for North America alone, our literature contains more than two thousand tribal designations. To offer such a list here would avail little, but some of the most important tribal names will be given in the linguistic classification (p. 369). No important problem seems to hinge upon this tribal nomenclature, since it is solely a matter of convenience. When, however, we come to consider the internal organization of these conventional tribal groups, we do come face to face with one of the most important problems in social science. That very distinguished American social philosopher, Lewis H. Morgan, took the data for his theory of marriage and social regulation from the Iroquois and other North American tribes and his field reports are still models of accuracy.4 Following his lead, Bandelier6 gave us an exhaustive discussion of the Mexican system. Morgan was, above all, an evolutionist, who considered all now inexplicable social usages to be sur vivals of a state of culture when they did have a real function. For example, the observed tendency to use the same relation ship term for father and uncle, was considered as dating from a time when there was no ready means of knowing who was the true father. As time went on, new data began to present inconsistencies with Morgan's views, but the recent extended discussion of Rivers6 has sought to justify the earlier hypothe sis on the ground that the very last culture traits to be lost or modified by a social group, are those that have to do with THE LOCAL GROUP 153 family relationships. This work, perhaps more than anything else, stimulated a number of American field-workers7 to re examine the whole problem. THE LOCAL GROUP The comprehension of social organization is by no means easy because the phenomenon is very complex and lacks objective definition. In North America, where we know the subject best, we find among other forms a natural social group, or band, under the leadership of a competent individual. The nucleus of this group is frequently the immediate family of the leader, recruited by relatives and strangers who have attached themselves because of faith in his leadership. Thus, an energetic leader may soon have a large following. Such groups are usually found among hunting peoples who main tain their tribal solidarity by meeting once or twice a year en masse, at which time only, the tribal government is in function. After these brief intervals, they again scatter out in these same groups, or communities. In the United States and Canada, and in fact everywhere, the annual round of seasons gives human social life a kind of yearly cycle. This is very striking in the bison area, particularly among those tribes on the borders who raise a little maize or tobacco. Here the severe weather of January finds the small bands we have noted sheltered in little valleys some distance apart, each usually having its definite^camping place. Here they stay until spring, when their fields are prepared. When the crop is in, a call is sent out by the tribal chief for all to meet at a certain place, where the bands are automatically confederated into an organized camp which now moves and kills bison as a body. After an interval, they return to harvest their crop and then once again set out for the autumn hunt, to scatter out, at last, to their homes in December. In such a political group, it is clear that the simple band is the fundamental unit and as such is little more than the voluntary association of individuals under an able leader. All are more or less depen dent upon his bounty. Among these may be a shaman and also a priest, though the leader himself may be one of these. 154 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Some authors designate such a band as a family group, but that is going a little too far, for when we have full data, these bands are found to contain many individuals not descended from the leader and not even his relatives. For these reasons, the term local group is preferable.8 There is, however, a native tendency to consider all members of such a band as relatives in a figurative sense, and to apply blood relationship terms to them, as men of similar age-grades will speak of themselves as brothers, etc. As these groups have more or less permanency, it is conceivable that in time they may come to be largely blood groups. In such a society, an individual is known by his personal name, together with the band name, but, as among us, each must keep track of his blood relationship by specific memory. We see then that the true family group, as we conceive it, exists somewhat independent of the band. All the world over, the prime importance of keeping track of blood relationship is recognized, particularly in respect to marriage, or sexual life. These bands, on the other hand, seem to have no specific function in the regulation of marriage, but to be economic or political groups. Such bands, as we have just outlined, are characteristic of the great hunting areas (the caribou area, the bison area, and the guanaco area, though our data here are vague), and the interior of the salmon area. They may also prevail in the manioc area, but we lack good data. In these various areas, we have a great range of tribal organization, but the funda mental units are the loose bands, or local groups, we have just characterized. CLANS AND GENTES Now when we come to the centers of more intense culture, we find what is called a clan or gens, as the case may be. If we should take one of the preceding groups and make it per manent in the sense that everyone born in it is forever a member, we would have a somewhat different affair. The group name would now be firmly fixed to the individual and define his descent, for by it he could know, in theory, at least, CLANS AND GENTES 155 that he was a blood relative of every other person with that group name. If the group is small, many individuals will be of too near kin to marry and must bring in wives or husbands as the case may be. Since the parents are now of different groups, their child must inherit one or the other group name. There are but two alternatives. When he takes the mother's group name, we use the term clan, when the father's, gens. We do not intend to imply that the clan necessarily came about in this manner, but give the statement this form for the sake of clearness in distinction. Now, it frequently happens that certain social regulations are defined by the clan or gentile name. In many cases, the universal prohibition against marriage between nearest kin is formalized into a rule that persons with the same clan or gentile names cannot marry. This gives what is spoken of as an exogamous relation. In the New World, at least, this rule does not negate the world-wide prohibition against the marriage of parents and children and other near relatives, but is an additional social regulation. On reflection, it will be apparent that as a clan or gens expands, it will become more and more easy for one to find within it a mate not ineligible by blood. In fact, we have the example of the Pawnee clan organization on the endogamous principle; i. e., one is expected to marry a member of his own clan, but, of course, not a near relative. This peculiar association of membership in a social group with marriage restrictions has received a great deal of atten tion from students of society, many of whom have looked upon it as the key, not only to the marriage system, but to society as a whole. Yet, in the light of concrete data for the New World, this seems unwarranted. Also, the tendency has been to consider clans and gentes as fundamentally different, but a close look at them shows that they rest upon the same idea and differ only in the method by which the child is assigned membership. Turning now to the question of geographical distribution, it appears that so far as known, the clan and gentile area will comprise the whole of the area of intense culture, the greater I56 THE AMERICAN INDIAN III' •¦'' flSKW^ b feS, III Clans %:X£ Centes -i-V^ Bands I I Unknown m. Fig. (5(5. Distribution of Clans and Gentes CLANS AND GENTES 157 part of the eastern maize area, the coast tribes of the salmon area, and a portion of the manioc area. It is thus clear that it tends to appear in the regions of more intense culture and particularly wherever there is an appearance of political solidarity. If we consider only the gentile form, we find it somewhat in the majority, dominating among the Siouan peoples of the bison area, the Algonkin of the Great Lakes, the Nahua, Maya, and Inca peoples, with, outlying localiza tions in both continents. Yet, the clan also has a respectable distribution, comprising a large part of the coast tribes in the salmon area, the eastern and southern parts of the eastern maize area, the Pueblo tribes, the Antilles, the Arawak of South America, and the Chibcha of Colombia and Central America. There is thus no great disparity, but considering them as merely two forms of the same grouping, we see that the clan-gentile system does prevail and is in general a correlate of political solidarity. However, the clan or gens is not necessarily the ultimate social unit, but may by expansion come to have unexpected relations to the tribal group. Kroeber's9 investigations of the Pueblo peoples of southwestern United States show that many clans have members in each village, a condition somewhat similar to that of the Iroquois as analyzed by Morgan10 many years ago. In these cases, we see that the clan organization simply cross-sections the community or tribal grouping, the one being, as it were, vertical and the other horizontal. In the Iroquoian system, we find a close federation between the tribal groups which stopped little short of a compact political state. Unfortunately, we do not know just how the clans were distributed in the confederated tribes of southeastern United States, nor the gens in the ancient states of the Aztec, Maya, and Inca, but we find the two systems together — com pact government and the clan-gens organization. It is, there fore, fair to raise the question as to whether the real basic unity that made possible these aboriginal political states did not rest with their clan and gentile relations, since in these they had a definite bond. A study of the Arawak would be interesting in this connection, for though they are scattered I58 THE AMERICAN INDIAN far and wide, they seem to have preserved a definite clan system throughout. We have just noted how the clan-gens grouping seemed to be independent of the tribal grouping and was not necessarily a political scheme. We may, therefore, be prepared to learn that clans are sometimes grouped or linked in ways peculiar to themselves. Thus, among the Menomini of the eastern maize area, we have the several gentes in groups of three or more, in each of which one is regarded as the leading gens.11 A somewhat similar crude sort of linking is reported for the Arizona Apache, though in this case for clans. Evidence for certain kinds of linking occurs among the Pueblo villages and elsewhere. The phenomenon is of interest here only in that it is the vaguer and less definite of such associations, for when two or more of the clan-gens groups are subordinated to a complementary division of the tribal unit, they are considered a phratry. What we have noted as to the association between the clan-gens system and marriage restrictions, applies here also, for exogamous linked groups are likely to be mutually exogamous. The phratry also may become the controlling unit as, for example, among the Iroquois. DUAL DIVISIONS In addition to the social groups we have so far considered, we find another peculiar one. Thus, among certain Pueblo Indians of southwestern United States (the Tewa), the vil lage is divided in two halves, or moieties, known as summer and winter people, since one has charge of certain functions in summer, the other in winter. A similar grouping is reported for the Caddoan12 and a part of the Siouan stock in the Mis sissippi Valley,13 the Miwok of California,14 and also among the Iroquois of the East.16 In such cases the clans or gentes are sometimes disregarded, but are usually treated as subdivisions of the moiety. For example, the Seneca division of the Iro quois had four clans in one moiety and an equal number in the other. Though in this case equally divided, we find the Hidatsa with four in one and three in the other, and the Pawnee with two in one and eleven in the other. As an exam- RELATIONSHIP SYSTEMS 159 pie of a moiety that disregards the gens or clan, we have the Fox -and Kickapoo tribes, each of which has gentile groups; but membership in the moieties is determined arbitrarily when the child is named, so that the members of a given gens will be divided between the two. In this dual grouping of tribes, we are dealing with a curious phenomenon which is not yet well understood. It is almost universal in the southern half of the eastern maize area, the eastern half of the bison area, and extends well down into the area of intense culture, if indeed not to its extreme borders. The data we have at hand seem to justify the conclusion that a moiety is not merely a larger division of clan or gentile groups,16 but a grouping of another kind. This is clearly the case among the Sauk and Fox where children at birth are assigned, regardless of their gens, to one of two moieties whose only function seems to be pleasurable social rivalry in certain games. Something like this is found in the southern part of the eastern maize area and has been reported from the Jicarilla Apache. The precise dis tribution of this custom cannot be stated, but something very much like it has been noted among the western Eskimo.17 If these dual divisions were entirely for sport and ceremonies, their origin and function would be intelligible, but the problem is complicated by the presence of exogamous regulations. For example, among the Iroquois, the dual divisions, or moieties, are the phratries and were formerly exogamous, so that one must not only marry out of his clan, but out of his moiety. It is not clear, therefore, whether the mere fact of dual division is significant or just accidental. Until the whole subject is searchingly analyzed, we cannot deal with it in a work of this kind. The present tendency is to regard it as in the main acci dental and to consider the exogamous character of moieties mere extensions of the system regulating marriage. RELATIONSHIP SYSTEMS In the older literature of our subject, special significance was given the fact that among certain peoples the term father or mother was extended to include uncles, and brother or sister 160 THE AMERICAN INDIAN to include cousins. It was assumed that if one called his mother's sister also mother, and his paternal uncle, father, this was a survival of a time when marriage was indefinite and the identity of the parent in doubt. Recently, a great deal of attention has been given the various tribal systems of rela tionship terms,18 an abstract and rather difficult subject. From the New World data now at hand, it appears that where such systems are used, there is no actual confusion between one's real parent, for instance, and the uncle or aunt to whom the name may also be applied. We have, therefore, merely a sys tem of designation which may be presumed to have an his torical origin. A precise statement of the varieties of systems and their distribution cannot be made, for want of full data, but one common form is that designated by Morgan as classificatory, or that in which a single term is used for both father and fath er's brothers, mother and mother's sisters. Its best-known area is practically the whole of the United States east of the Mississippi, comprising almost the entire eastern clan and gens area as designated on our map (p. 156). Again, on the North Pacific Coast, we find a similar system associated with the clan and gens organizations. The next trace of it appears in the clan area of New Mexico. For the other clan and gens areas, we lack full data. These are also the regions in which exogamy prevails. On the other hand, for the great stretch of North America, which we have designated as the band area, the relationship nomenclature tends to resemble our own in that it differentiates the father from his brothers. Thus, in a general way, we find that wherever there are exogamous clans or gentes, one form of designating relatives prevails, while among tribes having simple family groups, there is a different form. This is not without exception, for example, the Pawnee have the system of these exogamous tribes but are endogamous. There are, however, other points of difference in relationship systems as, for example, the use of reciprocal terms, or the method by which the same word is used by uncle and nephew, grandparent and grandchild, to express the relation of the one TABOOS l6l to the other. Such a system is found among the Kootenai, Ute, and most Shoshonean tribes of the highlands in western United States. By taking note of such distinctions as these, it seems possible to localize several geographical types of nomenclature whose investigation promises to hold an impor tant place in the anthropology of the future. TABOOS AND SOCIAL PRIVILEGES This is a convenient place to note certain curious social phenomena pertaining to the relationship complex. In many parts of the world, a man is not permitted to speak to his mother-in-law and in some cases not even to look at her. These restrictions are designated as mother-in-law taboos.19 The actual New World distribution of this custom cannot be stated at present, but it is found among many tribes in the interior of North America. In a few cases, the restrictions seem to have applied to one's father-in-law also, particularly among the Plains-Cree of the bison area.20 On the other hand, the father-in-law and the daughter-in-law are less rigidly restricted, their attitude toward each other being much like that of father and daughter. This subject deserves more careful investigation, first as to its distribution and ultimately as to its significance, since it seems to be the natural correlate of certain forms of mar riage. The data so far available on their geographical distribu tion show it to be erratic rather than continuous, even one or two tribes speaking mutually intelligible languages differing in the keeping of this taboo. This is shown by^the following data supplied by Dr. R. H. Lowie: — / The North American tribes, known to haye the mother-in- law taboo, are: the Cree, Assiniboin, Blackfoot, Arapaho, Crow, Lemhi Shoshoni, Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, Omaha, Navajo, Apache, Tiibatulabal (Kern River "Shoshoni), the Western Mono (not the Eastern Mono), Haida, Creek, Ali- bamu, Kiowa, and Cheyenne. Those known not to observe it are: the Pawnee, Kwakiutl, Nootka, Paviotso, Comanche, Wind River Shoshoni, Hopi, Zufii, Ute, Nez Perce, Tewa, Keresan, Beaver, and tribes in northwestern California. For 162 THE AMERICAN INDIAN South America the taboo has been reported for the Guaycuris and the Carib of the Antilles. However, the apparent erratic distribution of this custom may be due to incomplete information. There are other phenomena of this class, of which the joking- relationship is a type, so far reported for central North Amer ica only. In general, the custom is for individuals of certain specific relationships to have the privilege of almost unlimited personal ridicule, even in public, which must be cheerfully borne. AGE GRADES AND SOCIETIES As in other parts of the world, we find in the New World a tendency for a social group to recognize conventional age- classes, particularly for the males. Thus, for the purposes of administration, the Inca government divided the males into the following classes: — i. Punuc rucu (old man sleeping), sixty years and upwards. 2. Chaupi rucu ('half old'), fifty to sixty years. Doing light work. 3. Puric (able-bodied), twenty- five to fifty. Tribute payer and head of the family. 4. Yma huayna (almost a youth), twenty to twenty-five. Worker. 5. Coca palla (coca picker), sixteen to twenty. Worker. 6. Pucllac huamra, eight to eighteen. Light work. 7. Ttanta raguizic (bread receiver), six to eight. 8. Macta puric, under six. 9. Saya huamrac, able to stand. 10. Mosoc caparic, baby in arms.21 A somewhat similar classification seems to have been recog nized by the Aztec,22 and even out in the bison hunting area many tribes were regarded as composed of boys, young men, warriors, and old men, each class having certain privileges and duties. It so happens that in several parts of the world where such age-grades are recognized, we find a series of men's societies organized from these different age-ranks, and in the aggregate presenting the example of a series of societies, membership in which is restricted to separate life periods. In such a system, one would begin by joining a boys' society and so gradually pass at the proper age to the next higher and so on through TOTEMS I63 life.23 The attention given this subject by many writers elevates it to one of great theoretical importance, but so far the phenomenon of age-graded societies appears in the New World only in the bison area. Lowie,24 who is the most recent student of this subject, makes a good case for its independent origin in this small locality, suggesting that it is here at least merely the accidental outgrowth of the more fundamental tendency to segregate according to age. TOTEMIC FEATURES There is one aspect of social grouping that deserves further notice, even in such a brief account as this. The terms totem and totemism have come to stand for a distinct body of literature and indicate a respectable complex of sociological theory. If, for example, we review the recognized names people give to their clans and gentes, most of them are seen to be derived from the names for animals. Thus Morgan,26 the great pioneer in this field, finds the Iroquois to have the following clans: Wolf, Bear, Beaver, Turtle, Deer, Snipe, Heron, Hawk. Similar naming systems are found among nearly all the clan peoples of North America, but it is not so clear that this is equally true of those having gentes. The significant point, however, is taken to be the meaning of this animal name. In almost every case it can be explained only by the mythical narrative accounting for the origin of the group in question, which deals with an animal-like being to whom the origin of the organization is ascribed, if indeed this being is not the true initial parent. The result is that if this being should be in some way associated with the black bear, for example, the people of the group would call them selves the black bear clan and would look upon all such bears as related to them. In short, the bear, or a bear, would come to be the totem of the group.26 As the discussion of this sub ject will require some data on religion and mythology, we may best postpone its further consideration. Our previous citations of the associations between marriage restrictions and the clan-gens system may prepare us for I64 THE AMERICAN INDIAN further complications, for the conception of a clan-gens ances tor and the group animal name will bring the totem into prominence when marriage systems are considered. To this association, we shall revert in a succeeding chapter. One of the important problems for us, here, is the place and manner of origin for the New World totemic complex. This, like many others of its kind, must rest with the future. So far, analytic studies have shown that the various systems of totemic practices growing up around these ancestral and other concepts have different historical origins and so are not to be explained as instinctive or as diffused from a common center; yet, it cannot be denied that the sameness of the underlying concepts throughout the New World must be accounted for by one or the other of these hypotheses.27 From its distribution, we have a strong presumption that the New World clan or gens system is a correlate of higher political and industrial organization, since it is among the loosely organized tribes that it does not occur, but just where the totemic factor enters the complex is not clear. In closing this brief glance at the social grouping of aborigi nal man in the New World, we may be impressed with the tendency for each social feature to localize. Thus, whether it be merely a matter of terminology for uncles and aunts, methods of regulating marriage, or what not, we find it not scattered up and down the Americas at random, but gathered into more or less distinct geographical areas. It is this observed geographical distribution of the several social groupings we have noted in the New World that suggests their historical origin in opposition to an innate one. It is now clear that we may have an evolution of society that is determined by the conditions of the time and place and not by the inborn traits of the people producing it. This seems to be the most satis factory interpretation of the data on social grouping, for more complete knowledge makes it impossible to believe that the bands, clans, gentes, etc., have a definite place in the mere organic evolution of peoples in the New World. TOTEMS 165 1. Joyce, 1912. I. 2. Bandelier, 1879. I. 3. Parker, 1916. I. 4. Morgan, 1870. 1; 1878. 1; 1904. 1. 5. Bandelier, 1879. I. 6. Rivers, 1914. I. 7. Lowie, 1914. I; 1916. I; Golden- weiser, 1914. 1; Swanton, 1905. I; 1906. I. 8. Goldenweiser, 1910. I. 9. Kroeber, 1917. I. 10. Morgan, 1904. I. 11. Skinner, 1913. I. 12. Murie, 1914. I. 13. Dorsey, J. O., 1897. I. 14. Gifford, 1916. I. 15. Morgan, 1904. I. 16. Lowie, 1914. I. 17. Stefansson, 1914. I, p. 331. 18. Lowie, 1915. I, 1916. I; Rivers, 1914. I. ioTTylor (no date). 20. Kane, 1859. I. 21. Markham,«i9io. I; p. 161. 22. Bandelier, 1879. I- 23. Lowie, 1916. II; Rivers, 1914. I; Schurtz, 1902. I; Webster, 1908. I. 24. Lowie, 1916. II. 25. Morgan, 1904. I, p. 75. 26. Frazer, 1910. I. 27. Goldenweiser, 1910. I. CHAPTER XI SOCIAL REGULATION This work can scarcely be considered complete without some more definite discussion of social control. With the general modes of control, such as are almost universal among man kind, we have nothing to do, such subjects properly belonging to sociology, our concern being with the particular machinery by which this control is exercised. When a man commits a crime his social group is presented with a problem for which the mode of attack is already conventionalized. To meet such contingencies the highly organized governments of Peru and Mexico maintained complex judicial systems. In the former country each village had its appointed judge to whom the inspectors, or disciplinarians, reported all irregularities. There was one of these inspectors for each recognized social unit.1 The village judge dealt with all such cases and levied the punishments, usually beating or whipping, and, if the code required, execution. It seems, however, that these petty magistrates were not permitted to try important cases, particularly those which we class as civil. At regular periods officials from the capital visited each province and held court for the presentation of complaints and petitions. Though the data leave us in doubt, they imply that appeals from the de cisions of the local magistrate could be filed in this court. At any rate, these traveling judicial inspectors reported back to the supreme judicial bureau, which body, in turn, delr egated judges to visit the locality of the petitioner and try the case. For the Nahua system we have abundant data in so far as they apply to the City of Mexico.2 Here the calpulli, or gens, had representatives who sat as a lower court before whom all irregularities were presented by the proper officers; but all their important decisions were passed up to a higher court, JUDICIAL SYSTEMS 167 consisting of a number of judges appointed by the ruler. These held court daily in a special chamber of the palace. In addition, there seems to have been a special body of thir teen judges who sat with the ruler at stated periods for the review of unusually important cases. Finally, there was a grand chief justice who stood as the responsible head of the system. To what extent the subject cities and provinces shared in this system is not clear, but we are informed that their local courts were required to refer their decisions to the higher courts of Mexico City. For the earlier Maya we have very little data, but since their culture was of a high order and contributed liberally to the later Nahua, we may safely assume an almost equally complex system. In the preceding chapter, we noted a striking similarity in the social organizations of Peru and Mexico in that their political complexes were built of gens-like units. Here we see that their judicial systems also were based upon these same units, for at the bottom were the courts or magistrates for the gens, subordinate to the magistrates of the govern ing gens. In the same way that a single warlike gens built up a political complex by subjecting other gens or groups of gens to its rule, it also erected a system of control and discipline. We may anticipate, therefore, that as we leave these centers of military culture we shall find little more than the separate individual gens systems. For example, south of Peru were the Araucans with a loose political system; and here we are told the "law of revenge" was supreme, that is, the individual was his own judge and executioner. Colombia and Ecuador doubtless had something of a judicial system, but elsewhere in South America we find only simple tribal groups where folk justice was free from all restraints. Turning back to North America and beginning at the farthest north with the extremely simple culture of the Eskimo, we find a considerable body of regulations, as must be the case in any well-formed culture, but still no effective judicial machinery to enforce them. If a man finds his con ventional rights trod upon, he has no recourse except to resort to blood vengeance. Yet, we do find some incipient judicial 168 THE AMERICAN INDIAN procedure, for among the Hudson Bay Eskimo the men of a group may, in consultation, condemn an obnoxious individual and arrange for some one to dispatch him at the first oppor tunity.3 Again, in Greenland there is a definite mode of dealing with an offender by challenging him to a public con test in which he is made to face his opponent who sings derisive songs specifying his misdeeds.4 Such ordeals are not only used in case of theft and murder, but even to discipline a lazy or incompetent person. In the great interior of Canada among the Dene tribes and eastward, the fundamental legal procedure was about as above, each group of people being informally dominated by one or more head men who exercised whatever judicial func tions there were. The same can be said of the interior salmon area ; but throughout, the right of blood vengeance was recog nized. For example, we are told that among the Shoshoni the head man, or chief, did not concern himself with murders, but left that to the inj ured party.6 In general, we can say that this loose type of personal freedom to revenge, without definite judicial procedure, is distributed from southern California northward through the Plateaus, the Plains, Canada, Alaska, and Greenland. How ever, in Washington, Oregon, northern California, and prac tically everywhere in the Plains, we find the idea of com pounding, or paying the injured party. Referring to the map for social groups, we note that this distribution follows closely the limits of the simple band, or village type of grouping. Turning now to the regions manifesting gens and clan organizations, we note that in the North Pacific Coast area there is little to add, except that the idea of compounding by gifts of property or slaves is rather prominent. When a murder is committed, the essential payment is a life of equal rank, but this applies when the parties are of different families, whereas, within the family, the family chief adjusts the case. In short, the blood vengeance again holds here and a distinct judicial procedure has so far not been brought to notice, nor do we hear of police officers. On the other hand, the blood ven geance was so far formalized that the taking of a life by the JUDICIAL SYSTEMS 169 injured party closed the incident and did not lead to an end less chain of murders. Shifting eastward to the great gens area around the upper Mississippi and the Great Lakes, we find something more elaborate. In the first place, the Siouan group of tribes clus tering around the Missouri had a well-developed police sys tem which, however, had no definite relation to a gens group, but was initiated and controlled by a governing head for the whole tribal group of gentes.6 A further peculiarity of this is that such a government was transitory or periodical, being called into life each spring and ending with the last fall bison hunt. For the gens itself there was no judicial system other than the individual acts of its members. About the only formal procedure was one that seems genetically related to the calumet idea; for example, certain head men could wave a pipe oyer contending parties who were then bound to desist or to be set upon by the community. Turning now to the Algonkin-speaking tribes occupying the greater part of the Ohio and St. Lawrence drainage, we find no trace of a police system except among a few groups in immediate contact with the Siouans. On the other hand, we seem to have a more sharply defined gens system in which the idea that the gens is responsible for the acts of a member is clearly formalized. Yet, we cannot be sure as to this, since in many cases, as, for example, among the Ojibway, where the gens lines do not correspond to the local grouping and the local group seems itself to be the judicial unit. So it may turn out that what we have here is merely an emphasized idea of the community's responsibility, a factor common in some degree to all parts of the world. The most interesting point here, however, is a highly formalized procedure which consti tutes a kind of trial under the authority of the chief and the shaman.7 The principle of procedure is that the friends and relatives of the deceased are persuaded by gifts and speeches to forgive the offense. If they cannot be so persuaded, the prisoner is executed at once. This precise form of judicial procedure is found among the Ojibway and Micmac, with suggestions of it throughout the whole stretch of Algonkin 170 THE AMERICAN INDIAN peoples. The Iroquois also had formal trials, but the pro cedure was different; witches, for example, were tried before the council, a regularly constituted body, but murderers were subject to immediate revenge by the injured family, unless a peace token was offered. Yet, the council would intercede and try to mediate. This failing, the aggrieved were left free to exercise their right, which in turn might call for retalia tion.8 As to the tribes of the Gulf States who had progressed so far as to form strong confederacies, and where we have reason to expect some judicial system, no very exact statement can be made. We infer from the available sources that murders and lesser crimes were left to adjustment by the interested parties, blood vengeance being the rule.9 It is true that the village government seems to have had a few police officers, but these were to preserve order at ceremonies and to regu late labor in the communal fields, not to punish offenses against the individual. However, as to trials and formal methods of adjusting crimes, we are left with the impression that in this particular the tribes of the South were far behind their northern neighbors. We should not forget, however, that this may be an unjust estimate arising from inadequate data. One judicial principle strongly developed in the South is that the murderer shall be killed in precisely the same way as his victim, and this, again, holds for the Iroquois, but not for the surrounding Algonkin tribes. There remains but one more area in North America, viz., southwestern United States. Among the less sedentary peoples, as the Apache and Navajo, the idea of compensation for murder and minor injuries prevailed. Adjustments were usually made in public, but the decision seems to have rested with the injured party. They could, if they chose, exercise the right of vengeance, but the other side was then free to retaliate. For the Pueblo peoples proper we lack adequate data, but the inference is that the paying of an indemnity was universal.10 In general, the governing machinery of these villages seems to have been directed toward religious ends rather than otherwise and so to a large extent rests with the JUDICIAL SYSTEMS I71 few properly accredited officials. It is true that there was a constant night patrol of the villages and on ceremonial occa sions a day police, but that these officers acted in case of murder or theft is improbable. Now that we are at the end of this somewhat tedious sur vey, we may summarize the data, meager though they be. In the first place, it is only the complex governments of Peru and Mexico that exercised systematic judicial functions in what we consider criminal cases. Almost everywhere else the family group, the gens or clan, as the case may be, was left to its own devices in meeting such situations. There were always conventional ways of proceeding, but these were almost entirely outside the jurisdiction of the tribal govern ment. Everywhere, of course, the concept of "life for life" is entertained, but the tendency in the New World is for the true blood feud to be found among those tribes having the simplest family organizations, whose distribution is shown on our map for social grouping; while in the regions of clans and gentes provision is made for compensating the injured parties either by a single execution, for which no retaliation is pei*- mitted, or by the payment of an indemnity. That this seem ingly close correlation indicates a true functional relation between the two is doubtful, since it may be largely a matter of geographical segregation ; yet, there remains the undeniable fact that at least the conventional methods of dealing with crime have geographical distributions in every way compar able to those for other traits of culture. Hence, their presence in any given locality is to be explained by historical principles and not as due to inherent reactions. The principle of "blood for blood" may be innate and consequently world-wide, but its mere presence does not account for the conventional pro cedures we have noted, nor for their peculiar distributions. Like every other subject in this volume, this one admits of great elaboration, but space and time forbid more than pass ing notice of a few collateral practices. Thus, it often happens that the shaman in a group comes to have an official relation to its judicial system. This is particularly noticeable among the wilder peoples of South America where the shaman, or 172 THE AMERICAN INDIAN peaiman, becomes apprehender, judge, and executioner without check or supervision.11 As we have noted, the idea of a trial in which evidence is presented does not apply to the judicial procedures we have outlined, except in the area of intense culture. Outside of this area, the only cases in which proof of guilt is sought by prosecuting parties are in the trials of witches as reported for the Iroquois and parts of the Pacific Coast. At some of the Algonkin trials evidence might be produced to show that murder, for example, was excusable, but taking the country at large, the conventional procedures assume that the identity of the guilty is known to all concerned before the trial. Nat urally, there are cases in which the identity of the criminal is in doubt, and in such a contingency the shaman may be called upon to discover him. Further, throughout both continents, and especially in eastern South America, normal death is con sidered as probably due to secret magic by some personal enemy, and it is the shaman's place to discover the culprit. Thus, we have no difficultyin explaining how the shaman comes into close association with the machinery of the law and how in many cases he stands as the highest exponent of authority. The regions where the shaman is most supreme are precisely those in which the blood feud is least restrained: viz., the Amazon country, the Arctic coast belt, the interior of Canada, and the great western plateaus of the United States. Here he often becomes the relentless avenger, hounding the steps of the real or assumed criminal, until opportunity presents itself for his dispatch.12 Another subject of interest is the oath. It has been stated that nothing like an oath existed in the New World, but we do find customs that can scarcely be interpreted in any other way. Obviously they serve the same purpose. Thus, when a Blackfoot woman faces the sun in the presence of a tribal priest and says, "May I never set my foot into another snow, if, etc.," or when a Dakota, challenged as to hiswar record, touches a knife point held by a referee and makes a similar pledge, we have the essentials of an oath. In this connection the remarks of Garcilasso on the oath taken by a native Peruvian should PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE 173 be read. While this author denies that the natives swear, yet the witness said, "I wish that the earth may swallow me up alive, as I stand, in case I speak not the truth." 13 Finally, some note should be made of the ordeal, which also had its analogous forms in this hemisphere. Throughout the interior of Canada and even among some of the Eskimo the right to a woman and other privileges is decided by a wrestling match. In parts of the Amazon country an arm or leg is plunged into a vessel filled with vicious insects to test the integrity of the individual, and again, poisonous ants are allowed to bite one to show his remorse for injury to another. If space permitted, we could work out the distributions of these practices, but we have gone far enough to reveal the character of the phenomena. Thus, we find the principles of "life for life," indemnity, social control of settlements, tests by ordeals, and oaths, in the New World as well as in the Old. Where they differ is in the conventionalized forms of pro cedure. There are, however, no differences common to all parts of the New World, each geographical area manifesting some individuality. CONCEPTIONS OF PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE From our own point of view, property may be conveniently comprehended under the classes of real and personal. Real estate, or property in lands, is with us an individual matter, but such an idea seems to have been foreign to the New World. Here the land, in so far as it was owned at all, was the prop erty of the family group. The Nahua, with all their com plexity, never got above this idea, nor did the Inca. The one fact that makes this especially clear is the entire absence of the idea of selling or conveying title to lands.14 Other kinds of property there were, which were freely given and exchanged and even levied upon by the organized governments of the central areas for taxes or tribute, yet in no case do we find evidence that this procedure extended to the land. On the other hand, the right to the exclusive use of certain plots by the social group, gens, clan, etc., was clearly recognized. Yet, the true communal character of the system appears 174 THE AMERICAN INDIAN when we note that almost everywhere there is an annual allotment of fields to the households of the group, thus dis tinctly demonstrating each individual's equality in the own ership of the community land. As in most other things, the Inca and Nahua highly systematized the workings of these fundamental concepts, forming thus codes of land laws. The boundaries to the group lands were fixed and the death pen alty placed upon any one tampering with them. Also, certain unoccupied lands were set aside for the support of the govern ing class, labor upon which was requisitioned as needed. One who reads the special literature of the subject can scarcely fail being impressed with the thorough control of agriculture exercised by these centralized powers. In each community there were officials whose duty it was to call the people to the fields, and to direct their labors. Further, if we follow out the distribution of maize culture we find associated with it practically all of the following concepts : the family owner ship of land without rights of sale or conveyance, the setting aside of plots for the rulers and religious officials, and, finally, the constant control and supervision by those in authority. Yet, the non-agricultural areas have these same characteristics to a less degree ; hence, it is not fair to assume that the devel opment of agriculture was wholly responsible for the general communistic conception, a conception universal from Cape Horn to the Bering Sea. Rather should we say that this fundamental communal concept is the foundation upon which the one grand agricultural complex of the New World was reared. Personal property in the New World consisted of houses, chattels, produce, etc. In a very considerable part of North America, at least, the house, furniture, and all food was the property of the woman, regardless of whether descent was reckoned in the male or female line. No doubt a careful inves tigation of this subject would lead to important results, but this inquiry is for the future. A form of property not usually recognized by us is that of the hereditary right to certain functions in the community, as the ownership of rituals for ceremonies, ceremonial songs, MARRIAGE 175 certain specific arts and trades, etc. While these were often hereditary to definite social groups, we frequently encounter the idea that the right can be sold or conveyed at will. Per haps closely associated with this is the custom of formally presenting gifts which in some localities is so systematized that it becomes a mere exchange of presents. In fact, we find in the North Pacific area under the name "potlatch", a very complicated system of gifts on a loan and credit system.16 As to the rules of inheritance, little need be said here. Our previous discussions have shown that both male and female inheritance are recognized according to the respective social areas. Since land cannot well be alienated from the initial group, the rules of inheritance can only apply to personal property and privileges. As to the latter, while there is some tendency to recognize the rights of the son to his father's or maternal uncle's position in the tribe, as the particular system may require, the usual procedure is to exercise some kind of selection from the several descendants as a guarantee that a competent incumbent will be secured. This is plainly noticeable in the Inca and Nahua systems and can be safely taken as another of the fundamental elements in the social structure of the New World. MARRIAGE REGULATIONS As in other parts of the world, one cannot marry back into his own family nor among the immediate relatives of his parents. Beyond this, the restrictions vary as has been sug gested in the preceding chapter, becoming in the main mere conventions. Chastity before marriage seems not to have been required, but in many places was regarded as essential to certain religious functions, indicating that, after all, it was an ideal. On the other hand, adultery was severely punished when the woman was the offender, while in many tribes the male offender was regarded as innocent. One prominent trait among the Eskimo is the exchange of wives, indulged in chiefly as a matter of hospitality. This is also found among many of the Dene tribes of Canada and an analogous custom is found in parts of the bison area. In most 176 THE AMERICAN INDIAN parts of both continents there seem to have been certain fes tivals during which restrictions were relaxed, but the latitude granted by all these social sanctions did not weaken the gravity of transgression under other conditions. As to forms of marriage, it appears that the general tendency in both continents was monogamous. On the other hand, almost everywhere the custom was for chiefs, priests, and shamans to have more than one wife. In the centers of higher culture, those occupying positions of power and influence kept large establishments for women. The area in which plural marriage seems strongest is the bison area of North America, but this may be a partial exaggeration due to relatively richer data. Some reports for the Eskimo and Dene tribes indicate occasional states of plural husbands, but this appears rather as an adjustment to necessity than as an established mode of marriage. So thus, taking the New World as a whole, we find it singularly free of anything like group marriage, such as is found in the Pacific Islands and Asia. Yet we do find forms of cross-cousin marriage in California and northward into the salmon area;16 also, it has been found in Guiana, South America. The notion that the husband of a woman acquired superior rights to his wife's sisters is found in many parts of the New World, and its natural correlate, the taking over of a brother's or, in some cases, a maternal uncle's widow. These are par ticularly strong wherever plural wives are common. On the other hand, strict and universal monogamy holds for a few communities, as the Iroquois and certain Pueblo villages of southwestern United States. Marriage ceremonies and the regulations for divorce vary greatly from tribe to tribe, making their discussion here im practical. The conventional exchange of presents previously noted is so developed in some localities as to give the impres sion that a man purchases his wife, but in many such cases the relatives also make an equal return as a preliminary to the ceremony. Yet, when property is given to the bride's family, whether as gift or purchase, and the woman for any cause deserts her husband, he can demand equivalent return. EDUCATION 177 In Peru and Mexico the governments regulated divorce, but elsewhere the parties could separate at will, though the re spective families of each party had a voice in the settlement. EDUCATION AND GENERAL DISCIPLINE We sometimes read specific statements that infanticide and neglect of the helpless prevailed in the New World, but a moment's reflection will make clear the improbability of either having been the rule. The exposing of infants was re sorted to only in case of necessity or advisability. Thus, in the Amazon country, if the mother die soon after confinement, the child will be buried with her or otherwise disposed of, unless some woman volunteers to rear it. This seems to have been common in other regions as well, but the Eskimo visited by Stefansson 17 often exposed female infants to preserve the balance between population and sustenance. As to the aged and sick, we have the formal practice of putting to death among some of the Eskimo and Dene, a custom also found in Siberia. On the other hand, among all hunting peoples who shift about from place to place, the infirm are often of neces sity left behind to their fate. Yet the reported examples of such cruelties can usually be matched by incidents of the op posite tenor, and since the mythologies of the various tribal groups contain plots showing retribution for such cruelties, and herald the triumphs of the oppressed over the unjust, we must regard all such phenomena as exceptional. Travelers everywhere have remarked upon the extreme in dulgence toward children. This is very marked among the Eskimo, though perhaps not more so than among the Fuegians of South America. Wherever we have data, parents almost never punish or even severely reprove, but such pressure as may be needed is exercised by certain relatives. In the United States this is sometimes the clan or gens uncle of the offender, according to sex and mode of inheritance. Though our information for Peru and Mexico is in this respect vague, something similar seems to have applied there. In any case, these higher cultures had some formal provisions for training. For example, in Mexico City there were two kinds of schools, 178 THE AMERICAN INDIAN those for religious instruction and those for military training. To the former, both sexes were admitted in a manner closely analogous to the convent system of Europe. A similar custom held for the Maya and the Peruvians. A point of special interest here is that one aspect of this cloister-like school is found in contiguous parts of North America. We note that these children, particularly the boys, went to live in the school or in barracks, or rather, they slept there of nights. This trait is particularly prominent in Maya and Nahua culture. Among the Pueblos of the Rio Grande, the kiva or ceremonial chamber was the sleeping place of males and a similar practice is found in parts of California and northward. Outside of these regions, nothing like a school appears, but here and there seem to have been some kind of disciplinary officials, as for example the men who superintended the morn ing baths of boys in the bison area. Chastising the young seems to have been practised in the centers of higher culture, but outside of these limits was practically unknown. Excep tions must be made, however, of ceremonial whippings in southeastern United States and the Amazon country. In short, the same principle applied to control of the young as to adults, viz., admonition and ridicule. White people living with American natives are repeatedly astonished at their extreme sensitiveness to disapproval and ridicule. In fact, the whole control of the local group in aboriginal days seems to have been exercised by admonition and mild ridicule instead of by force and punishment. While the necessities of the case modified this in Mexico and Peru, we still note that one prominent feature of Nahua life was the elaboration of the moral lecture.18 In the Pueblo region of the Rio Grande the chiefs and head men were given to daily moral lectures, and while the custom did not appear so frequently elsewhere, it was still in evidence. Perhaps we are again dealing with a general characteristic of New World society. In this connection some note may be taken of the ideals that were held up to the young in these lectures, particularly for boys. The Nahua put great emphasis upon the art of war, EDUCATION 179 the taking of prisoners, and even of scalps.19 They maintained a series of graded war honors in the form of paint, styles of hair-cut, and finally, eagle feathers. Such ideals and customs were also prominent in all the outlying regions of lower cul ture, but particularly close parallels are observable in the Indians of our western plains. I.Joyce, 1912. I; Markham, 1910. 1. 2. Bandelier, 1878. I. 3. Boas, 1907. I, p. 117. 4. Thalbitzer, 1914. I. 5. Lowie, 1909. I. 6. Wissler, 1912. III. 7. Hickey, 1883. I, pp. 550-556. 8. Morgan, 1904. I, Vol. 1, p. 321. 9. Adair, 1775. I; Cushman, 1899. I. 10. Bandelier, 1890. I, p. 205. 11. ImThurn, 1883. I. 12. Im Thurn, 1883. I. 13. Garcilasso, 1688. I. 14. Bandelier, 1878. I. 15. Boas, 1897. II. 16. Rivers, 1914. I. 17. Stefansson, 1914. I. 18. Barnes, E. and M.S., 1896. I; Sahagun, 1880. I. 19. Sahagun, 1880. I, p. 58. CHAPTER XII RITUALISTIC OBSERVANCES Formal ceremonialism, or ritualism, was developed to an unusual degree in the New World. The high poetic feeling of the natives and their fondness for symbolism is strikingly reflected in their tribal mythologies. This also finds expres sion in formal and ritualistic procedures, usually in connection with songs. However, before entering into generalizations on American ritualism we must review some of its typical forms. In the regions of higher culture we find the political organ ization closely paralleled by a priestly hierarchy. Thus, in Peru, the priest of the sun at Cuzco, a near relative of the ruler, was the head of the religious system, and for each prov ince another member of the family served as a sub-priest. Under each of the latter was a complex of priestly offices and functions. The ruler himself was a sacred person not to be looked upon by common men. The supreme power was con ceived as resting in a culture hero, commonly passing under the name, Viracocha, though a number of other names appear in the literature of the subject, with somewhat contradictory attributes, seemingly due to original differences between the older creator gods for the several localities, differences which the Inca conquest could not entirely eradicate. The true Viracocha seems to have been a white man with a long gray beard, whose acts and disappearance have a curious resem blance to those of similar characters in the mythologies of the wilder peoples of both continents. That Viracocha was a highly personal and spiritual being is shown by one of the Inca prayers to him as translated by Sir Clements Mark ham. 1 Next in rank to Viracocha were the heavenly bodies of which the sun was the most significant. The moon, the earth (All- Mother), and on the coast, the sea (Mother Sea), were also of ritualism 181 great importance. As a rule, temples and priests were for these gods only and not for Viracocha, the creator of culture. Sacrifices and gifts were likewise to them and not to the latter. Below these gods stood innumerable objects invested with huaca, a term difficult to define, but seemingly equivalent to wakan and manitou, as used by the wilder tribes of North America. All these objects, or huaca, were the places of sacri fice and observance for which priests were detailed. From what we know of Chibcha, Maya, and Nahua religions, this outline of Inca beliefs will serve as the type. Each had its creator, then the heavenly bodies to which sacrifices were made, and lastly a long array of fetish-like objects invested with some holy quality. Throughout, the political functions of the rulers were so closely intertwined with the priestly functions, that a strict separation of them is quite impossible. Thus, the Maya system provided a religious program for each day in the year, or a complete cycle of never-ending services. The great Maya calendar is essentially the recorded order of these ceremonies, rather than a dating device, the day being named after the god to be recognized in its particular form of worship. That an analogous calendar existed in Peru is most certain, but seems lost beyond recovery. The present status of our subject makes it difficult to truly characterize the ceremonial patterns for these four great 1 centers, but certain striking features may be noted. The Maya and Nahua are notorious for the extent of their human sacrifice systems. One common form of such sacrifice was to bind the victim to a frame or pole and shoot him full of darts. This was a custom in Colombia also. For Peru there is con flicting evidence, the Inca being credited with prohibiting the practice by some authorities, but it is clear that the custom did prevail at one time. We may infer, therefore, that such sacri fices were fundamental traits among the many small social groups from which these great military empires were built up. Human sacrifice, however, appears but as an exceptional element in a larger complex, for from Mexico to Chile through out, there was a daily round of sacrifices of animals, birds, fruits, and inanimate objects. l82 THE AMERICAN INDIAN It has frequently been remarked how the great historic cul tures grew up around lakes or water holes which in consequence came to be sacrificial shrines. The most famous of these are Guatovita and Titicaca in South America. Among other ceremonial features of comparative interest are the conception of a "maize mother," the snake cults, the foot races, and the new-fire ceremonies. Of great festivals we have in Peru the June sun ceremony and in August that for driving out disease. For the other parts of South America, we have but meager information. One striking feature in the Amazon region is the taboo against women, who are not permitted to take part or even to see the objects used in important ceremonies. Thus, it is stated that all women of the Uaupes tribe who happen to see the leading mask in their tribal ceremony must be executed, as required by the ritual. This masked ritualistic procedure is found throughout the whole of Brazil and has some curious analogies to a Pacific Island ceremony. This is also the land of the couvade, that curious procedure in which the father is put to bed at the birth of a child, which has received undue attention in sociological literature. 2 The other most universal ritualistic idea is that of the ceremonial whipping, usually a part of the puberty ceremony for both girls and boys, but also found in certain public dances of adults. Agricultural rituals are also in evidence, the two most distinctive being the manioc and the pineapple harvests. Turning now to North America, we find a new-fire ceremony among the Mexicans, but here it occurs every fifty-two years, on the day marking the completion of the calendar cycle. Again, every eight years the Atamalqualiztli ceremony was performed, a kind of fasting observance, but also the occasion when a peculiar cult, called Mazateca, danced about with live frogs and snakes in their mouths, somewhat like the Hopi of Arizona. In addition, each month and day of the year had its more or less elaborate ceremonies, but to outline the whole gamut of Mexican and Maya gods would take us too far afield. Joyce 3 believes that the bewildering multiplicity of Mexican gods is in part due to the Aztec having assimilated the respective religious systems of conquered cities; yet the RITUALISM I83 Maya seem almost equally complex in their supernatural hierarchy. In both the Aztec and Maya systems there was a powerful god with a beard, resembling Viracocha of Peru, who was also the creator, but of very high rank; he was the sun and the god of thunder and rain. Particularly prominent were the star gods, of whom Venus seems to have been the most adored. Just north of the Aztec are the Pueblo Indians of south western United States who have preserved the greater part of their prehistoric religious culture even down to this day and time. Hence, among these eminently conservative villages we may look for hints as to what formerly underlay the sys tematized religious cultures further south. Thus, the Hopi, who seem to be typical, have a large number of definite priestly organizations, each of which administers special and distinct rituals. To one is assigned astronomical observations and the keeping of the calendar, another is charged with snake worship, etc. The appearance of the clouds, the rain, maize planting, in short, the whole round of daily life is accom panied by ritualistic procedures, each group of priests per forming its part at the appointed time. While essentially magical, these rituals contain a large amount of practical knowledge as to the care of seed, time and place of planting, etc. The supernatural hierarchy is composed of numerous gods among which are the sun, the goddess of all hardness, the spider goddess, the horned serpent, the thunder, and the four world quarters. Formerly, some forms of human sacrifice seem to have been practised among the Rio Grande Pueblos and even in very recent times certain newly-born were fed to sacred snakes. The ceremonial footrace is also found, and even the kindling of new fire. If now we turn to the maize-raising tribes of central and eastern United States, we note certain similarities in the ritualistic procedures. Thus, the Pawnee had a human sac rifice and a whole yearly cycle of ceremonies centering around the cultivation of maize. On the lower Mississippi were tem ples to the sun to whom the rulers bore a relation not unlike that of the Inca. 4 Even the South American practice of 184 THE AMERICAN INDIAN bearing the ruler in a litter was also found here. The wide spread use of the "black drink," a purifying emetic, also reminds ofie of Pueblo practices. Finally, certain special maize ceremonies are found throughout the whole extent of maize culture, though the farther we get from Mexico and Peru, the weaker these become. Among the Central Algonkin tribes of the Great Lakes we have another ritualistic form in the sense that it does not pertain to agriculture or to a yearly cycle. Its most complete expression seems to be the Mide ritual which concerns itself with the spiritual relations between the individual and the powers above.6 The spectacular public performance of pre tending to pass, or "shoot" a shell into the initiate is the best known objective feature of this ceremony. Important parts of the ritual are recorded on bark tablets so that we see here also the beginnings of written records. In the Plains area, beyond the encroachments of maize culture, we have the sun dance festival which seems to have been the occasion for the fulfilling of conventional vows made during the preceding year, but we also have a considerable development of the ceremonial pipe ritual, shared with certain contiguous tribes to the east. In California, ritualistic per formance is very inconspicuous, which in contrast to what is observed elsewhere presents this culture as one of very little interest here. The only other part of North America where ritualism is prominent is among the Pacific Coast tribes of Canada and southern Alaska. Here, perhaps more than elsewhere, the social group, clan or gens, is the keeper of special rituals and is wholly responsible for the ceremonies based upon the same. One idea, or pattern, seems to dominate these rituals, viz., the paying of proper homage to one's supernatural clan ancestors. In fact, the ritualistic ceremonies of the whole salmon area are little more than staged demonstrations of the clan, or family, origin myth. The principal features of these "ritual istic plays" are the impersonations of the animal-like monsters who are the true heroes of the myths. For this very elaborate masks are prepared, some of which have movable eyes, ears, TOTEMISM I85 or jaws, as the case may require.6 Collections of these masks are to be found in our large museums, where they stand as objective data as to what the native conceives his gods to be like. Masks are used elsewhere, even among the Aztec and Inca, but among the wilder tribes are not highly developed as here on the coast of the salmon area. The whole subject of ritualism in the New World is too com plicated to give an adequate view of it in a single chapter. Yet, from even this superficial sketch it appears that the phenomenon is strongest in Mexico and Peru, or the regions of highest culture, and that as we go outward in both conti nents from these centers, ritualism becomes less and less con spicuous. If we consider the United States and Canada only, it appears strongest in the centers of clan organization. Another general characteristic of New World ritualism is that wherever it appears, these rituals are the formalized narra tives of an assumed supernatural, or spirit revelation, from the gods. The tracing out of the distribution of these rituals over the several areas of the New World is destined to become one of the most important problems of our subject and promises to reveal in the most satisfactory way the earlier historical contacts of the various existing tribes. SUPERNATURAL GUARDIANS AND TOTEMISM Under the head of Social Grouping we enumerated the most striking totemic features associated with clans and gentes, but the totemic complex is also intimately bound up with the very fundamental trait of individual guardians. This trait is par ticularly strong among the bison hunters but far from infre quent elsewhere. It is usually one of the equipments of a warrior which youths acquire by fasting and spiritual en deavors. The procedure usually takes this form: if a youth does not have a dream or vision which his superiors regard as supernatural, he is instructed and prepared for the inducing of such an experience and left in a lonely place to fast and pray, day and night. If a spirit appears, it is usually in animal form and that animal becomes in a sense the individual guardian of the supplicant. This guardian is, however, conceived of as 186 THE AMERICAN INDIAN a spirit and not merely as a bear, eagle, wolf, etc., which are after all, but the objective links between the individual and the source of spiritual power. A very considerable number of objects in our museum collections are the material bonds between warriors and these personal guardians, usually classed under the technical name of medicine objects, or charms. Particularly among the tribes of the Mississippi Valley, these often form small bundles with short rituals and in some cases we find these accompanied by series of larger and more com plex bundles often rising to the level of tribal ceremonies. The Pawnee, for example, have a hierarchy of these bundles extending from the tribe down to family groups. The center for this special bundle development seems to be about the Great Lakes in the Central Algonkin sphere of influence, but it has its analogies in the tribes of the Lower Mississippi and the Pueblos of the Rio Grande. Further, we note that certain Aztec legends mention two bundles miraculously handed down to the people in the days of their tribal migra tions. Each of the two main divisions of the Aztec took one of these bundles for its chief guidance. As to the contents of these bundles, we are not fully enlightened, but one contained a crystal of some kind and the other a set of fire sticks, remind ing us of Pawnee bundles. We must suspect, therefore, that the ritualistic bundle is an old and fundamental development in North American culture, and that it is based upon the much less specialized and more widely distributed concept of the individual guardian. In the extended discussions of totemism by Frazer7 and others this generalized concept of the relation between the New World native and his animal-like guardians is elevated to the plane of an explanatory theory, often called the "Ameri can theory of totemic origin." However, the leading American students of the subject are disposed to regard this theory as accounting for facts peculiar to the New World totemic sys tems rather than as universal in application. Even in the New World, exceptions have been cited to show that similar totemic complexes seem to have had very different histories and so have superficial similarity. Facts of this tenor have SHAMANISM 187 led to the interpretation 8 that the phenomenon of totemism is little more than the incidental association between individuals or kinship groups and animal-like guardians, exogamous or analogous restrictions to marriage, ceremonial privileges, etc. The conception is that in this manner were accidentally formed tribal complexes of varying content which we class together under the name totemism because they have some elements in common. Like the other culture traits we have discussed, these complexes show a geographical grouping and so fall into more or less localized types. SHAMANISM The medicineman, or as he is sometimes called, the shaman, occupies a large place in our literature. Some writers 9 give this functionary the chief place in all religious and ceremonial activities, thus making shamanism synonymous with religion. While it is conceivable that shamanism can be so defined as to include all religion, we must not overlook the fact that the , medicineman of the New World is not the priest. A large' number of tribes have distinct names for each and their cul tures give them distinct and sometimes antagonistic functions. It is the shaman rather than the priest who is called upon to treat the sick, to foretell the future, etc. The priest is essen tially the keeper and demonstrator of rituals, his right to do so arising chiefly from his mere knowledge of the subject, but the native conception of the shaman is one who works directly by virtue of some extra-human power. Consequently, it is the shaman who goes into trances and mystifies by jugglery, not the priest. The importance of this distinction appears when we con sider its wide distribution. For the three great centers of higher culture, Inca, Chibcha, and Maya-Nahua, we have far less data than for some of the wilder peoples, but what are available reveal a distinction between the two. The priests of these cultures were organized, as we have noted, in a manner comparable to and complementary to the political scheme, but the shaman class appears as unorganized and in some cases is described as itinerant. In Peru, they were sometimes 188 THE AMERICAN INDIAN given a room in the outer precincts of the temple where those who so desired could consult them. In the Mississippi Valley and the Great Lakes region, we have fewer organized cultures, but among the Pawnee and Ojibway, for example, the dis tinction is sharply made, as also appears to be the case on the Atlantic seaboard. In the great plateau region, we find among the Shoshoni a less formalized, but still perceptible distinction, while among the Navajo and Apache of the South, the line is again sharply drawn. In central California, the distinction vanishes, but appears in the mixed cultures of the North and South. Again, on the Northwest Coast, the priest and the shaman are distinguished one from the other. On the other hand, we find the Eskimo angakok to be both the shaman and the priest. In the great D6ne area of Canada, practically the same condition holds as for the Eskimo and an analogous one for some of the Cree. Turning back to South America, we meet with the undifferentiated priest in the Amazon country under the names, page, paye, kenaima, etc. For each group there is usually one such who performs all priestly and shamanistic functions. Supplementary to our previous discussion of rituals it may be noted that the differentiation of the priest from the shaman occurs wherever ritualism is highly developed. While it is true that we cannot always draw a definite line between priestly and shamanistic activities, the rule is for all tribes having well formed rituals themselves clearly to differentiate two sets of individuals, priests and shamans. We cannot therefore ignore this fact in our consideration of the subject. As we have stated, the shaman is usually the doctor, prophet, and seer. In native theory, he gets his powers not by training, but by direct transmission from some extra-human source. He is credited with the ability to perform extraordi nary feats which we call jugglery. Some of these tricks fall into type classes with continuous geographical distributions. Thus, among the Ojibway and other Central Algonkin tribes, we find a form of the rope-tying trick which extends northward among some of the Den6 to the Eskimo. Centering among the Siouan tribes of the bison area, we find the handling of fire and SHAMANISM 189 the plunging of the hand into boiling water. Forms of the sword-swallowing trick were found among the eastern tribes from the Lakes to the Gulf and on into the Pueblo area of the Southwest. In the Amazon country, the special feature is a kind of ventriloquism in which animals and men carry on con versations with the shaman in almost the same fashion as the jesako of the Central Algonkin.10 A plant-growing trick com parable to that of the Hindu fakir was found among the Navajo, Pawnee,11 and a few neighboring tribes. Other dis tributions could be cited, but we have gone far enough to reveal the geographical character of the phenomenon. When a shaman undertakes to treat the sick, he frequently pretends to suck out the cause of disease through a tube. This trick has been reported from the whole of the New World except probably the region of highest culture and the Eskimo.12 The use of a calabash rattle is also found throughout the Ama zon area, the whole of the Pueblo and bison areas, though in the latter the bulb is often fashioned of rawhide. This dis tribution also extends up through the Columbia River Basin into the North Pacific Coast where rattles are made of wood, but still of the same essential form. Though the individualism of the shaman is apparent, there does appear a tendency for the formation of cults, the best examples of which are the wabano and jesako cults of the Cen tral Algonkin, the heyoka of the Siouan tribes, and the animal lodges of the Caddoan.13 In nearly every case, these take the form of a group of followers with a single leader, each group specializing in certain devices and tricks. As we have noted, these tricks are not strictly confined to shamanism, but occasionally occur in priestly organizations. One of the best known examples is found in the Hopi snake and antelope society, whose members perform tricks with rattlesnakes; among others are the shell-shooting feat of the Central Algonkin midewin, and the dog-eating of the Nootka cannibal society. These* tricks are, however, integral parts of the respective rituals and form a large portion of the pub lic part of the ceremonies. I90 THE AMERICAN INDIAN In literature the term shamanism specifically applies to the religious culture of Siberia. There we find a complicated con ception of seventeen or more worlds in one of which human beings reside. Communication between these worlds can be made only through shamans conversing with the spirits of the dead. The typical shamanistic feats in Siberia are states of ecstasy, trembling, sweating, contortions, ravings, fits, etc. The shaman of the New World also manifests many of these reactions, particularly in those regions where there are no separate priests. The trances and ravings of the Eskimo angakok and the Tlingit doctor have an intensity comparable to those of the Siberian shaman, apparently much more so than have the methods of the page in the Amazon country. Yet, these abnormal psychic activities are to some degree the stock in trade of all shamans, only that when ritualism rises, they become relatively less important. Turning now to the priesthood, we find it most character istic of the Inca, Chibcha, and Maya-Nahua centers. The priestcraft of the Maya, for example, illustrates the maximum development of ritualism where each day and night in the yearly cycle had its required rituals. Of the intermediate tribes, we may cite the Pueblo of the north with their far less elaborate, but yet complete, yearly round of ceremony and on the south the Araucans of Chile who make sacrificial offerings at every turn. The tribes of the lower Mississippi had also a ceremonial cycle and maintained rude temples as did also the natives of the West Indies. But as we move outward in both continents from these centers, the rituals quickly shrink to a small residue, with the exception that on the North Pacific Coast they are to a degree recurrent. In view of all this, one cannot escape the conviction that the existence of the great Inca and Maya centers of priestcraft is responsible for many specific features of New World ritualism. In these centers, one of the chief functions of the priests was the making of sacrifices. Innumerable birds, rabbits, fruits, and even leaves of plants were offered up from day to day in one cease less round. The occasional human sacrifice was but an inci- SHAMANISM 191 dent in an otherwise steady flow of sacrificial blood. This, like other aspects of ritualism, rapidly shrinks as we move outward but, far up among the Pawnee, we find offerings of animal and human blood and likewise among the Araucan and other Chaco tribes of the South. The Maya and Nahua priests offered their own blood upon blades of grass and also far up in the bison area devotees cut off bits of flesh or even fingers to offer the sun, and again the extinct Charruaofthe Chaco are said to have offered up fingers in much the same way. What we have then is a great center of rank growth in priestcraft with a ponderous system of blood sacrifice, the in fluence of which wanes as we move outward. The fact that the shaman lagged behind and shared but little in this elabo ration would seem further basis for the assumption that the chief formative factors in priestcraft and ritualism are not found in shamanism. The shaman gets his power by an ex traordinary experience. He usually seeks it in fasting and prayer; whence, if his tortured nervous system bring the desired illusion, he goes out among his fellows with the faith and confidence that convinces. While he has a great deal to learn from his fellow shamans, such learning is quite secondary and dispensable. The priest, on the other hand, may also fast and be fired with faith and zeal, but this is secondary to him, for he must master with infinite detail the arbitrary forms of rituals. In last analysis, the priest must be a man of intellect; the shaman may be a veritable idiot. THE PERSONAL RELATION IN RITUALISM While many anthropologists object to the view that all New World religion springs from the conceived relation between the shaman and the source of his power, it may be conceded that an analogous relation does hold for the masses. Thus, among many tribes, it is not merely the shaman who goes out to fast and pray, but practically every individual, at least once in his life, such a procedure being one of the essential equip- 192 THE AMERICAN INDIAN ments of youth for the duties of life, as noted under our dis cussion of the individual guardian. This trait is prominent among the more warlike tribes of the bison area, the eastern maize area, and the guanaco area of South America, in all of which one of the primary equipments of the would-be warrior is to secure a personal guardian spirit, or power. Under the tutelage of a shaman he fasts, prays, or tortures himself as his tribal convention may demand, until he either has a visitation or gives up in despair. The attending shaman usually assists in formalizing a kind of personal rite which re mains a more or less secret individual formula. In most cases, it is in animal form that the visitation comes, a speaking and otherwise human animal, which belief is no doubt intimately related to the great prevalence of animal tales in New World mythology. In this meeting, some specific protection is prom ised the penitent for the remainder of his life. A man may repeat these fasts and ultimately secure a great variety of such guardians and eventually be recognized as a shaman, though one usually becomes a shaman by virtue of some one remarkable experience. This personal relation of an individual to his mentor is the fundamental concept in New World religion and ritualistic procedure. In fact, where rituals have been carefully studied, we find their reported origins to have been in the unusual experience of a single individual; hence, we can safely say that a typical New World ceremony is the performing of a ritual demonstrating this initial experience and that the concept of the individual guardian underlies the whole. While the ideal thing would be to close this dis cussion with the presentation of a type ritual, the limitations of space forbid. The reader may, however, be referred to Dorsey's "Arapaho Sun Dance,"14 Hoffman's "Mide'wiwin or 'Grand Medicine Society' of the Ojibwa"16, or the author's "Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians."16 These will give examples typical of the United States and Canada and when sufficiently generalized, will be representative of the whole of the New World, tentatively, however, since our data from the southern continent are meager. SHAMANISM 193 1. Markham, 1910. I, p. 100. 2. Tylor (no date). 3. Joyce, 1914. I. 4. Swanton, 1911. I. 5. Hoffman, 1891. I; Radin, 1914. I. 6. Boas, 1897. II; 1909. I. 7. Frazer, 1910. I; Durkheim, 1912. I. 8. Boas, 1916. I, p. 323. 9. Radin, 1914. I. 10. Hoffman, 1891. I. 11. Grinnell, 1893. I. 12. Tylor (no date). 13. Murie, 1914. I; Hoffman, 1891. 1;Dorsey,J.O.,i894. 1. 14. Dorsey, G. A., 1903. I. 15. Hoffman, 1891. I. 16. Wissler, 1912. II. CHAPTER XIII MYTHOLOGY Under the general name of folklore, we have a more or less distinct department of inquiry, with its own particular societies and journals whose supporters consider the whole unwritten literature of the earth as their province, whether it pertains to primitive groups or to the most advanced nations. However, in our country, the American Folk-Lore Society has given its attention almost wholly to the mythology of the aborigines. Every such tribe, so far examined, has been found to possess two kinds of tales, those referring to a previous order of events, and those having to do with the present. The latter take the form of anecdotes, hero tales, etc., and, regardless of the many fictitious elements they contain, have the form of narratives of real events. The former deal with a period in which the world was taking shape and the present order of things evolv ing. While it may be true that a tribe will regard one of these two classes of tales as worthy of belief as the other, they yet recognize them as different. In this volume we shall designate as myths all tales that deal with this mythical pre-world, or that partake of the mythical style. In the first place, the myths of the world embody one uni versal feature: namely, that the animals and heavenly bodies are endowed with human qualities and associate with man indiscriminately. One can scarcely find a well-developed tale in which animals, heavenly bodies, or both, together, do not play the part of human beings. Another peculiarity is that but rarely do any of these tales convey a moral or even pretend to exemplify worthy ideals. In fact, we often find the standard of ethics and morals of the tales much at variance with the tribe of the narrator. On the other hand, these tales frequently profess to convey information as to the origins of specific features in the modern world. Thus, the alternation of day MYTHOLOGY 195 and night is, in some cases, explained as due to the original theft of daylight by a culture hero, who, finding himself closely pursued, casts out the daylight bit by bit. Again, the markings in the bark of the birch trees are explained on the ground that once a culture hero in anger gashed the tree with his knife. Yet, if we take native myths as they come, such explanations much more often apply to peculiarities of the heavens and the markings upon birds and animals than to other classes of phenomena. Another peculiarity is that the initial creation of the world is a single incident, generally dis posed of in a single simple narrative, whereas we find many complex independent tales, each accounting for more or less trivial animal markings. Waterman 1 has discussed this dif fuse explanatory character of American tales under the desig nation, explanatory element. The important problem is as to whether these tales were originally composed as theoretical explanations of natural phenomena in each case, or whether the explanatory applications were mere afterthoughts. Water man's investigation, in particular, seems to make it clear that in the New World such explanations are quite secondary and could not have been in the mind of the first composer. This conclusion is reached by a comparative study of the myths for many tribes and is, of course, inferential. The place of the heavenly bodies in aboriginal myth has been investigated by Ehrenreich,2 who defended a theory which states that most of the plots in all tales were but vari ations of a single theme in which the sun and moon were the leading characters. He took as one of his main factors the submitting of a hero to various kinds of tests. This topic also has been made the subject of exhaustive inquiry under the title of The Test Theme.3 Here, again, the result is negative, and . Ehrenreich's theory has been retired to the historical cabinet. While such problems are of great interest, their solutions are contingent upon facts of distribution. The data so far accumulated enable us to compare the mythologies of the several tribes occupying large areas. When we do so, we find I96 THE AMERICAN INDIAN certain tales in common. For example, take the story of the Dancing Birds: — A trickster induces a number of birds to dance around him, keeping their eyes closed. The penalty for opening the eyes is that they will become red. As the birds dance, the trickster wrings their necks, one by one. One of the dancers grows suspicious, opens his eyes, and gives the alarm. The rest escape.4 We find this tale among most Algonkin and Siouan tribes and a few of their neighbors. Approximating this distribution is the "Woman who Went to the Sky", the "Crane Bridge", "Snaring the Sun", and the "Deserted Children". Thus, we have what seems to be a mythological area over which a num ber of distinct tales have traveled. For another type tale, we may take the "Rolling Rock", which is found among the Shoshoni tribes of the western high lands, and among some of their immediate neighbors. Quite similarly distributed are the "Burning Cannibal", "Eye Jug gler", "Ladder of Arrows", "Skin Shifter", and "Blind Dupe". These have one further peculiarity in that they show a ten dency to occur on the North Pacific Coast and in eastern Siberia. Thus we have, in contrast to the preceding, a western mytho logical area. Boas 6 defines another area, comprising the Nahua, some of the Pueblo tribes, the Caddoan tribes of the Mississippi Valley, and perhaps a few others, in which we find myths recounting successive migrations. Common to the first two areas and extending far over the Old World, is the "Magic Flight", "Vaginal Teeth", and the "Unfaithful Wife". Theformer taleextends into South America, making it one of the most widely recurring themes. One striking trait of Mexico, northwestern South America, eastern Brazil, and southeastern United States, is that we find many Old World themes of which the race between the turtle and rabbit is a good example. Boas 6 has formulated evi dence to show that these tales can be traced to early Spanish and Portuguese sources. The latter, and the institution of negro slavery, he considers responsible for the many African themes encountered. MYTHOLOGY 197 There is also the suggestion of a tendency for each of the great economic areas we have defined (p. 8) to have a dis tinct group of myths. For example, in the bison area we have the well-known myths of "Blood-clot Boy", "Stone-Boy", and the "Twins". The peculiarity of the distribution we have just sketched is that we here have a number of tale groups which are distrib uted independently of each other. If we had found each tale distributed independently of the others, it would have been clear that the directions and extent of diffusion were mere matters of accident; but, when we find tales in groups which are independent, the case is far from clear. So far, the tales of a group show no signs of logical or functional relations, from which we assume that there are historical reasons for this grouping, but as to their identity we are yet ignorant. It should be noted, however, that these areas are as yet but vaguely defined and that Waterman's list of correspondences leaves very marked gaps for the successive myths. More ex tended data in the future may greatly modify these results. When we shift our point of view to the place of these tales in aboriginal life, the most acceptable interpretation is that they are literature ; in other words, artistic compositions valued and preserved for the sake of their aesthetic qualities. We have noted that these tales fail to qualify as native theories of origin or as explanatory and test themes, but as literature, some myths rise to the level of sacred narratives and are so regarded by all of the tribe. No very serious attempts have been made to subject large groups of tales to literary analysis, but it is suggested that what is diffused from one tribe to another is a compact definite incident, as the "Magic Flight", the "Eye- Juggler", etc., the whole of which must be taken if at all.7 One may, therefore, infer that the causes for the grouping of incidents we have noted arise from the probability that the same historical factors favoring the diffusion of one tale also operated simultaneously with the other. The only ante cedent condition, therefore, would be that the group be formed before it was diffused. From such a point of view the phe nomenon is intelligible. I98 THE AMERICAN INDIAN That the Inca and the Nahua, at least, had made important advances in literary form is suggested by a few surviving frag ments, as noted under Fine Arts (p. 141). The celebrated Inca drama, "Apu Ollantay", has strong claim to being pre- Columbian and certain poetical fragments have come down to us from the Maya and Nahua. That these should have been ' of a high order is to be expected for, as noted under Fine Arts, we find even among the tribes of the bison area, song rituals of dramatic and poetical merit.8 In some cases, conspicuously in some Pueblo and North Pacific Coast ceremonies, well- composed rituals are enacted, staging sacred mythical tales in which the characters are impersonated by the use of masks and other accessories. The purely literary side of these rituals and songs has never been seriously studied. MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS Some of the older writers 9 have noted the wide distribution of a kind of white-man god, and sought to demonstrate its origin in the phenomena of the sun. This interpretation has not survived criticism, but it serves to call attention to an interesting mythical character. As we have noted, in the god systems of the Inca, Chibcha, Maya, and Nahua, there ap pears a distinctly human god who lives among men and establishes the present order, but after a time departs. The names under which he is known are, respectively : Viracocha, \ Bochica, Kukulcan, and Quetzalcoatl. In each case, he is regarded as clothed in white cloth or paint, as having arrived from the East, and as having a beard. When Europeans ap peared upon the scene, the local term for this god was applied to them, and entered into the future terminology. We thus have the associated characters of whiteness, bearded, human like, dawn-like, culture leader, and reformer continuously dis tributed from Chile to the Rio Grande. But this complex extends even farther afield. In the bison area the Cheyenne Vihuk, the Arapaho Nili-an-can, and the Blackfoot Napiwa possess all of these except the beard, yet each in turn forms the term applied to individuals of our race. In South America the Tsuma of Venezuela seems to have been identical with the RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS I99 whole complex, and the Tupi Zume seems to have been but little different. With the exception of the bison area group, we have practically continuity of distribution, and so far the whole complex has not been found outside of these limits. As Brinton has stated, we can find lesser units of this complex more widely distributed, but his effort to show that these facts of distribution prove that each group devised the conception independently to explain the phenomena of the sun, dawn, etc., is not convincing, for it seems far more probable that the complex was evolved in one locality and thence diffused. Per haps one of the most striking traits of this character is that in contrast to most other gods of the New World, he is a per son, not an animal or an astronomical monster. To our mind, this one fact is a strong argument for diffusion as against the independent origin theory. Another widely diffused concept is that of the culture hero trickster.10 The most notorious of these are the Raven of the North Pacific Coast, the Coyote of the great western high lands, and the Rabbit of the eastern forest region. The pecu liarity of this character is that while he gives us the order of the world, he stoops to the most vile pranks that can be con ceived and frequently passes as the most guileless of dupes. Several investigators u have tried to harmonize these, to us, incompatible traits, but it remains simply a fact of observa tion and may be set down as one of the general characteristics of New World mythology. Of lesser imaginary beings, the most unique are the thunder- bird and the plumed or horned serpent. The former is widely distributed in the United States and Canada; the latter is found from Chile to Lake Superior. The conception of a deluge destroying the world and its immediate restoration in the present order, is almost universal. It is found in the highlands of Peru and Mexico as well as in the lowlands of both continents. We have already commented upon the. animal-like beings that visit a supplicant in his lonely fast, which is an aspect of the fundamental belief in the animation of nature. Animism,12 in the broadest sense of the term, was universal and funda- 200 THE AMERICAN INDIAN mental in the beliefs of the New World. The procedures of the shaman we have discussed are an expression of this faith. Of specific beliefs of this class, the most widespread seem to be those of the bear and the jaguar. From California to the At lantic, we find the idea that shamans who derive their power from the bear can heal wounds and often restore life. Through out the Amazon and even into the highlands of Peru and Mexico has spread the idea that the jaguar is the patron saint of all shamans, whose form many of them take on at will. Three well-localized methods of purifying oneself for sacred offices have been noted. In the whole of the United States and Canada, except among the Eskimo and some of their near neighbors, the sweat house is used. From some notes by Bandelier,13 the custom seems to have been followed by the Mexicans also, but they in common with the Maya, Chibcha, and Inca resorted to bleeding, or the offering of drops of blood, for the same purpose. In the Amazon Basin and the West Indies, violent emetics were taken for purging the body. The latter lapped over into the sweat house area along the Gulf, and even in the Pueblo area, while the bleeding method is found in the bison area. The burning of incense, including the highly original use of tobacco, was almost universal. The conception of renewing the fire was found in most agri cultural tribes, often associated with planting and general seasonal rejuvenation. In modern times, the fire is still kin dled with the firedrill or other primitive appliances. In the North, the ceremony appears even among the Pawnee, where, as elsewhere, the fire is kindled by a particular shaman or priest. In the various discussions of ritualism, we have noted the tendency of the group to follow the whole year through with one ceaseless complex of ceremonies. This is far more con spicuous among the maize-growing tribes. Also closely asso ciated with this cycle is the worship of the sun, moon, winds, rain, morningstar, and other heavenly phenomena. The concept of the vow was widely diffused in the same area. In the Andean region, one when ill may promise the RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS 201 ceremony of giving gold ornaments to a sacred lake; in the bison area, to have a sun dance or other rituals performed, while between these two outposts it appears in analogous forms. The distinction we have noted between the shaman and the priest has its bearing here, for it is the latter upon whom the patient calls when a vow is made, and upon him devolves the duty of performing the prescribed rites. Somewhat analogous to this is the confession of sins. In Mexico, this seems to have been a prominent feature, particu larly sexual sins. What may be a reverberation of this extends far up into the United States, where many tribes exact periodic public confessions of sexual irregularities at which all adults must declare themselves in turn. In a wider sense, the concept is found among the Eskimo who have developed many curious taboos respecting every phase of life, the violation of which brings illness, etc., unless promptly confessed. In Peru, special confessions were required. While there are many other concepts of greater or more restricted distribution, we may close this enumeration with reference to one special group of ideas. A kind of abstract notion of a sacred quality is entertained which develops spe cific terms. The best known of these is the wakan u of the Siouan stock, which has its parallels in a number of other languages. In old Peru, the term was huaca. The concep tion seems to be the attribute of possessing or directly associ ating with extra-human power. In function the terms resemble our sacred, holy, etc., except that they are applied to anything mysterious. Another abstract idea is that of the four world quarters, or four directions. This is sometimes expressed by crosses and swastika-like symbols. The number four, whether for this reason or otherwise, is to a large extent the sacred number of the New World. Even in Inca and Nahua organizations, we find it often taken as the numerical unit. In many parts of both continents, smoke is offered to the four directions, and most ceremonial acts are repeated in sets of fours. There appears a tendency for certain tribes to divide into two halves, usually designated as summer and winter groups, 202- THE AMERICAN INDIAN whose chiefs lead alternately according to the season. This is quite conspicuous in the Mississippi Valley, whence it extends into Mexico, and has its counterparts in Peru. The mere social cleavage into two parts, or moieties, we have considered elsewhere (p. 159), but, like certain other social traits, this, also, has its ceremonial associations which greatly expand the complex. These mythical and religious concepts offer a fine field for further study. We have here but mentioned a few of the best known, but for no one of them can so much as a com plete distribution be stated. The whole subject of mythical thought, philosophical and religious conceptions as a New World contribution to man's history is still before us. UNITY OF NEW WORLD CULTURE Our initial task, a general review of the most important traits of culture for the various native social units of the New World is now finished. The one striking suggestion is that notwithstanding the great diversity we have found, there are, on every hand, the unmistakable signs of unity. The higher cultures of Mexico and Peru are, after all, merely the great centers where the fundamental elements in New World culture were full blown. Thus, we found that agriculture, metal work, ceramics, architecture, and sculpture, all centered there. In addition, there were a number of specific instances of mis cellaneous traits that radiated from these centers. Confronted as we are by the undeniable evidences for the local diffusion of culture traits in all parts of both continents, it would be diffi cult to conceive of the existence of these virile centers in entire isolation. But passing on to less material traits, we find even stronger claims to unity of culture. Thus, society itself was almost everywhere composed of the same kind of units, whose concep tions of property and political rights were the same. Ritual ism, priestcraft, and shamanism, mythological conceptions, and religious attitudes also show many specific cases of uni formity. Hence, we are fully justified in regarding the New World as one distinct culture province. These considerations, however, lead us into problems best deferred to the end of this work. NEW I. Waterman, 1914. I. 2. Ehrenreich, 1905. I. 3. Lowie, 1908. I. 4. Waterman, 1914. I, p. 44. 5. Boas, 1914. I. 6. Boas, 1914. I. 7. Boas in Teit, 1898. I; Radin, 1915. I; Alexander, 1916. I WORLD CULTURE 8. Fletcher, 1904. 1. 9. Brinton, 1882. I. 10. Boas, 1914. I. 11. Boas, 1914. I. 12. Tylor, 1889. I. 13. Bandelier, 1884. I. idin, 14. Jones, W., 1905. I. CHAPTER XIV THE CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL GROUPS ACCORDING TO THEIR CULTURES We have now passed in review the traits that are usually taken as constituting culture. The anthropological conception of the term is that it is the trait-complex manifested by a separate social unit of mankind. Some anthropologists take the position that the only correct view of the data of our subject is that which regards the social unit solely and that all such discussions as we have so far made are wrong in principle, because each trait has a peculiar relation to the complex practised by the group. This belief seems to arise in a kind of functional view in which the only problem of importance is to describe the manner in which a given social unit works out its culture. But it is now clear that no social group in the New World can be reckoned guilty of entire cultural independence, and that certain traits have spread over very large parts of both continents, whence the problem of a single social unit becomes of relatively little importance, because until we take in the whole sweep of the phenomenon no true account of it can be given. As we have stated before this, the number of social groups in the New World is so large that no one can hope to hold in mind more than a small portion of them. Hence, even if we accept the extreme view that our subject should be limited to observing the separate functioning of these social units, some mode of classifying these many groups would still be imperative; for only in this way could the number of groups be reduced to the level of human comprehension. In the pre ceding chapters we saw that the natives of the New World could be grouped according to single culture traits, giving us food areas, textile areas, ceramic areas, etc. If, however, we take all traits into simultaneous consideration and shift our CULTURE AREAS * Xs. 1 4 ' tNv 7 ^V ¦ 1 ffi^-^ -7 ^W) '13' j * »* \ v ( i T * y\ ft- i-v ' x (a y ' s^ \ " X"^— '"^ XXv' x v- \ Jv- 'I -YCC l ' ' " } /' y '-> (V- .\ J 1 vV_"' ",X-" > X » \ r ¦/ \ y^^ ' "^ r~^ --->• ^v. ^fy r^. \? > \ $ A^yy — ~^^/\ ^-\" m/,, y^ f x / N\\\ "V. i i* A /: \-. [ J r ; I \\2l )l j / '¦¦•:. i / \>M t/r~~// ' ¦ ¦ ' h\U f/' j / \\y/ i / ¦¦' rv y //' /^ / // 5 / 1 Iff V* / 'i c y fig. tf?. Culture Areas THE AMERICAN INDIAN "TJoint of view to the social, or tribal units, we are able to form fairly definite groups. This will give us culture areas, or a clas sification of social groups according to their culture traits. The historical development of our subject gives us two kinds of culture data and so commits us to two rather distinct classifications — historic culture areas and archaeological areas, respectively. THE HISTORIC TRIBES In the initial chapter, we defined nine economic areas, giving us a kind of culture classification which the subsequent discussions proved to have some general validity for culture as a whole. Yet, we have from time to time brought to notice differentiations in the trait-complexes for different parts of these economic areas, suggesting that a close examination of a large series of traits will result in a somewhat different grouping. A perusal of the literature of our subject shows it to be customary to divide the two continents into fifteen culture areas, each conceived to be the home of a distinct type of culture. These areas are, in a sense, generalizations, but the method we have followed here is highly empirical, since for each social group we have checked out the several culture traits and compared them in detail. NORTH AMERICAN CULTURE AREAS I. The Plains Area. For example, in the great western plains of the United States, we have thirty-one tribal groups, of which eleven may be considered as manifesting the typical culture of the area: viz., the Assiniboin, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Comanche, Crow, Gros Ventre, Kiowa, Kiowa- Apache, Sarsi, and Teton-Dakota. The chief traits of this culture are the dependence upon the buffalo or bison, and the very limited use of roots and berries; absence of fishing; lack of agriculture ; the tipi as a movable dwelling; transportation by land only, with the dog and the travois (in historic times with the horse) ; want of basketry and pottery ; no true weav ing; clothing of buffalo and deerskins; a special bead tech nique; high development of work in skins; special rawhide PLAINS AREA 207 Fig. 68. The Plains Indian Culture Area The most typical tribes are underlined 208 THE AMERICAN INDIAN work (parfleche, cylindrical bag, etc.); use of a circular shield ; weak development of work in wood, stone, and bone. Their art is strongly geometric, but as a whole, not symbolic; social organization tends to the simple band; a camp circle organization; a series of societies for men; sun dance cere mony; sweat house observances, scalp dances, etc. In historic times, these tribes ranged from north to south in the heart of the area. (Fig. 68). On the eastern border were some fourteen tribes having most of the positive traits enumerated above and, in addition, some of the negative ones, such as a limited use of pottery and basketry; some spinning and weaving of bags ; rather extensive agriculture ; alternating the tipi with larger and more permanent houses covered with grass, bark, or earth; some attempts at water transportation; tending not to observe the sun dance, but to substitute maize festivals, shamanistic performances, and the midewin of the Great Lakes tribes. These tribes are: the Arikara, Hidatsa, /Iowa, Kansa, Mandan, Missouri, Omaha, Osage, Oto, Paw nee, Ponca, Santee-Dakota, Yankton-Dakota, and the Wichita. On the western border were other tribes (the Wind River Shoshoni, Uintah and Uncompahgre Ute) lacking pottery, but producing a rather high type of basketry; depending far less on the buffalo, but more on deer and small game; making large use of wild grass seeds, or grain ; alternating tipis with brush and mat-covered shelters ; and not as a whole inclined to the sun dance and the other ceremonial practices of their eastern neighbors. Also, on the northeastern border are the Plains-Ojibway and Plains-Cree who have many traits of the forest-hunting tribes as well as most of those found in the Plains. Possibly a few of the little-known bands of Canadian Assiniboin should be included in this group in distinction from the Assiniboin proper. These variations from the type are, as we shall see, typical traits of the adjoining areas, the possible exception being the earth-lodges of the Mandan, Pawnee, etc. On the other hand, the tribes of the area as a whole have in common prac- Original in American Museum of Natural History Fig. 6q, Plains Indian Life — Catlin PLATEAU AREA 209 tically all the traits of the typical group. For example, the Mandan made some use of tipis, hunted buffalo, used the travois, worked in skins and rawhide, and armed and clothed themselves like the typical Plains tribes ; but also added other traits, pottery, basketry, agriculture, and earth-lodges. Thus we see that while in this area there are marked culture dif ferences, the traits constituting these differences tend to be typical of other areas; hence, we are quite justified in taking the cultures of the central group as the type for the area as a whole. 2. Plateau Area. The Plateau area joins the Plains on the west. It is far less uniform in its topography, the south being a veritable desert while the north is moist and fertile. To add to the difficulties in systematically characterizing this culture, arising from lack of geographical unity, is the want of definite information for many important tribes. Our readily available sources are Teit's Thompson, Shuswap, and Lillooet;1 Spin- den's Nez Perce;2 and Lowie's Northern Shoshone;3 but there is also an excellent summary of the miscellaneous his torical information by Lewis.4 In a general way, these in tense tribal studies give us the cultural nuclei of as many groups, the Interior Salish, the Shahaptian, and the Sho shoni. Of these, the Salish seem the typical group, because both the Nez Perce and the Shoshoni show marked Plains traits. It is also the largest, having sixteen or more dialectic divisions and considerable territorial extent. Of these the Thompson, Shuswap, Okanagan (ColviUe, 'Nespelim, San- poil, Senijixtia), and Lillooet seem to be the most typical. The material traits may be summarized as: extensive use of salmon, deer, roots (especially camas), and berries; the use of a handled digging-stick; cooking with hot stones in holes and baskets; the pulverization of dried salmon and roots for storage; winter houses, semi-subterranean, a circular pit with a conical roof and smoke hole entrance; summer houses; movable or transient, mat or rush-covered tents and the lean- to, double and single ; the dog sometimes used as a pack ani mal; water transportation weakly developed, crude dug-outs and bark canoes being used; pottery not known; basketry 2IO THE AMERICAN INDIAN highly developed, coil, rectangular shapes, imbricated tech nique ; twine weaving in flexible bags and mats ; some simple weaving of bark fiber for clothing; clothing for the entire body usually of deerskins; skin caps for the men, and in some cases basket caps for women; blankets of woven rabbitskin; the sinew-backed bow prevailed; clubs, lances, and knives, and rod and slat armor (Fig.6o ) were used in war, also heavy leather shirts; fish spears, hooks, traps, and bag nets were used; dressing of deerskins highly developed, but other skin- work weak, upright stretching frames and straight long- handled scrapers; while wood work was more advanced than among the Plains tribes it was insignificant as compared to the North Pacific Coast area (4) ; stone work was confined to the making of tools and points, battering and flaking, some jadeite tools; work in bone, metal, and feathers very weak. Of the non-material traits the most distinctive are: decor ative art simple and inconspicuous, rather inclining towards the Plains type on the one hand and that of the North Pacific Coast tribes on the other; lack of definite tribal organization and band distinctions; a weak but still definite social dis tinction based upon personal wealth, with at least a modern use of the "potlatch" ceremony; hence, there are no striking general ceremonies or ritualistic societies as in the preceding area; puberty ceremonies rather prominent and related to the general belief in personal guardians; mythology largely a record of the "trickster type." The Shahaptian group includes tribes of the Waiilatpuan stock. The underground house seems to be wanting here, but the Nez Perc6 used a form of it for a young men's lodge. However, the permanent house seems to be a form of the double lean-to of the North. In other respects the differences are almost wholly due to the intrusion of traits from the Plains. The Northern Shoshonean tribes were even farther removed toward Plains culture, though they used a dome-shaped brush shelter before the tipi became general ; thus, they used canoes not at all, carried the Plains shield; deer being scarce in their country they made more use of the buffalo than the Nez Perce, depended more upon small game and especially made PLATEAU AREA 211 extensive use of wild grass seeds, though as everywhere in the area, roots and salmon formed an important food ; in addition to the universal sagebrush bark weaving they made rabbitskin blankets; their basketry was coil and twine, but the shapes were round; they had some steatite jars and possibly pottery, but usually cooked in baskets ; their clothing was quite Plains- like and work in rawhide was well developed ; in historic times they were great horse Indians, but seem not to have used the travois either for dogs or horses. A number of ceremonial dances also remind one of the Plains. The remaining Shoshoni of west ern Utah and Nevada were in a more arid region and so out of both the salmon and the buffalo country, but otherwise their fundamental culture was much the same, though far less modified by Plains traits. The Wind River division, the Uintah or Uncompahgre Ute, it should be noted, belong more to the Plains area than here, and have been so classed. In the extreme western part of Nevada we have the Washo, a small tribe and linguistic stock who, in common with some of the little-known Shoshonean Mono-Paviotso groups, seem to have been influenced by California culture, since we find here a form of balsa, or the tule reed raft-like boat of California. Among other variants, the occasional use of insects as food may be noted. On the north of our area are the Athapascan Chilcotin, whose culture was quite like that of the Salish, and to the northeast the Kutenai, with some individualities and some inclinations towards the Plains, especially in social and ceremonial traits. In general, it appears that in choice of foods, textile arts, quantity of clothing, forms of utensils, fishing appliances, methods of cooking and preparing foods, weakly developed decorative art, meager social organization, distinctions by property, religious and mythological conceptions, there was great uniformity throughout the entire area ; while in houses, transportation, weapons, cut and style of clothing, specific ceremonies and war customs, the groups designated above presented some important differences. As in the Plains area, we find certain border tribes strongly influenced by the cul tures of the adjoining areas. 212 THE AMERICAN INDIAN 3. California Area. In California we have a marginal or coast area, which Kroeber 6 divides into four sub-culture areas. However, by far the most extensive is the central group to which belongs the typical culture. Its main char acteristics are: acorns, the chief vegetable food, supplemented by wild seeds, roots and berries are scarcely used; acorns made into bread by a roundabout process; hunting mostly for small game and fishing where possible; houses of many forms, but all simple shelters of brush or tule, or more sub stantial conical lean-to structures of poles; the dog was not used for packing, and there were no canoes, but used rafts of tule for ferrying; no pottery, but high development of bas ketry, both coil and twine; bags and mats very scanty; cloth or other weaving of twisted elements not known; clothing was simple, and scanty, feet generally bare; the bow, the only weapon, usually sinew-backed ; work in skins very weak; work in wood, bone, etc., weak; metals not at all; stone work not advanced; no picture writing; designs only upon baskets and not symbolic; social organizations simple without gens or clan forms; political solidarity almost lacking; no formal social ranking, but some tendency to recognize property dis tinctions; ritualism, fetishism, and religious symbolism almost lacking; well developed puberty ceremonies for girls and a kind of secret initiation for men; a mourning ceremony in which gifts are burned; a tendency to maintain a series of dances in a fixed order; a semi-underground or earth-covered house for ceremonies, a sweat house and the sleeping place of adult males; shamanism conspicuous, but absence of fasting and other inducing methods; regalia not elaborate, feather head bands most general; creation and culture origin myths prevail, a dignified creator, but in addition coyote tales. As with the preceding areas, we must again consider inter mediate groups. In the South, the characteristic linguistic individuality vanishes to make room for large groups of Yuman and Shoshonean tribes; here we find some pottery, sandals, wooden war clubs, and even curved rabbit sticks, all intrusive; but, in ceremonies and other non-material traits, these tribes conform to the California type we have outlined. The extinct NORTH PACIFIC COAST AREA 213 Santa Barbara were at least variants, living upon sea food, having some wood work, making plank canoes, and excellent workers of stone, bone, and shell. In northern California are again the Karok, Yurok, Wishosk, Shasta, and Hupa and other Athapascan tribes; here sea food on the coast and salmon in the interior rival acorns and other foods; dug-out canoes; rectangular gabled houses of planks with circular doors; basketry almost exclusively twined; elkhorn and wooden trinket boxes ; elkhorn spoons ; stone work superior to that of central California; the occasional use of rod, slat, and elkskin armor and also basket hats of the northern type. These all suggest the culture farther north (Area 4), as do the appear ance of carving and the more elaborate decorative art. Also, social organization becomes more definite, with clear-cut prop erty distinctions, mourning ceremonies, and the secret initia tions are wanting; and the use of stuffed albino deerskins in certain ceremonies is distinctive. Even the mythology is said to have leanings toward that of the North and East. 4. North Pacific Coast Area. Ranging northward from Cali fornia to the Alaskan peninsula we have an ethnic coast belt, known as the North Pacific Coast area.6 This culture is rather complex and presents highly individualized tribal varia tions; but can be consistently treated under three sub divisions: (a) the northern group, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsim- shian; (b) the central group, the Kwakiutl tribes and the Bellacoola ; and (c) the southern group, the Coast Salish, the Nootka, the Chinook, Kalapooian, Waiilatpuan, Chimakuan, and some Athapascan tribes. The first of these seem to be the type and are characterized by: the great dependence upon sea food, some hunting upon the mainland, large use of berries; dried fisli, clams, and berries are the staple food; cooking with hot stones in boxes and baskets; large rectangular gabled houses of upright cedar planks with carved posts and totem poles; travel chiefly by water in large, sea-going dug-out canoes, some of which had sails; no pottery nor stone vessels, except mortars; baskets in checker, those in twine reaching a high state of excellence among the Tlingit; coil basketry not made; mats of cedar bark and soft bags in 214 THE AMERICAN INDIAN abundance; the Chilkat, a Tlingit tribe, specialized in the weaving of a blanket of goat hair; there was no true loom, the warp hanging from a bar, and weaving with the fingers, downward (Fig. 70) ; clothing rather scanty, chiefly of skin, a wide basket hat (only one of the kind on the continent and apparently for rain protection); feet usually bare, but skin moccasins and leggings were occasionally made; for weapons the bow, club, and a peculiar dagger, no lances; slat, rod, and skin armor; wooden helmets, no shields; practically no chipped stone tools, but nephrite or green stone used; wood work highly developed, splitting and dressing of planks, pe culiar bending for boxes, joining by securing with concealed stitches, high development of carving technique; work in copper may have been aboriginal, but, if so, very weakly developed; decorative art is conspicuous, tending to realism in carved totem poles, house posts, etc.; some geometric art on baskets, but woven blankets tend to be realistic; each family expresses its mythical origin in a carved or painted crest; the tribe of two exogamic divisions with maternal descent; society organized as chiefs, nobles, common people, and slaves ; a kind of barter system expressed in the potlatch ceremony in which the leading units of value are blankets and certain conventional copper plates; a complex ritualistic system by which individuals are initiated into the protection of their family guardian spirits, those so associated with the same spirit forming a kind of society; mythology character ized by the Raven legends. The central group differs in a few minor points : use a hand stone hammer instead of a hafted one ; practically no use of skin clothing, but twisted and loosely woven bark or wool; no coil or twined basketry, all checker work; has a tendency toward paternal descent for its exogamic groups; the crest system less in evidence, but the initiation groups very strong, particularly the cannibal cult, and far less associated with the clans. Among the southern group appears a strong tendency to use stone arrow-heads in contrast to the North; a peculiar flat club, vaguely similar to the New Zealand type, the occa- brom a painting in the American Museum of Natural History by Will S. Taylor Fig. 70. The Chilkat In Hans ESKIMO AREA 215 sional use of the Plains warclub; greater use of edible roots (camas, etc.) and berries, some use of acorns, as in California; the handled digging-stick; roasting in holes (especially camas), and the pounding of dried salmon ; a temporary summer house of bark or rushes ; twine basketry prevailed ; the sewed rush mat; costume like the central group. The art, social, and ceremonial traits of the North all thin out as we move south ward. 5. Eskimo Area. The chief resumes of Eskimo culture have been made by Boas,7 who divides them into nine or more groups, as follows: the Greenland Eskimo; the Eskimo of southern Baffin Land and Labrador; the Eskimo of Melville Peninsula, North Devon, North Baffin Land, and the north west shore of Hudson Bay; the Sagdlirmiut of Southampton Island ; the Eskimo of Boothia Felix, King William Land, and the neighboring mainland ; the Eskimo of Victoria Island and Coronation Gulf; the Eskimo between Cape Bathurst and Herschel Island, including the mouth of the Mackenzie River; the Alaskan Eskimo; and the Yuit of Siberia. When we consider the fact that the Eskimo are confined to the coast line, and stretch from the Aleutian Islands to eastern Green land, we should expect lack of contact in many parts of this long chain to give rise to many differences. While many differences do exist, the similarities are striking, equal, if not superior, in uniformity to those of any other culture area. However, our knowledge of these people is far from satisfac tory, making even this brief survey quite provisional. The mere fact that they live by the sea, and chiefly upon sea food, will not of itself differentiate them from the tribes of the North Pacific Coast; but the habit of camping in winter upon sea ice and living upon seal, and in the summer, upon land animals, will serve us. Among other traits the kayak and "woman's boat," the lamp, the harpoon, the float, woman's knife, bowdrill, snow goggles, the trussed-bow, and dog trac tion, with the sled, are almost universal and, taken in their entirety, rather sharply differentiate Eskimo culture from the remainder of the continent. The type of winter shelter varies considerably, but the skin tent is quite universal in summer, 216 THE AMERICAN INDIAN and the snowhouse, as a more or less permanent winter dwelling prevails east of Point Barrow. Intrusive traits are also present: basketry of coil and twine is common in Alaska; pottery also extended eastward to Cape Parry; the Asiatic pipe occurs in Alaska and the Indian pipe on the west side of Hudson Bay; likewise, some costumes beaded in general Indian style have been noted west of Hudson Bay. All Es kimo are rather ingenious workers with tools, in this respect strikingly like the tribes of the North Pacific Coast. In Alaska, where wood is available, the Eskimo carve masks, small boxes, and bowls with great cleverness. These variants all tend to disappear between Point Barrow and Hudson Bay, and it may be noted that they are at the same time traits that occur in Asia, the North Pacific Coast, or the Mackenzie Area (6). Hence, we seem justified in look ing toward the east for the typical material culture. From our limited knowledge it appears that the great central group from Banks Island on the west to Smith Sound in North Greenland is the home of the purest traits; here are snow-. houses; dogs harnessed with single traces; rectangular stone kettles; and the almost entire absence of wooden utensils; a simple order of social and political life in which the unit is the family; a political chief, in the sense known in Indian culture, not recognized; shamanism rather prominent and comparable to that found in Siberia; great elaboration of taboos and a corresponding requirement of confession ; almost no ritualistic ceremonies, but at least one yearly gathering in which masked men impersonate gods ; temporary exchange of wives at the preceding; mythology simple and centering around the goddess of the sea animals. Between Greenland, and Labrador the differences are small, and apparently due. more to modern European influences than to prehistoric causes. The limited study of archaeological specimens by Dall,8 Solberg,9 and Boas 10 suggests much greater cultural uniformity in the prehistoric period, a conclusion apparently borne out by the collections made by Stefansson u on the north coast. While this is far from conclusive, it is quite con sistent with the view that the chief intrusive elements in MACKENZIE AREA 217 Eskimo culture are to be found west of the Mackenzie River. 6. Mackenzie Area. Skirting the Eskimo area from east to west is a great interior belt of semi-arctic lands, including the greater part of the interior of Canada. Hudson Bay almost cuts it into two parts, the western or larger part occupied by the Dene tribes, the eastern by Algonkins, the Saulteaux, Cree, Montagnais, and Naskapi. The fauna, flora, and climate are quite uniform for corresponding latitudes and are re flected to some extent in material culture, so that we should be justified in considering it one great area, if the less material traits did not show definite distinctions. As noted in oiir first chapter, the chief cultural bond through the region is the use of the caribou. The caribou ranged from Maine to Alaska and throughout all this area furnished the greater part of the clothing and tents and a considerable portion of the food. They could not be taken easily in summer, but in winter were killed in drives, on the ice, or after a thaw, in the water. They were also snared. All of these methods were known from Alaska to Newfoundland. Between the Macken zie and Hudson Bay ranged the barren ground variety, whose habits were somewhat like those of the buffalo on the plains, and the tribes in reach of their range lived upon them almost as completely as did the Indians of the Plains upon the buffalo.12 Along with these widely distributed caribou traits go the great use of spruce and birchbark for canoes and ves sels, babiche and bark fiber, toboggans and skin or bark- covered tents, and the use of snares and nets. Notwithstand ing these similarities, the other aspects of culture for eastern Canada appear intermediate to the Eastern Woodland area (7) of the United States. Hence, the great Dene country of the Canadian Northwest is usually considered as a distinct culture area, taking its name from its largest river. Our knowledge of the Dene is rather fragmentary, for scarcely a single tribe has been seriously studied. Aside from the work of Father Morice 13 we have only the random obser vations of explorers and fur-traders. It is believed that the Dene tribes fall into three culture groups. The eastern group : 218 THE AMERICAN INDIAN the Yellow Knives, Dog Rib, Hares, Slavey, Chipewyan, and Beaver; the southwestern group: the Nahane, Sekani, Babine, and Carrier; the northwestern group comprising the Kutchin, Loucheux, Ahtena, and Khotana. The Chilcotin are so far removed culturally that we have placed them in the Plateau group, and the Tahltan seem to be intermediate to the North Pacific center. Of these three groups, the southwestern is the largest and occupies the most favorable habitat. From the writings of Father Morice, a fairly satisfactory statement of their cul tures can be made, as follows: All the tribes are hunters of large and small game, caribou are often driven into enclosures, small game taken in snares and traps; a few of the tribes on the headwaters of the Pacific drainage take salmon, but other kinds of fish are largely used; large use of berries is made, they are mashed and dried by a special process; edible roots and other vegetable foods are used to some extent; utensils are of wood and bark; no pottery; bark vessels for boiling with and without use of stones; travel in summer largely by canoe; in winter by snowshoe; dog sleds used to some extent, but chiefly since trade days, the toboggan form pre vailing; clothing of skins; mittens and caps; no weaving except rabbitskin garments, but fine network in snowshoes, bags, and fish nets, materials of bark fiber, sinew, and babiche; there is also a special form of woven quill work with geometric designs; the typical habitation seems to be the double lean- to, though many intrusive forms occur; fish-hooks and spears; limited use of copper; work in stone weak; social organiza tion simple, but yet showing forms of maternal clans, property distinctions, etc., reminding one of the North Pacific area; the hospitable exchange of wives; shamanism very prominent, but no good evidence of ritualism. Unfortunately, the data available on the other groups are less definite, so that we cannot decisively classify the tribes. From Hearne,14 Mackenzie,16 and others it appears that the following traits prevailed over the entire Dene area: the twisting of bark fiber without spindle and its general use, reminding one of sennit; snares and nets for all kinds of EASTERN WOODLAND AREA 219 game; the use of spruce and birchbark for vessels and canoes; basketry of split spruce root (watap) for cooking with hot stones, noted by early observers; the toboggan; in summer the use of babiche; the short-handled stone adze; iron pyrites instead of the firedrill and fungus for touchwood; the use of the cache ; and, above all, dependence upon the caribou ; a tendency toward the simplest kind of social grouping; prominence of shamanism and weakness of ritualism. These seem to be the most characteristic traits of the D6ne as a whole, and, while neither numerous nor complex, are still quite distinctive. In discussing this area, some writers have commented upon the relative poverty of distinctive traits and the preponder ance of borrowed, or intrusive ones. For example, the double lean-to is peculiarly their own, though used slightly in parts of the Plateau area; but among the southwestern Dene we frequently find houses, like those of the Tsimshian, among the Babine and northern Carrier; while the Sekanais and southern Carrier use the underground houses of the Salish; and among the Chipewyan, Beaver, and most of the eastern group, the skin or bark-covered tipi of the Cree is common. Similar differences have been noted in costume and such social traits as clans and property distinctions, in the west. Pemmi can, a specialty of the eastern Indians, was made by the eastern Dene. According to Hearne 16 some of the eastern Dene painted their shields with Plains-like devices, and in the northwestern group we find some sleds of Eskimo pattern. Such borrowing of traits from other areas is, however, not peculiar to the Dene, and while it may be more prevalent among them, it should be noted that our best available data are from tribes marginal to the area. It is just in the geo graphical center of this area that good data so far fail us. Therefore, the inference is that there is a distinct type of Dene culture, and that their lack of individuality has been over-estimated. 7. Eastern Woodland Area. We come now to the so-called Eastern Woodland area, the characterization of which is dif ficult. As just noted, its northern border extends to the Arctic, 220 THE AMERICAN INDIAN and all the territory between the Eskimo above, and Lakes Superior and Huron below, and eastward to the St. Lawrence, is the home of a culture whose material traits are comparable to those of the preceding area. In brief, these traits are the taking of caribou in pens; the snaring of game; the consid erable use of small game and fish; the use of berry food; the weaving of rabbitskins; the birch canoe; the toboggan; the conical skin or bark-covered shelter; the absence of basketry and pottery ; use of bark and wooden utensils. The tribes most distinctly of this culture are the Ojibway north of the Lakes, including the Saulteaux, the Wood Cree, the Montagnais, and the Naskapi. Taking the above as the northern group, we find the main body falls into three large. divisions: i. The Iroquoian tribes (Huron, Wyandot, Erie, Susque hanna, and the Five Nations) extending from north to south and thus dividing the Algonkin tribes. 2. The Central Algonkin, west of the Iroquois: some Ojibway, the Ottawa, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, Potawatomi, Peoria, Illinois, Kickapoo, Miami, Piankashaw, Shawnee, also the Siouan Winnebago. 3. The Eastern Algonkin: the Abnaki group, and the Micmac (not to be distinguished from the northern border group noted above save by their feeble cultivation of maize), the New England tribes, and the Delaware. While the Iroquoian tribes seem to have been predominant, their culture, as a whole, suggests a southern origin, thus dis-, qualifying them for places in the type group. The Eastern tribes are not well known, many of them being extinct, but they also seem to have been strongly influenced by the Iro quois and by southern culture. We must, therefore, turn to the Central group for the type. Even here the data are far from adequate; for the Peoria, Illinois, Miami, and Pianka shaw have almost faded away. Little is known of the Kick apoo and Ottawa, and no serious studies of the Shawnee are available. The latter, hoWever, seem to belong with the transitional tribes of the Eastern group, if not actually to the Southeastern area. Our discussion, therefore, must be based EASTERN WOODLAND AREA 221 on the Ojibway, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, and Winne bago.17 Enumerating their most characteristic traits, we have: maize, squashes, and beans cultivated (though weakly by the Ojibway); wild rice where available was a great staple ; maple sugar was manufactured; deer, bear, and even buffalo were hunted, also wild fowl; fishing was fairly developed, especially sturgeon fishing on the lakes; pottery was weakly developed but formerly used for cooking vessels; vessels of wood and bark were common; some splint basketry; two types of shelter prevailed, a dome-shaped bark or mat-covered lodge for winter, a rectangular bark house for summer, though the Ojibway tended to use the conical type of the northern border group instead of the latter; canoes of bark and dug-outs were used, where possible; the toboggan was occasionally used, snowshoes were common ; dog traction rare ; weaving of bark fiber downward with the fingers; soft bags; pack lines; and fish nets; clothing of skins, soft-soled moccasins with droop ing flaps, leggings, breechcloth, and sleeved shirts for men; for women, a skirt and jacket, though a one-piece dress was known; skin robes, some woven of rabbitskin; no armor, bows of plain wood, no lances, both the ball-ended and gun- shaped wooden club, in trade days the tomahawk; deer were often driven into the water and killed from canoes (the use of the jack-light should be noted) ; fish taken with hooks, spears, and nets, small game trapped and snared; work in skins confined to clothing; bags usually woven, other receptacles made of birchbark; mats of reed and cedarbark common; work in wood, stone, and bone weakly developed; probably considerable use of copper in prehistoric times; feather- work rare; a gens organization, no social classes or formal property distinctions; decorative art tending toward non-geometric forms; a secret initiation ceremony known as the Middwiwin; a well-developed scalp dance; fixed ritualistic procedures in conducting a war party ; ceremonial bundles for war, hunting, and also for social groups; mythology complex, dealing in part with the deeds of Manitou beings; elaboration of song rituals for many phases of routine life; specialization in root 222 THE AMERICAN INDIAN and herb formulas for treating the sick, but some shamanistic traits, as the juggler's lodge. When we come to the eastern group we find agriculture more intensive (except in the extreme north) and pottery more highly developed. Woven feather cloaks seem to have been common, a southern trait. Work in stone also seems a little more complex ; a special development of steatite work. More use was made of edible roots. The decorative art was less geometric and ritualism weaker than in the typical group. The Iroquoian tribes 18 were even more intensive agricul turists and potters; they made some use of the blowgun; developed cornhusk weaving; carved elaborate masks from wood; lived in rectangular long houses of peculiar pattern; built fortifications; and were superior in bone work; main tained a series of masked secret societies, a corn harvest festi val, and, above all, a highly developed political organization or "League of the Six Nations," which made systematic con quests. 8. Southeastern Area. The Southeastern area is conveniently divided by the Mississippi River, the typical culture occurring in the east. As we have noted, the Powhattan group and per haps the Shawnee are intermediate. These eliminated, we have the Muskhogean and Iroquoian tribes (Cherokee and Tuscarora), as the chief groups, also the Yuchi, Eastern Siouan, Tunican, and Quapaw. The Chitimacha and Attacapa differ from the others chiefly in the greater use of aquatic foods,. The Caddoan tribes had a different type of shelter and were otherwise slightly deflected toward the Plains culture. We have little data for the Tonkawa, Karankawa, and Car- rizo, but they seem not to have been agriculturists and some of them seem to have lived in tipis like the Lipan, being almost true buffalo Indians. These thus stand as intermediate and may belong with the Plains or the Southwestern area. The Biloxi of the east, the extinct Timuqua, and the Florida Seminole are also variants from the type. They were far less dependent upon agriculture and made considerable use of aquatic food. The Timuqua lived in circular houses and, as did the Seminole,19 used bread made of coonti roots (Zamut SOUTHEASTERN AREA 223 pumila), the method of preparation suggesting West Indian influence. The eating of human flesh is also set down as a trait of several Gulf Coast tribes. Our typical culture then may be found at its best among the Muskhogean, Yuchi, and Cherokee.20 The following are the most distinctive traits: great use of vegetable food and intensive agriculture; raised maize, cane (a kind of millet), pumpkins, melons, tobacco, and after contact with Europeans, quickly took up peaches, figs, etc.; large use of wild vegetables also ; dogs eaten, the only domestic animal, but chickens, hogs, horses, and even cattle were adopted quickly; deer, bear, and bison in the west were the large game, for deer the stalking and surround methods were used; turkeys and small game were hunted and fish taken when convenient (fish poisons were in use, suggesting South America) ; of manufactured foods — bears' oil, hickory-nut oil, persimmon bread, and hominy are noteworthy; houses were generally rectangular with curved roofs, covered with thatch or bark, also often provided with plaster walls reinforced with wickerwork; towns were well fortified with palisades; dug-out canoes; costume was moderate, chiefly of deerskins, robes of bison, etc., shirt-like garments for men, skirts and toga-like upper garments for women, boot-like moccasins for winter; some woven fabrics of bark fiber, and fine netted feather cloaks; some buffalo-hair weaving in the west, weav ing downward with the fingers; fine mats of cane and some cornhusk work; baskets of cane and splints, the double or nested basket and the basket meal sieve are special forms; knives of cane, darts of cane and bone; blowguns in general use; good potters, coil process, paddle decorations;21 skin dressing by slightly different method from elsewhere (macer ated in mortars) and straight scrapers of hafted stone; work in stone of a high order, but no true sculpture; little metal work; ceremonial houses, or temples, for sun worship in which were perpetual fires ; these, and other important build ings set upon mounds; elaborate planting arid harvest rituals, especially an important ceremony known as the "busk"; the kindling of new fire and the use of the "black drink"; a clan 224 THE AMERICAN INDIAN system with society composed of chiefs and four grades of subjects; chiefs regarded as under the sacred influence of the Sun God,, reminding us of Peru; political systems developed with strong confederacies ; strong development of the calumet procedure ; shamanism prominent. 9. Southwestern Area. In the Southwestern are a we have a small portion of the United States (New Mexico and Arizona) and an indefinite portion of Mexico. For convenience, we shall ignore all tribes south of the international boundary. Within these limits, we have what appear to be two types of culture: the Pueblos and the nomadic tribes, but from our point of view this distinction seems not wholly justifiable, since the differences are chiefly those of architecture and social group ing and not unlike those already noted in the Eastern Wood land area. On account of its highly developed state and its prehistoric antecedents, the Pueblo culture appears as the type.22 The cultures of the different villages are far from uniform, but, ignbring minor variations, fall into three geo graphical groups: the Hopi (Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano [Tewa], Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shungopovi, and Oraibi); Zuiii ,(Zuni proper, Pescado, Nutria, and Ojo Caliente); and the Rio Grande (Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ilde- fonso, Tesuque, Pojpaque, Namb6, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta — all of Tanoan stock; San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia, Laguna, and Acoma — Keresan stock. The culture of the whole may be characterized first by certain traits not yet found in our survey of the continent; viz., the main dependence upon maize and other cultivated foods (men did the cultivating and weaving of cloth instead of women, as above) ; the use of a grinding stone, or metate, instead of a mortar; the art of masonry; loom or upward weaving; cultivated cotton as textile material; pottery dec orated in color; a unique type of building; and the domesti cation of the turkey. These certainly serve to sharply differ entiate this culture. While the mam 'dependence was placed on vegetable food there was some hunting; the eastern villages hunted buffalo and deer, especially Taos. The most unique hunting weapon SOUTHWESTERN AREA 225 is the flat, curved rabbit stick, in fact, a kind of boomerang. Drives of rabbits and antelope were practised. The principal wild vegetable food was the pifion nut. Of manufactured foods, piki bread is the most unique. In former times, the villages often traded for meat with the more nomadic tribes. Taos, Pecos, and a few of the frontier villages used buffalo robes and often dressed in deerskins, but woven robes were usual. Men wore aprons and a robe when needed. In addi tion to cloth robes, some were woven of rabbitskin and some netted with turkey feathers. Women wore a woven garment reaching from the shoulder to the knees, fastened over the right shoulder only. For the feet,, hard-soled moccasins, those for women having long strips of deerskin wound around the leg. Pottery was highly developed and served other uses than the practical. Basketry was known, but not so highly developed as among the non- Pueblo -tribes. The dog was kept, but not used in transportation, and there were no boats. The mechanical arts were not highly developed ; their stone work and work in wood, while of an advanced type, does not excel that of some other areas; some work in turquoise, but nothing in metal. Art flourished chiefly as pottery decoration and in ceremonial painting; the latter tended tc^jbe .symbolic but usually bordered upon the realistic; a complex social grouping in which relationship is usually maternal, but the unity of the system is apparent in that the same group names can be traced throughout the different villages;23 each village independent with an elective governor and a war chief, the final sanction, however, resting with" a supreme religious officer; ritualism very complicated; universal offerings of maize meal and other objects at shrines; extensive use of sand painted altars; purification by emetics and head- washing; two sets of priests and ceremonies, one for summer, the other for winter; many societies or cults; a snake dance among the Hopi M and a rain ceremony at Sia are special demonstrations; the most common are .tbp»kachina cere monies, part of which are masked dances; mythology char acterized by migration tales. 226 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The Pina 15 once lived in adobe houses but not of the Pueblo type; they developed irrigation but also made extensive use of wild plants (mesquite, saguaro, etc.). They raised cotton and wove cloth, were indifferent potters, but experts in bas ketry. The kindred Papago were similar, though less ad vanced. The Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Maricopa, and Yav apai used a square, flat-roofed house of wood, did not practise irrigation, were not good basket makers (excepting the Yava pai), but were otherwise similar to the Pima. The Walapai and Havasupai were somewhat more nomadic. Among all these ritualism was weak in contrast to the Pueblos, but we have very little data on the subject. In some respects the Pima and their ethnic neighbors appear to be transitional to the Pueblo type, but when we come to the Athapascan-speaking tribes of the eastern side of the area we find some intermediate cultures. Thus, the Jicarilla and Mescalero used the Plains tipi; they raised but little; gath ered wild vegetable foods and hunted buffalo and other ani mals; no weaving, but costumes of skin in the Plains type; made a little pottery; good coil baskets; used glass-bead technique of the Plains. The southern Ute were also in this class. The western Apache differed little from these, but rarely used tipis and gave a little more attention to agriculture. All used shields of buffalo hide and roasted certain roots in holes. In general, while the Apache have certain undoubted Pueblo traits, they also remind one of the Plains and the Plateaus. The Navajo seem to have taken on their most striking traits under European influence; but their old type of shelter is again the up-ended stick type of the North, while their cos tume, pottery, and feeble attempts at basketry and formerly at agriculture, with their strong leaning toward ritualism, all suggest Pueblo influence. Thus, in the widely diffused traits of agriculture, metate, pottery, and, to a less degree, the weaving of cloth with loom and spindle, former use of sandals, a similar social system, and intense ritualism, we have common cultural bonds between all the tribes of the Southwest, uniting them in one culture area. Fig. 71. Pueblo Indian Life Croup in the American Museum of Natural History by Howard McCormick and Mahoori Younq NAHUA AREA 227 In all these the Pueblos lead. The non-Pueblo tribes skirt ing the Plains and Plateaus occupy an intermediate position, as, doubtless, do the tribes to the southwest, from which it appears that, after all, we have but one distinct general type of culture centering in this area. 10. The Nahua Area. We have just seen how the Pueblo type of culture centered in the upper Rio Grande Valley and how its varying characteristics extend down into Mexico. It is clear from the historical data of the Spanish conquest that when Cortez landed on the Gulf Coast there was one center of culture for the Whole stretch of country between the Rio Grande and Lake Nicaragua, and that its most typical repre sentative was the Aztec group round about the City of Mexico. Yet, the Tarascan, the Zapotec and the Mixtec were almost equally typical, while somewhat less typical were the Totonac, and the Otomi. Some centuries before the discovery of America, the center of the area was in Yucatan, among the Maya, whence it seems to have shifted to the northern tribes we have just noted. Within the bounds of this older center are found the most impressive ruins in the New World (p. ioo). While we cannot connect any one ruin with a specific surviving Maya group, it is cer tain that the builders of all of them were members of the Maya stock. The attainment of this result is one of the most im portant triumphs of our science, for had we been unable to so connect these ruins with the Maya, we should find the whole Mexican-Central American problem extremely baffling. The Spaniards found the Maya in eighteen or more inde pendent tribal groups, no longer living in pretentious cities, but no doubt representing the original social units forming the ancient Maya federation. That they were still of a culture type comparable to the Aztec group, is indicated by extensive agriculture (maize, peppers, beans, cacao, etc.), the domestication of bees for the honey and the wax, weaving of cotton so fiine that the Spaniards mistook it for silk, large canoes, and trade with Cuba, hieroglyphic books, a gentile organization with animal names, etc. Archaeological research has revealed their former ascendency in architecture, art, 228 THE AMERICAN INDIAN calendar systems, and astronomical knowledge. A great deal of these specialized traits of culture passed to the Aztec, but^ one feature in particular seems to differentiate Maya culture: viz., the absence of copper tools. Their culture was essentially a stone age culture, which used copper and gold, particularly the latter, only for ornament. In the smelting and casting of gold they were very skilful. Thus we have in the ancient Maya a fine example of the height to which a people may rise with only tools of stone and wood. While the later Aztec culture was in foundation a stone culture, it went somewhat farther than the Maya in the development of copper tools, but not so far as did the Inca of Peru. The present state of native culture in the Central American States is quite the reverse of what the archaeology would lead one to expect. This is particularly true of the Maya area in which quite primitive and loosely organized groups of people are found still speaking Maya languages. One of these groups, known as Lacandones, has been carefully studied26 and may be taken as the general historic type for the whole of Central America. Its characteristics are: agriculture, hunt ing and fishing, carried on about in the same proportion as in the Amazon country; maize, potatoes, a yucca, calabashes, tobacco, corn, etc., raised; cotton raised and spun; some pot tery; bees domesticated; bows and stone-pointed arrows; water drums ; gourd rattles ; the ceremonial life simple, con sisting in the main of an annual renewing ceremony and numerous offerings, from all of which women are excluded. Strange to say, no knowledge of the calendar system and writing of the Maya period survives, for Maya intellectual culture being exclusive to the priestly class, either passed over to the Aztec conquerors or into oblivion. Aztec culture embodied traits similar to those of the Maya.27 They had a highly organized government and maintained armies; a gentile social order with gens land rights; intensive agriculture, maize, beans, peppers, gourds, cotton, fruits; in toxicating drink, or pulque, from maguey plant; were skilful builders; made ornaments of gold, silver and copper, cast in molds of wax, clay and charcoal ; made some tools of copper CHIBCHA AREA 229 and tin; a gold wire technique from which filigree work was derived; fine feather mosaics by the glue method for which large aviaries were maintained; work in obsidian and jadeite highly developed, cutting tools, mirrors, and ornaments; stone mosaic ornaments; finely woven cloth of cotton and agave with excellent dyes; fair potters; books on parchment and on maguey paper; an organized priesthood in whose hands were education and higher knowledge; literature was culti vated ; separate schools for girls and boys maintained ; children of a social class only, educated; a calendar system derived from the Maya, and an elaborate religious system in which sacrifices were prominent; rituals recited in the temples for regular parts of each day and night and almost constant sac rificing of quails, rabbits and flowers; at certain human sac rifices some of the flesh was ceremonially eaten. Just how far north and south the full series of Aztec traits was diffused cannot be stated, but for many years preceding the landing of Cortez they had been subjecting tribe after tribe and forcing upon them their own culture. The efficiency and character of their political system has been presented with great clearness by Bandelier.28 To the north, beyond the Tarascan were the Otomi, by tradition the forerunners of the Aztec, but in later times, at least, less typical. Still further north we meet the Pima-speaking tribes, Huichol, Cora, Mayo, Yaqui, etc., whose culture is clearly intermediate to that of the Aztec and the Pueblo area. Just what the relative values may have been in the past will doubtless be revealed by future research. Immediately to the south were the Mixes, Zoque, Chaponec, etc., some of which appear in early Spanish writings as wild savage cannibals, but their later docile appearance discredits -these old accounts. Yet we may be certain that they were of less culture than the Aztec or truly intermediate. SOUTH AMERICAN CULTURE AREAS ii. The Chibcha Area. On the southern frontier of the old Maya territory we meet such peoples as the Lenca and Xicaque of less intense culture, but still manifesting many of the funda- 230 THE AMERICAN INDIAN mental traits of the Nahua center. Yet when near the boun dary of Costa Rica, we find wilder tribes with cultures suggest ing South America. Just across the line we meet with the Chibcha-speaking Talamanca and the Chiriqui. From here down through the Isthmus we seem to find an increasing number of such traits as poisoned arrows, fish poisons, ham mocks, and palisaded villages, all highly characteristic of South American cultures. In fact, the whole isthmian country from the lower part of Nicaragua down is a marginal part of the Chibcha culture area, centering about Bogota, Colombia. Throughout this area we have environmental conditions similar to those surrounding the Maya, for the whole outer marginal circumference is studded with wild tribes and even the highly organized groups comprising the center in Colombia have some of these lowly folk interspersed among them. The dominating stock was the Chibcha, whose culture may be taken as the type.29 Like all Andean peoples, they were agricultural, producing maize, potatoes, manioc, beans, and squashes; no domestic animals for transportation; irrigation systems highly developed ; salt was made on a large scale and traded to outlying tribes; cotton was raised and weaving highly developed; fine dyeing; no stone buildings, cane and thatch the rule, walls of wattling, plastered with clay; roads and suspension bridges; no copper, but great skill in gold work, in fact, the center of the art for the New World ; a clan organization, or maternal descent; a kind of caste system; one tribe, the Panche, is credited with exogamous clans; no evidence of books or calendar systems; human sacrifices to the sun as an incident in sacrifices of all kinds; an infinite number of local shrine where some power was assumed to be manifest to which offerings were made; five sacred lakes; an organized priesthood with a single head; ceremonial foot races; coca chewing instead of tobacco and great use of chicha; but some tobacco was used both as snuff and for smoking in stone pipes; a mythical white man who was the culture hero called Bochica; a deluge myth; an Atlas idea of the world; a fairly compact political organization; tribute or taxes in gold and cloth chiefly; a commercial system with markets, INCA AREA 231 and a kind of currency. For further details, see the proper heading under archaeological classification. As to just how far the intermediate fringe of this culture extended into Venezuela, we cannot say, but from archaeolog ical evidence it seems to have reached out well into the high lands of the interior. On the south, it met Inca influence in Ecuador. 12. The Inca Area. The approximate northern border of the Inca area is near the equator, in the highlands of Ecuador, and its southern limits somewhere in the Atacama desert of Chile. It is remarkably narrow, following the coast belt of elevated Andean country. Another peculiarity is that the descent to the low level of the Amazon is abrupt, without the usual broad belt of plateau land, and in keeping with this, we find strong contrasts in culture, the intermediate tribes being chiefly in the north and south. Yet, as we shall see in an other place, some Inca traits did find their way down into the lowlands. The dominating stock languages are the Quechua and Ay- mara, having northern and southern distributions respec tively.30 Reference to the linguistic map will show a few minor stocks, chiefly in the south, who form in the main an intermediate group. Among the largest of these are the Ata- camas of northern Chile. Two small remnant stocks, the Puquinas of Lake Titicaca and the Lecan of the north Chilean coast were simple fisher folk who had acquired but few Inca traits, and who may be considered surviving remnants of the earlier population. Reference to a relief map shows a marked eastern extension of the Bolivian highlans, where we find a veritable swarm of minor stocks not found elsewhere, together with a few straggling Carib, Arawak and Tupi. On their eastern fron tiers are successively the Amazonian forests and the Chaco. In culture we find here all degrees of transition. The truly upland groups are rather sedentary and agricultural, some maintaining temples and organized priesthoods. The Mana- cicos (Chiquitan) and Canichanan had palisaded villages as in eastern Brazil; the former a gentile organization and made 232 THE AMERICAN INDIAN good pottery, but the latter were considered cannibals. Can nibalism, in fact, is charged to a large number of these groups. In the north, in what is now Ecuador, were the Caiiarian, who by their high development of gold work take a position intermediate to the Chibchan center; but their inland neigh bors, the Jivaran, are more like the wild Amazon tribes. The chief characters pertaining to Inca culture are: an organized government based upon gentile groups; the supreme authority resting in a council who appointed from a hereditary group a war chief, or Inca (see p. 149), agriculture ad vanced, maize, manioc, peppers, potatoes, fertilization, with guanaco and other manures, elaborate irrigation systems; do mestication of the llama, with the dog, guinea pig, birds, and monkeys as pets; some fishing on the coast and hunting in the interior; spinning and weaving highly developed, cotton cul tivated, vicuna wool, elaborate designs and rich dyes; pottery carried to a high state of development, both in form and de sign, most unique form, the whistling jar; gold, silver, andijp- per mined, smelted and skilfully worked; true bronze was made by use of tin ; tools and mechanical appliances simple, digging-stick and spade for farming, no hoe ; no saws, drilling by rolling in hands; architecture massive, but plain and se vere; a system of roads ; stone, and suspension bridges; some water travel by balsa; an organized army and fortifications; no writing, but the quipu as a counting device; sun worship, an organized priesthood; a mythical white man founder called Viracocha; a deluge myth; human sacrifices rare, but offerings of animals common; a series of gens gods, or huacas; religious orders of virgins; a sacred shrine on Lake Titicaca; conventional confessions of sins to a priest; two important ceremonies, the new-fire with the banishment of disease and the sun festival. 13. The Guanaco Area. Adjacent to the Bolivian highlands, the elevated lands of the headwaters of the La Plata drainage are known as the Gran Chaco. This is a rolling, wooded, and, in part, swampy plain. Farther south it merges into the Pampas, a level, treeless prairie. Still farther south, we have a more elevated, scantily wooded country in Patagonia. This GUANACO AREA 233 whole stretch, together with the lower half of Chile, has one cultural center, though its geographical diversity gives certain distinctions. The typical culture is found among the Guay- curuan (Abipones, etc.), Araucanian, Puelchean, and Calcha- quian stocks.31 Engulfed by them are such tiny groups as Fig. 72. A Patagonian Shelter Tent, Wood, 1876. I the Lulean and Allentiacan. On the south we note the Chonoan of the Pacific Coast, who seem to have resembled the Alikulufan, Onan, and Yahganan farther south. The eastern slope of Patagonia was occupied by the Tsonekan (Tehuelche). Such of these as occupy the coast line live largely upon sea food. The culture of the typical group reminds one of the North American Plains area. The Spanish colonists introduced horses and cattle and very quickly the natives became horse Indians, hunting wild cattle.32 As such, they were nomadic and in the main did not till the soil, but in some cases did 234 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 73. Scenes from Fuegian Life. Wood, 1876. I GUANACO AREA 235 raise a little maize, etc., just as did some of the intermediate Plains area tribes of North America. All of the central group seem to have woven some cloth, but developed work in skins more extensively; the weapons were the lance, bola, and lasso. A skin boat suggesting the bull-boat of the Plains area was used for fording rivers; warriors rode into battle naked; dead were placed upon platforms, but the bones were after ward buried; smokers mixed tobacco with wood shavings, as in North America. In the historic period the natives of this area developed an intense horse culture. In many respects this complex was like the horse culture of the North American plains, because it was acquired from the same foreign source. Yet we find in the guanaco area several new features, as the bola, the lasso, and the toe-stirrup. These highly original traits of the horse complex are found among all the typical tribes enumer ated above, making it clear that even though they were orig inal inventions, they must have been in their present form diffused from one center along with the horse. Habitation vary a great deal, but still are simple affairs of skin or mats supported by a ridge pole, in many cases without smoke holes. A common form is a kind of skin-covered lean-to. Infants are secured on a board or frame, as in North America (Fig. 12). Among the more primitive tribes the men wear aprons and a robe, the latter giving way to a cotton breechcloth among the Araucans. The footwear consists of a kind of skin boot with long trailing hair from which we get the name Patagonia (duck feet). This boot has an open toe so that the toe stirrup can be used. Yet the prevailing tendency of the area as a whole was to go barefoot. As we go south in the area, the culture becomes more prim itive until at last we reach the Fuegians, who are a seashore people. Still they have much in common with the horse- using tribes of the mainland and are often taken as the sur viving remnant of the older population in the area. 'It is clear that in the period of horse culture the Araucan, Puel- chean, Guaycuruan, and Calchaquian tribes were the most strongly developed. The former had a kind of confederacy 236 THE AMERICAN INDIAN based upon the family group and had the dual peace and war chiefs observed in the area of higher culture; great value1 was placed upon oratory. They practised some agriculture and weaving. Shamanism was not well organized, but each local group had at least one such official. Eyebrows and face hair were plucked out, but the lip plug of the Brazilian tribes was not worn. The Abipones, at least, were composed of social castes and had four gentile groups placed in the four direc tions, reminding us of North American cultures. The Araucans were clearly intermediate to the Inca center, as indicated by the large use of chicha, tendency toward agri culture, the domestication of sheep and the wearing of wool in later times, great developments of animal and human sac rifices with features closely paralleling those of the North. The Fuegians and other stocks skirting the western and southern coast were not horse Indians, but developed the use of canoes; built fires in them upon clay hearths; went almost nude even in winter; lean-to shelters; bola not used, but the bow and spear; water-tight baskets; iron pyrites used for fire-making; dogs trained for hunting and even to drive fish by swimming. Some early accounts credit the Chonoans with weaving blankets from dog hair, reminding us of the Salish stock of the northern continent. When we turn to the north and east, we again meet the complex condition of the Bolivian highlands, for the Chaco is continuous with it. Here is the home of many stocks and representatives of others widely distributed. In the main, the culture of these people is intermediate to that of the great Brazilian area, since we find the lip plug now and then, urn burial, the short wooden club, dug-out canoe, etc. The Charrua cut off fingers when in mourning, as is done in some parts of North America. 14. Amazon Area. Our discussion so far has disposed of all the continent except the Amazon-Orinoco drainage. We see from 'a map that this drainage comprises fully half the con tinent. Turning to the linguistic map (Fig. 87), we find it dominated by four stocks: Arawak and Carib in the north west, Tupi and Tapuya in the southeast. Of these, the former AMAZON AREA 237 pair is by far the most widely distributed, occupying the whole of the Antilles, the greater part of Venezuela, Guiana, and: northern Brazil. It is truly curious how the numerous small stocks of the continent cluster around the very headwaters of the Orinoco and Amazon, as if some of the powerful peoples of the interior had invaded the area from without, sweeping tip the rivers and driving all before them. At first glance, the four main stocks seem to be promiscu ously scattered over the area, but if we refer to a relief map we may note that their distribution is coincident with eleva tion. The Arawak are a lowland people, while the Carib hold to the higher lands, almost without exception. On the other hand, the Tapuya stick close to the high tablelands of Brazil, while the Tupi skirt the coast and up into the lower Amazon. Therefore, we can with a fair degree of confidence lay down the geographical lines along which the expansion of these stocks took place, though as to the directions of move ment we cannot be sure. Since the Arawak are most widely distributed over the Antilles and hold to very low lands on the continent where they travel by rivers, on general grounds it Vould seem likely that their center of dispersion was among the Islands. The Carib, on the other hand, are most intensely distributed as an inland people, from which it has been in ferred that such of them as took to the sea borrowed this trait from their Arawak neighbors. '• Good studies of the Amazon tribes are rare, but it so hap-; pens that the few best are so distributed as to give us the probable range of traits throughout. For the Japura River, or the northeastern section of the area, we have Whiffen's33 account of the Witto and Boro, whose culture, together with that of their immediate neighbors, may be characterized as; follows : live by hunting, fishing, and agriculture ; raise manioc, tobacco, and coca, and to a much less extent maize, yams, pumpkins, peppers, sugar-cane, etc.; fields cleared by fire and dug up by digging-stick, no hoe; no tame animals, even dogs rare; all animal life eaten, the monkey being the most nearly staple; honey prized, some tame bees; cassava bread and the "pepper pot," the chief support ; manioc squeezed by 238 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 74. Distribution of Forests in South America. Zon, 1916. 1 AMAZON AREA 239 rolling in a mat; coca chewed and mimora seeds snuffed; tobacco used for ceremonial drink only; curare and other poisons; blowgun, throwing spear, bows, paddle clubs; fish caught by poison, also with hooks, nets, traps, and a trident spear; clay eaten; cannibals, eat prisoners; drum signalling; drums in pairs, male and female, phallic decorations; palm fiber rolled on thigh and hammocks made ; pottery ; basketry ; no metal, little stone, tools of wood; dug-out canoes, sprung into shape when hot from burning out; trees felled by holes and wedging; large wooden mortars for coca, tobacco, and maize; habitations and fields shifted often; whole community in one house, large and square, four posts inside, thatched, no smoke hole; clearing around house, but all concealed in jungle by maze-like path; no clothing except bark breechcloth for men; combs of palm splints for women; human tooth neck laces; ornamental ligatures, nose pins, leg rattles, elaborate body paint; palaver with a kind of black drink of tobacco for all important undertakings of war or peace; the couvade; women not permitted to join in serious ceremonies and not to see boys' initiations, not allowed to join a cannibal feast; personal names not spoken, even true names of mythical characters are whispered; shamanism (paye) important, tricks crude except "voice throwing," sucking for disease, but detecting evil spirits the chief function of a shaman; two serious harvest ceremonies, manioc and pineapple; boys cruelly whipped in puberty ceremonies; ordeals of stinging ants; many social dances; formal recital of one's grievances and a kind of riddle dance; pan pipe, flute, castanet, drum, gourd rattle; each house group exogamous, paternal descent; monogamy, each house has a chief, all adult males the council ; many tales resembling European folklore and many animal tales reminding one of African lore; sun and moon ven erated ; grave burial. In Guiana 34 we find most of these same traits, but what seems to be a higher culture, since here we have cotton cul tivated and spun and the typical cassava squeezer. The Arawak peoples also have a clan organization, maternal de scent. None of the Guiana peoples see coca, but smoke 240 THE AMERICAN INDIAN tobacco, cigar fashion ; the signal drum is absent. The house is similar in form but smaller, the tendency being to form villages; yet as we go in from the coast the transition to the large community house is rapid. On the south of the Amazon we find the higher culture among the Tupi of the Brazilian coast. The new traits are: smoking tobacco in stone pipes, palisaded villages, fine stone tools, urn burial; but otherwise the culture compares con cisely with that of the Arawak and Carib of Guiana. A few small stocks have similar culture, but on the interior plateaus were the Tapuya (the Botocudo, etc.), who stand somewhat apart from their neighbors.36 All reports considered, these tribes are of low culture and notorious cannibals. They were non-agricultural, did not work stone and made little pretense of weaving. These negative traits and a few positive ones tend to group these people with the Patagonians. If it is true that the Tupi tribes pushed out from the interior and dispossessed the Tapuya, we may consider the earlier exis tence of a Brazilian extension to the great hunting areas in Argentina and Patagonia. This is made probable on geograph ical grounds as reference to the forestry map will suggest. Anyway, it is clear that by culture the Tupi belong with the tribes of the Amazon, while the Tapuya belong elsewhere. With the latter eliminated, we have great uniformity of culture throughout. Yet the Tapuya share certain traits with the South Amazons, particularly the large lip plug and, as may be expected, a number of their neighbors in the Matto Grosso show simpler forms of Amazon culture. Turning again to the Amazon area, including the Tupi, we have remarkable uniformity in the following from north to south and east to west: agriculture; canoes; hammocks; pottery; blowgun; a thatched post-supported house with gables; sword clubs; leg and arm binding; certain types of feather- work; human bone flutes; calabash rattles; use of honey and wax; cannibalism; certain kinds of dance masks; couvade; ceremonial whipping of boys, and women barred from ceremonials. This is truly a formidable list. There are a few traits with partial distribution ; thus, on the south side ;&-• ¦ -v-'C -v-- ^- U_l.illL.lP BHi ¦F*£. 7J- -A Caraja Village in Central Brazil Photograph by Ehrenreich, 1888 AMAZON AREA 24I of the Amazon we frequently find the lip plug in contrast to the north, though it has a close analogy in Guiana. Again, on the south, urn burial is frequent, on the north, grave burial. Coca chewing and tobacco drinking are found in the west, tobacco smoking in the east, pipes in Brazil, and cigars in Guiana. Also, in eastern Brazil we have the pellet bow and the palisaded village. These, however, do not negate the unity of Amazon culture. Consistent with the wide distribution of these traits is the fact that we have in reality an area of canoe culture. Con stant river travel made diffusion easy and sufficiently accounts for the wide range of certain stocks, for the low Amazon Basin is a dense tropical forest through which the rivers are the only roads open to man. Consequently, we have a well-developed canoe complex. Temporary canoes are formed by scraping out the soft interior of a palm trunk and expanding the sides by a brace, and true bark boats are sometimes made by stripping the bark from a large tree, precisely as the Iroquois and some other North American tribes do, in contrast to the fine birch-covered canoe of their Algonkin neighbors. But the real boat is the wooden dug-out. As to the absolute univer sality of the canoe in the Amazon Basin, there is some difference of opinion, but since it is found wherever we have good data, we may expect that it is a common trait of all. While more data will certainly bring out greater tribal differences, yet it appears that an unusual degree of uniformity is found from the mouth of the Orinoco down through the entire Amazon basin. As we have noted, the only lines of movement are the rivers, and since these are gathered into one great system, we may expect culture traits to travel far. Colonel Church 36 has shown how certain stocks have moved westward ' in the open country along the southern rim, de tached groups starting down the tributaries of the Amazon here and there, to be dispersed far and wide over its great expanse. One can scarcely escape the conviction that the peopling of the interior was relatively late in consequence of which the culture at the center is quite like that upon the edges of the basin. On the other hand, the apparent remark- 242 THE AMERICAN INDIAN able conservatism of the natives which has preserved this culture in spite of two hundred years of contact with civiliza tion, may be due to this culture being the only one that can successfully cope with the forests.37 15. The Antilles. Finally, we have the Antillean insular area, properly discussed here because it has more affinities with the Amazon area than with any other. Unfortunately, the native life of the more important islands was so com pletely stamped out by the Spanish conquerors that a com prehensive view of native culture is impossible. Yet, from the narratives of the period, some significant data can be gleaned.38 So far as we know the pre-Columbian population was first pure Arawak, but later over-run by Carib. This at once connects the island culture with the canoe culture of the Amazon-Orinoco drainage. Among the distinctive traits are manioc culture, raising of cotton, use of the hammock, tobacco taken as snuff and inhalation, ceremonial emetics, fish poisons, cigars instead of pipes, all of which remind one of the Amazon area. CULTURE CENTERS Such a resum6 as we have just made shows how the cultures of the various social units grade into each other. This inter- gradation has often been cited as an insurmountable obstacle to classification, but it is not necessarily so, for we see that this condition arises from the existence of culture centers, from which culture influences seem to radiate. While it is true that a culture area as marked off on the map is in the main an arbitrary division, it has within its borders a culture center whose geographical positon is coincident with the habitats of the most typical tribes. Between two contiguous culture centers will be found many other social units with intermediate cultures. These relations are so consistent that one can almost predict the culture of a given unit when its geographical position with respect to the established centers is known. Hence, the culture areas we have designated serve to differentiate culture centers. This is why we have used straight and angular boundaries for our maps instead of more CULTURE CENTERS 243 definite curved contours. These boundaries, in fact, are merely diagrammatic, serving to indicate the loci of the points where culture stands half way between that of the con tiguous centers. While it may be difficult to empirically locate these points, our analysis of the several areas demon strates the correctness of the interpretation and makes the approximate location of such points practical. Yet the im portant thing is not the precise location of these boundaries, but the determination of the centers by analytic methods. It will be recalled that we have taken a new point of regard for this chapter, for whereas, in the others we singled out culture-trait complexes and sought their distributions, we now isolate social units in order to compare their individual cultures as wholes. What precedes is merely introductory to what is to follow. Already our experience with the social group as a unit in the, social complex, leads us to suspect that the mere social unit has little distinctive value as a culture unit. Thus, if we turn to one of these centers, select the social unit appear ing to have the most typical culture, and then move outward, we find the culture changes from one social unit to the next, not abrupt, but gradual or transitional. These facts suggest that progress with our problem will be accelerated if we recognize that the social units are one kind of phenomena and culture complexes another. We are no doubt somewhat confused because our own culture is largely coincident with political grouping and nationalism, and so is characterized by territorial uniformity. This uniformity is due to national standardizations of culture. If we look at the natives of the New World as a whole, it appears that only when a close political organization develops, as among the Maya, Nahua and Inca, do we find a tendency toward territorial uniformity in culture. It thus appears that in their original states, culture and political organization are independent phenomena, but that when the latter reaches a certain status, it seizes upon culture and standardizes it. On the other hand, it is by no means clear what causes led to the curious gradations of culture in regions occupied by many small political units. Standardization is a deliberate conscious 244 THE AMERICAN INDIAN process, but we may suspect that the causes underlying gradation lie outside of consciously directed activities. i. 2 34- 5 6.7.8. 9 10.ii.12,13.14.15.16. 17-18. 19- Teit, 1900. I; 1909. I; 1906. I. Spinden, 1908. I. Lowie, 1909. I. Lewis, 1906. I. Kroeber, 1904. I. Boas, 1906. I; Krause, 1885. I. Boas, 1907. I. Dall, 1877, I. Solberg, 1907. I. Boas, 1907. I. Stefansson, 1914. I. Pike, 1892. I, chapter 4; Grant, 1902. I. Morice, 1890. I; 1895. I; 1906. I. Hearne, 1795. I. Mackenzie, A., 1902. I. Hearne, 1795. I. Jones, W., 1906. I; Skinner, 1913. I; 1915. I; Hoffman, 1897. 1. Morgan, 1904. I. MacCauley, 1887. I. 20. Swanton, 191 1. I; Speck, 1909. I; Mooney, 1900. I. 21. Holmes, 1886. I. 22. Goddard,i9i3.I;Hough,i9i5. 1. 23. Kroeber, 1917. I. 24. Hough, 1915. I. 25. Russell, 1908. I. 26. Tozzer, 1907. I. 27. Joyce, 1914. I; Spinden, 1917. 1. 28. Bandelier, 1878. I;' 1879. I. 29. Joyce, 1912. I. 30. Markham, 1910. I. • 31. Dobrizhoffer, 1822. I. 32. Church, 1912. I, p. 300. 33. Whiffen, 1915. I. 34. Im Thurn, 1883. I. 35. Maximilian, 1820. I; Von den Steinen, 1897. I. 36. Church, 1912. I. 37. Bowman, 1916. I. 38. Fewkes, 1902. I. CHAPTER XV ARCHAEOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION In museums, the usual practice is to class as archaeological specimens all objects not definitely associated with an historic tribe. The somewhat arbitrary nature of this grouping is obvious, but it is justifiable, for, in the main, these objects belong to an earlier time stratum than those that can be definitely assigned to living peoples. These specimens and their distributions constitute a large part of the data for one division of our subject and have been subjected to precisely the same kind of classification as have the culture traits of the historic tribes. Even a distribution map has been devel oped by Holmes,1 but the one we give here was first used in 1912 as a hall label for the American Museum of Natural History. It differs somewhat from the Holmes map, though, in the main, the boundaries to the areas are the same. NORTH AMERICA I. The North Atlantic Area. This area includes all of New England and the Maritime Provinces of Canada with an in definite inland border to the north and west, and south to the Delaware River. Its general archaeological characteristics are: extensive shell deposits on the coast; the dead interred in a flexed position and usually without accompanying objects; the absence of mounds and similar earthworks ; crude pottery, with pointed bottoms (Fig. 29) and rudely stamped decora tions; the grooved ax and long cylindrical stone pestle; extensive steatite quarries and vessels of the same material; and, finally, great numbers of rock-shelters. A detailed view of the area, however, reveals at least two subdivisions: a southern including the territory from the Delaware River to the Maine- New Hampshire boundary; and a northern from that point onward to Newfoundland.2 246 THE AMERICAN INDIAN ST 11 ^bw^v / $ 12 S5~->Vs B "\ V 13 4/ /, 14 V ^L2/ / ' X \ 'x \ \V- s X&L* \ X 7/ x«T c=»«-^ -:// *x 18 * v »x* *X7-'l < -^ii* ¦ >s •a 1 /yit*X^ . V ^ A, 19 ,\ / \20l IX ' 23 / , / /W* F*g. 7(J. Archaological Areas NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 247 The typical culture lies in the southern sub-area, centering in New Jersey. In this area village sites with cache pits for storage are numerous and often enclosed by traces of small defensive works. Shell-heaps are small and relatively barren of specimens. Objects made of stone are abundant and varied, Fig. 77. Types of Stone Implements from the North Atlantic Area: the grooved ax; the rounded celt; the plummet; the gouge; the bayonet- shaped point; and the long pestle and show good workmanship; the forms include the grooved ax, rounded celt, pestles, and problematical forms,3 as banner stones, gorgets, etc. One noteworthy object is the carved stone human head, found in New Jersey. All these traits are found with much less intensity east of the Hudson where the plummet, gouge and adze appear. In the Hudson Valley proper we find some intrusive Iroquoian pottery forms. Finally, we have in this region a large number of rock-shelters. The northern half of the area, including Maine, Gaspe, and the Maritime Provinces differs from the preceding in the 248 THE AMERICAN INDIAN relative scarcity of village sites and in the fact that when such sites are found they lack cache pits and are without defen sive works, particularly east of the Penobscot. Shell-heaps are, on the contrary, large and numerous, containing a larger proportion of objects than those of the southern area, their numbers increasing as we go north and east. The same ratio holds for objects found in graves. Pottery, too, shows a change in form as we go eastward, the bottom rounded and Fig. 78. Section of Finch's Rock-Shelter. Harrington, 1909. I with outcurved lip, while stamped designs increase. The grooved ax, pestle, and problematical forms are replaced by the angular celt, gouge, and plummet. A somewhat divergent group of finds are those with the so-called "red-paint" burials,4 confined to the lower Penobscot Valley. Here stone objects only (celts, gouges, adzes, and bayonet-shaped slate points) and masses of red ocher are found with certain burials, In addition to these geographical segregations of artifacts, some advance has been made in the chronological analysis of the area. Thus, in the northern part, the objects found in shell-heaps seem to differ from those found in certain types of graves, particularly the "red-paint" burials just noted, suggesting that we have here the remains of at least two cultures, though their time relations remain in cjoubt. Like wise, the claim has been made that the rock-shelters of the south show some evidences of stratification in that the lower Ofl » -5: ") w ^ a: NORTH AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 249 levels contained no pottery.6 This conclusion is, however, far from final. Lastly, mention should be made of certain evi dences of an earlier culture in New Jersey.6 Yet, it must be admitted that these are little more than hints of possible sequence of cultures and that, on the whole, the archaeological artifacts so far brought to light stand as the exponents of one culture, though spanning a considerable time interval. 2. South Atlantic Area. As indicated on the map, this area includes the South Atlantic coast plane and a part of Florida. Shell-heaps are even more abundant than in the North Atlan tic area and in Florida attain astonishing proportions. Large domiciliary mounds and low burial mounds are also numerous along the coast and rivers, particularly the St. Johns in Florida. The area, as a whole, may be divided into three districts: Georgia and northward, west Florida on the main land, and peninsular Florida; yet, the culture center seems to be in coastal and central Georgia. Several distinct forms of burial have been noted: extended (the body at full length, as is our custom), flexed (legs drawn up against the body), bone burial (body exposed until flesh decays, when bones are in terred), and cremation. Urn burial is also frequent here, a trait widely distributed in South America. Again, whereas in the North Atlantic area objects of any kind are seldom found in graves, they are here numerous, particularly small pottery figures. Some attempts to work gold and copper were made. In contrast to the preceding area, very few grooved axes occur, as is the case in the Antilles to the south, and the celt forms of the area are also said to suggest those of these islands. Occasionally, a kind of perforated ax is found some what similar to those of South America. Stone-tempered pottery is abundant, but limited in type, and though without color decoration is ornately treated with stamped and incised designs. Clay pipes are of angular trumpet shapes with bowls expanded into human or animal heads. In contrast to the North Atlantic area we find many objects made of shell, in particular a trimmed and perforated conch suggesting its use as a hoe. Among other features are finely carved stone bowls and curious stone plates, or disks.7 250 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The remains from west Florida stand somewhat apart from the typical culture, as outlined above. Here cremation is rare, but with the urn burial, sometimes occurs. Large de posits of pots are often found with the burials, the forms in some cases suggesting a distinct type of mortuary ware. In common with burials on the peninsula, the accompanying pots were almost invariably perforated through the bottom, or "killed." But in addition to this mortuary pottery there is great variety of ornamental and useful vessels. The forms suggest both those of Area 4 and the types found in Georgia (Figs. 27 and 28). Tobacco pipes are heavy and angular. All these differences are, however, in keeping with the marginal culture position of west Florida. The peninsula also presents marginal peculiarities. Its dis tinctions lie in the enormous shell-heaps and a highly devel oped type of ready-made mortuary pottery, bizarre in form, with the perforation made previous to baking; also mortuary pottery arrow points. Again, there are suggestions of can nibalism on the St. Johns and of pile-villages in the south, features prominent on the adjacent coast of South America. 3. The Iroquoian Area. Adjacent to, and in a sense between, the North and South Atlantic areas, is an inland elevated region centering in New York and Pennsylvania. This was the range of tribes speaking Iroquoian languages and it is from the immediate ancestors of these tribes that by far the greater part of our museum collections come. Iroquoian villages were characterized by defensive walls of circumvallation, their burials by large ossuaries, and their stone-work by lack of variety. A peculiar celt and adze of rectangular cross-section are found to the exclusion of the grooved ax and gouge. In the southern half of the area a chipped celt is typical. The triangular arrow point is abun dant and the long stone pestle inconspicuous. Yet the dis tinguishing feature of Iroquoian archaeology is a highly unique form of pottery (Fig. 29). It is well made, with globular body, constricted neck, and overhanging or flaring collar, bearing rectilinear incised decorations. The characteristic form pre vails in the east and south of the area; in the western part NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 251 the vessel is somewhat squat with short neck turned outward into a notched rim. The typical pottery pipe is trumpet- shaped, slightly bent, with the bowls representing miniature pots, animals, etc. Finally, note should be made of the rich ness and variety in objects made of bone and antler.8 Fig. 80. Distinguishing Iroquoian Types: the flat cell; triangular arrow-heads; and trumpet-shaped pottery pipes This older Iroquoian culture seems to overlie one (or more) of different form, now believed to be Algonquian.9 This would appear to center to the southeast of Lake Ontario— perhaps only because that region is best known to us. It includes the grooved ax, gouge, long stone pestle, banner stones and other problematical forms, all having analogies elsewhere, more particularly in New England. Separated from these, perhaps, but occurring in the same region are a series of slate objects — bayonet-shaped points, barbed points with notched tangs, etc. — presenting analogies to objects in the North Atlantic area and in particular to the "red-paint" culture of the Penobscot. 252 THE AMERICAN INDIAN 4. The Mississippi-Ohio Area. Perhaps the most striking feature here is mound building. Although in the popular mind mounds are associated with the state of Ohio, they are very numerous on both sides of the Ohio River and on down the Mississippi. Some of the most striking structures are the pyramidal Cahokia mound in Madison County, Illinois; Etowah mound, Forsyth County, Georgia; Grave Creek mound, Marshall County, West Virginia, the largest conical mound known ; Fort Ancient and the Serpent mound of Ohio. Effigy mounds are rare, this type being characteristic of an adjoining area. The whole of the mound-building culture in the Ohio Valley had vanished before the period of discovery, but farther south there are historical and other evidences that it still survived.10 Pottery is also distinctive. Here we find fine bottle-shaped vases and many life forms, including human figures. Color is used in decoration, especially in Arkansas. The center of the art may be roughly defined by a circle inscribed about Memphis, intersecting Nashville, Tennessee. We have al ready noted that other artifacts tended to center in this region, so that we have a true culture center here. As one goes north into Ohio, the pottery becomes cruder and color disappears. Of stone objects, we may note the fine discoidal stones south of the Ohio. Also very large stone pipes in animal and human forms. In the middle of the area the grooved ax is not un common and we find some very fine flaked objects. Shell objects are numerous; particularly striking are the engraved gorgets and the so-called hair pins. The margin of the Gulf Coast and over into Texas is one of simpler archaeological culture, though the absence of the grooved ax and some other forms suggests similarities to the South Atlantic area. To enumerate some of the unique objects indexing the cultural units of the whole area, we have: occasional trun cated mounds; stone box-like graves ; large effigy pipes; color decoration of pottery and skilful modeling of life forms, par ticularly the human head; numerous gorgets of shell and stone; reel-shaped copper ornaments; spool-like earplug; large chipped blades variously designated as spades and Fig. 81. Problematic Forms: Banner Stones, Bird Stone, and Gorgets Fig. 82. Discoidal Slone, Spalulate Forms, Effi-gy, and Platform Pipes; the Mississippi-Ohio Area NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 253 hoes ; unusually large caches of chipped blanks and occasional repousse copper plates. While the true center of the area lies, as just defined, the northern and southern extensions present some individualities. As noted at the outset, along the Ohio River centering in Ohio, is a rich mound area, which has, perhaps, more earth works to the square mile than any other part of the world. However, this prominence may be due to excessive zeal in exploration rather than actual superiority. Students of the subject usually recognize two varieties of mound culture here : that known as Hopewell, culminating in the Scioto Valley; and that known as Fort Ancient, centering in the Miami drainage. The latter seems to reach southward into Ken tucky,11 and is, on the whole, more extended and less specialized than that of the Hopewell type. Further, the distinctive traits of Hopewell culture are more like those at the center of the area in Tennessee than are those of Fort Ancient. Some observers propose a third culture for Ohio, embracing certain curious burials in gravel banks, seemingly independent of mound structures. This type of interment extends west ward into Indiana. However, no definite estimate of these observations can be made until closer studies of the area as a whole are available.12 As remarked above, the southern portion of the area seems truly marginal to this and the South Atlantic area. 5. The Great Lake Area. This is also a mound area and for that reason may be but a part of the preceding; yet, the well- developed copper industry south of Lake Superior and the specialized type of effigy mound in the same region is gen erally considered as sufficient warrant for the designation of a separate archaeological area. Small mounds 13 occur in most parts and there is no reason for believing them historically independent of the whole mound trait extending from the Gulf Coast northward, but the aboriginal copper workings previously referred to give this outlying culture area a unique position. The most distinctive forms of copper objects found here are the socketed ax, or spud, which may be interpreted as a hafting adaptation to metal. Some of the copper arrow 254 THE AMERICAN INDIAN points are notched like those of stone, but others have a socket similar to the spud. A few copper axes duplicating the form of the grooved stone ax have been found here, and in the area to the south, but the usual form of ax is a simple celt-like blade without grooves or socket. Knives are common. Ornamental objects are not so numerous as in the preceding area, particularly the fine repouss6 work of southern mounds. Peculiar features in Michigan are the "garden beds," ridged or furrowed tracts, the use of which is by no means obvious. Of stone objects, the most peculiar are the fluted ax, faceted celt, and problematic forms. The latter include banner stones, bird- and saddle-shaped stones, etc., and extend eastward into the northern half of the North Atlantic area. They are rarely found in graves and seldom in mounds, and for this reason have been regarded as older even than mound culture. Yet their distribution corresponds closely to the known Algonquian linguistic area and the Eastern Woodland culture area, a fact that must be considered in estimating their chronological positions.14 Another feature is the use of catlinite, a handsome red stone, for pipes, which though lim ited as to sources, yet found its way over the entire area. The archaeology of the Missouri Valley is somewhat differ entiated from the center in Wisconsin. Such remains as have come to light in Dakota are associated with the cultures of the historic tribes. Bone artifacts predominate, reminding one of the great hunting area to the north. This analogy is further stimulated by the presence of certain parallel forms; for example, the knife made by inserting small stone blades into the side of a bone handle, suggesting Eskimo types. Farther south in Nebraska some recent excavations report evidences of older cultures whose people lived in rectangular pit-houses, a form so far unique in the area.16 6. The Plains. The present state of our knowledge indicates that the Plains is a barren area around whose border we find a fringe of artifacts common in the adjoining areas. Thus, the metate of Area 7 finds its way into this one, pottery of the Missouri type spreads somewhat on its eastern border, and the stone club and tubular pipe of 9 are also found in the west. NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 255 Yet, there has been very little field exploration in the heart of the area so that its vacuity may be more apparent than real. Such collections as have been made contain the grooved #SPt 8KPIS1 xX'-vailjiifSi&a.-.- Fig. 83. The Fluted Stone Ax and the Copper Spud, Characterise ' f Wisconsin ,','*¦ hammer, chipped scrapers, points, and the bone implerients found among the historic tribes. Among the most striking features are the great quarries of quartzite in the valley of the Platte, Wyoming,16 where tracts many acres in extent show deep and extensive diggings for 256 THE AMERICAN INDIAN quartzite nodules. When found, these were broken into convenient blanks for transport, while the chips and rejected pieces were left behind where they serve to mark the site. In addition to these localized works, we find scattered every where in the great central reaches of the area, circles and lines of boulders, with an occasional effigy in outline. The small circles are assumed to mark tipi sites ; but long lines of stones have been noted whose use is problematical, though in Mon tana the historic Indians claim them as markers for buffalo pounds. About the only other permanent evidences of man's work are the numerous pictographs pecked into the faces of rocks and ledges. Though not carefully studied, these seem to fall into two types, one of which is quite modern. Pottery is not found in the heart of the area, but stone vessels of original form are rather numerous. These are often crude, suggesting hollowed-out boulders, though some are dressed to the shape of an egg, while others are roughly pyramidal. All these data lead us to suspect that a more systematic survey of the true archaeological center of the Plains will clearly define a distinct type of prehistoric culture. 7. The Pueblo Area. In the states of Arizona and New Mexico centers the richest archaeological province north of old Mexico. For years ruthless relic hunters have overrun it, turning over burial grounds and knocking down ruined walls in their search for marketable plunder, without exhausting the supply. Also a number of distinguished archaeologists have spent the active years of their lives surveying groups of these remains, but notwithstanding all this, whole regions are still unknown. Thus, though some progress has been made in the cultural analysis of the area, the greater part of the task remains unraveled. Tr^?';j consider first the general geography of the country, the mere topography seems to segregate the ruins into four large^groups: those of the Rio Grande drainage, the San Juan, the Little Colorado, and the Gila. These four river valleys contain by far the greater part of the known sites. By using these gross distinctions as the points of departure, we can the more readily summarize the present state of the subject. NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 257 The two distinguishing archaeological characters here are architecture and ceramics. As more attention has been given the latter, we may consider it at once. In the first place, there is a kind of glazed decoration which characterizes the sites of the Rio Grande country, but which extends westward into that of the Little Colorado. As this is territory occupied by the historic Pueblo peoples, a connection between the two has been assumed and, in fact, recently proven.17 Another easily distinguishable type of pottery is that fin ished in white and decorated in black. This black-on-white ware has for long been considered one of the oldest and funda mental Pueblo types, chiefly because it is found in almost all parts of the area. Yet, its distribution does not equal that of corrugated ware, that type in which the original coils of clay can be seen, which in the Rio Grande Valley, at least, has as good claim to antiquity as the black-on-white. In addition, a number of more recent and local types of pottery have been defined,18 but the preceding are sufficient to show that we can safely assume the fundamental unity of the original Pueblo cultures. Turning to architecture, we note that the surviving Pueblo structures are merely accumulations of one-room houses and that those now occupied in the Rio Grande Valley do not differ in essentials from those in ruins. Hence, it is clear that a large portion of these ruined houses belong to the antecedent culture of the historic Pueblo natives, whose traits have been outlined in the preceding chapter. The center of dispersion for this type seems to have been in the Rio Grande Valley, from which it spread outward in all directions. To the north and west, across the headwaters of the Rio Grande and over into the San Juan country, we have what is known as the cliff-dweller type of house. Just what may be the specific relations of these to the central type cannot be determined from the data at hand, but since the basic house plan seems to be of the Pueblo type, we may safely assume a close his torical connection. The essentials of this plan are a bracket like enclosure of articulated rooms in the open court of which is a kiva, or ceremonial chamber. In fact, the presence of 258 THE AMERICAN INDIAN this kiva alone, because of its unique form and functions, would be sufficient ground for assuming such a connection. In the Little Colorado country and down the Rio Verde toward its junction with the Gila, we find again the three kinds of houses noted in the preceding localities; the cave like dwelling in the rock, the true cliff house, and the larger Pueblo pile of the open country. The remainder of the Gila is not so well known but seems to present some differences, both in architecture and ceramics. The best-known ruin is that of Casas Grandes, whose groundplan reminds us of southern Mexico rather than of the Rio Grande. 8. California. While from the artifacts in collections this area can be separated into three more or less distinct parts, there is still a great deal in common.19 One of the most numerous artifacts, and therefore the best index of California archaeology, is the stone mortar, found throughout the length and breadth of the state, in the bottoms and tops of shell deposits and apparently in the auriferous gravels. Another equally distributed, but apparently less ancient artifact, is the tubular stone pipe. Bone awls and a number of other less striking artifacts could be added to this list. The recognized subdivisions of the area are the south western, central, and northwestern portions of the state. The former, centering in the Santa Barbara Islands, is the home of the most unique artifacts. These are finely wrought bowls, boat-shaped vessels, baking slabs, and many problematic forms, all of steatite; great varieties of shell beads and pen dants, also inlay shell-work in asphaltum ; and fine examples of flaked edge tools. Among the very unique objects are numer ous steatite carvings of the killer whale or at least a fish with an erect fin; perforated ring-like stones reminding one of African digging-stick weights, and curious shell hooks very much like those from the Pacific Islands. In northwestern California is a relatively small area which, though less distinctive, still presents unique features. Among these are curious curved stone adze handles, a stone hammer with broad base and flanged head, pestles with pointed handles, and flanges at their bases, and perforated net sinkers. NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 259 The artifacts from the great central area are far less unique, but still we find here a curious plummet stone, very rarely, if at all, met with in the north and the south. Some slight evidences of intrusion from the southwestern area are noted, particularly in inky work. While the distribution of the typical artifacts is quite uniform, there is the suggestion of local divergence about the city of Stockton where small mounds have yielded a few unusual objects. Shell mounds are numerous on the coast, particularly around San Francisco Bay. So far as these have been investigated, they show essentially the same culture from top to bottom, though improvements in form and finish are in evidence.20 Toward the southeast we meet with some intrusive traits from Area 7, as pottery and the metate, almost entirely confined to the Shoshonean-speaking peoples. In general, the most striking feature of California culture is its unity, both geographically and chronologically. Rather more evidences of antiquity have come to hand for this area than elsewhere, as we shall see later. 9. The Columbia Basin. This area comprises the greater part of the Columbia drainage, and a part of the Frazer Valley. Its archaeology has been investigated in type localities by Harlan I. Smith,21 who finds a fairly uniform culture throughout, characterized by the prevalence of chipped points and the rarity of those of ground stone; bone and antler, dig ging-stick handles; bone tubes; arrow-shaft smoothers ; hand hammers; pestles; summer lodge circles of stones; and semi- subterranean house pits. Yet over and above this similarity, two centers can be differentiated, one in the heart of British Columbia, the range of the Thompson Indians, and the other along the Columbia between the Willamette and the Snake rivers. The latter seems to be the seat of the most highly developed culture characterized by several unique artifacts, the so-called ape-head stone carvings, weight stones with sus pension hoops, carved clubs, etc. Lewis 22 suggests that this exuberance of carving in stone is due to the lack of suitable wood, since further down the river and along the coast, where wood is available, we find carving. 260 THE AMERICAN INDIAN The Thompson country in British Columbia is not so unique but it is differentiated by the use of nephrite, sometimes called jade, a special form of stone scraper, etc. Between these two centers, particularly in the Yakima Valley, Washington, is found a less intense culture having some of the peculiarities of the two flanking centers. 10. North Pacific Coast Area. Very little is known of the archaeology here, except in the vicinity of Puget Sound, where the investigations of Smith 23 reveal an early historical con nection with Area 9. As this locality is truly marginal to the area, we assume that the true center lies northward, since we find there some evidences of a culture directly antecedent to that of the historic tribes. 11. The Arctic Area. The only noteworthy archaeological work in this area was by Dall 24 and Jochelson in the Aleu tians, Solberg 26 in Greenland, and Stefansson 26 at Point Barrow and Franklin Bay. Though relic-bearing deposits of considerable depth have been reported by these explorers, their great antiquity has not been established; and while some changes in culture have been noted, these are, in the main, but variants of the historic Eskimo culture. A descrip tion of the artifacts is, therefore, unnecessary. 12. The Canadian Area. By the mere process of elimination we have left the whole interior of Canada. Practically no archaeological work has been done here except in the southern border, where, as may be anticipated, the cultures are mar ginal to those of the adjoining areas. The reports of mission aries and explorers lead us to suspect that it is the weakest archaeological area on the continent. 13. Northern Mexico. In turning to the southern extension of the continent, we approach a difficult task. The problem is not only complex, but further complicated by the lack of definite knowledge. We have already sketched the cultures found here by the Spanish invaders, but an empirical grouping of the archaeological artifacts gathered from this general region introduces an unknown chronological factor, which may give quite a different result from our previous grouping by historical data. Holmes 27 proposes five archaeological areas which we NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 26l designate as follows: Northern Mexico, Central Mexico, State of Oaxaca, Yucatan, and Panama. Northern Mexico is the area of which we know least, so that its demarcation is rather an expression of ignorance than otherwise. The best- known site is Casas Grandes, which has striking similarities to the Pueblo culture north of the Rio Grande, suggesting that ultimately we may find this to be an intermediate area. 14. Central Mexico. This was the seat of Nahua, or Aztec culture, and has been sufficiently characterized in the pre ceding chapter and in the section dealing with architecture. 15. State of Oaxaca. The most distinctive ruins in this area are those at Mitla, supposed to have been the center of Zapotec culture. While the roofs of these buildings were of the flat beam type characteristic of Areas 19, 13 and 7, the stucco mosaics are of the Maya type, or Area 16. Thus the intermediate position of this trait is clear. On the other hand, Mitla takes the lead in stone masonry and, in fact, rises almost to the level of Peru. Of particular interest is the discovery of the original quarries, with the half-cut blocks, revealing all the essential details of the process. All this stone cutting was with stone tools, as was the case in Area 16. A unique archi tectural feature is a cross-shaped tomb.28 The pottery is of good quality, but frequently unpainted. So far, very little metal work has been found here. Of a somewhat novel interest are several striking parallels to Peruvian traits.29 16. Yucatan. This area covers the range of Maya culture whose characteristics have been outlined in the preceding chapter and under the head of architecture. The most im pressive archaeological remains are the great ruined cities, the best-known of which are shown on the accompanying map. The carved monuments, or stelae, bear hieroglyphic inscrip tions, many of which are dated. This characteristic makes them by far the most important antiquities in the New World, since it is from these alone that we get our safest idea of time perspective.30 17. Panama. In the classification of historic cultures, we placed this geographical section with Colombia, but archaeol ogists usually regard it as distinct.. Yet no one attempts to 262 THE AMERICAN INDIAN TABASCO ~~ PALEN QUE 0 TIKAL0 : ,- NARANJO© V°PIE0RA3 NEGRAS YAXCHILANOX / TZENOALESO CHIAPAS j < : « ItS : OCX SQJJEN SANTO I "" GUATEMALA qu I R I C u A © _,.¦*' SEIBAL © /¦ / / 0 COPAN /HONDURAS /O SAN ~V~~> SALVADOR ^ N Fig. 84. Ancient Maya Cities. Morley, 1915. I NORTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 263 deny the resemblance of its artifacts to those from the Andean region. The individuality of the area appears in pottery and gold work. In fact, this is the only part of the northern con tinent which to any degree approaches the Andean level in metal work. Gold was cast, hammered and alloyed with copper in a bewildering variety of forms.31 Objects of copper only are rare, and true examples of bronze unknown. As in the Andean region, gold objects were placed with the dead, and we may infer that they had the same religious sacrificial functions as in Colombia. Another unique group of objects are the ornate stone metates with legs, often appearing as life-like representations of jaguars. Stone tools and ornaments of excellent finish abound, particularly highly carved jadeite celts.32 The pottery is of the tripod decorated forms noted under ceramics. One unique feature is that many of these legs are hollow and contain a ball, thus suggesting bells. As golden bells made on the same principle are also numerous, this bell concept becomes a prominent trait. Perhaps closely associated with it are the numerous pottery whistles. 18. The Antilles. The leading problem in Antillean archaeol ogy will always be the continental affiliations of this insular culture. The available data are meager enough but still per mit of some generalizations. According to Fewkes 33 the culture center of the area was Porto Rico and Haiti, which is also the approximate geographical center. The culture traits of the historic tribes have been outlined in the preceding chapter, where we saw that this was also the approximate center of culture when Columbus arrived upon the scene. One of the most common objects in collections from the islands is a petal-shaped celt and its distribution is an index of the general culture distribution, for it is most abundant at the center designated above and relatively less frequent in the Bahamas and the Lesser Antilles. In the latter, it gives way to an ax with lateral notches and sometimes side grooves. Another trait of general distribution is found in a type of pictograph, closely resembling those of the South American mainland, both in essential style and in juxta- 264 THE AMERICAN INDIAN position to waterfalls and water courses. Likewise, the known pottery of the whole insular area is similar. Of special archaeological features, Porto Rico offers a fine series in her mysterious stone collars, numerous three-pointed stone figures, elbow stones, and carved celts. Thus, in the main, we are justified in designating the Antilles as a distinct archaeological area, belonging rather to South America than to the northern continent. SOUTH AMERICA No one has attempted a close classification of South Ameri can archaeology but certain suggestions have been made.34 We have prepared a map upon which are located the areas indi cated by our present knowledge. There are six of these: Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Atlantic Highlands, and Patagonia. The interior of the tropical forest is a blank, for if it has any archaeology, its discovery is for the future. 19. Colombia. In Colombia four culture centers have been recognized. In the north one centers about Antioquia, the home of the Tamahi and Nutabi peoples ; the next to the south about Cartago (the Quimbaya); the third at Popayan (the Coconuco) ; and lastly, in the extreme south, the seat of the Chibcha empire. Though at the time of the conquest the latter was the center of the highest political development, the leading culture was formerly, at least, at Cartago. No ruins of buildings comparable to those of the south have been noted. Even the mound development is feeble. How ever, there is one unique locality about San Augustine where remarkable monolithic statues have been found and also some mound structures. Metal work was praiseworthy, especially at Cartago. Skilful casting by the cire perdue method has been noted, and good examples of soldering, plating, and even gilding have been collected. Different colored alloys were produced with gold, silver, and copper. Cartago was also the center of pottery development, but on the whole, Colombia pottery is inferior. Some painted decorations are in geometric patterns, but bold incised designs are more frequent. One striking feature is the tendency SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 265 toward effigy vessels and vases bearing frogs, monkeys, etc., in relief, peeping over the brims. Spindle whorls of pottery, highly engraved, are frequent, but quite distinctive are the cylindrical pottery stamps for printing cloth and body paint ing. This may be considered as an independent invention of roller printing. Emerald mines were worked. Colombian collections con tain numbers of stone tools, particularly ax blades, some of which are grooved. Very little is known of Venezuela, but the highland portion seems to have had culture affinities with Colombia. Unusually large stone mortars have been reported; ax blades are rec tangular and triangular; pottery is rude, but shows incised decorations and the relief figures of Colombia; bone points and implements are abundant. Only a few mounds have been reported. 20. Ecuador. While Ecuador has some striking individual ities, it nevertheless does show similarities to Peru on the one hand and to Colombia on the other. Historically, it is con sidered that a certain unity prevailed over the whole territory between the present boundary of Peru in the south and the River Ancasmayu on the north. This province is usually designated as the empire of Quito. The archaeology of this region is not very well known, but there seems to be consid erable variety and curious local developments. Two general subdivisions are recognized, the interior highland culture and that of the coast plain. Of the latter, Manabi is the most peculiar, with its stone chairs, carved slabs, pillars, and stone buildings; traits not found elsewhere.36 Burial mounds are frequent on the coast and extend north ward from Quito. Gold work is not so strongly developed as elsewhere but there is a special development in the art of over laying with gold leaf. This, as well as pottery, is more highly developed on the coast. A great variety of stone and copper club heads and axes is to be found in the highlands, but they are not conspicuous on the coast. 21. Peru. Under another head we have outlined the culture of this area, hence we may merely note the chronological and 266 THE AMERICAN INDIAN local differences.36 Three formative culture centers may be recognized: Nasca, Trujillo and Tiahuanaco. These individ ualities, according to Uhle,37 seem to have grown up from a more homogeneous state which formed the framework of Peruvian culture. Yet, in spite of all the investigations that have been made, it cannot be clearly perceived which of these three centers is the oldest, in fact, the data are more consistent with the view that they were in the main contemporaneous and mutually reactive. When the Inca come into control of the whole area, certain tendencies to uniformity in art and technology are apparent, no doubt due to the shifting of population, the improved means of communication, and the direct legislation of the Inca government. 22. Chile. This region is frequently included in that of Peru, but the older underlying culture seems to have differed from that of the Inca period. There are solid historical grounds for considering the southern extension of Inca culture to be recent and so overlying the native cultures. In fact, the shell mounds of the long coast line indicate three periods of occupation. In the first of these, there were long-headed people with a rude culture, though they made some pottery. Later came a round-headed people of much higher culture, somewhat like the older Peruvians. Later still, the Inca overran this area as far south as the Maule River. The pottery of the earlier periods is for the most part undecorated, metal work is not frequent, but usually of Inca patterns. On the whole, the interior elevated portions of Chile seem to have sheltered a higher culture than the coast. In the north, it will be noted that the area reaches out through Bolivia into Argentina, where centers the unique Calchaqui, or Diaguite culture.38 Aside from its own peculiar problems, this culture is interesting in that it, like the Pueblo culture of the United States, is an extreme outpost of the New World highland culture. There are even some curious cor respondences between the two, the significance of which is not clear. SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 267 Urn burial so widely diffused in the Atlantic Highland area (23) turns up here in infant burial only. Thus, one of the most puzzling peculiarities of the Calchaqui culture is the great number of large decorated urns containing the remains of very young infants. Adult urn burial is found just north and east of Calchaqui in the edge of the Atlantic Highland area. The designs have some vague resemblances to Marajo urns. Incidentally, we may note that urn burial of any kind is practically unknown in the Andean region. Other kinds of pottery are common in Calchaqui sites, some of which re semble the Nasca ware. The grooved ax also occurs here as in Ecuador. There are quite a number of original and unique articles, as the "knuckle-duster," a kind of hand dagger, and cup-shaped bells.39 23. The Atlantic Highlands. In this area we have included the whole coast from the mouth of the Orinoco to the La Plata, and a considerable portion of the interior. There are at least two general characteristics, that of urn burial throughout and, on the coast, extensive shell mounds. Most of these shell deposits are of human origin. On the north coast they con tain objects suggesting the culture of the Antilles,40 but from near the Amazon down, they seem to have a character of their own. That they contain pottery is not certain, the indi cations being that where found pottery is intrusive from the surface and later urn burials. Highly finished stone axes and other objects are common, and among the bones no suggestions of cannibalism are seen. In the vicinity of Santa Catharina, Brazil, there are finely wrought stone mortars in animal forms, and unique small point-like objects.41 Outside the shell mounds and inland, the most striking objects come from Marajo Island and the territory surround ing the lower Amazon. A special feature is the engraved decoration reinforced with color, and a very unique object is the tanga, or pottery fig leaf. Urn burial is highly characteristic of the Amazon Basin and extends far to the south, though its intensity declines as we leave the Amazon in either direction. Taking the arti facts as a whole, two rather clearly marked subdivisions of 268 THE AMERICAN INDIAN the area are suggested, the one centering around Marajo and the other in southern Brazil, but taken in its entirety, it is essentially an area of simple culture in contrast to those we have just considered. 24. Patagonia. In this area is included all the territory east of the Andes from Cape Horn up into the Pampas and the lower insular part of Chile. Its archaeology is very simple and suggests that it has always been the home of a simple hunting and fisher-folk. The shell mounds continue along the coast on both sides, so that we have a continuous chain from the Orinoco around to Peru. No doubt the systematic investiga tion of these in the future will yield results of great value. Considerable attention has been given to the archaeology of this region, both of the coast and the interior, and certain claims to antiquity made which we shall consider elsewhere. Two types of implements have been distinguished, an older chipped type and later polished implements, but this chrono logical relation is not certain. Some rude pottery has been found in parts of the area, particularly on the east coast, which has some resemblance to the pottery of eastern United States. Both the stone work and pottery of the Andean margin is of a higher order than in the east. One of the dis tinguishing objects found throughout the open plains of the area is the stone bola. Two other artifacts of an index value are the plano-convex flaked knife and the duck-bill scraper.42 1. Holmes, 1914. I. 13. Radin, 1911. I. 2. Dixon, 1914. I; Skinner, 1909. 14. Moorehead, 1917. I. I; Abbott, 1877. I. 15. Sterns, 1915. I. 3. Moorehead, 1917. I. 16. Smith, H. I., 1910. I. 4. Moorehead, 1913. I; 1916. I. 17. Nelson, N. C, 1916. I. 5. Harrington, 1909. I;Schrabisch, 18. Kidder, 1915. I; Nelson, N. C, 1909- I- 1916. I. 6. Volk, 191 1. I; Spier, 1916. I. 19. Kroeber, 1909. I. 7. Holmes, 1903. I; Jones, C. C, 20. Nelson, N. C, 1909. I. 1873- I- 21. Smith, H. I., 1910. II. 8. Parker, 1916. II. 22. Lewis, 1906. I. 9. Wintemberg, 1901. I, p. 38. 23. Smith, H. I., 1907. I. 10. Thomas, 1889. I. 24. Dall, 1877. I. 11. Smith, H. I., 191 1. I, 25. Solberg, 1907. I. 12. Moorehead, 1916. I. 26. Stefansson, 1914. I. SOUTH AMERICAN ARCHEOLOG 27. Holmes, 1914. I. 28. Saville, 1909. I. 29. Joyce, 1912. I. 30. Morley, 1915. I. 31. MacCurdy, 1911. I. 32. Hartman, 1901. I. 33. Fewkes, 1902. I. 34. Holmes, 1914. I; Joyce, 1912. 269 35. Saville, 1907. I; 1910. I. 36. Squier, 1877. I. 37. Uhle and Stiibel, 1892. I. 38. Bowman, 1916. I. 39. Joyce, 1912. I. 40: Im Thurn, 1883. I. 41. Joyce, 1912. I, p. 260. 42. Hrdlicka, 1912. I, p. 147. CHAPTER XVI CHRONOLOGY OF CULTURES In the course of these discussions it may have occurred to the reader that our culture classification is purely extensive, or horizontal, and ignores the chronological, or vertical relation. It is this chronological relation that underlies the great classi fications in Old World archaeology, especially that triumph of synthetic research in Europe, the determinations of the sequential relations among the several epochs in Paleolithic and Neolithic cultures. In this book we have so far been concerned with the distribution of trait-complexes rather than with their chronological sequence. Such a comprehension of the gross culture geography of the New World is logically necessary to its analytic treatment, but it is, after all, merely preliminary. It so far forms the chief content of our subject for the very good reason that it is a new science and as such has had barely more than time to get even once around the distribution problem; but now that such a general view has been attained, interest promises to center upon the time rela tions between the respective types of culture. Mexico, Peru, and Yucatan have histories 1 from which, as a vantage ground, respectable chronologies have been estab lished. Of these, the last is the most extended, for the very good reason that the Maya have left to us a number of dated inscriptions.2 While these have come down to us in terms of the curious and highly original Maya calendar, yet modern scholars have been able to correlate them with our own" reck oning. This correlation is, of course, not absolute, so the exact dates of one investigator do not quite agree with those of another, but still all have the same sequence. The follow ing brief list based upon Morley's readings 3 will give an adequate idea of the age of Maya culture. CHRONOLOGY 271 B.C. MAYA CHRONOLOGY 20o(?) Approximate earliest date. A.D. 50 Period of sculpture. 600 Last of dated sculptures. 960 Chankanputun destroyed by fire. 1000 Triple Alliance of Chichen Itza, Uxmal, and Mayapan — the period of architectural development. 1200 Triple alliance broken by the ruler of Chichen Itza who was over come by the ruler of Mayapan, aided by the Nahua. This is the period of Nahua influence. 1450 Mayapan overthrown and destroyed and collapse of Maya culture. 1517 First Spanish expedition to Yucatan. ' Thus we see that fully two thousand years ago Maya art had already reached a high level of development, implying far more remote beginnings. No such series can be found in Peruvian antiquities, but they may be the older for all that. The history of the rise of the Inca is fairly well known, the succession of rulers being as follows: — 1. Rocca — about 1200 a.d. 2. Lloque Yupanqui 3. Mayta Capac 4. Capac Yupanqui 5. Sinchi Rocca 6. Yahuar Huacac Mayta Yupanqui 7. Huira Cocha-Tupac Yupanqui 8. Tupac Yupanqui 9. Huaina Capac (Inti Cusi Hualpa) 10. Huascar Inti (Cusi Hualpa Yupanqui) 4 The unfortunate Huascar was made an end of in civil war just as the Spaniards came upon the scene in 1532. But Markham produces records of a much longer list of ninety- two kings, which, if authentic, carries us back to about 1300 B.C. While the specific correctness of these early lists is improbable, we must bear in mind that such an antiquity is in keeping with archaeological data and closely parallels the projected Maya chronology. 272 THE AMERICAN INDIAN For the career of the Aztec in Mexico we have a respectable historical literature,6 but for the want of dated sculptures cannot establish so remote a chronology as for the Maya. The tabulated list gives us a few of the most important dates, though all those preceding 1325 A.D. are but crude approxi mations. A.D. MEXICAN CHRONOLOGY 300 (?) Toltec cities founded, Tula, Teotihuacan, etc. 700 (?) Totonac settled in the State of Vera Cruz. 1200 (?) Tarascan established a state in Michoacan. 1325 Founding of Mexico City by the Aztec. 1370 Tri-partite confederacy, Mexico, Tezcoco, and Tlacopan. 1473 Tlatilulco subjected by Aztec. 1487 The great temple of Mexico City built — famous for human sac rifices. 1 52 1 Cortez captures Mexico City. The list of Aztec rulers as given by Sahagun is as follows, the dates being approximate :- Name Length of Rule Probable Dates 1. Acampich 21 I370-I39I 2. Uitziliuitl 21 1391-1412 3. Chimalpopoca 10 1412-1422 4. Itzcoatzin H 1422-1436 5. Moteuhcoma 30 143 6-1466 6. Axayacatl 14 1466-1480 7. Ticocicatzin 4 1 480-1484 8. Auitzotl 18 1484-1502 9. Moteuhcoma 19 1 502-1 52 1 The career of the Aztec rulers appears closely parallel both as to time and extent to that of the Inca in Peru, but both were later than the rise of the Maya. The similar dominance of the rulers of Bogota in Colombia should be noted, though historians have been less successful in projecting their chrono logy. The three examples we have given, therefore, exhaust the list of historical chronologies for the New World. Among the less cultured tribes there are a few feeble efforts to compile chronologies. The Kiowa and Dakota of the North American Plains have a kind of year count, but this does not reach beyond the period of colonization and so has no significance CHRONOLOGY 273 here.6 The celebrated Walam Olum of the Delaware Indians 7 gives us but the vaguest scraps of chronology, and little more can be said of the Popol Vuh manuscript for the Quiche of Guatemala 8 and the annals of their neighbors the Cakchiquel. Hence, for historical chronologies that correlate with dated time we must look chiefly to Mexico and Central America. Here lies one of our most important problems, for on its solu tion depends our proper perspective of New World culture. CHRONOLOGIES DETERMINED BY STRATIFICATION Though in the projection of the above chronologies docu mentary material of some kind gave the points of departure and the essential checks, the general method employed is, after all, about equally applicable to non-document producing cultures, for the period of discovery cross-sectioned all alike. This gives us a definite chronological point of regard from which we can work backwards. The most direct way of pro jecting relative chronologies is by the examination of stratified culture remains, as exemplified in the results of Paleolithic research in Europe. There are, however, many phases of cul ture that have no indestructible counterparts, or by-products, and so exist only in the aboriginal cultures as cross-sectioned by the discovery of the New World. Even here it is possible to discover chronological relations if one but resort to careful historical analysis.9 Unfortunately for us but little progress has been made in either of these groups of problems. Perhaps the best known stratigraphic discoveries are those of Uhle 10 at Pachacamac, Peru, where he found four distinct types of pottery so superimposed as to make their chronology clear. These are as follows: — 4. Inca style 3. Black pottery 2. Red- white-black pottery 1. Tiahuanaco ware Subsequent analysis of the data for other parts of Peru shows that at the time the Tiahuanaco type held sway in Pachacamac, the ancient cities of Tiahuanaco, Nasca, and Trujillo were the leading culture centers and were funda- 274 THE AMERICAN INDIAN mentally similar. Preceding this period, upon the coast at least, was a primitive population. In 1910 a stratification of cultures was observed near the City of Mexico, which subsequent investigation shows to con sist of ceramic remains in three horizons,11 as follows : — 3. Aztec (noo?-i52i). Contemporaneous with the rise of the Aztec group. 2. Toltec (300?-noo?). Contemporaneous with Maya dominance and marked by Maya influence. 1. Archaic Tarascan (?-300?). Characterized by a highly conven tionalized type of figurines. Already many of the known sites in Mexico can be placed in this scheme, so that all we now need is careful field-work. In 1914 Nelson 12 announced an example of stratification in the Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico, which with his exten sive explorations in the adjacent Pueblo area gives us for once a chronology in this much studied region. Again the deter mining character is pottery, giving at least four successive periods : — 4. Modern pottery. 3. Mixed glaze and painted ware. The period immediately preceding the Spanish conquest. 2. Glazed ware. Distribution coincident with that of Pueblo culture. 1. Black- white ware. Widely distributed ceramic trait. Outside of these areas there are a few sporadic cases of stratification, as Parker's demonstration of an older Algonkin culture underlying that of the Iroquois in New York State,13 and Sterns' recent excavations in eastern Nebraska where he finds at least two cultures.14 Finally, the work of Abbott, Putnam, Volk,16 and Spier16 in New Jersey has demonstrated at least two culture strata, to be discussed under another head. Some of the earlier investigators of shell-heaps claimed definite stratification, but later work has failed to verify the finding. Hence, considering the small number of exceptions just cited, we can truthfully say that so far, archaeological work outside of the regions of higher culture has given negative stratification. Perhaps it should be noted that so far the tendency of this negative archaeological investigation has been to show some CHRONOLOGY 275 sequential development in richness and complexity. Thus, Smith's 17 results in the Columbia area and Nelson's 18 shell- heap work in California show simpler and somewhat cruder cultures for the lower parts of their deposits, but the per sistence of many fundamental forms throughout suggests that the succeeding cultures were built upon the foundation laid down at what seems to have been the period of earliest occu pancy. This also seems to be true of shell and other deposits on the Atlantic Coast. Even in the Pueblo area we find a similar condition. Consequently the best interpretation we can give the observed data is that in the formative period of New World cultures the types now appearing in our areas were localized, but less differentiated. Such uninterrupted occupation of an area would not result in good examples of stratification, but would give us deposits in which culture changes could be detected only in the qualities and frequencies of the most typical artifacts; for example, Nelson's pottery series from New Mexico. This is an altogether different con dition from that confronting the archaeologist in Western Europe. INAPPLICABILITY OF OLD WORLD CHRONOLOGY The only place in the whole world where we have a con nected view of man's career from the first to the last is in western Europe. This is not taken to mean that that restricted area was the place of our origin, but simply that it is the one part of the earth where we have full data. Everyone is familiar with the few grand periods into which this history is divided, as Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze Age, Iron Age, etc., and there is a natural tendency to assume that these sequences for western Europe must hold for the whole world. Conse quently, many efforts have been made to discriminate between Paleolithic and Neolothic in the data for the New World. Some of the earlier writers sought to identify the typical forms of Paleolithic chipped implements by selecting those that closely parallel European types, but such matching of forms could not give certain conclusions and was eventually aban doned. Nevertheless, some modern students of European 276 THE AMERICAN INDIAN archaeology seem to hold to the belief that our data here in the New World are quite susceptible of division into true Paleolithic and Neolithic periods. Again, when the notion of a cave culture developed in Europe, American students searched our caverns for similar types, but without marked success. All this occupies an important place in the history of our subject ; but the result was in the main negative, since no exact parallels were found. Unfortunately, the investiga tors of this period sought for specific parallels and not finding them, formulated a theory that the New World was extremely young and that in consequence no true Paleolithic, or even deeply stratified remains, would be found. The reaction to this seems to have been a turning away from all stratigraphic and analytic studies to other problems, with the obvious result that no advance has been made. Recently some of the younger anthropologists have turned to the problem anew, this time not seeking mere parallels, but seeking to analyze the situation as found. For example, Nelson19 worked last season in the Mammoth Cave district of Kentucky, finding two cultures, the earlier of which is without pottery and with very little polished stone. Again, new studies at Trenton, New Jersey, by Spier *" have made conclusive the existence of an earlier culture, also without pottery and polished stone. Since both of these observations are east of the Mississippi River, we may conclude that the existence of two culture periods is extremely probable in eastern United States. In other words, when the problem is treated independently, we can, by analysis, arrive at chrono logical distinctions. We may, therefqre,. expect great develop ments in the near future. While it is clear that the specific concepts of European archaeology cannot apply here, yet in the end it may turn out that there is something in common; at least, the pioneer efforts of the new anthropological school have brought results. INFERENTIAL CHRONOLOGIES We now turn to the second method of determining time relations for culture. The theoretical demonstration of the CHRONOLOGY 277 method has been led by Sapir,21 while the best examples of its application are to be found in certain studies by Boas among the Eskimo,22 Spinden in Maya art,23 Lowie in societies of the Plains Indians,24 and Hatt in studies of clothing.26 Boas 26 has used the method in a number of instances, but particularly in his discussions of Eskimo culture, when he con cludes that the most differentiating features of the Alaskan Eskimo are more recent than the remaining Eskimo culture. The method is even more extensively applied by Thalbitzer ", who decides that the original home of the Eskimo was around Bering Sea, from which general center he traces out the older and newer traits. Hatt, a Danish student, has exhaustively studied skin clothing both for North America and Asia, distinguishing be tween very old surviving types and those of recent origin. The oldest origin center he places in northern Asia from whence the concepts seem to have been diffused.28 In general, he finds two periods of diffusion over the arctic and sub-arctic areas of the world : — 1. The older culture: Marked by absence of snowshoes, its best repre sentative being the Eskimo. It was essentially a seacoast culture. 2. The later culture: Marked by the snowshoe, the tipi tent, the moc casin, etc. It was an inland culture. The transition from 1 to 2 was not recent. Spinden's searching analysis of Maya art w is important both for the results attained and as an example of sound method. By objective comparison the carvings upon the monuments and walls of Maya ruins were placed in two groups that seemed to be sequential. Further, since these stelae, or monuments, are dated, it is easy to designate the time rela tions of these groups, thus establishing art periods. From this as the point of departure, the entire art of the region is analyzed into its respective periods and norms established for the identification of such additional examples as may be dis covered. As to how far the method can be trusted in localities where there is no dating system to serve as a check, is not clear; but it promises well. 278 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Of a different sort but equally meritorious is Lowie's his torical analysis of societies among the various tribal groups in the Plains Area. 30 The full reports available for practically all the many Plains tribes make it obvious that one general system of societies was diffused throughout the area. By a close analysis of these data it is possible to show some of the older forms of these organizations, approximately where they arose, and in what direction they were diffused. Incidentally, close former historical contacts were revealed for some tribes now rather widely separated. Thus, we see, that by working backward from the historic period or, as in the exceptional case of the Maya, from a fixed date, it is possible by these methods to separate the older ele ments of culture from those of relatively recent origin. Look ing back over these typical studies we see that the general method is the same whether the subject be in art, industries, or social organization. In the main, it first analyzes the cul ture trait-complexes and then by comparative reasoning arranges them in time sequences. Practically every skilled field-investigator in the New World faces problems of this sort; but the method is at its best only when we deal with traits having wide continuous distributions, for unless we can balance the trait variations in one group of people against those in a neighboring group, little can be expected. Aside from these more engaging problems there are oppor tunities for the study of trait origin by direct methods. Of these Mooney's Ghost Dance Religion 31 is a fine example. In such cases the problem is, on the whole, directly historical, based upon documentary and personal testimony. It is to be regretted that more attention is not given to such prob lems because it is only in them that we shall get actual cases of culture movements to serve as check data in the develop ment of inferential chronologies. In concluding this brief survey of the as yet undeveloped chronology of New World culture, we note one or two points of general interest. In the main, the stratigraphic chrono logies have been determined by pottery alone, suggesting that the ceramic art as a whole should receive the very closest CHRONOLOGY 279 attention, not as an end in itself, but for the sake of the cul ture sequence of which it is the most convenient index. An other is that our subject is essentially an historical one, the only rational approach to which is backward through the cross-section made in it by the discovery of America. 1. Brinton, 1882. II, 1885. II; BrasseurdeBourbourg, 1861.I. 2. Morley, 1915. I. 3. Morley, 1915. I. 4. Markham, 1910. I, pp. 309-310. 5. Anales de Cuauhtitlan, 1886. I. 6. Mooney, 1898. I. 7. Brinton, 1885. I. 8. Brinton, 1890. I. 9. Sapir, 1916. I. 10. Uhle, 1903. I. II. Spinden, 1915. I. 12. Nelson, N. C, 1916. I. 13. Parker, 1916. II. 14. Sterns, 1915. I. 15. Volk, 1911. I. 16. Spier, 1916. I. 17. Smith, H. I., 1910. II. 18. Nelson, N. C, 1909. I; 1910. I 19. Nelson, N. C, 1917. I. 20. Spier, 1916. I. 21. Sapir, 1916. I. 22. Boas, 1907. I. 23. Spinden, 1913. I. 24. Lowie, 1916. II. 25. Hatt, 1914. I; 1916. I. 26. Boas, 1907. I. 27. Thalbitzer, 1914. I. 28. Hatt, 1916. I. 29. Spinden, 1913. I. 30. Lowie, 1916. II. 31. Mooney, 1896. I. CHAPTER XVII LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION While, in the broadest sense, language is a trait of culture, its characters are so distinct as to require very different methods of investigation. The study of the different forms of speech in the Old World has become a separate learned pursuit and one in which the problems are so complex as to demand great specialization. The same is true of primitive languages in the New World, as well as in the less cultured parts of the Old, Consequently we have, under the head of New World lin guistics, a fairly distinct division of our subject in which the most important investigations have been made by those who have specialized in it. One of the first tasks in primitive linguistics is the classifica tion of the existing forms of speech. The reader may need to be reminded that the national uniformity of language in Europe is a correlate of close political organization, one type of speech having been selected by the governing authority and its use perpetuated by enforced education. In the more prim itive states of society, where political unity exists only for a single community and no legislative recognition of languages is taken, we may expect each such political unit to show some individuality in speech. In fact, so far as can be judged from the data at hand any separation of such a political unit into two or more parts will sooner or later result in different forms of speech. Under such conditions, very unequal differences will exist. Between some groups we shall find but a small difference in vocabulary; in others, an additional phonetic change; and finally, variations in the grammatical structure. All degrees of these differences are found when we consider a very large number of political units, giving us an intergradation analo gous to that we observed in the cultures of the same units. This LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION 281 inequality of difference renders any classification more or less arbitrary. So long as the tongues of two or more groups do not diverge beyond the possibility of communication, they are usually considered as dialects, though the degrees of mutual intelligibility connoted by that term may vary greatly. When mutually unintelligible tongues are found to possess consistent similarities in vocabulary or grammatical structure, particu larly the latter, they are said to be of the same family, or stock. Thus, all the languages of the New World may be placed in stock groups, the conception of a stock being a group of related languages with their dialetic subdivisions. The determination of these stocks for the native tribes of the United States was initiated by Gallatin1 in 1826 and brought to a definite form in 1891 by J. W. Powell,2 who or ganized the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington. Powell is credited with the system of nomenclature now used for all the languages of the New World, which is to take some native unit name and give it the adjective termination an. Thus, Siouan stock is from the term Sioux, Caddoan from Caddo, etc. In the main, this system is still followed, though the clumsiness of the termination in some instances has led to modification. Powell confined his classification to the tribes of the United States and Canada, which he grouped under fifty or more stocks and prepared a map showing their distribution. It is not too much to say that this classification and map is the very foundation of American anthropology. The work was so well done that very few changes have been made and as it was, in the main, based upon mere vocabularies, its excellence stands as a worthy memorial to Powell and his able associates. (See map, Fig. 85, and list of stocks for United States and Canada, PP- 369-378.) The general value of this classification arose from the fact that it was then the only classification of native tribes based upon scientific principles and, therefore, afforded the point of departure for the investigation of culture and racial anatomy. Thus, its importance arises from historical conditions, for it has very little to contribute to the problems of culture and anatomy aside from the practical matter of tribal designation. 282 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 85. Linguistic Stocks in the United States and Canada. J. W. Powell On the other hand, we should note that the basis of classifica tion employed for language is different from that used for culture. As stated in the preceding chapters, cultures were grouped according to their objective similarities and their geo graphical associations, but such a gross grouping was not in any sense expressive of genetic relations between the cultures concerned. We saw, however, that the ultimate grouping of cultures was destined to be chronological, which, in a way, LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION 283 would express genetic relationships. Now, the conception of a linguistic stock is a group of languages all the members of which have a common ancestor, and between whom it is possible to establish degrees of relationship. Hence, the mo ment we identify a language as belonging to a definite stock, we automatically assert its genetic relationship. In this sense, the classification of the linguistic characters of man is superior to the present classification of his cultural characters. We have now a considerable number of specialists in North American languages, but the task before them is so great that the investigations of the several stocks have not progressed far enough to make possible a comprehensive statement of the whole subject. In scarcely a single case are we able to desig nate the type tongue for a stock or to indicate the historical re lationships of its divisions. All this is for the future. At present, the refinement of classification seems to be the chief interest. As we have stated, even the stock designation is somewhat arbitrary, for greater familiarity with these lan guages has brought to light new similarities between what have heretofore been regarded as distinct stocks. For instance, the 1. Algonquian 2. Athapascan 3. Attacapan 4. Beothukan 5. Caddoan 6. Chimakuan 7. Chimarikan 8. Chimmesyan 9. Chinookan 10. Chitimachan 11. Chumashan 12. Coahuiltecan 13. Costanoan 14. Eskimauan 15. Esselenian 16. Haida 17.- Iroquoian 18. Kalapooian 19. Karankawa List of Stocks for Fig. 85 20. Keresan 21. Kiowan 22. Klamath 23. Kusan 24. Kutenai 25. Maidu 26. Moquelumnan 27. Muskhogean 28. Piman 29. Pomo 30. Quoratean 31. Salinan 32. Salishan 33. Shahaptin 34. Shastan 35. Shoshonean 36. Siouan 37. Siuslaw 38. Takelma 39. Tanoan 40. Timucuan 41. Tlingit 42. Tonkawa 43. Tunican 44. Uchean 45. Waiilatpuan 46. Wakashan 47. Washoan 48. Weitspekan 49. Wintun 50. Wishoskan 51. Yakona 52. Yanan 53. Yokuts 54. Yukian 55. Yuman 56. Zunian to co Hnm > wo> l-HO > 2 Fig. 86. Linguistic Stocks in Mexico and Central America. Thomas and Swanton LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION 285 Shoshonean and Nahuatl have been combined; the Piman stock is also considered as a member of this group by Swanton and Kroeber; Natchesan and Muskhogean were grouped to gether by Swanton;3 Sapir4 claims Wishoskan (Wiyot) and Weitspekan (Yurok) to be Algonquian; Kroeber and Dixon6 group the Shasta, Chimariko, Karok (Quoratean), Pomo (Kulanapan), Esselen and Yuman of California as one stock under the new name of Hokan, and in like manner the Wintun (Copehan), Maidu (Pujunan), Yokuts (Mariposan), Miwok (Moquelumnan) and Costanoan under the name Pe- nutian.6 All such changes have met with opposition and are accumulating a large amount of controversial literature. Aside from these specific attacks upon the Powell classifica tion it has been recognized that stocks show a geographical grouping of some kind. Boas designates a southeastern type of language to which also the Iroquois and Caddoan seem to belong, other students have noted a similar grouping of the Shoshonean, Kitunahan, and Kiowan stocks. Boas and later Sapir 7 find similarities between the Tlingit, Haida, and the Athapascan. It is quite probable that the further investiga tion of these relations will result in the elimination of some stocks, and in any event establish some kind of historical re lationship. When this comes to pass, we may find that lan guages have also a geographical grouping not unlike that for other culture traits. Incidentally, we note that the existence of even such geographical affinities as have been so far estab lished suggest long and permanent residence in one area. 1. Athapascan 2. Chiapanecan 3. Chibchan 4. Chinantecan 5. Cunan 6. Huavean 7. Janambrian 8. Jicaquean 9. Jincan 10. Laguneros List of Stocks for Fig. 86 11. Lencan 12. Mayan 13. Matagalpan 14. Mosquitoan 15. Nahuatlan 16. Olivean 17. Otomian 18. Pakawan 19. Payon 20. Subtiaban 21. Tamaulipecan 22. Tarascan 23. Tequistlatecan 24. Totonacan 25. Ulvan 26. Wa'icurian 27. Yuman 28. Zapotecan 29. Zoquean 286 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Unlike culture, language has no true archaeology, but a few stocks have become extinct since their discovery, as indicated in the tabulated lists. Yet, it is truly surprising that so few have so far passed out of existence, though it is probable that their extinction will proceed from now on with increasing rapidity.8 This tendency of speech to survive long after great culture change must be taken into account when we attempt to correlate our classifications. It also complicates the prob lem of linguistic origins. To summarize, then, we find a genetic basis for linguistic classification, expressed by the term stock. All the native languages of the United States and Canada have been iden tified, or we may say there is no historic tribe in this territory whose linguistic stock is not known.9 For Mexico and Central America 10 we can not be sure, but it is improbable that more than two or three have been overlooked. In South America,11 we are still less certain of the completeness of our knowledge. In the appendix we have tabulated the recognized stocks for these geographical divisions: for the United States and Can ada there are fifty-six stocks ; for Mexico and Central America, twenty-nine; and for South America, eighty-four. Distribu tion maps have been prepared which we present in outline: Figs. 85, 86, and 87. Upon these, the stocks are designated by numerals which stand for the corresponding stocks in alpha betical order (see pp. 369-385.) COMPARATIVE PHONETICS Linguistic studies fall into two rather distinct groups: pho netics and structure. Of these, phonetics is still quite un developed, the greater effort being placed upon structure, or word and sentence formation. Yet, some progress has been made in phonetics. For a time, attention was given only to the necessary practical ways of recording these new languages, each field-worker devising his own system. A certain initial uniformity was secured by the mechanical limitations of printing, but even this proved unsatisfactory. Recently the American Anthropological Association appointed a committee to formulate and standardize the methods of transcribing and PHONETICS 287 printing.12 The report of this committee is essentially a pioneer work on New World phonetics, but no such practical system, however perfect, can take the place of independent phonetic investigation. A beginning has been made by Goddard who introduced the objective mechanical methods of phonetic analysis devised by European students, but as yet the whole subject is before us.13 In a very tentative way a few of the characteristics of North American phonetics have been suggested. Perhaps one of the most obvious differences from English, for example, is the small use made of the stress accent. Another peculiarity of American speech is a curious stopping of the breath before or after vowels, the mechanism for which is a closure of the glottis. Some of the native consonants have proved particu larly difficult to European recorders. Among these are the stopped consonants, b, d, g, k, p, q, and t, which have many forms, but sometimes seem to stand between sonants and surds. These sounds are usually designated as intermediate stops. Again, there are glottalized forms resulting from a closure of the glottis and a quick release, giving an explosive sound not found in European speech. Yet the present enumera tion of such assumed phonetic differences can serve no very good purpose, for until the study of New World phonetics comes into its own, we can not state what characters, if any, are peculiar to it. In passing, note should be taken of a few pioneer regional surveys. In California, where we find a large number of dif ferent native languages, there appears to be a fair degree of phonetic uniformity.14 For one, the vowels tend to be open rather than closed and are given with a greater breath im pulse than in European languages. The intermediate stops, just mentioned, are numerous and there is a strong tendency to use two t's, but on the other hand a single k. In how far these phonetic traits are limited to California can not be stated, but such phonetic peculiarities as have been reported for the North Pacific Coast peoples suggest some dif ferences; for example, there is a somewhat unique voiceless / found all the way from Alaska to northern California, and 288 THE AMERICAN INDIAN \ C 'rV7 ^""^N*-— '/T""S5^ ay ^^^n\^i 1 ^ n ,x;|L \C^>%JM f v'W v^v \66 'iy°Z-i^\. \ '$> u 7i A -''i/ V--' i ! ** >i;§^ a Y-yy^ i..j ,l — -f) y/f \ ( ^l>]lr7^--~-~y/ ( \gU,^---|/ f 22 # / s i «!^V \ ' 63,-3 if^> Q/i 75 J ?/ ' / ®fi s li etf ^Sg^- ^ ^-79 F»g. S7. Linguistic Stocks in South America. , A. E. Chamberlain along with it, in the main, a few fortis consonants. These sug gest that a study of phonetic distribution will not only reveal some definite New World characters, but show localized geo graphical types as well. From a much broader point of view, MORPHOLOGY 289 it appears that in phonetics, we have, perhaps more than any where else, an instinctive formative culture factor and an organic basis for the unconscious modification of a trait, all of which leads into psychological problems of the very greatest importance to anthropology. COMPARATIVE MORPHOLOGY While, as stated above, the structure or morphology of languages has received the most attention, yet when we con sider the speech of the New World as a whole, even this 1. Alikulufan 2. Allentiacan 3. Andaquian 4. Apolistan 5. Araucanian 6. Arawakan 7. Ardan 8. Atacamenan 9. Aymaran 10. Barbacoan 11. Betoyan 12. Bororan 13. Calchaquian 14. Cafiarian 15. Canichanan 16. Carayan 17. Cariban 18. Caririan 19. Cayubaban 20. Changoan 21. Chapacuran 22. Charruan 23. Chavantean 24. Chibchan 25. Chiquitan 26. Chocoan 27. Cholonan 28. Chonoan List of Stocks for Fig. 87 29. Coconucan 30. Corabecan 31. Cunan 32. Curucanecan 33. Enimagan 34. Esmeraldan 35. Goyatecan 36. Guahiban 37. Guaraunan 38. Guatoan 39. Guaycuruan 40. Itonaman 41. Itucalean 42. Jivaran 43. Jurian 44. Lecan 45. Lorenzan 46. Lulean 47. Mainan 48. Makuan 49. Matacan 50. Miranhan 51. Mocoan 52. Mosatenan 53. Moviman 54. Muran 55. Ocoronan 56. Onan 57. Otomacan 58. Otuquian 59. Paniquitan 60. Panoan 61. Peban 62. Piaroan 63. Puelchean 64. Puinavian 65. Puquinan 66. Quechuan 67. Salivan 68. Samucan 69. Sanavironan 70. Tacanan 71. Tapuyan 72. Ticunan 73. Timotean 74. Trumaian 75. Tsonekan 76. Tupian 77. Uitotan 78. Uran 79. Yahganan 80. Yaruran 81. Ypurinan 82. Yuncan 83. Yurucarean 84. Zaparan 290 THE AMERICAN INDIAN subject is quite undeveloped. In the main, the time of inves tigators has been taken up with the necessary recording of texts and the working out of translations, and though their published papers often close with summaries of the structural systems employed, this has in no case gone far enough to admit of extensive comparative studies for the continents at large. However, the reader will sometimes find in the older litera ture certain characterizations of New World languages, cited as distinguishing them from languages in other parts of the world. These should be ignored, for the different tongues of the New World show very wide divergence in their structure, in fact, presenting about all the known varieties. Yet there is one aspect of morphology in which the New World shows some distinction. While, in general, the mor phological classification of all languages is rather difficult, yet from the point of view of the internal coherence of the word they can be comprehended under three heads: isolating, ag glutinative, and inflective.16 Other bases of classification have been proposed, but are found less satisfactory; hence, they may be ignored here. Applying the above criterion to the speech of the New World, we find it chiefly agglutinative, in fact, as far as we know, exclusively so. On the other hand, agglutinative speech occurs in the Old World so that this character can not be taken as peculiar, we can only say that perhaps in this respect greater morphological unity exists among New World languages. Further, there seem to be some indications that certain processes, as the incorporation of the object in the verbal phrase, the polysynthetic formation of terms, etc., are of more frequent occurrence here than in the Old World, but it remains for future students to definitely establish the facts. In fact, as the case stands at present, there are no known morphological characters strictly peculiar to New World speech as a whole. If we attempt a review of comparative studies in morphol ogy, we must again turn to California and the Pacific Coast, for as we shall see presently, this portion of the continent is the home of a large number of small linguistic families. The most important single contribution to the subject is by Dixon MORPHOLOGY 29I and Kroeber 16 who showed that, as a whole, the languages of California differ in the non-use of reduplication of the noun to indicate plurality, the method of incorporating the pro noun and even the noun into the verb, and in contrast to these, the employment of syntactical cases, a method almost unknown in other parts of the continent. These of themselves suggest that we have here a close parallel to the grouping of political units according to culture, for these linguistically independent stocks still show sufficient traits in common to form a geographical area. In like manner, the languages of the North Pacific Coast form another area. Though no convenient summary is avail able for this group of stocks, Sapir 17 has proposed the term Na-dene for the Tlingit, Haida, and Athapascan on the as sumption that they have a genetic relation. However this may be, this author shows that they do form a group with some distinctive characters, as the absence of reduplication, the very frequent use of freely compounded stems, modes, and tenses indicated by internal phonetic changes in the verb stem, the somewhat general tendency to loose synthetic structure in forming words, etc. Of the other languages, Tsimshian on the one hand and Wakashan (Kwakiutl-Nootka) and Salish on the other, have some characters in common, as initial reduplication in both nominal and verbal forms, and the use of suffixes in numerals as classifiers of the objects designated. Again, all the above languages have certain pho netic similarities. Thus, while we can not group these lan guages so readily as those of California, yet we are able to distinguish them with respect to certain characters. Further, they fall into contiguous geographical positions. In an analogous manner Speck 18 shows that Muskhogean of the lower Mississippi has affinities with its neighbors and recently Swanton 19 reports evidences of grouping among the several small stocks of the Gulf Coast. There is, there fore, a presumption that Caddoan, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Uchean, etc., all possess certain characters that may be taken as linguistic indices of the region, or culture area 8 (P- 205). 292 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Thus, in general, we seem to have a grouping of stocks around geographical nuclei and this raises the question as to the nature of this larger group. Is this somewhat vague, but still definite, group of stocks to be considered as of the same sort as the strictly genetic cluster within a single stock? If the answer proves to be negative, then we must seek for some external causes contributing to this result; but, if positive, then the stocks forming such a group are themselves of com mon origin or descent. Between these two positions, the an thropologists of the United States are about equally divided. If we examine the case upon its gross merits, there appears no discernible difference between the kinds of similarities by which stock affiliations are determined and those making these geographical groups. It is merely a matter of degree. That being the case, the probabilities favor the genetic interpreta tion. On the other hand, very vague similarities may be possible as the result of mere social contact, in which case the genetic relation could only apply to one or two elements of the language. However, speculation upon these points is futile, and we may conclude by noting that along this line the great est advances in future linguistic researches are to be expected. The best illustration of the above is found in the investiga tions of Californian languages by Kroeber and Dixon,20 to which we several times referred. In Fig. 88 we see the posi tions of the original twenty-two stocks identified by Powell. Later, Kroeber and Dixon 21 discovered three large morpho logical groups for these stocks as indicated by the shadings on the map. Recently,22 these investigators have become con vinced that these larger groups represent single stocks, two of which are not found elsewhere (Hokan and Penutian), while the third is a member of the Algonquian stock. While other linguists have not yet accepted this genetic interpretation of the observed grouping, the facts of similarity are not in dis pute. In our discussion of the Californian culture area we noted a central group of tribes possessing the most typical culture (p. 212), and we now see that these are almost ex clusively members of the Hokan group. Thus, if the genetic relationship of these Powell stocks is denied, we must assume MORPHOLOGY 293 a correlation of some kind between language and cul ture. On the other hand, if the genetic interpretation is valid, what shall be said of the similarities between Muskhogean, Uchean and Iroquoian, previously cited? Finally, irrespective of these puzzling questions, there is a prob lem in mere word distribution. For Fig. 88. The Proposed Consolidation of Stocks in California. Kroeber and Dixon example, the term for dog is approximately the same in many California stocks; the root term for hoofed animals is the same for several Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan languages and there seems to be a continental tendency to use n and m as the roots of pronouns. Some of these observations may have historical value since the word for dog must have traveled along with the animal. The probabilities are that such studies will lead to historical discoveries and establish time relations in culture.23 294 THE AMERICAN INDIAN DISTRIBUTION OF STOCKS We may summarize the previous discussion by the state ment that the chief general result of linguistic investigation in the New World has been the identification and location of the several stocks. Yet, the perfecting of this classification is no mean achievement and is destined to play an increasingly larger r&le in the development of our subject. The important point is that such a classification is based upon the idea; of genetic relationship, and so stands in much the same relation to our subject as does evolution to zoology. Thus, there can not be the least doubt that all the Algonquian languages had a common ancestor and the further study of the several divi sions of that stock promises to reveal the general outline of this initial.type. Further, we have a right to expect that when the comparative studies we have noted are more advanced, definite genetic relations will appear between many of the now recognized independent stocks. For it is apparent that the cultural and somatic unity of the New World necessitates some kind of genetic relationship between the surprisingly large numbers of stocks now enumerated in its linguistic classifica tions. The pursuit of these important problems will be, in the main, empirical, and as such offers one of the most enticing fields for the scientifically inclined. Yet, this is for the future, our chief consideration here being the distribution of linguistic stocks. This is shown upon the maps. We see that the most widely distributed stocks in the northern continent are the Athapas can, Algonquian, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Caddoan, Siouan, Salishan, and Shoshonean-Nahuatlan. The Arawakan, Tu- pian, Tapuyan, Cariban, Puelchean, and Tsonekan are the largest of the southern continent. In North America, the eight large stocks enumerated occupy practically all of the United States and Canada save the Arctic and Pacific Coast belt and a small part of the Gulf Coast. The lower part of Mexico and southward to the Isthmus is also the home of many small stocks. Thus of the entire eighty-five stocks in North America, all but eight are crowded into less than one-eighth of the DISTRIBUTION OF STOCKS 295 continental area where they occupy marginal positions. In South America there is some confusion arising from the inter- spersion of many stocks in the Amazon Basin, but again we seem to have the smaller stocks on the Pacific side, though their marginal positions are not so prominent. One curious fact is that in the regions pf higher culture we find great linguistic diversity while the very large, widely extended stocks are met with chiefly in the regions of lower culture, though not exclusively. It does not follow, however, that the popu lations speaking the stock languages of the latter were much larger, because they were, in the main, hunting peoples and would require a large range for the support of each family. Whatever else these facts may signify, they indicate that the development of higher culture was not a linguistic phenome non. Another observable tendency of the large stocks is to spread over a single geographical area. Thus, while the Siouan stock has a few straggling remnants on the coast, the great main body is found in the open plains west of the Mississippi. The Athapascan, Algonquian, Salishan, and Shoshonean stocks show similar tendencies. In South America this is not quite so clear, but still seems to be the prevailing tendency. This sug gests that the ancestors of these stocks took up their abodes in these respective areas and that their later distribution is the result of normal expansion, a common cultural bond tending to hold them to the same area. The detached groups appear to have modified their culture in response to their change of habitat. This does not signify that these detached tribes were always the migrants for it may sometimes have been other wise. Thus, we have some very important problems in these larger stocks, for example the Athapascan. Here we have a right to expect that future linguistic research will reveal the oldest language group and its relations to the others and that from this their relative movements can be deduced. As it now stands, we can form no positive idea as to their original home, whether it was in Arizona, Oregon, or Canada. The most worthy suggestion comes from Sapir who states that the 296 THE AMERICAN INDIAN observable resemblance of Athapascan to the languages of the adjoining Pacific Coast is a strong argument in favor of a northern cradle land.24 Of almost equal importance are the Algonquian, Siouan, and Shoshonean-Nahuatl problems. The Algonquian and Siouan stocks have somewhat similar distributions, a large compact group with a few outlying detached fragments. In the former the detached Arapaho and Blackfoot speak very widely diver gent Algonquian languages and if we admit Sapir's identifica tion of Wishoskan (Wiyot) and Weitspekan (Yurok), we have representatives still farther removed geographically and cor respondingly divergent. The Cheyenne appear somewhat less divergent than the Arapaho but we have historical reasons for believing their separation from the main body to be recent.26 On general grounds, it has been proposed that the ancestral home of the Siouan stock was on the Atlantic Coast, where representatives were found, but it appears that the Biloxi of the Gulf Coast are nearer the central linguistic types than those farther east.26 We see here a tendency for the outlying groups to be more divergent from the main body than those nearer, a relation favoring the view that these detached groups represent stragglers, but, whether laggards or true wanderers, is difficult to decide. In the author's opinion the probabilities favor the latter. Reasoning from the marginal phenomenon of faunistic distribution, it has often been assumed that the very small stocks on the coast belts represent the survivals of the more primitive groups. This view seems to have some justification, but it has not yet been demonstrated that these stocks are the more archaic forms of language. Hence, this interpretation so far as it applies to language, must be re garded with caution. 1. Gallatin, 1836. I. 8. Goddard, 1914. I. 2. Powell, 1891. I. 9. Powell, 1891; Boas (editor), 3. Swanton, 1915. I. 1911. I. 4. Sapir, 1913. I. 10. Thomas and Swanton, 1911. I. 5. Dixon and Kroeber, 1913. I. 11. Chamberlain, 1913. I; Brinton, 6.. Dixon and Kroeber, 1913. I. 1891. I. 7. Sapir, 1915. I. 12. Boas, 1916. II. DISTRIBUTION OF STOCKS 297 13. Goddard, 1905. I. 14. Kroeber, 191 1. I. 15. Sapir, 191 1. I. 16. Dixon and Kroeber, 1903. I. 17. Sapir, 1915. 1. 18. Speck, 1907. I. 19. Swanton, 1915. I. 20. Dixon and Kroeber, 1903. I. 21. Dixon and Kroeber, 1913. I. 22. Dixon and Kroeber, 1913. I. 23. Sapir, 1916. I. 24. Sapir, 1915. I. 25. Michelson, 1912. I. 26. Dorsey and Swanton, 1912. I. CHAPTER XVIII SOMATIC CLASSIFICATION We come now to the man of the New World himself, instead of his works. While it may be more logical to begin here, the discussions under this head also call for a general understand ing of the geography and relative distributions of all other characters. Further, this study of man presents certain tech nical difficulties which make it unsuitable for the first intro duction to our subject. The fundamental difficulty has been to find a definite and consistent basis of classification. For example, the system developed by systematic zoology is not strictly applicable, because the existing peoples of the earth are very near to each other. Our experience with zoological classification leads us to expect that when we offer a morpho logical grouping of mankind, we shall base it upon descent. While this may be asking too much of a mere classification, we must not overlook the fact that here is the real problem in the case. Thus, in the New World, we must eventually know from what kind of men the original stock sprang and what elements, if any, have been later assimilated by it. The most obvious method of approach to this solution is by morphological analysis of the main geographical groups. First, if we take the New World as a whole, certain common characters may be taken as significant. For one thing, the hair of the New World tends to be straight and black; indeed, the variations from this are so rare that we may consider straight black hair as universal. The only other part of the world where this is a distinguishing character is in Asia, par ticularly among Mongoloid peoples. A close view of the hair of mankind, as a whole, indicates great stability as to type, in consequence of which many anthropologists make it the basis of the first classification. We may, therefore, set down the above affinity with Mongoloid peoples as one very strong indi cation of common descent. Loucheux Man and Woman showing Eskimo Characters Boas, 1901. I Bureau American Ethnology A Pawnee Indian Geronimo, Apache Fig. 89. North American Types — jfiAfo - jgjja w& 5^H m ** ffjflf : IjA ^B T'itM y ""Z- '{Nht'riii riiti] ¦mA Fzg. go. Brazilian Types Photographs by Ehrenreich Fig. gi. Patagonian Types SOMATIC CHARACTERS 299 A few exceptions to straight hair have been found in South America under conditions that makes it unlikely that they are of European origin.1 However, a great deal more field-work will be necessary before this point can be made clear. If, however, it proves out that an element of wavy hair once en tered the New World population, we shall have good ground for suspecting a non-Asiatic origin for at least one New World strain. Skin color is rather an elusive matter, since its gradations do not admit of very precise definition. Some anthropologists see the basic color of the New World as yellow, others as brown. The yellow is clearly present in many tribes of Brazil and on the west coast of North America, but the remaining portions of both continents show populations ranging from dark chocolate to light brown. According to our own observa tion, this light color turns toward yellow, and the assumption of an original yellow race is fully justified. This, again, suggests Asiatic affinities, but just what may be the history of this dark strain in the yellow is not clear. The nose has also been considered as Mongoloid, but as it presents great variety of form in both the North and the South and is not easily distinguished from the nose of the Pacific Islands and some other parts of the Old World, no great stress can be laid upon it, at least, until very carefully studied. Again, one of the most striking facial characters of Mongolian peoples is the eye-fold, or, in popular language, the "slanting eye." A number of observers claim to see faint traces of this in the Indian, but we should proceed with caution where the resemblances are so vague. Yet, a recent author 2 asserts its positive identification in the Andean region and also in parts of the Amazon country. In North America., it is prominent among the Eskimo and appears in Siberia, which fact gives us continuity with Asia. BREADTH OF FACE In popular belief, the aboriginal face is broad in respect to the width of the head, or "the cheek bones are prominent," re sulting in what is sometimes characterized as a disharmonic 3OO THE AMERICAN INDIAN face. This belief is, in the main, justified, when we review the measurements that have been made. The studies of Boas 3 and Jenks 4 upon mixed-blood Indians in the United States, show that the relative width of face among these is still greater than in case of whites, while reference to the accompanying table shows a very positive difference between the whites and full- blood Indians, in both North and South America. Thus, it is generally true that the New World peoples are characterized by broad faces. This feature is strongly accented in the Eskimo, but not sufficiently to place them in a class by them selves. Of Old World peoples , the broad faces are chiefly among Asiatics. VALUES OF FACE-BREADTH HEAD-BREADTH INDEX FOR MALES (Compiled from Jenks 6) Nationality Number Index Scotch 50 90.34 French 100 90.85 Mixed-Indian 60 94.68 Mixed-Indian 8 92.14 Mixed-Indian 12 92.52 Mixed-Peruvian 24 90.40 Ojibway 24 97.19 Mexican 2300 94.90 Apache 148 94-3° Pima 51 98.63 Peruvian 124 95-3° FLATTENING OF THE FEMUR Another anatomical trait supposed to characterize native Americans is an excessive flattening of the femur, or platy- meria. A resume of the literature, however, leaves one in doubt that any such variation can be definitely assigned to the New World as a whole, though some reports of Hrdlicka 6 sug gest that Indians differ from whites and negroes. The same can be stated for flattening of the tibia, or platycnemia. If the theory of Manouvrier that the phenomenon is dependent upon the muscular development of the individual, is accepted, then these flattenings of the shafts have no racial significance. (For a brief resume, see Duckworth.7) SOMATIC CHARACTERS 301 Another curious femoral variation is the presence of a third trochanter, which Duckworth believes is, to a certain extent, correlated with platymeria. The most convenient frequency table so far compiled is that of Deniker,8 which shows a range from 13 per cent, for prehistoric Europe to 64 per cent, for the Fuegians of the New World. The great frequency of this trochanter among the Fuegians raises a suspicion as to the re mainder of the New World, but satisfactory published data are wanting. This about exhausts the list of widely diffused common characters for the New World as a whole. As we have seen, the somatic line-up is with the Mongoloid peoples, and, while we are facing this way, attention may well be called to other similarities asserted by certain observers. Posnansky 9 re ports the Mongolian spot in the Andean area, and an anatom ical peculiarity of the cranium in the maxillar or region of the processus frontalis which is absent in the European, but prom inent in Mongolian crania. It seems best, however, to defer further discussion of this subject until we have considered the differentiation of internal New World types and their dis tributions. HEAD FORM Head form has received so much attention that it almost monopolizes the subject matter of physical anthropology. As to what extent this is justifiable, remains to be seen. The special literature for the New World contains a large mass of measurements, both on crania and heads of living subjects, from which we can form some idea of their classificatory value. The most conventional of these measurements is the cephalic index, or the maximum breadth of head divided by the maxi mum length and the quotient expressed in per cent. Ripley has plotted the distribution of this index on a map of the world,10 but an inspection of this suggests that the New World cannot be sharply differentiated on the basis of the cephalic index alone. It is true, however, that the broadest heads are here accredited to Asia and the longest have minor represen- 302 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. 92. The Cephalic Index SOMATIC CHARACTERS 303 tation in the New World, which would give our hemisphere a kind of intermediate position. Yet, we should not give much weight to the specific boundaries indicated upon such a map because the cephalic index numerals have been arbitrarily grouped. A better method would be to plot according to each numerical unit of difference. To do this successfully, we must use a large map and enter in its proper place the actual ceph alic index for each group of people. A condensed form of such a map for the New World is presented here (Fig. 92) * From this it appears that we have the most data for the United States, but, in general, all the larger parts of both continents are represented in some fashion. Notwithstanding such discrepancies, the data as given should approximately outline the general distribution of the cephalic index. Perhaps the first impression we get from this map is one of great range and variability. The scattered index values may even suggest a random distribution. Yet, it appears that the lowest values tend to cluster around certain points, as the Gulf of St. Lawrence, southeastern Brazil, and southern Pat agonia, while the highest seem to mass on the Pacific side of both continents. On the other hand, if we regard the numeri cal range of index units, it appears that the total New World series falls but little short of that for the Old World. In fact, both the lowest and highest cephalic indices recorded by Martin u are from the New World : Pericues (Lower Cali fornia), 66.1 ; Californians, 89.7. The indices used in our map range as follows : — 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 8° 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 1 2 5 153 g 14 10 8 8 3 6 11 2 2 2 Such lack of distinction between the two hemispheres in con trast to what we found true of other characters leads one to suspect that head form is exceedingly variable. In this connection, it may be noted that investigations among the immigrant population of the United States, and * The cephalic indices appearing on this map are based upon skull measurements, but contain also those reported for living subjects. The special works upon craniometry give the accepted methods for reducing the latter to units of the former. The indices are from the published notes of all observers; hence, some allowance must always be made for errors of observation, though in the long run these should cancel out. 304 THE AMERICAN INDIAN also among the inhabitants of Porto Rico12 reveal a rapid change in cephalic index. This suggests that there are some powerful environmental and physiological factors in the cause complex that produces head form. As compared with hered ity, these are minor factors, but still strong enough to produce modifications of several numerical units in the calculated in dices. Certain empirical observations led Boas to assume a change of five to six units possible in a few generations. Un fortunately, all these observations have been upon Europeans, but it seems a fair assumption that if the principle is found to hold for one, it will also hold for the other. In the earlier parts of this chapter we found evidences of homogeneity, and though there is a perplexing range of vari ation in head form, the question still remains as to whether these fluctuations are not mere pulsations around a single norm. If such they prove to be, then we have homogeneity in head form as well as in other characters. This is a difficult problem, but some approach to its solution can be made by statistical methods. First, on a priori grounds we have a right to expect that, if more than one type of cephalic index exists here in the New World, the observed indices for the successive groups of natives will tend to cluster around separate nodes, or norms, when we treat them as a series. To apply this test, we have collected all the observations that the literature of the subject brought to our notice and combined them into a single series. For precision, we have tabulated the indices for skulls and living subjects separately, and for further check upon the re sult we have tabulated absolute skull measurements for length and breadth of head (p. 305). Close inspection of these distributions suggests that the two for the cephalic index will be found to approximate the nor mal, or symmetrical type, found in homogeneous groups. Also, the series for absolute length and breadth of head show fairly symmetrical distributions. From all this one may sus pect that there is, after all, but one type of head form for the New World. Fig. 93. Two Skulls from the Arctic Coast of North America and Two from Tierra Del Fuego, two views of each: The first and second pairs are Eskimo; the third, from a village site on Grande Island (150 miles N.W. of Cape Horn), and the fourth Yahgan, Furlong Collection SOMATIC CHARACTERS 305 It should be noted that we are here treating the successive social groups like individuals. Thus, if we wish to arrive at the head form for a social group, we take individuals at ran dom and calculate from these observations the most probable DISTRIBUTION OF GROUP AVERAGES FOR NEW WORLD NATIVES Skull Index Head Index Skull Length Skull Breadth 68 1 68 150-2 2 125-7 1 69 0 68 153-5 2 128-30 5 70 1 70 156-8 1 131-3 7 7' 2 71 1 159-61 7 134-6 13 72 6 72 0 163-4 5 137-9 30 73 10 73 0 165-7 11 140-2 27 74 7 74 2 168-70 9 i'43-5 21 75 10 75 0 1 7 1-3 13 146-8 1 1 76 8 76 2 174-6 22 149-51 6 77 15 77 3 177-9 13 152-4 5 78 13 78 3 180-2 18 155-7 7 79 11 79 ' 7 183-5 17 158-60 2 80 12 80 15 186-8 7 161-3 2 81 14 81 H 189-91 5 164 1 82 4 82 14 182-3 1 83 4 83 9 138 84 11 84 15 133 85 3 85 7 86 5 86 3 87 5 87 1 88 5 88 1 89 2 149 89 3 IOO Av. 174.8 ± 9-15 Av. 141 .3 ±7.00 average value. In exactly the same manner, we may take these values for groups in the New World and place them in a series. When we do this, we again find a typical distribution suggesting homogeneity. However, as it stands, this result should be taken only as a suggestion, for there are many com plicating factors to be considered. The whole problem awaits further investigation, and so cannot be profitably considered here. That the general assumption we have made is consistent with other somatic data is obvious, for if the people of the 306 THE AMERICAN INDIAN New World spring from a single stock then the observed de viations of head form are but the normal variations of a bio logical character. In a general discussion of the whole subject, Boas 13 states that as the population expanded over the New World, it scattered out into more or less isolated local groups, whose inbreeding soon differentiated varieties of head form and other features. In other words, these were the natural random fluctuations around the fundamental type and are probably not permanent characters, all of which is consistent with their erratic geographic distribution. It may be, therefore, that the longer-headed Algonkins and Patagonians are merely the result of greater marginal isolation rather than survivors of a previous long-headed population. At the outset, we stated that the New World could make some claim to an intermediate position in head form. If we take the averages of the lengths and breadths of head tabu lated on p. 305, we find a length of 175 cm. and a breadth of 141 cm. Martin 14 places the extremes of the world at 143-225 for length, and 101-173 for breadth, from which it appears that our natives are grouped around the middle values. Fur ther, since the extremes in our tables fall short of those for the world as a whole, we are justified in the conclusion that in absolute dimensions of head the New World is truly inter mediate, but that in respect to head form as expressed by the cephalic index, approximately the whole known range is found. The investigations of the Australian school of anthropol ogists have demonstrated the great comparative significance of the height of the head.16 We may suspect, therefore, that the native of the New World will show some distinctions in this character, but, as is often the case, sufficient data are not available for a satisfactory conclusion. Martin 16 gives the range of absolute height of skull as 125 to 143 mm. and cites certain Californians as 129, Dakota as 131, and Eskimo as 135. This is not very promising as a definitive character, since we have about the whole range in the New World alone. Further, when we consider the distribution of the recorded values they seem to occur at random over both continents and when all SOMATIC CHARACTERS 307 are treated as components of a single series, we get the normal frequency curve. The suggestion is, therefore, that we have in the height of the skull for the New World a character that shows considerable range of variation, but which, on the other hand, is of one distinct type. However, at present this must remain a mere suggestion. ORBITS AND NASAL SKELETON A great deal of attention has been given to the form of the eye sockets or orbits, and the nasal skeleton. The former takes a quadrilateral form whose varying breadth and height can be measured. The relation of the latter to the former is ex pressed as the orbital index. The tabulation of such data as we found in the literature presents a symmetrical distribution with an approximate node at 87. As in the case of other char acters we find the orbits of each local group to vary, but all to cluster about a single norm. Since there are several ways of measuring the orbit and the several authors are not often explicit as to the method employed, the above result should be regarded as tentative. Both Deniker 17 and Martin 18 have compiled standard lists of this index, which furnish the addi tional series in our table. The series we have for the New World is of the symmetrical type which gives us greater con fidence in its mean value. Martin 19 regards the Fuegian as in the lowest class, with the Tasmanian and Australian, while the Patagonian and Indians in general have very high indices, as also do the Eskimo and Mongolians. It appears, therefore, that the New World as a whole falls in the same class as do Asiatics, but that, on the other hand, high values are not un usual elsewhere. Thus, we cannot be sure that the orbit is a definitive character. The skeletal structure of the nose affords further oppor-' tunity for measurement. The reader interested in the tech nical details of the subject may consult the very concise and convenient statement of Deniker,20 together with a tabulation of nasal indices for representative groups from all parts of the world. This index is analogous to that for the orbit, express ing the relation between the height of the nasal bones and 308 THE AMERICAN INDIAN their width. From the recorded indices, it appears that the white race is at one end of the series and the negro at the other.21 Just where our natives will fall is not yet clear, but in last analysis our conclusion must rest upon qualitative DISTRIBUTION TABLE FOR THE ORBITAL INDEX All Races Deniker 22 Martin *> Ii o2 O 3 i O 2 2 3 6 5 4 4 4 6 4 i 4 7 6 4 3 2 3 4 6 i The New World 76 77 78 79 i 8o 2 8i 0 82 I 83 3 84 3 85 2 86 3 87 9 88 6 89 6 90 4 9i 2 92 I 93 2 94 0 95 I 96 o 97 I observations, and it is the opinion of our leading anthropol ogists that there is a recognizable form for the nasal opening of New World peoples as a whole. In conclusion, then, we find in the New World face and head many indications of somatic homogeneity strongly suggesting unity of origin. A more positive statement, while greatly to be desired, must await new searching investigation, for the problem is peculiarly intricate and the available data, so far, inadequate. ¦6. Si SOMATIC CHARACTERS 309 BODILY PROPORTIONS Among the many other aspects of somatological description that promise well, is bodily proportion. This is usually ex pressed in diagrammatic form, as in Fig. 95. Though there are many published measurements of New World natives, in few cases do they give sufficient data for the construction of such diagrams. In fact, the four we have here about exhaust the subject. Yet, they show a striking similarity in form and pro portions, suggesting that the New World native is of one bodily type. This method of comparison seems to have been devised by Thomson 24 from whom three of the diagrams in Fig. 96 are taken. If these are accurately constructed, there are obvious differences between the Indian and other races. However, our present purpose is to show that even in bodily form there is evidence of New World unity. SUMMARY OF SOMATIC CHARACTERS In this brief review of a large subject, we have sought, first of all, the characters truly definitive of New World man. The difficulties besetting such a quest are now apparent, but a summary of some kind is necessary to progress. Accordingly, on the basis of the preceding and the available studies, the following is offered : — 1. The hair is straight, of medium coarseness, and black. Body hair scant. The skin color is a brown, ranging from yellowish to chocolate tones. Eyes tend to be dark brown. 2. The head is quite variable as to length and breadth, but appears to approximate an intermediate position in the world's series. On the other hand, the face is broad in proportion to the head. As to facial angle, there is moderate prognathism, and this, as well as size of mouth, thickness of lips, proportions of nose, size of teeth, takes an intermediate rank between Whites and negroes. According to Hrdlicka, the upper in cisors are markedly concave.25 Finally, there'is a slight slant to the eye, reminding one of certain Asiatics. 3. In bodily proportions we note first an intermediate posi tion between whites and negroes with respect to length of 3io THE AMERICAN INDIAN arms and legs. The hands and feet are relatively small. The capacity of head and estimated brain weights also give intermediate values. Eskimo Quechua Bakairi Vahgan Fig. 95. Diagrammatic Representation of Average Bodily Forms for the Eskimo (Duckworth, 1900. I), the Quechua (Ferris, 1916. I), the Bakairi (Ehrenreich, 1897. I), and the Yahgan (Deniker, 1900. I) RELATIONS TO MANKIND IN GENERAL Assuming for the time, at least, the single origin of all New World peoples, we may now turn to the question in which all are interested, viz., the relation of the Indian to mankind in general. As has often been stated, the affinities of New World man are with Mongolians and, to a less marked degree, with Polynesians. With the former we have close parallels in hair, form of eye, breadth of face, and bodily proportions. With the Polynesians, the agreements are chiefly in pigmentation and SYSTEMS OF CLASSIFICATION 3II to some extent, in the hair. Hrdlicka 26 has formulated a convenient statement of the problem, which may serve as our poitit of departure: — Negro Australian Amherst Students U. S. Army Fig. 96. Bodily Forms from Various Races — Negroes,. Australians, and United States Soldiers, from Thompson, 1889. I; Amherst Stu dents, from Hitchcock, 1888. I. There is some doubt as to the accuracy of the United States Army data, but the variation shown here serves to emphasize the homogeneity of the New World types The conclusions, therefore, are : the American natives represent in the main a single stem or strain of people, one homotype; this stem is identical with that of the yellow-brown races of Asia and Polynesia; and the main immigration of the Americans has taken place, in the main, at least, grad ually and by the northwestern route in the earlier part of the recent period, after man had reached a relatively high stage of physical development and multiple secondary differentiations. The immigration, in all probability, was a dribbling and prolonged overflow, likely due to pressure from behind, or want, and a search for better hunting and fishing grounds in the direc tion where no resistance of man as yet existed. This was followed by 312 THE AMERICAN INDIAN multiplication, spread, and numerous minor differentiations of language due to isolation and other natural conditions, and by the development, on the basis of what was transported, of more or less localized American cultures. It is also probable that the western coast of America, within the last 2,000 years, was on more than one occasion reached by small parties of Polynesians, and that the eastern coast was similarly reached by small groups of whites, and that such parties may have locally influenced the culture of the Americans; but such accretions have nowhere, as far as we know to-day, modified the native population. Such conclusions must, in last analysis, rest upon a satisfac tory classification of mankind as a whole, but as stated at the outset, this has proved a difficult problem, and the reader will find the literature of the subject very perplexing, each inves tigator proposing a different scheme. Upon analysis, however, we find these schemes have a great deal in common and, hence, are fairly intelligible. In the first place, they fall into two groups according to the controlling concepts. One of these classifications is purely objective and empirical, no re gard being paid to ancestral relations or other related factors, while in the other, the ideal is to form a classificatory scheme that will express genetic relationships. The exposition of these systems does not fall within the scope of this work, but a few of their main features may be noted. Taking men as they come, experience shows that the most definitive objective characters are hair, skin color, and head form. Of these, the first is most persistently transmitted from parent to offspring, and so tends to remain constant. In the main, three kinds of hair are recognized : straight, wavy, and woolly, each having a distinctive cross-section and associated peculiarities.27 With these as the points of departure, the people of the world fall into three groups : — I. Straight hair (leiotrichi) . The Asian-American group. 2. Wavy hair (cymotrichi) . The Polynesian-European group. 3. Woolly hair (ulotrichi). The Australian-African group. It is important to note that, though this grouping is strictly based upon the hair, the majority of all classifications recog nize these three great clusters of mankind, their differences SYSTEMS OF CLASSIFICATION 3I3 arising from transferences of the more doubtful examples from one class to the other. A convenient summary of the main characters for each is offered by Giddings: 28 — I. The Australian-African Group. Characteristics: black skin, dolichocephalic (long-headed), prog nathic, woolly or frizzly-haired (cross-section of hair very ellip tical). Area of distribution: Australia and Africa south of the equator. II. The Polynesian-European Group. Characteristics: fair skin, mesocephalic, orthognathic, straight or wavy hair (cross-section slightly elliptical). Area of distribution: broad zone from Polynesia northwestward through southwestern Asia and northern Africa and most of the continent of Europe. III. The Asian-American Group. Characteristics: yellow or red skin, brachycephalic (broad-headed), narrow-eyed, lank or straight-haired (cylindrical in cross-section). Area of distribution: eastern Asia and western America, chiefly north of the equator along the semicircular shore-line of Asia and America.29 This investigator regards the second or middle group as the main stem, the generalized ancestral stock, from which the other two diverged and specialized. The American aborigines are regarded as a diverging branch of the Asiatic group. This classification, therefore, assumes a genetic relation between its main division by selecting the Polynesian-European type as the generalized, or ancestral type. Unfortunately, in this case, as in most others, there is at hand no convincing proof. The grouping by hair and associated characters, has proved of great convenience and is in-so-far justified; but it cannot meet the needs of the case. Recently, Duckworth 30 offered a morphological analysis of man upon the basis of which was proposed a different grouping. In this scheme, the generalized type is designated as the Eurasiatic, embracing almost the entire population of Europe, Asia, and the New World. It will be observed that in distribution, this type covers the greater part of the earth in one continuous mass. What re mains are the minor outlying groups, as the Australians, Afri cans, Andamanese, Polynesians, etc., which are treated as diverging stems from the main body. The one new feature of 314 THE AMERICAN INDIAN this grouping is that it correlates morphological distinctions with the facts of distribution, the significance of which we shall consider shortly. On the other hand, the morphological group ing is based upon the same principles of classification as are employed in zoology. Hence, Duckworth's scheme is worthy of the most careful consideration. The vital question is, how ever, the reconstruction of the generalized ancestral type. This is a broad problem whose solution will rest largely on general paleontological conceptions and the specific study of the primates. Its discussion falls outside the limits of the chapter, but a brief glance into the special literature of the subject will show the strong support that can be found for this idea. We may, therefore, adopt as our working hy pothesis the view that the Eurasiatic type, to which the bulk of the native population of the New World belongs, is the best living representative of the general type hominidce, and that N the remaining groups of mankind are such as by wide disper sion and greater isolation became more divergent, or special ized. This idea is also consistent with culture data, for it is exclusively among this generalized main body that the great \ civilizations of the world arose; the highly specialized outlying groups, though showing sparks of true genius now and then, never rise to such a level. The next point to consider is the distribution of mankind over the earth. In the synthetic treatment of such a large problem, we need the greatest possible array of corrective data. While such data cannot entirely mitigate the weakness of all interpretations based upon incomplete series of observa tions, they, at least, serve as friendly guide-posts. If, instead of focusing our attention upon man alone, we take in the whole gamut of mammalian dispersion, we greatly increase the num ber of these corrective aids. Thus, a brief perusal of general books on mammalian life 31 suggests at once the existence of a veritable swarming center in the heart of Asia. It is not, of course, contended that all mammals arose there, but that a surprisingly large number of the most distinctive families can be successfully localized within the general limits of that con tinent. This is supported by specific data when we restrict our RACIAL DISPERSION 315 Fig. 97. Lines of Dispersion for the Primates. Matthew, 191 5 I LIVING AND EXTINCT GROUPS OF PRIMATES Fig. g8. Phylogenetic Relations of the Living and Extinct Groups of Primates. The circles indicate the size and known geological range of the several groups, the dotted lines their most probable derivation. Their supposed relations to certain Inseclivora and intermediate extinct groups are also indicated. Matthew, 1915. I 316 THE AMERICAN INDIAN view to the primates alone, respecting whose Asiatic origin there is no dissenting voice among those competent to speak. The most convenient presentation of the subject is in Mat thew's paper on "Climate and Evolution," whose sketch map we reproduce here, together with the chronological scale essential to its interpretation.32 From this we see, in a general way, how the many diverse forms of primates have swarmed out of the Old World, one after the other. We have, therefore, no alternative but to conclude that the same factors controlling the dispersion of the whole division of primates apply also to man, and that his dispersion will, in the main, follow the same beaten tracks. With this as a point of departure, it is not very difficult to form a satisfactory statement of the order and direc tion of dispersion for the known species and varieties of hominidce. When we consider the map in Fig. 97, it appears that the New World is geographically more remote than either Africa, Europe, or the insular area, and has but one point of contact, but that point is in direct line with the assumed center of dis persion. On mere geographical grounds, we should locate the extremes of expansion in Patagonia, Greenland, Cape Colony, Ceylon, and Tasmania. To this list may also be added the extreme western parts of Europe, as the Canaries and British Isles. These are veritable blind alleys in which primitive man was ultimately brought up short and where some of his de scendants are still marking time. It so happens, however, that the fluctuating polar ice cap hovers over the single narrow bridge to the New World and the part it has played in the story of the primates is truly wonderful. The reader familiar with the recent literature on Paleolithic man need not be told that the pulsation of this ice cap is proving the only reliable time clock for human culture. At four intervals, at least, this ice field crept down into North America and into the Old World, each time greatly modifying the distribution of mam malian life. Though we now have a fairly complete outline of man's re lation to these events in Europe, we are quite in the dark as to what happened in Asia and America. The United States RACIAL DISPERSION 317 school of anthropologists, led by the veteran Holmes, has suc cessfully combated all claims to an intergkcial man in America, but this negative result is difficult to harmonize with the cultural career of the aborigines we have just sketched. No doubt it was the consciousness of this that led Boas 33 to for mulate the dissenting view : viz., that man reached the New World during an intergkcial period. Many investigators agree that ten to twenty thousand years is all that can be allotted for the lapse of time since the last retreat of the ice in the New World. This, of itself, might give time enough to account for the growth of American culture, but the ice re ceded gradually, in fact, still hangs about the connecting bridge, so that a much more recent date must be set for the last openingof communication. Reference to our chapter on chronology will show that this leaves a very narrow margin for the development of aboriginal culture. Yet, exactly the same difficulty confronts us in the Old World, for it is clear that the earlier phases of Egyptian development also leave us a narrow margin, if we assume that all the higher cultures we know were developed since the dawn of the Neolithic in Europe. The important difference, however, lies in that whereas we know that man was even at that time a very old inhabitant of the vicinity, his corresponding presence in the New World is denied. Thus, if we accept the theory that man first reached America after the opening of the ice in Alaska, we are under the necessity of assuming a sudden un precedented growth of culture, unless it turns out that the lapse of time has been greatly underestimated. It seems far more consistent with the facts to assume that the peopling of the New World was contemporaneous with that of Western Europe, and that the subsequent return of the ice practically isolated the two hemispheres, leavingeachtodevelopasitmight. If we leave out of account everything below the Tropic of Cancer, a certain parallelism appears between western Europe and eastern North America, though far more strongly accen tuated in the former. The Cr6-Magnon man, who appears rather abruptly in western Europe, has in his disharmonic face, one of the most prominent New World characters, and NEANDERTHAL & . CRO-MAGNON TASMANIAN UEGIAN Fig. 99. General Lines of Dispersion for Mankind. The broken lines represent the more recent movements RACIAL DISPERSION 319 it is not at all improbable that future research in Asia will give grounds for assuming the Cr6-Magnon and contempora neous New World peoples to be collateral branches from a central Asiatic type. More than once, attention has been called to certain vague similarities between certain Paleolithic races and the Eskimo, and in the New World certain older skulls from the remoter parts of South America are not far removed from this same Eskimo type. Incidentally, we may note that the Chancelade skeleton in western Europe belong ing to Magdalenian time, is quite similar to the modern Es kimo. The earlier races appearing in Europe tend to be long headed, and we have noted a less marked, but still noticeable tendency for the long heads in the New World to cluster on the extreme margins. That this is rather fundamental ap pears when we regard mammals as a whole, for we read that "when the parallel series in Europe and North America are sufficiently complete, they are seen to be not parallel phyla of independent local evolution, but periodically recruited by more progressive new stages, apparently from a common center of dispersal. The relations are like those of one side and the other of a branching tree whose trunk region is unknown to us."34 The human phenomena we have been considering appear, therefore, as but an integral part of mammalian expansion, and, for that reason, become more evident. In conclusion, then, we seem to have a large mass of homini- dte occupying the greater part of Asia and America, the ten dency of which was toward round-headedness and straight hair; hanging on the outskirts of these were many variants. This interpretation is not antagonistic to those who regard the modern Indo-European as distinct from the Asiatic-American branch, for the suggestive parallels between earlier types of western Europe and America arise in a much earlier period of man's history. That the New World native is a direct de scendant of the Asiatic Mongolian is not to be inferred, for the differentiation is evidently remote; what is implied, is that somewhere in the distant past the Asiatic wing of the general ized type diverged into strains, one of which we now know as Mongolian, and another as American. 320 THE AMERICAN INDIAN GROUPING BY SOMATIC CHARACTERS After these necessary digressions we may turn to our initial task, the classification of New World peoples according to somatic characters. In the first place, our previous dis cussions have revealed the primary somatic units to be the in-breeding local social groups. The resemblances of individ uals within these are comparable to family resemblances among our own people. If, for example, we take the Navajo, Apache, Pawnee, Teton-Dakota, Patagonian, and Eskimo, there is often no difficulty in placing an individual by his portrait alone. On the other hand, to reduce the characters of identity to exact statement, is extremely difficult, just as is the case when one attempts to write a facial description of an acquaintance that would clearly identify him. Our problem, then, is quite the same as in the preceding chapters, viz., to find some empirical grouping for these small somatic groups. Those who are reasonably familiar with anthropological lit erature can understand the sexual conditions that readily con tribute to the leveling down of family differences to the group type. When we take up the question of group resemblances, we may, upon a priori grounds, assume that contiguous groups will often mix to an extent sufficient to bring them very near to each other. The data for tribal social practices give every justificatipn for this assumption. Then when one plots out a series of anatomical measurements on a map he finds that high values often tend to cluster in one geographical area and low in another. Thus, in case of stature, we rarely find a single tall social group surrounded by groups of low stature. For example, the Cheyenne are rated as tall (1,748 cm.), near them were the Crow (1,732), Arapaho (1,728), and the Dakota (1,726). In fact, all the tribes of the bison area which cluster around the above group show high stature, but receding to the south, west, and north. This is comparable to what we find to be true of culture traits, viz., a tendency to radiate around a geographical center. Another good example is around the mouth of the Colorado River, where the Mohave are rated at 1,740, the Maricopa at 1,722, the Yuma at 1,700, and the Pima at 1,703, while surrounding them are groups of lower SOMATIC AREAS 321 statures. A similar grouping appears in head measurements, a fine illustration of which is seen in Hrdlicka's 35 data on the Indians of northeastern United States, where we find certain agreements between tribal groups that are contiguous. In short, it appears that as we pass from one social group to another, there is a gradation of somatic characters and that these gradations radiate from centers in much the same way as we noted for culture characters. Now, if we generalize, it appears that the same leveling causes that unify the internal somatologies of the several social groups also operate to reduce group differences. On logical grounds this leveling will be most marked where the oppor tunities for sexual contact are greatest, and it follows that these opportunities will be greatest where cultural diffusion is accel erated. It appears, then, that our best lead in the develop ment of a somatic classification is to seek for correlated dis tinguishing characters in each recognized culture area. Before proceeding, it may be well to try grouping a few measurements according to these areas. The most accessible are stature and cephalic index, for which we present the statures of tribal groups according to culture areas in •a cfl c 0 cd 0 •a 0 0 0E c to to to T3 C bo X ta PQ y o. OJ U 0 £ CO w PhJ3 -w O C uto W to °3 E '35§ "3 CJ- % +j 3 O en 8 t8 J3 3O c3 '3O cta V ¦0 c < 'S g, ta +j Ph su 0)10ta W "3 0 H 71 1 1 72 I 1 2 73 3 2 5 74 1 1 75 I 1 1 I I 5 76 1 I 1 3 77 2 2 1 2 I 1 9 78 I 4 6 1 1 1 H 79 1 1 3 I 1 3 10 80 I 3 1 I 1 1 8 81 I 1 2 1 2 I 8 82 1 1 1 3 83 I I 1 1 1 1 6 84 I 2 1 1 2 3 I 11 85 1 I 2 86 1 1 2 87 1 1 2 92 accompanying tables. If, for instance, there were no corre spondences between the statures of social groups within the same area, we should expect the distributions in the successive columns to be similar, or to have a chance relation. This is not what we observe, but, on the contrary, in almost every case there is a tendency to cluster around an area average. Thus, our initial assumption seems justified and we may ex pect a somatic grouping of natives at least roughly coincident with the culture grouping. If, however, we disregard all such assumptions and proceed empirically with the compilation of a distribution map we reach a result shown in Fig. 100. First, we may be reminded CHRONOLOGICAL TYPES 323 that the data and conditions under which this map must be made do not permit of such clear-cut distinctions as were possible in the preceding chapters. The determining charac ters used here were stature, pigmentation, head, and face form. Proceeding, then, with these limitations, we find, first of all, that the Eskimo are fairly distinct. Again, centering in the North Pacific area, we have another type, and stretching east and above the Great Lakes and out to the Atlantic, is a third. The centering of 4, 5, 6, and 7 on our map is approxi mately coincident with culture areas. Central America seems to be a separate area, but the data are meager. South America is still more vague, but we have the sugges tion of the following: First, an upper Andean region including the greater part of Ecuador and Colombia; second, the great Amazon Basin; third, eastern and southern Brazil, with a possible extension into Peru; fourth, the Patagonian- Araucan group; and finally, the Fuegians. It should be understood that somatic identity is not claimed, for such is improbable outside of the social groups we have designated as the fundamental units, but that a general simi larity exists. Additional data will surely modify the boun daries we have designated, but it is unlikely that the areas as a whole will be effaced. CHRONOLOGICAL TYPES In the preceding, we have assumed the same attitude as in the other initial classifications, viz., treating all as if contem poraneous in origin. This is, of course, the only attitude to assume toward observations upon the living, but skeletons from burials may belong to very widely separated periods. We must, therefore, give some consideration to the chronology of somatic types. In the first place, no skeletal remains have so far been found to which positive antiquity can be assigned, at least, not to the satisfaction of the critical. A considerable number of fragmentary skeletons have come to light, and achieved literary fame, among which are the Lansing Man, the Calaveras Skull, the Nebraska Loess Man, and the Homo pampaus proposed by Ameghino. The claims of all these to 324 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fig. ioo. Somatic Areas CHRONOLOGICAL TYPES 325 a respectable age have been vigorously assailed by Hrdlicka,36 and, consequently, placed in the doubtful column. Never theless, one must suspect that where so many cases arise which exercise the utmost ingenuity of scientists to disprove, the probability of some being authentic is very great. The one positive point resulting from these controversies is that whatever may be the age of the skeletons in question, they are of the same general type as those of the surviving New World native. This finding is consistent with our conclusions as to his homogeneity and probable single origin. On the other hand, it will not do to argue that unless we find skeletons that do differ from this general type, they cannot, therefore, be old. But as this question of the antiquity of man in the western world is not our present concern, we may accept the above conclusion in-so-far as it applies to the homogeneity of type. Under such conditions, the problem of antiquity shifts to the geological and faunal associations. For example, the contem poraneity of man and the mammoth has not yet been estab lished for North America, whereas in Europe there cannot be the least doubt of it. There is just one case of association with extinct fauna that promises something. In 1914 a human skel eton was found in the famous La Brea asphalt bed of southern California, among the bones of both extinct and extant animals.37 When this deposit is completely excavated and its faunal strata determined, we may have an early date for man's appearance here, though not earlier than late Pleistocene. Again, however, the somatic type is the same. We may antici pate, therefore, no future skeleton finds but what are of the general New World type, but if we consider the data in other parts of this work, we must expect some of them to have a respectable antiquity. While this point of view applies to the New World as a whole, it still remains possible that there have been changes in the sub-types occupying some of the areas we have just designated. Something like this is suggested for South America,38 where we find some reasons for assuming that the coast, at least, was first occupied by a fishing people with long heads, who later gave way to a round-headed population. 326 THE AMERICAN INDIAN There are, also, some indications that these long-headed South Americans are somatically similar to the Eskimo and so, possibly, connected; but for the present, such interpreta tions must be taken as problems stated rather than solved. The facts are that since a general unity appears to hold for the whole New World population, we cannot expect definite chronological grouping for somatic types until the time relations of their cultural associates are determined. Our previous discussion of the time relations for culture shows that little aid can come from that quarter until new evidence is produced. Without this help, it would serve no definite pur pose to summarize the few random observations of local somatic sequences found in the special literature of the subject. i. Deniker, 1900. I, p. 292. 2. Posnansky, 1916. I. 3. Boas, 1895. I. 4. Jenks, 1916. I. 5. Jenks, 1916. I. 6. Hrdlicka, 1916. I. 7. Duckworth, 1904. I, p. 317. 8. Deniker, 1900. I, p. 89. 9. Posnansky, 1916. I. 10. Ripley, 1899. I, p. 43. 11. Martin, 1914. I. 12. Boas, 1910. I. 13. Boas, 1912. I, pp. 177-183. 14. Martin, 1914. I. 15. Berry and Robertson, 1914. I. 16. Martin, 1914. I. 17. Deniker, 1900. I. 18. Martin, 1914. I. 19. Martin, 1914. I. 20. Deniker, 1900. I, pp. 63-64. 21. Martin, 1914. I. 22. Deniker, 1900. I. 23. Martin, 1914. I. 24. Thomson, 1899. I, pp. 125-128. 25. Hrdlicka, 1915. I. 26. Hrdlicka, 191 5. I, p. 91. 27. Haddon (no date). 28. Giddings, 1909. I. 29. Chapin, 1913. I, p. 210. 30. Duckworth, 1904. I. 31. Osborn, 1910. I. 32. Matthew, 1915. I, pp. 214,215. 33. Boas, 1912. I. 34. Matthew, 1915. I, p. 270. 35. Hrdlicka, 1916. I. 36. Hrdlicka, 1907. I; 1912. I. 37. Merriam, J. C, 1914. I, 198-203. 38. Joyce, 1912. I. pp. CHAPTER XIX CORRELATION OF CLASSIFICATIONS We have now given a descriptive account of the facts con stituting our subject, and with this preliminary task ended, may turn to a few more serious problems. We have succeeded in classifying the minor social units, according to culture data, language, and somatic characters. Also, it has been possible to group geographically the known archaeological artifacts resulting in a distinct culture classification. The general im pression prevails that all of these classifications are indepen dent of each other. The facts in the case are that each system developed in its own way and largely at the hands of specialists. The result has, on the whole, been detrimental to anthropology, because the tendency has been to diverge into uncoordinated sciences, as linguistics, archaeology, ethnology, and physical anthropology. Such differentiation developed partisans for each classification, whose controversies have obscured the problem rather than otherwise. Thus, the linguist asserts that no one can do anything until he learns native languages, because they are the keys to the whole subject; the archaeol ogist insists that his is the main road to travel ; the ethnologist belittles the claims of both ; while the physical anthropologist looks down upon all. Fortunately, this condition is passing and the coming generation of anthropologists is facing the syn thetic problems upon which the future of our science depends. Such broader synthetic work must, in the nature of the case, begin with the correlation of the four great groups of data we have so far discussed independently. Each has developed a classification based upon geographical distribution and in this direction lies our first task. As may be anticipated, any such attempt to correlate these four great systems of classification will meet with opposition, for there is a deep-rooted belief that there are no such correlations. But let us ignore this propo sition for the present, and examine the case on its merits. 328 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Let us begin first with the historic and prehistoric culture classifications. Our experience with Old World archaeology arouses two expectations. In classical problems, we antici pate finding Jt^ong and continuous occupation of definite areas where we find^&fe successive remains of what is, in its funda mentals, a singte expanding culture. As all of these areas have well-established historical periods, we take, as a matter of course, the close correlation, or superposition, of archaeological and historical culture localizations. On the other hand, when we deal with the archaeology of cultures that do not readily connect themselves with historical data, as the Paleolithic cultures of western Europe, and even some of the Neolithic, we are accustomed to find a series of cultures resting one above the other, but between which the connections are broken. It has sometimes been proposed that this difference is, in the main, one of interpretation, but again it is defended as a real difference due to the relative antiquities of the two groups. Thus, it is considered that cultures arising early enough to run their courses before the dawn of history, have time to vanish completely and leave room for the establishment of something entirely new and independent. Without dwelling upon the respective merits of these two somewhat opposing views, we may turn to the objective correlation of the archae ological and cultural classifications for the New World. In the first place, the reader should fix in his mind the nature of these distribution areas. Our analyses show that each is a more or less illy-defined area in which there are many trait dif ferences, but that these show a gradation outward from a center, or nucleus. While, by comparative study, one arrives at the generalization of a type for the various social groups making up such a center, the result is, nevertheless, strongly grounded in empirical methods, and is not the work or interpretation of a single individual. We have seen that in this respect the his toric and archaeological areas are essentially similar, indi cating that the data of both apply to analogous, if not iden tical, cultures. We should note, also, that the difference be tween the two classifications is one of time. One deals with observations upon living natives, the other with what is found CORRELATIONS 329 on the ground. Since the former begins with 1492 and thus arbitrarily cross-sections the cultural career of the natives, we may expect a large part of the readily accessible archaeolog ical data to refer to the historic cultures. On the other hand, we have just grounds for assuming that the prehistoric period was of much greater duration than the historic. One of our problems, therefore, will be to discover if the archaeological data can be analyzed so as to reveal earlier independent cul- ' tures in any of these areas, if such there were. Unfortunately, this task must await more searching field-work, as our discus sion of chronology has suggested ; so all that can be hoped for now is the mere formulation of the problem. The most direct approach to this will be a comparative study of the respective distribution maps. For convenience, we have superimposed the archaeological and culture area maps (Fig. 101), the historic areas in Arabic, the prehistoric, or archaeo logical areas, in Roman enumeration. At first glance, the respective boundaries may seem bewildering, but closer in spection shows many areas to have common centers. Reading from north to south, we have the following coincident pairs: XI-5, X-4, IX-2, VIII-3, VII-9, VI-i, XVIII-15, XXI-12, XXIII-14, XXIV-13. Thus, ten of the fourteen historic culture areas coincide with prehistoric archaeological centers. Of the remaining, XI 1-6, may well be added to the above, since it is rather a graphic factor that gives the impression of divergence. Turning now to Area 10, we find it embracing archaeological centers for XIV, XV, and XVI. Area XIII lies between or on the margins of 9 and 10, but need not be considered here, for reasons previously stated (p. 260). Area XVI is the old Maya region and is, therefore, somewhat earlier than the type culture of historic Area 10. In like manner, XV is the center of Zapo- tecan culture, which also seems to be older than the type of Area 10, or XIV. Likewise, for Area 1 1 we have three archaeological centers, XVII, XIX, and XX. While we cannot yet state the chrono logical relations of these, yet, from the artifacts alone, we see 33° THE AMERICAN INDIAN s ^ 1 1 X » «^« 1 1 1 >k lU_ x!L>^ T ^^'X^i'* 1 1 r 11 1 1 1 1 1 | 1 1 \l %h$y^5^ y\// VIA V (r Vl" K___ \ \ _, 3 U=\ y)^_ x/i v" \\ X i X V\\ y yf j Xu V 7^--^ ' m\f // y^y/ in y \ «iv ^XX 7 / 0 .V / XX / \ $r>. X>, ^X )1 \\\ »/ XXIII /; %xx j fA // A J/ iy/ \\y/ U/ yes ni xxiv y it y / lij y£ Fig. ioi. Superposition of Culture Areas: The Historic Tribes in Arabic; the Prehistoric Tribes in Roman Notation LANGUAGE AND CULTURE 33I that XVII affiliates with XIX and XX rather than with XVI, indicating that they have a great deal in common. Perhaps the most complicated is the superposition in eastern North America. Thus, in Area 8 we find two archaeological centers, and in 7, three, if not four. In Area III, the home of the Iroquois, stratified deposits have been reported showing Iroquois remains over and above what are regarded as Algon kin. The latter have affiliations to Area I and V, and since the ancestral home of the Iroquois seems to have been farther south, we assume that the prehistoric Area III is due to this intrusion. In the discussion of culture Area 7, we found the Iroquois to be intermediate to 8 and hence, not typical. That their archaeology seems more sharply divergent than their historic culture, may be due to the leveling effect of contact with the surrounding tribes. In Areas I and V we have no very satisfactory chronological determinations, so that further discussion is useless. Looking back over this comparison, we see, first of all, that the greater disparities between the two classifications fall in the regions of higher culture. In the case of 10 and 11, it is suggested that the chronological factor is the chief disturbing element. For 7 and 8, we are less clear, but some students attribute the divergence to shif tings in the population, as the data for the Iroquois suggest.1 To generalize, we may say that on the whole, the tendency is for the historic cultures to coincide with those of the prehistoric classification, but that in the region of intense culture and the eastern maize province, the archaeological areas are more numerous than the historic classifications would lead us to anticipate. A natural infer ence would be that this is explicable as an expression of rela tive age, those areas in which the people had lived through only one culture cycle, being the ones in which the two maps most nearly coincide. This, however, does not seem consistent with other data, and may be disregarded at present. LINGUISTICS AND CULTURE The reader is, no doubt, quite familiar with the idea of no correlations between culture and linguistic type, which is 332 THE AMERICAN INDIAN regarded as a kind of truism. But when we look carefully into the case, it is not clear that every kind of correlation is absent.2 Our attention, so far, has been fixed upon the conventional stock grouping, but it is now becoming clear that this is not the only possible classification. Under the appropriate head ing, we have noted that in California, positive similarities between a large number of stocks have been worked out and new groupings proposed. Further, we have shown how the great variety of languages spoken in the California culture area fell into groups strictly parallel to the culture grouping, and noted suggestive data from other areas pointing in the same direction. In all this, there appears a definite tendency for language to correlate in certain ways with the culture grouping. Yet, this correlation may be an expression of tribal contact rather than genetic relationship in speech, for it cer tainly does not follow that similarities in culture parallel identities of linguistic stock. Perhaps the reader should be reminded that we are discuss ing unity in stock and not identity of speech. Though the English and German languages are of the same stock, they are far from being mutually intelligible, and this well illustrates what we meet with in native American stocks. It is, in fact, a safe assumption that real identity of speech in the New World will be accompanied by political and cultural unity. On the other hand, we are dealing with a distinction of another sort, for a stock relation is an expression of common origin. Even the most cursory comparison of culture and linguistic maps will show that a single stock may spread into several culture areas, as, for example, the Athapascan, which is found in Areas i, 2, 3, 6, and 9. This simply means that a language can travel independently of culture, or, at least, outlives it. The point we made in the preceding is that the representatives of different stocks gathered into a culture area often show intra-stock similarities by which also they can be grouped and segregated. These similarities suggest that languages have a grouping similar to, and largely coincident with, the culture grouping. This may, or may not, be the result of genetic SOMATIC CORRELATIONS 333 relations, but rather of long social contact. Our point is that the languages of a culture area, even when regarded as of independent stocks, still show a grouping that tends to be coincident with that for cultural characters. It is a reasonable expectation that a distribution of phonetic types alone would show a similar correspondence. The peculiar point is, how ever, that the unity is in the stock affiliation and not in prac tical speech, for the linguistic differentiation within a stock is often very great. Neither is there political unity, and it may be doubted if the latter can long exist without the other. The suggestion is, therefore, that the similarities of languages within a geographical, or culture area, are due to the expan sion of the early parent stocks within their habitats, and to the long association made possible thereby. SOMATIC CORRELATIONS We may now turn to the somatic classification of American aborigines. Again, we have a truism that no correlations are to be found with culture and language. Yet, our previous discussion of somatic classifications indicated a kind of agree ment in-so-far that each culture area manifested some so matic unity, or that the geographical distribution of somatic types is generally coincident with culture distribution. Under that head it was suggested that this could be expected if the population were fairly stable, since sexual and culture contacts are largely simultaneous. As to linguistic correlations, it follows that wherever agreements are found between language and culture, there also may be expected agreements in somatic type. A fine example of this is to be found in the Eskimo, where culture, language, and somatic type are equally dis tinct from other parts of the continent. On the other hand, we find cases where a stock language is found in more than one culture area, and again, other cases in which the somatic type has spread into neighboring areas. Hence, we are deal ing with three independent groups of human phenomena, each of which tends toward the same geographical centers. 334 THE AMERICAN INDIAN GENERAL RELATIONS OF CULTURE, LINGUISTICS, AND SOMATOLOGY If now we take a comprehensive view of anthropology as a whole, we see no reason for revising the general assumption that no necessary relation exists between the known types of culture, linguistics, and somatology. Neither are certain types of linguistics associated with certain types of culture, nor cer tain types of somatology accompanied by special forms of culture or language. The particular combination of these which we encounter are, in the main, historical facts. Yet, we have seen that, while this is essentially true, there are ways in which these classes of data do correlate. This correlation is seen in many of our culture areas. One of the best known examples, that of the Eskimo, has been cited in a previous discussion. Here the language, culture, and somatology are all distinctly different from those in other areas. Again, in Cali fornia the languages, though of many stocks, show a curious tendency to possess common distinctive characters, while the somatic type is claimed as uniform throughout.3 We can, ! therefore, safely summarize our discussion by stating that each distinct culture area tends to have distinctive characters in language and somatology. However, the reversal of this formula does not hold, for people speaking languages of the same stock do not show a tendency to common culture char acters unless they occupy a single geographical area. An analogous negation holds for somatology. It seems, then, that culture is one of the primary factors in this association, and that, due to causes we have not yet perceived, both lan guages and somatologies are differentiated after culture's own pattern. THE MIGRATION FACTOR Our next task will be to seek out clues to the identity of these contributory causes. Early in this discussion, we saw how closely the prehistoric areas agreed with the historic, sug gesting that a type of culture was in some vague manner firmly fixed in a locality. In some respects, such a conclusion is dis concerting, because the traditions of our subject call for a veritable and constant flux of migrations. While our previous MIGRATION 335 discussions have made it apparent that migration is excep tional rather than universal, still, the logical necessities of the case require some movements of population. One can scarcely conceive of the peopling of the New World except by the expansion and spread of its population gradually from one area to another. It may be, however, that this is not the im portant point here. Thus, when we consider the best known or most probable cases of migration, they all seem to have one common character, since they are circumscribed move ments in a single area. For example, the Eskimo, whose first appearance in the New World must have been in Alaska, spread only along the Arctic coast belt to its ultimate limits. Yet, since they are the sole possessors of this territory, they offer a far less suggestive example than can be found else where. We now have satisfactory data for the northern move ment of the Iroquois, but if we superimpose a linguistic map and one showing topography, we see clearly that whichever way the tribes of Iroquoian stock moved, they kept close to the Atlantic Highlands. On the other hand, the Algonkin expanded in lands of less elevation, 500 to 2,000 feet, but • chiefly in a wooded lake aiiu portage region. In like manner, we may follow out the Siouan, Athapascan, Salishan, and Musk hogean, Shoshonean^ Mayan, Arawakan, Cariban, and other stocks. It cannot be/an accident that all the Muskhogean peoples lived at an el^vajion less than 500, that the Algonkin were, with few exceptions, between 500 and 2,000, that the Athapascan are chiefly inland .between 2,000 and 5,000, while the Shoshoni-Nahuatl stock occupies land above 5,000. If, then, we turn from linguistic to culture characters, we find similar agreements. The Southeastern culture (Area 8, Fig. 67), is below 500 feet, the Eastern Woodland area (7) is, in the main, from 500 to 2,000, the Nahua area (10) above 5,000, as was also the home of Inca culture (12). It is also suggestive to take a topographical map as our point of departure, and note the correlations between ele vation and the variations in cultures. Thus, the Algonkin of the Atlantic Coast plain from Maine southward are below 500 feet, or on a level with the Muskhogean group, and it is 336 THE AMERICAN INDIAN just here that we find certain northern traces of Southeastern culture. In the Mississippi Valley these same lowlands reach up to the Ohio and the Missouri, and here also, we find the margin of Southeastern traits. The two types of culture which we find in the Bison area (i), the western and the east ern, line up along the north and south divide of 2,000 feet. Further, it is distinctly among the eastern tribes that we find Eastern Woodland traits, the elevation of both being below 2,000 feet. These few illustrations must suffice, but the reader can follow out others by referring to suitable maps. We are not contend ing for a direct correlation between elevation and culture, for these numerals are but convenient geographical indices to cli matic, faunal, and floral areas. As boundaries, they are just as arbitrarily chosen as those for culture areas, but for that very reason should be strictly comparable. The fact, then, that they do so correspond cannot be dismissed as a logical error. We are thus brought to the conclusion that the phe nomena of our subject manifest a strong tendency to expand to the limits of the geographical area in which they arise, and no farther. Language and blood s£em te spill over the edges far more readily than culture, from which we' must infer that their dispersion is a by-product of migration, but that these migratory groups seem unable to resist complete cultural assimilation. From this point of view, it is conceivable that the Muskho gean and Algonkian stocks, for instance, could have exchanged habitats without changing the cultures localized within the two areas, provided the shifting was by successive small units; or that all of the Shoshonean peoples could have become Pueb los and the Keresan and other stocks have scattered out on the plateaus to the north, while the culture values of the two areas remained relatively the same. That such extreme trans positions ever occurred is, of course, improbable, but their possibility is demonstrated in the Plains and particularly in the Pueblo area itself. Yet, the real problem in the case remains unsolved. What became of the culture brought into an area by the first ENVIRONMENT 337 settlers? That the new environment was harsh enough to stamp it out promptly is beyond belief. The idea that all initial cultures were uniformly simple at the first dispersion over the New World is equally unsatisfactory. No doubt part of our trouble arises from the fact that we are best acquainted with the centers of lower cultures. When we have fuller knowledge of Mexico and the Andean region, it may be ex pected that different underlying cultures will come to light. It is impossible to guess what insight will thus be gained into the early history of the Americas, though it is a fair assump tion that even the earlier cultures of these higher centers will possess individuality comparable to other areas. On the other hand, we have everywhere encountered evi dences of fundamental unity of origin, in both culture and somatic types. The basic elements of culture in the area of most intense development have their fading parallels as we go outward, and the somatic grouping shows, also, unmistak able evidences of expansion from a single ancestral stock. This may account for the close correspondences we have ob served between archaeological and historic classifications, for, in contrast to Europe and western Asia, there were no sudden eruptions of new races until the white occupation of the New World, whereas in the former, we find evidences of many such successive invasions.4 It is fair to assume that, had the road from Asia to America been broad, direct, and open, we should find here a complex archaeological condition quite comparable to that of the Old World, for then wave after wave of new peoples and cultures would have poured into America as they did into Europe. THE INFLUENCE OF ENVIRONMENT We are now prepared to take a closer view of the controlling factors in the formation of these geographical types of man and his works. It is natural to suspect the environment to be one of these, since the fauna and flora of a locality are cer tain to leave their stamps upon many traits of culture. From the very first, we saw how the location of food areas laid down the general lines of culture grouping. One striking character- 338 THE AMERICAN INDIAN istic of such an area is the tendency to specialize in some one or two foods. Reference to the initial chapter of this work will make this point clear. For example, we have, centering in California (3), the use of the acorn; in the Plains (1), the bison ; in parts of both continents, maize ; and in the Amazon country (14), manioc. At all these culture centers we find more or less elaborate processes of preparation involving tech nical knowledge, for example, the making of acorn flour and bread, the roasting of camas, etc. These processes tend to spread throughout the area of supply. Thus, the acorn in dustry extends well up into Oregon far beyond the California center; the roasting of camas (2) to the mouth of the Colum bia, and also to the Blackfoot of the Plains, etc. Again, we note certain specializations of manufacture: California (3), baskets; North Pacific Coast (4), boxes and plank work; the Plains (1), rawhide work (parfleche, bags, etc.); Mac kenzie (6), birchbark (canoes, vessels, etc.); Plateau (2), sage brush weaving; Southwest (9), textiles and pottery; South east (8), cane and fiber weaving; the Eastern Woodlands (7), knot bowls and bass fiber weaving, etc. Types of shelter present similar distributions, and so do many other traits. All of these traits are seen to reach out far beyond the borders of the respective culture centers, and such extensions can, in the main, be correlated with faunal and floral distributions. Yet, not even all of the more material traits can be considered dependent upon the fauna and flora, for example, pottery. Also, art and ceremonies are no less distinctive and, as we have seen, are also localized in these same centers. In this case, the influence of the environment could be but remote. In any case, we find that the people in a culture area have chosen but a few of the possibilities and specialized in them, leaving many other resources untouched. It is, of course, plain that, if the directions of this specialization varied, many different kinds of culture could successively occupy the same geographical area. Apparently, the chief explanation of this phenomenon lies in man himself. A group of people having once worked out processes like the use of acorns, maize, manioc, etc., establish ENVIRONMENT 339 social habits that resist change. Then the successful adjust ment of one tribe to a given locality will be utilized by neigh bors to the extension of the type, and to the inhibition of new inventions, or adjustments. Therefore, the origin of a culture center seems due to ethnic factors more than to geographical ones. The location of these centers is largely a matter of historic accident, but once located and the adjustments made, the stability of the environment doubtless tends to hold each particular type of culture to its initial locality, even in the face of many changes in blood and language. As to actual movements of tribes from one center to the other, we have no good historical examples. Our discussion of migrations has shown that the tendency was to move about in the same geographical area, yet these wanderings must have sometimes led to other culture areas. The most prob able case of this kind is to be found in the history of the Chey enne Indians. According to Mooney,5 they left Minnesota, where they had an intermediate Plains culture and joined the typical tribes at the center, where, in the course of a century, they became typical in culture. On linguistic grounds, we assume that the Blackfoot and Arapaho did the same at a much earlier date. In California and the Southwest we see Athapascan-speaking remnants who are most likely immi grants from the North, yet this does not show itself in their culture. The fact seems to be that these migrating units were not strong enough to prevent their people from following the lead of neighbors wherever they happened to tarry. It is clear, however, that such migrations must have been but occasional and exceptional, for, unless the distinctive tribes remained in force at the culture center, the type would have been destroyed. Hence, we must assume very great stability of these centers and a fair degree of stability for the New World as a whole. Now reverting to the correlations of language, culture, and somatic type, we are prepared to see that while the environ ment does not produce the culture, it furnishes the medium in which it grows, and that when once rooted in a geographical area, culture tends to hold fast. The somatic type, while not 340 THE AMERICAN INDIAN closely correlated with environment, yet shows a tendency to conform to it. This would be consistent with our conclusion that the population of a center was relatively stable, so that an occasional immigrant group could be gradually leveled by intermarriage. But the immigrant group need not change its language so long as it maintains its social independence, nor does the environment appear to put any pressure upon its members to so change it. What uniformity of somatic type we then have is merely the accidental result of sexual contact, while the lack of linguistic uniformity is due to the former his tory of the group. It follows then that about all that survives in an immigrant group is its speech, for both its culture and blood gradually disappear in the new environment. But blood being a biological character, in contrast to culture, it is subject to certain very definite laws of inheritance and the particular forms the mixture will take are likely to be various. Culture on the other hand, can be entirely displaced even within a single generation. Finally, with a few generalizations we may summarize this long and tedious, but we trust not unprofitable, survey of aboriginal man and his varied characters. It appears a fair assumption that so long as the main sustaining habit- complexes of life remain the same in an area, there will be little change in material culture. This may be in part an explanation for the lack of close correspondence between the historic cultures and archaeology in the several parts of the great maize areas in contrast to identity elsewhere. The bison, salmon, wild acorn, and guanaco must have been in their respective habitats for a long, long time, and a culture once developed around them could be displaced only by a radical change, such as the introduction of agriculture or pastoral arts. Now the regions where maize was found in use at the opening of the historic period are just those in which archaeology shows the most disparity. It seems then, that the environment as a static factor conserves the types of cul ture and because of this weighting of one of our three great groups of characters, breaks their unity, so that the same ENVIRONMENT 34I language and likewise the same blood may be found in asso ciation with different cultures according to the laws of historic accident. 1. Dixon, 1914. I. 4. Haddon, 1911. I. 2. Sapir, 1916. I. 5. Mooney, 1907. I. 3. Hrdlicka, 1906. I. CHAPTER XX THEORIES OF CULTURE ORIGIN The familiar phenomenon of identity of traits among different groups of aborigines has always been treated as a serious problem. Our leading anthropologists have shown a tendency to seek the explanation for such identity in independent de velopment rather than in diffusion, or borrowing, presumably because of the predisposition arising from experience with the highly organized military groups of Europe, where political unity is practically synonymous with cultural individuality. We have seen how this correlation also appeared among the more highly organized peoples of the New World, but was not found among the more primitive tribes where culture groups were far more inclusive than the political ones. But there is still another important factor favoring the independent origin theory: viz., Darwinism, the great influence of whose evolu tionary ideas emphasized the development aspect of culture and thus gave the primitive social group an exaggerated importance. According to the independent development theory, the unity of the human mind is sufficient to account for identities in culture wherever the environments are the same. Thus, ac cording to this view, no matter what tribes moved into the country occupied by one of our culture centers, the environ ment would react on their minds in essentially the same way, suggesting the same ideas and so leading to the same inven tions. One important objection to the wide application of this theory is that different peoples do not seem to arrive at the same solutions even when confronted with like conditions. Another difficulty is that similarities are found in such traits as mythological characters, social practices, etc., whose origin can not be successfully accounted for as reactions to the en vironment. Yet, a close view of the case shows that many THEORIES OF CULTURE ORIGIN 343 times these objections can be fairly well met, so that a final conclusion as to the applicability of the theory is reached with difficulty. Further, it is clear that there is usually but a single solution for a problem so that if it is solved at all it will be solved in the same way and given time enough some one is by the law of accident sure to hit upon it. But the greatest difficulty with the theory of independent invention is found in the observed distribution, for this tends to be continuous over certain areas, instead of intermittent, as would be the case if due to accident, unless we assume a greater age for New World culture than other facts warrant. Also, we have his torical examples of diffusion, as, for example, the Ghost Dance religion,1 the Peyote Cult,2 the Grass Dance ceremonies,3 the Spanish horse culture,4 etc., and scarcely one of the contrary kind. In these historic cases, the phenomena came under direct observation so that there can not be the least doubt as to diffusion, or borrowing by one social group from another. The most satisfactory conclusion, then, seems to be that while there is reason to believe that different social groups will ul timately solve many of their problems in the same way, they are far more likely to borrow the solutions of their neighbors, which arrangement gives the initial solution a very great ad vantage. Hence, when there is continuity of distribution we may posit a single origin, or locality, from which the trait has been diffused, until we can find evidence to the contrary. The most modern advocate of the diffusion theory is Graeb- ner,5 who is disposed to the extreme view that independent invention is practically impossible and that all similarities, however widely separated, are to be considered as having single origins. Such extreme views are always harmful, for they set up a mere formula according to which problems are solved deductively, whereas the true and safe method of science is to proceed empirically. The ideal method is to treat each case according to its own data and not to assume diffusion from a single locality until we have some good, specific reasons for so doing. There is, however, still another theory to account for sim ilarities in culture — an hypothesis first advocated by Ehren- 344 THE AMERICAN INDIAN reich,6 under the title of convergence. According to this view a definite culture complex, which appears to be the same among two or more social groups, may prove upon analysis to have been arrived at in quite different ways.7 The similarity is in this case merely an accident of development. As the reality of such convergence has been clearly established for certain instances, it must always be considered as a possible factor, and so complicates our problem. It has, however, one great virtue in that its applicability must be empirically determined for each case, and can not be deduced from a general pre supposition. In fact, all these theories are of little use as formulae of interpretation, for we must study carefully each trait-complex before a conclusion as to its origin can be reached. Their true functions are to define the different ways in which cultural similarities have been observed to come about. The intensive analytic study of single trait-complexes has developed the pattern theory.8 The conception is that in cer tain phases of culture each social unit develops a style, or pattern, for its traits and that borrowed traits will be worked over to make them conform to this pattern. So far as we can now see such patterns hold only for organized traits like ceremonies and social systems of control. The very complete studies we now have for the cultures of a few tribes in the central part of North America suggest that in organized ceremonies each tribe has one main concept according to which all their ritualistic performances are adjusted. For example, we find that the Dakota have a conception that super natural power comes by a vision or dream, in which an animal like being designates a plant as containing the power sought, and this plant then becomes the important objective part of the ritual. The Menomini, on the other hand, consider that power is conveyed by a song and that the true supernatural experience is to be found only when a song is handed down. The rituals of each also have distinct forms or styles of compo sition by which they can be distinguished. Yet, so far as we have observed, these tribal pattern conceptions do not greatly interfere with the absorption of foreign rituals. For example, THEORIES OF CULTURE ORIGIN 345 the hako pipe ritual of the Pawnee9 has been traced through a number of tribes without losing its important features. But where the pattern has most force is within the tribe itself. For example, in the Plains area we usually find a very large number of rituals projected on similar lines, indicating that they are the accumulative creations of many individuals in imitation of the rituals already established. This is particu larly noticeable in the bundle rituals of the Blackfoot, Me nomini, and Pawnee. Yet, these tribal patterns have not pre vented the occasional borrowing of rituals from their neigh bors. It is, perhaps, too soon to pass judgment upon the gen eral applicability of the pattern theory, for until we have de tailed analyses of several contiguous tribal complexes we can not form a satisfactory conception of just what ideas may have been worked over to form rituals not originally conform ing to the tribal pattern; but as it now stands the theory of pattern phenomena applies rather to the original products of a tribe than to borrowed traits, and can not be considered as expressing an important principle of culture diffusion. Perhaps the most important contributions to this subject have been made by those who have exhaustively studied the diffusion of single traits. As a good example, we may cite Goldenweiser's study of totemism,10 in which the distributions of the several elements appearing in specific examples of totemism are followed out to their limits, exposing the work ings of pattern and other formative factors. Of equal value is Lowie's research in Plains societies n previously cited. In the older literature, we find a number of studies of single traits, particularly in material culture, but as their investiga tors usually took their diffusion for granted, they gave their chief attention to the question of genetic relationships.12 Yet what we need in this connection is analytic studies, like the above, that reveal the manner of diffusion over a considerable area. Some recent studies of material culture have made attempts of this kind. One of the most suggestive is the study of horse culture in both North and South America, first de veloped by Lewis, but carried out in some detail by the author.13 Here it can be shown that the natives of the New 346 THE AMERICAN INDIAN World first in contact with the Spanish settlements, acquired the whole horse-complex of the invaders. They did not take over the cart, but as a matter of fact, the Spaniards drew carts and ploughs with oxen, using horses and mules only for pack ing and riding. Historical data show that the whole horse- complex acquired by the first tribes was passed on to their neighbors in rapid succession, far in advance of interior ex ploration. Practically nothing was lost. Nor was anything of moment added except the travois in North America and a few ritualistic observances which, so far as they have been studied, seem to have had a common origin. In this region of aborig inal dog-traction there still remains a very important problem as to how much of the older dog-culture was incorporated in the more recent horse-complex. The only good study of dog- culture is that for the Hidatsa by Wilson,14 which suggests that in the care and handling of dogs and horses we shall find some pattern phenomena. On the other hand, the tribes of the pampas in the South seem to have had no dog-traction. Un fortunately, we have no data as to the ceremonial accompani ments of the horse, but in its objective features the horse- complex agrees with the Spanish riding complex. The author's studies of maize culture show that in this case the whole complex was carried along over the eastern maize area and, what is perhaps of more significance, almost the entire complex was taken over by the English colonists.16 In the Old World, where the seed alone was introduced, we do not find this complex but an adaptation of the prevailing cereal complex. Additional examples of diffusion by whole complexes come readily into mind so that we can generalize by stating that in the New World the diffusion of material complexes has been by wholes. It was not merely a plant, a food, or an idea that was borrowed, but a complete method, with all of its associates. When, however, we turn to ceremonial practices and art, the case is less simple, for there seems to be a conflict between tribal patterns and the new trait. Perhaps the most carefully studied ceremonial complex is the modern Grass Dance of the Plains area in North America.16 DIFFUSION OF THE GRASS DANCE TRAIT-COMPLEX (Heyoka) Dakota and Ojibway (.Crew-belt) Omaha and Osage (?) (Fire dance) I Pawnee I (IRUSKA) Iowa Cheyenne Gros Ventre Arapaho Arikara (Hotldance) (No date) Omaha Mandan Hidatsa (?) I I I Osage Oto Dakota Iowa (Grass\dance) (i8|6o?) 1 I I I 111 Winnebago Ponca Ankara' Hidatsa' Arapaho Omaha' Pawnee' I (18I71) (1887) Kansa Crow (1877?) I I I (?) I III Assiniboin Kiowa Cheyenne Plains-Ojibway Osage2 Iowa2 Potawatomi (?) (?) {Dream dance) Gros Ventre Plains-Cree (1880) Shoshoni 1 Blackfoot (1883?) Shawnee Sauk and Fox Kickapoo Oto' Iowa3 (1898) I I Menomini Ojibway (?) Plains-Ojibway Sarsi Flathead Kutenai HX H OW I— I w Ui O ocFH aw o ^4 348 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Its variegated history is outlined in the diagram, showing how it first took definite form among the Pawnee by the union of certain foreign concepts and how later from this sprang the Grass Dance, and in turn the latter gave the Dream Dance. A close study of the rituals for each type indicates that the Dream Dance, which originated among groups belonging to the Eastern Woodland culture area is widely divergent from the Grass Dance, notwithstanding that this dance was its parent. The tribes in the Plains area took up the Grass Dance one after the other, but on the borders of the Eastern Wood land area the Dream Dance is found. Analysis of the two ceremonies shows that each is adapted to the prevailing pat tern of its area. Hence, we may generalize with the statement that in taking over a foreign ceremony, concessions will be made to the tribal pattern. Thus, it is apparent that a great advance has been made in empirical studies of the origin of particular culture-complexes. The spread of these complexes over a geographical area is ex plained by diffusion from a center. Some progress has been attained in observing the manner, or mechanism, of this dif fusion. On the other hand, we are constrained to assume that since in many cases these trait-complexes are confined to a single area, they must have originated as new inventions within its borders. As an illustration, we may again refer to the societies of the Plains Indians. The native conception upon which this organization is based is the creation of a series of societies which one must enter in a fixed sequence at equal intervals. Further, as these organizations require that the youths who enter the lowest society shall be of about the same age, we have a system of age-grading. Now, this idea of age-qualifications for membership in a society is found only among the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Arapaho, Mandan, and Hidatsa tribes. Yet the same societies in all their other essen tial features are found to cover the entire area (Fig. 102). From the map, we see that the tribes having the age-grading sys tem have a central position; at least, they do not reach the edges of the distribution area. Now, since we do not find these societies anywhere else in the New World, it is fair to THEORIES OF CULTURE ORIGIN 349 Fig. 102. Distribution of Men's Societies among the Indians of the Plains. The tribes having age-grades are indicated by underlining. (The Blood and Piegan are allied with the Blackfoot.) 35O THE AMERICAN INDIAN assume that they originated in this area. Insofar the con ception of an age-graded series is an independent invention. It is also fair to assume that one of the five tribes manifesting this complex is responsible for its presence. Thus, we may generalize by stating that when a trait- complex is confined to a single area, it may be regarded as an independent invention. As such, it can be hypothetically, if not actually, assigned to a single tribe from whom it was diffused outwardly. Yet, we have seen that not one, but many such inventions seem to center in one place, or area. What, therefore, shall we say of the causes contributing to this result? CULTURE TRAIT ASSOCIATION Such discussions as the preceding lead ultimately to an important theoretical problem: namely, the nature of trait association within what we call a tribal culture. So far, we have used the term culture to designate the sum total of trait- complexes manifested by a social group, or tribe. We have naively assumed that they formed a whole, because they per tained to a single group of people and we have characterized types of culture by enumerating the most conspicuous of these traits. Such a view would, in the end, commit us to the theory that the simultaneous appearance of two or more traits was a mere coincidence, or an accident. In other words, unless we can find some other basis for this association of traits in a culture, such traits have no functional or other necessary rela tions to each other. If we recall the details of trait distribution so far discussed, there come to mind many instances of whole groups of associ ated traits so segregated as to suggest their diffusion as a whole. In this book we have preferred to use the term trait- complex because it more accurately expresses the character of the phenomenon. For example, we have frequently referred to the maize-complex. By this term, we designate all the prac tices that immediately accompany maize production. Upon analysis, we find these processes to fall into unit cycles such as planting, cultivating, gathering, preserving, storing, grinding, CULTURE TRAIT ASSOCIATION 351 cooking, etc., each of which may be quite complex in itself, but all are dependent one upon the other. They thus form a kind of logical sequence, the ultimate aim of which is to provide a specific type of food. As another example, we may cite pot tery: here we again see a complex in which are a number of unit cycles of processes, as making the paste, modeling, drying, decorating, baking, etc. Now it appears that there is a func tional association of some kind between the unit processes within one of these complexes — they are at least knit into a logical whole. On the other hand, our previous discussions have shown a tendency for the whole pottery-complex to accompany the maize-complex. Yet it is not apparent that one of these is necessary to the other. Since the natives of California cooked acorn meal in baskets (page 212), it appears equally possible to cook maize meal in the same manner. The coincidence, then, between the distribution of the maize- complex and the pottery-complex can scarcely be due to any objective functional relation between the two complexes themselves. Another interesting example of such association has been noted among the tribes intermediate to the North American Plains center of culture. These tribes lived in tipis at all times except when engaged in the production of maize, during which period they occupied permanent houses of a different type. Now, if the tipi sufficed as a residence in one case, it could do so equally well in the other. The most satisfactory explana tion for this peculiarity is that the tribes from whom the art of maize culture was borrowed, used a shelter of that kind. In the same way, we could assume that pottery vessels and maize were diffused. Such explanations for trait-complex associations are classed as historical interpretations. The tacit assumption is that if two complexes once happen to get asso ciated there is small chance of diffusing one without the other. We have taken our illustrations from material life, but they could be duplicated in about every aspect of culture. The dis tinguished English anthropologist, Tylor,17 once discussed such associations between social trait-complexes under the name 'adhesions,' which, in a way, rather closely characterizes the 352 THE AMERICAN INDIAN relation. In our discussions of relationship systems, we found certain methods of estimating kinship to follow certain forms of marriage; but, in such cases we are dealing with a single complex. On the other hand, we have not found that specific kinship complexes were always associated with specific cere monial or other complexes. In short, nothing so far connects specific forms of ceremony with a single form of social organi zation. The general net result of this inquiry, therefore, has been negative and we are left with a presumption that there are no direct functional relations between the several trait-com plexes constituting a culture. The safest assumption seems to be that they are found together because historical causes operated to bring them into juxtaposition within the life of the group. Now, we are facing one of the very fundamental assumptions of anthropology: viz., the historical conception of culture, a subject for further consideration. THE HISTORICAL CONCEPTION OF CULTURE While the full exposition of the historical conception of culture is not permissible here, some general statements may be attempted. Each individual usually brings to this subject strong sociological biases which distort his comprehension of the idea. Thus, our particular ideas of race values and our opinions as to heredity make the assumption of a fair attitude toward even the facts of culture, extremely difficult. The zoological sciences have for their own the conception of evo lution which is the heart and soul of the whole subject. Man as a mammal, or even as a primate, falls under this conception and we have seen how fruitful was its application in the dis cussion of New World racial affiliations with the Old. Taking this as the point of departure, sociology and anthropology have sought to interpret culture as the mere expression of organic evolution ; but such interpretations could not be made consistent with the data. Heredity did not appear to perpet uate the different forms of culture found in the world, nor could it in any way account for the cultural associations formed by the historical nations. A good illustration of this difficulty is HISTORICAL CONCEPTION OF CULTURE 353 found in language; every one knows that a language is not inherited, for if such were the case a person would speak French, Algonquian, or Chinese according to his parentage, and not according to his first associates. Neither are shooting with bows or kindling fire with firedrills inherited. Yet, such are the elements that constitute culture-complexes. It ap pears, then, that the form and direction the development of culture takes is something of another sort from that followed by organic evolution, because the perpetuating mechanism is not the same. Further, the knowledge we now possess of culture prohibits any fundamental distinctions in this respect between, say, the Eskimo and the English, for in neither case is the particular form of culture perpetuated by direct inheri tance. The phenomenon of English culture is made the subject matter of English history, but it is a fair assumption that the causes that operate in it are of the same general type as those that operate in Eskimoan culture. Hence, in dealing with problems of culture, we must take our points of regard from the historian, because he deals with the phenomena where the approaches are most complete and direct. We assume, there fore, that the culture complex of the Eskimo grew up in the same type manner as that of England and is, in other words, a historical fact. Both are conceived of as perpetuated and evolved by social mechanisms. On the other hand, the straight black hair of the New World native and the more specific cephalic character of the Eskimo are not facts of the same series and are perpetuated by a mechanism we call inheritance. ' It seems strange that these two series of facts should be con tinually confused to the extent of reading the interpretations arising from one directly into the structure of the other. In so far, then, as anthropology deals with culture, which is, after all, the only distinctly human phenomenon in the objective sense, it conceives of it as historical phenomena and this con ception is in so far the soul of its method. But anthropology is something more than the study of culture ; it is essentially a coordinating and synthetizing science. It seeks to bring to bear upon the problem of man the full joint force of geology, zoology, and history. To do this is a no mean task, a task 354 THE AMERICAN INDIAN which offers the greatest possible scientific opportunity of the age. I. Mooney, 1896. I. 2. Radin, 1914. II. 3. Wissler, 1916. I. 4. Wissler, 1914. I. 5. Graebner, 191 1. I. 6. Ehrenreich, 1903. I. 7. Goldenweiser, 1913. I; Lowie, 1912. I. 8. Goldenweiser, 1913. I; Lowie, 1912. I. 9. Fletcher, 1904. I. 10. Goldenweiser, 1910. I. 11. Lowie, 1916. II. 12. Mason, 1895. I. 13. Wissler, 1914. I. 14. Wilson, G. L., 1917. I. 15. Wissler, 1916. II. 16. Wissler, 1916. I. 17. Tylor, 1889. I; Czekanowski, 1911. I. CHAPTER XXI NEW WORLD ORIGINS The aim of the preceding chapters has been to convey a general idea of the content of the science of anthropology in so far as it applies to the New World. The ultimate goal of investigation in this field in the New World is the discovery of the origin of the Indians and the causes and conditions leading to the development of their culture. Though thus simply stated, the problem is truly complex. We have seen what a great array of facts must be considered and how one must draw upon the resources of zoology, geography, and ge ology, before the various parts of the problem can be formu lated for critical consideration. As to the origin of the New World man himself, we have achieved one point: viz., that he migrated hither from Asia where his nearest relatives still re side. Yet, we are far from the truth as to the exact relation ship between the Indian and the Asiatic, and have still much to learn as to his own subdivisions. Again, when we turn to culture, we are confronted with another problem of origins. One of our objectives in this volume has been the formulation of the anthropological view of culture to which end we have reviewed and classified the facts, or manifestations, of the phenomenon of culture in so far as they seemed necessary to the comprehension of current problems and interpretations. This view we have stated to be the historical conception of culture origins. Now, with the main facts before us and recognizing that the differentiation of cultures is a historical phenomenon, we should be able to project the general outlines of man's career in the New World. Recalling our conclusion that the Indian came here from Asia at a relatively recent period, we find our selves confronted with the question as to what elements of culture man brought with him when he crossed over to 356 THE AMERICAN INDIAN America. Even the casual reader will be impressed by the close general parallelism between the two halves of the world, and, it is this obvious fact more than anything else, that has stimulated speculative writings upon the subject. Re peated efforts have been made to show that all the higher cul ture complexes of the New World were brought over from the Old, particularly from China or the Pacific Islands. Most of these writings are merely speculative and may be ignored, but some of the facts we have cited for correspondences to Pacific Island culture have not been satisfactorily explained. Dixon1 has carefully reviewed this subject, asserting in general that among such traits as blowguns, plank canoes, hammocks, lime chewing, head-hunting cults, the man's house, and certain masked dances common to the New World and the Pacific Islands, there appears the tendency to mass upon the Pacific side of the New World. This gives these traits a semblance of continuous distribution with the Island culture. Yet it should be noted that these traits, as enumerated above, have in reality a sporadic distribution in the New World and that there are exceptions. On the other hand, there is no great a priori improbability that some of these traits did reach the New World from the Pacific Islands. Satisfactory proof of such may yet be attained, but such discoveries would not account for New World culture as a whole. Then there is abundant data to show that the Polynesians are recent arrivals in the Pacific;2 in fact, Maya culture must have been in its dotage long before they were within striking distance of the American coast. In the preceding discussions, we found evidences of a certain unity in the fundamentals of culture for all parts of the New World, and unless we find among these some fundamentals that are also conspicuous in the Old World, we need look no farther than the New for their place of origin. The Old World also has its fundamental traits, particularly the ancient cul tures of Asia, but so far, few close parallels between these and those of the New have come to light. Again, the originality of many New World traits is apparent when our subject is viewed from the cultural horizon of the Old World. It has NEW WORLD ORIGINS 357 been very aptly said that the fundamentals of Old World culture are expressed by the terms "cereals, cattle, plough, and wheel."3 Yet, what have we found in the New World that can be set down as specifically similar to these? We are left, therefore, little choice but to recognize that the cultures of the New World peoples were developed independently of the ancient centers of higher culture in the Old. The old argument against such a conclusion was that the barbarous Indian was incompetent to develop the cultures of Yucatan and Peru. This view is now somewhat antiquated, but still lingers as a kind of intellectual reaction in the minds of modern Europeans. Perhaps back of it is a habit of thought, since in Old World culture, in which we ourselves live and think, fundamental traits are often found to have a single origin. For example, the horse, ox, wheat, glass, printing, gunpowder, etc., seem to have had each a single place of origin from which they were diffused. Yet, in contemplating New World culture we must not forget that the comparisons between the two hemispheres should be specific. It will not do, for instance, to say that because agriculture is found in both the Old and New Worlds, one must have been derived from the other, for we are here dealing with a mere abstraction, like eating, writing, fishing, etc. The proper method is to examine the agricultural traits found in each hemisphere. Thus, one basic factor in agricul ture is the development of specific food plants. Let us, there fore, compare the plants cultivated by the Indian with those grown in the Old World. De Candolle4 has listed more than forty plants grown by the Indians whose wild ancestors were, without reasonable doubt, peculiar to the New World. On the other hand, the ancestors of the leading food plants of the Old World have been found peculiar to it. Thus, we find that each hemisphere developed agriculture by drawing upon its own peculiar flora and that in consequence their seed lists had nothing in common before 1492. Now, when we consider the rapidity with which maize, tobacco, and other New World plants were taken up in the Old World after the commemorable voyage of Columbus, it is 358 THE AMERICAN INDIAN scarcely conceivable that the peoples of the two hemispheres could ever have been in contact without exchanging some of their seeds and certainly impossible to assume that the agri culture of the New World was directly derived from the Old. But our case does not rest upon this one observation, for there are others of almost equal weight. The wheel is a funda mental concept in the Old World and clearly of great antiquity, but is singularly absent from the New World,6 even its spinners and potters failing to grasp the principle. The use of iron is another, though perhaps later, invention of the Old World that remained peculiar to it. However, the facts of cultivated plants and the wheel, which must be very ancient in origin, make a strong case for the peopling of the New World either at a very remote period or by wild tribes only, such as might arise from contact between the historic tribes of Alaska and Siberia. On the other hand, the New World peoples did achieve some of the specific inventions of the Old ; for instance, the making of bronze and casting gold, silver, copper, etc.; again, in certain methods of weaving and dyeing. It is sometimes ob jected that the knowledge of these traits could have been handed over or relayed from southern Asia to Mexico by the intervening wild tribes; but this seems fanciful, for while we do find certain ^traits spread over adjacent parts of the two continents, as the sinew-backed bow, the bowdrill, the magic flight myth, the opium type of smoking, all of which are con sidered as of Asiatic origin, their distribution is continuous from Alaska downward, and fades out before we reach the southern continent. Further, it has been assumed that the ideas underlying a trait could be carried along as part of a myth and so pass from one of the higher cultures of Asia to Mexico by way of Siberia and Alaska. There is no a priori improbability in this notion that specific ideas can be carried from tribe to tribe as constituent parts of mythical tales. The difficulty is that notwithstanding our very complete knowledge of typical tribal mythologies, we are so far unable to find examples of such extensive transmissions of the process con cepts underlying specific culture traits. As we have noted NEW WORLD ORIGINS 359 under Mythology, myths do seem to have carried a few mythical conceptions from the Old World to the New, but these have remained as mere parts of tales and do not function in practical life. Hence, the general condition for any interpretation of Old and New World relations is the full recognition that their great culture centers were well isolated by a complex chain of wilder hunting peoples and that direct contact between the two was impossible without modern means of transportation. Only such traits could, therefore, filter through from one to the other as were assimilated by these more primitive tribes. When we consider their great number and the diversity of their speech, we realize that Mexico was completely isolated from China in agriculture, metal work, and similar arts, but not necessarily so in simpler traits like the sinew-backed bow. The proof of independent development thus rests largely in chronological and environmental relations. The age-societies of the Plains Indians of North America are an illustration of this point. The only other places in the world where they exist seem to be in Melanesia and eastern Africa. In each case they have a restricted distribution.6 What, then, shall be said of this case? If similarity in culture is in itself evidence of common or genetic origin, then these peoples must have been in contact with each other. But there are no reasons for believing that they ever were in contact. Yet, there are those who would regard these societies as sur vivals of a time when all the world had them as a part of its culture. Now the best way to approach this assumption is to appeal to chronology. These societies in America have been thoroughly studied ; yet, none of the recorded facts favors their antiquity of origin. In fact, a few Plains tribes are known to have acquired some of these societies within a century and for the phenomenon as a whole, 500 to 700 years seems a liberal estimate of its age. But what chances had these tribes to meet the Meknesian or the Masai of Africa during this period? Further, this age-grading system in Amer ica can be identified with one group of villages in the heart of the Plains area, from whom it was borrowed by the other 360 THE AMERICAN INDIAN tribes. These villages must, therefore, be considered as the originators of the trait as it appears in the New World. We must not overlook one difficulty in dealing with culture similarities of this kind; viz., the proof that these similarities are real. Recently, Elliot Smith7 revived the discussion of certain elephant-like figures found on Maya sculptures. In this case, we may doubt the reality of the similarity between these figures and southern Asiatic drawings of elephants, be cause those who have studied the Maya sculptures them selves, instead of the pencil sketches made by earlier observers, find proof that another creature was in the artist's mind. In cases of this kind when we are dealing with the conventional ized drawings of the New World and the Old, it can scarcely be expected that the mere objective similarity between a few of these drawings is to be taken as proof of their identity in origin. Other check data must be appealed to before even a useful working hypothesis can be formulated. Yet, if it should ultimately turn out that a stray vessel did drift ashore in Mexico and land a sculptor who created a new art motif such would be a mere incident in the culture history of the New World. Further research into the chronology of archaeological remains ought to show just how abruptly this fancied elephant motif appeared and at what relative period. In such chrono logical data the basis for the real solution to the problem may be expected. Again, when the similarity of cultural phenomena has actu ally been demonstrated, empirical procedures cease and inter pretation begins. This interpretation is, in last analysis, specu lative It is truly amusing to read some passages in current anthropological literature in which writers who, considering their own observations of similarity valid, offer the most fan tastic interpretations which they assert are strictly empirical. We should bear in mind, then, that the comparative study of Old and New World cultures is no mere diversion. Superficial and hasty comparisons will retard rather than hasten the so lution of the main problem. Patient, unremitting toil in the trenches of the archaeologist, and not spectacular flights on the part of curio hunters and literary enthusiasts, will show at NEW WORLD ORIGINS 361 what periods, and in what forms, the assumed similarities came into existence. We must now take leave of our brief review of culture in the New World. We have found the highest centers of culture in Mexico and Peru to be not really unique growths, but to pos sess many of the fundamental traits common to the wilder folk in the marginal areas of both continents. New World culture is thus a kind of pyramid whose base is as broad as the two Americas and whose apex rests over Middle America. We have found no just ground for assuming that the culture of the Maya was projected into the New World from the Old, where it rested as an isolated replica of cultures beyond the Pacific. That influences of various kinds did reach the New World from the Old is apparent, but each of these must, upon its own merits, particularly as to its chronology, be subjected to the most exacting investigation. However, the discovery of New World origins is not merely a problem in culture. Language is also regarded as a reliable index to origin. So far, no evidence has come to hand that would identify a single New World language with an Old World stock. In fact, the only language found in both America and Asia is the speech of the Eskimo, represented in Asia by a small group of villages, on the extreme eastern coast of Siberia. This exception may be ignored in this instance. Then, though there is great diversity of language within the New World itself, we have a right to expect that if colonies were planted here by an Old World culture, such colonization would have grafted-in Old World tongues. Yet, so far, there is no trace of such intrusion. Hence, as the case stands to day in language, we must conclude that the separation of New World man from the man of the Old World, was ex ceedingly remote, so remote that the existence of an advanced state of culture among the original stock is improbable. - Finally, there is the question of blood. Our review of New World somatic characters revealed the essential unity of the Indian population. It is also clear that there are affinities with the Mongoloid peoples of Asia. Hence, we are justified in assuming a common ancestral group for the whole Mongo- 362 THE AMERICAN INDIAN loid-Red stream of humanity. We have already outlined the reasons for assuming the pristine home of this group to be in Asia, but when it comes to locating the precise cradle land of this parent group, we must proceed with caution. This is, however, not of prime importance, for if we start with the known facts, the present distribution of the Mongoloid-Red stem, we note that it concentrates in the colder northern halves of both hemispheres where the cultures of its units are prim itive, but that in each case its southern outposts developed complex cultures. The New World branch can claim origi nality for its high center and while it is clear that the ancient Chinese center was stimulated by non-Mongoloid centers, the pioneer students of Chinese origins have already presented a strong brief for their priority in many Old World inventions.8 Thus, the future may lead to the opinion that inherent in this Mongoloid stem was a germ of originality which blossomed forth wherever the environment permitted, and we may be able by contrasting these two independent cultures — the an cient Chinese and the Maya — with those of southern Asia and Europe, to arrive at last at the knowledge of elements peculiar to both. What these may be, we can but guess, but there seems to be a similarity between the Indians and the Asiatics in the weakness for loosely coordinated social groups, failure to develop nationalism, and relatively greater regard for tra dition. Returning to our subject, we may note that the geo graphical position of these two centers of higher cultures on the frontjers of the extended swarming ground of the Mongo loid-Red stem, one of which could not have been borrowed from the other, necessitates the assumption of a northern cradle land and an expansion into more favorable environments. It also presupposes a main horde of the Mongoloid-Red peoples with a culture not materially different from that of the great mass of wilder North Asiatic and American tribes known to history. Like a great crescent this horde stretched from Cape Horn, through Alaska, across Asia and beyond to the shores of the Baltic and the Mediterranean. It appears, in the main, as a virile horde of hunting and fisher-folk most at home in cold, elevated, or semi-arid lands. Among other traits, we find NEW WORLD ORIGINS 363 the main body characterized by tailored skin clothing, the sinew-backed bow, the snowshoe, the sled, etc. These are all fairly primitive characters ; yet, wherever the outposts of this great horde met with favorable uplands they developed agri culture and other complex traits. It seems, therefore, that the solution of our New World problem lies as much in the heart of Asia as in Mexico or Peru. But, reverting once more to this great Mongoloid-Red horde, we may ask from what sources in its primitive cultures sprang the impulses that produced the two great cultures of ancient China and Yucatan? In the New World, the fundamentals of Maya culture are found among the wilder folk; in Asia there are also evidences that Chinese culture sprang from the primitive heritage of the original Mongoloid group settling in the valley of the Yellow River.9 And while it is true that the most fundamental traits in Old World culture can not be ascribed to these same early Chinese, they did, nevertheless, achieve great originality in the invention of new traits, many of which are now elements of modern culture. Hence, unless we return once more to the old theory of the fall of man, we must look upon these two great cultural achievements as the special contributions of the Mongoloid-Red peoples to the culture of mankind. Now, as a final conclusion to this volume on the man of the New World and his culture, we beg the reader's indulgence in the formulation of an hypothetical statement. The New World received a detachment of early Mongoloid peoples at a time when the main body had barely developed stone polish ing. That this was contemporaneous with the appearance of stone polishing in Europe does not necessarily follow, for future research in Asia may show it to have been much earlier. One or more periods of climatic change followed, cutting off ready communication with the mother-land and forcing both the Old and New World wings southward. In the former, they came in contact with other differentiated groups from whom they received culture stimuli, but in the New World they had only themselves. Yet, in the course of time, the increase of numbers and the development of sub-social groups led to 364 THE AMERICAN INDIAN considerable varieties of culture. Some of the probable traits brought from the mother-land are the firedrill, stone chipping and polishing, twisting of string, the bow, throwing stick, the harpoon, simple basketry and nets, hunting complexes, cook ing with stones in vessels of wood, bark or skin, body-painting, and perhaps tattooing, and the domestication of the dog. Some of these may have filtered through Alaska from time to time, but the facts in the case favor the view that in the main they came in with the original immigrants. Independently, the New World developed agriculture, pottery, the higher types of basketry and cloth weaving, the working of the softer metalf and the manufacture of bronze. The progress in astronomical knowledge and the fine arts compares favorably with that achieved by the early Asiatics. Yet, in all we see the marks of originality which are alone sufficient evidence of their inde pendent origin. The centers of civilization in the New World were the high lands of Mexico and western South America which, as they de veloped, reacted to the stimulus of their more backward brothers in other parts of the land in much the same fashion as did the different groups of Mongoloid peoples in Asia. One of the significant points in our discussion has been the identi fication of the fundamental widely diffused complexes in the cultures of the New World, many of which seem to center in the Mexican and Andean regions of higher civilization and from which their respective radiations are often apparent. The more recent studies of ancient Chinese culture show that a somewhat parallel condition existed in Asia. Apparently, then, we have a more isolated people in the New World who did not travel the road to higher culture so rapidly as their relatives in Asia, the connection between whose centers of development having long been broken by climatic changes and later almost completely blocked by hordes of primitive hunter and fisher-folk. As to what a few more thousand years of this freedom would have done for the New World, we can but spec ulate; yet, one can scarcely forego the regret that the Ameri can Indians did not start on their career many years earlier than they did. NEW WORLD ORIGINS 365 I. Dixon, 1912. I. 6. Lowiei lgl6 jj 2. Haddon, 1911. I. 7. Eiliot Smithj I9I5 j. Igl6 j 3. Laufer, 1914. I. 8. Laufer, 1914. I. 4. De Candolle, 1902. I. 9. Laufer, 1914. I. 5. Tylor (no date) ; Means, 1916. I. APPENDIX LINGUISTIC TABLES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY LINGUISTIC STOCKS OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA After J. W. Powell In this compilation we have thought best to be conservative. As noted in the text, claims have been put forward for the consolidation of several stocks, but since these are still under discussion, and some of the leading American linguists are not convinced, we think best to follow the old classification. The chief changes proposed are the consolidation of the Piman, Shoshonean, and Nahuatkn stocks; the transfer of Wishoskan (Wiyot) and Weitspekan (Yurok) to the Algonquian ; the com bination of Wintun (Copehan), Maidu (Pujunan), Yokuts (Mariposan), Moquelumnan (Miwok), and Costanoan under the name Penutian; and the grouping of Shasta, Chimariko, Quoratean (Karok), Pomo (Kuknapan), Esselenian, and Yu man under the name Hokan. The last United States census compiled a statistical list of the Indians according to their stocks, from which, and the current reports of the Canadian government, we have taken the population numerals added to each stock designation in this list. The total population, as reported, is 383,151. The number of extinct stocks is six, leaving fifty stocks still spoken in the United States and Canada, though of these twelve are on the verge of extinction. 1. Algonquian, or Algonkin (90,975): A. Blackfoot. 1. Piegan. 2. Blood. 3. North Blackfoot. B. Cheyenne. 1. Northern and Southern Cheyenne. 2. Probably the Sutaio (extinct). C. Arapaho. 1. Northern and Southern Arapaho. 2. Gros Ventre (Atsina). D. Eastern-Central Division: a. Cree-Montagnais Type. 1. Cree. 2. Montagnais. 3. Naskapi. 4. Menomini. 5. Sauk and Fox. 6. Kick- apoo. 7. Shawnee. 8. Abnaki-Micmac Type (Abnaki, 37» THE AMERICAN INDIAN Pennacook, Micmac, Malecite, Passamaquoddy, and Penobscot). b. Ojibway Type. i. Ojibway. 2. Potawatomi. 3. Ottawa. 4. Algonkin. 5. Peoria. 6. Natick. 7. Delaware. 8. Illinois. 9. Miami. c. Massachuset Type. I. Massachuset. 2. Narraganset. 3. Wampanoag. 4. Nauset. 5. Montauk. 6. Nipmuk (possibly). 7. Connecticut River Indians (possibly). d. Uncertain Type. 1. Unami. 2. Unalachtigo. 3. Mun- see. 4. Wappinger. 5. Mahican. 6. Pequot. e. Unclassified. 1. Nanticoke. 2. Conoy. 3* Powhatan. 4. Weapemeoc. 5. Secotan. 6. Pamunkey. 7. Pianka- shaw. 8. Mattapony. 9. Chickahominy. 2. Athapascan (53,212): A. Northern Group: a. Highland Tribes. 4. Babine. 5. Chilkotin. b. Lower Yukon. 1 1. Loucheux. 2. Sekani. 3. Carrier. Nahane (Tahltan, Taku, Kaska). 6. Kaiyuhkhotana. 2. Koyukukhotana. 3. Knaiakhotana. 4. Unakhotana. c. Upper Yukon. 1. Tenankutchin. 2. Tennuthkutchin. 3. Kutchakutchin. 4. Natsitkutchin. 5. Vuntakutchin. 6. Tukkutchkutchin. 7. Hankutchin. 8. Tutchone Kutchin. 9. Tatlitkutchin. 10. Kwitchakutchin. d. Mackenzie Tribes. 1. Slavey. 2. Chipewyan. 3. Dog- rib. 4. Hares. 5. Yellow Knives. e. Beaver. f. Sarsi. g. Ahtena. B. Pacific Coast Group: a. Hupa Type. I. Hupa. 2. Whilkut. b. Kato Type. 1. Kato. 2. NongaL (Saiaz). 3. Wailaki. 4. Sinkyone. 5. Metolle (?). c. TolowaType. 1. Tolowa. 2. Shasta Costa. 3. Tututni. 4. Galise Creek. d. Coquille. e. Umpqua. f. Tlatskanai. Southern Group: a. San Carlos Type. tain Apache. Coyotero. 6. b. Jicarilla Type. 1. San Carlos Apache. 2. White Moun- 3. Chiricahua Apache. 4. Tonto. 5. Mescalero Apache. 7. Navajo. 1. Jicarilla Apache. 2. Kiowa Apache. 3. Lipan Apache. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 371 3. Attacapan (extinct): A. Eastern Dialect. B. Western Dialect. 4. Beothukan (extinct; some reason for assuming it to be Algonquian). 5. Caddoan (1863): A. Northern Group. I. Arikara. B. Middle Group: a. Pawnee Type. I. Skidi. 2. Chaui. 3. Kitkahaxki. 4. Pitahauirata. C. Southern Group. 1. Caddo. 2. Wichita. 3. Kichai. 4. Tawa- koni. 5. Waco. 6. Chimakuan (306): A. Chimakum. B. Quileute. 1. Hoh. 7. Chimarikan, or Chimariko (31): Member of the proposed Hokan. 8. Chimmesyan (2155): A. Tsimshian. B. Kitksan. C. Niska. Chinookan (897): A. Upper Chinook. 1. Wasco. 2. Wishram. 3. Kathlamet. 4. Klackamas. B. Lower Chinook. 1. Clatsop. 2. Chinook proper. 10. Chitimachan, or Chitimacha (69). 11. Chumashan (38): A. San Luis Obispo. B. Central Group. 1. San Buenaventura. 2. Santa Barbara. 3. Santa Ynez. C. Island Group. 1. Santa Cruz. 12. Coahuiltecan, or Carrizo (extinct) : A. Pakawa. B. Comecrudo. C. Cotoname. 13. Costanoan (17): A. Northern Division. 1. San Francisco. 2. San Jose. 3. Santa Clara. 4. Santa Cruz. B. Southern Division. 1. San Juan Bautista. 2. Soledad. 3. Mon terey. (Members of the proposed Penutian.) 372 THE AMERICAN INDIAN 14. ESKIMAUAN (30,000 ?): A. Eastern Eskimo Dialects: a. Greenland Eskimo. 1. Upernavik. 2. Disco Bay. 3. Ammassalik. 4. Oommannaq Fiord. 5. Smith Sound. b. Baffin Land. c. Labrador. B. Probable Central Eskimo Dialects. 1. West shore of Hudson Bay. 2. Southampton Island. 3. Melville Peninsula. 4. Boothia Peninsula. 5. Part of Baffin Land. 6. Vic toria Island. C. Western Eskimo Dialects. 1. Kadiak Island. 2. Bristol Bay. 3. Mouth of Yukon River. 4. Norton Sound. 5. Kotze bue Sound" 6. Point Barrow. 7. Mouth of Mackenzie River. D. Aleut. 1. Unalaska. 2. Atkans. 15. Esselenian (extinct): Member of the proposed Hokan. 16. Haida (961): A. Masset Dialect. 1. Howkan. 2. Klinkwan. 3. Kasaan. B. Skidegate Dialect. Hokan : Proposed name for the combined Chimarikan, Esselenian, Shastan, Quoratean (Karok), Pomo (Kulanapan), and Yuman stocks. 17. Iroquoian (50,160): A. Huron, or Wyandot. B. Tionontati. C. Attiwendaronk, or Neutrals. D. Conkhandeenrhonon. E. Iroquois. 1. Mohawk. 2. Oneida. 3. Onondaga. 4. Cayuga. 5. Seneca. 6. Tuscarora. F. Conestoga, or Susquehanna. G. Erie. H. Nottoway. I. Meherrin. J. Cherokee. 1. Elati. 2. Middle Cherokee. 3. Atali. K. Onnontioga. 18. Kalapooian (106): A. Kalapooia, Sanliam, Lakmiut, Ahantsayuk, Mary's River Che-) penafal). B. Yamhill, Atfalati. C. Yonkalla. D. Chelamela. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 373 19. Karankawa (extinct). 20. Keresan (4027): A. Western Villages. 1. Acoma. 2. Laguna. B. Eastern ViUages. I. Cochiti. 2. Sia. 3. Santa Ana. 4. San Felipe. 5. Santo Domingo. 21. Kiowan, or Kiowa (1126). 22. Klamath (978): A. Modoc. B. Klamath. 23. Kusan (93) : A. Melukitz. B. Anasitch. C. Mulluk. D. Nasumi. 24. Kutenai (1091): A. Upper Kutenai. 1. Akiskemikinik. 2. Akamnik. 3. Akane- kunik. 4. Akiyenik. B. Lower Kutenai. 25. Maidu, or Pujunan (iioo): Three dialects: Northwestern, Northeastern, Southern. Members of the proposed Penutian. 26. Moquelumnan, or Miwok (699) : A. Coast Dialects. 1. Marin, or Southern Coast. 2. Bodega, or West ern Coast. 3. Lake, or Northern Coast. B. Interior Dialects: a. Plains, or Northwestern. b. Sierra Dialects. 1. Amador. 2. Tuolumne. 3. Mariposa. (Members of the proposed Penutian.) 27. Muskhogean (29, 191): A. Muskhogean Proper: a. Southern Division: 1. Hitchiti Group: Hitchiti, Mika- sauki, Sawokli. 2. Apalachee. 3. Yamasi (?). 4. Ala bama Group: Alibamu, Koasati, Tuskegee. 5. Choctaw Group: Choctaw; Northern Choctaw, Sixtowns Choc taw; Chickasaw. b. Northern Division. 1. Muskogee proper, or Creek: Upper Creek, Lower Creek, Seminole. B. Natchez Dialects. 1. Avoyel, Taensa. 374 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Penutian. Proposed name for the combined Wintun (Copehan), Maidu (Pu- junan), Yokuts (Mariposan), Moquelumnan (Miwok), and Costanoan stocks. 28. Piman (8607): A. Pima. B. Papago. (Probably a member of the proposed Uto-Aztecan, or Na- huatlan family — see following table.) 29. Pomo, or Kulanapan (1193): There are seven dialects designated as Northern, Central, Eastern, Southwestern, Southern, Southeastern, and Northeast ern, all members of the proposed Hokan. 30. Quoratean, or Karok (775) : Member of the proposed Hokan. 31. Salinan (16): A. San Antonio. B. San Miguel. 32. Salishan (18,097): A. Interior Dialects: a. Lillooet. b. Ntlakyapamuk (Thompson Indians). c. Shuswap. d. Okinagan. I. ColviUe. 2. Nespelim, or Sanpoil. 3. Se- nijextee. e. Flathead. I. Spokan. 2. Kalispel, or Pend d'Oreille. 3. Salish, or Flathead. f. Cceur d'AlSne. g. Columbia Group. 1. Pisquow, or Wenatchi. 2. Sinkiuse. 3. Methow. B. Coast Dialects: a. Bella Coola. b. Comox Group: (a) Comox: 1. Comox. 2. Eeksen. 3. Homalko. 4. Kaake. 5. Kakekt. 6. Seechelt. 7. Sli- ammon. 8. Tatpoos; (b) Puntlatsh: 1. Hwahwatl. 2. Puntlatsh. 3. Saamen. c. Cowichan Group, (a) Vancouver Island: 1. Clemclem- alats. 2. Cowichan. 3. Hellelt. 4. Kenipsim. 5. Kilpanlus. 6. Koksilah. 7. Kulleets. 8. Lilmalche. 9. Malakut. 10. Nanaimo. 11. Kwantlin. 12. Pen- elakut. 13. Quamichan. 14. Siccameen. 15. Sno- LINGUISTIC STOCKS 375 nowas. 16. Somenos. 17. Tateke. 18. Yekoloas; (b) Fraser Valley: 1. Chehalis. 2. Chilliwack. 3. Coquit- lam. 4. Ewawoos. 5. Katsey. 6. Kelatl. 7. Kwant- len. 8. Matsqui. 9. Musquearti. 10. Nehaltmoken. 11. Nicomen. 12. Ohamil. 13. Pilalt. 14. Popkum. 15. Samahquam. 16. Scowlitz. 17. Sewathen. 18. Siyita. 19. Skwawalooks. 20. Snonkweametl. 21. Squawtits. 22. Sumass. 23. Tsakuam. d. Squawmish Group. 1. Squawmish. 2. Nooksak. e. Songish Group. 1. Clallam. 2. Lummi. 3. Lkungen. 4. Samish. 5. Sanetch. 6. Semiahmoo. 7. Songish. 8. Sooke. f. Nisqualli Group, (a) Nisqualli: 1. Dwamish. 2. Puyal- lup. 3. Skagit. 4. Snoqualmu, or Snoquamish. 5. Squax- on; (b) Snohomish. g. Twana Group. 1. Twana. 2. Sailupsun. h. Chehalis Group. 1. Quinault. 2. Quaitso. 3. Humptu- lips. 4. Lower Chehalis. 5. Satsop. 6. Upper Chehalis. 7. Cowlitz. i. Tillamook. 1. Tillamook, or Nestucca. 2. Siletz. E. Umatilla. F. Wallawalla. G. Warm Springs. H. Yakima. 33. Shahaptin (4391): A. Klikitat. B. Nez Perce. C. Paloos. D. Topinish. 34. Shastan (1578): A. Shasta. B. Konomihu. C. New River. D. Okwanuchu. E. Achomawi. tiwi. 1. Astakiwi. 2. Atuami. 3. Chumawi. 4. Han- 5. Humawhi. 6. Ilmawi. F. Atsugewi (Pakamali). (Members of the proposed Hokan.) 35. Shoshonean (16,842): A. Pueblo Group. 1. Hopi. B. Plateau Group: a. Ute-Chemehuevi. 1. Ute. 2. Paiute of Southern Nevada. 3. Chemehuevi. 4. Kawaiisu. 5. Uintah Ute. 6. Southern Ute. 7. Uncompahgre. b. Shoshoni-Comanche Group. I. Shoshoni. 2. Comanche. 3. Koso (Panamint). 376 THE AMERICAN INDIAN c. Mono-Paviotso. I. Monachi, or Mono. 2. Northern Pai- ute, or Paviotso. 3. Snake. 4. Bannock. C. Kern River Group. 1. Tiibatulabal. 2. Bankalachi. D. Southern California Group: a. Serrano. 1. Serranos. 2. Gitanemuk. b. Gabrielino. I. Mission of San Gabriel. 2. Mission of San Fernando. c. Luiseno-Cahuilla. 1. Luiseno. 2. Juanefio. 3. Cahuilla. 4. Agua Caliente. (Probably a member of the proposed Uto-Aztecan, or Shoshonean-Nahuatlan family.) 36. Siouan (40,801): A. Dakota- Assiniboin: a. Eastern, or Santee Dakota. 1. Mdewakanton. 2. Wahpe- kute. 3. Sisseton. 4. Wahpeton. b. Yankton. c. Yanktonai. d. Teton. 1. Brule. 2. Oglala. 3. Sans Arc. 4. Blackfoot. 5. Miniconjou. 6. Two-Kettle. 7. Hunkpapa. e. Assiniboin. 1. Stoney. 2. Turtle Mountain Sioux. B. Dhegiha. 1. Kansa. 2. Omaha. 3. Osage. 4. Ponca. 5. Quapaw. C. Chiwere. 1. Iowa. 2. Missouri. 3. Oto. 4. Winnebago. D. Mandan. E. Hidatsa. 1. Crow. 2. Hidatsa. F. Biloxi. 1. Biloxi. 2. Ofo. G. Eastern. I. Catawba. 2. Tutelo. 3. An indefinite number of extinct tribes. 37. Siuslaw (7) : A. Siuslaw. B. Lower Umpqua, or Kuitc. 38. Takelma (1): A. Takelma. B. Upper Takelma. 39. Tanoan (3140): A. Tiwa. 1. Taos. 2. Picuris. 3. Sandia. 4. Isleta. 5. Isleta del Sur. 6. Piro (extinct). B. Towa. 1. Jemez. 2. Pecos (extinct). C. Tewa. 1. San Juan. 2. Santa Clara. 3. San Ildefonso. 4. Nambe. 5. Pojoaque. 6. Tesuque. 7. Hano. 40. Timucuan (extinct). LINGUISTIC STOCKS 377 41. Tlingit, or Koluschan (4458): A. Tlingit. 1. Auk. 2. Chilkat. 3. Henya. 4. Huna. 5. Kake. 6. Kuiu. 7. Sanyakoan. 8. Sitka. 9. Stikine. 10. Sumdum. 11. Taku. 12. Tongas. 13. Yakutat. B. Tagish. 42. Tonka wa (42): A. Tonkawa. C. Mayeye. B. Ervipiame. D. Yojuane. 43. Tunican (43): A. Tunica. D. Tioux. B. Koroa. E. Grigra. C. Yazoo. 44. Uchean (78): A. Yuchi. Uto-Aztecan: Name proposed for the combined Nahuatlan, Piman, and Shosho nean stocks. 45. Waiilatpuan (329): A. Cayuse. B. Molala. 46. Wakashan (4538): A. Nootka. B. Kwakiutl: a. Haisla Dialect. 1. Kitamat. 2. Kitlope. b. Heiltsuk Dialect. 1. Bellabella. 2. China Hat. 3. No- huntsitk. 4. Somehulitk. 5. Wikeno. c. Kwakiutl. (a) Koskimo: I. Klaskino. 2. Koprino. 3. Koskimo. 4. Quatsino; (b) Nawiti: 1. Nakomgilisala. 2. Tlatlasikoala; (c) Kwakiutl: 1. Awaitlala. 2. Goa- sila. 3. Guauaenok. 4. Hahuamis. 5. Koeksotenok. 6. Kwakiutl. 7. Lekwiltok. 8. Mamalelekala. 9. Na- koatok. 10. Nimkish. 11. Tenaktak. 12. Tlauitsis. 13. Tsawatonok. 47. Washoan (819): A. Washo. 48. Weitspekan, or Yurok (668) : A. River Dialects. B. Coast Dialects. 378 THE AMERICAN INDIAN 49. Wintun, or Copehan (710): A. Northern Division, or Wintun. B. Southern Division, or Patwin. (A member of the proposed Penutian.) 50. Wishoskan, or Wiyot (152): (Possibly Algonquian.) 51. Yakona (55): A. Yaquina. B. Alsea. 52. Yanan (39): A. Northern Yqna. C. Southern Yana. B. Central Yana. D. Yahi. 53. Yokuts, or Mariposan (533) : Yokuts: (According to Kroeber there are seven dialectic groups with a total of about fifty tribes, all members of the proposed Penutian.) 54. Yukian (198): A. Yuki proper. C. Huchnom. B. Coast Yuki. D. Wappo. 55. Yuman (4279): A. Eastern Group. 1. Havasupai. 2. Walapai. 3. Tonto. 4. Ya vapai. B. Central Group. I. Mohave. 2. Yuma. 3. Maricopa. 4. Die- gueflo. 5. Cocopa. C. Lower California Group. 1. Kiliwi and Santo ThomSs. 2. Co- chimi. 3. Waikuru. (Members of the proposed Hokan.) 56. Zunian, or Zuni (1667). LINGUISTIC STOCKS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA The following tabulation has been compiled after Thomas and Swanton (Bulletin 44, Bureau of American Ethnology). As will be noted in the text of these authors, the place of many groups is far from certain so that this classification is not so definite as the preceding. It should rather be taken as the first preliminary lay-out of the subject. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 379 i. Athapascan (See preceding Table): A. Apache. B. Toboso. 2. Chiapanecan: A. Chiapaneco. B. Mangue (Choluteca). 3. Chibchan (See South American Table) : A. Guatuso. B. Vota, or Boto. C Guetare. 4. Chinantecan. 5. Cunan (See South American Table) : A. San Bias. 6. Huavean (probably Zoquean). 7. Janambrian: A. Pisone (extinct). B. Xanambre (extinct). 8. Jicaquean: A. Xicaque. 9. Jincan: A. Xinca. B. Sinacanta. 10. Laguneros. ii. Lencan. 12. Mayan: A. Huastec. B. Maya. 1. Lacandone. 2. Itza (Peten). 3. Mopan. C. Chontal. D. Tzotzil. E. Choi. F. Chanabal. G. Chicomucelteca. H. Motozintleca. I. Chufe. J. Jacalteca. C. Dirian. D. Orotinan. D. Talamanca. E. Guaymie. F. Doraskean. C. Jupiltepeque. D. Jutiapa. K. Mam. L. /*#. M. Aguacateca. N. Kiche. O. Cakchiquel. P. Tzutuhil. Q. Uspanteca. R. Kekchi. S. Pokonchi. T. Pokomam. U. C/sortt. 38o THE AMERICAN INDIAN 13. Matagalpan: A. Matagalpa. B. Cacaopera. C. Lislique. 14. mosquitoan. 15. Nahuatlan: A. Piman (See preceding Table). I. Pima Alto. 2. Pima Bajo. 3. Pima Bamoa. 4. Potlap- igua. 5. Tepehuane villages. B. Opata. 1. Eudeve. 2. Jova, or Ova. C. Tarahumare. D. Seri. E. Yaqui. 1. Mayo. 2. Tehueco. 3. Yaqui. F. Zoe, Baimena. 1. Tepehue and Tepehuane (extinct). G. Acaxee (extinct?). 1. Acaxee. 2. Jijinse (Xixime). 3. Sa- baibo. 4. Teloca. 16. Olivean. 17. Otomian: A. Mazahua. B. Otomi. 18. Pakawan (Coahuiltecan). 19. Payon. 20. Subtiaban (Maribi). 21. Tamaulipecan. 22. Tarascan. 23. Tequistlatecan. 24. Totonacan: A. Totonac. B. Tepehua. 25. Ulvan. 26. Waicurian: A. Waicuri. B. Pericu. H. Cora. I. Huichol. J. Tepecano, Teule, Caxcan, Tecuexe. K. Concho (extinct). L. Zacateco. M. Guachichile. N. Nio (extinct). 0. Aztec. P. Pipil. Q. Niqutran. R. Sigua. C. Pame. D. Pirinda. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 381 27. Yuman (See preceding Table). 28. Zapotecan: A. Amishgo. E. Mazateco. B. Chatino. F. Mixteco. C. Chocho. G. Trike. D. Cuicateco. H. Zapoteco. 29. Zoquean: A. Mixe. C. Tapachula. B. Popoloco. D. Zoque. LINGUISTIC STOCKS OF SOUTH AMERICA The classification of South American linguistic groups can not be so precisely summarized as in the preceding. The most comprehensive tabulation is offered by Chamberlain {American Anthropologist, Vol. XV, 236), whose nomenclature we have followed throughout. We have not attempted a full enume ration of the tribes under each stock because the chaotic state of the subject makes such an undertaking inadvisable. There fore, the reader is referred to Brinton's American Race and Markham's List of Tribes in the Valley of the Amazon, etc. {Journal Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XXIV, pp. 236-284) for the names of tribal subdivisions. However, we have noted the stock affiliations for a few of the best known tribes. 1. Alikulufan: Alikulufs, Karaikas. 2. Allentiacan (extinct): Allentiac or Huarpes (Guarpes). 3. Andaquian, or Andaquis. 4. Apolistan. 5. Araucanian. 6. Arawakan: A. Arawak of the Mainland. 1. Arawak. 2. Atorai (also Dauri or Tauri). 3. Bare. 4. Campas (also Anti or Ande). 5. Guana (also Chuala, Chabacana, Echenoana, Echoaladi). 6. Ipu- rinas. 7. Kustenau. 8. Maipure. 9. Manaos. 10. Maopityan. 11. Moxos, or Mojos. 12. Paiconeca. 13. Paumari (also Pau- 382 THE AMERICAN INDIAN mary, Pamaouri, Pammary). 12. Saraveca (or Sarabeca), 13. Taruma. 14. Wapisiana (also Wapiana, Wapityan). 15. Waura. 16. Yamamadi (or Jamamadi). 17. Yumana (or Jumana). B. Arawak in Haiti. I. Taino. C. Arawak in the Lesser Antilles. 1. Ineri (or Igneri, Inyeri). D. Arawak in the Bahamas. I. Lucayans. 7. Ardan (extinct). 8. Atacamenan, or Likananta. 9. Aymaran. 10. Barbacoan. ii. Betoyan. 12. BORORAN. 13. Calchaquian (extinct, also Cacan, Diaguitas). 14. Canarian (extinct). 15. Canichanan, or Canisiana. 16. Carayan, or Carajas. 17. Cariban: A. Accauai, Apalats, Aptacas, Bakairis, Galibis, Guaques, Guahari- bos, Ipuricotos, Kalinas, Macusis, Motilones, Nahuquas, Pal- mellas, Pimenteiras, Rocouyennes, Wayawai. B. Caribs in the Orinoco Region. 1. Maquiritares. 18. Caririan. 19. Cayubaban (or Cayuvava, Cayuaba, Chacobos). 20. Changoan (extinct). 21. Chapacuran: Chapacura (or TaP^ura), Napeka, Pawumwa, Quitemocas. 22. Charruan (extinct?). 23. Chavantean. 24. Chibchan (See preceding Table) : Aruacs, Chtbchas, Doraskeans, Guatusan, Guaymis, Guetare, Tala manca, Tunebos. 25. Chiquitan: Manacicas. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 383 26. Chocoan. 27. Cholonan. 28. Chonoan. 29. coconucan: Coconucos, Guanucos, Moguexes, Totoros. 30. Corabecan (extinct). 31. Cunan (Cunas or San Blas) : Cunas, San Bias Indians. 32. Curucanecan (extinct). 33. Enimagan (or Machicui, Muscovi, or Maskoi). 34. Esmeraldan. 35. goyatacan. 36. guahiban. 37. Guaraunan (Warraus). 38. GUATOAN. 39. Guaycuruan: Abipones, Guachis, Mbocobis, Tobas. 40. Itonaman. 41. Itucalean (extinct?). Itucale (also Uarina, or Urarina). 42. Jivaran. (This is Jebero or Xebero of the Mainan stock, q.v., accord ing to Beuchat and Rivet.) 43. Jurian. 44. Lecan or Atenianos. 45. LORENZAN. 46. LULEAN. 47. Mainan (See Jivaran). 48. Makuan. 49. Matacan. 50. Miranhan, or Maranha: Boro, Witto. 384 THE AMERICAN INDIAN 51. Mocoan. 52. Mosatenan. 53. Moviman, or Mobima. 54. MURAN. 55. ocoronan. 56. Onan. 57. Otomacan. 58. Otuquian (extinct?). 59. Paniquitan: Paezes, Panches, Paniquitas. 60. Panoan: Cashibos, Conibos, Pacaguaras, Panos. 61. Peban. 62. Piaroan. 63. Puelchean: Chechehets, Diuihets, Taluhets. 64. Puinavian. 65. Puquinan (extinct?). 66. Quechuan: Canas, Incas, Kechuas, Quitus. 67. Salivan. 68. Samucan. 69. Sanavironan (extinct). 70. Tacanan: Araunas, Cavinas, Maropas, Saptboconas. 71. Tapuyan: Botocudos, Gts, Puris, Suyas, Tapuya, Tucano. 72. Ticunan. 73. Timotean (extinct). 74. Trumaian. LINGUISTIC STOCKS 385 75. Tsonekan (Tehuelchean). 76. Tupian: Cocamas, Guaranis, Jacundas, Mundrucus, Muras, Omaguas, Tapes. Turas. 77. Uitotan (Kaimo). 78. Uran. 79. Yahganan. 80. Yaruran. 81. Ypurinan (Hypurinan). 82. Yuncan. 83. Yurucarean. 84. Zaparan. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, C. 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Notes of Some Months spent among Cannibal Tribes. New York, 1915. Will, George F. See Spinden, Herbert J., and Will, George F. Willoughby, Charles C. 1905. I. Dress and Ornaments of the New England Indians (American Anthropologist, N. S. vol. 7, pp. 499-508, Lancaster, 1905). 1906. I. Houses and Gardens of the New England Indians (American Anthropologist, N. S. vol. 8, pp. 115-132, Lancaster, 1906). Wilson, Gilbert L. 1917. I. Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians, an Indian Interpretation (University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1917). 410 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Wilson, N. L., and Atkinson, Alfred. 1915. I. Corn in Montana. History, Characteristics, Adaptation (Montana Agricultural College Experiment Station, Bozeman, Montana, 1915). Wilson, Thomas. 1896. I. The Swastika, the Earliest Known Symbol, and its Migrations; with Observations on the Migration of Certain Industries in Pre historic Times (Report, United States National Museum for 1894, Washington, 1896). Wintemberg, W. J. 1901. I. Indian Village Sites in the Counties of Oxford and Waterloo (Annual Archaeological Report, 1900, Appendix, Report Minister of Education Ontario, Toronto, 1901). Wissler, Clark. 1904. I. Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 18, part 3, New York, 1904). 1909. I. Notes Concerning New Collections (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, part 2, New York, 1909). Editor. 1910. I. Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 5, part 1, New York, 1910). 191 1. I. The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 7, part I, New- York, 1911). 1912. I. North American Indians of the Plains (Handbook Series/ American Museum of Natural History, no. I, New York, 1912). 1912. II. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropolog ical Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 7, part 2, New York, 1912). 1912. III. Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 11, part 1, New York, 1912). 1912. IV. The Psychological Aspects of the Culture-Environment Re lation (American Anthropologist, N. S. vol. 14, pp. 217-225, Lan caster, 1912). 1914. I. The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Cul ture (American Anthropologist, N. S. vol. 16, pp. 1-25, Lancaster, 1914). 1915. I. Riding Gear of the North American Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 17, part 1, New York, 1915). 1915. II. Costumes of the Plains Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 17, part 2, New York, I9I5)- BIBLIOGRAPHY 411 Wissler, Clark 1916. I. General Discussion of Shamanistic and Dancing Societies (An thropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 11, part 12, New York, 19 16). 1916. II. Aboriginal Maize Culture as a Typical Culture-Complex (The American Journal of Sociology, vol. 21, no. 5, Chicago, 1916). Wood, J. G. 1876. I. The Uncivilized Races of Men in All Countries of the World; being a Comprehensive Account of their Manners and Customs, and of their Physical, Social, Mental, Moral and Religious Character istics. 2 vols. Hartford, 1876. Zon, Raphael. 19 1 6. I. South American Timber Resources and their Relation to the World's Timber Supply (The Geographical Review, vol. 2, no. 4, pp. 256-266, October, 1916). INDEX Abipones, 132, 233, 236 Aboriginal life, complexity of, 127 Abrading, pebbles showing process, 116 Acacia niopo berry, snuff powder, 30 Accent, stress, little used in American phonetics, 287 Acorn, area, 16; bread, 16, 212; in dustry, northern extension of, 338; meal, cooked in baskets, California, 351; preparation of, for food, 16 Adhesions, associations between social trait-complexes, 351-352 Adultery, punishment of, 175 Adze, distribution of, 119 Africa, age-societies of, 359; tales from, in New World mythology, 196 Age, system of societies in America, 359 Age, grades, 162-163; grades, Plains Indian societies, 348-350; grading systems, origin of, 359-360; so cieties, men's, 162-163; Plains, 359 Aged, treatment of, 177 Agricultural, areas, 17-23; products, Amazon Basin, 22; products, Chib cha peoples, 21; products, Ecua dor, 21, 22; products, Inca, 22; prod ucts, Pueblo peoples, 19, 21 ; rituals, 182 Agriculture, Amazon Basin, 22; Am azon tribes, 237; area of intensive, outlined, 8; area of intensive, 19; Chibcha area, 230; control of, by Inca and Nahua, 174; cultural dif ferences in Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru, 21; diffusion of, 28; distribu tion in America, 28; Eastern Wood land Area, 221, 222; extensive, Maya, 227; guanaco area, 233-235; high organization of in Nahua and Maya areas, 21; Inca area, 232; in tensive, Aztec, 228; lack of in the Plains, 206; limits of distribution in North America, 17-18; main de pendence on in Southwest area, 224; nomadic tribes of the Southwest, 226; in the Old and New Worlds, 357-358; Southeastern area, 223; still maintained by Amazon tribes, 23 ; woman's work in eastern maize area, 19. Alaska-Siberian type of pottery, 70 Aleutian Islands, 52, 58; archaeology of, 260 Algonkin, 48, 52, 63, 71, 79, 108, 109, I57. 169. 172, 196, 217, 220, 241, 274, 306, 331, 335; possible histori cal relation to Eskimo, 122. See also Algonquian Algonquian, languages, 294; linguistic area, 254; stock, 294, 295, 296, 353; stock in California, 292; stock, con solidated with California stocks, 369; stock, linguistic and tribal groups, 369-370; stocks, linguistic, recently combined with, 285 Alpaca, herded for wool, 39 Altars, sand painted, Pueblo area, 225 Amazon area, culture characterization of, 236-242 Amherst students, bodily proportions, 3H Ancestors, family, carving influenced by beliefs concerning, 88 Angakok, 188 Animal, lodges, Caddoan, 189; tales, prevalence of in mythology, 192; transport, distribution of, 33 Animals, clan and gens names derived from, 163; domestication of, 32-38, 39; early introduction of European, 41 ; hoofed, similarity of root terms for in several languages, 293; life like forms of, carved, 88; Old World, early adoption in Southeastern area, 223; take on human qualities in mythology, 194 Animism, 199-200 Anthropology, aims of, 3, 353-354, 355; uncoordinated sciences, mak ing up the whole, 327 414 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Antilles, 43. 46, 56, 66, 69, 76, "3. 121. 123, 132, 157, 237, 248; archaeolog ical characterization of, 263-264; cultural characterization of, 242 Antiquity, of archaeological deposits in the Arctic, not established, 260; of archaeological remains in Califor nia, 259; of cultures in Peru, 266; of remains, in Patagonia, 268; of skeletal remains, 323, 325 Antler, process of working, 122-123 • Apu Ollantay, Inca drama, 198 Aqueduct systems, Peru and Mexico, 107 Araucanians, 132, 150, 167, 235, 236 Arawak, 43, 157, 231, 236, 239, 242; distribution of, 237 Arawakan stock, 295, 335; tribal groups, 381-382 Arch, absence of in New World archi tecture, 100 Archaeological areas, 246; areas, agreement with historic culture areas, 334; centers, 329-331 Archaeological characterization of cul ture areas, Antilles, 263; Arctic area, 260; Atlantic Highlands, 267- 268; California, 258-259; Canadian area, 260; Central Mexico, 261; Chile, 266-267; Colombia, 264-265; Columbia Basin, 259-260; Ecuador, 265; Great Lakes area, 253-254; Iroquoian area, 250-252; Missis sippi-Ohio area, 252-253 ; North At lantic area, 245; Northern Mexico, 260-261; North Pacific Coast, 260; Panama, 261—263; Patagonia, 268; Peru, 265-266; Plains area, 254- 256; Pueblo, 256-258; South At lantic area, 248-250; State of Oa xaca, 261; Yucatan, 261 Archaeological classification, 245-268; correlated with cultural classifica tion, 328-331; close correspondence with historic classification, 337 Archaeological specimens, manner of classification, 245 Archaeology, Eskimo, 216; European, 275-276; Iroquoian, 331; North America, 245-264; South America, 264-268. Architecture, 100-114; centers of de velopment, 100; Inca area, 232; Pueblo, 104, 257 Armor, defensive, 131-132; Northern California, 213; North Pacific Coast area, 214; Plateau area, 210 Arrow-head, common types of, 119; distribution and form, 118; North Pacific Coast area, 214 Art, center, Pueblo, 81; characteristics of New World, 94; decorative. East ern Woodland area, 221, 222; dec orative, modern revival in, 2; decorative. Northern California, 213; decorative, North Pacific Coast area, 214; decorative, Plateau area, 210; double-curve, 85; geometric, 79; geometric, Plains, 208 ; geomet ric and realistic, 76; individualities in, 94—95; of intense culture area, 90-91; localization of, 338; Maya, high development of, 271, 277; Plains, 82, 84; realistic, 84; sym bolic, 225 Artifacts, . archaeological, Northern Mexico, 260; California area, 258- 259; Columbia Basin, 259; most , common in Antilles, 263, 264; stone, geographical segregation of, North Pacific area, 248; stone, types, and distribution, 11 8-1 23 Arts, fine, 134-148; mechanical, Pueblo area, 225; textile, 45-66 Astronomical knowledge, New World peoples, 131 Athapascan stock, 285, 291, 295-296, 335; distribution, 332.; immigrants from the North, 339; linguistic and tribal groups, 370, 379 Atlantic Highlands, archaeological char acterization of, 267—268 Australians, 307, 313; bodily propor tions, 311 Ax, copper, 125; grooved, distribu tion, 1 18-119 Axes, perforated, in Neolithic Europe, INDEX 415 Aymara, distribution, 231; stock, 382 Aztec, 32. 134. 137. 139. 162, 182, 183, 185, 186, 228, 229, 261, 274; cul ture, similarity to Maya, 228-229; most typical of the Nahua cul ture, 227 Bakairi, 310 Balsa, distribution of, 42; in Plateau area, 211 Bands, found among hunting groups, IS3-IS4; quill-worked, 86, 89 Bannerstone, 121; possibly a mesh gauge, 50 Barefoot regions, outlined, 64-66 Bark-beater, ridged, 130-131 Basketry, 50-56, 225; area, outlined, 79; California area, 54, 94, 212; cane, 89, 94; central group, North Pacific Coast tribes, 214; decora tions on, 76; distinguished from cloth, 56; distribution of types, 53; eastern maize area, 89 ; Eskimo, 89, 216; Haida and Tlingit, 88-89; im bricated, 81; Northern Shoshonean tribes, 211; Pima, 226; Plateau area, 210; Southeastern area, 89; Southwestern area, 226; splint, 54- 55; techniques, 79-80; Tlingit, 213 Baskets, Aleutian, 74-75; California, designs on analyzed, 84; California, specialization in, 338; cane, 77, 223; classification of, 52; cooking, 54; decoration of, 76-77; flexible, 58 Bast fibers, used in textiles, 45-46 Beadwork, 83; design elements in Plains, 85; floral designs on, 87; Plains designs analyzed, 84 Bear, belief in power of, 200 Bee, domestication of, 32, 41, 227 Betel nut culture, analogy of tobacco chewing to, 30 Berries, used as food, D£ne, 218; Carrier, 14; salmon area, 15; and fruits, rarity in acorn area, 16 Birchbark, canoes of, 43; covers for tipis, no; decorations on, 85, 86; high development of drawing on, 87; vessels and canoes associated, 55; work in, Mackenzie area, 338 Bison area, 34, 35, 39, 45, 109, 122, 153. 175. 176, 178, 197. 198, 200, 320; costume, 63; described, n; designs, 82; pottery made in, 67; types of cultures in, 336 Bison, eastern range of, 19; methods of hunting, n; use of centered in the Plains, 338. See also buffalo "Black drink," Southeastern area, 223; widespread use of, 184 Black-on-white pottery, distribution, 257 Blanket, Chilkat, 56, 58, 60, 88-89, 214; Navajo, 77, 81; rabbitskin, 58-59, 225 Blind dupe, distribution of story, 196 Blood-clot Boy, story, 197 Blood feuds, among tribes with simple organization, 171 Blood, offering, among Maya and Na hua, xgi; as a means of purifica tion, 200; vengeance, right of recog nized in North America, 168; ven geance, tribes of Gulf states, 170 Blowgun, distribution, 132; used in hunting, Amazon Basin, 23 Boats, Eskimo, 44; frame, distribu tion, 43; in the New World, 41, 43 Bochica, Chibcha culture hero, 198, 230 Bodily proportions, 309, 310, 311; unity of in the New World, 309 Bola, 38, 235, 236; stone, Patagonia, 268 Bone, artifacts, in Missouri Valley, 254; objects of, California area, 258; prevailing tool material in hunting areas, 122; process of working, 122- 123 Boomerang, Pueblo area, 225 Boundaries, to culture areas, 242-243; of pottery area, 67 Bow, in bison area, 38; distribution, 133; musical, 147; sinew-backed, 358; universal use of, 132-133 Bowdrill, 127 Bowls, knot. Eastern Woodland area, 338 Boxes, and plank work, specialization in, 338 416 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Bread, acorn, 16; cassava root, 28; coonti roots, 222-223; hemlock bark.15; tuckahoe and persimmon, 18 Breadth, of head, 305, 306 Bricks, made in Mexico, 72 Bridges, suspension, in Peru, 107 Bronze, Age, 275; made in Inca area, 232; use of in the New World, 125- 126, 358 Brush shelters, in Buffalo, dependence on, by Plains In dians, 206, 217; hair, used as fiber, 45; hair, spinning, 49; hair weav ing, northern extension of, 60. See also bison Building, art, diffusion of, 104; north ern limits of Nahua, 103-104 Buildings, Peru and Yucatan, diffe rences in, 101; stone, Pueblo and Eskimo areas, 108 Bull-boat, 43, 235 Bundles, ceremonial, 186; rituals for, 345 Burial, form of, 249, 250; in gravel banks, Mississippi-Ohio area, 253; mound, distribution, 102-103, 265; platform, guanaco area, 235; urn, 73, 107, 249, 267 "Burning Cannibal," distribution of story, 196 Cache, important invention caribou area, 10-n; pits. North Atlantic area, 247, 248 Cahokia mound, 103, 252 Calabash rattle, distribution of, 189 Calchaqui, 107, 266, 267; stock, 233, 235. 382 Calendar, system, Maya, 181, 228; Maya, aid to establishing chronol ogy, 270 California area, archaeological char acterization of, 258; characteri zation of culture, 212-213, 338 California culture traits, in Plateau area, 211 Calpulli, function of, among Nahua, 166 Calumet, pipe, 169; procedure, South eastern area, 224 Camas, chief root used in salmon area, 15; roasting, distribution of, 338 Canadian area, archaeological charac terization of, 260 Cane, baskets, 54-55, 77, 89, 94; tube, for smoking, 121 (Cannibal, cult, North Pacific Coast I tribes, 214; feast, Amazon tribes, 1/ 239; society, Nootka, 189 /Cannibalism, Inca area, 232; South | Atlantic area, 250 Canoe culture, Amazon area, 241 Canoes, 41-44; West Indies, 43 Carib, 43, 162, 231, 236, 237, 242; stock, 294, 335, 382 Caribou area, 34, 35; tribal groups in, 9; dependence of Canadian tribes and Eskimo upon, 9, 10 Caribou, range of, 7; range and im portance of in Mackenzie area, 217 Carving, in Columbia Basin, 259; dis tribution of, 88, 138; ivory, 88; North Pacific Coast area, no, 214; wood, 87, 216; stone, 134 Casas Grandes, 258, 261 Cassava, area of cultivation, 28; prep aration for use, 28. See Manioc Catlinite, use of in Great Lakes area, 254 Cattle, introduction of, 12, 37 Cave culture, in the Old and New Worlds, 276 Cedarbark, fiber, 45; weaving, 58, 131 Ceilings, 104; absence of vaulted, Na hua buildings, 104 Celt, 118, 119; hafted, 122; Iroquoian area, 250; jadeite, 121 Central Algonkin, 58, 184, 186, 188, 189, 220 Central Mexico, archaeological char acterization of, 261 Cephalic index, distribution in the New World, 301-304; rapid change in, immigrant population of United States, 303-304; range and varia bility of, 303 ; tribal groups, accord ing to culture areas, 322 Ceramic arts, 67-75 INDEX 417 Cereal complex, Old World, maize culture adapted to, 346 Ceremonial tablets, birchbark, 129 Ceremonialism, great development of, 180 Ceremonies, Amazon tribes, 239; dogs eaten during, 41; eagles and ser pents confined for, 32; Eastern Woodland area, 221; Eskimo area, 216; Inca area, 232; Lacandones, 228; localization of, 338; marriage, 176; Maya, 181; Mexican, 182; Northern California, 213; patterns for, 344; Pueblo area, 225; rituals of Pueblo and North Pacific Coast, 198; tribal patterns for, 348 Ceremony, Atamalqualiztli, 182; masked, 182; new-fire, 182; typical New World, 192 Chacmool statue, 134, 136 Charms, 18 Chavin Stone, 105 Cheyenne, 67, 151, 198, 206, 296, 320; migrations of, 339 Chibcha, agricultural products of, 21; area, 149, 157, 181, 187, 190, 198, 200, 229-231, 264 Chichen Itza, 134, 271 Chilan Balam, Books of, 140 Children, care and training of, 177- 179 Chile, archaeological characterization of, 266-267 Chilkat, 56, 58, 60, 88-89, 214 Chimney, absence of, in aboriginal houses, 112 Chipping, process of, 116; unusual ob jects made by, 118 Chiriqui, 91, 230; pottery from, 75 Chronological, position of certain stone objects, Great Lakes area, 254; types of man, 323-326 Chronologies, determination of, 277- 279; determined by stratification, 273-275; inferential, 276-279 Chronology, basis for solution of prob lems of similarity between Maya and Asiatic drawings, 360; of cul tures, 270-279; established by strat ification of pottery in Mexico, 274; established by stratification of pot tery in New Mexico, 274; inapplica bility of Old World, to the New World, 275-276; Maya, 271; Mexi can, 272; of sculptures, 134; South western, 81 Civilization, centers of, in the New World, 364 Clan, defined, 155; system, Arawak, 157-158 Clans, 154-158; and gentes, geograph ical distribution, 155-157; Iroquois 157. 163; Pueblo, 157 Classification of man, basis of, 298, 299; breadth of face, 299— 300; flat tening of the femur, 300-301 ; flat tening of the tibia, 300; by hair, 298; by skin, 299 Classifications, correlation of, 327—341 Classificatory system of relationship, distribution of, 160 Clay, edible, 22; modeling in, 137 Cliff-dweller, house type distribution, 257; houses, basketry remains in, 54; houses, textiles from, 60; ruins, textiles from, 81 Cloud terrace, Pueblo symbol, 97, ' 98 Cloth, 55-61; bark, 130; clothing of , 63; cotton in manioc area, 60; Peruvian, 59-60 Clothing, 61-66; Amazon tribes, 239; California area, 212; Eastern Wood land area, 221; Eskimo, dependence on caribou for, 9; guanaco area, 234; Mackenzie area, 219; North Pacific Coast area, 214; Plains, 206; Plateau area, 210; Pueblo area, 225; skin, 46, 277; Southeastern area, 223; southwestern Dene, 218; tailored, diffusion of, 65 ; tailored, in the Old World, 63-65 Coca-chewing, 28-30; Chibcha area, 230 Codex, Mexican, resemblance to year counts, 129 Codices, 140; Maya, 129; Mexican and Maya, 137 Coil, method in making pottery, 69, 70; spiral, direction of, 54 418 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Coiled, basketry, distribution, 52, 54; pottery, Pueblo area, 257; tech nique, 80-81 Collars, stone, in the Antilles, 121 Colombia, archaeological character ization of, 264—265 Colonnades, common, in Mexican houses, 100 Colonization, Spanish, changes caused by, 12, 37, 233; realism in textile art due to, 90 Color sequences, in Peruvian designs, 92 Columbia area, 275 Columbia Basin, archaeological char acterization of, 259-260 Communal, character of land system, 173-174; concept, foundation of agricultural concept, 174 Communistic government, 149 Complex, cotton, unity in the New World, 49; horse-riding, 38; maize, unity in New World, 49 Confession, conventional, Inca area, 232; of sins, distribution of, 201 Conventionalization, in design, 85 Convergence, in culture, theory of, 344 Copper, aboriginal workings of, 253- 254; knives, 121; Lake Superior, 125; mining, 124; tools, 124-125, 228; work in, North Pacific Coast, 214 Cortez, 113, 227, 229, 272 Costume, bison area, 64; distribution and types in the Old World, 63-65; tailored, 61-63 Cotton, armor of, 131-132; culture, distribution of, 46; raised in South America, 56; unity of New World complex, 49 Couvade, in South America, 182 Cranes, domestication of, 32 "Crane Bridge," distribution of story, 196 Creation, in mythology, 195 Crests, North Pacific Coast tribes, 214 Crime, compounding of, 168; punish ment for, 166-170 Cro-Magnon man, 317-318, 319 Crops, aboriginal, in North America, 18 Cross-cousin marriage, 1 76 Cults, Mazateca, 182; shamanistic, 189 Cultural classification, correlated with archaeological classification, 328- 33L 334 Culture, Amazon area, 240; Ameri can, independent development of, 17; of the Antilles, 267; anthropo logical conception of, 204; areas close agreement with archaeological areas, 334; areas. North America, 206-229; areas, outlined, 205; areas, South America, 229-242 ; areas, su perposition of, 330; center, Missis sippi-Ohio area, 252, 253; centers, 242-244, 328, 329; centers of high est, 202, 361, 362; centers, origin of. 339; centers, Peru, 266; centers, stability of, 339; changes shown in shell-heaps, 275; chronology of, 270-279; classification of social groups according to, 204—244; clas sifications, historic and prehistoric, 328; Columbia Basin, 259; com mon traits in New and Old Worlds, 358; complexes, elements consti tuting, 353; by conquest, 150; con trasts in Inca area, 231; correlated with political organization, 243 ; cor relation between elevations and var iations in, 335-336; correspondences between Old and New Worlds, 356, 360; correspondences between Pue blo and Diaguite, 266; differences in Amazon area, 240; differentia tion of, a historical phenomena, 355; diffusion, 77; evidence of early in New Jersey, 248; fundamental dif ferences in New and Old Worlds, 1 ; fundamentals of Old World, 357; general relations with linguistics and somatology, 334; grouping, 282; grouping, correlated with language grouping, 332; guanaco area, 233; hero, in mythology, 195; hero, Peru vian, 180; hero trickster, wide diffusion of concept, 199; historical INDEX 419 conception of, 352-354; inter- gradations of, 242 ; material, stabil ity of, 340; means of interpretation of, 352-354; Mongoloid-Red peo ples, contributions to, 362-363; most advanced in area of intense agriculture, 19; origin, theories of, 342-354; periods, in Eastern United States, 276; Plains, 206-209; possi bility of transpositions of, 336; sea faring, 43; sequences in, 275; sub divisions of. South Atlantic area, 248-250; subdivisions of, Atlantic Highlands, 267; subdivisions, Col ombia, 264; subdivisions, Ecuador, 265; succession of in Chile, 266; term defined, 350; time required for development of, 317; trait-associa tion, 350-352; traits, correlation with faunal and floral distributions, 338; traits, originality of many New World, 356; traits, patterns for, 344; traits, South American, 230; traits, similarities in, 342; types of Southwestern area, 224; unity of, in California archaeology, 259; typi cal, North Atlantic area, 245-248; unity in fundamentals, New World, 202, 356; unity of original Pueblo, 257; varieties in Inca area, 231- 232 Cycle, annual, tribes in salmon area, 15; religious, Maya, 181; yearly, ceremonial, 190, 200; yearly, in social life, 153 Cymotrichi, found in Polynesian- European group, 312 Dakota, 95, 96, 109, 137, 145, 151, 161, 172, 272, 306, 320, 344 Dancing Birds, distribution of story, 196 Day and night, origin of, as told in myths, 195 Decoration, architectural, North Pa cific Coast, no; coiled baskets, 80— 81; Columbia pottery, 264; Mair- ajo Island pottery, 267; Peruvian pottery, 93; pottery, 75, 81; pot tery and baskets, 76, 77 Decorations, North Pacific Coast baskets, 89; painted on bark and wood, 94; on pottery by glaze, 71- 72 Decorative art, development of, 97; features of Maya and Nahua build ings, 105 Deer, 16; chief game in eastern maize area, 19 Deluge concept, distribution, 199 Dene, 10, 52, 54, 86, 89, in, 122, 168, 175. 176, 177, 188, 217-218 Descent, common, Mongoloid, and New World peoples, 298; morpho logical grouping of mankind based on, 298; skin color indicating com mon with Asiatic peoples, 299 Deserted Children, distribution of story, 196 Design areas. North America, 80; ceramic, an index to chronology, 76; elements, Plains beadwork, 85; geo metric, range of, 76; names, 95, 96, 97 ; unity of concepts, Peruvian pottery and cloth, 93 Designs, alligator and armadillo, 91; Algonkin pottery, 79; analysis of, 95; analytic comparison of, 84; Apache baskets, 82; basketry and beadwork, 95; basketry, California center, 79; beaded and painted, Plains, 82; cane basketry, 89, 94; caribou and eastern maize area, 84; Chilkat blankets, 88-89; decorative, 76-99; distribution of , 79-95 ; Inca textiles, 92 ; influenced by technique of basketry and weaving, 77; Nav ajo blankets, 81; Northwest Ama zon, 94; painted on pottery, 91, 93; Peruvian, series of, 92; Plains and California, .independent origin of, 84; Plains-like, Deng shields, 219; pottery, 75, 78; realism in, 77, 79; Shoshoni beadwork and basketry, 84; symbolism in, 95-98; South western pottery, 81-83; textile, 76- 79. 90. 91, 93-94; on urns, from Chile, 267 Diaguite, 266 Dialects, language, defined, 281 420 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Diffusion, in art, 84; Aztec traits of culture, 229; cane baskets, 77; cot ton complex, 49; culture traits in the Amazon, 241 ; grass dance, 346- 348; historical examples of, 343; horse-complex in the New World, 346; horse and horse culture, 235; house-building art, 104; maize com plex, 27; material complexes in the New World, 346; methods of reck oning time, 131; in mythology, 197; wide, New World culture complexes, 364; Old World traits of culture, 357; Plains Indian societies, 278; similar associated culture complexes, 351 ; skin clothing in North America, 277; theory, 342, 343; trait-com plexes, 348; white-man god idea, 198-199 Digging-stick, Plateau area, 209 Digging tools, 25 Discipline, 177-179 Disease, ceremony for driving out, 182 Dispersion, of language, culture, and somatic characters, 336; of man kind, 318; of primates, 315 Divisions, dual, 158-159 Divorce, regulation of, 177 Dog, culture, 34, 346; eaten by Nootka Cannibal society, 190; first appearance in Paleolithic Europe, 32; food, 39; hair as a textile fiber, 45; packing, distribution, 35; simi larity of term for, 293; traction, 346; traction, intrusive in the New World, 35-37; transportation by, 34; use of in the New World, 32-34 Domestication, of animals, 32-38; Inca area, 232 Doors, New World houses, 100 Double-curve, art, origin, 87; design, 85-86 Downward weaving, 56; distribution of, 58 Drama, 198; cultivated by the Inca, 137. 139. 198 Drawing, 137 Dream, dance, 348; to obtain indi vidual guardian, 185 Drilling, methods of, 117, 127, 128 Drums, varieties and distribution, 147 Dual, divisions, 158-159; grouping of tribes, 159 Dug-out, Amazon Basin, 241; canoes, 213; North Pacific Coast, 43 Dyeing, New World, 358 Earth-lodge, m, 208, 209; distribu tion, 109 Earthworks, 113 Eastern maize area, 8, 17, 25, 27, 56, 60, 89, 112, 119, 123, 124 Eastern Woodland area, 220, 254, 336, 338, 348; culture characterization of, 219-222 Ecuador, archaeological characteriza tion of, 265 Economic areas, 206 Education, Aztec, 229 Effigy, jars, 73-74; mounds, 252; vessels, from Colombia, 265 Elevation, distribution of certain lin guistic stocks, coincident with, 237; range of, in which New World cul tures expanded, 335-336 Emerald mines, worked in Colombia, 265 Emetics, taken as a means of purifica tion, 200 Endogamy, among Pawnee, 155, 160 Environment, Chibcha area, 230; fac tor in change of cephalic index, 304; influence of, 337-341; similarity of bison and guanaco area, 38 Eskimo, 29, 34, 35, 37, 43, 44, 50, 51, 52, 54, 61, 67, 70, 74, 87, 88, 89, 108, in, 112, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 127, 129, 132, 133, 137, 143, 159, 167, 173, 175, 176, 177. 188, 189, 200, 201, 254, 260, 277, 299, 300, 319, 320, 323, 326; area, characterization of culture, 215— 217; bodily proportions of, 310; characterized as to food, 9; distinct type of culture, language, and so matic type, 333, 334; groups of, 215; migrations, 15, 335; possible historical relation with Algonkin, 122 Etowah mound, 252 INDEX 421 Eurasiatic, generalized type of man, distribution of, 313, 314 Evolution theory, not applicable to culture, 352-353 Exogamic groups, North Pacific Coast tribes, 214 Exogamous regulations, connected with dual divisions, 159 Exogamy, 155; coincident with clas sificatory system of relationship in North America, 160 Expansion, of mankind, extremes of, 316 Explanatory element, in mythology, 195 Eye.^fold, Mongolian, in the New World, 299, 309; form of, New World man, 310; color, New World, 309 Eye Juggler, distribution of story, 196 Face, breadth of, New World, 299- 300, 309, 310 Facial angle. New World, 309; most striking, Mongolian peoples, 299 Family group, has title to lands among Inca and Nahua, 173; importance of in communistic government, 149; importance of in government of Mexico, 150; independent of the band, 154 Fasting, to obtain spiritual manifesta tion, 192 Father-in-law taboo, 161 Fauna, influence of on culture traits, 337 Feather mosaics, Aztec, 229 Feather-work, 60, 61 Federations, of tribal groups, 151 Femur, flattening of, 300-301 Fertilization, artificial, range of, 27 Fiber, textile, classes of, 45 ; twisting, methods of, 46, 47; twisting, uni versal distribution of, 46, 56; twist ing, without a spindle, Dene, 218 Fibers, bast, 45-46; distribution cor related with whorl distribution, 47; wool, 46 Fine arts, 134-148 Finger weaving, 56 Fire, invention of, 129; renewal of, associated with agriculture, 200; shamanistic handling of, 188-189; universal use of, 46 Firedrill, 50, 129 Firing, of pottery, methods of , 70, 71, 72 Fish, fertilizer for maize, 27; methods of taking, 19; nets, distribution of use, 50; taboo against in bison area, 11; taboo against among Pueblo tribes, 21 Fishing, absence of in the Plains, 206; appliances for, Eskimo and Indians, 10; in Peru, 22; sea, in salmon area, 15 Flageolets, 147 Flint workings, aboriginal, 123 Flora, influence on culture traits, 337 Floral, designs, 85-86, 87 Flutes, 147 "Flying goose" design, distribution of, 96 Folklore, in America, content of, 194 Food, Amazon tribes, 237; animals domesticated for, 39; areas, 7-31; areas, general lines of culture group ing laid down by, 337; California area, 212; dogs as, 39-41; Eastern Woodland area, 221; Eskimo area, 215; guanaco area, 233; lack of specialization in interior Amazon, 23; processes of preparation, 338; Northern California, 213; Northern Shoshonean tribes, 2 10-21 1 ; North Pacific Coast area, 213, 215; Plains area, 206; Plateau area, 209; Pue blo Indians, 224-225; Southeastern area, 223; Southwest area, 226; southwestern Den6 group, 218; specialization in, a universal ten dency, 7; specialization in, 338 Foods, Maya and Nahua, 21; wild, correlated with instability of resi dence, 15 Footgear, 64-66 Footrace, ceremonial, 183 Footwear, forms of, 65; guanaco area, 234 Forests, distribution of, in South America, 238 422 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Fort Ancient, 113; mound culture, 252, 253 Fortifications, 112-113 Four, sacred number in New World, 201 Fox, 159; society song, Dakota, 145 Fruits, early introduction of Euro pean, 41 Fuegians, 43, 66, 132, 177, 235, 236, 301, 307. 323 Gauge, mesh, distribution of, 50 Gens, defined, 155; function, in social organization of Mexico and Peru, 167 Gentes, 154-158 Geographical grouping, linguistic stocks, 291-292, 295 Geometric, art, 79; art, bison area, 82; art, produced by women, 94; art, Pueblo pottery, 81-82; character, of New World designs, 76 ; designs, in bison area made by women, 82; designs, 86-87 Ghost dance religion, 343 Gifts, formal presentation of, 175 Glaze, on pottery, 71-72 Glazed pottery, distribution of, 257 Glottal stops, peculiarity in American speech, 287 God systems, 198 Gods, Mexican, 182 Gold work, Aztec, 229; Chibcha, 230; in Ecuador, 265 ; high development of by Cafiarian, 232; in Inca area, 232; Maya, 228; in the New World, 126; in Panama, 263 Gouge, 118 Government, compact, coincident with clan-gens organization, 157; Gulf states, 170; higher cultures in the New World, 149; Inca system, 149, 162; predominance of independent tribal, 151; Pueblo, 151; system of the Siouan, 169 Grass dance, ceremonies, 343; dif fusion of, 346-348 Grave Creek mound, 252 Great Lake area, archaeological char acterization of, 253-254 Groundplan, Casas Grandes, 258; char acteristic, of New World architec ture, 100; Peruvian house group, 104 Group marriage, 176 Grouped clans, 158 Grouping, social, 149-164 Groups, local, 153-154 Guanaco area, 8, 12, 129; changes in augurated by Spanish colonization, 12 ; culture characterization of, 232- 235 Guatovita, sacrificial shrine, 182 Habitations, intermediate Plains tribes, 351; prevailing, Maya and Nahua area, 104; Plains area, 206; United States and Canada, types and distribution, 108-112 Hafting, 119, 122 Haida, 88, 89, no, 133, 161, 213; stock, 285, 291; stock, linguistic and tribal grouping, 372 Hair, basis of classification of man, 298; buffalo, spinning of, 45, 49; form, Asia and America, 319; goat and dog, as textile fiber, 45; group ing of New World people by, 312; New World man, 309, 310, 311, 353; straight black, universal in the New world, 298, 299 Hako pipe ritual, Pawnee, 345 Hammer, grooved, North Pacific Coast, 119 Hammerstone, pitted, 120 Hammocks, cotton, 46, 56; southern limits of use, 106 Headdresses, feather, bison area, 61 Head, breadth of, 301; flattening, practised among the Maya, 136; form of, 309; form, Asia and Amer ica, 319; form, homogeneity in, 304- 306; form, New World, 301-307; form, South America, 325-326; height of, 306-307; length of, 305, 306; measurements, geograph ical grouping of, 321 Heating, universal method of in Amer ica, 112 Heavenly bodies, in myths, 195 INDEX 423 Hemlock bark, made into bread-like food, 15 Hereditary right, to community func tions, 174-175 Heyoka cult, 189 Hidatsa, 25, 27,34, 158, 161, 170, 208, 348 Hierarchy, priestly in region of high cultures, 180; supernatural, com plexity of Maya and Aztec, 183; supernatural, of the Pueblo, 183 Historical, chronologies, New World, 271-272; conception of culture, 352- 254; connection, North Pacific Coast area with Columbia Basin, 260; connection, types of glazed pottery, 257; types of Pueblo houses, 257; data, Nahua culture, 227 History, Aztec, 272; of man, Old World, 275; Inca, 271; Maya, 271; Mexico, Peru, and Yucatan, chron ologies based upon, 270 Hoe, distribution of, 25-27 Hogan, Navajo, 109, in Hokan, in California, 292; linguistic stocks grouped under, 285, 369; proposed name for combined stocks, 372 Hopewell mound culture, 253 Horned serpent concept, wide distribu tion of, 199 Horse, complex, taken over as a whole by New World natives, 346; culti vator, first in England, 25; culture, 37; culture, acquired in the New World, 37-38; culture, differences between North and South America, 38; culture, guanaco area, 132,234; culture, New World, 345-346; cul ture, Spanish, 343 Horses, introduction of, 11, 12, 233 House of the Nuns, groundplan of, 102 ^Houses, adobe and stone, XttJ; Am- azon tribes, 239; California area, 212; Chibcha area, 230; Dene area, 219; earth-covered, 112; Eastern Woodland area, 2_2i| Eskimo, 111- 112, 215-216; guanaco area, 234: nomadic tribes, 226; Northern Cal ifornia, 213; North Pacific Coast, 213, 215; Plateau area, 209, 210; Pueblo area, 224, 257-258; South eastern area, 223^ southwestern Dene, 2i£+ stone, distribution of, ii2\ totem pole, North Pacific Coast, 110;. types and distribution, northern South Amer ica, 106-107; types and distribu- tion/108-112; underground, in Huaca, definea, 181, 201 Human, carrier, prevailing mode of transport, New World, 37, 39; flesh, eaten by Gulf tribes, 223 Hunting areas, 8-14; interior Ama zon Basin, 23; methods of, 10, 11, 217, 221; Inca, 22; Pueblo area, 225; Southeastern area, 223 Hymn, Inca, 141-142 Ice, time allowed since last retreat of, in the New World, 317 Ideals, for the young in the New World, 178 Immigrant populations, in the United States, rapid change in cephalic in dex, 303 Immigration, American natives, north western route, 311 Implements, copper, Great Lakes area, 253-254; stone and bone, Columbia Basin, 259; stone, chronological series of, 115; types of, Ecuador, 265; types of, Patagonia, 268; types of, Venezuela, 265 Inca, 92, 100, 104, 106, 113, 121, 131, 137, 141, 149, 150, 157. 162, 173. 174, 175, 181, 183, 185, 187, 190, 198, 200, 201, 228, 232, 243, 266, 271, 272; area, characterization of culture, 231-232; controlled Ecua dor at Spanish Conquest, 2 1 ; food, 22 Incense burning, universal distribu- . tion, 200 Incised designs, 85 Incising, of pottery, 75 Indemnity, in payment for crime, 170, 171 Independent development, Plains art, 84; New World cultures, 357, 359; theory, 342-343 424 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Indian, American, popular interest in, 1-2 Individual guardians, 185-186, 192 Individuality, cultural, coincidentwith political unity, 342 Infants, exposing of, 177 Inheritance, conception of, I73_I75; physical traits, perpetuated by, 353; rules of, 175 Inscriptions, dated, of the Maya, 270 Insects, as food, 17, 211 Insignia, feather, bison area, 61 Instability of residence, correlated with use of wild foods, 15 Instruments, musical, 146-147 Interglacial period, marks arrival of man in the New World, 317 Interpretations, of culture, 352-254 Invention, independent, age-graded societies, 163, 350; independent, blowgun, 132; independent, pellet- shooting bow, 133; independent, roller printing, 265; independent, theory of, 343 ; independent, use of zero, 130 Inventions, Old World, Chinese pri ority in, 362, 363; special, 127-133 Iron, absence of, in New World culture, 358; age, 275 Iroquoian, area, archaeological charac terization of, 250-252; stock, 285, 291; stock, linguistic and tribal grouping, 372; tribes, 222 Iroquois, 18, 23, 35, 48, 71, 108, 113, 127, 132, 152, 158, 159, 163, 170, 176, 220, 241, 247, 274, 331; league of the, 151; migrations of, 335 Irrigation, Chibcha area, 230; Inca area, 232; limits of, 28; Southwest area, 226; systems, Peru and Mex ico, 106 Jaguar, belief in power of, 200 Jesako cult, Central Algonkin, 189 Joking-relationship, 162 Judicial systems, 166-173; "Araucan- ian, 167; D£ne, 168; Hudson Bay Eskimo, 168; Maya, 167; Mexico and Peru, 171; Nahua, 166-167; Peru, 166 Kayak, Eskimo, 43 Kia, 39 Kiva, 178, 257-258 Knives, 118; copper, 121; Eskimo type of, 254; types of, 120 Labor, sexual division of, 19, 22 La Brea, skeleton found in asphalt bed, 325 Lacandone, 69, 90, 228 Ladder of arrows, distribution of story, 196 Land, assigned to family groups, 149; laws, Inca and Nahua, 1 74 Language, classification of, 282; cor relation with culture, 331-333; dis tribution may be independent of culture, 332; groups in California, 332; independence of New World, 361; stability of, among immigrant groups, 340 Languages, California, 287, 290, 291, 292, 334; classified according to in ternal structure of the word, 290; differentiation of, after cultural pat tern, 334; geographical types, 285; grouping, coincident with cultural characters, 332-333; intergradation of, 280-281 ; manner of recording by field-workers, 286; similarity within a culture area, 333 Lansing Man, 323 Lasso, 38 Leiolrichi, found in Asian-American group, 312 Linguistic classification, 280-297, 332 Linguistics, correlation with culture, 331-333; general relations with cul ture and somatology, 334; investiga tions in, 283 Linguistic, diversity in regions of high er culture, 295; investigation, chiet result, 294; stock, conception, and meaning, 283; stocks, Amazon area, 235-237; stocks, California, com parative morphology, 290; stocks, California morphological groups, 292; stocks, California, proposed consolidation of, 293; stocks, dis tribution of, 294-297; stocks, ex- INDEX 425 tinct, 286; stocks, Inca area, 231; stocks , geographical grouping of , 2 8 5 ; stocks, grouping of, 291, 332; stocks, Mexico and Central America, 284, 285, 378-381; stocks, new grouping of, 283-285; stocks, New World dis tribution, 294; stocks, North Pacific Coast, morphology of, 291; stocks, number of, 286; stocks, South America, 237, 288, 289, 381-385; stocks, United States and Canada, 282, 369-378 Linked clans, 158 Literature, 137-145; Aztec, 229; myths regarded as, 197 Llama, domestication of , 35 ; as a pack animal, 39 Local groups, 153-154 Loom, Antilles, 56; complex, diffusion • of, 58, 59; in South America, 56; weaving, 56 Mackenzie area, 338; culture charac terized, 217-219 Magic Flight, distribution of story, 196 Maize, area of intense cultivation, 19, 56, 59; areas, 35; areas, lack of cor respondence between historic cul tures and archaeology, 340; cere monies, 183, 184; complex, taken over as a whole by English colonists, 346; complex, processes necessary to production, 350-351; culture, ab original characteristics of, 25-28; culture, close agreement with dis tribution of pottery, 69; culture, concepts associated with, 174; cul ture, Old World, adapted to cereal complex, 346; culture, uniformity of, 27; distribution of, 24, 69, 338; foods made from, 18-19; history paralleled by history of higher cul tures , 23 ; local adaptation of, 2 7-2 8 ; Indian methods of cultivation used by white farmers, 2 ; most important aboriginal agricultural product, 23; origin of, 27; Pueblo method of raising, 25; unity of New World complex, 49 Maguey, southern extension of use, 46 Males, classification of, 162 Mammoth, contemporaneity with man not established for North America, 325 Mammoth Cave, 276 Manabi, archaeology of, 265 Mandan-Hidatsa, pottery, 70 Manioc, area, 8, 56, 60, 69; Amazon area, 338; chief food, Amazon Basin, 22; distribution of, 24; prep aration for use, 28 Manitou, 221; compared with huaca, 181 Man, dispersion from the Old World, 316-319 Mankind, classes recognized, 313; dis tribution over the earth, 314-316; general lines of dispersion for, 318; general relation of Indian to, 310- 319; systems of classification of, 311- 314 Maple sugar, manufacture of, 18 Marriage, ceremonies, 176; forms of, 176; mother-in-law taboo correlate of certain forms of, 161 ; regulations, 175-177; restrictions of, 155, 158, 163 Masked ritualistic ceremony, 182 Masks, Aztec and Inca, 185; North Pacific Coast, 184-185 Masonry, at Mitla, 261; New World, 100; Pueblo area, 224 Mate, 22 Material culture, Antilles, 242; Arau canians, 235; Arawak, 239-240; Cal ifornia area, 212; Chibcha area, 230- 231; Dene, 219; Eastern Woodland area, 220; Eskimo area, 215; Fue gians, 235; guanaco area, 234; La- candones, 228 ; Mackenzie area, 217; Plains area, 206-208; Plateau area, 209-210; Southeastern area, 223; southwestern D6ne, 218; Tupi, 240; typical Eastern Woodland tribes, 221-222; typical Eskimo, 216; Witto and Boro, 237-239 Mats, North Pacific Coast area, 213; for tipi covering, no 426 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Maya, 21, 27, 32, 90, 100, 103, 104, 105, 113, 129, 130, 131, 135, 136, 137. 139. 140, 145. 157. 167, 178, 181, 182, 183, 187, 190, 191, 198, 200, 227, 229, 230, 243, 261, 270, 271, 272, 274, 329, 356, 363; culture. New World origin of, 361 Medicineman, defined, 187 Melanesia, 147; age-societies of, 359; betel nut culture, 29 Metal, high development of work in, Colombia, 264; work in, 124-126, 358 Metate, 224, 263 Mide ritual, 184 Midewin, Central Algonkin, 189, 208 Midewiwin, 221 Migrations, 334~337. 339! Amazon tribes, 241; myths recounting, 196; tendency to move within a culture area, 339; seasonal in accordance with food needs, 15-16 Military rule, in Mexican government, ISO Milk, Indian prejudice against, 39 Minerals, mined in the New World. 123 Mines, 123-124 Mississippi-Ohio area, archaeological characterization of, 252-253 Mitla, Hall of the Six Columns, 105; mosaic designs at, 92; ruins of, 261 Moccasins, bison area, 64; Pueblo area, 225 Modeling in clay, 137; distribution of, 138; Peruvian pottery, 92; pottery vessels, 75 Moieties, division into, 201—202; func tions among Sauk and Fox, 159; summer and winter, 158 Mongolian, affinities of New World man with, 310; peoples, most strik ing facial characters, 299; physical characters, found in Andean region, 301 Mongoloid, affinity, of New World peoples, 361; character of nose in the New World, 299; peoples, hair of, 298 Mongoloid-Red peoples, common an cestor group of, 361 ; distribution of, 362 Morphological, analysis of man, 313- 314; characters, New World lan guages, 290 Morphology, comparative studies in language, 289-293 Mortars, stone, 120; wood, 120 Mosaics, feather, Peru, 61 Mother-in-law taboo, distribution of, 1 6 1-1 62 Mound, builders, Ohio, 123; culture, varieties of, 253; structures, mouth of Amazon, 108 Mounds, building on to secure eleva tion, 100; burial, South' Atlantic area, 248; in Colombia, 264; Mis sissippi-Ohio area, 252, 253; pyra midal, distribution of, 102; shell, California, 259; Venezuela, 265 Mourning, Charrua, 235 Murder, punishment for, 168, 170 Muskhogean stock, 291, 294, 335; grouped with Natchesan, 285; lin guistic and tribal grouping, 373 Music, 145-148; evidence of geograph ical areas in, 146 Mythologies, distribution of, 195-197 Mythological areas, 196-197 Mythology, 145, 177, 194-203; Ama zon area, 239; California area, 212; Northern California area, 213; East ern Woodland area, 221; probable means of transmitting culture traits, 358-359; Pueblo area, 225; symbol ism in, 180; trickster type, Plateau area, 210 Na-dene, proposed term for grouped North Pacific Coast languages, 291 Nahua, 21, 100, 103, 104, 106, no, 131, 134. 149. 157, 167, 173. 174. 175, 178, 181, 187, 190, 191, 196, 198, 201, 243, 261, 271; area, char acterization of culture, 227—229 Nahuatl stock, combined with Sho shonean stock, 285, 369, 380 Names, designs, 95, 96, 97; pattern, not symbolic, 98; tribal, historical origin of, 1 51-152 INDEX 427 Napiwa, Blackfoot god, 198 Narcotics, distribution of, 28-30 Narrative, mythical, for origin of clan group, 163; prose, 144, 145 Nasal, index, 307-308; skeleton, 307- 308 Nasca, 92, 266, 267, 273 Navajo, 41, 52, 81, 97, 109, in, 142, 143, 151, 160, 170, 188, 189, 226, 320; blankets, 77; weaving, 60 Navigation, 41-44 Nebraska Loess Man, 323 Neolithic, culture, 270, 275, 276, 328; deposits, 118; period, in Europe, 317 Nephrite, manner of working, 116- 117; used in North Pacific Coast, 214; used in Thompson River re gion, 260 Netting, 49-50; southwestern. Dene, 218 Nets, antiquity of use, 50; birds taken in, 22; for fishing, 49-50; recent in troduction among Eskimo, 50 New-fire ceremony, Inca, 232; Mexi can, 182; Pawnee, 200; Southeast ern area, 223 Nomenclature, system of, New World languages, 281 North Atlantic area, archaeological characterization of, 245-248 Northern Mexico, archaeological char acterization of, 260-261 North Pacific Coast area, 43, 87, 113, 119, 120, 127, 175, 190, 196, 199, 210, 289,338; archaeological charac terization of, 260; characterization of culture, 213-215 Nose, great variety in form, 299; skeletal structure of, 307 Numbers, recorded by quipu, 130; sacred in the New World, 201 Nuts and seeds, wild, area of, defined, 7 Oath, in the New World, 172-173 Objective characters of man, most de finitive, 312 Offerings, at shrines, 225 Ollantaitambo, 113 Ollantay, an Inca play, 139 Orbital index, distribution table, 308 Orbits, symmetrical distribution, 307 Ordeals, in the New World, 173 Organization, political, Inca and Mexi can, 90, 149-150; simple tribal, no madic tribes, 151; tribal, bands fundamental units in, 154 Origin, age-grading systems in Amer ica, 359-360; art, theories of, 95; Asiatic, New World man, 355; Chil kat blanket, 89; culture centers, due to ethnic factors, 339; culture, the ories of, 342-354; culture traits, 278; defensive armor, 131; double- curve art, 87; independent, age- societies in the Plains, 163; inde pendent, designs, Plains and Cali fornia, 84; language a reliable index to, 361; linguistic stocks, 291-292; New World peoples, 4, 298; New World totemic complex, 164; Plains art, 82-84; rituals, 192; single place of, fundamental Old World traits, 357; single, of culture traits having continuous distribution, 343 ; Siouan stock, 296; southern, of Iroquoian culture, 220; unity of, culture and somatic types, 337; verse in song, 145 Origins, frequently detailed in mythol ogy, 194-195; New World, 355-365 Ornamentation, Maya and Nahua buildings, 105, 106; textiles and pot tery, 76 Ornaments, copper and gold, Maya and Aztec, 228; stone, 123 Pachacamac, 273 Pacific Islands, ceremonies, 182; New World culture correspondences with, 356 Packing, methods of, 39 Paddles, 43 Painting, 137; body, 94; building in teriors, 105; pottery, 72, 75; skins, 86 Palenque, 101, 135 Paleolithic, culture, 118, 270, 273, 275, 276, 328; races, similarity of Eskimo to, 319 428 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Palisades, distribution of, 112 Panama, archaeological characteriza tion of, 261-262; area, designs, 91 Pan-pipe, 147 Paper, in Mexico and Central Amer ica, 130 Patagonia, 12, 52, 63, 66, 306, 320 Patagonia, archaeological characteriza tion of, 268 Pattern, phenomena, 346; of rituals, 184; theory, in the study of single trait-complexes, 344, 345 Pawnee, 70, 143, 144, 151, 155, 158, 161, 183, 186, 188, 189, 191, 200, 208, 320, 345. 348 Pemmican, 11-12, 14, 219 Peopling of the New World, 317, 335 "Pepper-pot," characteristic dish of the Amazon area, 23 Persimmon, bread made of, 18 Personal property, 174 Peru, archaeological characterization of, 265-266 Pestle, stone, distribution of, 120 Peyote cult, 343 Phonetic, analysis, of language, by mechanical methods, 287; uniform ity found in California languages, 287 Phonetics, characteristic of American languages, 287; comparative, 286- 289; geographical types of, 287 Phratry, defined, 158 Pictographs, in the Antilles, 263; Plains area, 256; on rock, 137 Picture writing, 129 Pigmentation, New World man, 299, 309. 3io Piki, maize bread, 21, 225 Pile-dwellings, Northern South Amer ica, 108; in Florida swamps, 108 Pile-villages, South Atlantic area, 250 Piman stock, consolidated with Sho- shonean-Nahuatlan stock, 285, 369; linguistic and tribal grouping, 374 Pipe ritual, ceremonial, 184 Pipes, 72; clay, South Atlantic area, 249; distribution and form of, 30; elbow, distribution of, 29; Eskimo area, 216; pottery, Iroquois area, 25 1 ; South Atlantic area, 250 ; stone, form and distribution, 120-121 Pit-houses, in Great Lakes area, 254 Pits, house, 112 Plains area, 119, 131, 132, 226, 233- 234, 359; archaeological characteri zation of, 254-256; area, characteri zation of culture, 206-209; probably a distinct type of prehistoric culture, 256; traits, in Plateau area, 209, 210 Plant-growing trick, 189 Plants, Central American, taken over and cultivated by Europeans, 21; cultivated before 1492, 20; peculiar to the New World, 357-358; wild, used in eastern maize area, 18 Plateau area, 219, 226, 338; area, char acterization of cultures, 209-212 Platinum, in the New World, 126 Platycnemia, flattening of, 300 Platymeria, flattening of, 300; pres ence of third trochanter correlated with, 301 Plumed serpent concept, wide distribu tion of, 199 Plural marriage, 176 Poetical merit, in aboriginal rituals, 198 Poetry, aboriginal, 140 Poison, fish taken with, eastern maize area, 19 ; upper Amazon, 23 Police system, Pueblo, 170-171; Siou an, 169; tribes of the Gulf states, 170 Political, organization, Aztec, 229; close uniformity of speech a corre late of, 280; conducive to standard ization of culture, 242; Iroquois tribes, 222; in regions of higher culture, 180; system, Araucans, 167; solidarity, coincident with clan-gens organization, 157; unity, coincident with cultural individuality, 342 Polynesian-European group, char acteristics and area of distribution, 312, 313 Polynesians, 313; affinities of New World man with, 310, 311; recent arrivals in the Pacific, 356 INDEX 429 Poncho, 63 ; skin, bison area, 64 Populations, culture centers, stability of, 340; movements of, 334-335; native, density of, 4; regions of lower culture, 295; shifts in, 331; total of Indians, United States and Canada, 369 Popul Vuh manuscript, 273 Portrait jars, 75 Potlatch ceremony, North Pacific Coast, 175, 214; Plateau area, 210 Pottery, Algonkin, 79; Central Amer ican, 73; Chile, 266, 267; Chiriqui, 75; close agreement with diffusion of maize, 69; Colombia, 264; com plex, total of processes of making, 351; decorations on, 76, 77, 81, 97; diffusion of, 67, 69; distribution of, 67-69, 92; Eastern Woodland area, 221; Ecuador, 265; Eskimo, 216; forms, 73; intense culture area, 91; intensive pursuit of the art in the South, 69; Inca, 232; Iroquoian, 250-251; Iroquoian, South Atlantic area, 247; lower Mississippi, 70, 75; means of establishing chronologies, 273, 274, 278-279; Mississippi-Ohio area, 252; Mexican, 72; mortuary, 250; North Atlantic and Upper Mis sissippi types, 71 ; not dependent on environmental surroundings, 338; painted, in Brazil, 92; Patagonia, 268; Peruvian, 74, 92; processes of manufacture, 69; Pueblo area, 224, 225, 257; South Atlantic type, 70, 248, 249, 250; Southeastern area, 89, 223 ; Southwestern United States 72, 338; state of Oaxaca, 261 ; tripod from Panama, 263 Power, supernatural, Dakota and Me nomini concept for origin of, 344; shamanistic, source of, 188, 191 Prayer, Navajo, 142-143 Presents, conventional exchange of at marriage, 176 Priest, Amazon area, 188 ; compared to shaman, 191, 201; priesthood, 190; priesthood, organized, Aztec area, 229; priestly organizations, among the Hopi, 183 Primates, lines of dispersion for, 315; phylogenetic relations of living and extinct groups, 315 Privileges, social, 161-162 Property, conceptions of, 173-175 Puberty ceremonies, 182; 'California area, 212; Plateau area, 210 Pueblo area, 35, 41, 52, 60, 61, 69, 81, 97, 104, 108, 109, 112, 113, 119, 124, 127, 131, 132, 150, 157, 158, 170, 176, 178, 184, 186, 189, 190, 200, 229, 266, 274, 275; area, arch aeological classification of, 256-258; culture, extension into Mexico, 227; culture, resemblance of Casas Gran des to, 261; influence on culture of nomadic tribes of the Southwest, 226, 227 Pueblo, Calchaqui structures resemble, 106; form of modern, 104 Pueblo Bonito, reconstruction of, 107 Pulverizing, dried flesh and vegeta bles, salmon area, 15 Pumpdrill, distribution of, 127,128 Purification, for sacred offices, meth ods of, 200 Quarries, 123-124; stone at Mitla, 261 ; quartzite, Plains area, 255-256 Quinoa, 23 Quipu, 130 Quirigua, 135 Quito, archaeology of, 265 Rabbit, as culture hero, 199 Rabbitskin blankets, Dene, 218; dis tribution of, 58-59; Northern Sho shonean tribes, 211; Plateau area, 210 Rabbitstick, Pueblo area, 225 Racial dispersion, 314-319 Rain ceremony, Sia, 225 Rattle, calabash, distribution, 147 Rawhide, painting, bison area, 82; work in, 208, 338 Raven, culture hero. North Pacific Coast, 199; legends, North Pacific Coast, 214 Realism, in designs, 79; textile art, 90 430 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Realistic, 'art, New World, 98; art, produced by men, 94; art, rarity of, 76; carving, 88; carving, in architec tural decoration, 92; designs, bison area, 82 ; designs, caribou and east ern maize area, 84; designs, North Pacific Coast, 89; designs, Peruvian textiles, 92; designs, pottery, 82; origin of art, theory, 95 Reciprocal terms of relationship, 160- 161 "Red-paint," burials, 248; culture, 251 Regulation, social, in North America, 167-173 Reindeer, culture, associated with tipi, no; used in transportation, 37 Relationship, systems, 159-161, 352; terms, 152-153, 154 Religion, Chibcha, Maya, and Nahua, 181; Maya, Nahua, and Inca, 131; New World, source of, 191 ; and rit ualism, 192 Religious, conceptions, and mythol ogy, 198—202; culture, Pueblo In dians, 183 ; culture, Siberia, 190 ; sys tem, Aztec, 229; system, in Peru, 180-181 Revenge, personal freedom to, 168, 170 Rhea, economic importance of , 1 2 Rhythm, in aboriginal music, 146 Rice, wild, as food, 18 Rio Grande Pueblos, 224 Ritualism, 180-185; Aztec, 229; East ern Woodland area, 221 ; high devel opment of, coincident with distinc tion between priest and shaman, 188; importance of music in study of, 147-148; maximum development among Maya, 190; personal relation in, 191-193; Pueblo area, 225; Southeastern area, 223; Southwest ern area, 226 Ritualistic, observances, 180-192; per formance, California, 184; plays, North Pacific Coast, 184; pro cedures, Pueblo, 183; system, North Pacific Coast area, 214 Rituals, agricultural, 182; distinct forms of, 344; dramatic and poetical merit of, 198; grass dance, 348; Pa cific Coast, 184; Plains area, 345; transfer of, 345 Road-building, Mexico and Peru, 106 Rock-shelter, North Atlantic area, 247, 248; section of a, 248 Rolling rock, distribution of story, 196 Roofs, Nahua and Peruvian buildings, 104 Rooms, size, influenced by absence of arch, 100; size, Nahua buildings, 104 Roots, as food, 14, 218 Rope-tying trick, distribution of, 188 Row-lock, used by Eskimo, 43 Rulers, Aztec, 272; Inca, 271 Ruins, ancient Maya cities, 261, 262; historical relation of, 101-102; most impressive in the New World, 227; Pueblo area, groups of, 256 Sacrifices, animals and inanimate ob jects, 181; to gods of the Peruvians, 181; great number of Aztec, 229; human, 190-191 ; human, Maya and Nahua, 181; human, Pawnee and Pueblo, 183; Inca area, 232 Sacsahuaman, 113 Sagebrush bark fiber, distribution and use, 45; weaving, 58, 59, 338 Sandal, * correlative of textile cloth ing, 64 Sails, use of, 43 Salmon, area, 7, 14-16, 35, 38, 49, 56, 63, 184; caught in acorn area, 17; methods of catching, 14 Salt, manufactured and traded, Col ombia, 21 Santa Rosa Xlabpak, restoration and groundplan, 103 Scales, in aboriginal music, 146 Schools, for children, 178 Sculpture, center of New World, 134; distribution of , 138; Maya, 118, 134- 136, 360 Seats, stone, 121 Seeds, wild, area of, 16—17 Shaman, distinguished from medicine man, 187-190; distinguished from priest, 201 ; relation to judicial sys tem, 171-172 i i i i i INDEX 431 Shamanism, 187-191; Amazon area, 239 ; California area, 212; Dene area, 218; Eastern Woodland area, 222; guanaco area, 235; Siberia, 190; Southeastern area, 224 Shell-heaps, North Atlantic area, 245, 248; no true stratification found in, 275; South Atlantic area, 248, 250; stratification claimed for, 274, 275 Shell mounds, Atlantic Highlands, 267; Chile, 266; Patagonia, 268 Shell, objects. South Atlantic area, 249; work in, California, 258, 259 Shelter, Shoshonean tribes, 208; types and distribution, 338 Shields, circular, distribution and ori gin, 132; rectangular, in Peru, 132 Shoshonean, culture, 212; stock, 285, 295, 335; stock, combined with Na huatl, 285, 369; stock, linguistic and tribal grouping, 375_376 Shoshonean-Nahuatl, stock, 295, 296, 335 Shuttle, netting, distribution of, 50 Silver, aboriginal working of, 125, 126 Sinew, used in making skin clothing, 46 Sinkers, notched pebbles used as, 50 Sins, confession of, 201 Skin, clothing, tailored, 61-63; dress ing, Plateau area, 210; dressing, Southeastern area, 223; designs painted on, 85; painting on, 86 Skin color, basic in the New World, 299; range in the New World, 309, 310 "Skin Shifter," distribution of story, 196 Sledges, Eskimo, 34, 36 Slips, for coloring pottery, 71 Smelting, of metals, 125 Smoking, diffusion of, 29; opium type of, 358 Snake, dance, Hopi, 225; society, Hopi, 189 Snares, for game, Dene, 218-219 Snaring, caribou, 217; among Eskimo and Indians, 10 "Snaring the Sun," distribution of story, 196 Snowhouse, distribution of, 112 Snuff taking, distribution of, 29 Soapstone, vessels of, 74 Social control, 166 Social grouping, 149-164 Social organization, 153-154; Amazon area, 239; Calif ornia area, 212; Chib cha area, 230; Dene area, 218, 219; Eastern Woodland area, 221; gua naco area, 235; Inca area, 232; Northern California, 213; Plains, 208; Pueblo area, 225; similarity of Mexico and Peru, 167; Southeastern area, 224 Social privileges, 161-162 Social regulation, 166-179 Societies, 162-163; Plains Indian, 208, 277. 278, 345. 348-350 Society, evolution of, 164 Somatic, areas, 322-323, 324; charac ters, grouping by, 320-323; charac ters, group resemblances in, 320; characters, summary of, 309—310; characters, unity of New World peoples, 326, 361; classification, 298- 326; correlations, 333; grouping, roughly coincident with culture grouping, 320-322; homogeneity, in the New World, 308; type, Califor nia, 334; type, tendency to conform to environment, 340; units, primary inbreeding local social groups, 320; unity, in each culture area, 333 Somatologies, differentiation of, after cultural pattern, 334 Somatology, general relations with lin guistics and culture, 334 Song, Dakota Fox society, 145; tab lets, Algonkin, 140; war, Pawnee, 143-144 South Atlantic area, archaeological characterization of, 248-250 Southeastern area, 89, 338; culture characterization of, 222-224; north ern traces of culture, 335~336 Southwestern area,338 ; culture charac terization of, 224-227 Speech, American, peculiarities of, 287; chiefly agglutinative in the New World, 290; identity of, coincident 432 THE AMERICAN INDIAN with political and cultural unity, 332 ; reasons for individuality in the New World, 280; survives longer than other culture traits, 286 Spindle, 48, 58; European, 49 Spindle whorl, distribution of , 47, 127; pottery, 265 Spinning, 46-49; cotton, 49; methods and distribution, 47-49; with a. spindle, 59; without a spindle, 58 Splint basketry, 54-55 Stamps, of pottery, for printing cloth, 265 State of Oaxaca, archaeological charac terization of, 261 Stature, geographic grouping of, 321; of tribal groups, according to cul ture areas, 320 Steatite, work in, 121-122 Stelae, 105; dated, 261 Stock, language, determination of in the New World, 281; language, dis tribution in more than one culture area, 332, 333; linguistic, defined, 281 Stocks, linguistic, consolidation of, 369; similarities in California, 332; most widely distributed, 294; unity of, within culture areas, 333 ; United States and Canada, number of, 281 Stone age culture, Maya, 228; in the New World, 115, 118 Stone, boiling, 54, 209, 213, 219; carv ing, 134, 259; implements, Missis sippi-Ohio area, 252; implements, Great Lakes area, 254; implements, types of, Iroquoian area, 250, 251; implements, types of, North Atlan tic area, 247, 248; implements. South Atlantic area, 249; imple ments, Plains area, 254, 255 ; objects, problematical, 121; objects, total distribution of, 122; quarrying, 123; vessels, Plains area, 256; work in, 115— 123; work in, Aztec area, 229; work in, Eastern Woodland area, 223; work, periods of, in Europe, 115 Stone-Boy, story of, 197 Stratification, chronologies determined by, 273-275; of cultures, Iroquois area, 331; of pottery remains, 273- 274; in rock-shelters, North Atlantic area, 248 Stringed instruments, absence in the New World before discovery, 147 Sun, ceremony, in Peru, 182; dance, 184, 201, 208; offerings to, 191; in religious system of Peru, 180 Supernatural guardians, 185-187 Sweat house, distribution of use, 200 Sword-swallowing trick, distribution, 189 Symbolism, 95-98; in mythology and ritualism, 180; Pueblo pottery de signs, 81 ; strong development in the Southwest area, 98 Symbols, true, in New World art, 97, 98 Synthetic work, importance in devel opment of anthropology, 327 System of relationship, 159; classifi catory, 160 Tablets, bark, containing mide ritual, 184 Taboo, against fish, bison airea, 11; against fish, Pueblo tribes, 21; mother-in-law, distribution, 161-162 Taboos, 161— 162; Eskimo area, 20, 216; against women in ceremonies, 182 Tales, distribution in North America, 196; Old World, found in America, 196; types of, 194 Tatting, found in cotton-using area, 50 Teeth, size of, 309 Technique, limitation in bead and quill work, 82; weaving, limitation to design, 77, 79 Techniques, in basketry, 52, 79-80; coil and twine, concentric distribu tion of, 54 Tempering materials, for pottery, 71 Temple of the Cross, cross-section of, 101 Temples, to the sun, lower Mississippi, 183, 223 Terraces, use of, in Peru, 103 Test theme, in mythology, 195 Textile, art, importance of at time of Spanish conquest, 59; arts, 45-66; INDEX 433 designs, 76-79; development, east ern maize airea, 60; development, Gulf States, 89 Textiles, cliff-house, 60, 81; Inca, 92; Maya, 90; Mexican, 91; North Pa cific Coast, 88; Peruvian, 90, 91; poor development in caribou and eastern maize area, 87; specializa tion in the Southwest, 338 Thatched structures, distribution and varieties, 106 Thread-rhaking, a universal trait, 46, 56 Thunderbird, concept, wide distribu tion of, 199 Tiahuanaco, 105, 266, 273 Tibia, flattening of, 300 Time, methods of reckoning, 131; per spective, dated stelae, most impor tant aids to, 261; relations for cul ture, methods of determining, 276- 278; relations for culture, estab lished by studies of language and culture, 293; relations and cultural associations, 326; relations, pottery and maize, 69 Tin, contained in Peruvian bronze im plements, 125—126 Tipi, construction and types, 109-110; used by intermediate Plains tribes, 351; in the Mackenzie area, 219; used by nomadic tribes of the South west, 226 Tipiti, basketry press for cassava, 28 Titicaca, 92; a sacrificial shrine, 182 Title to lands, held by family group, 173 Tobacco, aboriginal forms of taking, 29; burning, as a means of purifica tion, 200; chewing, distribution of, 29. 30; cultivation of, 18; distribu tion of, 28, 30 Toboggan, distribution of, 34-35 Tombs, cross-shaped at Mitla, 261 Tools, copper, distribution of, 124; copper, Peruvian, 125 Topography, guanaco area, 232-233; Inca area, 231; j>lateau area, 209; type of, in which New World cul tures expanded, 335-336 Tortillas, 21 Totemic features, 163-164 Totemism, 185-187, 345 Totem-pole house, structure and dis tribution, no Totem poles, no; carved, 88; North Pacific Coast area, 214 Totems, 163 Totonac, 227, 272; sites, glazed pot tery from, 72 Trade, between Alaska and Siberia, 44; Maya with Cuba, 227 Tragedies, Inca, 137 Trait association, with in tribal culture, 35C-352 Trait-complexes, no direct conven tional relations between those con stituting a culture, 352; social, as sociation between, 351 Traits, borrowed, among Dene, 219; identity of, among groups of abori gines, 342 ; independently developed in the New World, 364 Transport, animal, distribution of, 33 Transportation, California area, 212; Chibcha area, 230; Dene, 218; by dogs, distribution of, 33; dog and travois, 206; Eastern Woodland area, 221; Inca area, 232; methods of, 39- 44; methods of, in Mexico and Pueb lo area, 35; Northern Shoshonean tribes, 211; North Pacific Coast area, 213; Plateau area, 209 Travois, 35, 346; in bison area, 36; horse, 38; not found in Siberia and Alaska, 37 Trial, form of among Ojibway and Micmac, 167; idea of, found in re gions of intense culture, 172; Iro quois, 170 Tribal groups, Chibcha area, 229-230; Eastern Woodland area, 220; Inca area, 231; intermediate in culture, California, 212-213 ; Mackenzie area, 217; Maya, 227; nomadic peoples of the Southwest, 226; Plains area, 206, 207, 208; Southeastern area, 222; Southwestern area, 224, 226 Tribes, historic, 206 Tribute, brought to Mexico City, 39 434 THE AMERICAN INDIAN Tricks, shamanistic, 188-189 Trujillo, 266, 273 Trumpets, 147; Bronze age, 140 Tubular pipe, distribution, 120 Tuckahoe, bread made from, 18 Tumpline, 39, 40 Turkey, domestication of, 21, 32, 41, 224 Turtles, great, at Quirigua, 135 Twined basketry, 52, 54 Twins, story of, 197 Uaupes, 182 Ulotrichi, found in Australian-African group, 312 Underground houses, in; Plateau area, 209, 210 Unfaithful wife, distribution of story, 196 Urn burial, 73, 106, 249, 267-268 Uxmal, 102, 271 Vaginal teeth, distribution of story, 196 Variability, of head form, 303 Vegetable, foods, salmon area, 15; southeastern area, 223; southwest ern Dene, 218; products, second ary dependence on in various areas 12-14 Venezuela, highland populations ex terminated by the Spaniards, 21 Ventriloquism, in Amazon area, 189 Venus, important god of the Aztec and Maya, 83 Verse, aboriginal, 141 ; origin of in song, 145; Eskimo, 143 Vihuk, Cheyenne god, 198 Village sites, North Atlantic area, 247, 248 Villages, fairly permanent, salmon area tribes, 15 Viracocha, Inca god, 198, 232; Peru vian culture hero, 180, 183 Vision, origin of supernatural power, 344; to obtain personal guardian, 192 Vocabularies, classification of linguis tic stocks, based on, 281 Wabano cult, Central Algonkin, 189 Wakan, compared to Peruvian huaca, 181; defined, 201 Walls, forms of, 104; New World buildings, 100 Walum Olum, Delaware, 273 Wampum, belts woven of, 85 War, 178; honors, graded, 179; song, Pawnee, 143-144 Warfare, 4 Weapons, 131; guanaco airea, 234; North Pacific Coast area, 214; Pla teau area, 210 Weaves, basketry, 51; fineness of in Peruvian cloth, 60 Weaving, cedarbark, 58; Chonoans, 235; Dene region, 86; distribution of, 57; Eastern Woodland area, 221, 338; Huichol, 90; high development among the Maya, 227; Inca area, 232; Maya, 90; modern Mexican, 91 ; Navajo, 77, 81 ; New World, 358; North Pacific Coast area, 214; Northern Shoshonean tribes, 211; Ojibway, 55; Pueblo area, 224; sage brush bairk, 58; Southeastern area, 223, 338; technical limitations of, 92; technique, influence on design, 77. 79; types of in the New World, 56; wild goat wool, 58 West Indies, 22, 39, 41, 43, 134 Whirling log symbol, Navajo, 97, 98 Whistling jars, 73, 232 Wheel, absence of in New World cul ture, 37, 69, 129, 358; development in the Old World, 127 Whipping, ceremonial, 178, 182 Wickerwork basketry, 52 Wild plants, as food in Pueblo area, 21 Wild rice culture, Eastern Woodland area, 221 Windows, rarity of in New World houses, 100 Witches, trial of among Iroquois, 170, 172 Wives, exchange of, 175-176, 218 "Woman who went to the Sky," dis tribution of story, 196 Women, agriculture work of, 19, 22; taboo against, in ceremonies, 182 INDEX 435 Wood, architectural use of, 104; armor of, 131; carving, no, 214, 216; work in, Plateau area, 210 Wool, distribution of use, 45; Navajo use of, 60; spinning of, 49 Word distribution, New World lan guages, problem in, 293 World quarters, four, 201 Writing, invention of, 129; Maya sys tem of, 129, 228; practised in Mex ico, 130 Yahgan, 310; stock, 233, 385 Yakima Valley, intermediate culture in Columbia Basin, 260 Year counts, pictographic, 129; Plains Indians, 140, 272-273 Yokes, stone, Mexico, 121 Yucatan, 58, 134; archaeological char acterization of, 261 Yuman peoples, 212; stock, grouped under Hokan, 285, 369; stock, 381; stock, linguistic and tribal grouping, 378 Zapotec, 227, 261; culture, 329; stock, linguistic and tribal grouping, 381 Zero, discovery and use in mathemat ics by the Maya, 130 Zume, Tupi god, 199 Zufii, 81, 161, 224; stock, 378 x ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦