YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

HISTORICAL

MEMOIRS

OF THE

HOUSE OF RUSSELL;

THE TIME OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
By J. H. WIFFEN, M.R.S.L.
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NORMANDY,
Sec. Sec. See.

' It is a reverend thing to see an ancient castle or building not in decay, or to see a fair
timber-tree sound and perfect ; how much more to behold an ancient noble family,
which hath stood against the waves and weathers of time ! " — Bacon.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMAN,
PATERNOSTER ROW i AND
CARPENTER AND SON, OLD BOND STREET.

1833.

LONDON:
, MOYESj CASTLE STREET, LEICESTER SQUARE.

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

D CHAPTER XIII. PAGE
1586-1595. FROM THE BATTLE OF ZUTPHEN TO THE TREATY
WITH THE EARL OF TYRONE  1
CHAPTER XIV.
1596-1603. FROM THE TREATY WITH THE EARL OF TYRONE
TO THE CORONATION OF JAMES THE FIRST.... 38
CHAPTER XV.
1603-1625. FROM THE CORONATION TO THE DEATH OF KING
JAMES THE FIRST  74
CHAPTER XVI.
1625-1638. FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES THE FIRST TO
THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE TROUBLES IN
SCOTLAND  124
CHAPTER XVII.
1638-1641. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE TROUBLES IN
SCOTLAND TO THE EXECUTION OF THE EARL
OF STRAFFORD  163
CHAPTER XVIII.
1641-1670. FROM THE EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF STRAFFORD
TO THE FIRST SECRET TREATY WITH FRANCE . . 196
CHAPTER XIX.
1670-1681. FROM THE FIRST MONEY TREATY WITH FRANCE
TO THE PARLIAMENT OF OXFORD  226
CHAPTER XX.
1681-1700. FROM THE PARLIAMENT OF OXFORD TO THE DEATH
OF WILLIAM, FIRST DUKE OF BEDFORD. ,  260

IV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXI.
A.D. PAGE
1702-1732. FROM THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN ANNE TO THE
REIGN OF GEORGE THE SECOND  300
CHAPTER XXII.
1732-1750. FROM THE DECLINE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE's
MINISTRY TO THE TREATY OF MADRID  338

CHAPTER XXIII.
1750-1756. FROM THE TREATY OF MADRID TO THE FORMATION
OF THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE'S MINISTRY .... 379
CHAPTER XXIV.
1757-1760. FROM THE DUKE OF BEDFORD'S LIEUTENANCY IN
IRELAND TO THE DEATH OF GEORGE THE
SECOND  421
CHAPTER XXV.
1760-1763. FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO
THE PEACE OF FONTAINEBLEAU  465
CHAPTER XXVI.
1763-1771. FROM THE RESIGNATION OF THE EARL OF BUTE TO
THE DEATH OF JOHN, FOURTH DUKE OF BEDFORD 521

THE VIEW OF CAPE LA HOGUE  To FACE 315

HISTORICAL MEMOIRS,

ETC. ETC.

CHAPTER XIII.

FROM THE BATTLE OF ZUTPHEN TO THE TREATY WITH THE
EARL OF TYRONE.
A.D. 1586-1595.

Edward, Earl of Bedford ... Sir William Russell distinguishes himself at
Zutphen, 1586 . . . Governor of Flushing, 1587 . . . Enterprise of the Earl
of Cumberland, 1588 . . .Grief of his countess, 1590 . . . Birth of Lady
Anne Clifford . . . Prophecy of Barden Tower . . . Entertainment of Queen
Elizabeth at Bisham Abbey, 1592 ... Sir William Russell, lord deputy of
Ireland . . . State of that country, 1593 . . . Rise of the Earl of Tyrone . . .
Pheagh M'Hugh...Sir William retakes Inniskillen, August, 1594...
Makes a winter excursion into Glendaloch . . . Garrisons Ballinacore . . .
Sends Bagnal to victual Monaghan . . . Bagnal's danger ... Is extricated
by the deputy . . . who garrisons Armagh, July . . . Intercepted correspond
ence with Spain, September . . . Norris's negotiations discountenanced by
Russell . . . Insolent behaviour of the Irish chiefs . . . Account of the state
of Ireland, Nov. . . . Treaty concluded with Tyrone.

Edward, the son of Sir Francis Russell, was little more
than eleven years old when he succeeded to the earldom ; his
aunt, the Lady Warwick, obtained the wardship of him.
The interval of his minority may be appropriately occupied
with details relative to the other members of the family.
VOL. II. b

% RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1586. The reputation of Sir William Russell had increased with
every opportunity for distinction. When unengaged in the
military service of his country, he mingled with ardour in
those mimic presentments of it which were occasionally fur
nished by the tilt and tourney. Thus, after assisting, at the
head of one hundred and fifty horse raised by the English
clergy, in the suppression of a rebellion in Ireland, we find
him the foremost at court to accept the challenge to a royal
combat on foot given by the Prince d'Aufine and Monsieur,
brother to the King of France, on which occasion he vindi
cated, with Lord Thomas Howard, the honour of his nation
in these gests of hardihood and skill.
On the celebrated field of Zutphen, in 1586, being one
of that splendid retinue of captains who the previous year
had been sent to Holland with the Earl of Leicester, he dis
played a valour that carried consternation, rout, and havoc,
wherever his horse bore him. Naturally tall, and sinewy,
and athletic, his figure, magnified by the mists that prevailed
upon that noted morning, seemed like a gigantic image,
and, joined to the romantic achievements of his arm, im
pressed the superstitious fancies of the Spaniards with the
belief that they were contending with a more than earthly
apparition. " So terribly he charged," says Stowe, who
derived the scene from an eye-witness,. " that, after he had
broke his lance, he with his curtle-axe so played his part,
that the enemy reported him a devil, and no man ; for,
where he saw six or seven of the foe together, thither would
he rush, and so apply his weapon as speedily to separate
their friendship."1 A like display of prowess by Lord
Willoughby, Sir Philip Sidney, and others of the English
1 Annals, p. 737.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 3
soldiery, completed the fortune of the day; and the Spanish A.D. 1587.
general, disappointed in his hope of throwing succours into
the fortress, fled from the disastrous conflict.
The exultation of Sir William Russell, as he returned
from the pursuit, was severely checked by a rumour of the
fatal accident that had befallen Sidney. Hastening to the
spot where the young hero lay, Sir William kissed his hand,
and exclaimed, with bitter tears, " O, noble Sir Philip!
never was there man obtained hurt more honourably than
ye have done, nor any served like unto you ! "x To him, as
his dear friend and comrade, the dying youth bequeathed his
best gilt armour ; and after executing, with an affecting
serenity, all the offices which either friendship could dictate,
or religion could demand, expired, with a higher renown
than had fallen to the lot of any warrior since the days of
the Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche. The nomination
of Sir William Russell to the governorship of Flushing,
vacant by his lamented death, reflects credit on Elizabeth :
he justified her confidence by immediately intercepting, with a
party of six hundred horse, a convoy of provisions which the
enemy again attempted to throw into the citadel of Zutphen.
His individual intrepidity could not, however, counter
balance the disadvantages arising from Leicester's deficiency
of military talent. The earl was obliged to raise the siege of
Zutphen ; nor did the campaign of 1587 retrieve his reputa
tion. Deventer and other fortresses betrayed by the officers
of his appointment, Sluys capitulating unrelieved, and the
Hollanders alienated by his overbearing temper, were the
glaring tokens of his incapacity. Elizabeth saw them, and
recalled her favourite ; but the States, for a long time after
1 Stowe, p. 737.

4 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1587. his departure, continued to suffer the mischiefs of his mal
administration ; and the measures of Prince Maurice and Lord
Willoughby, his successors in command, were alternately
crossed by his intrigues, and embarrassed by his factions.
Whilst Sir William stayed at Flushing, he bore himself
nobly, says his chaplain, " by his wise and worthy govern
ment, and his love and liberality to soldiers of best desert.
And the gracious letters of Queen Elizabeth, written to him
with her own hand, which I have seen, wherein she doth
acknowledge his good services, and encourage him with her
high commendation, are plentiful witnesses of his worth in
her high discerning judgment. But the greatest argument
of his upright life in his employments was, that he never
increased his wealth, or bettered his estate by them. For
he spent sometimes a hundred pounds a-week in this govern
ment, when his total entertainment from the queen and the
States was but about threescore, and that was laid out in
housekeeping, and in magnificent entertaining of nobles, gen
tlemen, and captains ; so that he sold of his own land to bear
him out in the service of his prince, but never purchased
foot again that ever I could hear of."1 When to this con
sideration is added the parsimony with which the most neces
sary supplies were furnished to him, it can excite no suprise
that he at length besought his friends in England either to
see the town provided as it ought, or to " help him away
from so beggarly a government, wherein he should but undo
himself without hope of service or reward."8
The queen at length yielded to his solicitations. He
returned with the regrets of the Hollanders,3 " non," says
1 Walker's Funeral Sermon, p. 258.
" Letter to Walsingham ; Harl. MSS. 286. a 95.
3 Blavoet to Walsingham; Harl. MSS.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 5
the authority already cited, " non verb ditior, sed gloriosior; A.D. 1587.
and as Scipio brought no other riches but the glorious sur
name of Africanus from his conquest of Africa, this valiant
lord brought no other booty from his enemies' countries but
an honourable name for his excellent services."1
It was soon discovered that the transports building and
men raising by the Prince of Parma, were for no design upon
the Flemish coast, but to be wafted over to England whenever
the Armada fitting out in Spain should appear in motion on
the waters. In the military arrangements that were entered
into for the isle's defence, Sir William Russell was sent to
command the forces of the west ; but the intrepidity of the
naval captains sufficed for the alarming crisis — the guardian
ship of Providence was signally manifested — and that vast
and potent navy which has since become a by-word for the
ruin of presumptuous pride, was delivered, an abandoned
wreck, to the stormy insurrection of the winds and waves
of heaven. Whilst the Spanish court was thus exhausting its energies
and rich resources on a state rendered impassive by its valour
and long love of civil and religious freedom, numerous
adventurers, following in the steps of Drake, were daily
fitting out fresh vessels to aid the general attack upon its
mighty empire by the most daring incursions on its establish
ments and traffic ; and the gold of America — the frequent
prize of conflict — still more stimulated their hostility. Fore
most amongst these was the young Earl of Cumberland.
He had all that susceptibility of imagination and ardent
enthusiasm which leads to brilliant and romantic under
takings ; a disposition prodigal in the means it used for the
1 Fun. Serm. as before.

6 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII
A.D. 1589. accomplishment of any favourite fancy ; and a love of ad
miration that carried him onward to distinction with a strong
and rapid current, when its impulse was undissipated by
versatile caprice. He had fitted out a little fleet so early as
1586, on a voyage of discovery and crusade against the
Spaniards; had himself commanded one of the vessels in
the late momentous struggle with equal intrepidity and skill;
and he now engaged, with a second fleet of his own furnish
ing, in a series of sea-voyages that have justly placed his
name amongst the first patrons of enterprise in the annals of
maritime adventure. Sailing, in the June of 1589, for the
West Indies, he took the rich town of Fayal, in the Azores,
with all its stores and ordnance ; and, after several desperate
engagements and severe privations, returned in December,
seamed with scars, but rich with booty, having sent home
before him no fewer than eight-and-twenty ships, with spoil
to the amount of more than twenty thousand pounds. When
he had satisfied the curiosity of the queen, who exacted from
him a circumstantial narrative of his adventures,1 he went
down to Skipton Castle on a visit to his lady, arriving there
about the latter end of March.
" Time had passed but rudely" with his amiable countess
almost from the period of their marriage ; for the earl un
happily became fascinated with the charms of some other
lady about court, which was followed by the usual results of
irregular attachment, — first neglect, afterwards estrange
ment, and to the injured party deep inward discontent, if
not open indignation and reproach. To a woman of the
countess's quick sense of moral feeling, the guilty conduct
of a husband to whom she was undoubtedly attached, must
1 See them in Hackluyt's Collection of Voyages.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 7
have infinitely enhanced the pain which she suffered from A.D. 1590.
his infidelity ; and her health became so much impaired,
that at the end of six short years there was every prospect
of the sickness ending in consumption. Her emaciated form
and mental suffering appear at length to have touched the
bosom of the careless earl, and to have led to a renewal of
his first assiduities. His returning kindness had an effect
almost electric : it arrested the ravage of disease, restored
to her the animation and the hue of health, and rekindled
those affections, which, however they may languish with ill-
usage, rarely become extinguished towards the object that
first called them forth in the fond and faithful breast of
woman. In this interval of returning confidence and peace,
which comprised about ten years of her existence, and but
little more, the countess became the mother of two sons,
Francis and Robert, who, during the few years that they
lived, " expressed," says the Pembroke MS., " as much
goodness, wit, and spirit, as the tender years of childhood
could disclose." For both, to the inexpressible sorrow of
their mother, and the disappointment of the earl, perished
in their infancy, precisely at the same age of five years and
eight months, — the elder but recently, whilst his father was
landing on the northern coast of Ireland. Yet the grief,
with which this event must have tinged their present inter
view, was in degree assuaged by the intermediate birth of
a fair daughter, — the same who in after-years became noted
as the dauntless claimant of her alienated rights, haughty
and uncompromising to a court that sanctioned the injustice,
but affable, generous, and hospitable in the halls of her pro
genitors, and mistress of all hearts in the districts gladdened
by her bounty — Anne, Countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and
Montgomery.

8 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1590. -This lady, in the Memorials which she has left behind
her, records a singular incident that occurred, in prelude
of her own birth, to her whom she uniformly terms " her
blessed" and " her sainted mother," which is the more re
markable as, at the time when it took place, no deed to bar
his daughter's succession of inheritance had been meditated
by the earl her father. The anecdote is thus recounted : —
" Now the Countess of Cumberland was truly religious,
devout, and conscientious, even from her very childhood ;
and did spend much time in reading the Scriptures, in
heavenly meditations, and in prayers, fastings, and deeds of
charity, especially for some fourteen or fifteen years before
her death ; and of such an elevated mind was she to all
goodness, as any may truly say she had in many things a
kind of a prophetic spirit in her ; in particular she would
often tell her only daughter, the Lady Anne Clifford, that
the ancient lands of her father's inheritance would at last
come to be hers, what opposition soever was made to hinder
it, although it would be very long first, which many years
after came to pass. And she was the rather induced to
believe it by reason of a strange kind of divining dream or
vision that appeared to her in a fearful manner, in Barden
Tower, in Craven, when she was great with child with her
third child, which told her she should be delivered a little
while after of a daughter, who should be the only child to
her parents, and live to inherit the lands of her ancestors ;
which after' proved to be true, though at that time both the
countess's sons were living ; but the elder of them died a
month after the vision, and the younger of them when her
daughter was a year and four months old. Which strange
vision we are the rather induced to set down, because un
doubtedly, whilst she lived here in the world, her spirit had

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 9
more converse with heaven and heavenly contemplations than A.D. 1590.
with terrene and earthly matters."1
The simple enjoyments and quiet of a country life were
but little in unison with the Earl of Cumberland's restless
and romantic spirit. Being bent upon fresh sea adventures,
1 Memorials of the Cliffords, &c. ; Harl. MSS. Barden Tower is
situated on the Wharfe, not far from Bolton Abbey, amidst fells, cascades,
and woods of the like character with those which render the ruins of this
priory so picturesque. The fate of the boy of Egremond, who perished at
the Strid, gives an interest to the river, which this anecdote enhances. The
writer has ventured to fill up the outline of the lady's dream, and to com
memorate, in a region already vocal with the verse of Rogers and Wordsworth,
The Prophecy of Barden Tower.
O, have ye e'er the noon beguiled
On lonely Wharfe's romantic border ?
Where ivied cliffs on cliffs are piled,
By woods o'erwaved in rich disorder, —
The vale, with many a solemn sigh,
Responding as the waters rolled,
Half drown'd the cushat's plaintive cry,
Half heard the sheep-bell from the fold, —
Nor owned that there the chastening hours
Might glide most gently with the Good ;
And oft, from worlds more blest than ours,
Bring faith's prophetic mood !
As fair a form, as chaste a mind
Hath sought its sacred calm to borrow,
As e'er to duty bowed resigned,
Or drooped beneath the touch of sorrow;
Who, doomed to see her house despoiled,
To swell a kinsman's haughty state,
By Power opposed, yet onward toiled,
With hope untired, and heart elate.
Yes ! kings may frown, they cannot bend
The inborn strength that stands erect,
Girt for the watch, till heaven shall end
The' ungenerous world's neglect !
From Barden Tower the Lady gazed —
Earl Bedford's own high-minded daughter,
O'er all that wild enchanted waste,
The umbered wood, the tinted water.

10 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1591. he, in April, took his family to London ; and the countess
was absent from the north for several years. He had no
sooner set sail for the Mediterranean, in the May of 1591,
than his only surviving son expired at Northhall, in Hert
fordshire, the Lady Warwick's seat. His death, as it had a
Her heart was thronged with doubts and fears
Whilst brooding on the babe she bore ;
And he who should have soothed her tears,
Was dallying round each bright Azore ;
The cheek he praised, so fresh of old,
Wore grief's white roses, sad to see ;
The Book of Grace, unclasped in gold,
Lay resting on her knee.
She mused on deeds of distant days,
The patriarch's rest, the bondslave's story,
When hopeless tears proved springs of praise,
The gloomy wild a gate of glory.
Its peace the living text inbreathed,
A hallowed feeling, pure and calm,
And Eve her influences bequeathed,
Low, dying tones, and breath of balm.
There came a murmur from the fell,
From bowery Wharfe a whisper rose,
And sealed her spirit with the spell
Of undisturbed repose.
She saw in sleep a banquet spread,
Rich wine in many a golden flagou ;
The feast was o'er her warrior dead,
The hall his hall of proud Pendragon.
Twice twenty knights of high degree,
All mail-clad chieftains, there had place;
And, by his shield's emblazonry
Well known, a Clifford on the dais.
The tapers, as the hall she paced,
Cheered by her presence, blazed more bright, —
A harper hoar her left hand graced,
A seneschal her right.
She took to greet them, from the board,
A cup, and pledged them ere she parted ;
When, lo ! at Clifford's nod, each sword
In anger from its scabbard started.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 11
most unfavourable effect upon the earl's capricious temper, A.D. 1591.
prejudiced alike the comfort of his lady and the fortunes of
his daughter. Being hereby disappointed in his hopes of
perpetuating the name of Clifford, he grew less scrupulous
in the indulgence of his favourite pursuits. The building
But wondrous succour was at hand —
Her guardian herald forward pressed,
And shivered with his ruby wand
The weapons brandished at her breast;
And as before his eye of fire
Unsinewed stood the daunted throng,
Mysterious from the minstrel's wire
Broke forth the' unstudied song.
" Rest, Vipont, rest ! peace, Vescy, peace !
Nor idly beard the Russell lion,
Blest by the gracious Pleiades,
And banded with the bright Orion !
Round Salem's towers ye've seen him prey,
O'er Ulster's heathy mountains bound,
And sternly, grimly hold at bay
The Gallic hunter's eager hound.
Him Love — the child — with ease may guide,
But let Power touch his bristling mane,
Ye've seen him dash his darts aside,
And snap his spears in twain !
" Drink, lady, drink ! the cup's thine own,
Nor sorrow for thine infant burden ;
For though thy seed in tears be sown,
Yet rich shall be thy final guerdon.
The babe that in thy lap erewhile
Shall sleep to many a murmured song,
A girl — shall bear a kinsman's guile,
A woman — brave a warrior's wrong.
Yet hers shall still be flood and fell,
And hers shall yet be tower and town,
How long soe'er the Arm'd repel,
Howe'er the Sceptred frown !
" To all the honours of her race
Restored beyond the reach of malice,
What beal-fires 011 the hills shall blaze,
What flutes resound in pastoral valleys !

12 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1591. and fitting out of vessels for nine successive voyages could
not be accomplished without anticipating the revenues of his
domains, which led to many large alienations of his property.
Being also champion to the queen, he spent vast sums in
maintaining his beau-ideal of that character in revels, tilts,
and other festivities connected with the chivalrous but idle
office. The prizes which he took in his naval expeditions,
though often of immense value, did not in the end compensate
for the sacrifices which he made. A great portion of the
proceeds of his earlier captures the queen took care to claim ;
and before the termination of his last expedition in 1598,
when he took and burnt the capital of Porto Rico, and by
his incessant harass of the Spaniards in their other settle
ments, rendered no small service to his country, he suffered
many accidents and losses on the ocean. The countess's
friends were not, however, unmindful of her interests : they

Their state in her ancestral towers
The household Virtues shall resume,
And Hospitality the hours
With many a festal light relume.
Her memory shall the wise and good
Embalm in some perennial verse,
And thousand flowers and tears be strewed
Late on her holy hearse 1"
He ceased, — she started; for the Two
Shone like transfigured saints before her ; —
Wondering she rose : fast fell the dew —
The stars of heaven were gathered o'er her.
But Wharfe, when many a year had rolled,
And proud Pendragon witness bore,
That all the vision had foretold,
Was strangely sooth as gospel lore.
Nor marvel, thou who hear'st the strain,
That such prophetic sense were given,
For spirits purged by fire from stain,
Walk less in earth than heaven !

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 13
obtained, in lieu of an uncertain doAvry, the earl's consent to A.D. 1592.
a settlement on her of his Westmoreland estates; and the
deed of jointure was confirmed by act of Parliament in 1593.1
But the grace of this concession was impaired by his injustice
in devising to his brother Francis, and conveying over all
his other castles, lands, and honours, from his daughter,
which were only to return to her in default of a male heir
to his brother ; a disposal which afterwards became the source
of long and most expensive law-suits, and which doubtless
concurred with other injuries to rekindle between him and
his high-spirited lady the sparkles of their former discord.
At all events, the golden bond of confidence was afresh
snapt between them, and was reunited only in his last
moments. Since the death of John, Lord Russell, his accomplished
lady had assiduously devoted herself to the education of his
children. Upon the 28th of August, 1592, she was honoured
with a visit from the queen at her seat of Bisham Abbey,
near Great Marlow, and adopted the usual mode of testify
ing her sense of the honour designed her, by a salutation of
sweet speeches on the confines of her grounds, extremely
curious as a specimen of the nectared flatteries that were
then thought indispensable for the gratification of the virgin
queen during her progresses, but breathing too little of
Arcady to detain the reader.2
The queen was ushered into the abbey with a song written
1 Out of which jointure she founded an almshouse at Beamsley, in
Craven, with convenient maintenance for twelve widows and their governess,
for which she the same year procured a deed of mortmain under the great
seal of England.
8 Yet the conclusion of the speech of Pan, who, as the queen approached
him, entertained her by a colloquy with two attendant shepherdesses, is truly
happy. " Here," he said, " I yield all the flocks of these fields to your

14 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1592. obviously, in Pope's sense of the term, by some " person of
quality." Within, Lady Russell had invited all the wit, the
talent, and distinction, which she could convene, for the
entertainment of her royal mistress, who prolonged her stay
at Bisham several days, and then proceeded to Sudeley, in
Gloucestershire, the seat of Giles, lord Chandos, where other
mythological compliments awaited her, as delectable as the
last. It appears that the young Earl of Bedford was at this
time pressing his suit with Catharine, one of the co-heiresses
of Lord Chandos,1 but that he met with some discouragement
from this nobleman, as, upon his decease in 1594, we are
informed by a contemporary that the youthful earl had now
a greater likelihood of carrying his point.2 He was doubtless
aided in his object by the influence and credit of his aunt,
the Countess of Warwick ; but fresh difficulties intervening,
the negotiation was finally broken off, and the lady after
wards became the bride of his cousin Francis, the son of
Sir William Russell.
Sir William Russell had now been called to a sphere
where his military talents were likely to find at least sufficient
scope for action. On the recall of Sir William Fitzwilliam
in May 1593, he was appointed lord deputy of Ireland; a
measure which, it seems, exceedingly annoyed the court of
Spain, its ministers anticipating a serious counteraction of
the tumults cherished there, from one whom they designated
highness. Green be the grass where you tread — calm the water where you
row — sweet the air you breathe — long the life that you live— happy the
people that you love ! During your abode no theft shall be in the woods,
in the fields no noise, in the valley no spies,— myself will keep all safe.
And here I break my pipe, which Apollo could never make me do, and
follow that ethereal sound which follows you!"— See the whole entertainment
in Nichols's Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. Lond. 1788.
1 Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 140. * lb. p, 160.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 15
as " un muy buon soldado, y hombre de chappo."1 It was A.D. 1593.
not, however, before the 25th of June, that he received his
commission and instructions. Upon that day he attended
the queen from Theobalds to the seat of Mr. Wroth, at
Enfield ; and, after dining with her there, took his leave,
and, with Sir Edward York, proceeded on his journey. His
lady and her son, in company with the Earl of Bedford, by
whom they had been hospitably entertained at Woburn,
joined him at Stony -Stratford. Thence the earl brought
them on their way towards Daventry, where Sir Bichard
Knightley met and conducted them to his house at Norton.
Sir Henry Goodyer attended him at Coventry, Sir Christopher
Blount upon the way to Litchfield ; at Chester Sir Richard
Molyneux and other gentlemen sent in great store of venison
for them and their retinue. They spent a day or two in
hunting at Weston, the Lord Derby's seat; and then, the
wind proving unfavourable for their voyage, passed over to
Sir Pierce Mostyn's on the Welsh side, and reached Beau
maris by the wild and picturesque cliffs of Penmanmawr,
being entertained at every stage by the gentry of the country.
It was the last of July before they landed at the head of
Howth, the Lord of Howth claiming them that evening as
his guests. Sir William was met the next day on his entrance
into Dublin by the council, the captains of the garrison, and
the mayor, with five hundred horse, and conducted with
acclamations to the Castle. He refused, however, to accept
the sword until he should receive, under the hands of the
council, a full account of the state and condition of the king
dom ; which being done, he was upon the 11th of August
sworn in with great solemnity.
' Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 106.

16 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1593. The report presented upon that occasion cannot now be
referred to. To obtain a clear conception of the then condi
tion of Ireland, we must carry back our modern ideas many
centuries. The conquest of the country by the Anglo-Normans in
the reign of Henry the First was far from being complete ; it
was only, in fact, by a continued course of vigorous and active
warfare, that the English adventurers could either extend or
maintain the footing which they then acquired. They at length
succeeded in driving the more independent of the natives into
the savage solitudes of woods and trackless mountains; but
even there the indignant kerns were always on the watch to
vex or to invade the possessor of the plains, whose dominion
became consequently in course of time greatly restricted in
its compass. Feuds also frequently prevailed amongst the
victors, which tended farther to their weakness, as one or
other party often called in to its assistance the native
kerns as well as chieftains, who seldom failed to turn the
enterprise to their own territorial advantage. In the north,
Edward Bruce, with his Hebridian Scots, razed to the ground,
during his irruption, every city which he sacked, and rooted
out the English settlers with the most determined hatred.
But the chief diminution of their strength and numbers arose
during the war of the two Roses, when almost every English
knight or noble who had large possessions here, repaired to
the scene of conflict to succour his own party, or defend his
English manors. The septs who had occupied the moun
tains, seeing now the inland country so dispeopled, descended
to the plains, expelled the few isolated families that remained
there, repossessed their ancient lands, and, as their power
increased, brought under their seignory many of the English
themselves, who had once held them in subjection. Nor of

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 17
the settlers were there wanting others, who from disaffection A.D. 1593.
to the English rule, or by intermarriage with the native
chieftains, were willing to exchange their Norman for an
Irish surname, and identified themselves with subsequent
rebellions of the natives ; the tendency of which was to
encroach still farther, like a springtide sea that strives to
regain its ancient immemorial limit. Hence, at the time of
which we write, the English pale, as we learn from Camden,
comprised but little more than the four colonies of Louth,
Meath, Dublin, and Kildare, whose farthest northern point
reached merely to Dundalk, beyond which compass the
English laws received but small obedience ; and the English
government, notwithstanding its out -garrisons, exercised
rather an occasional than a permanent influence, as it
was made an arbiter or party in the numerous feuds engen
dered by the law of tanistry, that singular custom of the
land, whereby the succession to a chieftainry was transferred
from the next heir when a child, and often altogether from
the kin of the deceased, to that warrior of the sept, who, by
his influence or valour, seemed best calculated to secure its
interests. Owing to the perpetual animosities which thus prevailed,
the sword and bow were never out of the hands of the natives ;
when weary of a war, they sought for grace — when recruited
by repose, they renewed the struggle. Their conduct was
the same towards the deputies sent successively to govern
them ; when powerful, they rebelled — when prosecuted, they
succumbed, to renew again, on the first favourable occasion,
the same career of rebellion and submission. But the system
or mode of government was itself fraught with many evils to
the country. The frequent change of governors prevented
the adoption of any steady policy, which fluctuated from
vol. n. c

18 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1593. rigour to mildness, and from mildness to barbarity, as indi
vidual judgment or impatience dictated. Of later years,
indeed, a few measures had been adopted that bespeak a
more enlarged sagacity. Elizabeth endeavoured to repeople
Munster by a grant of lands, at a trifling valuation, to the
younger sons or brothers of her nobility and gentry, as a means,
in connexion with a chain of garrisons, of extirpating turbu
lent insurgents; whilst, to weaken the intimate connexion
subsisting between the Irish chieftains and their people, she
followed up her father's policy by afresh proscribing the
title of O'Neale, — a word of magic to the native, linked in
his mind by national associations of independent sway and
a recovered sceptre. Under Con, the father of the late
insurgent Shane O'Neale, it was commuted for the style of
Earl Tyrone, his base son Matthew being crea.eu at the same
time Baron of Dungannon.
When Turlogh Leinigh died, who, after Shane's assassina
tion, was elected head of that indomitable tribe, Hugh, the
son of Matthew, baron of Dungannon, came upon the theatre
of action. The enmity which his ancestry had borne to
foreign jurisdiction may be gathered from the heavy curse
denounced by Con O'Neale on his posterity, if they so much
as attempted to learn English, to sow corn, build houses, or
cultivate any of the arts that might allure an English invader.
Such a denunciation might possibly have been observed during
the war of the Roses ; but it was now no longer possible for
a toparch to maintain his ascendency, except by courting the
friendship of the English sovereign. Of this the son of Lord
Dungannon appears to have been fully sensible, and to have
anchored himself upon the favour of Elizabeth, as the sole
means of obtaining the thanedom to which he aspired. From
services rendered to her in the Earl of Desmond's rebellion

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 19
he was rewarded with the title of Tyrone, and invested with A.D. 1593.
the estates of the attainted Shane, upon condition only of
providing for the sons of Shane and Tirlogh, and of admitting
English garrisons into certain forts on these domains. But
his heart in every fortune remained wholly Irish : he was no
sooner possessed of this dominion, than he abandoned his
imagination to the same bright but fatal visions of kingly
independence, which had roused his haughty ancestry to
arms. In the words of Spenser, " the frozen snake, warmed
by these compassions, soon began to hiss, and threaten
danger to his benefactress." With the Spaniards of the
Armada, shipwrecked on the Irish coast, he had cultivated
a close intercourse; and when accused by a base-born son
of Shane O'Neale of forming by their means a secret alliance
with the Spanish court, he retorted by the murder of his
kinsman. Assuming, then, the hereditary name of his
tanistry, so dear to all his countrymen, he engaged the other
lords of Ulster to join him in a confederacy, that had for its
real object his own aggrandisement, under the avowed pre
text of maintaining inviolate the religion of their forefathers,
and of protecting their inalienable rights. The Macguires,
O'Donnels, and O'Rourkes, became the ready instruments
of his ambition, promising upon no consideration to admit
any more sheriffs or garrisons into their territories, to defend
each other faithfully, and to repel the injuries of the tyran
nising English under every form in which they were pre
sented. To pursue the former metaphor, he exercised,
together with the ingratitude, all the wily cunning of the
resuscitated snake, and evermore sought to disarm the resent
ment of awakening suspicion by plausible extenuation, or
devout submission. Hence the English government acquired
but by slow degrees the knowledge of his matchless perfidy,

20 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII
A.D. 1593. and was for a long time the victim of his refined dissimu
lation. Macguire, the chief of Fermanagh, impatient of the
oppressions exercised by the sheriff appointed to that county,
was the first to rise in arms. He endeavoured to excite a
commotion in Connaught, attended by Macguaran, a factious
ecclesiastic whom the pope had invested with the title of
prelate of Armagh, and sent forth with the encouragement
to trust in God, and the event should be answerable to their
hopes. Sir Richard Bingham encountered his forces, slew
the priest, and drove him back to his own territory, where
O'Donnel, chieftain of Tirconnel, came to his assistance
with a party of mercenary Scots, and were here opposed by
Sir Henry Bagnal. Tyrone, affecting a devoted loyalty,
joined with the marshal in an action with the insurgents,
and smiled under his vizor, when a fortunate wound, received
in his thigh during the pursuit, was admitted as the proof of
his loyalty and valour. He then withdrew from camp,
whilst Inniskillen, the chief fortress of Macguire, surren
dered to the arms of Bingham. An English garrison was
stationed there ; but when the rest of the queen's forces were
withdrawn, its walls were again invested by O'Donnel.
Tyrone was called on by his confederates to join them : he
was not at present prepared to take so bold a step ; but, to
satisfy in some degree their clamorous impatience, he sent
his brother Cormac with some troops, in secret, to their aid,
and the siege was pressed with indefatigable ardour.
Such was the state of things in Ulster ; but in Wicklow,
even within five-and-twenty miles of Dublin, the English
pale was threatened by Pheagh M'Hugh, a celebrated free
booter rather than chieftain, who, strongly entrenched in
his rocky fastness of Glendaloch, the ancient domain of the

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 21
O'Tuathals and Byrnes, wild with shaggy woods, and girdled A.D. 1594.
in on all sides but the east by stupendous mountains, fre
quently spread havoc and alarm to the very gates of Dublin.
With him were associated, in all deeds of rapine, Walter
Riagh, and his brothers James and Gerald ; whilst the heads
of other septs only awaited foreign succours to appear in
arms, and were ready with the bow and blade whenever the
signal might be given. To add to the difficulties with which
the new deputy saw himself at once surrounded, a fresh body
of Island Scots, landing at Carrickfergus, ravaged the lands
of the Earl of Kildare ; the English troops detached against
O'Donnel received a total defeat ; the garrison of Inniskillen,
surrendering in consequence, were butchered without mercy ;
one of the De Burghos, an associate of the insurgents, by the
name of The Macwilliam was established chieftain of the
district ; and all these events were stated to have occurred
at the very moment when the deputy received the sword
of state. Sir William instantly directed his thoughts to reconquer
Inniskillen, and a general hosting was accordingly pro
claimed. But before the march commenced, to the amaze
ment of all men, Tyrone appeared before him, as though the
cupidity and injustice of Fitzwilliam had been his only grounds
of disaffection : he expressed his reverence for the new
governor, lamented the wrongs he had sustained from the
insinuations of his enemies, and made the most passionate
professions, on his knees, before the council, of his entire sub
mission and devotion to the queen. No prince, he observed,
could be more gracious to a subject than Elizabeth had been
to him ; she had advanced him to a large estate, had digni
fied him with a high title ; he vowed that her displeasure
was his greatest grief, and called down on his head the most

22 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1594. awful maledictions if ever he raised sword or partisan against
so good a mistress. He concluded his address by a promise
to send his son to the new university at Dublin, and to
deliver other pledges for his loyalty and truth. On the other
hand, his inveterate enemy, Sir Henry Bagnal, whose sister
he had forcibly abducted, boldly declared that all the dis
orders of the north were owing to his secret intrigues : he
enumerated the various suspicious circumstances of his con
duct, and offered to prove his participation in the late con
spiracies of O'Donnel and Macguire. Impressed more
strongly by the possible truth of these asseverations than
by the exaggerated protestations of Tyrone, sincere and
cordial as they seemed, Sir William gave his voice in council
for the earl's committal to safe custody. It would have been
well for the exchequer and the soldiery of England if this
measure had been taken ; but the majority of the council,
either through private affection to the earl, from fear, or a
suspicion that the charge originated from personal ill-will,
pleaded strongly against the adoption of so rigorous a step :
their decision was binding on the general, and Tyrone was
dismissed, much to the queen's dissatisfaction.1 Leaving the
1 She addressed in consequence an angry letter of censure to the council,
and to the deputy himself the following politic directions : —
Queen Elizabeth to the Lord Deputy.
We have written largely to you and our council concerning your pro
ceedings with the Earl of Tyrone, although, according to our promise made
you when we chose you, we are contented more freely to tell you what we
judge now of your late doings. You cannot forget what we delivered you
before your departure at Theobalds; and what caution we gave you, by no
fair promises of his (of whom already such experience hath been made), to
dismiss him without full and orderly answers to his accusations. Wherein,
as it had been honourable for us to shew him favour, if he could have
acquitted himself, so hath this slight manner of proceeding both eclipsed the
greatness of our estate there, and served to glorify him, to the comfort of all

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 23
Earl of Ormond to defend the pale against M'Hugh, the A.D. 1594.
deputy began his route On the 19th of August, in rapid
march by Trim, Athlone, and Roscommon, passed the Cur
lew mountains, and the dangerous bogs between Lough
Allen and the Ellis. The river, swoln with recent rains,
was impassable, except by swimming; but Sir William
crossed it in safety, with a vanguard of five hundred : he
would not wait for the rear-guard, but pushed on for Innis
killen. The enemy, daunted by his rapid movement and
military reputation, fled at his advance : he found none to
contest his entry of the town ; so, taking possession of the
castle, he garrisoned it with as many of the troops as he

his followers, and the amazement of those who have opposed themselves
against him. And therefore, though what now is past cannot be undone,
yet must we plainly tell you, against another time, that this strange usage of
him, in such a time, appeareth to all that duly look into the true policy of
kingdoms very dangerous : for more trust, nor greater countenance in the eye
of the world, would not have been given him if his innocency had been as
clear as the sun. You must, therefore, consider the humour of the Irish,
where all the vulgar almost are tied to the appetite of those great lords under
whom they live ; and when they once behold that the heads are winked at,
they straight are fortified in the imagination that they are feared for their
greatness, or that for saving of further charges they shall be dandled in most
of their disobediences as long as they contain themselves from open rebellion.
And therefore do we also especially recommend to your curious and exact
observation, whether any that now give council may so be tied by nature or
country's bonds, as they cannot be free from furthering of such courses as
may be good for themselves. To which, if you should too much lean, there
will be no more performed than hath been found in the idle and remiss
courses of your predecessors, whose slow proceedings have been the root of
all these dangerous branches ; for perils not obviated in the beginning prove
more difficult; and he that begins well, performs half the work, where once
occasion slipped, is hardly apprehended.
All treasons are secretly contrived, and never undisguised. And, as in
cases of treason, circumstances are often taken for necessary conclusions, so
in those parts, if breath be given when matters are called in question, proof
and evidences will quickly vary, or be suppressed. If, therefore, ever cir
cumstances beside proof were to be regarded, what is more plain than that to

24 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1595. could spare, and returned to Dublin, by easy stages, on the
9th of September.
With the approach of winter the operations of the camp
in Ireland had usually ceased ; but Sir William thought it
not amiss to take a lesson from the native marauders, who
usually selected the long dark nights of winter, when the
homesteads of the country were well stocked with kine and
corn, for their most extensive depredations.1 Under the pre
text of a hunting journey, he, in January, made an expedition
to Ballinacore, in the hope of surprising the redoubtable
M'Hugh. As he entered the defile of Glendaloch, he must
have been forcibly impressed with the wild and savage nature

all the open rebellions (even since he promised so much of his whole blood
and creatures) only this wanteth, that we must think he saw not, because he
looked through his fingers.
Seeing, therefore, we find himself to come in for trial, and the marshal to
offer to bring proof, and that you know all this disorder in that province is
derived from him, it was to us almost incredible to hear of his dismission,
having so good colour to stay him. And therefore, though now we know
you yielded to others' experience, yourself being newly arrived, yet do we
command you, with sound discretion, and least suspicion of any, to seek by
some other means to draw him into your company; and when you have him,
to make stay of him till our pleasure be known. Which, though we could
not have by prison, yet may you with as much safety appoint some gentle
man of good quality and strictness to accompany him, and will his servants
to make sure he start not. And this to allege to be done by you for form
sake, and not by new direction ; which being performed, and he having, like
a good subject, answered his accusations, we may with less shew of partiality
shew him favour. At Greenwich, the 30th of August, 1594. Elizabeth, R.
To which the queen, with her own hand, added this postscript : —
Good Will.' — Let not others' neglect of what they should, make you for
company do what is not fit; and, above all things, hold up the dignity of a
king's rule, which more consists in awe than liberty, which honours more a
prince than fears a traitor. God bless you, and send you mend what hath
been amiss! — Cambridge MSS. Univ. Lib. k. k. i. 15, p. 106.
1 Spenser's View of Ireland.

Q.Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 23
of the spot. The valley was shut in, as has been said, by A.D. 1595.
mountains, whose vast perpendicular height threw it into
gloom, and whose very summits, being covered either with
brown heath or sable peat, reflected but a pale disastrous
light, even when the sunshine streamed the brightest on
them. On his left, russet with coppices of oak, rose Lugduff
and Derrybawn, between which a swoln cataract descended,
filling the region with its roar, as, in concert with many
others, it leaped from crag to crag to meet the Glendala, a
mountain-stream, which, after feeding one of the two loughs
that give the glen its name, becomes, on its junction with the
Glendasan, the more spacious Avonmore, its waters spanned
by a bridge of three arches. These loughs, Superstition had
in earlier ages peopled with evil spirits and fierce serpents;
but the holy anchorite, Saint Kevin, fixing his abode beside
it, had long since exorcised them by his prayers and miracles.
In the gorge of the glen, to the height of ninety feet, soared
one of those mysterious round towers for which Ireland is
remarkable; and up and down the valley were the ivied
ruins of oratories, churches, richly sculptured shrines, and
abbeys, that had been the sepulchres of ancient kings, — me
lancholy relics of those Seven Churches which rendered Glen-
daloch so famous, when the peopled city in its bosom was in
flourishing existence, and the faithful from all parts of the
island crowded to its Teampall na Shellig, for shrift, for
penance, or devotion. In the face of a precipice, formerly
horrid with a wilderness of wood, which overhung the deep
waters of the lake, the eye might still recognise the cavern
which the saint had scooped out with his own hands for his
oratory and dormitory during the austerities of Lent. But
the fisher of Lochnahanlan had long ceased to listen to the
" chanted hymn," and to be amused during the solitary

26 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1595. hours of darkness with " the tapered rites" that had once
cheered the piles within its precincts. The glory of the saint
had vanished, when the apparition of the Anglo-Norman
came ; and the sanctuary of Glendaloch had now for cen
turies been known only as the haunt of outlaws, and the
spot where more outrages and murders were perpetrated
than in any other spot of Irish land. Only within the last
few years it had been, under the management of its present
chief, M'Hugh, the scene of a terrible catastrophe ; for the
Lord Grey, when governor of Ireland, having ordained a
general gathering of the forces, had sought the glen with
a determination to outroot the savage and formidable free
booter. The dangerous nature of the spot was well known to
Cosby, a hoary veteran of sixty, captain of the Irish kerns,
or light infantry. Warning, therefore, his comrades to be
upon good guard against ambushments, for which the moun
tain thickets formed but too suitable a screen, he commanded
them to venture boldly on, and himself rode foremost through
the fatal pass. The devoted phalanx was scarcely enclosed
within the meshes of this mountain-net, when it was saluted
with a shower of shot on every side, from a tribe of able marks
men that were no where to be seen. The greater part were
slain outright, with Carew, Moore, Audley, and the gallant
Cosby; a few were taken captive, and a few, goaded by
despair, succeeded, at a frightful hazard, in climbing up the
lofty rocks, and carried to the hill on which the deputy was
waiting, the tidings of their failure and disgrace.1 As Sir
William and his soldiery now rode through the awful valley,
the memory of that rueful carnage must have added strongly
to the influence of the scene before them. But they were
1 Camden's Annals.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 27
not destined upon this occasion to avenge their lost com- A.D. 1595.
patriots ; M'Hugh, upon the sudden warning of a kerne, fled
from his eyrie in alarm ; and the deputy, fixing a garrison
in the outlaw's hold, and proclaiming him, with Rhyse his
wife, Walter Riagh, and their adherents, traitors, returned
to Dublin. Soon after, one of Riagh's brothers came in, and
entered his submission ; but another brother, Gerald, in
defiance of the proclamation, issued from his haunt a few
days after, and burnt Cromlin, at but two miles' distance
from the city. So open a despite roused the anger of Sir
William: he made a second journey to the glen, strongly
fortified the place, and took James and Gerald Riagh, with
a few more of the rebels. In April, Walter Riagh was himself
seized in a cave by Sir Henry Harrington, sent under an
escort to the council, and hung in chains without the Castle-
wall. A third inroad into Wexford was undertaken in May,
in which several of M'Hugh's followers were either slain or
executed, and his wife and sister taken. The council piti
lessly adjudged them to be burnt ; but the queen, with the
natural compassion of her sex, forbade the deed ; and at Sir
William's intercession they were respited during pleasure.
This wild species of warfare was suspended by the more
serious operations rendered necessary in the north. There,
at length, the treacherous Tyrone threw off his mask, and
appeared openly in arms. Aware of the government's inten
tion to form a chain of forts that should effectually overawe
the disaffected lords of Ulster, he resolved, before the deputy
should receive the succours which he had solicited from
England, to give heart to his adherents by some sudden and
important stroke. He attacked, therefore, the fort at Black-
water, expelled the garrison, endeavoured, by exasperating the
Earl of Kildare against the government, to seduce him from

28 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII..
A.D. 1595. his allegiance, and despatched messengers to Spain for suc
cour : at the same time that he sought to appease the indignation
of the deputy by the most plausible professions of submission
and duty to the crown, imputing his late step solely to the
necessity of self-defence ; and imploring Sir William to pause,
before he drove, by any rigorous visitation of a measure so
excusable, a well-disposed subject into open and irretrievable
rebellion. But the letter was intercepted by the vigilance of
Bagnal, who took a foe's precaution in entirely suppressing
it ; and Russell, incensed beyond measure at the earl's
duplicity, whose character was now unveiled to him in all
its depth of perfidy, was not slack in evincing his resentment.
He prepared a body of troops to victual Monaghan, and
constituted Bagnal his lieutenant for the service.
With one thousand five hundred foot and two hundred
and fifty horse, Bagnal departed from the Newry. His
progress at a certain pass was fiercely disputed by Tyrone:
a bog lay on the left of the English — a shaggy wood upon
the right. The earl stationed his principal battle on a hill
in prospect of the strife ; and from thence sent his detach
ments down from time to time to harass and control the
foe ; and a smart fire and skirmish was thus maintained for
upwards of three hours. At the expiration of that time,
the general made his passage good ; he compelled Macmahon
and Macguire to raise the siege, threw his provisions into
the fortress, strengthened the garrison, and hastened to
return. To return, however, was no easy task. The united
Irish, to the number of eight thousand foot and one thou
sand horse, had closely guarded every strait and ford that he
was likely to take towards Dundalk. The general chano-ed
his route, the Irish their manoeuvres, and, dividing into
two bands, occupied both sides of a pass, which could not

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 29
by possibility be avoided. The general's little band, when A.D. 1595.
it had reached the green defile, was charged at the sword's
point, to the cry of Laundarg-abo,1 by the two concurring
parties from the woody hills, and subjected to a smart salute
of musketry. In the melee that ensued, its destruction
seemed frequently inevitable ; but a desperate charge at
length retrieved the fortune of the day, and with a slight
loss, it clove its way to freedom and the open plain. The
night was passed under arms, in constant expectation of a
fresh attack ; for the Irish in considerable force prowled
round the camp, raising, with frequent alarums, their shrill
and savage outcries. But their powder was all spent, — the
morning dawned in mist, and, favoured by its friendly screen,
they reached the Newry without farther loss. Between
Newry and Dundalk the enemy meanwhile broke up the
causeway; and by the fall of trees and plashing of the
boughs formed a natural barricade, round which they in
a short time mustered fourteen thousand strong. A skiff,
however, was pushed off from the near bay of Carlingford,
by means of which letters were conveyed to the deputy at
Dublin, apprising him of the impending danger; and Sir
William was fortunately enabled to meet the exigency of
the moment, by the arrival of the troops from England,
which he had long been anxiously expecting.
Sir William had written to the queen for some expe
rienced officer to aid him in stemming the insurrection that
every day seemed likely to be fraught with greater dangers.
He had Captain Baskerville in his fancy when the request
was made ; but at the head of the thirteen hundred soldiers
who were recently arrived, veterans that had long served
1 '¦' The bloody hand," which was the war-cry of O'Neale.

SO RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1.595. victoriously in Bretagne and the low countries, he now
found Sir John Norris appointed his associate, or rather
his compeer, with the title of General of the army of Ulster
in the absence of the deputy, and an absolute power to
pardon whatever malcontents he should think fit. " With
what design," says Camden, " this was done, I cannot
divine ; most certainly it was the subject of general wonder,
in regard that the very essence of government seems to con
sist in its being lodged in the hands of one, and nothing
being either more monstrous or mischievous than a mixed
or divided authority." The pretext used to colour such a
check was this, that the deputy, in the event of reverses
happening to the English arms, might be protected from
reflection ; but as his soldier-spirit was perfectly disposed
to stand the consequences of any enterprise he undertook,
this gloss was ho abatement to the dissatisfaction which he
felt. He addressed himself, however, to the courteous re
ception and generous entertainment of the general, marched
in company with him to Dundalk, and there, on the 23d of
June, by his pursuivants, openly proclaimed Tyrone and
his adherents traitors, both in Erse and English. Tyrone,
by fresh appeals for clemency, endeavoured to avert the
rising storm; but Sir William refused even to receive his
letters, and advanced upon Armagh, with the design of
seizing Dungannon, as being the bridle to the town and
harbour of Waterford, — the likeliest port for a descent from
Spain. Tyrone, in consternation at the movement, with*
drew the Irish from the barricade at Newry, abandoned the
fort at Blackwater, set fire to the adjacent villages and his
own town of Dungannon, not sparing his own house there*
and in absolute desperation of his fortunes, seriously meditated
refuge in some distant province. The messenger sent by Sir

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 31
Henry Duke to communicate a part of this intelligence, had A.D. 1595".
been intercepted by the enemy, and committed to the custody
of a Galloglass, who, happily for the captive, fell asleep over
his duty. The Englishman perceived it, silently unbound
himself, with a blow of his own axe decapitated the un
happy sentinel, and on his arrival at the camp, laid the
head, with his secreted letters, at the feet of the lord deputy.
His army was unfortunately obliged to halt in its northern
march for want of provisions, whereby the earl was suffered
to respire. Sir William, however, placed a garrison in
Armagh, and well fortified that of Monaghan. Frequent
skirmishes enlivened his return. In one of these, O'Hanlon,
the queen's standard-bearer, was wounded ; but the mischief
was repaid by the slaughter of Donnell, the foster-brother
of Tyrone, and others of inferior note. At Dundalk the
deputy consigned the army to the care of Sir John Norris,
returned to Dublin on the 18th of July, and there kept a
watchful eye on the affairs of the other provinces. The
day before his return, Tirlogh M'Feogh, one of the rebels,
was executed under the Castle-wall. In the same skirmish
in which he appears to have been taken, the fierce M'Hugh
himself was wounded in his flight; and his sword, helm,
and target, were brought away in trophy of the action.
Troubles arising in Connaught, the deputy sent rein
forcements to Sir Richard Bingham, and moved to Kells,
to be near at hand for assistance in both provinces. Mean
while a seminary priest was apprehended with important
letters, which he was conveying from Tyrone and 0 'Don
nell to Don Carlos and the King of Spain, advertising
Philip that now or never was the time to succour their
afflicted church; reminding him of the poet's declaration,
that the physician's potion is prepared too late, when the

32 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1595. rankling disease has gathered danger by delay; yet assuring
him, that if even at that eleventh hour he sent them aid,
religion and the Irish kingdom would soon reflourish in all
their former pride. The pretext of religion, Sir William
justly regarded "as the most dangerous device that could
be employed amongst the superstitious Irish :" he requested
Sir Anthony Bacon to oblige him with all the private intel
ligence he could gather of the intentions of the Spanish
court, and sent Sir Geoffrey Fenton instantly into Munster,
to put the forts and havens of that province in a state of
perfect preparation and defence. In Ulster Sir John Norris
effected little by his arms. In revictualling Monaghan, some
severe skirmishes took place, wherein himself and Sir Richard
Wingfield were wounded, and in which Tyrone displayed
his characteristic agility and scorn of danger. Upon one
occasion, Sedgrave, an English officer, assaulted and un
horsed him ; but the earl in falling contrived to seize hold
of his antagonist, and dragged him to the ground. The.
Englishman, who still had the advantage, prepared to de
spatch him ; but the earl, prostrate and encumbered as he
was, contrived to forestall the blow by plunging a dagger
deeply into the body of his opponent. At the commence
ment of October the army was dispersed into its winter
quarters. On the 12th the deputy and general returned to
Dublin. Sir John Norris had professed to discern that the hosti
lities of the Irish had been principally provoked by the
insolent oppression of the queen's governors; and as the
deputy declared for a vigorous prosecution of the rebels, — a
judgment, the soundness of which every succeeding event
but too fully tended to confirm, — he was the more tempted
to adopt the opposite principle of mildness and conciliation.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 33
This temper Tyrone, who found it necessary to protract the A.D. 1595.
time until his power of mischief should be strengthened
by the foreign auxiliaries which he expected, played upon
by every possible art of smooth dissimulation. He painted
so pathetically the condition to which he was reduced by
injustice and cruelty, and insinuated so warmly his wishes
to return to allegiance, that Norris began to feel a kind of
pity and affection for a man so injured ; he ceased not in
his letters to the queen to plead for his forgiveness ; and he
found his views supported and his solicitations seconded by
the powerful Duke of Ormond. It was in vain that Russell
sought to remove the fatal misconception, conscious that
concession would only increase the insolence of the insur
gents, and that the faith of treaties would be violated on the
first sight of a sail from Cadiz : his predictions, like those
of Cassandra, were fated to be disregarded, and to be re
membered only by their unfortunate accomplishment.
To extend any clemency to so bold a violator of all public
engagement and personal obligation, was what Elizabeth had
vowed never to consent to. Yet the urgency of these appli
cations led her at last to relax her resolution, and she issued
repeated commissions empowering some of her Irish officers
to treat with Tyrone and his associates, to hear their com
plaints, and to receive their overtures, in order to an effectual
accommodation. To so extraordinary a condescension she was
doubtless reconciled only by the belief of some vast danger
impending, if the war should be persisted in ; and, in fact,
intelligence had been sent by a correspondent of Sir Robert
Sydney, which was confirmed by Sir Anthony Bacon's letters
to the lord deputy, that there were already shipped in Spain
ten thousand men, with arms and full provision for six thou
sand, and that the expedition was thought to be intended
VOL. II. d

34 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII.
A.D. 1595. first for Ireland, and next for a simultaneous invasion of
England at three or four distinct points. The insurgent Irish
obeyed the commissioners' invitations, but refused to meet at
Dundalk, the place of their appointment ; and hence the
conferences were held in open field, not as a submission of
rebellious subjects, but as a parley betwixt equal chieftains.
Tyrone set forth his private grievances with most moving
eloquence, and made the most extraordinary demands, — a
full pardon for himself and his adherents, the unrestricted
exercise of their religion, the freedom of his country from
English garrisons and sheriffs, the restoration of his troop
of horse, and due restitution for the ravages on his domains.
The rest concurred in the same general demands. O'Donnell
expatiated on his ancient grievances, inflicted by Sir John
Perrot; Macmahon and O'Tuathal on the rigour of Fitz
william. They were heard with temper, and some indul
gence was acknowledged to be due to them, in consideration
of their private wrongs ; but the commissioners were in
structed to enforce most of the points on which they de
manded relaxation, and to insist that they should reveal on
oath their engagements with foreign princes, supplicate for
giveness for their past commotions, and vow solemnly to enter
into no future bond of confederacy against their sovereign.
The chiefs rejected the conditions with disdain. They had
the sagacity to discover the great inconsistency between these
requisitions and the preliminary condescension ; they read
in it both fear and weakness; and required that messengers
should be sent to England, to obtain from the queen a modifi
cation of the articles. Meanwhile, however, in subservience
of their ulterior projects, they were contented to make a
conditional submission, and to observe with great fidelity a
truce that should be in operation till the 1st of January.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 35
Even before this time expired, sufficient indications were A.D. 1595.
furnished of the spirit in which the truce had been agreed to.
M'Hugh indeed came in, and submitted to the deputy upon
his knees ; but when Sir William, after proclamation given,
set out for Galway to receive the submission of the Bourkes
and the complaints which the lords of Connaught were, by
the new policy of Norris, invited to bring against the brave
Sir Richard Bingham, he found that he had gone upon
" a sleeveless errand." O'Donnell, pointing towards the
sea, effectually dissuaded them from coming ; the grievances
which the chiefs had been of late so eager to substantiate,
were left to the cold appeal of written documents; and, finally,
O'Donnell, Macmahon, and Con, the illegitimate son of Earl
Tyrone, had the audacity, before the expiration of the truce,
to possess by surprise the fort of Monaghan. Yet, in the
teeth of this defiance, fresh commissions were resorted to, and
the term of truce was extended to the 1st of April.
The lord deputy saw, with equal impatience and regret,
the course which the English government was bent upon pur
suing. He lamented to Sir Anthony Bacon, " that since the
treaties for pacification and cessation of arms had been
entered into, the queen had received more loss by treachery
and guile than could have been inflicted in twice the time
by a course of open warfare."1 To the Earl of Essex he
painted in energetic language the critical condition of the
kingdom. " My former several advertisements of the Spa
nish preparations for these parts," he says, in a letter from
Dublin, of January 26th, " are once again confirmed by a
merchant of this city in manner most secret and particular.
The commissioners for the treaty of peace are now upon the
borders of Dundalk; they find the traitors' offers and demands
1 Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 430.

36 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIII
A.D. 1596. most insolent, and unlike to their submission. For a long time
I have expected little better ; Philip O'Reily has of late shewed
himself openly with the earl, and by him has got the title of
O'Reily, meaning thereby to command all the Brenny; Bryan
O'Rourke the title of O'Rourke, and intends to sway the
whole country of Longford ; and one Glasney Macauley, ac
cording to the custom of tanistry, is made Macgennis by Tyrone,
upon the death of Sir Hugh Macgennis, to the disinheriting
of Arthur his son, notwithstanding he married the earl's
daughter. So that, to discharge my duty and express my
sentiments plainly, I protest that I think all the Irish, in
general, are either in action or conspiracy, and that the whole
kingdom will be lost, if the government of it be not better
supplied." He earnestly, therefore, besought Essex to use
his influence with the queen, now whilst the Irish were in
their treaty about the peace, to send over treasure and
three hundred good horse ; to meet the charge of which, he
would cashier as many Irish horse and foot, on whose fide
lity he could no longer depend. With this force, the report
of three thousand to be ready in England on any sudden
emergency, and the rumour of a similar number to be drawn
out of Scotland, he trusted yet to defend the English pale
from insult. He laid a great stress upon the Scots, as the
Irish entertained peculiar fears of them, from the prevalence
of an idle prophecy, that they were to be overpowered only
by the Gael. Such a demonstration on the part of England
would, he hoped, assist the completion of that peace whereof
many had so high a conceit, as it would impress the rebel
chiefs with an idea, that if pacification failed, his mistress
was resolved most resolutely to avenge their neglect of her
great clemency by a vigorous prosecution of the war.
It was thus that this estimable man, whilst exposed to

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 37
all the disadvantages arising from divided sway, foreseeing A.D. 1596.
the ills that must ensue from the measures of a cabinet
buoying itself up with false hopes of stifling by concessions
a dangerous insurrection, patriotically sought to veil its
errors, and to, reconcile the prosecution of its views, how
ever questionable the tendency of these might be, with the re-
establishment of order and security. Essex, though he had
many enemies at court strenuous to throw discredit on his
councils, — the venerable Burleigh and the ardent Raleigh, —
was fortunately successful in aiding the representations of his
friend. A sum of twelve thousand pounds was sent over
to him in January, two hundred thousand pounds more
in February, and shortly after, the desired companies of
horse. The event justified his expectation. The added force,
and the rumoured preparations, struck so salutary an awe
into the hearts of the insurgents, that when Norris and
Fenton, at the expiration of the truce, went to prosecute
the treaty of pacification, they encountered but few obstacles.
Tyrone indeed would not reveal his practices with foreign
powers, but he condescended to implore pardon of the queen,
to use his own expression, " upon the very knees of his
heart," and confirmed his signature by the most solemn
imprecations. He stipulated to desist from aiding the dis
affected lords, to make his country a shire, admit a sheriff,
rebuild the fort and bridge of Blackwater, supply for ready
money the garrison at all times, dismiss his forces, put in
pledges, and pay such reasonable fines as the queen should
think appropriate.

38 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.

CHAPTER XIV.

FROM THE TREATY WITH THE EARL OF TYRONE TO THE CORONATION
OF KING JAMES THE FIRST.
A.D. 1596—1603.

The Lord Deputy's sentiments on the treaty with Tyrone, 1596... He receives
Surleboy into favour, on submission . . . His excursion into Losmage, in
March . . . Storms the castle of O'Maden ... His dissatisfaction with Sir
John Norris . . . Inefficacy of the treaty . . . The Irish chiefs receive suc
cours from Spain . . . Spread of the insurrection . . . The deputy's increasing
discontent . . . Perfidy of the Mac-Hugh ... Sir William's statement of
affairs, Dec. 8 ... He solicits his recall . . . Makes a final expedition against
Pheagh Mac-Hugh, March 8, 1597 . . . Returns in triumph . . . and resigns
his lieutenancy to Lord Borough, May 26 . . . Spenser . . . Death of Essex,
1600 . . . Marriage of Anne Russell . . . Festivities on the occasion . . . De
cease of Queen Elizabeth, 1603 — of Elizabeth, Lady Russell — and of
the Countess of Warwick . . . Marriage of the Earl of Bedford . . . Lucy,
Countess of Bedford ... an attendant upon Anne of Denmark . . . Move
ments of the new court . . . Coronation of James the First.

A.D. 1596. In England the greatest importance was attached to the
treaty thus concluded : tidings of it brought the lord treasurer
to court from a bed of sickness. Elizabeth was delighted
with the apparent termination of a serious and expensive war,
and applauded Norris to the height of his ambition. But
the deputy could lay no stress upon concessions wrung in a
moment of intimidation from a man already perjured, and
entered into by him with the most suspicious alacrity. Sir
William's motives for this reasonable mistrust were called in

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 39
as an inauspicious step, the personal interview with the re- A.D. 1596.
bellious earl to which Norris had condescended, resenting it
as a high indignity done to the sovereign whom he repre
sented ; and thought it but a duty to the state, and a justice
to his own dignity, to prosecute the tumultuary chiefs in
other provinces with increased activity. Surleboy, indeed,
he pardoned ; for this noted chief, who, with his Scottish set
tlers, had spread such ravage round the northern pale, had
voluntarily come in, and made his submission with a bar
baric state resembling that of the great Shane O'Neale, who
had appeared before Elizabeth with a guard of axe-bearing
Galloglasses, bareheaded, with long curled hair dependent,
yellow surplices dyed deep with saffron, long sleeves, short
coats, and hairy mantles, whom the people gazed at with no
less admiration than at some bonze of China, or savase of
America.1 But in the country of M'Coghlan, three or four
hundred other Scots had passed the Shannon, and with fire
and sword were frightfully ravaging the country. Sir William,
with a small force, instantly set out against them on the 6th
of March; and on the 11th suddenly attacked them, with
a vivacity which threw them first into confusion, and then
into headlong rout. Seventy were slain upon the spot, many
were wounded as they fled, and numbers of those who saved
themselves by " footmanship" were drowned in crossing the
waters of the Shannon.
From the field of skirmish Sir William rode against the
castle of Cloghen O'Maden, in Losmage. The chief himself
had gone out upon some expedition, but had left within the
fortress a garrison of his chief kinsmen, archers, and fighting
kerne. These, to the first summons of surrender in the name
1 Camden's Elizabeth.

40 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1596. of the lord deputy, intrepidly replied, that if all in his
company were lord deputies, they would scorn to yield the
hold. They told him haughtily, that they would trust to its
strength ; and hoped on the morrow to strike as much terror
into his stout heart, as he might fancy his summons had
imposed on them. Interpreting this boldness into an ex
pectation of relief, he planted a strong watch around the
tower till day-dawn; and, understanding there were some
women in the fortress, humanely sent to urge their dismissal,
as it was his firm resolve to storm the keep with fire and
sword. The message was despised, and the assault began.
A firebrand, tossed to the summit, lighted on the roof, which
was soon in flames. The alarm was sounded ; and whilst
the musqueteers kept steady play at the ramparts and the
loopholes, a fire was kindled at the gate and grated windows,
the stifling smoke of which soon drove the rebels from those
parts. A breach was made in the walls ; the soldiery swarmed
in ; forty-six persons, amongst whom were four of the
O'Madens, atoned for their temerity by death ; some perished
by the sword, and some were thrown over the battlements
by those whose keen sense of insult success had unassuaged.
The deputy interfered to save the boys and women : after the
interment of the slain, he scoured the islands of the river to
dislodge the fugitive Scots, and, stationing a force there to
keep the country in check, returned to Dublin on the 24th
by easy hunting stages. In the forests and the mountains the
wild wolf was the object of his pursuit ; and it appears that in
this classical but somewhat daring chase, the lady of Sir
William, like another Atalanta, occasionally participated. At
Dublin he made some excellent regulations against the abuses
and extortions of the soldiers throughout the English pale,
to which, however, though approved by all the council with

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 41
him, the president of Ulster refused to set his hand, affecting A.D. 1596.
to regard them as too rigorous and stern.
The dissatisfaction which the deputy felt at this refusal
was not in any -wise allayed by the other proceedings of
Norris. The latter had marched into Connaught to suppress
the commotions there, armed with the queen's authority to
examine into what she justly termed " the monstrous accusa
tions" brought against Sir Richard Bingham, which, wherever
the sword of Norris reached, were artfully pleaded by the
insurgents as the sole cause of their revolt. Their clamours
were received with such credit and attention, that Bingham,
in his impatience to justify his conduct, hurried without
license into England. Elizabeth, instead of hearing his
defence, commanded him instantly to prison, from which he
was conveyed back to Connaught, in custody of Sir Conyers
Clifford, his successor, where commissioners were directed to
adjudge his cause, as the place where his accusers might best
prove their allegations. The deputy declares, in one of his
letters, that Bagnal and Sir Richard Bingham were the only
two officers that from their heart thoroughly detested the
great traitor; and that this had rendered them obnoxious to
Sir John Norris. From the unison of his own feelings and
sentiments with theirs, as well as from respect for his firm
government, Sir William regarded Bingham's impeachment
as an impolitic and most unjust proceeding; nor could his
acquittal, and subsequent restoration to the favour of his
sovereign, efface the chagrin which he felt at the severity
dealt out to this deserving officer.1

1 From the following letter of Sir Robert Cecil, preserved in the University
library at Cambridge (MS. k. k. i. 15, p. 215), it appears that his dissatis
faction was so great as to induce him to desire permission to throw up his
office: —

42 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1596. A yet more serious concern affected him when he con
templated the prospects of the country, which promised to
justify his worst forebodings and fears for the result of the
late hollow treaty of pacification. Whilst the English sentinel
played idly with his spear upon the ramparts, and the sword
within its scabbard swung like an ornamented toy by the
side of the soldiery of Ulster, three pinnaces from Spain
touched upon the Galway coast, with stores of ammunition
and letters from the King of Spain, exhorting the chieftains
to persevere in their noble opposition, and assuring them of
immediate support. Like wildfire kindled on their native
moors, the tidings circulated from province on to province,
and electrified the Irish throughout all their stormy septs :
in the exultation of the moment past disappointments were
forgotten ; the treaty was bitterly repented ; but their fertile
genius soothed them with suggestions that means might soon
Sir Robert Cecil to Sir William Russell. July 22, 1596.
My good Lord, — I know you will be troubled with this despatch, when
you shall see how much her majesty is displeased with the state of the king
dom. But out of my love, I must use freedom of speech to you, that you
and others are guilty of much of your own troubles. For now that you and
Sir John Norris are entered into taxation of each other, doubt ye not but
advantages will be taken of it, yea, though it were in a country that yielded
to the queen no other sours. And where I find you desirous to be revoked,
and have been dealt with by your noble sister, I do protest unto you, that I
do think it cannot be done without infinite touch to your reputation, and pre
judice to her majesty's service. For first, if you should be revoked at this
time, it would never be conjectured but that it grew upon some note of
weakness in you, especially being done in a time when valour and discretion
is most to be shewed. Besides, if her majesty by your importunity should
revoke you, I know not what man this day in England that should come raw
to deal with Ireland but would find himself not a little confused to succeed a
man that now hath the experience and judgment gotten in three years. And
therefore I conclude, that in my opinion it is but a labour in vain, which if it
be not, seeing now it appeareth that there must a new way be taken, I beseech
you to resort to your own wisdom, and do not ponere rumores ante salutem,

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 43
be found to obviate the restrictions entered into. The versa- A.D. 1596.
tile Tyrone played his usual admirable part : with one hand
he transmitted his Spanish letter to the deputy, to demon
strate the boundless sincerity of his submission, a step which
effectually imposed upon Elizabeth, — with the other he con
veyed to Mac-Hugh, and the rest of the insurgents in Leinster
and Munster, the assurance of a speedy invasion. To some
he administered praise, to others promises; but all were
exhorted to take up arms, and unite with the true sons of
northern Ireland for the assistance of Christ's catholic re
ligion. The fruit was shortly obvious. In May, the O'Moores
were in arms, and set fire to a town of Captain Cosby's, who
felt but a poor satisfaction for the loss of his brave son in the
death of the chief rebel, whom he slew with his own hand.
In June, the Geraldines, with the loss of one of their chiefs,
burnt another town, of Captain Lea's ; and in July, as was

but use that authority which her majesty hath given you, superior to all other
in the kingdom, whensoever you shall find that any shall deal otherwise with
you than you allow of for her majesty's service; and then shall you see whether
in such proceedings any man shall be supported against you. But if you
will believe bruits, and think that others are graced with secret authorities
and commissions, when you know the contrary, because faction shall spread
it, then shall I look for none but bad effects, whereof I protest, even for your
own private discontentment (whose heart I know doth joy when things should
go well for her majesty's service), I shall be as sorry as if my brother were
in your place.
My lord, I do shew my folly to deal thus boldly ; but the errors of good
will ought easily to be pardoned, and others' faults I mean not to commit to
you. Sir John Norris is sharply written unto particularly, although he be
included in the general letter. 1 will only conclude, that I did not expect
from two such as you are (that are no young ones in the world), so plain a
course to prejudice yourselves to so little purpose, by contending for things
wherein you might so easily satisfy: better expedite her majesty's service, and
rid yourself of much vexation ; for that I plainly see her majesty resolved
(agree as well as ye can), to keep you there, till there be a better reckoning
of that country. And thus for this time I commit you to God.
I am, &c. &c. B. Cecil.

44 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1596. evinced by an intercepted letter, the Clanshies, at the bidding
of the perfidious lords of Ulster, went into Munster to stir up
troubles there ; whilst some of the Butlers, the nephews of
the Earl of Ormond himself, were found to be sworn con
federates of the O'Moores. Abroad, indeed, the armament
of Spain had received a happy check, by the sack of Cadiz
under the Earl of Essex; but it was well known that the
disgrace had only added fresh fuel to the King of Spain's
despite: for talking with the prince and the infanta in his
sick chamber, of this great success, as his Venetian ambas
sador acknowledged to the pope's legate, Philip said, that
the Queen of England had done that which he never looked
for ; " but now," exclaimed he, " is the time come, when I
must sell all that I have, even to that candlestick (pointing
to a silver one on the table by him), to be revenged of this •
wrong."1 The arrival, soon after Essex's departure, of his
West-Indian fleet with a treasure of 20,000,000 crowns, gave
spirit to his hopes. He obtained of his subjects an annual
contribution of 1,500,000 more for twenty years, withdrew
his troops from Bretagne, and recalled the forces employed,
to the number of ten thousand men, in his galleys against
the Turk ; nor was there any endeavour to conceal the
object of these preparations.
But a greater source of uneasiness than was furnished by
either of these incidents remains to be disclosed. The froward
proceedings of the lord-general might have been borne, the
intrigues of the insurgents have been counteracted, and the
island have been put in a state of defence against the menaced
wrath of Spain, if the deputy had found himself possessed of
the requisite credit at court to have his counsels followed,
' Birch's Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 117.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 45
his measures well supported, and his insufficient army appro- A.D. 1596.
priately increased. But by the appointment of Norris with
independent powers, Elizabeth had in a great degree neu
tralised the steady vigour of his government ; in the adopted
plan of pacification she had abandoned his counsels for those
of his co-rival ; and she now parsimoniously withheld the
additional forces he required, upon the pleas, that in the
event of an invasion they would be wanted nearer home,
and that she could not sustain in Ireland the expense of a
larger military establishment. Thus he found himself re
sponsible for the safety of the island, without the means of
making it secure ; whilst, on the other hand, he was
charged, in letters written in a tone and temper galling to
his high spirit, with being accessary to the evils resulting
from a state of things which he had altogether deprecated.
Nor was this the whole. With a knowledge of the fresh
incitements to rebellion addressed by the northern lords to
the surrounding septs, the English council gave him orders
to compound with the wild outlaw, Pheagh Mac-Hugh ; to
receive him into mercy, both for life and land, upon payment
of a feudal rent and service ; with the secret instruction, that
if Mac-Hugh were to insist even on the restoration of his
hold at Ballincore, the point was to be conceded rather than
the negotiation should be broken off; and meanwhile the
deputy was to cease all prosecution of him. In regard to these
pacific overtures, Mac-Hugh referred himself by letters, one
of which was intercepted, wholly to the pleasure of Tyrone,
requesting of him at the same time a good body-guard of
musqueteers. The advice was soon apparent. During a
preliminary truce, the lawless ruffian attacked the fort of
Ballincore; by the treachery of a serjeant he won posses
sion of it, took the chief commandant prisoner, cut the rest

46 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1596. to pieces, and left the hold itself a heap of smoking ruins.
The indignation of the deputy was roused at this insufferable
insult ; for three entire months he was incessantly engaged
in fortifying Rathdrome church and other points in the
valley of Glendaloch, with the fixed resolve of extirpating
the audacious freebooter. He harassed him in all his flights
from fastness to fastness, by Glenlurkin, Glenmallory, and
every other pass by which his adherents could be cut off or
his provisions intercepted, and thereby drove him to the last
pass of suffering and despair. Tyrone, in his eagerness to
rescind the recent treaty, complained of this persecution of
his ally as an intolerable grievance to himself, although he
had not been included in the earl's capitulation; he spread
his forces in revenge around Armagh, to cut off provisions
from the garrison, and finally invested the town and citadel
itself. It might have been expected that this gross breach of
faith would have opened the eyes of the English government
to the fatality of that confidence which they were placing in
treaties and professions ; but when Sir William saw, that in
despite of all experience fresh conferences were intended to
be opened with the traitor, for accommodating the existing
difference, — to be attended, in all likelihood, with the same
parade of submission ending in the same breach of promise,
ravage, and rebellion, he could no longer hesitate in the
course to be pursued. In again respectfully soliciting that
his place might be supplied by one better able, from the sup
port with which he should be graced, to do the queen good
service, he frankly stated to the privy council his grounds
of discontent. In the following letter of general intelli
gence he requests the Earl of Essex to support his suit at
the council-board.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 47
Sir William Russell to the Earl of Essex.
Right Honourable : the several former advertisements of the A.D. 1596.
Spaniards to come for this realm, are now most confidently con
firmed by merchants who of late came from Spain to Dublin,
Waterford, and Ross, reporting that the enemy's fleet is sailed,
and before this time would have reached Ireland, if God in
his mercy had not prevented them by the wreck of eighteen sail at
Cape Finisterre, with about five thousand of their men, and by the
dispersing of the other thirty-six sail, which are not yet known to
be gotten together. If these had been here safely arrived, your
lordship can conceive our present hard estate, having here not
above four thousand men strong in all, which yet we have not
means to keep together, for lack of victuals, six days, nor have
had money of a good time but what we have found the means to
borrow. It is said the rest are coming on, which for mine own
part I can easily be persuaded to believe, if their numbers be
answerable to the reports, being little less than twenty thousand
men. The Earl of Tyrone, on the other side, hath drawn a great
part of his forces to the borders, to take advantage of all occasions,
and to waste and impoverish all the subjects ; and the rest he hath
laid about Armagh, as Mr. Marshal (Bagnal) and Captain Stafford
have affirmed, with intent no doubt to carry it, as he did both
Monaghan and the Cavan, and that in the like time of treaty. By
another letter from the bailiff of Dundalk, it should seem, that
Tyrone himself hath been in person before Armagh, and used this
device to get the fort, which was very likely to have succeeded. A
hundred of his men, with drum and ensign, being things of no use
amongst them, marched towards the fort, driving carriages and
beeves, as if from the Newry they had brought those supplies. I
cannot but make account that Tyrone will soon get the place,
unless he should forbear out of regard to my late letter, in which
I have let him know, that I have taken into the castle of Dublin
his pledges, who have hitherto remained with Captain William
Warren, with purpose to execute them, and to proclaim him traitor,
if he did not suffer the place to be victualled. This I think the
only means to try what Tyrone will do, and the council most
readily concurred in it ; but I am myself of opinion that Tyrone

48

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. ClIAP- XIV'

A.D. 1596. will not, for the sake of his pledges, let slip any advantage that
he can get, but suffer them to be used as we shall think good ;
since they are but children of about fourteen years of age, who,
as I have often advertised, are of very small reckoning with the
Irish, in regard that they cannot presently enter into action, which
is the only thing that they aim at.
Your lordship can, I hope, remember, that by an act in council
here, I did long ago leave to Sir John Norris the prosecution of
the rebels in Ulster, in regard by special direction out of England
he had a very large patent for it, which he proclaimed solemnly
at Drogheda and other places, at the time of his first going north
wards. Now that the earl standeth upon these terms with his
forces laid upon the borders, and likely to carry away Armagh,
and the Spaniards expected daily to arrive, with such an army as
aforesaid, Sir John pretending to be so sick as he is not able to
ride, though the loss of the kingdom depended on it (as by his
letter to Sir Geoffry Fenton may appear), lieth closely at Athlone,
and there doth keep a great part of her majesty's forces to no pur
pose ; when such as have seen him there do affirm, that he walketh
up and down daily, and is no otherwise troubled than a little some
times with the stone. All which he doth purposely to thrust me
into those actions, that thereupon he may lay to my charge the
earl's breaking out. For if I should with a force have attempted
the victualling of that fort, the earl would strait allege, that I
came down to prosecute him, as I have done Pheagh, contrary
to the agreement with the commissioners, as he hath directly
affirmed by his letters ; which though the lord president doth
deny (as may appear by the copy of his letter to the earl, which
I send your lordship herewithal), and besides gave such way
to that prosecution before I entered thereinto, as his letter to me
will manifest, which is likewise herewith sent, — yet in that other
letter of his to Sir Geoffrey Fenton, your lordship may perceive how
he imputeth these new stirs to that prosecution of Pheagh. I humbly
beseech your lordship to consider of them all, and you may find
both contrariety, and a desire to tax me ; which to prevent, I
make bold thus far to be troublesome to your lordship, that you
may please to be provided for my just defence ; for that I do only
rely upon your lordship's good favour and the goodness of my

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 49
cause. Yet, because I hate to dwell in these contentions, and find A.D. 1596.
besides, that during my time this poor country is made unhappy
for lack of timely supplies and provisions, by reason I have not
been countenanced and graced in my courses and endeavours, nor
credited in my advices, I must still humbly pray your lordship, not
only in respect of my private, but for the good of her majesty's
service and the safety of her kingdom, that I may speedily be
revoked, and some other placed here, whose better regard may
draw more and better means for the withstanding of so imminent
dangers as here are daily threatened, as well from Spain as from
these rebels.
And in the meantime I am in like sort to entreat your lordship
to further our present supply of three or four months' victuals
beforehand, twenty or thirty lasts of powder, and a good large
quantity of treasure, for it may now no longer be deferred. The
forces and shipping heretofore desired, we hope are in readiness,
and at the sea ; and high time it is that they were here, if the
Spaniards be coming, as is thus assured. Of all these things
Sir Robert Gardiner is now coming to inform the queen and the
lords of the council more particularly, if he may be favourably
heard, and not discountenanced, being well acquainted with the
state of Ireland, and how crossly Sir John Norris hath here carried
matters, altogether to his own ends, and not to the good of the
service. I will humbly entreat your lordship to conceal the same
till his coming thither, because he otherwise doubteth like measure
as the last time ; for which cause he would by no means undertake
to go, but that we charged him upon his duty of allegiance. From
Dublin, this 8th of December, 1596.
Your lordship's ever to command,
W. Russell.
It will appear unto your lordship, at Sir Robert Gardiner's
coming, that the earl maketh no better reckoning of his pledges
than I have ever doubted.1
In fact, before Sir John Norris could advance to the relief
1 Birch's Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 224.
VOL. II. E

50 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1597. of Armagh, the garrison had been obliged to capitulate ; but
some apprehension with regard to his pledges appears to have
influenced the earl to dismiss the soldiery in safety. The
Earl of Essex exerted himself to fulfil the wishes of his
friend; supplies of provision and treasure were sent over,
and, after much prolonged discussion, a new deputy was
appointed in the person of Lord Borough.
The great anxiety of Sir William to put a period to the
ravages in Wicklow, led him to another expedition to the
Glens, where he remained the greater part of February and
March, threading the various passes and scaling the steep
rocks in pursuit of the Mac-Hugh. Every day the heads
of some or other of his sept were brought in by the unwearied
soldiery ; but in the bosky dells and dingles of that savage
region, the principal object of their chase, with a sagacity
and wit sharpened by an instinct of danger, managed always
to escape. The spirit of the deputy, though baffled, was not
conquered by these frequent disappointments : he made a
final expedition on the 7th of May to Pheagh's mountain-
fastnesses, where he had appointed several companies of foot
to meet him. These, between two and three o'clock in the
morning of the 8th, he divided into several bands, and sent
them by various defiles into the valleys, with directions to
beat the rebels from their lurking holes in cave and thicket,
whilst he himself, with a company of horse, took stations at
distances upon the hill-sides to receive the scattered fugitives.
The project was at last successful. In the deep recesses of
Glenmanoragh, a mantled figure was seen by one of the
parties, stealing amidst the brackens of the glen, occasionally
couching where the prominences of the rock might not, as he
supposed, conceal him from their view; and then winding
rapidly but warily through the secret coils and tangles of

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 51
the woods beyond. The signal cry was raised, and echoed A.D. 1597.
from surrounding steeps by other hunters of the prey : he
was chased, for a long time, from point to point along that
sylvan solitude, over hill, and brook, and torrent. Weary,
faint, and breathless, he took refuge up the crags, within a
secret cave which on former occasions had often sheltered him
from danger. But now one Milbourne, a subordinate officer
under Captain Lea, tracked him with his eye, and reached
the mouth of the cave a few moments before the rest of the
party. Within stood the formidable Mac-Hugh himself,
glaring, like a wolf that stands at bay, on the intruder, though
pale and spent with his fatigue. Milbourne ordered him to
yield ; but such was the fury of the soldiers who succeeded,
that to capture him alive was found a thing impracticable :
he accordingly rushed with the rest on the marauder, and
with his own sword cut off the outlaw's head, which, after
being borne in triumph to the deputy, was sent with the
lifeless corse to Dublin. Numbers besides of his followers
were slain, a prey was driven off of above two hundred
beeves, and the other booty shared amongst the soldiers.
Thus, after many years of unbridled crime and rapine, the
valleys of Glendalogh were freed from their tyrant, and
Wicklow had repose. Three officers were knighted for this
and former services upon that noted day, before the fort of
Rathdrome; and the deputy's return to Dublin resembled an
antique procession. From Rathdrome to Dublin was a space
of thirty miles; " all the way," says his journalist, with the
simplicity of an old romancer, " the people of the country
met my lord with great joy and gladness; and, as their
manner is, bestowed many blessings on him, for performing
so good a deed, and delivering them from their long op
pressions. Before his lordship came to Dublin, the lord

52

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.

A.D. 1597. chancellor, with the council, divers noblemen, and the citizens
of Dublin, met him with many others ; and he was generally
welcomed home with great joy of all her majesty's good
subjects." The passage is fairly in accord with the descrip
tion in which Spenser celebrates the downfal of one of his
Saracens or dragons :
" Then all the people which beheld that day
'Gan shout aloud, that unto heaven it rong ;
And all the damzels of that town in ray
Came dauncing forth, and joyous carols song ;
So him they led through all their streets along,
Crowned with girlonds of immortal bays ;
And all the vulgar did about them throng,
To see the man whose everlasting praise
They all were bound to all posterities to raise."
F. Queen, c. ii. st. 34.1
The Lord Borough landed on the 15th of May ; on the
22d the sword of state was delivered to him ; the noblemen,
knights, and gentlemen of the country, then waited on Sir
William to pay their parting respects. On the 26th they
accompanied him to the water- side, where he embarked
with his family and retinue, and had a favourable passage
to the coast of Wales.
Elizabeth was not long in perceiving, nor slow in acknow
ledging, the correctness of his views in the measures which he
1 From various passages in the poet's admirable " View of Ireland," which
was written but a few months before this period, we may surmise with what
sentiments of pleasure he would receive tidings of the rebel's death, who had
wrought such annoy to the Lord Grey de Wilton, during Spenser's secretary
ship in Ireland. In this able disquisition, the origin, the nature, and cause
of Pheagh's power of mischief, and the best mode of coping with the freebooter,
are strongly but succinctly shewn ; and as Sir William received a copy of
the discourse from his friend Sir Roger Williams, it is highly probable that
he derived from it many valuable hints, and especially the plan of winter
operations and fortification of the passes to the glen. — See the Essay in tlie
folio edition of Spenser, p. 201 ; London, 1679.

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 53
had so constantly advocated ; it was forced on her by each A.D. 1597.
fresh despatch from Ireland, where Tyrone broke loose from
every treaty by which he had been bound, and rejected every
proposal for accommodation, though weakly solicited by the
government not to slight the last offers of reconciliation that
the queen would condescend to make. Sir John Norris also
awoke from the delusion which he had so long unfortunately
cherished. His brilliant military reputation had led the
English court to entertain the most sanguine expectations of
his power to terminate the war with honour ; but being dis
satisfied with the result, it averted from him its regards- —
a slight, the bitterness of which the new deputy omitted not
to aggravate, by abruptly ordering him to his government
of Munster. His soldier spirit could not brook the disgrace,
nor bear up under the anguish of his heavy disappointment.
It is affecting to add, that in the space of a few weeks,
without any apparent malady beyond that of the " mind
diseased," he expired suddenly in the embraces of his brother.
The Lord Borough, on his nomination, had affected great
state, and a pride somewhat imperious : he appeared before
the queen in an entire suit of gold and scarlet; and being met
near the garden-door, within the court at Greenwich, by Sir
Oliver Lambert, who, as he fancied, paid him not the due
obeisance, he strove to pluck off the knight's hat by force,
exclaiming, that if it had not been in the precincts of the
court, he would have thrust him through with his rapier.1
He was, however, an intrepid general, and by his vigorous
prosecution of the war, promised soon to reduce the mighty
rebel : but his early death renewed all the distractions of
the country, which were not composed till the very moment
of Elizabeth's decease, when the Lord Mountjoy beguiled
1 Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 40.

54 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1597. the rebel earl into a precipitate and humiliating submission,
which destroyed for ever his reputation with his countrymen.
In 1599, when the rumoured invasion by Spain gained a
yet more serious belief, Sir William Russell was frequently
called in to the queen's councils; and the chief command
in Ireland was again pressed on his acceptance.1 He steadily
refused the dubious honour, but willingly consented to com
mit to writing his projects for the prevention of the enemy's
landing on the Irish coast. He was afterwards a competitor
with Sir Walter Raleigh for the government of Jersey,2 but
consented to resign his suit. On the arrival of an extra
ordinary ambassador from Russia, Sir William was sent to
Gravesend to receive and escort him to the court;3 and he
had shortly afterwards the honour of entertaining the queen
at his house at Chiswick,4 the particulars of which have been
unfortunately lost. He finally went back to his former
government of Flushing; and a succeeding sovereign atoned
for Elizabeth's neglect, by creating him a baron of the realm.
The " View of Ireland" was one of Spenser's latest com
positions : he died in 1597, the year following the date affixed
to it. Amongst the illustrious personages who most admired
his verse, arid who testified their admiration by substantial
acts of generosity to him, were the Countesses of Cumberland
and Warwick ; to the pressing instances of one of whom we
are indebted for his two Hymns upon Celestial Love and
Beauty, which were refacimentos of his two earlier composi
tions in praise of female beauty and of earthly love.5
1 Sidney Papers, ii. 96. 2Ib. ii. p. 210. 3Ib. ii. p. 215. 4Ib. ii. p.231.
5 He forwarded his verses to the two sisters, with the following address :
To the Right Hon. and most virtuous Ladies, the Lady Margaret, Countess
of Cumberland, and the Lady Anne, Countess of Warwick.
Having in the greener times of my youth composed these former two
Hymns in the praise of Love and Beauty, and finding that the same too much
pleased those of like age and disposition, which being too vehemently carried

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 55
To the poet's wounded and agitated mind, the marks of A.D. 1597.
favour and beneficence of which he speaks, must have been pe
culiarly soothing : for in the first rebellion of Tyrone, he had
been obliged to fly from his house at Kilcolman with so much
precipitation as to leave behind one of his infants, which, with
several valuable manuscripts, perished in the fire which the
rebels set to it. This catastrophe must have been yet more
agonising to his sensibility than the loss of those lands which
had been the reward of his public services, or of that pension
with which Elizabeth, to the credit of her taste, had repaid
the incense offered in his Faery Queen, until the lord trea
surer had caused it to be cut off, with the observation, " that
it was far too great a sum to be expended on a ballad-maker."
The latter remark does not tell more highly for the music in
Lord Burleigh's soul, than a conversation between Sir Anthony
Bacon and the Dowager Lady Russell to his disadvantage as
a political leader exposed to many rivalries.1 Sir Anthony,
it appears, had grievously offended Burleigh, by cultivating a
close intimacy with Lord Henry Howard and the Earl of

with that kind of affection, do rather suck out poison to their strong passion
than honey to their honest delight, I was moved by the one of you two most
excellent ladies to call in the same. But being unable so to do, by reason
that many copies thereof were formerly scattered abroad, I resolved at least
to amend, and by way of retractation to reform them ; making, instead of
those two hymns of earthly or natural love and beauty, two others of heavenly
and celestial; the which I do dedicate jointly unto you two honourable
sisters, as to the most excellent and rare ornaments of all true love and
beauty, both in the one and in the other kind ; humbly beseeching you to
vouchsafe the patronage of them, and to accept this my humble service, in
lieu of the great graces and honourable favours which ye daily shew unto me,
until such time as I may by better means yield you some more notable testi
mony of my thankful mind and dutiful happiness ; and even so I pray for
your happiness. Your honours' most bounden ever in all humble service,
Greenwich, Sept. 1, 1596. Edmund Spenser.
1 See it in Birch's Elizabeth, vol, ii. p. 132.

56 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV
A.D. 1597. Essex, to the latter of whom he was in the habit of com
municating the useful intelligence which he was constantly
receiving from foreign parts, through the medium of some
who were obnoxious to a rigid Protestant from their Catholic
faith or their suspected practices. This breach between two
relatives whom she esteemed, Lady Russell strove earnestly,
and at length successfully to compose. She subsequently
attempted to reconcile the Earl of Essex with Sir Robert
Cecil; but their dissension was rather scarred over than
healed by the interposition of her " kind enchantments."
On the earl's first disgrace, Lady Warwick also strove in
cessantly to mitigate the queen's displeasure. When he was
liberated from custody, she gave him the best possible coun
sel, urging him to take privately some out-lodging in Green
wich, and when the queen went abroad in a good humour,
of which she would apprise him, to come forth and humble
himself before her in the field. Her advice for a short time
sunk deep into his mind, and he resolved to follow it ; but
the unfortunate restoration of Cuffe, his former secretary, to ¦
his favour, whose violent suggestions had already proved so
pernicious to him, diverted him from such a course ; and
lending a fresh ear to his dangerous insinuations, the earl
embarked at length in that desperate enterprise which led
to his destruction.
How seriously the queen's equanimity was disturbed by
these and similar events, is too well known to need remark ;
but some curious tokens of her increasing peevishness are
furnished in the gossip of that day, to which her maids of
honour were sometimes the victims. " The queen," says Sir
Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney,1 " hath of late used
1 Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 203. Elsewhere Sir Rowland alludes to the
Earl of Essex's assiduous attentions to his fairest B., whom Horace Walpole

Q. Elizabeth.

EDWARD, THIRD EARL.

57

the fair Miss Brydges (daughter of the Lord Chandos) with A.D
words and blows of anger;" and she, with Miss Russell,
were put out of the coffer-chamber, lying three nights at
Lady Stafford's, before they could return to their wonted
waiting, for the unpalateable offence of taking medicine, and
going through the private galleries to see the lords and gen
tlemen play at the ballon. But to whatever discourtesy of a
like nature poor Miss Russell may have been subjected by a
breach of court decorum, a full amende was made on the
occasion of her sister Lady Anne's marriage with Henry
Somerset, Lord Herbert,1 son and heir apparent to Edward,
fourth Earl of Worcester, which the queen condescended to
honour with her presence. In the prospect of this favour,
many at court, we are informed, took care to do the bride
elect all possible honour they could devise ; and exceedingly
sumptuous preparations were made for the festivity. On the
9th of June, 1600, Lady Russell went to court for permission
to bring her daughter away, " of whom the queen in public
used as gracious speeches as she had ever been heard to
indulge on any ;" and commanded all the maids of honour to
accompany her to London, as did all the lords of court.
The dowager had brought a great many strangers with her ;
" all went in a troop away;" the court attendants filling
eighteen coaches — " the like of which had not been seen
among the maids." The parties were married at Black-
Friars, June 16, on which day the bride met the queen at
the waterside, where Lord Cobham, who had offered Elizabeth
the service of his house, had provided a lectica, made like

1600.

SOMERSET.

supposes to mean the same " fair Miss Brydges ;" in which case, he observes
" it is evident why she felt the weight of her majesty's displeasure."
1 Arms; Quarterly, France and England, within a bordure compony,
argent and azure.

58 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1600. half a litter, wherein she was carried by six knights to Lady
Russell's house. The bride was led to church by the Lords
Cobham and Herbert of Caerdiff, and back by the Earls of
Cumberland and Rutland. The queen dined with the party
at Lady Russell's house, where " the entertainment was great
and plentiful ; and the mistress of the feast much commended
for it." At night she passed to the mansion of Lord Cobham,
where she supped. " After supper came a memorable masque
. of eight ladies, each clad in a skirt of cloth of silver, a rich
waistcoat wrought with silks and gold and silver, a mantle of
carnation taffeta cast under the arm, and their hair loose
about their shoulders, curiously knotted and interlaced. The
masquers were Lady Dorothy (Sidney), Miss Fitton, Miss
Carey, Miss Onslow, Miss Southwell, Miss Bess Russell,
Miss Darcy, and Lady Blanch Somerset, who danced to the
music that Apollo brought; and a fine speech was made of
a ninth muse, much to her praise and honour. Delicate,"
says the narrator, " it was to see eight ladies so prettily and
richly attired. Miss Fitton led ; and, after they had finished
their own ceremonies, the eight lady masquers chose eight
other ladies to dance the measures. Miss Fitton went to the
queen, and wooed her to the dance. The queen asked what
she was. ' Affection ! ' was the answer. ' Affection ! ' said
the queen; ' affection is false!' yet she rose, and danced,
as did the Marchioness of Winchester. The marriage-gifts
were valued at one thousand pounds at least, in plate and
jewels ; and the bride's portion, as a younger daughter, was
said to be two thousand pounds in money, a hundred and
fifty pounds a-year in land, and a reversion of one thousand
marks." —
" But, mortal pleasure, what art thou ? In sooth,
The torrent's smoothness, ere it dash below ! "

Q. Elizabeth. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 59
Scarcely had a fortnight elapsed ere the joy of the bridal AD. 1603.
party was changed to mourning. On the 1st of July, the
elder sister, Elizabeth, was snatched away by death, so sud
denly as to countenance the commonly received tradition,
that the prick of a finger in some nerve forming into a gan
grene, and ending in mortification, was the fatal cause that
put a period to her days of youth and beauty.1
On the 24th of March, 1603, the queen herself, having
outlived all the domestic efforts and foreign conspiracies
raised to shake her throne and harm her person, closed her
eyes in peace. There are a few curious particulars con
nected with this event in the Countess of Pembroke's Memo
rials, who was then in her fourteenth year. " In 1602-3, at
Christmas, I used," she says, " to go much to the court,
and sometimes did lie in my aunt of Warwick's chamber on
a pallet, to whom I was much bound for her continual care
and love of me ; insomuch as if Queen Elizabeth had lived,
she intended to have preferred me to be of the privy chamber;
for at that time there were as much hope and expectation of
me, both for my person and fortunes, as of any other young
lady whatsoever. A little after the queen removed to Rich
mond, she began to grow sickly. My lady used to go often
thither, and carry me with her in the coach ; and using to
1 She lies interred in Westminster Abbey, where her monument is shewn,
chastely designed in the form of an antique altar, upon which is the figure of
a female, in white alabaster, seated in a chair of the same material, her eyes
closed, her head leaning on her right hand, whilst the other points downwards
to the skull under her right foot, upon which she has been meditating till she
has fallen asleep. The action of the figure merely signifies, that before her death
she made death itself so familiar to her, that her departure, regular and com
posed, might properly be called a sleep ; and to this the motto under her
feet alludes : " Dormit, non mortua est." A brief inscription on the column
of the altar attests the grief of the surviving sister : — " Felicissim^; memori*
sacrum Elizabeth* Rdsselli^e posuit Anna sokor, mcekehs." — Dart's
West. Abb. vol. i. p. 111.

60 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. wait in the coffer-chamber, many times came home very late.
About the 21st or 22d of March, my aunt of Warwick sent
my mother word, about nine o'clock at night, she lying then
at Clerkenwell, that she should remove to Austin Friars, her
house, for fear of some commotion, though God in his mercy
did deliver us from it. Upon the 24th, Mr. Hocknell, my
aunt of Warwick's man, brought us word from his lady that
the queen died about 2-3 o'clock in the morning : the message
was delivered to my mother and me in the same chamber
where afterwards I was married. About ten o'clock, King
James was proclaimed in Cheapside with great joy and
triumph, which triumph I went to see and hear.
" The peaceable coming in of the king was unexpected
of all sorts of people. A little after this, Queen Elizabeth's
corse came by night in a barge from Richmond to White
hall, my mother and a great company of ladies attending it,
where it continued a good while standing in the drawing-
chamber, and was watched all night by several lords and
ladies; my mother sitting up with it two or three nights;
but my lady would not give me leave to watch, by reason I
was held too young. At this time we used to go very much
to Whitehall, and walked much in the garden, which was
much frequented with lords and ladies, being all full of
several hopes, every man expecting mountains and finding
molehills, excepting Sir Robert Cecil, and the house of the
Howards, who hated my mother, and did not much love my
aunt of Warwick. When the corse of Queen Elizabeth had
continued at Whitehall as long as the council had thought
fit, it was carried from thence with great solemnity to West
minster, the lords and ladies going on foot to attend it ; my
mother and my aunt of Warwick being mourners ; but I was
not allowed to be one, because I was not high enough, which

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 61
did much trouble me then. But yet I stood in the church A.D. 1603.
at Westminster to see the solemnity performed."
Sir Robert Cecil, in two happy and decisive strokes, has
sketched the outline of her character. " Queen Elizabeth,"
he says, " was often more than man, and, in good troth, some
times less than woman !" Lady Warwick, her closest female
intimate, survived the queen her mistress but a twelvemonth,
expiring on the 9th of February, 1604, to the regret of
numbers to whom her virtues and good offices had long
endeared her. Her body was embalmed, and deposited in
the vault of the church at Chenies, where she frequently
resided, and where her memory is yet held in veneration ; as
by her last will, she devised an annual sum out of her manor
at Northall, &c. for the establishment and maintenance of
ten poor widows there. The dowager Lady Russell, attain
ing to an honourable old age, survived a few years longer.
A curious letter is extant from her to Sir William Dethick,
Garter king-at-arms, requesting him to furnish her with a
programme for her funeral, and to devise it with all the state
that might be due to a viscountess of birth, as she found fore-
warnings to provide herself with a pickaxe, &C.1 In 1597,
she complains of the infirmities of old age, and signs herself,
to Sir Robert Cecil, " his owld awnt of compleat 68 years ;"
yet she lived until 1609, in which year, on the 2d of June, she
was interred at Bisham, in the chapel founded by herself, where
a very magnificent monument is erected to her memory, with
the following impressive inscription, written by herself, and
repeated also in Greek : — " Nemo me lacheymis decoret,
NEQUE FTJNERA FLETU ! FAXIT CUR? VADO PER ASTRA DeO ! "
Lady Russell translated out of French a Treatise on the
* Edmondson's Heraldry, vol. i. Dissertation on Funerals.

62 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. Sacrament, which she printed in 1605, with a dedication to
her daughter, Lady Herbert. She wrote both Greek and
Latin verse with purity and elegance, as her inscriptions on
the tombs of her husband and other relatives evince.
Although the Countess of Warwick and Lady Russell
closely resembled each other in their deep desire to be ser
viceable to mankind, and in the unfeigned piety which in
fluenced their actions, there was a striking contrast in their
natural dispositions. Lady Russell's temperament was choleric
and sprightly; Lady Warwick's, on the contrary, cool, serious,
and sedate. Lady Russell little brooked the contradiction
of her will, even whilst practising those " kind enchant
ments" for which Mr. Bacon celebrates her; Lady Warwick
in her kindnesses appeared to have no other will than that of
the person whom she studied to oblige. Lady Russell was
the more admired and flattered ; Lady Warwick the more
beloved and cherished by her friends. Both took an active
interest in those light affairs of state in which high-born
genius or beauty will always find the means of exercising
an influence proportionate to its ambition ; but in reconciling
rival courtiers, or penetrating into their opinions, Lady
Warwick accomplished by insinuation1 what her sister-in-
law would carry by a coup-de-main, and would dive after
that treasure which the Lady Russell seized whilst floating
on the surface of the mind. Their tastes appear also to have
been very different. A portrait of Lady Warwick, painted
probably by Holbein, in half-length, richly attired, holding
a purse, with a carcanet of jewels in her hair, exists at
Woburn Abbey ; a portrait of Lady Russell, in a costume
of quaker-like simplicity, — the " simplex munditiis" of
1 Vide Birch's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 270-1.

K. James I.

EDWARD, THIRD EARL.

63

HARRINGTON.

Horace,— has been engraved by Bartolozzi from one of the A.D. 1603
cartoons of Holbein in the king's collection.
The young Earl of Bedford, although disappointed in
obtaining the hand of the fair heiress of Chandos, was not
long occupied in brooding over his mischance. On the 12th
of December, 1594, he was married to Lucy, daughter and
co-heiress of Sir John Harrington1 of Exton, at his seat at
Stepney — a lady not more celebrated for beauty and vivacity
of wit than for her generosity to men of genius, the taste
which she carried into all her pursuits, and the success with
which she cultivated some of those lighter sciences that
minister to taste its most refined gratification. Her ancestry
in the time of King Henry the Third were Lords of Haver-
ington in Cumberland; the family diverged into several
branches, one of which, settling in Rutland, produced several
knights of honourable reputation, and frequent sheriffs for
the county. Her father lived to a venerable old age, " illus
trious for his munificence and piety," which were in an equal
degree transmitted to his son, a youth of the highest promise.
Sir John Harrington the younger, whilst he devoted much
of his time to literary study, is reported to have uniformly
begun and closed the day with prayer and sacred meditation,
and to have been among the first who kept a diary, wherein
his casual faults and errors were recorded, for his surer
advancement in happiness and virtue.2 Her great uncle
had married for his first lady, Ethelred Malte, a natural
daughter of Henry the Eighth, and by this alliance had
regained some family estates which an ancestor had forfeited
by taking prisoner King Henry the Sixth. He had been
imprisoned in the Tower during the reign of Mary, together
with his second wife, Isabella Markham, for holding a cor-

' Arms ; Sable, a fret argent.

Heraologia, p. 134.

64 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. respondence with the Princess Elizabeth. Queen Elizabeth
accordingly held him in high favour, and stood godmother
to John, his son, who was knighted in Ireland by Robert,
Earl of Essex, and distinguished himself by accomplishing,
at the queen's command, the first translation of Ariosto that
appeared in England. Apparently, however, the father far
surpassed the son in taste ; for, during his captivity he is
thought to have written that elegant canzonet, which is
justly characterised as possessing a refinement beyond the
times in which he lived.1

1 Whence comes my love ? O heart, disclose !
It was from cheeks that shame the rose,
From lips that spoil the ruby's praise,
From eyes that mock the diamond's blaze :
Whence comes my woe ? as freely own :
Ah me ! 'twas from a heart like stone .
The blushing cheek speaks modest mind,
The lips befitting words most kind ;
The eye doth tempt to love's desire,
And seems to say, 'tis Cupid's fire;
Yet all so fair but speak my moan,
Sith nought doth say t e heart of stone.
Why thus, sweet love, so kind bespeak
Sweet eye, sweet lips, sweet blushing cheek,
Yet not a heart to save my pain ?
O Venus 1 take thy gifts again ;
Make nought so fair to cause our moan,
Or make a heart that's like our own !
The spiritless character of Sir John's version led Ben Jonson to designate
it, with an asperity too harsh, as the very worst translation which he knew.
Warton says, more justly, that however inanimate and inaccurate, it enriched
our poetry by a communication of new stores of fiction and imagination, of
Gothic machinery and familiar manners : and there have not been wanting
others who have even preferred Harrington to Fairfax,— a preference which,
however singular, is entitled to respect, as it is said to be entertained by the'
able translator of Dante. It is to be remarked, that Sir John Harrington,
the translator of Ariosto, when spoken of by the writers of his day, is distin
guished from his cousins of Exton by the citation of his residence, which
was at Bath.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 65
Without reflecting upon the discretion or good sense of A.D. 1603.
Lady Warwick, it may be questioned whether a woman's
guardianship was not, on the whole, unfavourable to the
youthful Earl of Bedford ; and whether, had it been com
mitted to Sir William Russell, or to any other personage
conversant as well with the camp as with the court, he would
not have given proofs of a more vigorous and active spirit.
His knightly education, indeed, could not have been wholly
neglected, as on more than one occasion he shone with the
chivalric Earl of Cumberland in tilts and tourneys held in
honour of the Virgin Queen j1 but, with these exceptions, he
appears to have taken no eager interest or part either in
the round of court amusements or the stir of court affairs.
When the Earl of Essex sallied out on his hasty insurrection,
the Earl of Bedford, with the Lord Cromwell and other
peers, accompanied him in his way to the city ; hut as the
Earl of Bedford is not once mentioned in the law processes
that followed, he would seem less to have been privy to the
project of raising the city, than to have joined the earl in
tuitively from personal regard.2 The risk, however, which
1 Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 142.
2 Whilst this portion of the work was passing through the press, the fol
lowing account of the earl's proceedings, confirming the previous conjecture,
has been discovered amongst the Birch MSS. (No. 4160, art. 70).
Edward, Eael of Bedford, to the Lords of the Council :
with a Declaration how he did demean himself on Sunday, the 8th of
February, 1603.
From Alderman Holyday's House, Feb. 14.
It was after ten o'clock, prayers and sermon begun, that the Lady Rich
came to my house, and told me that the Earl of Essex desired to speak with
me ; upon which I went with her in her coach, none of the family following
me out of the sermon-room, and I going unknown to my family. About
eleven o'clock I came to Essex House, where, shortly after, the Earl of Essex
with others of his company, drew themselves into secret conference, whereto
VOL. II. F

66 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. he had thus run, joined perhaps to the discontent with
which his family connexions must have regarded the exe
cution of the earl, may have concurred with his natural
love of quiet and seclusion to give him a distaste for public
life, in the walks of which, beyond those ceremonials of the
court wherein his rank obliged him to appear, he is rarely
found to mingle. The extinction of ambition might possibly
exalt his real happiness : he was well fitted by his attain
ments to fill up the leisure of a private life with studious
enjoyment. His absence from the agitation of the busy
world, and indifference to the pursuits which others of his
friends were following with an earnest gaiety, have drawn on
him the charge of weakness from writers who could know
but little of his actual character. The few letters which he
has left, breathe an elegant courtesy, disclosing nothing that
can fairly confirm their unauthenticated statements.
The Countess Lucy was of a stronger character and a
livelier disposition ; fitted alike to shine in courts, to contend
with the proud and glittering rivals who might seek to
eclipse or outshine her in their circle round the sun of royal
favour, or to lend to the shades of retirement an equal charm

I was not called, nor made acquainted with any thing, but only of some
danger which the Earl of Essex said he was in, by the practice of some
private enemies. Howbeit I, doubting that that course tended to some ill,
and the rather suspecting it for that I saw not my uncle Sir William Russell
there, presently desired to convey myself away ; and for that purpose with
drew myself so far, that I neither heard any thing of the Earl of Essex's
consultation, nor yet of the speeches with the lords of the council. From
that time I endeavoured to come from the Earl of Essex so far as I might
with safety ; and to that end severed myself from him at a cross-street end ;
and, taking water, before I heard any proclamation, came back to my house
about one o'clock ; where I made no delay, but with all convenient speed
put myself and followers in readiness ; and with the best strength I could
then presently make, being about the number of twenty horse, I went toward
the court for her majesty's service.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 67
and lustre, derived from the inward reflections of talent and A.D. 160s.
of taste. It is well known with what jealous care the privy
council of Elizabeth, on the demise of that princess, sought
to guard the mind of the new sovereign from the interposition
of any other influence than their own ; they endeavoured to
restrain the concourse of courtiers that thronged to him in
Scotland, and appointed their own deputation, both of lords
and ladies, to congratulate and conduct their majesties into
England. But as, upon the one hand, Sir Robert Carey
found means to baffle their vigilance, and was the first to
convey to the King of Scots the news of his accession to the
English throne ; so, upon the other, a flight of ladies, the
Countess of Bedford, Lady Hastings, Lady Cecil, Lady
Hatton, Lady Harrington, and others, equally forestalled
the appointments of the council, and flocked into the north,
to present their respects and proffer their attendance to the
new queen. Anne of Denmark received them cordially: she
immediately appointed Lady Bedford to her privy chamber,
whilst her mother, the Lady Harrington, was intrusted with
the education of the Princess Elizabeth : the rest were left
alternating long between their hopes and fears ; and the
envied circle, after a six months' interval, remained still
unsettled. The delay gave room to as much intrigue and
debate amongst the ladies of that court as can have been wit
nessed in more recent times. The Earl of Worcester writes
to Lord Shrewsbury, — but we may hope that the love of wit
has tipped his shafts with a little undue venom, — " All the
rest are for the private chamber, when they are not shut out ;
for many times the doors are locked. But the plotting and
malice amongst them is such, that I think Envy hath tied
an invisible snake about most of their necks, to sting one
another to death !"

68 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. Sir John Harrington, of Exton, had the honour of enter
taining the king in his journey from Scotland, at his noble
seat of Burley on the Hill, where a long copy of congratu
latory verses was presented to him by Daniel the poet. Sir
John is described by Fuller to have been a bountiful house
keeper; James was bravely banquetted, and when he pur
sued his journey found excellent amusement in pursuing,
with Sir John's well-trained hounds, the hares which his
host had sent beforehand for this purpose in baskets to Em-
pington Heath. The monarch was, in fact, so much pleased
with the good knight's attention, that he revisited his house
a few days after. On the 3d of May, he reached Theobalds,
the seat of Sir Robert Cecil, whither many of the nobility,
together with the late queen's old servants and officers of
the household, repaired to pay their compliments. " A little
after the queen's funeral," says Lady Anne Clifford, " my
lady (of Cumberland) and a great deal of other company, as
Mrs. Elizabeth Brydges, my Lady Newton, and her daughter
my Lady Finch, went down with my aunt of Warwick to
Northall, and from thence we all went to Theobalds to see
the king, who used my mother and my aunt very graciously ;
but we all saw a great change between the fashion of the
court as it was now and of it in the queen's time. Innu
merable," she adds, "were the knights that were then made."
The queen, meanwhile, continued still in Scotland ; but
as the month of July was fixed for the coronation, she awaited
only her recovery from an indisposition to commence her
journey for England, with the young prince and her house
hold. On the 24th of June, she had reached Dingley, near
Leicester, a house belonging to Sir Thomas Griffin ; and here
the two sister countesses first paid to her their compliments :
their movements are thus delineated by the Lady Anne : 

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 69
" All this early spring I had my health very well ; my A.D. 1603.
father used to come sometimes to us at Clerkenwell, but not
often ; for he had at this time, as it were, wholly left my
mother. About this time my aunt of Bath and her lord
came to London, and brought with them my Lord Fitz-
warren1 and my cousin Frances Bourchier,2 whom I met at
Bagshot, where I lay all night with her and Mrs. Mary
Carey, which was the first beginnings of the greatness between
us. About five miles from London, there met them my
mother, my Lord of Bedford and his lady, my uncle Russell,
and much other company, so that we were in number about
three hundred, which did all accompany them to Bath House,
whither I went daily and visited them, and grew more inward
with my cousin Frances and Mrs. Carey.
" About this time my aunt of Warwick went to meet
the queen, having Mrs. Brydges with her, and my (cousin)
Anne Vavisour. My mother and I should have gone with
them, but that her horses, which she borrowed of Mr. Elmers
and old Mr. Hickley, were not ready ; yet I went the same
night, and overtook my aunt at Tittenhanger, my Lady
Blount's house, where my mother came the next day about
noon, my aunt being gone before. Then my mother and I
went on our journey to overtake her, and killed three horses
that day with extremity of heat; and came to Wrest, my
Lord of Kent's house, where we found the doors shut, and
none in the house hut one servant, who only had the keys
of the hall ; so that we were enforced to lie in the hall all
night, till towards morning, at which time came a man
and let us into the higher rooms, where we slept three or
four hours. This morning we hasted away betimes, and that
1 Edward Bourchier, afterwards fourth Earl of Bath.
s Sister of the above.

70 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. night to Rockingham castle, where we overtook my aunt of
Warwick and her company, and continued a day or two with
old Sir Edward Watson and his lady. Then we went to
my Lady Needham's, who once served my aunt of Warwick,
and from thence to a sister of her's, whose name I have for
gotten. Thither came my Lady of Bedford, who was then
so great a woman with the queen, as that every body much
respected her, she having attended the queen from out of Scot
land. The next day we went to Mr. Griffin's, of Dingley,
which was the first time I ever saw the queen and Prince
Henry, where she kissed us all, and used us kindly. Thither
came my Lady of Suffolk, and young Lady Derby, and my
Lady Walsingham, which three ladies were the great favour
ites of Sir Robert Cecil. That night we went along with the
queen's train, there being an infinite company of coaches ;
and, as I take it, my aunt, my mother, and I, lay at Sir
Richard Knightley's, where my Lady Elizabeth Knightley
. made exceeding much of us. The same night my mother
and I, and my cousin Anne Vavisour, rode on horseback
through Coventry, and went to a gentleman's house, where
the Lady Elizabeth her grace lay, which was the first time
I ever saw her ; my Lady Kildare and the Lady Harrington
being her governesses. The same night we returned to Sir
Richard Knightley's, and the next day went along with the
queen to Althorp, my Lord Spencer's house."
At the entrance of the gardens at Althorp, the whole
party were entertained with the unexpected presentment of
a masque, prepared for the occasion by Ben Jonson, the
sprightly fancy and delicate compliment of which form a
refreshing contrast to the jejune and grossly flattering speeches
current during the late reign. " From Althorp," resumes our
fair narrator, " the queen went to Sir Hatton Fermor's, where

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 71
the king met her; where there was an infinite company of A.D. 1603.
lords and ladies and other people, that the country could
scarce lodge them. From thence the court removed, and
were banqueted with great royalty by my father at Grafton,
where the king and queen were entertained with speeches
and delicate presents ; at which time my lord and the Alex
anders did run and course at the field, where he hurt Henry
Alexander very dangerously. At this time of the king's being
at Grafton my mother was there ; but not held as mistress of
the house, by reason of the difference between my lord and
her, which was grown to a great height. The night after,
my aunt of Warwick, my mother, and I, lay at Dr. Chaloner's,
where my aunt of Bath and my uncle Russell met us (which
house my grandfather of Bedford used to lie much at), being
in Amersham. The next day the queen went to a gentle
man's house, where there met her many great ladies to kiss
her hands, as the Marchioness of Winchester, my Lady of
Northumberland, and my Lady of Southampton. From thence
the court removed to Windsor, where the feast of St. George
was solemnised." There, on the 2d of July, the young prince
was installed knight of the garter, and had for his com
panions in that honour, the Duke of Lennox and the Earls
of Southampton, Marr, and Pembroke. " I stood with my
Lady Elizabeth's grace in the shrine, in the great hall, to see
the king and all the knights sit at dinner. Thither came the
archduke's ambassador-, who was received by the king and
queen in the great hall, where there was such an infinite com
pany of lords and ladies, and so great a court, as I think I shall
never see the like. At Windsor, there was such an infinite
number of ladies sworn of the queen's privy chamber, as made
the place of no esteem or credit. Once I spake to my Lady
of Bedford to be one, but had the good fortune to miss it.

72 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIV.
A.D. 1603. " From Windsor the court removed to Hampton Court,
where my mother, my self, and the other ladies, dined in
the presence, as they used in Queen Elizabeth's time; but
that custom lasted not long.
" A little afore this time, my mother and I, my aunt of
Bath, and my cousin Frances, went to Northall (my mother
being extreme angry with me for riding before with Mr.
Meverell), where my mother, in her anger, commanded that
I should lie in a chamber alone, which I could not endure ;
hut my cousin Frances got the key of my chamber, and lay
with me, which was the first time I loved her so very well.
And now was the Master of Orkney and the Lord Tullihar-
dine much in love with Mrs. Carey, and came thither to see
us, with George Murray in their company, who was one of
the king's bedchamber.
" Upon the 25th of July the king and queen were crowned
at Westminster. My father and my mother both attended
them in their robes, my aunt of Bath, and my uncle Russell,
which solemn sight my cousin Frances stood to see, though
she had no robes, and went not amongst the company ; hut
my mother would not let me see it, because the plague
was so hot in London. Therefore I continued at Norbury.
After the coronation the court returned to Hampton Court,
where my mother fetched me from Norbury ; and so we lay
at a little house near, about a fortnight, and my aunt of
Bath in lodgings, where my cousin Frances and I, and Mary
Carey, did use to walk much about the gardens and house,
when the king and queen were gone. And about this time
my cousin Anne Vavisour was married to Sir Richard War-
burton. " Now was my Lady Rich grown great with the queen,
insomuch as my Lady of Bedford was something out with

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 73
her, and when she came to Hampton Court, was entertained A.D. 1603.
but even indifferently. And before Christmas my cousin
Frances was sent for from Nonsuch to Northall, by reason
that the Lady Elizabeth's grace, with whom she purposed to
continue, was (soon) to go from thence to be brought up with
the Lady Harrington in the country. All the time we were
merry at Northall, my cousin Frances Bourchier, and my
cousin Francis Russell, and I, did use to walk much in the
garden, and were great one with the other."
The Lady Anne has already noticed the great number of
gentlemen on whom the king conferred the honour of knight
hood. With his coronation, it ceased to be regarded as a
favour, summons being issued for all possessors of land to
the value of forty pounds a year, either to come and be
dubbed knights, or to compound with the commissioners. No
fewer than three hundred submitted to the ceremony. A few
however, to grace the coronation, were admitted to superior
dignities. On the 21st of July, Sir William Russell was
created Baron Russell of Thornhaugh, and Sir John Har
rington, Lord Harrington of Exton ; and on the 24th, when
sixty knights of the bath were created, the same Order was
offered to the Earls of Bath and Bedford, and seven other
peers ; but these declining it upon various pleas, the earls
declined also. The Earl of Bedford, however, at a later
period, seems to have accepted some honorary situation,
being represented in both his portraits in an apparently
official gown, richly decorated with gold lace, and with
sleeves dependent reaching almost to the ground.

74 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.

CHAPTER XV.
FROM THE CORONATION TO THE DEATH OF KING JAMES THE FIRST.
A.D. 1603-1625.
The Countess of Bedford prominent in the festivities and masques at court,
1603-5 . . . Interview of her kinsman, Sir John Harrington, with the king,
1606 . . . She takes part in the entertainment on the marriage of the Earl
of Essex, January 5 . . . Powder-plot . . . She assists in the Masques of
Beauty, 1608 — and of Queens, February 2, 1609 . . . Character of Anne
of Denmark . . . The countess's warning to Lord Herbert of Cherbury,
1610 . . . Court intelligence . . . Power of Sir Robert Carr, 1611 ... Death
of Baron Thomhaugh, 1613 . . . Lady Anne Clifford . . . Her portraiture,
and marriage, 1614 .. . Death, and character of the Countess of Cumber
land, 1616 . . . Countess of Bedford at the marriage of Princess Elizabeth,
1613 . . . Her domestic calamities, 1614 . . . She introduces Villiers to the
presence-chamber, 1615 . . . Manages the marriage of Lady Lucy Percy,
February 1617 .. . Death of Anne of Denmark . . . Donne, Daniel, and
Ben Jonsou . . . Countess's letter to the Queen of Bohemia, 1619 .. . Her
accomplishments . . . Her garden at Moor Park . . . Aspersions of Grainger
and Pennant . . . Demise of the earl and countess, 1627-8 . . . Character
of the latter . . . Death of James the First, March 27, 1625.
A.D. 1603. The Countess of Bedford soon emerged from the obscuration
cast by the shadow of the Lady Rich, and again shone fore
most in those court festivities which require commemoration,
as fragments of her personal history, independently of any
interest which they may otherwise possess. She was "the
crowning rose" in that garland of English beauty which the
Spanish ambassador desired Madame Beaumont, the lady
of the French ambassador, to bring with her to an entertain
ment on the 8th of December, 1603 : the three others being
Lady Rich, Lady Susan Vere, and Lady Dorothy (Sidney) ;

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 75
" and," says the Lady Arabella Stuart, " great cheer they A.D. 1605.
had." A fortnight after, the Duke of Lennox, Earl of Marr,
and others, were invited to bring with them, to a second
banquet, a selection of the Scottish beauties, among whom
were the Lady Anne Hay and Lady Drummond, who, after
the sumptuous dinner, were first presented with two pair of
Spanish gloves a-piece, and before they went away, Lady
Drummond had a diamond ring valued at two hundred
crowns, and Lady Anne a golden chain that twined twice
about her neck. At Christmas the countess took a part with
the queen and ten other of the ladies of honour, in a masque
at Hampton Court, written by Daniel, who afterwards pub
lished it, with an explanatory letter " to his patroness, the
Lady Bedford."
In the state procession of the king and queen, from the
Tower to Westminster, on the 15th of March, the earl and
countess, with the sister countesses of Cumberland and Bath,
Lord Russell, and his son Sir Francis, necessarily appeared,
and endured with the requisite patience the recitation of the
various verses and orations delivered upon the occasion, which,
though written principally by Drayton and Dekkar, were
scarcely relieved by any touch of genius or imagination.
Their classical reception on the 1st of May, when they
visited Sir William Cornwallis, at his house at Highgate,
was of a very different character. The " Penates" of Ben
Jonson was first delivered upon this occasion, and proved a
delightful relief from the oppressive memory of the former day.
It was impossible to be otherwise than fascinated by the
poetical blandishments of such a writer. The queen's estima
tion of his merits was industriously cherished by the Countess
of Bedford, who testified her own admiration of the poet by
several acts of generosity, to which he has rendered many

76 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1605. grateful tributes of acknowledgment. Under her protection
and encouragement, he applied himself to the composition of
the other Masques which have immortalised his name, and
which, aided as they were by every embellishment that
wealth could command or ingenuity devise, have given to
the court of Anne of Denmark its principal and peculiar
celebrity. For the Twelfth Night of 1605 his " Masque of
Blackness " was produced, with a magnificence that can he
faintly imaged to us by the knowledge of its cost.1 It was
represented in the banqueting-room at Whitehall, the chief
parts being sustained by the queen, the Countess of Bedford,
and ten other ladies of the court. The apposite poetical
imagery and accompaniments employed in the conduct of
the fable are set forth by Jonson himself with infinite force
and beauty.
Of the number of those who, in the prospect of a new
sovereign, had early sought to commend themselves to his
notice, was Sir John Harrington, of Bath. He had sent the
king, as a new-year's present, in 1603, a curious dark-
lantern, evidently fabricated before Elizabeth's decease, as it
bore for its motto the significant passage, " Domine, me
mento mei ciim veneris in regnum." This gift the king was
pleased to acknowledge with his hearty thanks, and the
assurance that he would not be unmindful " to extend his
princelie favoure heirafter to him and his particulers at all
guid occasions." The "guid occasion" came. James ex
pressed a wish to see the person whose parts were a theme
of commendation. The knight was ushered into his presence;
and in a letter highly characteristic of both parties — of the
sovereign's pedantry and his own complacency — he gives an
account of the interview. 1 Three thousand pounds.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 77

To Sib Amyas Paulett.
My loving Cousin, — It behoveth me now to recite my journal A.D. 1606.
respecting my gracious command of my sovereign prince to come
to his closet, which matter, as you so well and urgently desire to
hear of, I shall, in such wise as suiteth my best ability, relate unto
you, and it is as followeth : —
When I came to the presence-chamber, and had gotten good
place to see the lordly attendants, and bowed my knee to the
prince, I was ordered by a special messenger, and that in secret
sort, to wait awhile in an outward chamber, whence, in near an
hour waiting, the same knave led me up a passage, and so to a
small room, where was good order of paper, ink, and pens, put on
a board for the prince's use. Soon upon this, the prince's highness
did enter, and in much good humour asked, if 1 was cousin to Lord
Harrington of Exton ? I humbly replied, his majesty did me some
honour in inquiring my kin to one whom he had so lately honoured
and made a baron ; and moreover did add, we were both branches
of the same tree. Then he inquired much of learning, and shewed
me his vein in such sort as made me remember my examiner at
Cambridge aforetime. He sought much to know my advances in
philosophy, and uttered profound sentences of Aristotle, and such
like writers, which I had never read, and which some are bold
enough to say, others do not understand ; but this I must pass by.
The prince did now press my reading to him part of a canto in
Ariosto ; praised my utterance, and said, he had been informed of
many as to my learning in the time of the queen. He asked me
what I thought pure wit was made of, and whom it did best become?
Whether a king should not be the best clerk in his own country,
and if this land did not entertain good opinion of his learning and
good wisdom ? His majesty did much press for my opinion touch
ing the power of Satan in matter of witchcraft, and asked me, with
much gravity, " If I did truly understand why the devil did work
more with ancient women than others ?" He was pleased, more
over, to say much and favouredly of my good report for mirth and
good conceit : to which I did covertly answer, as not willing a
subject should be wiser thani his prince, nor even appear so. More

78 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1606. serious discourse did next ensue, wherein I wanted room to , con
tinue, and sometimes room to escape ; for the queen, his mother,
was not forgotten, nor Davison neither. His highness told me her
death was visible in Scotland before it did really happen, being, as
he said, " spoken of in secret by those whose power of sight pre
sented to them a bloody head dancing in the air." He then did
remark much on this gift, and said he had sought out of certain
books a sure way to attain knowledge of future chances. Hereat
he named many books, which I did not know, nor by whom written ;
but advised me not to consult some authors, which would lead me
to evil consultations. We next discoursed somewhat on religion,
when, at length, he said, " Now, sir, you have seen my wisdom in
some sort, and I have pried into yours. I pray you do me justice
in your report ; and in good season I will not fail to add to your
understanding in such points as I may find you lack amendment."
I made courtesy hereat, and withdrew down the passage and out at
the gate, amidst the many varlets and lordly servants who stood
around. Thus you have the history of your neighbour's high chance and
entertainment at court ; more of which matter when I come home
to my own dwelling, and talk these affairs in a corner. I must
press to silence hereon, or otherwise all is undone. I did forget to
tell that his majesty much asked my opinion of the new weed
tobacco, and said, " it would by its use infuse ill qualities on the
brain, and that no learned men ought to taste it, and wished it for
bidden." I will now forbear further exercise of your time, as Sir
Robert's man waiteth for my letter to bear to you from
Your old neighbour, friend, and cousin,
John Harrington.
January, 1606.
In the same month was solemnised the marriage of
Robert, Earl of Essex, and Frances, daughter of the Earl
of Suffolk, with a magnificence nearly equal to that of a
crowned prince. For the festivities that followed, the prolific
muse of Jonson was put in requisition, and the " Masque

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 79
of Hymen" was enacted; "the exquisite performance of A.D. 1606.
which," he says, " independent of the pomp of the machinery
and splendour of the dresses, was alone of power to surprise
with delight, and steal away the spectators from themselves.
Nor was there wanting whatsoever might add to the general
effect, either in riches or strangeness of the habits, delicacy
of dances, magnificence of the scene, or divine rapture of
music. The only envy was, that it lasted not still ; or now
that it is past, that it cannot by imagination, much less
description, be recovered to a part of that spirit it had in the
gliding by." The part assigned to the Countess of Bedford
in this learned and fanciful production was as one of the
eight nuptial powers of Juno Pronuba, who, as if by enchant
ment, descended on an admirably-painted globe, that was
borne by clouds over the figures of Hercules and Atlas; " who,
as the sphere moved, seemed also to bow themselves, (by
virtue of their shadows), and so discharged their shoulders of
that glorious burden." Never was there representation upon
which more ingenuity or luxury was lavished, nor one that
appears, from the testimony of the eye-witnesses, to have
excited higher admiration and applause. Of the heroine of
that sumptuous entertainment it is unnecessary here to speak;
she is but too well known as the subsequent wife of Robert
Carr, Earl of Somerset.
The country had not yet recovered from the exasperation
occasioned by the discovery of the powder-plot, the atrocity
of which was destined to prejudice (unfortunately for the
triumph of the true principles of Christian toleration), the
rights and interests of many unborn generations. As one
object of the conspirators had been to seize the person of the
Princess Elizabeth, then residing at Combe Abbey, in War
wickshire, the seat of the Lord Harrington, this nobleman

80 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1606. had been placed in a situation of much peril and perplexity.
But their scheme in this particular was frustrated by his
vigilance ; and after securing the safety of the princess, he
had been active in the pursuit and seizure of several of the
suspected gentlemen in their flight. Now that the public
alarm was somewhat allayed by the delivery of the principal
traitors into the hand of justice, he found leisure to enter into
some detail of his proceedings, to satisfy the anxious desire
of his kinsman, and addressed the following letter
To Sir John Harrington, of Bath.
Much-respected Cousin, — Our great care and honourable charge
intrusted to us by the king's majesty, hath been matter of so much
concern, that it almost effaced the attention to kin or friend. With
God's assistance, we hope to do our Lady Elizabeth such service as
is due to her princely endowments and natural abilities, both which
appear the sweet dawning of future comfort to her royal father.
The king hath got at much truth from the mouths of the crew
themselves, for guilt hath no peace, nor can there be guilt like
theirs. One hath confessed that he had many meetings at Bath
about this hellish design ; you will do his majesty unspeakable
kindness to watch in your neighbourhood, and give such intelligence
as may further inquiry. We know of some evil-minded Catholics
in the west whom the prince of darkness hath in alliance ; God
ward them from such evil, or seeking it to others. Ancient history
doth shew the heart of man in divers forms. We read of states
overthrown by craft and subtilty ; of princes slain in the field and
closet ; of strange machinations devised by the natural bent of evil
hearts ; but no page can tell such a horrid tale as this. WeU
doth the wise man say, ' the wicked imagineth mischief in secret.'
What, dear cousin, could be more secret, or more wicked ? A
wise king and wise council of a nation at one blow destroyed in
such wise as was now intended, is not matchable : it shameth
Caligula, Erostratus, Nero, and Domitian, who were but each of
them fly-killers to these wretches. Can it be said that religion did

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 81
suggest these designs ? Did the spirit of truth work in their hearts ? A.D. 1606.
How much is their guilt increased by such protesting ! I cannot
but mark the just appointment of Heaven in the punishing of these
desperate men who fled to our neighbourhood ; you hear they suf
fered themselves by the very means they had contrived for others.
A barrel of gunpowder was set on fire during the time that the
house was besieged, and killed two or three on the spot : so just is
the vengeance of God ! I have seen some of the chief, and think
they bear an evil mark in their foreheads ; for more terrible coun
tenances never were looked upon. His majesty did sometime
desire to see these men ; but said he felt himself sorely appalled at
the thought, and so forbare. I am not yet recovered from the
fever occasioned by these disturbances. I went with Sir Fulke
Greville to alarm the neighbourhood, and surprise the villains who
came to Holbeche, and was out five days in peril of death, and in
fear for the great charge I left at home. Wynter hath confessed
their design to surprise the princess at my house, if their wicked
ness had taken place in London : some of them say she would
have been proclaimed queen. Her highness doth often say, " What
a queen should I have been by this means 1 I had rather have
been with my royal father in the Parliament House than wear his
crown on such condition !" This poor lady hath not yet recovered
the surprise, and is very ill and troubled.
I hear by the messenger from his majesty that these designs
were not formed by a few ; the whole legion of Catholics were
consulted ; the priests were to pacify their consciences, and the
pope confirm a general absolution for this glorious deed, so honour
able to God and his holy religion! His majesty doth much medi
tate on this marvellous escape, and blesses God for delivering his
family, and saving his kingdom from the triumphs of Satan and
the rage of Babylon. My being created Baron of Exton did give
much offence to some of the Catholics; and his majesty's honouring
my wife and self with the care of the Lady Elizabeth stirred up
much discontent on every side. I only pray God to assist our
poor endeavours, and accept our good will to do right herein,
maugre all malice and envious calumny. If I can do you any
service with the king, you may command my friendship in this,
VOL. II. G

82

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap- xv-

A.D. 1606. and every other matter I can. He hath no little affection for your
poetry and good learning, of which he himself is so great a judge
and master. My Lady Sidney desires her remembrance to you,
as do all friends from Warwickshire. I hope your disorder is much
better; may you feel as much benefit from the baths as I did afore
time! Thus, dear cousin, I have given my thoughts at large of
our sad affright, as you desired by your son's letter, which is
notably worded for his age. My son is now with Prince Henry ,1
from whom I hope he will gain great advantage from such towardly
genius as he hath, even at these years. May Heaven guard this
realm from all such future designs, and keep us in peace and
safety !
My hearty love waits on Lady Mary, and every one belonging
to her household. Pray remember what I desire, as to noticing
evil-minded men in your parts, as it is for the king's sake, and all
our own sakes. Adieu, dear cousin. Harrington.
The court, after the execution of the criminals, was not
long in returning to its customary round of amusements.
The masque produced in 1608 was, at the queen's desire,
a counterpart of the last, and called the " Masque of
Beauty," the actors the same as figured in the former
1 The great congeniality in the dispositions of these two young noblemen
soon rendered them close friends as well as companions ; insomuch that the
prince, when his portrait was to be taken, chose to have that of young Har
rington introduced, attending on him at the slaughter of a deer. It was
to him also that the following characteristic note was addressed, accompanying
" An account of the Barons of Harrington," which Dugdale has printed in his
Baronage : — .
My good Fellow, — I have here sent you certain matters of ancient sort,
which I gained by search in a musty vellum book in my father's closet ; and
as it hath great mention of your ancestry, I hope it will not meet your dis
pleasure. It gave me some pains to read, and some to write also; but I have
a pleasure in overreaching difficult matters. When I see you (and let that
be shortly), you will find me your better at tennis and pike.
Good fellow, I rest your friend,
Henry.
Your Latin letter I much esteem, and will at leisure give answer to.

K.James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 83
masque. The colours of the masquers varied : half were A.D. 1609.
dressed in orange-tawney and silver, half in silver and sea-
green ; and so exceeding, says the author, were the vests in
riches, " that the throne whereon they sat seemed to be a
mine of light, struck from their jewels and their garments."
On the 2d of February, 1609, Lady Bedford again as
sisted in the " Masque of Queens," which was preceded by
the celebrated " Antemasque of Witches," for whose accom
paniments and incantations every ancient authority was
ransacked by Jonson; and the skill with which he has
combined the various attributes that have either been as
signed in superstitious ages to those malignant beings, or
that could add horror to the spells which they pronounce,
is truly remarkable.
Although the " Masque of Queens" was not the last en
tertainment of its kind in which Anne of Denmark figured,
it appears to have been the last in which Lady Bedford took
a part. It is impossible to read the descriptions of these
brilliant and expensive shows, in which the queen was so
conspicuously made the object of applause, and of compli
ment carried to the very verge of daring, though of graceful
adulation, without being satisfied with the truth of those
accounts that charge her with uniting to no ordinary share
of natural vanity a boundless love of admiration. It is thus
that, at this precise period, Cardinal Bentivoglio, nuncio at
Brussels, describes her to the court of Rome : " The queen,
a sister of the King of Denmark, is praised as one of the
handsomest princesses of her time. She shews a noble
spirit, and is singularly graceful, courteous, and affable. She
delights beyond measure in admiration and praises of her
beauty, in which she has the vanity to think that she has
no equal. Hence she makes public exhibitions of herself in

84 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A,D. 1609. a thousand ways and with a thousand different inventions,
and sometimes to so great an excess, that it has been doubted
which went furthest — the king in the ostentation of his
learning, or the queen in the display of her beauty. She
is much attached to the free mode of life customary in
England; and as she is very affable, she often puts it in
practice with the ladies whom she admits to the greatest
intimacy, visiting them by turns at their own houses, where
she diverts herself with private amusements, laying aside all
the dignity and majesty of a princess. She rails against the
Italian jealousy of women, and has more than once said
jestingly to the ambassadors of Italian princes, that their
countrymen ought to be banished from England, for fear
of their introducing the fashion of jealousy. She is fond of
festivals after the mode of Italy, has a great taste for every
thing Italian, and understands the language very well. Her
great passion is for balls and public entertainments, which
she herself arranges, and which serve as a public theatre on
which to display her grace and beauty." The freedom of her
manners here alluded to, although perhaps arising from the
exuberance of her affable and bounteous nature, betrayed her
occasionally into indiscretions which had their influence on
the character and habits of her court. Lord Herbert of
Cherbury, the accomplished Quixote of an age that, with
little of the essence, wore still the outward trappings of chi
valry, scarcely veils, in his Memoirs, the insinuation that the
queen possessed his picture, and would frequently " hang
over it enamoured." Such a shew of attachment Queen
Elizabeth, without any great reproach, may have equally
indulged in towards Dudley or Devereux. The admiration
for heroic valour which a sovereign might deem herself pri
vileged to avow to a subject, was now, however, imitated by

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 85
other ladies, who could not plead, against the whispered A.D. 1610.
gossip of the day, the guardian barrier of a loftier station.
Of this number was the wife of Sir John Ayres : she
was one of the queen's attendants, and so far followed the
royal predilection, as to wear herself Lord Herbert's picture.
But Platonic love was the fashion of a bygone reign : the
new school of knights shaped its course by other maxims.
Sir John Ayres came to a knowledge of the circumstance,
and a violent jealousy took possession of his mind. Lord
Herbert was warned by the Countess of Bedford of some
secret mischief vowed against him ; but the friendly intima
tion scarcely saved him from falling a victim to the knight's
intemperate rage. He was suddenly set upon, without any
previous challenge or forewarning, by the treacherous Ayres
and four of his bravos ; but after a long conflict, maintained
with astonishing address and resolution, he succeeded in dis
arming or putting his antagonists to flight, and retired only
with a few flesh-wounds from the scene of danger. Being
summoned before the privy-council, he vindicated, to their
entire satisfaction, his own innocence in the affair ; and some
years afterwards, when Ayres was in danger of receiving
violence from his servants, as he passed through Beaumaris
from Ireland, he interfered to protect the man, with a gene
rosity that elicited an appropriate acknowledgment from the
disconcerted knight himself. The anecdote has a forbidding
aspect ; but it furnishes a picture of one of the many feuds
and brawls that were fostered by the growing luxury, if not
dissoluteness, of the courtiers. A much livelier illustration,
however, of the manners of the court is conveyed in the
curious letter to Sir John Harrington of Bath from the
Earl of Suffolk, written in 1611, when the king's fami
liar favour had fully settled on Sir Robert Carr, now a

86 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1611. gentleman of his bedchamber, whose subsequent story is
closely connected with one of the future subjects of these
Memoirs : —
My good and trusty Knight,— If you have good will and good
health to perform what I shall commend, you may set forward for
court whenever it suiteth your own conveniency. The king hath
often inquired after you, and would readily see and converse again
with the " merry blade," as he hath oft called you since you was
here. I will now premise certain things to be observed by you
toward well gaining our prince's good affection : he doth wondrously
covet learned discourse, of which you can furnish out ample means;
he doth admire good fashion in clothes, I pray you give good heed
hereunto. Strange devices oft come into man's conceit; some
regardeth the endowments of the inward sort, wit, valour, or virtue;
another hath, perchance, special affection towards outward things,
clothes, deportment, and good countenance. I would wish you to
be well trimmed ; get a new jerkin well bordered, and not too
short ; be sure it be not all of one sort, but diversely coloured, the
collar falling somewhat down, and your ruff well stiffened, and
bushy. We have lately had many gallants who failed in their
suits for want of due observance of these matters. The king is
nicely heedful of such points, and dwelleth on good looks and
handsome accoutrements. Eighteen servants were lately discharged,
and many more will be discarded, who are not to his liking in these
matters. I wish you to follow my directions, as I wish you to gain
all you desire.
Robert Carr is now most likely to win the prince's affection,
and doth it wondrously, in a little time. The prince leaneth on his
arm, pinches his cheek, smoothes his ruffled garment, and when he
looketh at Carr, directeth discourse to divers others. This young
man doth much study all art and device ; he hath changed his
tailors and tiremen many times, and all to please the prince, who
laughed at the long grown fashion of our young courtiers, and
wisheth for change every day. You must see Carr before you go
to the king, as he was with him a boy in Scotland, and knoweth
his taste, and what pleaseth. In your discourse you must not dwell

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 87
too long on any one subject, and touch but lightly on religion. A.D. 1611.
Do not of yourself say, " This is good or bad," but, " if it were your
majesty's good opinion, I myself should think so and so." Ask no ,
more questions than what may serve to know the prince's thought.
In private discourse the king seldom speaketh of any man's temper,
discretion, or good virtues; so meddle not at all, but find out a
clue to guide you to the heart and most delightful subjects of his
mind. I will advise one thing, — the roan jennet, whereon the king
rideth every day, must not be forgotten to be praised; and the good
furniture above all, which lost a great man much notice the other
day. A noble did come in suit of a place, and saw the king
mounting the roan, delivered his petition, which was heeded and
read, but no answer was given. The noble departed, and came
to court the next day, and got no answer again. The lord trea
surer was then pressed to move the king's pleasure touching the
petition. When the king was asked for answer thereto, he said,
in some wrath, " Shall a king give heed to a dirty paper, when
a beggar noteth not his gilt stirrups ?" Now it fell out that the
king had new furniture when the noble saw him in the court-yard ;
but he was overcharged with confusion, and passed by admiring
the dressing of the horse : thus, good knight, our noble failed in
his suit. I could relate and offer some other remarks on these
matters, but silence and discretion should be linked together. You
have lived to see the trim of old times, and what passed in the
queen's days : these things are no more the same. Your queen
did talk of her subjects' love and good affections, and in good
truth she aimed well; our king talketh of his subjects' fear and
subjection, and herein I think he doth well too, as long as it
holdeth good.
Carr hath all favours, as I told you before ; the king teacheth
him Latin every morning, and I think some one should teach him
English too ; for, as he is a Scottish lad, he hath much need of
better language. The king doth much covet his presence ; the
ladies, too, are not behindhand in their admiration : for I tell
you, good knight, this fellow is straight-limbed, well-favoured,
strong shouldered, and smoothfaced, with some sort of cunning
and shew of modesty ; though, God wot, he well knoweth when
to shew his impudence. You are not young, you are not hand-

88 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1611. some, you are not finely; and yet will you come to court, and
think to be well favoured ? Why, I say again, good knight, that
your learning may somewhat prove worthy hereunto; your Latin,
and your Greek, your Italian, your Spanish tongues, your wit
and discretion, may be well looked unto for a while, as strangers
at such a place ; but these are not the things men live by now-a-
days. Will you say the moon shineth all the summer? that
the stars are bright jewels fit for Carr's ears ? that the roan
jennet surpasseth Bucephalus, and is worthy to be bestridden by
Alexander ? that his eyes are fire, his tail is Berenice's locks,
and a few more such fancies worthy your noticing ? Your lady
is virtuous, and somewhat of a good housewife, has lived in a
court in her time, and I believe you may venture her forth again ;
but I know those would not quietly rest, were Carr to leer on
their wives, as some do perceive, yea, and like it well too they
should be so noticed. If any mischance be to be wished, 'tis
breaking a leg in the king's presence ; for this fellow owes all
his favour to that bout. I think he hath better reason to speak
well of his own horse than the king's roan jennet. We are almost
worn out in our endeavours to keep pace with this fellow in his
duty and labour to gain favour, but all in vain : where it endeth
I cannot guess ; but honours are talked of speedily for him. I
trust this by my own son, that no danger may happen from our
freedoms. If you come here, God speed your ploughing at the
court ; I know you do it rarely at home. So adieu my good
knight, and I will always write me
Your truly loving old friend, T. Howard.
This noted favourite, the object of such sprightly ridicule
and unmanly adulation, had already received an ample grant
of lands, the confiscated property of the unfortunate Sir Walter
Raleigh. He was now, upon the 25th of March, created
Viscount Rochester, with the additional free gift of £5000,
to which were added £15,000 in the ensuing year. No suit
prospered that was not favoured by his smile — no petition
accepted that passed not through his hands. The favourite

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 89
might have been less obnoxious, if he had found any pleasure A.D. 1612.
in rendering disinterested services ; but his venality equalled
his vanity and arrogance. He had the presumption to cross
Prince Henry in one of his favourite designs ; and when, in
1612, that amiable and accomplished youth yielded to the
sudden stroke of death, he shone, till the period of his ob
scuration, absolutely without a peer.
The decease of Prince Henry, that " darling of the people,"
was shortly followed by the death of Sir William Russell,
whose sole attraction to the degenerate court appears to have
been the pleasure of contemplating the heroic virtues of a
prince from whom so much was fondly anticipated by the
nation. On his creation as Prince of Wales, Sir William,
together with the Earl of Bedford, are specified amongst the
attendant nobility who added state to the ceremony. He
figured also amongst the barons in the funeral procession of
the prince, which is the last public notice of him that we
meet with. Full particulars, however, of his last illness are
furnished by his chaplain, Mr. Walker, who knew him inti
mately, and honoured him entirely. Sickening at his seat
at Northall, in February, 1613, the Christian preparations
which he made for his last serious conflict are more in
structive than many homilies, and more truly glorious to his
memory than the previous recital of his earthly victories and
battles. From the commencement of his illness, he was earnestly
engaged in attaining that happy resignation which looks
calmly upon the chance of either life or death, dedicating
the day to almost continual prayer, or conference on heavenly
things. And though from the first he was willing to contem
plate the close of every earthly prospect, yet as his weakness
increased, and with it the exercises of his heart, the fervour

90 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1613. of his prayers and sighs, the liveliness, and even cheerfulness,
with which he contrasted the joys of heaven with the miseries
of earth, attested an increased devotedness, till at length he
would frequently and earnestly declare his desire to be dis
solved, and be with Christ. Several days before his depar
ture, as though receiving in himself the sentence of death,
he stated, in counteraction of the hopes expressed by his
attendants, that his glass was almost run. The third day
previous to his dissolution, he rose before sunrise from his
bed, although in great debility, caused himself to be ap
parelled, having eagerly desired to receive the sacrament,
and spent three or four hours in preparation for the rite by
prayer and conversation with his chaplain. When he came
to communicate, after avowing his sincere forgiveness of all
wrongs and offences, he took the elements, and, with eyes
and hands lifted up to heaven, testified that as truly as he
received them did he believe ; that by the hand of faith he
did receive and apply Christ with all his merits to be wholly
his ; imploring an increase of his faith, an increase of his
sense of union and communion with Christ, and grace that
he might thankfully remember the passion of his Saviour :
uttering the whole with a pathetic simplicity of eloquence
that moved to tears the other honourable persons who were
associated with him in the sacred engagement.
He was afterwards permitted to be troubled with severe
internal conflict, that sense of spiritual desertion and inter
ruption of his former feeling of reconciliation and assurance
which is often suffered to attend the accepted and the puri
fied, for the trial of that faith which is pronounced to be so
precious ; the adversary setting vividly before him the weight
of his past sins, and the greatness of God's judgments. So
that now he began to doubt whether his faith were true, his

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 91
repentance sincere, and whether he were actually loved of A.D. 1613.
God or not, " pouring out," says the narrator, " continual
groans, sighs, and earnest prayers, with incredible hungering
and thirsting for the grace and mercy of God in the Redeemer;
and repeatedly protesting that sin was grown so hateful to
him, that he would not again commit the least of those that
in his youth he had made light account of, to gain the greatest
monarchy on earth. His spiritual comforter desired him, if
he were troubled in conscience with any special sin, to impart
it to some intimate friend, who might assist him with the
comfort of his counsel and the efficacy of his prayers."
Leaving him for this purpose with his son alone, he retired
to an adjoining gallery, which was not so distant from the
room but that he could hear the affectionate intercessions and
consolations offered by his son, who brought to his support
the various promises of Scripture, which in an hour like that
come often fraught with peace, and " the fulness of the
blessings of the Gospel of salvation." On rejoining him, he
could not learn that any transgression in particular pressed
upon the sufferer's mind; yet he acknowledged, before all
his servants, the deep regret he felt for the oaths, the quar
rels, the too high prizing of himself, and the profanation of
the Sabbath, which had stained his younger days. He com
plained deeply of that deadness and lethargy of heart that
repented not as it should do, and of the want of faith with
which he was so sorely tried. By various arguments and
Scripture applications, his friend and pastor endeavoured to
console him, and with some success ; yet he was still occa
sionally troubled with doubts and apprehensions, and the
continuing absence of that happy satisfaction which he had
before tasted and enjoyed.
But at length, as the consummating hour drew nigh,

92 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1613. the clouds that had eclipsed his soul were mercifully cleared
away ; the tempter and temptation vanished ; and he was
afresh sustained and cheered by the revival of the encoura
ging assurance, " To him that overcometh will I grant to sit
with me in my throne." And invoking, in his last need, that
power through which alone the victory is won, he cried per
petually, whilst speech was granted him, " Lord, strengthen
me in this last battle ! Lord, fortify me against all tempta
tion ! Lord, loose my soul out of the prison of this body !
Sweet Saviour, send thine holy angels to fetch my soul, and
carry it into Abraham's bosom. Lord, receive my spirit !
Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit!" "And this
was the last sentence that he uttered with his tongue. And
after his speech failed him, yet did he," says his chaplain,
" understand and hear us perfectly, giving us divers times
signs that he continued full of comfort in the sense and
assurance of God's favour, wringing my hand, and lifting
up both eyes and hands when he felt any comfort by our
words to him, or prayers for him. Thus did he die in the
words of piety and prayer, moving his dying lips in prayer,
and his half-dead hands, as Paulinus writes Saint Ambrose
did, when his speech was gone. This was the manner of
the loosing, or, to speak more properly, of the assumption
of this Christian lord : thus did his soul depart and fly from
us, carried, no doubt, by the angels into Abraham's bosom,
where it rests with Christ in eternal glory." l He died upon
the 9th of March, and was interred upon the 16th, at Thorn-
haugh, in the parish-church of which his monument is seen :
thus surviving his wife but two years; whose close, as we
learn from the inscription on her tomb in the parish-church
' Funeral Sermon.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 93
of Watford, was equally marked by peace and resignation. A.D. 1613.
" Passing," it declares, " the few and evil days of her pil
grimage here in this vale of tears, in the often meditation
of death ; and thereby having learned to number her clays,
this noble lady did apply her heart to wisdom, as appeareth
by many holy meditations and religious observations which
she in the course of hearing and private reading of the Holy
Scriptures had conceived, and for her own use and comfort,
under her own hand, committed to writing ; and being now
grown weary of the vanity and vexation of this present life,
by the instinct of God's good spirit, whereby she was fully
assured of his love and promises in Jesus, desired to be dis
solved and to be with Christ. And having lived religiously,
virtuously, and honourably forty-three years, and of them
seven-and-twenty in holy and unspotted wedlock, having
issue only Sir Francis Russell, knight, in the invocation of
God's holy name, quietly and sweetly slept in the Lord the
12th day of June, 1611."
Full-length portraits of both these personages exist at
Woburn ; the lady represented with large sleeves,1 and
her baron in a black slashed suit, with a large ruff, a
walking-stick in his right hand, his left resting on the
pommel of his sword, and a favourite dog beside him.
The Countess of Cumberland, as she was the youngest,
so she thus became the survivor, for a few years, of all her
father's family. Her remaining history may here find an
appropriate place.
On the 30th of October, 1605, her husband had died in
the Duchy-house of the Savoy. She and her daughter were
1 It was, doubtless, this Lady Russell of whom Lady Fairfax speaks in
\ her Memoirs, as appearing with large sleeves in the singular dream which
she recounts.

94 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1613. attendant on him during his illness, which brought with it
some serious and compunctious feelings for his past domestic
errors, and with them an entire reconciliation with those
whom his previous indifference had estranged. His testa
mentary dispositions have been already mentioned ; but
before his decease, he expressed with much affection to his
wife and child a strong impression that his brother would
die without male issue, and his daughter thereby become
the sole possessor of his lands — a presentiment which was
realised in 1643. " George, Earl of Cumberland," Dr.
Whitaker observes, " was a great, but unamiable man.
His story admirably illustrates the difference between great
ness and contentment — between fame and virtue. If we
trace him in the public history of his times, we see nothing
but the accomplished courtier, the skilful navigator, the
intrepid commander, the disinterested patriot;1 but if we
follow him into his family, we are instantly struck with
the indifferent and unfaithful husband, the negligent and
thoughtless parent. If we enter his muniment room, we
are surrounded by memorials of prodigality, mortgages, and
sales, inquietude, and approaching want; for he set out
with a larger estate than any of his ancestors, and in little
more than twenty years he made it one of the least." His
death may have excited that natural regret which few can
avoid feeling towards those with whom, though under painful
circumstances, they may have been intimately connected ;
but it entailed both on the mother and daughter a long
1 His more popular qualities appear to have captivated Spenser's fancy,
who cites him in one of his sonnets as a personification of the ancient
heroism : Redoubted lord ! in whose courageous mind
The flower of chivalry now blooming fair,
Doth promise fruit worthy the noble kind
Which of their praises have left you the heir ! &c.

K.James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 95
series of disputes and troubles, of which the Lady Anne A.D. 1613.
Clifford may prove the best narrator.
" Presently after the death of my father, I being left
his sole daughter and heir, my dear mother, out of her
affectionate care for my good, caused me to choose her my
guardian, and then in my name began to sue out a livery
in the Court of Wards for my right to all my father's
lands, by way of prevention to the livery which my uncle
of Cumberland intended to sue out in my name, without
either my consent or my mother's, which caused great suits
of law to arise between her and my uncle, which in effect
continued, for one cause or other, during her life, in which
she shewed a most brave spirit, and never yielded to any
opposition whatsoever. In which business King James began
to shew himself extremely against my mother and me ; in
which course he still pursued, though his wife Queen Anne
was ever inclining to our part, and very gracious and favour
able unto us ; for in my youth I was much in the court with
her, and in masques attended, though I never served her.
" So about the 9th of June, in 1607, (to shew how much
he was bent against my blessed mother and myself), he gave
the reversion of all those lands in Westmoreland and Craven
out of the crown, by patent to my uncle Francis, and to his
heirs for ever, after they had continued in the crown from
the time they were given by King John and King Edward
the Second to my ancestors, till after the death of my father,
except some few times of attainder, which were still restored
again, the last restoration being in the first year of King
Henry the Seventh, the grant of which to my uncle was
done merely to defeat me, as hoping to get my hand to
release it to the heirs male. But after, by the providence
of God, it turned to the best for me ; for if this patent had

96 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1613. not been granted out of the crown, I should not have had
that power, which now I have, to dispose of my lands to
whomsoever I please."
It was in reference to the patient equanimity and un
bending resolution of that spirit, " strong as beechwood in
the blast," with which the Countess of Cumberland braved
this new array of opposition, that the poet Daniel speaks in
one of his epistles to her.
The same poet has also, with a happy propriety, dedi
cated to the countess, his " Epistle from Octavia to Marc
Anthony," one of his best compositions, both for harmony
and pathos ; and the energy and feeling which pervade it
may not unsuitably be ascribed to his sympathy with her
domestic sorrows, which formed so exact a counterpart to
those which he ascribes to the sister of Augustus.1
Her daughter had now reached the age of eighteen, and
the subject of her future connexions began to occupy the
anxious thoughts of the countess. It was whispered in the
court circles that Sir Robert Carr aspired to the honour of
1 He inscribes it to her with the following sonnet : —
To the Right Honourable and most virtuous Lady, the Lady Margaret,
Countess of Cumberland.
Although the meaner sort — whose thoughts are placed
As in another region, far below
The sphere of greatness — cannot rightly taste
What touch it hath, nor right her passions know ;
Yet have I here adventured to bestow
Words upon grief, as my griefs comprehend,
And made this great afflicted lady shew,
Out of my feelings, what she might have penned :
And here the same I bring forth, to attend
Upon thy reverent name, to live with thee,
Most virtuous lady ! that vouchsaf 'st to lend
Ear to my notes, and comfort unto me,
That one day may thine own fair virtues spread,
Being secretary now but to the dead.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 97
her hand ; but her preceptor has drawn too beautiful a picture A.D. 1609.
of her mental purity and moral culture,1 to induce us to believe
that either she or the countess for a moment favoured his
advances. A more promising suitor presented himself, in
the person of Richard Sackville, heir-apparent of the second
Earl of Dorset ; and their marriage was celebrated on the 27th
of February, 1608-9. The picture which Lady Anne, in her
after-years, draws of herself at this precise period, is too curious
to be omitted. " I was very happy," she says, " in my first
constitution, both in mind and body, both for internal and
external endowments ; for never was there child more equally
resembling both father and mother than myself. The colour
of mine eyes was black like my father's, and the form and
aspect of them was quick and lively, like my mother's ; the
hair of my head was brown and very thick, and so long,
that it reached to the calf of my legs when I stood upright,
with a peak of hair on my forehead, and a dimple in my
chin, like my father ; full cheeks and round face, like my
mother, and an exquisite shape of body, resembling my
father : hut now time and age have long since ended all
those beauties, which are to he compared to the grass of the
field ; for now, when I have caused these memorables of
myself to be written, I have passed the sixty-third year of
my age. And, though I say it, the perfections of my mind
were much, above those of my body. I had a strong and
copious memory, a sound judgment, and a discerning spirit,
and so much of a strong imagination in me, as that many
times even my dreams and apprehensions beforehand proved
to be true ; so that old Mr. John Denham, a great astro-
1 Unto the tender youth of those fair eyes
The light of judgment can arise but new, &c.
VOL. II. H

98 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1616. nomer that sometime lived in my father's house, would
often say, that I had much in me in nature to shew that
the sweet influences of the Pleiads and the bands of Orion,
mentioned in Job, were powerful both at my conception
and nativity ! And my mother did with singular care and
tenderness of affection educate me, as her most dear and
only daughter, seasoning my youth with the grounds of
true religion and moral virtue, and all other qualities befit
ting my birth. In which she employed, as her chief agent,
Mr. Samuel Daniel, that religious and honest poet, who
composed ' The Civil Wars of England between the two
Houses of York and Lancaster,' and also writ many other
treatises, both in prose and verse. I was not admitted to
learn any language, because my father would not permit
it; but for all other knowledge fit for my sex, none was
bred up to greater perfection than myself. Thus from my
childhood, by the bringing up of my dear mother, I did,
as it were, even suck the milk of goodness ; which made
my mind grow strong against the storms of fortune, which
few avoid that are greatly born and matched, if they attain
to any number of years, unless they betake themselves to a
private retiredness, which I could never do, till after the
death of both my husbands."
But two days after her marriage, an event occurred that
placed her in a sphere equal to her talents and desert : the
father of her husband died, and she became Countess of
Dorset. We leave to the same interesting annalist the recital
of her mother's latter days.
" Upon the 2d of April, 1616, I took my last leave of
my dear and blessed mother, with many tears and much
sorrow to us both, some quarter of a mile from Brougham

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 99
Castle, in the open air,1 after which time she and I never A.D. 1616.
saw one another ; for then I went away out of Westmore
land to London, and so to Knowle House in Kent. A little
before her death, when she was in some doubt and fear
that through strength of power her daughter's ancient in
heritance might be wrested from her, she would often say,
to comfort her heart, ' The earth is the Lord's, and all that
therein is.' In the month following, that blessed mother
of mine died, to my unspeakable grief, myself at the time
of her death being in Kent ; but a little after, I went down
into Westmoreland, and was present at her burial in Appleby
church, the 11th of July following: the remembrance of
whose sweet and excellent virtues hath been the chief com
panion of my thoughts, ever since she departed out of this
world. Rev. xiv. 13. She died, this blessed lady, Christianly
and willingly, the 24th day of May, being Friday, about
seven o'clock in the evening, in 1616, in the same chamber
in Brougham Castle wherein her husband was born, being
about fifty-six years old. She often repeated these words a
little before her death, ' that she desired to be dissolved, and to
be with our Saviour Christ Jesus, in the heavenly Jerusalem.'
" She was a woman who had more truth, justice, and con
stancy in her heart, than can be expressed by words. She
was full of noble, kind, and sweet affections towards her
kindred and friends, and of a grateful mind to those that in
any wise deserved it from her ; and of a most compassionate
nature to any whom she knew to be in misery and distress ;
which caused a great divine, that knew her very well, to
say of her, that she was like the seraphim, in her ardent love
1 The beautiful verses of Mr. Rogers, on the Pillar raised near Brougham
Castle to commemorate "the silent sorrows of this parting hour," must be
familiar to every one.

100 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1612. and affection towards the most Divine Trinity, towards all
goodness and good folks; and that she had the virtue of
compassion in her in more perfection than any he ever
knew. And therefore he thought it much more happiness
to be descended from so blessed a woman, than to be born
heir to a great kingdom. For as gold is tried in the fire,
so were her virtues tried in the unkindnesses, sorrows, and
misfortunes of this life ; and that her spirit might justly
have the attributes of clear and excellent; to which he
would add, that even to those that outlived her the life of
her spirit should be known, according to the saying of
Isaiah, xxxviii. 16. And indeed the numerousness of my
posterity, and all other benefits whatsoever, I do believe
were bestowed upon me for the heavenly goodness of my
dear mother, whose fervent prayers were offered up with
great zeal to Almighty God for me and mine, and had
such a return of blessings followed them as that, though
I met with some bitter and wicked enemies and many great
oppositions in the world, yet were my deliverances so great,
as could not occur to any that were not visibly sustained
by a Divine favour from above. Psalm lxi." 1
In the meanwhile, a serious and sudden stroke had threat
ened too early to extinguish the career of her who had so
long sparkled with the other stars of beauty in the moving
hemisphere of fashion. " Last night," writes the Earl of
Dorset to Sir Thomas Edmonds, in November 1612, " my
1 There is one portrait of the Countess of Cumberland at Woburn Abbey,
habited in black, painted apparently before her marriage ; a second at Gor-
hambury, representing her later in life, in a black dress set with pearls,
and a feather falling across her hair, and in a corner the arms of Clifford and
Russell, which Pennant has had engraved in his " Tour from Chester to
London ;" and at Skipton Castle is a third, more curious than either, with
her husband and two sons in the same picture ; an engraving of which is
given by Dr. Whitaker, in his interesting " History of Craven."

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 101
Lady Bedford was suddenly seized with an alarming illness, A.D. i6is.
and has ever since continued speechless. She is past all
hopes, though yet alive. And even now my wife is gone
to see her, who desires to be excused for this time that
she writes not to your lady, she is so full of sorrow, and
unfit."1 Of the nature of the attack we are left uninformed ;
but, to the joy of those who took so painful an interest
in the result, the countess unexpectedly revived ; and by
the 14th of February, in the new year, had regained so
much of her usual health and vigour as to take that station
at the marriage of the Princess Elizabeth which her rank
prescribed, and which the familiar intimacy she had cul
tivated with the lovely bride in the paternal precincts
of Combe Abbey, rendered a more than usually pleasing
duty. She appeared in the magnificent procession, robed,
like the rest of the attendant married countesses, in white
satin, rich with broidered work, and glittering with pearls
and precious stones. Her father preceded the beautiful young
bride to chapel, the Lady Harrington following after. Between
them, supported by Prince Charles and Lord Northampton,
moved the bride, refulgent as a heroine of old romance, a
crown of glowing gold upon her head, " made imperial by
the pearls and diamonds placed thereon, which were so thick
beset, that they stood like shining pinnacles upon her amber-
coloured hair:" this, plaited at intervals, floated at length
over her shoulders to her waist ; " and between every plait
was a roll of golden spangles, pearls, rich stones, and dia
monds;" and withal so many diamonds of inestimable value
embroidered on her sleeves " as even dazzled and amazed
the eyes of the beholders." Her train was borne by sixteen
1 Birch MSS. No. 4176. Letter, November 23d.

102 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1613. ladies in white satin; and a troop of virgin bridemaids, all
noblemen's daughters, followed in their wake. In brave
embroidered garments flourished over with pearl, a train of
handsome knights succeeded, the sons of powerful courtiers;
heralds in their coats of heraldry ; earls, lords and barons, in
their richest state array; the king of heralds, shouldering
his golden mace ; bishops in their sacerdotal robes ; the king
in a sumptuous black suit, and a gorgeous diamond in his
hat; the queen in white satin, dusted over with diamonds;
and lastly, the queen's ladies, a cluster of fair countesses (over
whom the Lady Bedford might seem in fancy to preside),
adding grace and glory to all that went before. The imagina
tion of those who make mention of the scene, and of the
festivities that followed, appears to bend beneath the weight
of the pomp and prodigality displayed, and as though they
thought, " That to narrate the whole would be, in sooth,
To give mute wonder wing, and wed romance to truth."
The Palsgrave was very bounteous to all the previous
officers and servants of the bride, the Lord and Lady Har
rington receiving in golden and gilt plate to the value of two
thousand pounds, their servants four hundred pounds, and
the rest in due proportion. They were both in the suite
that accompanied the young couple into Germany ; and it
was no small solace to the princess, in departing for that
foreign country to reside amidst a people whose genius,
customs, and language, were altogether strange to her, —
that she had their experience to guide, and their endeared
society to cheer and to sustain her. For, averse to all in
trigue, and equally unambitious, though so recently ennobled,
Lord Harrington might justly be considered as a true repre-

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 103
sentative of the highest order of the old English gentry, A.D. 1614.
uniting to much personal dignity great mental independence,
and a spirit of devoted loyalty to the most clear integrity ;
whilst his lady, with more pretensions to shine than her unas
suming consort, possessed all the modest and noble virtues
that adorn the character of the British matron.1 The journey
of the bride through the continental cities to the Rhine
resembled rather, says her biographer, a victorious march
than a bridal tour. Wherever she came, she was greeted
with admiring homage, and a round of courtly entertain
ments ; so that it was near the middle of June before she
entered the picturesque valley and romantic towers of Heidel
berg, where she passed her first six happy years of wedded
life, till the too active ambition and misfortunes of her husband
threw their shades over the charming picture. Their mission
thus accomplished, Lord and Lady Harrington bade a tender
farewell to their accomplished pupil ; and in August set out
on their return, being desirous to reach England before their
son should take possession of his government of Guernsey,
which he had lately obtained by an exchange of the rever
sion formerly granted him of a mastership in the King's
Bench.2 But they had no sooner reached Wormes than the
former was attacked with an illness, which, to the great
grief of his family, terminated his existence. His excellent
son survived him but a few months, dying on the 27th of
February, 1614 : both, says Fuller " signally eminent, the
one a pattern for all good fathers, the other for all gracious
sons." In addition to these domestic calamities, before another
year had passed, Lady Bedford had to mourn the loss of her
only sister, Frances, Lady Chichester. The hearse of each of
1 Miss Benger. Memoirs of the Queen of Bohemia.
s Birch MSS. No. 4176. Mr. Larkin to Sir T. Puckering, Aug. 12, 1613.

104 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1614. these three personages was honoured with " melodious tears;"
the virtues of Lord Harrington the elder being commemo
rated in Latin verse by Holland, and those of the two latter
by the subtle muse of Dr. Donne. A magnificent monument
of touchstone and white marble, erected to their honour by
Nicholas Stone, the ablest statuary of his time, at the expense
of more than a thousand pounds, testifies the countess's
reverence for their memory, and devotion to the fine arts.1
She became by these events sole possessor of the family estates,
which were very considerable, her brother " giving all he had
to her, defeating her neither of the land nor barony, esteeming
her worthy of much more than he had to leave her."2
The Lord Rochester, created Earl of Somerset previous
to his inauspicious marriage with the divorced daughter of
the Earl of Suffolk, had now passed his meridian of favour,
and was fast declining into shade. To the people he had
become an object of dislike, by the revolting proceedings
connected with this marriage ; and he had rendered himself
odious to the chief nobility and courtiers, by his arrogant
demeanour and repeated insolencies. To disenchant the
king of his fancy for the favourite, was judged to be no easy
task ; yet a scheme for this purpose was devised by the
Russell and Herbert, the Hertford and the Pembroke fami
lies, at a sumptuous private entertainment given by the latter
at Baynard's Castle. On their way thither, the first open
manifestation of contempt was ventured against Somerset;
for, passing by a painter's stall in Fleet Street at which his
picture was hung out, one of the lords commanded his foot-

1 Stone's Diary, in Walpole's " Lives of the Painters, &c." Major's
edition, vol. ii. p. 58.
2 Narrative of the first Fourteen Years of King James : Somers' Tracts,
vol. ii. p. 294.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 105
man to bespatter the face with dirt, which was done, to the A.D. 1614.
no small surprise of the gentlemen who were not in the secret
confederacy. One of them required the reason, and was told
that that night's meeting would discover.1 The plan on
which the party fixed (to use the expression of one en
gaged in it) was " to drive out one nail by another" — to intro
duce some rival favourite, to whose supremacy all their
interest and influence should conjointly be directed. The
choice fell upon George Villiers, then recently returned from
France, and altogether unsettled in his plans for future life,
whose engaging person was set off by every winning accom
plishment which they judged likely to captivate a monarch
so fascinated with exterior grace as James had proved himself
to be. In pursuance of this scheme, Sir Thomas Lake first
threw him in the king's way when at Apthorpe ; James was
struck with his bearing and fine figure. The Countess of
Bedford confirmed this prepossession by ushering him into
the presence-chamber,2 where his elegant address completed
the captivation. The office of cupbearer was first obtained
for him, in which capacity the Earl of Pembroke and others
supported him against all opposition, till his fortune as
supreme favourite was no longer doubtful. Efforts were
next made by Lady Bedford to enter him of the bedchamber,
which Somerset resisted with all the energy of jealousy and
despair. The king, too, hesitated, requiring, for some do
mestic reasons, that the queen herself should be first induced
to become a suitor for the grant. When a fresh diffi
culty rose in this high quarter, the aid and credit of Arch
bishop Abbot were called in. He willingly undertook to
try his own persuasions with the rest. Their importunity
1 Aulus Coquin. in Weldon and Osborne's Secret Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 261 .
s Lloyd's State Worthies, vol. ii. p. 156.

106 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1617. prevailed ; Queen Anne undertook to press the suit with her
husband; and on the 23d of April, 1615, Villiers was sworn
of the privy chamber, with an annual pension of one thousand
pounds, and was next day knighted in the queen's chamber.
Thus rose the man with the fame of whose influence and
many-coloured character Europe afterwards resounded ; and
before the end of the year the Earl of Somerset's disgrace
was completed by those accusations and that trial which have
stamped his name with ignominy.
A few other scattered notices of the Countess of Bedford
occur in the correspondence of the court, which more or less
reflect an image of its manners. " The French ambassador,"
says Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton, February 22,
1617, " together with his company, was feasted at Whitehall
on Sunday, and yesterday at Theobald's ; and last night had
a great supper at the lord mayor's. The Duke of Lennox
feasted him before the king ; and this night he is solemnly
invited by the Lord Hay to the wardrobe, to a supper and a
masque where the Countess of Bedford is to be lady and
mistress of the feast, as she is of the managing of his love to
the Earl of Northumberland's youngest daughter (Lady Lucy
Percy), with whom he is far engaged in affection, and finds
such acceptance both at her hands and her mother's, that it
is thought it will prove a match. Again, upon the 15th of
March, " there were two christenings in the chapel at White
hall this week; the first on Tuesday, March 11th, of a son
of the Lord Haddington's, where the king, the Earl of South
ampton, and the Countess of Bedford, were gossips ; the other
on Thursday, the 13th, of a son of the Lady Fielding, sister
of the Earl of Buckingham, who was partner with the king
and the same Lady of Bedford in that business."
It required all the countess's address and skill to bring

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 107
the aforesaid alliance to bear, as it was ill approved by Lord A.D. 1619.
Northumberland, chiefly perhaps from its having been pre
viously recommended by the Countess of Somerset. The
suitor " used all possible means to abate his discontent, and
to have the 20,000L promised to her on condition she would
be ruled by him." His reluctant consent appears at last to
have been obtained, but not his good-will, as he remained
greatly incensed against his daughter. The king, however,
engaged to give away the bride; and though the portion
might be missed, it could not greatly affect one who had
partaken so liberally of the monarch's bounty as Lord Hay,
to judge by his liberal expenditure, which constituted him a
personification, as it were, of the astonishing profusion that
prevailed during this reign.
The marriage was solemnised upon the 4th of November,
the king and prince honouring the wedding-supper with
their presence. In the following year, the bridegroom was
created Viscount Doncaster. His first child by this marriage
did not long survive its birth ; but James, the second, lived
to succeed him in his subsequently conferred earldom of
Carlisle, and allied himself by marriage to a daughter of the
succeeding Earl of Bedford.
In the January of 1619, we find Lady Bedford assistant
in another project for the happiness of two youthful lovers.
The only son of Sir Robert Smith1 and Lady Isabella Rich,
daughter of Robert, Earl of Warwick, by a sister of the
unfortunate Earl of Essex, " finding themselves," says our
authority, " together for a few days at Sir  Udal's ;
and liking well each other, my lord chamberlain,2 who was

1 Sir John Smith, of Sutton-at-Hone and Bocerne, Kent.
3 William, Earl of Pembroke.

108 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1619. there present, to make the matter sure, sent to Bainard
Castle for his own chaplain, who making some difficulty
for that they had no license, his lordship encouraged him,
upon assurance of saving him harmless. So they were pre
sently married, and from thence conducted to my Lord of
Southampton's to dinner, and to my Lady Bedford's to re-
pose ; but the father is a heavy man to see his son bestowed
without his knowledge and consent."1 No sooner was this
match completed than we find the countess projecting another,
between her niece, Miss Chichester, and a son of the
Marquess of Hamilton, to whom she was content to pass
over all the land of her late brother, reserving only to
herself one of the estates for life.2 The treaty took effect,
and she waited but her mother's return from a visit to the
Palsgrave's court to have the nuptials celebrated.3 But in
the meantime, she had to lament the loss of her royal mistress,
Anne of Denmark, at whose funeral she acted as one of the
assistant mourners, Francis, Baron Thornhaugh, and his lady,
with a large attendance of other nobles, preceding the coffin
to its last earthly home. When the melancholy obsequies
were fulfilled, she went to Dover to meet her mother ; but
hearing, when she reached the seaside, that Lady Harrington
was suffering under a serious sickness, she passed over to
Calais,4 where she was remaining. Her assiduities soon led
to the restoration of the patient ; and on the 28th they were
welcomed home to the metropolis. But the anxieties and
exertions consequent upon these events and the nuptial fes
tivities that followed, brought on a lingering fever, which,
settling in the eye of the fair countess, threatened for awhile

1 Birch MSS. No. 4176. T. Larkin to Sir T. Puckering. Jan. 5, 1619.
2 lb. Jan. 5, 1618-9. 3 lb. Feb. 23, 1618-9. 4 lb. May 24, 1619.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 109
the extinction of that visual orb1 which, in the language of A,D. 1619.
one of her poetical admirers, was accustomed, like Aurora's
from her chariot, to scatter morning on the mists of night.
The decease of the queen leading naturally to a reduction of
the royal household, the countess — after sixteen years' at
tendance on, and attachment to, her person, during which
she was identified more than any other lady with her amuse
ments, tastes, and movements — retired to her private villa.
She had resided chiefly, since 1608, when away from
court, at Twickenham Park, formerly the seat of Sir Francis
Bacon, a spot long consecrated as the favourite retreat of the
scholar, the poet, and the statesman ; and even at this early
period hallowed by similar associations. It was here that
she received the more familiar visits of the gay, the busy,
and the enterprising of her time, that she gathered wisdom
and enjoyment from her hours of lettered ease, and found in
the society of the poets whose productions she admired, and
whose labours she munificently encouraged, a happy relief
from the distractions and intrigues of court. Entering into
their pursuits with a congenial feeling and enthusiasm, she
became the trusted depository of their various anxieties and
hopes, and the flattered object of many a grateful canzonet.
All concur in acknowledging her taste and learning. Of the
minor poets, White dedicated his Masque of" Cupid's Banish
ment" to her, and May his Lucan; and the brighter pages
of Donne, and Daniel, and Jonson, still preserve some ever
green memorials of her, though flourishing, it must he con
fessed, with very various beauty.

1 " My Lady Bedford is well recovered, only she hath a pin and web in
one of her eyes, so that she doth not yet go abroad. She will hardly escape
the loss of her eye." Letters of the Earl of Carlisle, July 9 and August 29,
1619. Birch MSS. No. 4176.

110 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1619. The first had sought for popularity in the maze of meta
physics, to wed the Muses " to an exiled lot," amidst the
dust and webs, the pedantry and pride of old scholastic sub
tlety. He forsook nature and tenderness, the genuine springs
of interest, for fine-spun sentiment and far-fetched illustra
tion ; and in treating of a subject, endeavoured less to recom
mend it to the sympathy of others, than to attract attention
to his own dexterity. Hence his addresses to the countess,
when they seek to be commendatory, strike, like the writings
of those Spanish poets whom he appears to have taken for
his prototypes, into the track of boundless compliment and
extravagant conceit. The second had much more sobriety,
elegance, and taste ; he sought for models in a purer school,
as the introduction into his writings of many translated pas
sages of Tasso, and his noble version of Guarini's " Ode on
Honour," sufficiently evince. From the Italian poets he
derived a more varied and melodious versification; and his
advantage in this respect, when contrasted with the uncouth
ruggedness of Donne, is not more obvious than his high
superiority in feeling, and in natural simplicity of expression
and sentiment. Yet, with but little absolute fire in his highest
class of compositions, he often sinks, in more familiar ones,
into feebleness and poverty of language ; and his addresses
to the countess are, on this account, principally interesting
to us from the allusions which they contain to her pursuits
in knowledge. But the muse of Jonson was deficient neither in sweet
ness, tenderness, nor fire ; and his heart, his fancy, and his
judgment, whenever he took for his theme the obliging dis
positions and personal attractions of the countess, were alike
stirred up, and pressed " to her sweet service." In pre
senting her with a copy of Donne's Satires, he accompanied

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. Ill
them with those verses, flattering alike to the poet and the A.D. 1619.
lady, which commence
" Lucy ! you brightness of our sphere, which are
Like of the Muses' day, their morning star ! "
But when, as in the following, he essays exclusively to picture
forth his estimation of the countess, his whole language
brightens into grace and beauty.
To the Countess of Bedford.
This morning, timely rapt with holy fire,
I thought to form unto my zealous muse
What kind of creature I could most desire
To honour, serve, and love, as poets use.
I meant to make her fair, and free, and wise,
Of greatest blood, and yet more good than great, —
I meant the day-star should not brighter rise,
Nor lend like influence from his lucent seat.
I meant she should be courteous, facile, sweet,
Hating that solemn vice of greatness, pride ;
I meant each softest virtue there should meet,
Fit in that softer bosom to reside.
Only a learned and a manly soul
I purposed her, — that should, with even powers,
The rock, the spindle, and the shears control
Of Destiny, and spin her own free hours.
Such when I meant to feign, and wish to see,
The muse bade, ' Bedford write,' and that was she !
Amongst the various studies of the countess, it might
plausibly be conjectured, from her love of the art, that she was
herself an occasional cultivator of poetry ; and Donne, in one
of his letters to her, makes evident allusion to the fact.1
1 To the Countess of Bedford.
Happiest and worthiest Lady ! — I do not remember that ever I have seen
a petition in verse ; I would not, therefore, be singular, nor add these to

112

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.

A.D. 1619. It is singular that, with this decided bias and her own
celebrity, so few fragments of her writings or correspondence
should have descended to our times. The only specimens
which we discover of the kind are two letters, of which the
following, addressed to the Queen of Bohemia, was written
upon occasion of Prince Charles's debut in parliament, soon
after his return from the secret expedition into Spain.
Lucy, Countess of Bedford, to the Queen of Bohemia.
May it please your Majesty, — You have so many servants here
at the present, who, I know, take care to give you an account of all
parliamentary businesses worth the writing, as that I, who have but
by second report the passages of both houses, should deserve rather
blame than thanks of your majesty, to follow, with my imperfect
relation, what you at the first hand receive from them, who are
actors themselves in the great affairs now on the stage of this our
world, — where none plays his part with so due applause as your
excellent brother, who wins daily more and more upon the hearts
of all good men ; and hath begotten, by his princely and wise pro
ceedings, such an opinion of his reality, judgment, and worthy
intentions for the public good, that I think never prince was more
powerful in the parliament-house than he. And there doth he
express himself substantially so well, that he is often called up to
your other papers. I have yet adventured so near as to make a petitioner
verse : it is for those your ladyship did me the honour to read in Twicken
ham Gardens, except you repent your making (them), and have mended your
judgment by thinking worse, that is better, because juster of their subject.
They must needs be an excellent exercise of your wit, which speaks so well
of so ill. I humbly beg them of your ladyship, with two such promises, as
to any other of your compositions were threatenings, that I will not shew
them, and that I will not belie them ; and nothing should be so used that
comes from your brain or breast. If I should confess a fault in the boldness
of asking them, or make a fault by doing it in a longer letter, your ladyship
might use your style and old fashion of the court towards me, and — pay me
with a pardon. Here, therefore, I humbly kiss your ladyship's fair, learned
hands, and wish you good wishes and speedy grants.
Your ladyship's servant, John Donne.

K. James I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 113
speak, and he doth it with that satisfaction to both houses as is A.D. 1619.
much admired. And he behaves himself with as much reverence
to the houses, when either himself takes occasion to speak, or is
chosen by them to do so unto the Lower House, as any other man
who sits amongst them. And he will patiently bear contradictions,
and calmly forego his own opinions, if he have been mistaken,
which yet hath so seldom happened, as not above twice in all
this time he hath had cause to approve of any other than his own.
All which are so remarkable excellencies in a prince so young,
so lately come to be himself, as I am sure the world hath not
another to parallel with him. He is besides most diligent and
indefatigable in businesses — a patient hearer, judicious in distin
guishing counsels, moderate in his actions, steady in his resolu
tions ; so even as variableness is a thing neither in deed nor in
appearance in him. And so civil and accomplished withal every
way, both in mind and body, that, consider him even not as a
prince (which yet adds much lustre to him), and there is nobody
who must not acknowledge him to be a gentleman very full of
perfections. And, without flattery, I know none to be compared
with him ; for his virtues and parts are eminent, without any
mixture of vanity or vice.
I presume your majesty will not be displeased that I fill so
much paper with this subject, upon which, when I fall, it is so
much all our joys, and so great a part of your happiness to have
such a brother, as I can never satisfy myself to have said enough.
And, madam, give me leave to wish that you would in one letter,
at least, take notice of what you hear of him from them who will
neither flatter him nor dissemble with you ; since there is nobody
who doth well but is glad to hear thereof. And it is both a part
of their recompense, and encouragement to them to persevere and
strive for more and more glory, that such notice is taken of
deserving praise, as may assure them they are greater gainers by
that they do, than they are for how much soever blood or titles
may enrich them with, above other men. It cannot fall so well from
any pen as yours, who being in all respects so near him, may
best, without fearing to make his modesty blush, or suspect, press
his due upon him ; in which I pray he may find the joy he gives
VOL. II. I

114 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1625. to others, and of which, though I am furthest removed from any
hope of particular advantage, I have, for the general, so large a
share as makes me, who am otherwise weary of life, glad that
I have lived to see this proof of him ; and to know beforehand,
that if it please the Almighty God to continue to us this rare
pledge of his Divine Majesty's not being yet weary of doing us
good, your majesty shall have the blessing to be restored to
what you have been by such an arm, as that it will be an honour
equal to the benefit itself, if you may receive that good by him.
I am, Madam, &c. &c. Lucy Bedford.1
On the 27th of March, 1625, King James expired at
his palace of Theobalds. In the autumn of that year, we
find the Countess of Bedford actively engaged in promoting
a treaty set on foot for the marriage of James, Lord Strange,
the heir-apparent to the earldom of Derby, one of the most
eminent of those various characters whom the eventful crisis
that but too rapidly succeeded, called forth from the seclu
sion of domestic life into prominent and splendid notoriety.
The following recently discovered letter from her to some
nameless friend, cannot fail to be read with interest, refer
ring, as it does, to one of the brightest ornaments of her age
and sex, the Lady Charlotte de la Tremouille, better known
as the heroic Countess of Derby — the invincible defender of
Latham house.
Sir, — These enclosed letters will witness that I have not been
unmindful to inquire what my Lord Strange's friends intended con
cerning the marriage spoken of for him in France ; which I find to
be so far advanced, as if MadIle- de Tremouille's friends be not
overstrict in exacting conditions we are not accustomed to hear, it
1 Collection of Letters, by Sir Tobie Matthews. London, 1060.

K. Charles I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 115
is as good as done. Mr. Matthias (who I think you know travelled A.D. 1625
with Lord Strange), if he have found a safe passage to the Hague,
is now there, with as ample a commission to conclude all things as
may be ; and besides, my Lady of Derby hath absolutely given her
sons, with a particular of the present state and possibilities of the
house of Derby, to the Queen of Bohemia, to dispose of both in
this match as she pleases, who extremely affects the good success
thereof; and so, Sir Robert Carr tells me, doth our young queen,
which hath drawn the king to wish it too, — so as I hope we shall
shortly have those worthy ladies here. For if Mr. Matthias return
with such an answer as is expected, the young lord will presently
go over and solemnize the marriage there, who had been his own
messenger, and was extreme earnest to have been so, but that his
mother thought it fitter all other circumstances should first be
determined on, lest, Madame de la Tremouille not liking our English
way, nor those offers that can be made out of my Lord of Derby's
estate, he might, and she too, have parted upon terms of some dis
advantage. I hear that my Lady of Derby's offers (to whom her lord wholly
leaves both his children and affairs) are, that the portion Mad"6, de
la Tremouille brings, shall be, if so her friends desire, laid out in
lands to be settled upon her and her children ; or, for want of such,
on her heirs, so as that the rent will be (neither) to my Lord Strange
nor his house, if he have no children by her. For jointure, they
propound the like that either of the two Countesses of Derby has,
which, so much already being out in jointure, is a large proportion ;
and she is sure to be well provided, that shall have such an interest
to boot in what she brings. For their present maintenance, I know
not — for I forgot to ask — what my Lady of Derby offers; but am
sure she will not be strait-handed in that, dealing so frankly in
the rest ; and having what this young lady brings, they will not
want means to live like children of the houses they come of, till
they be in possession of the earldom, the revenue whereof will
daily better, being of unracked land, and no younger brothers' nor
daughters' portions to be taken out of it, but two great jointures
to come in, and no debt at all to trouble them. I doubt not but
Madame de la Tremouille, being so wise a lady, will see the advan
tages of thus bestowing her daughter ; and I think she cannot have

116 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV-
A.D. 1625 a better counsel given her than to meet my Lady of Derby half
way in forwardness, that it may not depend. For if, because we on
this side are so free, she— as is the disposition of some— should be
the more reserved, and insist too curiously on over-large demands,
she will mar what she would make, which I conceive is not her
intention, being come so far on the occasion.
I send you Sir Robert Carr's letter to me, in confirmation of
part of mine : when you have read it, I pray you throw it in the
fire. I shall, within a day or two, write to the Queen of Bohemia
some reasons why it will be best she set a full and speedy end to
this, wherein she is so much trusted, and so great respect is shewed
to her ; and you shall, I think, do your country people a very good
office to quicken them, that they use no unnecessary delay, lest
something come betwixt to cross what is like to prove so well for
all parties. This treaty hath brought into my thoughts another I should
willingly enter into, and whereof I have had some speech with Sir
Theodore Mayerne, which I have entreated him to impart unto you
more particularly ; yet I will myself add, that considering the pre
sent condition of the House of Rohan, and the future danger of the
whole party of the religion in France, I think it might be a happi
ness to Madlle' de Rohan, and of great use to her friends, if she
were lodged in so noble a family, and where, I dare undertake, she
would be honoured according to her merit. If her portion be such
as a part of it may go to the clearing a debt which lies on that
estate, whatsoever she hath more will not be required, but left to
her own free disposing. If this will be hearkened unto, my Lord
Chamberlain and I have such an interest in the father, as whatso
ever we should undertake, he will make good, though himself were
not acquainted with it; notwithstanding which, if any from Madame
de Rohan had commission to deal in it, we would presently send
for him, who is all nobleness, discretion, and goodness.
If you taste this, I should be glad, as soon as you can, to have
conference with you about it ; for many points touching it that are
not to be discoursed by letter, your judgment, I doubt not, will
easily take hold of. Many I forbear here to mention ; one only I
will not omit, and that is, to recommend unto you secrecy in this,
whether it die in the birth or be proceeded in; for that is neces-

K. Charles I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 117
sary, for more reasons than one. I confess I so heartily wish (if it a.d. 1626;
appear likely to prove well for both parties) the good success of
this, that I know not a second employment I should so gladly apply
myself unto, loving as a brother the father of the one, and reve
rencing those excellent virtues that are so much admired both in
the mother and daughter. I have enjoined my father Mayerne not
to break the seal I have set on his lips, except it be to open them
to my Lord Chamberlain, with whom yet I have had no speech of
this ; for it is but a night old with myself. The same liberty I con
sent to your taking, whom I earnestly entreat to take me for
Your very affectionate friend,
Your wife was well yesterday morning. L. Bedford.
More Lodge, in haste, this 2d of October.1
The parties for whom the countess was so much inter
ested, were married in the June of 1626. In July, the
Duchesse de la Tremouille accompanied the young couple
into England ; and whilst here was entertained at the king's
expense, who complimented her and her daughter with
magnificent banquets at Whitehall, as did the queen at
Somerset House.
One of the learned pursuits of Lady Bedford was the
study of medallic history, and the collection of ancient coins.
Towards this, in 1626, she received some valuable additions
from Sir Thomas Roe (ambassador to the sultan, as he had
previously been to the Mogul), whose highly interesting
published negotiations evince him to have been one of the
most sagacious, virtuous, and accomplished ministers that
England had yet produced; and who, notwithstanding the
press of business in which he was engaged, found leisure
to cultivate his taste for learning and virtu, — collecting,
during his travels, many valuable manuscripts as well as
1 Harl. MSS. cod. 7000. 28. p. 110.

118 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1626. medals of the east, and enriching with antique marbles the
galleries that were then forming by the Earl of Arundel, the
Duke of Buckingham, and others. The letter with which
he accompanied his present is one of the most beautiful
expositions that we possess upon the subject, being equally
clear, concise, and comprehensive.1 To her knowledge of
medals and skill in languages, was joined the love of horti
culture, a taste which, adopted after her retirement from
court, proves how little its atmosphere had disqualified her
from relishing the peaceful pleasures of a country life, and
how easily she could create to herself new sources of interest
and delight. The king having, in 1617, granted to her and
her husband the manor of More Park, in Hertfordshire, she
the following year presented to her kinsman, William Har
rington, her remaining interest in Twickenham Park, and
transferred her residence to the More. It was here that she
laid out and completed, " with great care, excellent con
trivance, and much cost," that garden which obtained from
Sir William Temple the praise of being, both in figure and
disposition, the most beautiful and perfect, and altogether
the sweetest place, which he had ever seen either in England
or in foreign countries ; the remembrance of which, at the
distance of thirty years, was to him, he says, " too pleasant
for him ever to forget."2 Although in the principle of its
formation the countess did not sufficiently depart from those
Italian types which long after her day continued to influence
the style of English gardens, yet, with the usual combina
tion of terraces, balustrades, alcoves, and arbours, inter
spersed amidst fruit borders and flower parterres, — her
native taste led her to throw off some of the customary
1 It is to be met with in his " Negotiations," vol. v. p. 583.
2 Works of Sir W. Temple, fol. 1720, vol. i. p. 170.

K. Charles I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 119
trammels of prevailing art — to banish the barbarity of A.D. 1626.
" topiary work," as it was called, which consisted in tor
turing the shrubs and hedges into all unnatural and mon
strous forms, — and to cover, instead, her corridors for
summer shade with the loose foliage of vines, to plant
the borders of her walks with standard laurels, which in
winter and summer had all the beauty of orange-trees out
of blossom, and to plant a separate portion of her grounds
entirely with greens that combined with shade and wildness
the charm of agreeable seclusion and perennial verdure;
whilst she superadded to the usual embellishments of foun
tain, vase, and statue, grottos of spar, of shell-work, and
of rock. It was the beau ideal of Bacon's fancy of a garden
realised, and appears to have been very generally imitated,
on various scales of magnificence and taste, by the English
gentry and nobility of that period. Her devotion to the art
attracted the notice of Castelvetri, an Italian, who dedicated
to her his treatise on the various esculents and fruits that
were then cultivated for the table, in his own country.
In some of these occupations, it is probable that the
earl participated, although the equal tenour of his un
ambitious course has attracted little comment from con
temporary writers. Whetstone dedicated to him his poem
on the " Life, Death, and Divine Virtues" of his grandsire;
and a few notes of his own occur, principally to Sir Robert
Cotton, one of which is affixed, as an indication, however
trifling, of his not ungraceful turn of thought.1
1 Edward, Earl of Bedford, to Sir Robert Cotton.
Sir, — I should very ill deserve the respect you declared to have ever
present with you of me, upon the occasion of Mr. Burgess's coming to you,
if I should content myself only to hear thereof, without so much as rendering
affectionate thanks for so great an expression of friendly kindness ; whereof
that you may know I have the sense I ought, these lines attend you, — the

120 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1627. He died the 3d of May 1627, and on Wednesday night,
the 11th, was privately interred at Chenies. The health of
the countess was at the same time so fast declining, that it
was conjectured by a correspondent of the times that " she
would not long outlive her husband."1 The presentiment was
accomplished. She died on the 26th of the same month ;
but it is altogether uncertain whether she was interred at
Chenies or in Rutlandshire. A singular fate has attended
her memory. After having passed, with unblemished repu
tation and celebrity, through all the phases of a reigning
favourite and beauty, in a court by no means the most
guarded and discreet; after carrying with her into retire
ment the friendship and affection of the wise, the learned,
and the good, untouched by the least stroke of that calumny
and satire in which such writers as Weldon and Osborne
have indulged, — her fame has been aspersed, and her dis
position grossly misrepresented, by two commentators upon
portraits in the last century. It is a common error for
such writers, in speaking of long- departed characters, to
indulge in the expression of general and decisive judgments,
from the knowledge of a few isolated facts distinct from the
circumstances with which they must have been connected.
Grainger found Drayton acknowledging that the countess
"rained upon him her sweet showers of gold," and thinking
protest in my name that that care of yours hath made such an impression of
gratitude in me as will not wear out, but appear manifestly, if ever I can find
how to give a proof that I am
Your thankful and affectionate cousin, Bedford.2
More Lodge, this 9th of Feb. 1625-6.
1 Birch MSS. Mr. Mead to Sir M. Stuteville, June 2, 1627.

2 MSS. Cott. Julius, C. iv. fol. 164.

K. Charles I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 121
only of those later reigns, when every dedication had its fee, A.D. 1627.
pronounces that those showers were bribes for adulation, and
the praises of Donne and Daniel but venal tributes to her
boundless vanity. He found a few verses of Ben Jonson,
thanking her for a buck which she had promised him, and
hence Jonson also, the indignant satirist of every thing servile
and unmanly, must be classed amongst her parasites, although
such was his genuine admiration, that even in addressing
other ladies, he cannot suppress his estimation of her merit.1
Pennant carried his researches somewhat farther. He
found her selling her ancestral estates at Exton and Burley ;
and not considering, that from want of offspring she had no
very powerful motive for retaining them, loudly exclaims
against her profusion and extravagance, and echoes the same
unmeaning cry of insatiable vanity ; not omitting, at the same
time, a sneer at her being far " too sublime" for an atten
tion "to domestic affairs," and at the character for taste
which she established before death. That she was profuse,
cannot be denied ; for her husband certainly alienated some
of his estates in the West of England and Northumberland :
but profusion then was far less the fault of the individual
than of the age, as might be instanced from almost every
page of the court correspondence extant. And if she dis
pensed her treasures prodigally, it was not merely, like most
other ladies in the circle of the court —
" Celebrar giochi illustri, e pompe liete,"
but also with a loftier and less selfish aim,
" Nutrire e fecondar 1' arte e gl' ingegni."
Her farther vindication is left to the just remarks of Mr.
Lodge, whose estimate of character and action is generally
1 See his Epistle to the Countess of Rutland, in which he nobly asserts
the dignity of his tribe, and his sense of Lady Bedford's deserts, under the
name of Lucinda.

122 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XV.
A.D. 1627. the result of a judgment clear, candid, and acute, when
it does not verge upon that line where the springs of party
feeling are too obviously permitted to escape. " Her cha
racter," he remarks, " through a strange envious perverse-
ness, seems to have been undervalued, because she was in
her time the object of almost universal praise from those who
were best qualified to judge of genius, as well as to express
that judgment. Men of talent and taste in our day have
condescended, for the sake of abusing her, to fall into the
proverbial nonsense that poets can only lie and flatter.
Grainger, in whose very agreeable book we may frequently
trace the peculiarities of another mind and pen, tells us
that she purchased all their complaisance with money, that
they 'in return were as lavish of their incense,' and that,
upon * a moderate calculation, she paid them as much for
their panegyrics as Octavia did Virgil for his encomium
on Marcellus.' Pennant, in mentioning a portrait of her
with which he chanced to meet, calls her ' that fantastic
lady,' charges her with vanity and extravagance, and speaks
scornfully of the earl, because he endured her. Thus these
gentlemen have bestowed perhaps more imagination, not to
say fiction, in their sober prose, than she received at the
hands of all her poets; for certain it is, that they could
not have stated a single fact in proof of their invectives."
There are at Woburn Abbey two portraits of Edward,
Earl of Bedford. The one represents him sitting, in a suit
of black and gold, with a high-crown hat, and his right arm
in a sash or sling ; the other, in a similar costume, standing,
with his left hand resting on a table. "A°. 1616."
Those of the countess are more numerous. The first, at
Woburn Abbey, is a fine painting, ascribed by Walpole to
Gerard Honthorst: in this she is habited in black, with a

K. Charles I. EDWARD, THIRD EARL. 123
ruff, and a coronet on her head, sitting, with her face reclin- A.D. 1627.
ing on her hand : it has been engraved for the " Illustrious
Portraits." A similar one exists at Alloa, painted in 1620,
in the thirty-eighth year of her age, which Pennant attributes
to Cornelius Jansen.
The second, at Woburn, represents her somewhat younger,
in that "fantastic habit" which excited Pennant's spleen, —
a large transparent veil distended behind her, and in the
attitude of dancing.
A third is in possession of the Duke of Portland, a full-
length, with red stockings, and otherwise singularly attired;
the features somewhat caricatured, and the figure standing
amidst clouds.
The Duke of Buckingham possesses a fourth ; a very
curious and interesting half-length miniature by Nicholas
Hilliard; with more open bosom, her hair curled, habited
in a beautiful flowered dress, a large veil floating from her
head-dress, a chain around her neck. It has been privately
engraved for the possessor, in a circle, by R. Cooper. It
does not appear from what picture the old engraving by
Simon Pass was executed.

124

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVI.

CHAPTER XVI.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES THE FIRST TO THE COMMENCEMENT
OF THE TROUBLES IN SCOTLAND.
A.D. 1625 — 1638.
Francis, fourth Earl of Bedford . . . Marriage of his daughters . . . Lady Brooke
. . . Lady Bristol . . . Lady Carlisle . . . Lady Newport . . . He signs the
noted petition on the English peerage . . . Displeasure of the king . . .
Maxims of the new king's government . . . Rising opposition in the Com
mons . . . Earl of Bedford strenuous in defence of the' liberty of the sub
ject . . . Petition of Right, 1 628 . . . Royal message . . . Singular agitation
of the Commons . . . Dissolution of the Patriotic Parliament . . . Perse
cution of its members . . . Star-chamber prosecution of the Earl of Bedford,
1629 .. . Drainage of the Fens, 1 630 . . . Marriage of Lord Russell, 1637
. . . Negotiations for another alliance . . . Amusing letter of Lord Digby,
1637 . . . Marriage connexions of his other sons . . . Earl of Bedford's
intervention on behalf of Lady Pembroke, 1638.
Edward, Earl of Bedford, was succeeded in his style and
honours by his cousin Francis, the only son of the heroic
William, baron of Thornhaugh. He had, at the age of nine
years, accompanied his father into Ireland, where he re
mained till his recall, being then about twelve years old.
He appears to have attended Sir William in his Irish
diversions, if not in his expeditions, being represented in a
curious painting of that time, at Woburn Abbey, in a white
hunting jacket, with green hose, two dogs in couples near
him, and a hawk upon his hand. He was knighted by King
James at Whitehall, on the 30th of March, 1607, and in
the following year was united to the object of his affections,
Catharine, one of the daughters and co-heiresses of Giles
Brydges, third Lord Chandos of Sudeley, 1 by Frances,

1 Arms ; argent, on a cross sable, a leopard's head or.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 125
daughter of Edward Clinton, Earl of Lincoln ; their mar- A.D. 1621.
riage settlement being dated February 22, 1608.
In the happy privacy of lettered and domestic ease, his bryd<
early years of manhood had flown by with scarce a record.
In 1621, having a grant of the manor of Amersham, he
had successfully exerted himself to procure a new charter
restoring to that town its ancient right of sending burgesses
to parliament.1 For the establishment of such questioned
privileges as these he was peculiarly qualified, having re
ceived at one of the inns of court2 the education of a
lawyer, which had induced, upon a mind naturally strong,
inductive, and sagacious, a habit of patient thought and
close investigation. These powers of his studious and ener
getic intellect he was daily engaged in sharpening, by an
examination of the various religious and political contro
versies that were then under debate. The discussions in
the later parliaments of James, to which, after his father's
decease, he was summoned by writ as a baron of the realm,
had strongly rivetted his attention. He attached himself
then to the society of such men as Elliot, Selden, and
Sir Robert Cotton ; and directed his studies to the pre
cedents, the usages, and power of former parliaments,
grounding himself deeply in the principle and spirit of the
laws as they bore upon the weighty questions then for the
first time broadly mooted; and superadding, as he pro
ceeded, to the accumulated sentiments and authorities of
such patriots as these, the comments of his own vigorous
and enlightened intellect. This is evinced by the voluminous
observations entered in his common-place books, which also
' Letter to Sir Robert Cotton. Harl. MSS.
2 His shield of arms was painted in the large semicircular window of
Grays Inn, as appears by the engraving in Dugdale's " Origines Judiciales,"
p. 300.

126 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1621. shew, though written in a rapid hand unfortunately little
legible, that there was scarcely a parliamentary debate to
which he listened, a book which he read, a sermon which
he heard, or a subject to which he gave his steady thoughts,
that was not systematically subjected by him to analysis,
and in some shape or other made to furnish accessories to
his wit or weapons for his wisdom. Yet there was nothing
saturnine in either his aspect or disposition ; but over the
severe and studious temper of his thoughts was diffused a
spirit of benignant charity, fruitful in deeds of beneficence
to others, like the exuberant foliage and clusters that mantle
on the gnarled vine.
He had, by the above lady, besides other offspring who
will be hereafter noticed, four daughters, Catharine, Anne,
Margaret, and Diana ; ' all of whom rivetted regard or
engaged admiration by their personal attractions, though
varying considerably in their style of beauty. From their
portraits preserved at Woburn Abbey, their characteristic
distinctions may, with but little aid from fancy, be clearly
and significantly traced.
Catharine, the eldest, born in 1614, appears first at the
age of thirteen, a large ruff encircling her neck, and setting
off to great advantage a countenance full of gentleness and
calm reflection. Her auburn hair, thrown back in perfect
plainness, is behind fastened with a sprig of laurel. In the
full maturity of womanhood she is again presented to us,
in a dark costume of almost puritanical severity, which, not
withstanding, well comports with the regular features of her
oval face, and an expression indicative of great simplicity of
character — the placid gentleness of earlier years settled into a
composed and dignified sedateness. But for the bunch of
flowers at her breast, she might be deemed a recluse or nun.

K.Charles I.

FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL.

127

She was married at the age of fourteen to Robert Greville,
second Lord Brooke1, then recently returned from his con
tinental travels. He had been adopted as a son, in default
of offspring, by his cousin, Fulke, Lord Brooke, Sir Philip
Sidney's well-known literary friend, who conferred upon
him an education well befitting the title and inheritance to
which he destined him. To these Sir Robert had the regret
to be prematurely called, by the assassination of his kinsman
in 1628. The political sentiments entertained at this period
by the young Lord Brooke, for he had but just passed his
minority, were much in unison with the Earl of Bedford's.
His ardent love of civil and religious liberty, imbibed by
travelled intercourse with the religionists of Germany and
Switzerland, and still farther increased by the influence of
the earl's opinions, led him at a future period to view
with equal indignation and impatience the rapid progress
which the monarchy was making towards despotism, and
to take a prominent part with his compatriots in curbing its
career. Anne, the second daughter, was born in 1615. Her
countenance, symmetrical in all its features, transparent in its
tints, and illuminated with eyes that gave to its expression
somewhat of an imperial, but by no means an imperious
character, exhibits a luxuriant beauty sublimed above her
sister's by the superior intellect beaming on her forehead.
Her auburn hair, disposed on each side of her face in a mul
titude of ringlets, is bound in a Grecian knot behind with
strings of pearl. She is habited in a drapery of blue, and
would appear likely to have captivated at the very first sight
the affections of that extraordinary nobleman to whom she

A.D. 1621.

GltEVILLE.

'Arms; sable, on a cross within a bordure engrailed or, five pellets of the first.

128

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVI.

A.D. 1621.

came to be united. George Digby,1 the son of that earl of
Bristol who had been employed as ambassador in Spain when
the Duke of Buckingham and Prince Charles made their
romantic journey thither, had very early in life given proofs
of varied and commanding talent. When his father lay a
prisoner in the tower, the young Lord Digby undertook on
his behalf to present a petition to the Commons, which he
delivered at the bar, with an appropriate speech, the modest
confidence of which, in connexion with his extreme youth,
graceful person, and ingenuous features, excited no small
admiration. He was distinguished at Oxford by his attain
ments in every walk of literature, and returned from his
travels the most accomplished young man of this, or per
haps of any other nation ; a distinction to which the beauty
of his person and the winning grace of his deportment gave
peculiar lustre. It is at this period of his popularity and
promise that he is depicted, with his brother-in-law, Lord
Russell, by the unrivalled pencil of Vandyck, in a painting
at Althorp, which can never be forgotten by those who have
once seen it.2 The retired life which his father, after his
liberation, found it desirable to lead, proved of eminent ad
vantage to Lord Digby ; for, finding no footing at court, he
went down to Sherborne Castle, where he cultivated an ex
tensive acquaintance with the men of quality and talents who
resorted thither for the earl's society. He gave his leisure
hours there exclusively to books and study, the intenseness
of which was attested by his acquisitions in the abstruse
branches of philosophy, his deep acquaintance with the
fathers, and his own controversial writings. With the poets
of his own and ancient times he was intimately conversant ;

1 Arms ; azure, a fleur-de-lis argent.
' A repetition of this picture, by the same artist, is at Woburn Abbey.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 129
the verses which he wrote are said to have displayed great A.D. 1621.
liveliness of fancy; in short, he appears to have excelled
in every walk of art and science to which his inclination
wandered. Such was Lord Digby at the time of which we
write ; his brilliant qualities the theme of every tongue ; his
infirmities, unquickened yet into action by his restlessness
and impetuosity of temper, unnoticed or unknown. Later
in life, when his ardent temperament impelled him into the
tumultuous stir of public life, he suffered himself unfortu
nately to be borne hither and thither by the current, at the
mercy of every new tide of thought, or fluctuation of am
bition. He seemed to delight in putting on new shapes of
character, as though, like Proteus, to baffle apprehension ;
and hence his whole mind, as well as conduct, appeared full
of shining inconsistencies. Still, through every phase of
character, whether dark or bright, into which his passions or
his fancy carried him, his engaging personal qualities never
failed to conciliate affection, even when they failed to shield
from condemnation the errors into which he was betrayed.
Margaret, the third daughter, was born in 1618. Her
features were cast in a yet finer mould of form than Lady
Bristol's, with somewhat less strength of character in their
expression ; but this disparity was more than compensated by
the ineffable sweetness of her eyes, and the contour of her
lips, which breathed an unaffected air of half-angelic good
ness. There was in Lady Bristol's aspect that which might
seem to challenge admiration : the repose of Lady Margaret's
spoke of feminine reserve and delicacy, regulating and giving
dignity to a spirit that appeared " to love whate'er it looked
upon." There was less power of thought enthroned upon
her forehead, but in concert with the language of her eyes
and lips, it beamed with a pure, a quiet, and a happy beauty
VOL. n. K

130

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVI.

A.D.

NEWPORT.

1621. that would assuredly realise every promise which it made to
a virtuous taste or an enamoured fancy. Her hair, of rather
a darker tint than that of her two sisters, hung in long ring
lets on her neck, enwreathed with a few simple flowers that
received rather than imparted adornment to her person. She
was married at an early age to James Hay, afterwards second
Earl of Carlisle,1 whose father filled so eminent a part in the
transactions of this reign, and who ran so eccentric a course
in the career of pomp and prodigality.
Diana, the earl's fourth daughter, was born in 1622.
She blended in her countenance the predominating qualities
of her two next elder sisters; but of the two, it possessed
more of Lady Carlisle's benignity than Lady Bristol's loftiness.
Its prevalent expression was that of a candid and a tranquil
spirit, owing more, in its power of pleasing, to the grace of
regularity and calm composure, than to the active charm of
animated thought. She was married to Francis, the eldest
son (by Rachel, daughter of John Levison, Esq., of Tren-
tham) of Sir Richard Newport,2 of High Ercall, in Shrop
shire, a gentleman who, for his devotion to the cause of
Charles I., came to be rewarded with the title of Lord New
port, by letters patent granted in the year 1642.
In forming or cultivating these family connexions, the
current of Lord Bedford's life had passed equally and brightly
on. The first public token of his political sentiments that
he appears to have given, was in vindication of the privi
leges of the English hereditary peerage, which had been
violated by the precedence claimed and given to the many
English peers with Irish and Scotch titles, which James
the First had recently created. Thirty-two of the more
1 Arms ; argent, 3 escutcheons gules.
2 Arms; argent, a chevron gules between three leopard s'-heads sable.

K.Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. ]31
ancient nobility, resenting those marks of favouritism, which A.D. 1621.
seemed to throw disparagement upon themselves, and re
solved at least, says Wilson, that the king should see they
were offended by it, joined with the Earl of Bedford, at that
time Baron Thornhaugh, in signing a bold petition to the
king ; wherein, without seeking to limit his prerogative, they
prayed, " that they might challenge and preserve their birth
right, and take no more notice, to their own prejudice, of
such titulars than did the law of the land ; but be excused
if in civil courtesy they gave them not the respect which was
generally accorded to the real Scotch and Irish peerage,
seeing that, whilst born and inheritanced under the English
laws, those gentlemen had, by importunity, procured these
foreign titles only to the injury of the English hereditary
peers."1 An appeal of so novel a character (for any union of oppo
sition to the kingly will, in 1621 — the days of the royal
warrant and the Star-chamber — was a thing till then un
dreamt of), appeared likely in no small degree to rouse the
anger of a prince so jealous of his loved prerogative as James.
Of this the associated nobles were aware ; but they took an
effectual method of rendering it innocuous, as we learn from
the following unpublished letter of a contemporary writer.
Joseph Mead, Esq. to Sir M. Stuteville.
Christ's Coll., Cambridge, Feb. 25, 1620-1.
Worthy Sir, — I am told, that upon Tuesday there was another
petition tendered to his majesty from the Upper House, whereunto
thirty-three of the nobility had subscribed their names, and resolved
all together jointly to prefer it to his majesty; as the surest way to
prevent the danger which might come to any particular, in case his

1 Nichols's Progresses of James I., vol. iii. p. 655.

132 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1621. majesty should be offended. What their petition was I could not
hear; however, the king would not give them admittance to his pre
sence, but commanded them that they should deliver their petition
to his privy council, to be considered of, which they refused to
do ; alleging that they accounted themselves at this time not to be
inferior, or any way subordinate to his privy council, but above
them ; and that it was without example, and not agreeable to the
laws of the kingdom, for the privy council to have the examination
or cognizance of matters of parliament, which is the highest court
in the kingdom, and not inferior to any other. At which answer
his majesty was highly displeased, and redoubled his command
ment, but they would not obey. Whereupon he sent the prince
unto them, and commanded them to deliver it unto him. Then
they desired some time of consultation, which done, they told his
highness, that if he would make open protestation unto them that
he received it not as, or in the name of a privy counsellor, and
would promise, upon his honour, not to deliver it unto any but
his majesty's own hand, and besides undertake to bring them
all to his father's presence, they would then deliver it unto him —
otherwise not.
When these conditions would not be entertained, nor they other
wise forego their petition, at last his majesty sends for the foremost
of them, which was the Earl of Oxford, the chief peer, and com
manded him to deliver the petition, supposing that he had it.
But he, according as was agreed amongst them, before he entered,
delivered it to the rest, and so informed his majesty that he had it
not. Whereupon his majesty sends for a second, and so for a
third, who leaving their petition as before, told his majesty they
had it not. Whereat, his majesty much moved, asked, Who had
it ? Answer was made, the Earl of Lincoln ; who being likewise
called in, and answering that he had not the petition, but had
given it to the next, at length they told his majesty, that it was
in vain to send for any more of them, for they were fully resolved
not to deliver it, unless they were admitted all together. Where
upon his majesty, wonderfully incensed, sent them all away, re
infecto, and said, that he would come into parliament himself and
bring them all to the bar ; as he had before threatened that he

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 133
would find him out that packed them together, and make him A.D. 1628.
smart for it. These things I am told by such as came from London
on Wednesday.1 I am, &c. &c. Joseph Mead.
The whole incident is interesting to us, as evincing, in a
language not to be mistaken, that the pernicious maxims
which James had long industriously insinuated, and which
he had at length ventured to put in practice with his par
liaments, were then beginning to excite a lively jealousy,
condemnation, and resistance.
James lived, however, only to call into their first play
the arbitrary principles which mark the Stuart dynasty. To
array and bring them into open conflict with the nation was
reserved for his unhappy son. Those maxims of indefeasible
and sacred right, which with James were little more perhaps
than a deeply cherished sentiment, became with Charles an
innate, fixed, and constant principle of action. It was not
long before he began to reap its bitter fruits. Pernicious
though the evils were that flowed from James's favouritism,
his partialities either had been so widely lavished, or so com
bined with personal qualities of a more popular nature, as
to have excited little serious discontent ; and where dissatis
faction did exist, it cannot be doubted that it would be
greatly controlled or counteracted by the abundance of titular
honours which he every where conferred, and by the fre
quency of his progresses and visits to the rural gentry. But
Charles was at once more reserved, tenacious, impatient, and
severe ; and his ill success in managing his early parliaments,

1 Birch MSS. No. 4176. The injury to the English peerage remaining
unredressed, was made the subject of another petition in the succeeding
reign, by a vote of the whole house of lords. See it in Cobbett's Pari. Hist.
vol. ii. p. 438.

134 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI
A.D. 1628. whose affections he found himself incapable of engaging,
served only to bind him more exclusively to the high and
haughty Buckingham, whose power the nation justly re
garded with jealousy and aversion. Standing thus aloof from
his people, and seeking no conciliation with his parliament,
whose opposition he so frequently provoked, the monarch
became publicly and personally identified, which James was
not, with that impetuous and arbitrary favourite; he was
hence fated to participate in the odium which Buckingham
every where inspired, and was involved, before he was fully
sensible of the danger, in all the disastrous consequences of
his rash and daring counsels.
From the liberal complexion of his sentiments and prin
ciples, it was impossible that the Earl of Bedford could be an
unconcerned spectator of the contests in which the king and
commons thus became embroiled, — contests which brought
the royal prerogative, unbounded in its claims, insolent and
insufferable in its tone and pressure, into open collision with
the infant, but herculean energies of mental independence.
Though but the skirmishes that preceded the wide war of
opinion which subsequently enfranchised the nation from the
" monstrous claim of many made for one," the history of them
is full of interest; and it is impossible to contemplate the
intellectual efforts, the sufferings, the constancy, and heroic
resolution of the chief actors in them without the highest
admiration. They were men for the most part of sterling
principle and patriotism, with minds cast in an athletic mould,
and powerful, from their long laborious study of the laws and
spirit of the constitution, to resist that yoke which the barbaric
might of monarchy, jealous of all but its own feudal pre
eminence, sought to rivet on their necks and consciences.
Parliamentary and legal precedents, and sound impassive

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 135
arguments, were the weapons which they used ; and as their A.D. it
trust and patience were not yet outwearied by illusory pro
mises and weak evasions, nor the desire of revenge yet excited
by the parade of tyrannous exaction, they had no aim incon
sistent with the real welfare of the monarch ; and if their
controversy struck at his power and prerogative, it was in
the absolutely necessary defence of their personal liberties
and rights. Coke, Elliot, Seymour, Littleton, and Pym —
Hampden, Selden, Phillips, Rich, and Cotton — were patriots
worthy of the phalanx of Leonidas. Wisely, bravely, and
yet most temperately, at this juncture, did they guard the
mountain-fastnesses of freedom, which their country, then-
conscience, and the law, had given them to keep ; neither
" counted they their lives dear unto them," so that they
might transmit unimpaired — for the respect and awe of
future sovereigns — the inalienable rights of the religionist,
and the chartered privileges of the subject.
As it was principally upon the Commons that, in the
shape of compulsory loans, Star-chamber processes, enormous
fines, and remorseless imprisonments, the monarch laid the
heavy hand of his " divine right," so it was in their House
that the first stand and the warfare was most prominently
maintained ; and hence we have but few transcripts upon
record of the sentiments to which the peers gave utterance,
whilst the great debates that preceded the dissolution of the
parliament in 1629 were under agitation. There is, how
ever, sufficient evidence to shew, that as Lord Bedford early
came to the conclusion that a due limitation of the mo
narchical power was the only safe principle to abide by, in
the struggle that had now commenced, for preserving the
three estates of the realm in steady and harmonious con
nexion, he cordially and inseparably attached himself, by

136 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1628. private friendship as well as parliamentary patronage, to this
little, this proscribed, but dauntless and uncompromising
party. No measure could be more purely constitutional than that
which this party took for the redress of public grievances,
and a restriction of the unbounded supremacy which Charles
had claimed. Such gross and numerous infringements of
the liberty of the subject had been committed, that there
was, in many minds, a strong apprehension that the public
discontents would effervesce into an insurrection. Sir Dudley
Digges and Sir John Elliot, for the free mode in which
they had exercised their parliamentary right of impeaching
the minister Buckingham, had been thrown into prison,
unadjudged ; a forced loan for the supply of the exchequer
had been demanded without the sanction of parliament, and
enforced in a manner the most inquisitorial and stern. Even
in the arbitrary reign of Henry the Eighth the spirit of the
people had been sufficient to repel this odious species of
exaction; and there was still enough of public virtue to
imitate the precedent. Numbers of the gentry in Bedford
shire, Northamptonshire, and other counties, preferred the
penalty of imprisonment to a compliance with the ukase ;
and the gaols were crowded with delinquents who gloried in
their sufferings. Ship-money had been also recently, for the
first time, demanded ; and every maxim that transpired from
the court precincts and pulpits indicated a resolution on the
part of Charles and his minister to grind down into passive
and absolute obedience the sturdy temper of the English
freeman. The fierceness of this feudal project was to be coped with,
and controlled. As their barrier to the aggression, the
Commons, at the close of their prolonged debates on the

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 137
liberty of the subject, produced their celebrated Petition a.d. 1628.
of Right, drawn up by Sir Edward Coke. The royal message
which had passed whilst this admirable act was pending in
the Commons, the nature of the alteration that was proposed
to it in the Lords, and the various discussions which it
underwent in conference between the two houses, attested
its unpalatable character with the monarch, and its vast
importance in the estimation of the people. The petition
was happily preserved intact ; and on the 2d of June the
king submitted to give it his unwilling sanction, but in terms
which gave no small dissatisfaction, as they varied from the
usual form, and appeared more like an attempted evasion
than a frank assent.
Whilst the subject was before the House of Lords, the Earl
of Bedford, it appears, distinguished himself so conspicuously
in favour of the rights claimed by the original petition as to
attract the attention and displeasure of the king, who sud
denly commanded him away from parliament to his distant
lieutenancy of Devonshire,1 where means were found to detain
him till the session was prorogued, in disgust on the one
hand, and indignation on the other. The commons, mean
while, had agreed on a remonstrance to the king, which he
met on the 5th of June by a peremptory message, command
ing them quickly to conclude their business, and forbear to
meddle farther with affairs of state. A more lively picture of
the sensation which this haughty step excited can scarcely
be portrayed than is furnished by the following impressive
and unpublished letter : —
1 The Earl of Bedford, one of the earnest ones for the defence of the
liberties, is lately commanded down into Devonshire, whereof he is lieu
tenant ; but he was not to know his commission till he comes there, whereat
his family were somewhat perplexed. — Mr. Mead to Sir M. Stuteville,
May 27, 1628. Birch MSS. No. 4176.

138 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
Joseph Mead, Esq. to Sir M. Stuteville.
Christ's College, June 15, 1628.
A.D. 1628. Worthy Sir, — Though I came not home time enough to un
buckle my budget to send by your coach, yet, lest you should
remain too long under an uncertain relation, I have resolved to
venture a line or two by Kenford ; but you must expect no more
than the time wherein I must write will afford me.
I know you have heard of that black and doleful Thursday,
June 5, the day I arrived at London, which was by degrees occa
sioned first by his majesty's unsatisfactory answer on Monday, and
increased by a message afterward, that he was resolved neither to
add to, nor alter the answer he had given them. Hereupon they
fell to recount the miscarriage of our government, and the disasters
of all our designs these latter years, representing every thing to
the life ; but the first day glancing only at the Duke, not naming
him. On Wednesday they proceeded farther, to the naming of
him, Sir Edward Coke breaking the ice, and the rest following.
So that on Thursday, they growing still more vehement, and ready
to fall downright upon him, a message was sent from his majesty,
absolutely forbidding them to meddle with the government, or any
of his majesty's ministers ; but if they meant to have this a session,
forthwith to finish what they had begun, as otherwise his majesty
would dismiss them.
Then appeared such a spectacle of passions, as the like had
seldom been seen in such an assembly, some weeping, some expos
tulating, some prophesying of the fatal ruin of our kingdom, some
playing the divines, and confessing their own and their country's
sins, which drew this government upon us, some finding, as it were,
fault with those that wept, and expressing their bold and courageous
resolutions against the enemies of the king and kingdom. I have
been told by parliament-men, that there were above a hundred
weeping eyes, many who offered to speak being interrupted and
silenced with their own passions. Yet they stayed not here ; but
as grieved men are wont, all this doleful distemper showered down
upon the Duke of Buckingham as the cause and author of all their
misery, in the midst of these their pangs crying out most bitterly
against him, as the abuser of the king, and enemy of the kingdom.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 139
At which time Mr. Speaker, not able as he seemed any longer to A.D. 1623.
behold so woeful a spectacle in so grave a senate, with tears flowing
in his eyes, besought them to grant him leave to go out for half an
hour, which being granted him, he went presently to his majesty,
and informed him what state the house was in, and came presently
back with a message to dismiss the house and all committees from
further proceeding until next morning, when they should know his
majesty's pleasure forthwith. The like was sent to the Lords' house,
and not there entertained without some tears, both houses accepting
it as a preparation to a dissolution, which they expected would be
the next morning ; but this is observable (I had it from a parliament-
man), that, had not the Speaker returned at that very moment, they
had voted the duke to be an arch-traitor, and enemy to the king
and kingdom, with a worse appendix thereto, if some say true.
They were then calling to the question when the Speaker came in,
but then stayed to hear his message.
The next day, Friday morning, they were recomforted with a
message much better than they looked for, that they should go on
and despatch their business, for which his majesty would grant
them convenient time, and give them such satisfaction as was meet.
They spent that day in the House of Commons in preparing a
remonstrance to his majesty of the great danger the kingdom was
in, and the grievances it groaned under, which they first thought
upon the day before, when his majesty's message came unto them
threatening a dissolution. They examined the transporting of
ordnance, the selling of powder out of the Tower, the matter
of the Dutch horse, &c. ; but fell no more out upon the duke.
That forenoon came an unexpected message from the Lords. Their
lordships desired the Commons to join with them to petition his
majesty for another answer to the Petition of Right, which they
most gladly accepted of. I was then in Westminster Hall.
The next day, Saturday, June 7th, the Commons continued as
before in making ready their remonstrance: they rose at twelve. I
dined with Sir Robert Brooke at his brother's house, close by the
Palace Yard, and sat with him till two, at which time he made
haste again to the parliament house, there being then not so much
as a suspicion of his majesty's letter coming to the house, as not
having yet been moved by both houses, as .was agreed. Neverthe-

140 ~ RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1629. less, about four o'clock, news came that his majesty was coming to
parliament : presently the Commons were called up, and his majesty
spoke unto them thus : —
" The answer I have already given you was made with so good
deliberation, and approved by the judgment of so many wise men,
that I could not have imagined but that it should have given full
satisfaction. But to avoid all ambiguous interpretation, and to
shew you that there is no doubleness in my meaning, I am willing
to please you in words1 as in substance. Read your petition, and
you shall have an answer that I am sure will please you. The
petition being read, his majesty answered, Le Droict soit faict
comme il est desiri. This I am sure is full, yet no more than I
granted you in my first answer. You see now how ready I have
shewed myself to satisfy your demands, so that I have done my
part." Presently the house testified their satisfaction with acclama
tions, and other like expressions. I am, &c. &c. Joseph Mead.2
The satisfaction of the commons at this turn which the
struggle took, did not, however, prevent their proceeding with
the remonstrance on their other grievances ; in the discussions
upon which, the Duke of Buckingham was boldly struck at
by Elliot, Coke, and Selden. It was voted, in the end, that
his excessive power, and the abuse which he made of it, was
the cause of the public ills and dangers ; and that this resolu
tion should be added to the remonstrance, for the sovereign
to consider whether it were safe for him and the nation that
he should be so near his person. A fresh remonstrance on
the unjust seizure of tonnage and poundage, and other im
positions without act of parliament, was under preparation,
when, at the moment of its being read, the king came sud-
i " For he was told they desired these, the ancient form theretofore used
by his ancestors."
2 Birch MSS. No. 4177.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 141
denly, in great displeasure, and prorogued the parliament. A.D. 1629.
Notwithstanding which, when it resumed its sittings on the
20th of January, 1 629, the popular members and great lawyers
fell again to the consideration of the same wrongs; and, on
a renewal of the remonstrance by Sir John Elliot, the sove
reign, in despair of taming the high spirit of a parliament so
constituted, terminated its stormy debates, in a fit of passion,
on the 10th of March; and for twelve years the nation was
left without any organ for the redress of its injuries or the
expression of its wishes, abandoned to the insults and exac
tions of a haughty and despotic court, without any efficient
power of prosecuting its quarrel to a just decision, till the
great Hampden rose in vindication of its civil rights, and the
Covenanters set their seal on the charter of free conscience.
In the meanwhile, as though the public animosities
excited by this course of conduct were not sufficient, Charles
followed up the blow by taking vengeance on the leaders
who had most offended him ; and Hollis, Elliot, and
Selden, with others of the patriot party, were committed
to prison for their late parliamentary proceedings ; where,
by their unflinching constancy under suffering, they acquired
unbounded present popularity and future veneration. Sir
John Elliot died during his incarceration, and the most
grievous fines were imposed upon the rest by the engine
of that earlier " reign of terror" — the detested court of
Star-chamber. But Charles's resentment did not end here. He readily
availed himself of the means that were casually furnished
him for criminating and punishing two other individuals,
equally illustrious, who had joined in complaining of the
grievances under which the nation groaned. These were the

142 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1629. Earl of Bedford and Sir Robert Cotton. Of the latter per
sonage, although he was the uniform advocate for applying
none but mild remedies to the public evils, and zealous for
the honour and safety of the sovereign, the ministers of
Charles had long been jealous : and so early as 1626 we
learn that this great antiquary was menaced with the threat
that his library should be taken from him, because he was
in the practice of imparting ancient precedents to the Lower
House,1 in favour of its own power and of the people's
liberties. To such an insufferable extent was the preroga
tive carried! The present, we presume, was judged a fit
occasion for accomplishing this desideratum of oppression.
It happened that a treatise had been written at Florence
by Sir Robert Dudley, during the late reign, entitled, " A
Proposition for his Majesty's Service, to bridle the iinper-
tinency of Parliament" — the tenour of which was to shew
by what means a British sovereign might overawe the nation,
render himself independent of his parliament, and himself
and his descendants absolute. The essay is known to have
been presented in manuscript by the author to the late king,
and to have been well received by him, as being in unison
with many of his favourite maxims of state -government. 2
This tract coming into the possession of Sir Robert Cotton,
had attracted the attention of Richard James, to whom he
had committed the custody of his library, and who took the
liberty, occasionally, of letting out for a gratuity several
of his most valuable manuscripts. Amongst those of which
such use was made was this particular treatise, which had
1 Birch's MS. Collections, No. 4161. Letter to Mr. Mead, from London,
April 28, 1626.
2 See it in Rushworth's Historical Collections, vol. i. App. p. 12.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 143
been borrowed by the celebrated St. John, a student at that A.D. 1629.
time in Lincoln's Inn. St. John, struck with its significant
design and scope, shewed a copy of it to the Earl of Bedford :
and thus it passed, during this year, from hand to hand, till
it was at last lent to Sir Robert Cotton himself, who, ignorant
that it had come originally from his own library, set his
private amanuensis to transcribe it. The amanuensis made
as unjustifiable a use of it as the librarian, taking secretly
various transcripts for himself, which he disposed of to those
who saw in the essay a prototype of much that had been
passing, of late years, in the government and court. One
of these copies falling at length into Sir Thomas Went-
worth's hands, now, by the superinducements of the monarch
converted into a courtier, he transmitted it to the privy
council, as a paper likely, in the present temper of the
nation, to bring additional odium on the king's government.
The privy council immediately examined the amanuensis,
as to whence he had obtained the book, who confessed that
it was delivered to him by Sir Robert Cotton. Whereupon
Sir Robert was examined also, with several of his friends,
one after the other, as it had been from hand to hand de
livered. There were subjected to this investigation, besides
the Earl of Bedford, as those who were found to have been
concerned in its circulation, the Earls of Somerset and
Clare, Selden, and St. John. The latter, being conceived to
be the author of the book, was committed close prisoner
to the Tower ; and the others were put under arrest. At
five o'clock in the afternoon of November 5th, a day shrewdly
chosen for the inculpation, Sir Julius Caesar, master of the
rolls, received an order from the secretary of state to take
Lord Bedford into custody, " to use him with all courteous
and due respect, but to see that he made no despatches by

144 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1629. letters or messages, nor had conference with any, till further
order from the lords' committee."1
At seven o'clock the earl was delivered into the knight's
custody, by the secretary himself, and Mr. Dickenson, clerk
of the council. A second letter, from the secretary to Sir
Julius, requested him to certify to the earl, that if any search
were made amongst his papers, he might have his solicitor,
or whom he would, present; and for any occasion of business,
the service of either of the state secretaries, or Sir Julius
himself. The other parties were similarly dealt with in all
respects, with the exception of the good and learned Selden,
who was already in the Tower, for his constitutional oppo
sition to the proceedings of the government. The virtuous
horror which the council chose to affect on the occasion
is strikingly portrayed in a letter extant from the Arch
bishop of York.
Dr. Samuel Harsnet to Sir Henry Vane.
London, Nov. 9th, 1629.
Yesterday his Majesty was pleased to sit in council with all the
board, and commanded that devilish project found upon Sir Robert
Cotton to be read over unto us. For my own part, I never heard
a more pernicious diabolical device, to breed suspicious, seditious
humours amongst the people. His majesty was pleased to declare
his royal pleasure touching the lords and others restrained for com
municating that project, which was, to proceed in a fair, moderate,
mild, legal course with them, by a bill of information preferred
into the Star-chamber, whereunto they might make their answer,
by the help of the most learned counsel they could procure. And
though his majesty had it in his power most justly and truly to
restrain them till the cause was adjudged, yet, out of his princely
clemency, he commanded the board to call them, and to signify
unto them to attend their cause in the Star-chamber. They were
1 Letter to Sir J. C^sar; Harl. MSS. cod. 7000, p. 148.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 145
personally called in before the lords (the king being gone), and A.D. 1629.
acquainted by the keeper with his majesty's gracious favour. Two
never spoke a word expressing thankfulness for his majesty's so
princely goodness : two expressed much thankfulness, which were
my Lord of Bedford and Sir Robert Cotton. St. John and James
are still in prison ; and farther than unto these the paper reacheth
not in direct travel, save to Selden, who is also contained in the
bill of information. I fear the nature of that contagion did spread
farther ; but as yet no more appeareth. I am of opinion it will
fall heavy on the parties delinquent. I am, Sir, &c. &c. Samuel Ebor.3
There can be but little doubt that these personages, who
were all, except Somerset, eminent for their profound acquaint
ance with the letter and spirit of the English constitution, had
encouraged the perusal of the tract, by way of antidote to the
principles which it laid down. But the motives for the course
which the court pursued have been the subject of various
surmises. The Earl of Somerset had sent a copy to the
Bishop of London ; the Lord Clare another to the Bishop
of Winchester :2 yet neither of these prelates was examined
or restrained. It has been hence supposed by some, that the
court was at first by no means really displeased at the pub
lication, as thinking that by it the pulse of the people might
be felt, upon the stirring subject of monarchical taxation ; but
connived at it until the sentiments it advocated were found
to be generally reprobated, when the monarch was advised
to have recourse to such a coup d'etat as might throw the
earl and his friends into discredit with the nation. The
real object of the court appears to us to have been of a
threefold nature, — the persecution of its political oppo
nents; the incapacitating of Sir Robert Cotton from fur-
1 Chalmers's Biog. Diet. vol. x. p. 325. 2 lb. p. 324.
VOL.11. L

146 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1629. nishing any more precedents on the jurisdiction and powers
of parliament ; and the clearing of itself, by a public shew
of indignation, from the suspicion of being influenced by
the maxims advocated in the manuscript. The course it
followed was in perfect harmony with all these objects.
The several parties were suffered to remain in strict con
finement till the 15th, when a bill was filed against them
in the Star-chamber. The library of Sir Robert Cotton
was locked up from his use, seals were set upon the door,
and two or more of the guards appointed to watch his
house continually. The law process would doubtless have
been followed by its usual result of enormous fines, had
not Sir David Foulis declared upon oath the real author
of the pamphlet, and the auspices under which it had first
come to England. It would have been an awkward thing
for Charles to have punished noblemen like felons for that at
which the late king had manifested no dissatisfaction. One
of the articles of the indictment was also falsely laid : it
stated that the project was framed and contrived within five
or six months past in England ; but the deposition of the
witnesses clearly shewed that it was written in Italy six
teen or seventeen years before, and purchased nine years
since with other manuscripts in Little Britain. The cause,
therefore, was not suffered to come to a formal decision,
although opened by Heath, the attorney-general, on the
29th of May, 1630, in the presence of a great concourse
of nobility. For, before the defences were gone through,
the king assumed a show of lenity, and sent a message to
lord keeper Coventry, then in court, apprising him, that as
the queen had given birth to a prince, it was his wish to
proceed no further in the prosecution. Whereupon the lord
keeper directed the cause to be dismissed, the book to be

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 147
burnt as seditious and scandalous to the king and govern- A.D. 1629.
ment, and the proceedings to be taken off the file.1
It is, notwithstanding, worthy of peculiar remark, that
Sir Robert Cotton's library was never more restored to his
use, and that this privation from his favourite pursuits was
the cause of so much anguish, that his aspect, " which had
formerly," says one who knew him, " been ruddy and well-
coloured, was wholly changed into a grim blackish paleness,
near to the resemblance and hue of a dead person." To Sir
Symonds d'Ewes he stated, " that they had broken his heart
who had locked up his library from him ;" and to another,
" that its loss would be found after his death to be written
on his heart, like Calais on Queen Mary's."2 He lingered
in this state until 1631, when he expired, " in the faithful
expectation of a better life." A little before he died, he
requested Sir Henry Spelman to signify to the lord privy-
seal, and the rest of the lords of the council, "that their so
long detaining of his books from him, without rendering any
reason for the same, had been the cause of his mortal malady."
The message appears to have touched them with compunc
tion ; for "the privy-seal came to Sir Robert when it was too
late, to comfort him from the king, from whom the Earl of
Dorset likewise came, within half an hour of his decease, to
condole with his son, Sir Thomas Cotton, for his death, and
to tell him from his majesty, that as he loved his father
so he would continue to love him."3 If any fresh circum
stance were wanting to heighten the significant character of
the whole proceeding, it would be the insincerity, not to say
hypocrisy, of such a compliment.
1 Rushworth, vol. i. part 2, p. 53.
2 Sir T. Pickering to Mr. Pory, May 12, 1631. Birch MSS. No. 4176.
a Ibid.

]48 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
a.d. 1630. Whatever end the monarch or the council had proposed
to themselves by this annoyance of the Earl of Bedford, it
neither lessened his reputation, nor diverted him from his
resolution to oppose, by all the legal means in his power,
the subversion of his country's liberties. On the contrary,
his integrity and love of freedom, tempered as it was with
the wisest moderation, attached him more and more to the
regard of that constantly increasing party, who daily looked
with greater solicitude for barriers that should arrest the
encroachments of the crown, and establish the rights of
parliament and subject, on a clear and indisputable basis.
There were many, however, who could not share in the
earl's hopes that any barriers or securities would be dis
covered ; and of this number was his son-in-law Lord Brooke.
Such was this nobleman's discontent at the prospects entailed
on his country, that he was seriously meditating, with his
bosom friend Lord Say, and other patriots of distinction, to
leave for ever a land, where, after the imprisonment of Elliot
and Selden, parliamentary privilege might be termed a
shadow, and liberty and independence a mere name. Pur
chasing an extensive tract of land in New England for a
settlement, a town was built there, and called, after their
joint names, Say-brooke; but before their preparations for
departure were completed, hopes were raised, by the rough
determined spirit roused throughout the nation, that they
might yet see its grievances redressed, and such salutary
reforms introduced into both church and state as mi°-ht
satisfy their conscientious desires. They continued, therefore,
in England, and watched, with an intense regard, every turn
of affairs that influenced their country's destinies. As the
crisis approached, the enthusiasm of Lord Brooke hurried him
beyond the mark of happy moderation which Lord Bedford

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 149"
ever advocated, and by which alone he sought to shape his A.D. 1630.
conduct. But before adverting to these incidents, which prin
cipally affect the latter years of the earl's history, we will
proceed to details unconnected with the troubles of the times,
and that bear stricter reference to his private fortunes.
He was no sooner freed from the above prosecution than
he gave his thoughts to an undertaking highly patriotic in
its principle, and vast in its design. That extensive tract of
fen land, embracing a large portion of Huntingdon and Cam-
bridgeshires, but reaching also into the surrounding counties
of Norfolk, Lincoln, and Northampton, which at this period
was known by the name of The Great Level, had been cele
brated by the historian of Henry the Second, for the extraor
dinary beauty of its verdure, — its plains without a waste, its
very marshes planted with the noblest forest-trees, and the
more fertile portions delightful with apple-trees and vines.1
About three centuries afterwards, it was inundated with floods,
which converted this inland Eden to a watery waste, fit for
grazing only during summer, when the water was exhaled by
heat in an atmosphere little less unhealthy than the climate
round the Pontine marshes. In this state it had subsequently
lain, with the exception of some partial drainages by private
individuals. It at length engaged the attention of King-
James, who declared that he would no longer suffer the land
to be abandoned to the waters. Plans were accordingly
made, estimates formed, and commissions issued in favour of
such as might be willing to commence a general drainage ;
but disputes arising, the king himself, for 120,000 acres of
the waste, became the undertaker of the great work, and in
vited over from the Low Countries Sir Cornelius Vermuyden,
to carry his project into effect. Vermuyden obtained for
1 William of Malmesbury's Description of Thorney.

150 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1630. himself and the foreign adventurers whom he persuaded to
embark with him in the speculation, a grant of this allot
ment from the crown. But meanwhile a strong jealousy
of foreign intervention became rooted in the minds of the
people of those parts, who, in their aversion to the Flemish
engineer, earnestly solicited the Earl of Bedford, himself the
proprietor of large domains round Whittlesea and Thorney,
for the good of the whole country, to become the head
and patron of the princely undertaking. Their request was
seconded by a court of the commissioners of sewers held at
Lynn; Vermuyden's contract was abandoned, and the earl
assented to their call. " A more striking instance of self-
devotion to the wishes of the people, and the real benefit of
the state, appears not," says the historian of the Fens, " upon
the records of history. The earl saw before him the brightest
prospects ; Hope dawned over a dreary waste ; in the ardour
of his imagination a new world arose to crown his efforts,
and enable him to deserve from posterity a monument of its
unceasing gratitude and admiration."1 By a contract entered
into, on a commission issued by the crown, and enrolled in
the Court of Chancery, September 1, 1630, the earl was to
have 95,000 acres of the inundated land as his return for
the expense and hazard consequent upon the drainage. He
associated with him fourteen other gentlemen, whom his
spirited example allured to take inferior shares, and the work
was pursued with extraordinary zeal and perseverance. In
1637, the earl had expended on the task the immense sum
of 100,000?. The execution of the work being at first ad
judged defective, his grant was restricted to 40,000 acres;
but he still persisted in his project with an assiduity suited
to his singularly energetic mind, undepressed by the many
1 Wells's History of the Bedford Level, vol. i. p. 106.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 151
serious obstacles that impeded its accomplishment. The A.D. 1630,
calamities which fell upon the nation in his latter years
necessarily diverted his attention from this favourite scheme,
and he had not himself the satisfaction of witnessing its com
pletion. But when the Civil Wars had terminated, leaving
leisure and security for the cultivation of the arts of peace,
the labour was resumed by his successor in the earldom.
And the original grant being renewed, at a session held at
Ely on the 2d of March, 1653, it was decreed that the mag
nificent undertaking was completely achieved; — a triumph
altogether unexampled in the history of British agriculture,
amidst the many trophies of that " rural industry," beneath
the magic of whose toils, as it is happily described by Thomson,
" New scenes arise, new landscapes strike the eye ;
Gay plains extend where marshes slept before ;
O'er recent meads exulting streamlets fly ;
Dark frowning heaths grow bright with Ceres' store,
And woods embrown the steep, or wave along the shore."
The earl was not altogether so fortunate in the settlement
of his sons as he had been of his daughters. William, the
eldest, had been created a knight of the Bath at the corona
tion of the king. After the completion of his education at
Magdalen College, Oxford, he travelled for two years, and
returned in the winter of 1634, an extremely handsome and
accomplished gentleman. There were at this time three
young beauties of almost equal personal attractions, who
divided the admiration of the court, the Lady Elizabeth
Cecil, Lady Anne Carr, and Lady Dorothy Sidney. Upon
one of these Lord Russell was expected to fix his choice;
and, being heir to so considerable a fortune, his movements
were watched with no small curiosity by that numerous tribe
which flutters in the sunshine of court fashion. It was some

152 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1634. time before his intentions were divined ; but the constraint
of his demeanour at length betrayed his secret partiality.
" The voice goes," says a writer of the day to Sir Thomas
Wentworth, " that he bends somewhat towards the Lady
Anne Carr." She was the sole daughter of the Earl and
Countess of Somerset, and was born December 9, 1615,
whilst her mother was imprisoned in the Tower. During
the years that intervened between her birth and the eve of
womanhood, the strong public sentiment excited by her
parents' ignominy, though it is impossible it could be yet
obliterated, had had leisure to subside. Nor in the absolute
wreck of favour and fortune which Somerset sustained,
heightened as it unnecessarily was by the merciless nature
of the late king's confiscations, were there wanting numbers
who regarded his misfortunes with indulgence and compassion.
Under these circumstances, it can be no subject of surprise
that his daughter had grown up in total ignorance of the
misconduct of her parents ; whilst every care that parental
fondness could suggest had been lavished on her education.
It was perfectly possible — it was natural, and accordant with
every generous impulse of the heart, for a young nobleman,
enamoured of the charms of this interesting object, to separate
her image from the blighting associations connected with her
parents : but it was different with older and discreeter men ;
and there were perhaps few families that would not have
shrunk from an alliance with even the beautiful and virtuous
daughter of the house of Somerset.
The Earl of Bedford had stood prominently forward on
the day of the countess's condemnation ; for, as she went to
Westminster Hall to undergo her trial, himself and the Lord
Norris, with two other knights or barons, had formed part of
her escort, following the six sergeants-at-law and the clerk of

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 153
the crown in Chancery, who were preceded by Sir Richard A-D. 1634.
Coningsby with the white staff of office. Whether this were
the result of his own choice, or an arrangement of the
royal heralds, he could not but have participated in the
general abhorrence that attended the disclosure of her guilt.
Anxious now both for his son's welfare and the honour of his
house, he warned him to be upon his guard against the
dangerous beauty of Lady Anne Carr, but freely permitted
him to seek a bride any where besides. Affection is, how
ever, no passive creature of the will : the eyes of Lord Russell,
dazzled by this lady's charms, might also see it as no part of
pure justice thus to make the daughter pay the mother's
penalty to stern opinion ; a passionate attachment sprang up
between the two, before which every lighter consideration of
policy and prudence was quickly extinguished. The earl
opposed their union ; the prohibition but increased their
flame : and a war of conflicting wishes, regrets, and troubles,
thus arose, which threatened to disturb for ever the peace of
either the father or the son. Many mutual friends endea
voured to mediate a satisfactory conclusion of the affair, but
none could conquer the earl's repugnance to the match, till
the king himself became a suitor, sending the Duke of Len
nox with urgent entreaties to persuade him no longer to
withhold his countenance from the connexion. His inter
cession took effect, and a treaty was commenced. The
earl's high requisitions and the poverty of Somerset created
fresh delay ; but at length, by the sale of his house at
Chiswick, his plate, his jewels, and his household furni
ture, a portion of 12,000Z. was raised by Somerset ; who is
said to have acknowledged to the lord chamberlain, that as
one of them was to be undone if the marriage went not on,
he chose that it should be himself rather than his own

154

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVI.

A.D.

*y

1637. deserving child. The anecdote is an affecting one ; and the
self-sacrifice which it implies, may, even by the moralist, be
permitted to go far towards redeeming his memory from
shame. All obstacles being removed, the marriage was
celebrated during the Easter of 1637.1 The undisturbed
happiness and harmony in which the parties lived, soon
reconciled the earl to the connexion ; and, eminent in all the
duties of civil and domestic life, the Lady Anne Carr is only
now remembered as the virtuous and happy mother of the
great and good Lord Russell.
A marriage connexion for John, his third son, was at the
same time the object of the Earl of Bedford's care. His
cousin Edward, Earl of Bath, had married, for his second
wife, Anne, the youthful daughter of Sir Robert Lovett, of
Lipscombe, who was now a widow. It was to this lady
that proposals on the part of Mr. Russell were made, and
the task of conducting the negotiation was intrusted to
Lord Digby ; for which purpose he went down to Tawstock,
the residence of Lady Bath, with whom the grand-daughters
of the earl had been staying some time on a visit. The
intimacy that had long subsisted between the two families,
no less than the many benefits which Lord Bedford had had
it in his power to confer on Lady Bath, seemed at first to
promise a favourable issue to the overtures. But a rival
suitor, in the person of Sir Henry Bourchier, the new Earl of
Bath,2 had, as it appears, occupied her father's ear with large
vaunts of the settlement which he would make, if his suit
should be accepted; and Sir Robert Lovett, although pledging

1 Arms ; Gules, on a chevron argent three mullets sable, in the dexter
part of the escutcheon a lion passant guardant or.
2 He was second cousin to Edward the late Earl of Bath, who had died
without male heir.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 155
himself with the Earl of Bedford, not merely to a dispassionate A.D. 1637.
neutrality, but to an absolute favour of his son's pretensions,
was caught by the splendid lure; so that whilst the lady's
fancy wavered between the admission of Mr. Russell's merits
and a secret preference for his elder brother Francis, Sir
Robert covertly represented to her the superior advantages
of the other connexion ; and when he saw that real regard
was in danger of predominating over interest, threw into
the rising scale the whole weight of his parental authority.
The process of the negotiation is presented to us in an
amusing letter from Lord Digby, extremely characteristic
of the writer. George Lord Digby to the Earl of Bedford.
My most honoured Lord, — My unsuccessfulness in the way of
your service would much afflict me, but that I can raise comforts
to myself both from your wisdom and your goodness. By that, you
know, that in all designs of the world, even where the means seem
most in our own power, the ends are notwithstanding in destiny ;
and by the latter I doubt not but you are prepared to receive as
strong confirmations of my love and fidelity from affectionate
endeavours, as from the most effectual successes. Let me at once
relate to you both how unlucky I have been, and how industrious.
On my arrival at Tawstock, I was much surprised to find my
Lord of Bath there, who I thought would have been at the assizes ;
but he had altered his resolution between the time of my intelli
gence and my coming. I surprised them all as much, filling the
countess with blushes, her parents with confusion, and the count
with jealousy. She covered hers well with hearty welcomes ; they
sought to disguise theirs with civilities ; and his lordship (I never
having seen the Colossus before), you will easily believe, looked
big : the former I answered in their kind, and for his Honour, I
found it no hard matter to put as good a face upon it as he. We
were all easily parted the first night, to go to bed. The next day
there was much less faroucheness between his lordship and me ;
we grew to reconnoitre one another, by conversation in the learned
way : the countess was full of serenity ; her mother very accostive ;

15fJ RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI;
A.D. 1637; and Sir Robert somewhat costive. I thought it was my first
business to make some certain discovery of my lady's inclinations,
and I found her not very shy to declare that they were very
distant from our rival. In the next place, I let my Lady Lovett
a-board me, which she did with all the professions that might be,
of love and service to your lordship and yours ; but withal ex
pressing much grief that your lordship had addressed one of your
sons to her daughter, whom, though infinitely deserving, she could
not entertain, being prepossessed with inclinations to the other,
both by her own remembrance of him, and the advantageous
character which Mr. Blechington gave of him, on his first return
from Woburn after the death of my Lord of Bath. She protested,
that had your lordship thought her daughter worthy of him, the
earl had never been listened to, and that now she believed truly he
would never be hearkened to, she found her ladyship so averse.
Hereupon I represented unto her, the best I could, excuses for
Frank's not coming at first, and inducements to her, persuading
still for Jack, and reasons diverting from my Lord of Bath, both in
the serious and merry way, as I saw which would work best. In
fine, she seemed entire of my side, and we parted pleasantly,
agreeing upon this point, that it were preposterous to prefer a
servant to her daughter that was both old and heavy. Thus not
denying me (in case the count had her daughter) to further my
suit for the reversion of her heart, after two husbands, exit my
Lady Lovett, enter Sir Robert. He treads much in my lady's
former path, but at every step I find him halting, and yet he props
himself up by protestations of great affection to you in general,
and of a very entire neutrality in this particular.
Next after this, I address myself in private to my Lady Bath ;
press her in behalf of my brother John ; reason with her against
the sacrificing herself again to an antique partner, having by the
former penance purchased to herself all accommodations she could
wish in point of fortune. She made not nice to tell me she could
affect neither ; whereupon I fell to soundings concerning Frank,
alleging many expressions of her own that leant that way; wherein,
after great debate with her modesty, she became a very clear
interpreter of what she had written to your lordship. I proffered
her my service towards the effecting of it. She, after much diffi
culty, as fearing to appear the wooer, accepts of it so far as to

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 157
promise expectance of my powers from you, and firm secrecy in A.D. 1637.
the business, even from her parents. Here ends the first Act.
Does it not look like a comedy ? but what follows is tragical.
Sir Robert Lovett, whether by her coldness after this, or by
her not being able to give a good account of her private confer
ence with me, finds somewhat in the wind, and either by art or
authority wrests the secret from her ; which so vexes him, that he
can no longer hold, but to me he comes, so full that he could not .
pour forth any thing a great while, but bubbled only. At length
out it brake. He takes it very ill I should enter into a new treaty,
before he had ended with my Lord of Bath; and in the way of this
expresses much heat. Seeing that, I screw it up to the height;
I tell him, that since he had discovered so much, I professed I
would draw my lady if I could the way I wished, although as yet
I had no authority from you : whereupon he flew into such a
passion, that he swore he would work for my Lord of Bath ; nay
more, if his daughter had him not, he would have no more to do
in what concerned her. I took the advantage of his foolish in
temperance, and told him calmly that I was glad I had a proof
out of his own mouth of what I had long suspected, — to wit,
that his late protestations of neutrality were as false as his former
to your lordship of powerful assistance ; and upon this he went
his way pitifully embossed, leaving me to make this conclusion
of him, that I have never known so fit an officer for Satan, if he
had but wit correspondent to his falsehood.
Upon this, the Earl of Bath sets so close to the countess and
her mother, applies the father's authority — such threats! (a new
way of dagger courtship), such proffers ! hems her in with stickling
divines, making the spirit woo for the flesh, that he staggers the
good creature, and quite wins the mother — insomuch that the next
day, when I would have withdrawn the countess to speak with her
in private, her ladyship forbade it us, saying, that she had engaged
her faith to the contrary to the earl. Whereupon I told the
countess, I found I was much mistaken in thinking her a free
woman, but saw she was under guardians, and therefore I would
take my leave. This drove the good lady into passionate weeping,
and afterwards a discreet, but sharp expostulation with her mother;
insomuch that she begged me soon after, that I would speak with
her daughter; but I took my leave, and went away to a cousin's

158 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1637. of mine thereby, whence these letters, of which I here send you
copies, did pass between us, which wrought so upon her, that if
my Lady Lovett had not artificially applied herself to the sub
missive way, I have reason to believe they would have lost all
power with her : but now she doth comply with their desires, and
hearkens to my Lord of Bath, but so as if he do not make those
settlements upon her that all the world shall think him mad, ac
cording to his large offers, I am deceived if you have her not
shortly in your power.
Be pleased, my dear lord, to pardon the trouble I give you
with so tedious and disjointed a narration. I have been transported
the rather to it by a certain pleasure and pride I take in the
repetition of any thing wherein you have, honoured with employment
Your affectionate son and humble servant,
George Digby.1
My humble service to my Lady Bedford ; she will excuse my
not writing, for here is trouble enough for you both.
Sherborne, this 15th of August, 1637.
He afterwards notices the effects of this dexterous ma
nagement.
To the Right Honourable my dear Lord and Father,
the Earl of Bedford.
My most honoured Lord, — I send this to advertise your lord
ship, that I am revived by hopes of serving you successfully in that
wherein I almost despaired. If you continue to think the Countess
of Bath worthy of your son Francis, I dare to say, that if she be
not his, the fault will be yours. Be pleased only to impose upon
yourself in this business a strict secrecy for awhile.
It seems my Spanish treating hath been like some chymic
medicines, which have at first no relish at all in the mouth, but,
digested, prove of most violent operation ; or else I have had the
same fortune a wooing which hath oft happened to me a hunting,
— to shoot, think I had missed, and afterwards to find the deer
wounded in a brake. Hceret lateri Icethalis arundo : apply it to
the countess. ' Harl. MSS. Cod. 7001, p. 69.

K, Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 159
The many particulars of this business, and the considerations A.D. 1637.
that result from it, are no fit matters for a letter ; yet I wait not
upon you now, in regard that there would be more notice taken of
it than the secrecy that the thing requires will admit of. I rather
expect till your lordship pretend some other occasion, and send to
speak with me ; then I shall acquaint your lordship at large with
many passages which I have forborne to write. In the meantime,
I beseech you to believe that no child of your own is fuller of duty
and love to you than
Your Lordship's most affectionate son and humble servant,
George Digby.1
Sherborne, this 21st of August, 1637.
The following is the earl's reply : —
Son Digby, — It is a country-business observation, that you
must not put warm eggs under a sick hen ; so, in the incubation
of business, the warmth of industry discloses the bird. The assur
ances you raise for yourself, I am confident carry strength with
them, and so you may proceed, conditionally that the earl shall
fully go off before we come on ; and I wish, if it might be coming
on the earl's part, that peace might be the cor de flare between my
lady and him ; for I will not marry my son Frank to a demurring,
though I would have ventured my third son to have argued it. But
let me tell you what I hear : that the earl, if he cannot obtain her,
will get as much light and discovery as he can, to build a question
of law or justice upon it, to draw it to a kind compromise on my
lady's part. This, if it were advertised, and not by letter, to my
lady, and by one of trust, would not hurt my lady's affairs. Your
presence here I shall not need to this business, for I dare trust
your judgment in a woman's love ; and see the coast clear before
you put for the port. I am, &c. &c.
F. Bedford.2
The subject being thus but languidly enforced, came to a
void but courteous conclusion. Colonel Russell is afterwards
12 Harl. MSS. Cod. 7001.

160

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVI.

CRO OF WARK.

A.D. 1637. described by Grammont, in his usual self-satisfied and flip
pant style, as being an admirer of " La belle Hamilton," to
whom the count himself paid his addresses, — an assertion
apparently made upon no other ground than to enhance the
glory of his own triumph. He commanded a regiment for
the king during the civil wars, was wounded at the battle of
Naseby, and served with great reputation in many other
actions of the time. On the Restoration, he was made Colonel
of the first regiment of guards, and died unmarried, November
21, 1681, at the age of sixty-nine.
Francis, the earl's eldest son, married Catharine, daughter
of William, Lord Grey of Wark,1 widow of Sir Edward
Moseley, Bart.,8 and of the Lord North and Grey.3 He had
no offspring by this lady, and died in France in 1641, a
month before his father.
Edward, the youngest son, married Penelope, the widow
of Sir William Brooke,4 K.B., daughter and co-heir to Sir
Moses Hill,5 of Hillsborough Castle, Ireland, knight marshal
of Ulster, and ancestor to the present Marquess of Downshire.
By her, who deceased November 7, 1661, he had five sons6
and two daughters ; and dying September 21st, 1665, was
interred at Chenies on the 19th of October. He was suc
ceeded by his eldest son, William, who served as standard-
bearer to Charles the Second, in the king's own company
of foot-guards, and died unmarried in 1674.

NORTH AND GREY.

1 Anns ; Gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed argent.
2 Arms ; Sable, a chevron between 3 mill-picks argent.
3 Arms; Azure, a lion passant or between 3 fleurs-de-lys argent.
4 Arms ; Gules, on a chevron argent a lion rampant sable, crowned or.
4 Arms ; Sable, 3 lions passant guardant or, on a fesse argent 3 escallops
gules. 6 His second son was Edward, one of the great ornaments^ his age and
country, subsequently better known under the name of Admiral Russell,
whose story will be traced hereafter. The other sons were John, Francis,

K. Charles I.

FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL.

161

Such were the alliances which the earl contracted for his
family. In 1636 he was appointed a commissioner with some
others to inquire into all defective titles, and to sell and
convey the various lordships and manors named in their
schedule of instructions. But in the previous year we find
him rendering various friendly services to Anne Clifford,
his cousin-german, particularly in settling some important
arrangements between her and her second husband, Philip
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.
In neither of her marriages had this lady found the hap
piness to which her deserts so eminently entitled her ; being
subjected in both " to many crosses and contradictions," —
with her first lord from resisting his prodigal extravagance,
and from the contentious efforts which he made, to induce her
to sell her rights in the contested lands of her inheritance, a
measure to which she never would consent, — with her second
husband, because she would neither compel her youngest
daughter, Lady Isabella Sackville, to sacrifice herself in
marriage to one of his younger sons, nor relinquish her

A.D. 1636.

HARBORD.

and James, all of whom died without offspring. The daughters were Letitia,
and Catharine, who married Capt. William, a younger son of Sir Charles
Harbord;' and died August the 19th, 1602. Letitia was wife to Thomas
Cheeke, Esq.3 of Pirgo, in Essex ; by whom she had one only daughter and
heiress — Anne, married to Sir Thomas Tipping, bart., of Wheatfleld, in
Oxfordshire. Sir Thomas dying January 21st, 1727-8, left two daughters,
his co-heiresses, Letitia, married to Samuel, Lord Sandys, and Catharine, the
wife of Thomas, Lord Archer. Lady Cheeke married, secondly, Robert
Russell, fifth son of William, the first Duke of Bedford, by whom she had
no issue, and dying January 8th, 1721, at the age of 72, was interred in
the family vault at Chenies on the 12th, her funeral sermon being preached
by Dr. Samuel Knight, who published it in the following year, with a dedi
cation to her daughter, the Honourable Lady Tipping.

1 Arms ; quarterly azure and gules, an imperial crown or, between 4 lions
rampant argent. 2 Arms ; Argent, 3 crescents gules.
VOL. IT. M

162 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVI.
A.D. 1638. interest in 5000Z., which she held as part of her marriage
portion. So that, whilst touching with amiable forbearance,
in her memoirs, on their respective injuries and caprices,
she acknowledges that, " in both their lifetimes, the marble
pillars of Knowle in Kent, and Wilton in Wiltshire, were to
her oftentimes but the gay arbours of anguish."1 Through
all her difficulties, however, she ever found a sympathising
friend in the Earl of Bedford. By his influence, a deed of set
tlement was drawn in 1635, assigning to Lady Pembroke, for
her jointure, various lands in Sheppy, and entirely releasing
to her this 5000Z., together with the Westmoreland estates,
if ever they should fall to her in her husband's lifetime, as
was afterwards the case. But the unhappy nature of Lord
Pembroke's disposition rendered this concord but of short
continuance ; as in 1638, when but just recovering from an
almost fatal sickness, we find her writing to the Earl of
Bedford to interpose with her lord for permission to her to
come up to London, though but for ten days or a fortnight
at the most, to attend to some "of her affairs. " For I dare
not," she says with a simple earnestness, " venture it without
his leave, lest he should take that occasion to turn me out of
this house, as he did out of Whitehall; and then I shall not
know where to put my head." She was at length obliged
to separate wholly from him, and his death relieved her
from her thraldom, in 1649.

1 « Insomuch," she adds, " as a wise man (the Earl of Bedford), that
knew the insides of my fortune, would often say that I lived in both these
my lords' great families as the river Rhone runs through the lake of Geneva
without mingling any part of its streams with that lake; for I gave myself
wholly to retiredness as much as I could in both, and made good books and
virtuous thoughts my companions, which can never discern affliction, nor
be daunted when it unjustly happens; and by a happy genius I overcame
all those troubles, the (former) prayers of my blessed mother helping me
therein."

K.Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 163

CHAPTER XVII.

from the commencement of the troubles in scotlan to the
execution of the earl of strafford.
A.D. 1638-1641.
Public discontents . . . The king's inflexibility . . . Religious exasperation . . .
Scots covenant, March 1,1638 . . .Proceedings of the government . . .The
Scotch commissioners resort to the Earl of Bedford, 1639 . . . His public
principles . . . Summons of the nobility to York, Feb. 1639... Test refused
by the Lords Brooke and Say . . . Pacification of Berwick . . . Parliament
of 1 640 . . . Remonstrance of the Commons . . . Intrigue of Lord Sa ville . . .
The Scots pass the Tweed . . . Petition of the Twelve Peers . . . Interview
of the Earl of Bedford with the privy council . . . Appointed a commis
sioner to the Scots . . . Treaty of Rippon . . . Parliament of 1 641 . . . Earl
of Bedford entered of the privy council . . . Impeachment of Strafford . . .
Efforts of Lord Bedford to moderate the violence of his party . . . His
interview with Hyde and Essex, April 1641 . . .He sickens of the small
pox . . . His death, May 9 . . . Funeral — and character . . . Execution of the
Earl of Strafford, May 12, 1641.
The public discontents had now risen to a height that threat- A.D. 1638.
ened the most serious consequences to the monarchy and
nation. In the struggle that had for more than twelve years
been steadily maintained — by the king to enforce, and by
the Commons to resist, those claims to unlimited preroga
tive, which, if submitted to, must have bowed to the dust, in
servile degradation, every institution and free usage which
the people had hitherto cherished as their birthright — no
thing is more remarkable than the inflexible determination
with which Charles persisted in the execution of his favourite
measures. Pliant, accessible, and generous in private life,
he evinced in his public conduct all the sternness, selfishness,
and contempt of popular opinion that had been common to

164 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1638. the feudal sovereigns of the Middle Ages. Construing all
opposition to his will as a personal offence, his passions had
become enlisted in the arbitrary warfare, and had doubtless
obscured the natural clearness of his judgment. He must
else have seen that a system of temperate conciliation was
the only weapon he could safely employ; and that in con
tending, single-handed, with successive alienated parliaments,
equally resolute, and equally hedged about with the defensive
sanctitude of law, he was creating a gigantic foe, from whose
exasperated energies there could ultimately be but one mode
of escape. In the early stage of the contention, a wise aban
donment of his most unpalateable pretensions would, with
some disposition to fulfil his reasonable wishes, have awakened
a confidence that, carefully improved, might have ripened
into a mutual good understanding, for the peaceful prosecu
tion of their common interests. But the misguided monarch,
uninstructed by experience, went rashly on with his array
of warrants, imprisonments, and fines; his Star-chamber
visitations, and unconstitutional levies, till the envenomed
wound, the wrong and the indignity, were felt in every nerve
and limb of the disjointed empire. Every sign in the political
hemisphere now foretold some dire convulsion. The deep,
low murmur of resentment with which multitudes received
the decision of the temporising judges upon the great question
of monarchical taxation, bespoke, like the muttering of
distant thunder, the rising of the tempest; the earth, as
it were, heaved beneath his feet in warning of the coming
earthquake; but Charles appeared still resolved, either blindly
to disregard, or openly to defy the symptoms, until the clouds
gathered, and the whirlwinds blew, the fountains of the
political deep were broken up, and in the violent irruption,
power and prerogative, high -commission court and Star-

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 165
chamber, crosier and crown, with all their accompaniments, A.D. 1638.
were tumultuously and sternly swept away.
Yet, if the kingdoms had had to complain of political
grievances alone, the day of retribution would doubtless have
been much later in arriving; for a nation observant of justice,
and respecting, from early inculcation, the sanctity with which
even the merely colourable pretexts of law are calculated to
invest a monarch's cause, would have long and seriously
weighed the point at which endurance ceased to be a virtue
before it started into armed action. But religious exasperation
was rashly added to the ferment of the other elements of
disaffection; and Conscience, nobly jealous of every act which
the arm of civil power may attempt, to restrict her intercourse
with heaven, came in to cut the knot, and to absolve from
every fear the energetic hearts that entered on her quarrel.
From the innate character of those mixed principles of
good and evil which actuate our being, spiritual religion had
in every age since the rise of Christianity been subjected to
persecution by the ruling powers, wherever its tenets were
disseminated ; but since the memorable, and, for the purity
of Christianity, the absolutely fatal, alliance which was struck
by Constantine between the ecclesiastical and civil powers,
persecution had followed its victims with a much more steady,
specious, and insidious aim, than under the brute violence of
Pagan enmity. It would have been well for humanity and
truth, if at the English Reformation the pious founders of a
purer church could have taught it altogether to abjure the
vindictive intolerance, as well as the errors of the Romish
faith. But the maxims of a merely worldly policy had
mingled with their zeal : the youthful church was not left by
them, as the primitive faith had been, to stand its ground on
its own intrinsic excellency ; it was wedded to the worldly

166 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1638. pomp of state, whence it received exceeding rich immuni
ties, which it early learned to acknowledge and repay : nor
were its obligations confined merely to temporal endow
ments. Whilst the holy rights of free opinion shall exist,
there will always be found men who stand aloof from the
bosom of the predominating faith, from nobler motives than
either indifference, or love of singularity ; and a church
that can have its acts defended, and its orthodoxy vindi
cated by the sword or penalties of state, must constantly
yield to the temptation of calling in its succours. Neither
the council-chambers of Edward, Elizabeth, nor James, were
free from the deep stain of an intolerant and cruel perse
cution, reconciled to the originators under various pleas of
safety or expediency, all equally shrewd, and equally fal
lacious. But the misdirected zeal of these princes was at
least governed by some shew of prudence ; and although
both Catholics and Puritans suffered in their reigns under
grievous persecutions, from the misfortune of being unable to
embrace a communion of which they disapproved, neither the
council nor hierarchy had required any thing like the wild
conformity which Charles and his primate now ventured to
impose on the dissidence of an entire people. In the whole
ecclesiastical policy and principles of Laud, the Scottish
nation saw the monarch's aim at civil despotism faithfully
reflected ; but they felt themselves still, through every
variation of church government that had occurred, the
disciples and the sons of Knox : with the first attempt to
fix on them the canons and the liturgy of England, their
ancient spirit of religious independence took alarm; and
in the throe of emotion that succeeded, the champions of
the Covenant sprang forth — the armed prodigy of that
portentous time.

K.Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 167
This formidable bond of union was subscribed upon the A.D. 1639.
1st of March, 1638. The first tidings of it awakened no
alarm at court, and even excited small attention. By June
it was somewhat more seriously regarded ; yet so little was
the temper of that people, and the right means of redressing
a state grievance understood, that the king, on sending the
Marquess of Hamilton to tranquillise the effervescence, autho
rised him to insist on their renunciation of the Covenant ;
for which they were to be repaid by the simple suspension
of the Liturgy, and a remodelling of the High-commission
court. In August he was willing to give up both the one
and the other; but the Covenanters had meanwhile deter
mined on a General Assembly, and on the entire abolition of
Episcopacy. In September Charles was willing that Hamilton
should convene an assembly and parliament, and even limit
in some respects the power and jurisdiction of their bishops.
But the concession came too late ; and in proportion to the
facility with which it was extorted, rose their self-dependence
and consciousness of strength : so that, in the assembly of
Glasgow, they unhesitatingly proceeded to abolish prelacy,
rescind the articles of Perth, and restore the form and spirit
of their ancient presbyteries. The next General Assembly,
which met at Edinburgh in the August of 1 639, confirmed
all the measures of the former. In the parliament that fol
lowed, Charles permitted the subscription of the Covenant,
but would on no account allow his commissioner Traquair to
pass the act for the extirpation of episcopacy. In the midst
of the subsequent discussions, the king, without ratifying one
of its provisions, prorogued the council ; which did not, how
ever, separate without appointing two Remonstrants as com
missioners, the Earl of Dumfernline and Lord Loudon. They
were despatched to London to beseech the monarch not to

] 68 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1639. persist in his opposition, but to give his consent to the decisions
of their national tribunal.
On the arrival of the Earl of Traquair in London, both
parties were heard by the privy council, and many passionate
recriminations passed between them. The deputies justified
the acts of their assembly and parliament, and desired their
ratification, but in vain. They returned to Scotland on the
19th of November. Whilst the king was wholly bent upon
the use of force, and was raising what supplies he could, by
contributions from his courtiers, the same noblemen, with
two other individuals, were sent upon a second deputation.
They were no longer empowered to propose any thing to
wards a mediation, but simply to plead integrity of purpose,
and to demonstrate their fidelity.
With this commission, however, they joined other aims
and ends. Fully sensible now that arms must try the quarrel,
the Covenanters looked around on all sides for aid against
the day of peril. Holland furnished them with officers and
arms ; and applications were made to the King of France
for succour, in a letter signed by several of the nobles. A
more legitimate field for the extension of an interest in
their behoof, lay open amidst the malcontents of England.
There they found, from the oppressed of all classes, the
sufferers by fine, by levy, and imprisonment, sincere sym
pathy, if not open encouragement. The Puritans, smarting
under oppression, felt their own cause bound up in the
approaching strife, and responded affectionately to every
appeal made to their judgment or their feelings. The
admirers of the ancient republics began to dream of Spartan
days about to be revived; and all the political opponents
of the system of misgovernment — even those who were most
purely patriotic, hoping that the ordeal through which the

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 169
king must pass would purge away his most pernicious prin- A.D. 1639.
ciples — gathered secret trust from the conjuncture, and daily
resorted to the commissioners, with either courtesies or
counsel. To all it was the care of the commissioners to
listen with attention, to seize and to comment on every
topic of discontent, and to hold out, especially to their
brethren of the faith, large and religious promises of happy
times in store.
Amongst those whom they particularly courted were the
Earl of Bedford and his compatriots- — the Lords Say and
Brooke, the noble-hearted Hampden, the sagacious Pym,
the Earls of Essex and Holland, and the stern St. John.
These were bound together in the most intimate and confi
dential trust, pursuing, from different motives, the same com
mon object — a remedy for the grievances and evils that dis
tracted their unhappy country. By no unworthy impulse, by
no private aims, not even by any view of personal aggrandise
ment at court, which Clarendon and others have ventured
to impute to him, was the Earl of Bedford influenced in his
clear and open course. If, as this eminent historian writes,
" he possessed too great and plentiful a fortune to wish for
a subversion of the government," the prizes of a court, where
Laud bore undisputed rule, tincturing every theme upon
which his councils touched with a lordly tyranny insufferable
to the generous and free, could furnish no incentive to the
ambition of a mind like his. Power could have no other
temptation to him than as the means of arresting the dangers
which beset the monarch, and of this there was unhappily
but little hope ; for the oppressions of the Commission-court,
Star-chamber, and ship-money, were still ostentatiously con
tinued, with the intent of shewing that Charles abated not
a tittle of his claims, notwithstanding the popular commo-

170 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1639. tion. In Clarendon's words, this was intended " to look
like steadiness!" The Earl of Bedford, according to the
testimony of the same writer, was no Puritan ; he had no
desire for any alteration in church government. Towards
Laud himself, whilst deprecating his intemperate and un
timely innovations, he had lived on terms of perfect courtesy
and respect, frequently visiting, occasionally dining with him,
and subscribing liberally to that rebuilding of St. Paul's, which
the Puritans disliked so much, as an ornament savouring of
Popish superstition. To the non-conforming ministers, it is
true, he offered small discountenance, for his soul was as
expansive as his fortune, and he thought not a whit the worse
of a virtuous man whom he saw pursuing his way to the land
of happiness and peace by a different pathway from that
which he preferred. He was no indiscriminate opposer
even of the king's pretensions. Admiring, from long study,
the well-balanced frame and beauty of the British constitu
tion, in which the three distinct estates, when acting in due
subordination to the well-being of the whole, found harmo
nious exercise and play, he could be called unfriendly to
the crown's prerogatives only when they tended by a wild
excess, as now, to trench upon the privileges of the two
other branches of the state, to impede their salutary opera
tion, and thereby to endanger the existence of the govern
ment itself. This claim of prerogative he undeviatingly
opposed ; but his wise moderation, even when excitement
and passion were at the highest, "was known to all men;"
and to this rare and valuable quality, in a distempered crisis,
the courtly annalist bears unaffected record.
The armed attitude which the Scots began now to assume,
confirming the king's resolution to decide the quarrel by
the sword, he, on the 15th of February, 1639, issued letters

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 171
to all his nobility, to attend his standard at York upon the A.D. 1639.
1st of April, with such equipage and forces as their birth,
honour, and interest in the commonalty, obliged them to.1
If, as Clarendon assures us, Charles " relied on the imposing
pomp of his splendid cavalry, the flower of the English
nobility and gentry, and the number of his troops, to awe
the Scots into submission, he was resting his hopes upon a
broken reed;" for " I never before," says one of his own
cavaliers, " saw such a despicable appearance of men in arms
to begin a war ; to me they seemed little better than a rabble,
met together to devour, rather than fight, for their king and
country. There was indeed a great appearance of gentlemen,
and those of extraordinary quality ; but their garb, their
equipages, and their mien, had not the appearance of war ;
one regiment of Finland horse would have made sport of
beating them all. There were, besides, such crowds of parsons
(for this was a church war in particular), that the camp and
court were full of them: we saw nothing but bishops, courtiers,
and clergymen."2 The disposition which animated many of
his attendants was likewise so equivocal, that Charles was
driven to the extraordinary expedient of a military oath to
test their fidelity and zeal. This was a subscription to a
solemn protestation of obedience and loyalty, as a pledge of
their abhorring the proceedings of the Covenanters, and of
being unconcerned in any correspondence with them. The
mistrustful inquisition was met as it deserved by two of the
summoned noblemen, whose Spartan candour and fearless
ness on the occasion have won for them, as may be sup
posed, no favour from the exclusive partisans of royalty.
The Lords Brooke and Say openly refused, in the king's
1 See them in Rushworth, vol. i. part 2, p. 818.
= Memoirs of a Cavalier, pp. 186, 190.

172 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1639. presence, to sign this declaration. " If the king," they
said, " thought proper to suspect their loyalty, he might
proceed against them as he thought most fit ; but it was
obviously against the law to impose oaths which the law did
not enjoin ; whilst, being ignorant of the laws of Scotland,
it was impossible for them to decide whether the Covenanters
were or were not rebels." On the king's calling to their
remembrance how the Scots had seized his forts and castles,
they still undauntedly replied, " that as they knew not the
constitution of that government, so they could not judge
them."1 Not less indignant at this open slight of his power
than fearful of the effect which it might have on his whole
army, Charles immediately ordered them to be put under
arrest, and wrote to Windebank, his secretary, to ascertain
of the attorney and solicitor whether the two lords could not
be proceeded against criminally, for thus refusing to serve
him in his wars, although out of the kingdom, when he
offered them sufficient pay.2 The secretary replied in a high
strain of courtly indignation at the insolence of the two
recusants, and promised that the council should consider
whether " their jesuistical and cunning answers, clearly
enough expressing their malignity and aversion to his ser
vice, did truly amount to a refusal."3 He was afterwards
constrained to admit that no hold could be taken of their
replies ; but with all the wily fraud of a state lawyer, he
urged the monarch to consider whether they might not be
entangled in the meshes of the law by their oversight in
some other point of conduct, or of duty.* Apparently the
1 Warwick's Memoirs, p. 148.
2 From Alnwick, at ten o'clock at night, April 21. Clarendon's State
Papers, vol. i. p. 38. 3 lb. p. 41.
4 Windebank to the king, May 21 . lb. p. 45.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 173
king was unable to do this ; he found, too, that their credit A.D. 1640.
was more raised than their liberty abated by the restraint he
had put upon their persons,1 and he accordingly thought to
free himself from their annoying presence by dismissing them
to their own homes. They went — but the impression of their
act remained behind ; for those who had willingly subscribed
this Covenant of royalty, now signed another explanatory
paper, declaring the sense in which they had accepted it.
The previous subscription was thus rendered valueless. A
fatality attended the whole enterprise, — the royal forces faced
the other army, — it was all they did. A treaty of paci
fication, that left unsettled all the great points of contention,
terminated the campaign, " which, like a short truce, only
gave both sides breath to prepare for a new war, more dis
astrously managed than the former."
Dispirited and disappointed, Charles unceremoniously dis
missed his feudal army. The sole resource that appeared
left to his distracted councils, was the adoption of a measure
from which his heart recoiled. But there was no alternative ;
and after a twelve years' cessation of the measure, he con
voked a parliament. It met on the 13th of April, 1640;
the lord keeper Finch, in a long pedantic speech, explaining
to the Commons the reasons which had led the king to sum
mon them. In a style that afterwards found too many imi
tators, he complained that certain " men of Belial, some Zeba,
had blown in Scotland the trumpet of sedition, and taken up
arms against the Lord's anointed, seizing on the trophies of
honour, after the counsel of some wicked Achitophels, and
investing themselves with regal power and authority :"2 for
warfare against whom he urged the speedy granting of
' Warwick's Memoirs, p. 1 48. s Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. ii. p. 530.

174 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. supplies, pawning the king's solemn word to give them
time for the presentment of petitions and for general discus
sions. Whereupon the monarch laid before them the Scot
tish noblemen's intercepted letter to the King of France,
signed, amongst others, by the Lord Loudon, whom, not
withstanding the ambassadorial character in which he ap
peared, he forthwith committed to the Tower. The Commons
seemed to take in no good part the lord keeper's dictation
of the order of their proceedings; for they fell first to the
consideration of their wrongs, — and upon this inexhaustible
topic, Mr. Pym, who in this parliament sat with Lord
Russell as member for Tavistock, descanted ably for two
hours, classifying his observations under the three great
heads of grievances against the liberties and privileges of
parliament, innovation in matters of religion, and injuries
against property ; all which, he conceived, would disable
them from administering any supplies, until they were re
dressed. Under the warm impression excited by his powerful
speech, they proceeded to various matters connected with
the violation of their parliamentary privileges. Repeated
messages during the debates came from the king, to hasten
the supplies, and the lords were induced to join in the
request, that these might have precedence of consideration.
The interference but confirmed their resolution to proceed as
they had begun ; and Charles finding them refractory to all
his wishes, put a speedy period to their consultations by an
abrupt dissolution of parliament, on the 5th of May. In a
long declaration to his subjects he set forth his reasons for
this step. But all the true friends of the monarchy were
filled with gloom at the intemperance of the measure ; whilst
those who saw legibly that only some severe reverse could

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 175
rouse the monarch from his dream of power absolute, might A.D. 1640.
say with Saint-John, when (with trouble on his brow)
Mr. Hyde discoursed with him on the affair, " that it was
all well; for that matters must be worse before they could
be better," — a state to which they were fast tending. And,
indeed, the day after the dissolution, on a mere suspicion that
Lord Brooke held a correspondence with the Scots, warrants
were issued by the council for searching his study and his
person ; but the great crisis was principally hastened by
secret intrigue, in which the Earl of Bedford was made an
innocent participant.
Upon knowledge of the severity practised against Lord
Loudon, the Scots had conceived additional resentment. And
they wrote to their agent in London to ascertain what friends
they might certainly depend upon, in the event of their re
solving to invade England.
This letter was sent to the Lord Saville, who employed
his secretary, Darley, to sound the most popular of the com
moners and lords. Darley was particularly instructed to
engage, if possible, the Earl of Bedford in the scheme, from
his vast influence with others, and the strong hold which he
had upon the affections of the country. But though he
began by throwing out the question merely as a hypothetical
case, the earl was startled at the dangerous proposition, in
every point of view so foreign to his thoughts, and, not with
out shew of offence, forbade all mention of it : the Earls of
Essex, Brooke, and Warwick, the Lords Say and Mande-
ville, shewed similar disapprobation of the project. Saville,
finding it impracticable to gain these noblemen, and aware
that the Scots would not pass the borders without a full
engagement from persons of greater interest than himself, —
deeply discontented with the state of things in England, and

176 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. hitter in his dislike of Lord Strafford, one of the three by
whose sole advice the government was now directed, drew up
a specific declaration of support, to which, with infinite skill,
he forged the names of all these noblemen.1 The Scots were
satisfied with the agreement, passed the Tweed and Tyne,
and in the victory at Newburn, August 27th, set their first
seal upon the civil conflict that deluged England for so many
years with blood.
The royal army retreated to York. Charles had still
a good army, though maintained at great expense ; insomuch
that the sums he raised on loan were soon exhausted, and he
was driven to the greatest exigency. In this dilemma, the
Earl of Bedford, and eleven other peers, addressed to him,
upon the 28th of August, their memorable Petition, pressing
on his serious consideration the evils that impended over their
country. They set before him clearly the discontent of the
whole kingdom from the innovations in religion; the employ
ment of Catholic recusants in places of power and trust ; the
mischiefs that would inevitably arise if he should carry into
effect his rumoured intention of bringing in the Irish forces;
his continued demand of ship-money, and prosecution of the
sheriffs who refused to levy it ; the pressure upon trade from
such a multitude of monopolies ; and, lastly, the long inter
mission of parliaments, and his late and former dissolutions
of them. For a remedy, they besought him, " in all humility
and faithfulness," to call another parliament, in which these
grievances might be redressed, the authors and counsellors of
them submitted to legal trial and appropriate punishment,
and the war be composed without any farther bloodshed.2
Whilst this petition was under the king's consideration,
1 Carte's Hist, of England, vol. iv. pp. 293, 4.
2 See the Petition, in Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. ii. p. 585.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 177
the Earl of Bedford's sense of the vast importance of the A.D. 1640.
crisis, as it might affect the stability of the throne, and tran
quillity of England, — with the sword of civil war already
drawn upon the northern frontier, — led him and the Earl of
Hertford to a step, which patriotic anxiety for his country's
welfare could alone have urged them to adopt. They went
to the Lords of the Council, sitting then at Hampton Court,
and endeavoured to induce them to join in the petition for a
new parliament, as the only means of averting the frightful
perils that approached. It is to be regretted, that no other
account of this interview exists but that which was given to
the monarch by the courtly pen of the state secretary ; but
even in the colours with which he paints the conference, his
letter will be read with interest.
Secretary Windebank to the King.
It may please your Majesty, — The last night, by the ordinary
post, I gave your majesty account of what passed in council at
Hampton Court, with intention to acquaint your majesty with the
business of this day, which I shall now presume to do.
The Earls of Bedford and Hertford have been heard this day at
the Board. The Earl of Hertford was the speaker, and made known
to the lords, that in the present common danger they have lately
sent a petition to your majesty ; that they had now brought the
like, desiring the lords to join with them in it, with this protestation,
that if the lords would not join, these two lords and the rest must
wash their hands from those mischiefs that were otherwise like to
fall upon the state. The petition being read, which agreed wholly
with the copy in my lord privy seal's hand, the lords desired them
to withdraw ; and, after a short consultation, appointed the lord
keeper, earl marshal, Lord Cottington, and myself, to repair to
them, and confer with them. The earl marshal began and told
them, my lords had sent us to confer with then} as friends, and to
communicate to them freely their sense of the petition. But, first,
VOL. II. N

178 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. my lord desired to know their intention, seeing the petition seemed
much different from that which— the report was — they had presented
to your majesty ; there appearing nothing in it but a heap of com
plaints, without any offer of service or assistance to your majesty
in this common danger, which yet, the common opinion was, they
had freely tendered. They both protested, in the first place, that
they were employed by those that did put them in trust, only to
present the petition to the lords ; and therefore desired that what
soever they should answer might be understood merely as from
private persons, and not obliging or conclusive to any other. Being
then asked who those were, they said, many other noblemen, and
most of the gentry in several parts of the kingdom. But to the
question concerning their intentions, they both vowed they had no
other end in the petition but your majesty's service and the public
good ; that, though your majesty should deny their petition, they
would be ready to serve you with their lives and fortunes, without
condition ; that there were sundry grievances that lay heavily upon
them and the people, which hindered them from being able to serve
your majesty as they desired ; that they had presented this petition
for the removing of those impediments, and to enable them the
better to serve your majesty ; that they were only messengers, and
put in trust by others, and therefore desired my lords to confer with
some of those others who were best able to express their own inten
tions. My Lord of Bedford still inclined to be understood as a
private man ; and in that quality made great professions of his
loyalty and readiness to serve your majesty, but still feared to be
disavowed. But my lords told them that, if such were their inten
tions, they had very ill luck in the manner of expressing them,
seeing they seemed in their complaints rather to join with the rebels,
(whom yet they had not termed rebels, but the Scotch army),
besides the indecency and unreasonableness of the petition, to
press their grievances when your majesty and the kingdom were in
this strait, and in danger to be overrun by a rabble of rebels ;
that the conclusion of the petition seemed most strange, and could
not but give great encouragement to the rebels, in desiring that
they might join in the reformation of religion; that in these dis
tempers my lords of the council had not slept, but had been

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 179
advising upon some quick remedy in this extremity; and therefore, a,D. 1640.
if these lords would have acquainted them with their purpose, they
would have joined with them in the end, though not in this way ;
and therefore desired them to make good their professions in pro
posing somewhat that might tend to the public peace, wherein they
promised to join with them. To this they replied, that when their
petition was agreed upon, which was the 28th of August, they did
not know the Scots had invaded England ; and if they had heard
of the taking of Newcastle, they would not have consented to the
delivery of it ; that, for remedy to the present troubles, they had no
commission to present any, but, as private men, they thought a
parliament the best. But my lords telling them the danger is pre
sent and imminent, and cannot stay for a parliament, they said
they were of opinion that the very summoning of a parliament would
so win the hearts of the people, that they would cheerfully come in
to his majesty in this action. My lords asked them what they
thought of a general meeting of all the peers in council to advise
what is to be done in this exigence : they answered, still as private
persons, that such an assembly, as it might be ordered, might be
to very good purpose ; but if it should be intended exclusive to
the Commons, or to raise monies any other way than by a parlia
ment, it would give no satisfaction. Being asked, whether they
had received any answer from your majesty to their petition, they
said no. Being desired to deal clearly with the lords, whether
they knew of any Covenant here in England, to be sworn to, like
that of Scotland, my Lord of Hertford vowed he knew of none, and
did detest it. The other denied the knowing of any, but more
faintly. They were likewise charged with the divulging of their
petition, and that copies of it were frequent in town, which they
protested was not justly to be imputed to them. This is the sum
of the conference, which, being reported to the Board, the lords
thought fit to amuse them no longer, but to acquaint them with
your majesty's answer to their petition, for the calling of the peers
to York upon the 24th of this present, referring them more particu
larly for answer to their own messengers. This my lord marshal
declaring to them, my Lord of Bedford, in some passion, inter
rupted him, and told him if any report had been made to the
Board of any thing passed in that conference, which was under-

180 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. stood otherwise than from private men, he for his part utterly
disavowed it.
I humbly crave your majesty's pardon for this length, and leave
to rest Your majesty's most humble subject and servant,
Fran. Windebank.1
Drury Lane, 7th Sept. 1640.
The king, in returning this letter to the writer with his
own brief comments, as was his practice, directs the secretary
to assure the two earls that there was no thought of excluding
a parliament ; and adds, " but ye tell not whether they sub
mitted, or formalised upon my calling of the peers to York."
To which Windebank replied on the 11th: — " If the two
lords had absolutely formalised upon your majesty's calling
of the peers to York, I should not have failed to have clearly
represented it. But this I did express, that if the calling of
them were intended in exclusion of the Commons, or to raise
monies any other way than by parliament, they were of
opinion that meeting would be fruitless. The Earl of Bedford
seemed not to like it so well as the Earl of Hertford ; and I
have heard since, he hath let fall such discourse against it, as
it is very likely he will use all the art he can to hinder it.
Howsoever, I understand the Earls of Essex and Hertford
purpose to pass from hence towards York on Monday next,
and Sir Francis Seymour with them."
This assembly met at York upon the 24th of September.
In his opening speech, the monarch stated that he had issued
writs for a Parliament; and in the meantime, he desired
their advice on the answer which it befitted him to give to a
petition from the " Rebels," and on the proper mode of pro
viding for his army, till he should receive supplies from
1 Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 110.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 181
parliament. The petition of the Covenanters, being read, A.D. 1640.
led naturally to proposals for a treaty. To treat with those
whom he had denounced as rebels, must have been somewhat
grating to the monarch's sense of dignity ; but his wants
were peculiarly pressing, and it appeared evident that the
fidelity of his army could by no means be depended on. He
assented, therefore, to the measure ; and appointed the Earl
of Bedford, and fifteen other peers, his Commissioners to
manage it, being all men of moderation, and well esteemed
by the Covenanters.
Nothing could exceed, however, the astonishment of these,
when they found that the very noblemen on whose concur
rence in undertaking the invasion they had relied, were the
very parties now employed to treat with them for peace.
Accordingly, when the first civilities at Rippon between the
commissioners were over, the Lords Johnstone and Loudon
required a private conference with Lord Mandeville, with
whom they entered on a sharp expostulation, charging him,
the Earl of Bedford, and the rest, with their breach of those
articles of promise which alone, he said, could have induced
them to invade the kingdom. Lord Mandeville, in great
amaze, protested his own ignorance of any such engagement,
and his confidence that the rest of the accused were equally
strangers to it. He was at first thought to be prevaricating;
and Loudon urged it as an act of great ingratitude to men
who had hazarded so much upon the faith of their engage
ment. The articles, he was reminded, were subscribed with
their own hands, and sent to Scotland by Lord Saville, who
would undoubtedly confirm the truth of what they stated.
Saville being accordingly introduced, on a renewal of the
charge, with great confusion in his look, confessed the
forgery. He acknowledged that he had never acquainted

182 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. any one of those lords with the least particular of the written
articles ; but knowing it a thing impracticable to gain them
to the project, he had preferred to take a step which might
subject him to their censure, rather than lose the advantage
of an invasion that might be the instrument of redressing the
public disorders. By means of it, he urged, all England had
now hopes that effectual redress would be obtained ; and as
the enterprise had been so far successful, what better policy
could they pursue than to keep the intrigue still secret, and
act with unanimity and vigour for the lasting advantage of the
two kingdoms ? Justly incensed as both parties were at the
disclosure of this treachery, they did not think it prudent,
in the present critical position of affairs, publicly to testify
their displeasure, — the circumstance could have no influence
on the present negotiation. The Scottish lords undertook,
therefore, to explain the transaction to their countrymen, so
far as to vindicate the honour of the several noblemen con
cerned; and Lord Mandeville1 demanded delivery of the
declaration and engagement : the first was given up, but
the latter was retained, with the exception of the simulated
names, which were cut off from the instrument, and com
mitted, in his presence, to the flames.2
The demands of the Scots ran high, and much time was
spent in settling conditions, the negotiations being secretly
thwarted by Cardinal Richlieu. At length a cessation of
arms was determined on, a point fixed for the boundary of
both armies, and a contribution agreed to for the main
tenance of the Scots' forces, until a general treaty should
be made by the parliament at Westminster, whither the
negotiations were accordingly transferred. The episcopal
1 Afterwards created Baron of Kimbolton. 2 Carte, as before.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 183
party and the Earl of Strafford, in reference to this arrange- A.D. 1640.
ment, protested to the king that it would have been better
to have decided the question by the issue of a battle. But
Charles, considering the stop which it put to the effusion
of blood, and the temper which many in his army had evinced,
when they declared " that they would not fight to maintain
the pride and power of the bishops," was sensible that a more
advantageous conclusion could not reasonably be expected.
For in his speech to the lords, at the opening of parliament,
he vindicated the commissioners from blame, declaring, that
it was not possible for them to do more ; and that he, there
fore, thanked them for their pains and industry, as men who,
if their power had but equalled their affections, would have
brought to a happy period the distempers which they had
had under consideration.1
In his first conduct towards this parliament, Charles
manifested some appearance of sincerity, and the Commons
evinced their satisfaction with it by the subsidies they granted
him. Still, however, they kept their eyes deliberately
fixed on the permanent redress of wrongs, the prevention of
grievances in future, and — it would have been well for the
cause which they espoused, if we could avoid adding —
vengeance for past injuries. Whilst the Lords proceeded to
the vindication of their privileges, violated in the person of
Lord Brooke, the Commons moved strong resolutions against
ship-money, and the insults offered to the members of preced-.
ing parliaments. Before the indignant oratory of Pym and
others, the government secretary fled; and by flight the
lord-keeper shunned the consequences of his impeachment,
more fortunate in this respect than Laud and Strafford.
1 Cobbett's Pari. Hist., vol. ii. p. 639.

184 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1640. The judges themselves were not exempt from the probing
inquisition of this now august tribunal, and entered into large
recognizances to abide its judgment for the misdemeanours
charged against them. Under the fear inspired by these
spirited proceedings, the other great officers of the court
began to tremble; Bishop Juxon tendered the resignation
of his treasurer's staff; Lord Cottington his post in the ex
chequer; and, struck at length with a salutary warning,
Charles could not avoid the admission, that it had become
dangerous to serve him, in the course which his predilection
for undisputed sway had led him to prescribe. He yielded
to the just impression; with some few signs of lingering
regret, he passed the " Act for preventing the too long inter
mission of Parliaments :" he offered to amend the forest-laws;
and, as the hemisphere darkened around Lord Strafford,
came to some determination to adopt a real change of
councils, and to fill up the vacant places in his court with
the most popular and estimable men in both houses of
parliament. Having declared his intention of reforming all excesses
in the church and state, he judged that such a step would
be accepted by the people as a satisfactory proof of his sin
cerity; but it is not to be questioned, that the strongest
argument that swayed him to this declaration lay in the hope
he entertained, of saving, through the ministry which he
might form, the life of the attainted earl. The members of
a privy council that would be acceptable to the nation,
might be gathered from a recent resolution of the House
of Lords. So highly had they estimated the service rendered
to the cause of constitutional freedom by the Petitioners at
York, as to have voted, that "for the honour of the twelve
peers who subscribed it, it should, with their names affixed,

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 185
be made the act of the house itself, by record on their jour- A.D. 1641.
nals ; and that its thanks should be offered for it, as being
just, legal, and good, both for the king and kingdom."1
Guided, doubtless, by this resolution, the monarch caused
the Earls of Bedford, Hertford, Essex, and Warwick, the
Lords Kimbolton and Say, to he sworn of his privy-council,
to the infinite joy of the people ; and to their number were
added the Earl of Bristol and Lord Saville.
These noblemen appear, during the short time in which
they exercised the privilege of their appointment, wisely to
have inculcated on the royal mind the necessity of being
guided, in the general scope of government, by the sense of
the people, as it might be evidenced by the votes of the two
houses of parliament; a principle, the soundness of which
has long been recognised, but which was then so ill under
stood as to be strongly censured by Lord Clarendon.2 When
the articles against Strafford were sent up to the House of
Lords, the king threw out stronger hints than ever of his
intention to claim the ministerial services of Lord Bedford
and his friends. He laid out the vacant treasureship for the
earl, the chancellorship of the exchequer for Mr. Pym ; the
Lord Say was then to be master of the wards, Denzil Hollis
to be secretary of state, Hampden, tutor to the prince, and
care was to be taken to satisfy the Earl of Essex, Lord
Kimbolton, and others, whose adherence at that time might
probably have been secured. In the conferences that attended
these contemplated arrangements, the Earl of Bedford sought
to confirm the monarch in this better bias, by every persua
sion which his long study of the constitution and enlight
ened wisdom could suggest. He promised his best efforts to
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 189.
2 History of the Rebellion. Folio, vol. i. p. 157.

186 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1641. induce the more violent of Strafford's enemies to be satisfied
with a less bitter penalty than death; and to procure the
revenue of the crown to be settled as amply as that of any
of his predecessors on the throne : " the which," says Cla
rendon, " he intended so really, that to my knowledge he
had it in design to endeavour to obtain an act for the setting
up the excise in England, as the only natural means to ad
vance the king's profit." The fact is farther borne out by
notes which the earl has left in one of his many books of
miscellanies, and entitled ; " An estimate of what might be
yearly made unto his majesty of the existing duties, if they
were settled by act of parliament."1 But as he was utterly
averse to sanction by his official countenance any exercise of
the prerogative of which he and the body of the nation, on
constitutional grounds, had previously disapproved, he de
clined to accept the Treasury, until a bill legalising the levy
of tonnage and poundage should pass the parliament; and in
this principle Mr. Pym and his other friends entirely con
curred. The king was not displeased with this hesitation, as
he desired to have a pledge from the popular party, that
Strafford's life should certainly be preserved, before he gave
himself up to the policy prescribed by his new counsellors.
It was by advice of the Marquess of Hamilton, jealous of a
rival influence, that this condition was thought to have been
insisted on. " Great pity," at all events, " it was," says
Clarendon, " that the king's design was not fully executed,
that he might have had some able men to advise and assist
him, which it was believed these would have done, after

1 The result of his calculation was, that by the abolition of patents and
monopolies alone, there would be an annual increase in the revenue of
52,995/. ; leaving an advantage of 36,400/. above that which the late king
enjoyed. — Bedford Papers.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 187
they had been so thoroughly engaged ; whereas, he had none A.D. 1641.
left near him in any great trust, except a very few about
his person, who did not betray or sink under the weight
and reproach of it."1 All that Charles actually did, was, at
the Earl of Bedford's desire, to make Oliver St. John
solicitor -general ; but the delay of carrying the whole
scheme into effect so far disobliged some of the party, par
ticularly the Earl of Essex, as to deepen their resentment
against Strafford, and to quicken the proceedings of parlia
ment in his attainder.
It had not, however, this effect with the patriotic Earl
of Bedford, who, "as he had in truth more authority with
the violent of his party than any body else, laboured heartily .
that the earl's life should be secured;"2 hoping that some
expedient might be found that would satisfy alike the ends
of real justice and the national displeasure, either by exile,
imprisonment, or by declaring him incapable of any farther
public service. The earnestness of his endeavours is attested
both by his keeping secret the plot to bring down the northern
army, in order to overawe the deliberations of parliament
and rescue the prisoner by force, and by his interview with
Mr. Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon. It was in the
afternoon of the day on which this gentleman had so ably
acquitted himself in a conference with the Lords, upon the
proposed abolition of the Presidency of the North, that Mr.
Hyde went to Piccadilly, which was then a house for enter
tainment, with gravel walks and trees for shade, and an
upper and lower bowling-green, to which the highest person
ages condescended to resort, for exercise and conversation.
The Earl of Bedford, seeing him come upon the ground,
1 History of the Rebellion, vol. i. p. 167. ' lb, p. 189.

188 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1641. advanced to him, and after some compliments upon his
message in the morning, said, he was glad of his arrival,
as there was a friend of his in the lower ground, who needed
his good counsel. Lamenting the misery that was likely to
befall the kingdom, by their violence and want of temper in
the prosecution of tlieir own happiness, he observed, that the
Earl of Strafford's business was a rock on which they all
should split ; and that the passion of the parliament would
quite undo the kingdom. The king was ready, he said, to
do all they could desire, if the Earl of Strafford's life might
be spared, being well satisfied that he had proceeded so
much more intemperately in many things than he ought,
as to have disqualified him from all farther usefulness in
his affairs ; that the monarch was therefore well content
that the accused should be declared incapable of employ
ment for the time to come, and banished or imprisoned for
life, at their discretion. If they would even by their own
judicatory take his death upon themselves, the sovereign
would interpose no act of private conscience as a barrier ;
but as this was declined, and it was decided to proceed by
act of parliament, to which himself must necessarily be made
a party, it would be inconsistent with his conscience ever
to give his consent to the earl's death, having heard nothing
proved in the whole course of the trial by which he could
believe him a traitor, either in fact or intention. His majesty
did therefore most earnestly desire that he might not be
put to the pain of giving a negative to the bill, which he
neither could nor would consent to. Now though, Lord
Bedford observed, he himself was satisfied so well in his
own conscience, that he believed he should have no scruple
in giving his vote for the bill pending in their house, yet
he knew not how the king could be pressed to do an act

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 189
so contrary to his conscience. For his own part, he was A.D. i64i.
taking all the pains he could to persuade his friends to
decline their violent prosecution, and be content with the
remedy proposed; which he thought might be rendered so
secure, as to quiet all apprehensions of the earl's ever taking
any future part in the public business. The work of per
suasion was indeed most difficult ; but, notwithstanding, he
should not despair of success, if he could but induce the
Earl of Essex to comply, whose obstinacy was unhappily so
great, that he had not yet been able to move him in the
least degree. He had but now left the Earl of Hertford
walking with him in the lower ground, who would, he was
satisfied, do all in his power to bring his brother to a milder
humour ; yet he desired Mr. Hyde to walk down thither
also, and take his turn in persuading Essex to listen to
reasonable counsels.
The Earl of Essex had once been favourably disposed
towards the court ; but his unceremonious dismissal, on the
disbanding of the northern army under his command, with
out the usual acknowledgments, when he had committed no
false step in council or action, was supposed to have weak
ened his devotion to it ; and the unreasonable refusal of
some slight favours that would have infinitely pleased him,
following this ungracious conduct, had stung his spirit to
the quick. Parting now from the Marquess of Hertford,
he accosted Mr. Hyde, and said jocosely, that the latter
had that morning done a service which, he knew, he little
intended ; for by his speech against the Northern Presi
dency, he had revived their displeasure against Strafford, so
that he hoped they should now proceed vigorously in the
attainder. Mr. Hyde said, that of a truth that was no part
of his design ; on the contrary, he hoped that what he then

190 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A D. 1641. said might induce them to proceed in another course. Their
disagreement upon the point of treason, was, he knew, the
cause of their late slackness, and this, he was persuaded,
would occasion them more difficulties, the more it was con
sidered ; but if that were once given up, unanimity would be
obtained, and all parties would agree to inflict on the offender
such a censure as would absolutely deprive him of all power
to injure either the kingdom or his present enemies. Essex
shook his head ; and, thinking that, whatever other punish
ment he should receive, it would be remitted by the king
whenever parliament were dissolved, answered pitilessly,
" Stone-dead has no fellow." Shortly after, when Mr. Hyde
afresh expostulated with him, urging the injustice of dis
allowing to the king the exercise of those conscientious
scruples to which they themselves laid claim, Essex, with
some warmth, gave this farther answer — that the king in
conscience was obliged to conform himself and his opinion
to the advice and conscience of his parliament ; and so their
conference closed.
It is impossible, however, to say what might not have
been accomplished with even this stern and stubborn mal
content, if, feeling so deeply as Lord Bedford did, the para
mount importance of reconciling the king to his parliament
by such an act of grace, he could have continued to devote
the energies of his head and heart to the kindly act of
appeasing the violence of his intemperate friends. But at
this very crisis he fell sick. His own, as well as his country's
misfortunes, seem to have pressed heavily upon his mind.
On receiving tidings of the death of his son Francis, which
had occurred at Paris but a month before, he told Dr
Cademan, one of his physicians, " that four fair oaks of his
had lately been blown down, as it were, altogether ; and on

K.Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 191
this subject made so moving a lament, as to prove that their A.D. 1641.
removal took deep root in his thoughts." l He complained
that he found his own health somewhat shaken; and to lessen
the force of coming sickness, desired to resume a medicine
that had gently cured him of an illness the preceding year.
But neither this nor the other remedies resorted to gave him
any relief; and in a few days Lady Brooke, his daughter,
observed upon his person an eruption of red spots, which
proved to be the small-pox. " Whereupon my lord, who
ever considered others' safety before his own content, with
extraordinary earnestness forced his dear lady and children,
much against their will, to leave him." 2 His most intimate
political friends, however, could not he restrained from
visiting him ; and to one of these he again expressed his
prophetic fears, that the rage and madness of this parliament
would bring more prejudice and mischief on the kingdom,
than it had ever sustained by their long intermission.
In conformity with the mistaken, and often fatal, practice
which then prevailed in the treatment of the disease, the
earl was confined closely to his bed, even when his fever was
at the highest ; and of this he shortly felt the ill effects. To a
faithful servant he confessed that he was so weary of his bed,
that he feared it would be his grave, exclaiming, " I fool away
my life to please the physicians ;" and when these again for
bade his rising, he sighed out farther to Dr. Cragg, " Well,
then, I will die to observe your rules." Hence Dr. Cademan,
who appears to have advocated a different treatment, after
wards declared, in a printed pamphlet, his opinion, " that
the earl died of too much of his bed, and not of the small
pox. For, till Saturday night (the 8th of May), I am sure
1 3 " The Earl of Bedford's Passage to the highest Court of Parliament."
4to. London, 1641.

192 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
A.D. 1641. he had no sign of danger, as that then there was no hope of
life,— nature having given over the field to devotion, which
came in, so armed and invincible, as I never saw the like,
though I have waited upon many who had no other business
of life than to die well. Commending his body to be buried
with decency, but not pomp, his breath was spent before his
hands and eyes ceased to be lifted up to heaven, as if his soul
would have carried his body along with it."
Thus, upon the morning of the 9th of May, 1641, died
Francis, known to his contemporaries by the title of " the
Wise Earl of Bedford." Every one but the most furious
partisans of monarchy received the tidings with inexpressible
regret; and the House of Lords, upon the following day,
recorded on its journals their sense of the great loss which
they had especially sustained. Nor was this the only public
mark of respect which they shewed to his memory ; on the
14th, the day appointed for his funeral, most of the house
of peers, with their servants, attended at Bedford House, to
the number of three hundred coaches,1 to accompany the
body to its last home. After remaining awhile there, the
coffin, overlaid with lawn, being put into a chariot, covered
with black velvet, and surmounted with four plumes of
feathers, the whole mournful procession moved along. First
came four gentlemen, each with a black rod in his hand,
followed by thirty in sable ; then another carrying his banner,
preceding six-and-thirty more. To them succeeded two with
white rods in their hands, another with a banner displayed ;
then Dr. Burgess, followed by two squires ; four heralds in
their coats ; the Garter King-at-arms ; the coaches, with two
gentlemen on each side of every coach, bearing banners, —
1 Harl. MSS. Cod. 477. Journal of John More, Esq.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. I93
succeeded by fifty other carriages with six horses in array, A.D. 1641.
and all the rest in due heraldic order.1 With this melan
choly pomp they proceeded on the road to Chenies ; and
there, after the celebration of the usual service, the mortal
remains of this great earl were consigned to the vault of his
forefathers, amidst the tears and prayers of the assembled
multitude. A stately monument is erected to him in the
adjacent chapel. His countess, Catharine, survived him
till the SOth of January, 1657, when she was laid beside him
in the same depository.
The character of the fourth Earl of Bedford may be
gathered sufficiently from even this brief memoir of his
valuable life. The only foil which even Clarendon casts
upon it, is couched in the opinion, that if he had lived he
might possibly have been drawn by irresolution from his
wonted moderation, into those more violent councils which
afterwards led to such disastrous excesses. Archbishop Laud,
inimical to him from this very moderation, indulged in some
uncharitable and unchristian reflections on his memory after
his decease, which the statements of Clarendon shew to
have been wholly undeserved. The mantle of Laud would
almost seem to have fallen upon Mr. Lodge. Besides labour
ing to prove the archbishop correct in his assertions, he has
attached to his memoir of the earl some singular observations,
the application of which it is difficult clearly to understand.
" This nobleman," he says, " in the furtherance of his view"
(to make himself and his friends great at court), " carried
himself towards the king with the most profound respect,
and with all professions of loyalty and zeal for his service ;
and contrived to live in a decent and grave familiarity with
the ministers, while in parliament he decried their measures
1 Journal of John More, Esq.
VOL. II. °

194 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVII.
AD. 1641. and their motives with the utmost eagerness. So, too, with
regard to ecclesiastical matters. In fine, he had the fortune
to live in an age when patriotism was less frequently professed
than practised, and may perhaps be properly esteemed the
main inventor of a method of opposition too familiar to us of
later days, but which then charmed some by its novelty, and
others by its apparent impartiality, while it gained some credit
with all parties, because there had not yet been time to detect
its selfishness and insincerity." The shaft concealed in this
fanciful hypothesis,1 whether levelled at the assumed insin
cerity of the earl's desire to maintain the integrity of the just
rights of the crown whilst he sought to consolidate the nation's
liberties, or at his imagined dexterity as the leader of a faction
swayed only by motives of personal aggrandisement, falls
harmless from a reputation based upon unsullied candour,
and a rectitude which only a distorted vision could so misre
present. To question the disinterestedness of a St. John, or
a Saville, instrumental as they became, after the death of this
nobleman, to the success of measures that pushed the power
of parliament far beyond its legitimate sphere of action, may
be permitted to a partisan of royalty ; but honour will have
lost its meed, and virtue all security, if the character of a
patriot, who advocated no public measure that encroached
upon the just rights of the crown ; and, in listening to over
tures that would have given that crown the benefit of a con
stitutional administration, compromised no one principle of
the many that endeared him to the people, — is to be thrown
1 Even if these ascribed motives for the Earl of Bedford's conduct were
correct, which we must deny, Mr. Lodge would be in error in the point of
fact. The first instance in English history of any king's advancing a man on
account of parliamentary influence or interest, and opposition to his measures,
was the preferment of Sir John Saville, a zealous opposer of the court : he
was made comptroller of the household by James I.

K. Charles I. FRANCIS, FOURTH EARL. 195
from the high pedestal where it was placed by opposing con- a.d. 1641.
temporaries, to suit the calculations, or gratify the party feuds
of after and far distant ages.
A splendid full-length portrait of the fourth Earl of Bed
ford, in a dress and mantle of black, with light hair, and
short peaked beard, is at Woburn Abbey, painted by Vandyck
in 1636, in the 48th year of the earl's age. The head has
been engraved by Houbraken, and again, more recently,
for the " Illustrious Portraits." Of his countess, Catharine,
daughter of Giles Brydges, third Lord Chandos, two fine
portraits also occur at Woburn, both by Cornelius Jansen.
The first is a very curious picture. It represents her in a
scenic dress, as a performer perhaps in the Masque presented
before Queen Elizabeth, at her father's house at Sudely. She
is habited in a gown flourished over with rich ornaments,
and a red mantle, her hair flowing in loose luxury below her
waist, and a pearl coronet or crown upon her head. The
second presents her at a more mature age — a full-length
figure, in black, with roses in her hand, and sprigs of lily-
flowers at her breast, and in her hair.
The Earl of Strafford was beheaded on the 12th of May.
The removal of these two great men seemed to operate almost
as a prelusive signal for the civil rupture that so soon ensued.
From the execution of the one the king conceived grief,
resentment, and an impatient hatred of the influence that
kept his will in check ; from the death of the other, the par
liament, in the person of its leading spirits, felt in a manner
freed from the curb that had restricted its advancing claims ;
and, like a vessel that is cut from some safe anchorage, drifted
abroad with its crew, upon the dark and ruffled deep, in
search of new treasures on an untried shore.

196 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.

CHAPTER XVIII.
FROM THE EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF STRAFFORD TO THE FIRST
SECRET TREATY WITH FRANCE.
A.D. 1641 — 1674.
William, fifth Earl, 1641 . . . Carries the Five Propositions to the king. ..
Sides with the parliament ... is made General of Horse . . . Besieges Sher
borne Castle, 1642.. .Compels the Marquess of Hertford to retire into
Wales ... In the battle of Edge Hill, October 23 ... His efforts for a
treaty of pacification, 1 643 ... overruled ... He is prevented by intrigues
from throwing himself upon the army of the Earl of Essex . . . Joins the
royalists at Oxford . . . His reception ... In the battle of Newbury . . . Re
tires to his own house . . .The king at Woburn Abbey, 1645-7 . . . Rejec
tion of the army's propositions, 1 647 . . . Commonwealth . . . Francis, Lord
Russell, 1653... Mr. William Russell, 1 658 ... Restoration ... Corre
spondence with Lady Vaughan, 1667 .. .His marriage, 1669 .. .Enters
upon public life, 1672 . . . Family of the Earl of Bedford.
The House of Lords, upon learning the loss it had sustained
in the person of Earl Francis, sent a deputation to visit his
son, with the expression of its desire, " that he would repair
to them as soon as his sorrow would give him leave, for that
none could supply so well the place of his deceased father."1
Lord Russell had been returned with Mr. Pym for Tavistock
to the new House of Commons ; and, although he does not
appear to have taken part in the great debates with which
the session had commenced, we find him frequently selected
to communicate the messages of the Lower to the Upper
House.2 In the sphere to which he was now called, the
example of his father pointed out his path of action ; and his
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 242. s lb. pp. 169, 226, 233.

K.Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 197
own deliberate sense of the necessity of perfecting the reforms A.D. 1641.
upon which the parliament had entered, influenced him to
the temporate advocacy of those principles which were ex
pressed in the energetic petitions of the people, as necessary
for the permanent settlement of their liberties. On the 17th
of May, when he first took his seat in the House of Peers,
his name was added to all the standing committees 51 and, as
sisting constantly in the business of the house, he was honoured
with several parliamentary appointments in the course of that
important session.
He was on the committee for considering the expe
diency of disbanding the two armies,2 which were yet con
tinued at a vast expense, and for settling the accounts depend
ing between the Scots, and the counties occupied by their
army. And when the Ten Propositions on the general state
of the kingdom were delivered to the king, the earl, after a
delay which was borne somewhat impatiently, was one of
the peers deputed to move him for his reply to the important
article which prayed that his evil counsellors against whom
there were any just exceptions, might be dismissed for such
as the country could confide in.3 The intervention, although
managed with great caution, particularly the terms of the
request, which sufficiently recognised the sovereign's exclusive
right of choice in the formation of his ministry, was received
with some resentment ; the king protesting that he knew of
no ill counsellor around his person, and that he should look
for none to be so unadvised, as by slanders to deter any
whom he trusted from giving him as free advice as the right
of speech which parliament uniformly claimed from him, and
which he never had refused. In this prelusive contest of bold
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 251. ' lb. p. 254. 3 lb. p. 306.

198 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1641. demand and stately replication, the humour of both parties
was significantly displayed. The concessions, sparingly reci
procated between them, had brought but little alleviation of
harmony or confidence. To the parliament as to the nation, it
was evident that every advantage this had gained was wrung
from the unwilling court by pressing exigence alone. At
each fresh grant to the national will, the king ostentatiously
set forth its merits; the Commons only cared to weigh his
need. They acknowledged not the grace of such merchant
like enhancements to his gifts, and adjusted the scales of
compensation with an equal scrupulosity of feeling. The
monarch expected perfect satisfaction with these grants ; the
Commons fresh security that they would never be re
claimed : and thus, as the natural fruit of such timorous peace-
offerings, the honourable conditions that should have cemented
an indissoluble compact, were degraded to the level of a
pitiful and thankless bargain. No wonder that, in despair of
ever fixing the exact vibration of the balance, the sword of
Camillus was finally flung into the scale.
The jealousy of parliament was powerfully kept alive, by
intelligence of the plot for bringing the northern army to
London, which was now disclosed in all its terrible minute
ness of detail. When, therefore, Charles signified his inten
tion of visiting Scotland, and the queen's of going into Ger
many — as the former would have to pass through the troops
of both nations, and the queen might scatter discontent, and
gather succours from abroad — a thousand vague alarms were
raised ; and petitions were voted from both houses, praying
them to defer their meditated journeys, which the Earl of
Bedford and a few others were instructed to convey.1 The
queen, to whom they expressed all imaginable duty and
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. pp. 314, 350.

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. I99
respect, yielded gracefully to their wishes, after a slight A.D. 1641.
demur, and was repaid by the grateful thanks of parliament,
and the settlement of her jointure. The king remained
inflexible to their solicitations ; yet he yielded assent to the
Five Propositions, of which the earl and his companions were
the bearers, for security against the spiritual host of Jesuits
and Papists. To avert the other apprehended danger, both
armies were hastily disbanded, and commissioners appointed
by both houses to attend the king upon his journey, ostensibly
to present from, time to time the desires and counsels of his
parliament, but in reality as a watch or check on his pro
ceedings. The earl was one of the lords selected for this
charge; but on pleading the great private occasions that
required his attention, he was excused from the invidious
office.1 As the public animosities increased, he endeavoured
to keep the middle course of constitutional safety. He would
join neither in infringing the rightful power of the Lower
House, nor in trenching on the monarch's clearly defined pre
rogative ; being one of the six peers who entered their protest
against an order of the House of Lords relative to some
matters of religion that were not submitted for the approval
of the Commons;2 and refusing equally, as a peer, to join
these in their petition for displacing the lieutenant of the
Tower, which he regarded as an interference with the king's
appointment of his officers.3 But the tide of mutual aggres
sion between the parliament and king henceforth set in so
strongly as to overbear the power of neutrality, and to compel
even men of the happiest moderation to side with one or other
of the two exasperated parties. The daring act of Charles,
in impeaching Lord Kimbolton and the five popular members
of the Commons, contributed more than any other thing to
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 362. 2 Id. p. 395. 3 Id. p. 490a.

200 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1641. bring all disputed questions to an armed decision. This step
was taken in pursuance of the rash counsels of the fiery
Lord Digby, who, from being one of the most eloquent op-
pugners of the court, had veered round to the king's service
during the trial of Lord Strafford, and was now become a
chief protagonist of his declining cause. The Commons set
the impeachment at defiance ; sent a remonstrance to the
Lords, accusing Digby of being occupied in raising soldiery
in Surrey ; arraigned him of high treason ; and the Earl of
Bedford, his near relative, in being called to act on the com
mittee that examined witnesses against him, had his patriot
ism put to a strong test. It was perhaps the first marked
prognostic of that mental strife which was soon destined, in so
many cases, to separate the private ties of consanguinity and
friendship. There wanted now but watchwords to consum
mate party rage ; and these were furnished by the cry of
" Cavalier and Roundhead" that rose in the riot near the
houses of parliament. Blood was spilt in that tumultuous
affray : a guard was demanded by the parliament ; the debates
on the militia increased the ferment; and on the22d Aug. 1642,
the royal standard was raised upon the walls of Nottingham.
To every true lover of his country this state of things
presented but a choice of evils. In the measures of both
parties, the Earl of Bedford must have seen much to disap
prove ; but his early predilections, and his more mature con
siderations were in favour of an extension of true liberty ;
and as he anticipated greater good to his country from the
temporary triumph of the Commons, than the uncontrolled
dominion of the king, he did not hesitate to take his first
stand in arms upon the side of parliament. To raise the
Devonshire militia was the service now assigned him; and
he entered on it with the greater vigour, from an impression

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 201
shared by many other leading men, that Charles, if he beheld A.D. 1642.
the parliament in arms, would not venture to take the field ;
and that hence a treaty must ensue, which would be founded
on the broader basis, the greater the number of men of rank
and influence whom the monarch saw opposed to his prin
ciples of government. Hence the earl subscribed duly to the
fund first raised by parliament, though with less ardour of
feeling than his brother the Lord Brooke; and taking the
Covenant prescribed for the occasion, accepted its commission
as general of horse under the Earl of Essex.
At the head of a small force, he was sent down to op
pose the Marquess of Hertford, who was prosperously en
gaged in raising troops for the royal army in the west. The
marquess had his station at Wells in Somersetshire, and
was attended by some troops of horse-dragoons raised by Sir
Ralph Hopton, some infantry of Colonel Lunsford's, and by
various gentlemen of the ancient families in the county. But
all the later gentry, who had raised large fortunes by the
manufactures of that clothing district, were fast friends to the
parliament. Before the undisciplined numbers which they
drew together, the marquess retired into Dorsetshire, throwing
himself and his adherents into Sherborne Castle ; whither,
also, before the Earl of Bedford could arrive from Wells,
came Sir John Berkeley, Col. Ashburnham, and other good
officers, with three hundred foot. The Earl of Bedford was
attended by Sir Walter Earl, Mr. Hollis, and Lieutenant
Essex, a soldier who had reaped some reputation in the
wars of Flanders. He had four pieces of cannon, eight full
troops of horse, and seven thousand new recruits, which he
encamped in a field north of the castle. Whilst lying there,
he received a challenge from Lord Hertford to a duel, which
he is reported to have temperately declined, but to have pro-

202 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1642. mised to accept it when the service of the parliament would
give him leave. He found the castle infinitely stronger than
had been represented, so that small impression could be made
by his insufficient ordnance, whilst his raw recruits, unused
to the hardships of the camp, upon the first play of artillery
from the castle, deserted in great numbers. He therefore,
after a fortnight spent before the place, retired to a neigh
bouring village, till his troops, diminished now to 1400,
could be reinforced. He was attacked in these quarters
by the enemy on the 6th of September, and a smart action
followed, in which the earl was victorious, and which he has
described in a letter to some peer in town. When read in
parliament, it was welcomed with great joy, and imme
diately ordered to be printed.1
This overthrow, and the news that Portsmouth was
rendered to Sir William Waller, induced Lord Hertford to
withdraw his shattered party from the castle, in all haste.
Followed hard by the Earl of Bedford, he reached Minehead,
and crossed over into Wales, sending Hopton and some others
to prosecute the enterprise in Cornwall. Lord Bedford,
thinking that these fugitives might be easily coped with by
the sheriffs, and satisfied with having destroyed every present
hope of raising an army in those parts, rejoined the Earl of
Essex ; who, in his disposition on the evening of October
23d for a general engagement with the royalists at Edge
Hill, assigned to him the charge of the reserve of horse. In
this memorable conflict, the earl is reported by Lord Wharton
" to have done extraordinary service."2 It was, in fact,
his movement with this corps de reserve, which saved the
1 "Exceeding joyful news from the Earl of Bedford's army,'' 4to. London,
1642. It has been reprinted by the Duke of Bedford, in his " Catalogue of
Enamels at Woburn Abbey." » Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. ii, p. 1498.

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 203
parliamentary army from total defeat ; for, on noticing the A.D. 1642.
route and flight of Essex's two wings, " he brought up very
gallantly," amidst the play of cannon, with Sir William
Balfour, his lieutenant, and Sir Miles Stapleton, his central
troop of horse, which, falling with impetuous fury on the rear
and flank of the king's foot (the horse being engaged in the
chase of fugitives), altogether wrung from Prince Rupert
the advantage he had obtained. Night put a friendly close
to the havoc of this first field of civil strife, leaving it un
decided which party had won the unenviable laurel. The
events of a few months, however, rendered the predominance
less doubtful. Besides the successes of the royalists in the
two fights of Stratton and Lansdowne, Bristol was taken by
them, and Gloucester was laid siege to.
The Earl of Essex was disheartened by his own small
progress, and began to be earnestly disposed for an accom
modation ; and in this desire all the more moderate patriots
who sided with the parliament seriously participated. Their
expectations of a quick decision by the sword had been dis
appointed, and a frightful prospect to their country lay before
them, if the conflict were prolonged. Amongst those of the
House of Peers who on these grounds were strenuous for
a treaty, was the Earl of Bedford. To the pain with which
he contemplated the public disorders, was added the pun
gency of private sorrow, his uncompromising brother, the
Lord Brooke, having been killed by a shot whilst taking
possession of Lichfield for the parliament. The earl la
boured, therefore, earnestly for peace ; but the republican
party, dreading a compromise that must diminish their new
power, became daily more imperious, and spirited up Sir
William Waller and Lord Manchester against the Earl of
Essex. This did not deter the Lords from their resolution

204 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1643. to attempt a reconciliation ; the Earl of Bedford continued
his assiduous exertions, and, chiefly, as it is said, by his
instrumentality, some highly reasonable propositions were
delivered in, to be sent to the monarch, as the basis of a
treaty for peace. By these both armies would have been
disbanded, the king have been entreated to return to parlia
ment on satisfactory securities, and religion would have been
settled, with the advice of a Synod of Divines, as he and
the two houses should appoint. The militia was proposed
to be settled by a bill, and with the forts and shipping to be
put into hands appointed by the king, but subject to the
approbation of both houses. The royal revenue was to be
restored ; the members of both houses who had been expelled
for absence only, or on mere compliance with the monarch's
requisitions, were to be restored ; delinquents up to the 10th
of January, 1641, were indeed to be delivered up to the
justice of parliament, but a general pardon for all others
upon both sides was to be extended, and an act of oblivion
declared for past hostilities.
The Commons shewed a strong disposition to concur
with the Lords in forwarding these temperate propositions ;
which they would undoubtedly have done, if the more violent
amongst them had not formed connexions with the Scottish
Presbyterians that were too dangerous to be avowed. To
cut off, therefore, every hope of accommodation, they caused
supplies of all kinds to be voted to the army, and the Earl
of Manchester to be made general of the associated counties.
Notwithstanding which, Lord Bedford and his friends must
have eventually succeeded, had the Earl of Essex been but
true to his engagement, and the parliament been left to'Uts
unrestrained deliberations. But Pennington, the lord mayor,
who was in the councils of the wilder party, raised and

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 205
headed a tumultuous assemblage, which, pouring down to A.D. 1643.
Westminster, excited so furious a clamour against all pacific
measures, that the Earl of Bedford and his friends not only
perceived their efforts hopeless, but had even some misgivings
of their personal safety. His hopes of peace thus vanishing,
disgust at this species of control succeeded to regret ; so
that, with sad forebodings of the result of the strife, he
threw up his commission, and with the Earls of Clare,
Holland, and some other peers, prepared to join Lord Essex.
The intention was suspected ; Essex was plied with the most
nectared flatteries and promises, provided he abstained from
all intercourse with the seceding party. He had not virtue
to withstand the lure ; the three earls in his weakness saw
their own insecurity ; and thereupon, instead of repairing to
the army, resolved to throw themselves upon the king.
With some difficulty they reached Wallingford. The go
vernor of the garrison applied to Charles for his instructions
in the case, and the monarch, learning that his privy council
at Oxford were greatly disunited in opinion as to the recep
tion that should be given them, hastily left Gloucester to be
present at their consultations.
Nothing could be more unfortunate for the welfare of
the three kingdoms than the failure of the late negotiation.
"Without doubt," says Clarendon, "if the propositions had
been sent, a firm peace had immediately ensued ; for if a
treaty and cessation had been entered on in that conjunc
ture, no extravagant demand would have been pressed, but
only a security for those who had been faulty, which the
king would gladly have granted, and most religiously ob
served." Had the earls received encouragement to reach
the army, they had intended to protest against the violent
breach of privilege that had been offered to the Upper

206 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1643. House, and their own want of legislative freedom; by means
of which they trusted to have drawn the houses to consent
to such an agreement as the king would have well approved
of, or to have themselves entered on a treaty with him, under
which all the moderate part of the kingdom would have been
glad to be comprehended. Had the patriotic wish succeeded,
what ills and horrors would not have been spared ! But the
hesitation of Essex disconcerted all; and henceforth the vio
lent party, disencumbered of the influence most opposed to
its excesses, carried every thing before it with a high, a
haughty, and unrelenting hand.
It might naturally have been supposed, that the seceding
earls would have been received with open arms by the royal
ists at Oxford. But Party, in such times as those, looks upon
all virtue except its own with a suspicious eye ; and it was the
king's misfortune, at that moment, to be served by disputa
tious officers, as well as a disjointed council. Of the latter,
some had thought that all favour should be shewn the fugi
tives, as a means of disengaging others from the parliament;
but many had insisted on a harsher course, urging the scandal
which they had thrown upon the royal cause : these argued,
that as their good or ill reception could have no influence
now upon the parliament at Westminster, so a cold reserve
to them could be productive of no inconvenience ; and that to
shew countenance to men who had cast off their allegianee>
would render the observance of untainted loyalty of no price
or merit. They accordingly advised the exclusion of the high
delinquents from even the presence of the king, till they had
expiated their crime by proofs of clear affection; some were for
attaching them as prisoners. Between these extremes there
was a third opinion, — that they should be neither courted nor
neglected, but be admitted to kiss hands and to dispose them-

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 207
selves as they thought fit, whilst every thing else was left to A.D. 1643.
their subsequent demeanour. When Charles came to Oxford
the discussion was renewed. Chancellor Hyde (afterwards
Lord Clarendon), and Lord Saville, were now the only
persons who had the discretion to advise their being well
received ; the rest exaggerated the ill consequences of their
conduct, and even affected to dread the disturbance that
might follow, from the challenge formerly given by Lord
Hertford. " It cannot be expressed," says the royal his
torian, " with how much earnestness and unreasonableness
the whole was debated ; and how warmly even they, who in
all other debates still expressed all moderation and temper,
did now oppose the receiving of these lords with any grace."
The king saw the danger of yielding to a spirit so intem
perate. He gave permission for the lords to come to Oxford ;
but the court was left at liberty to shew them just what
civilities they pleased ; and he stated that his own and the
queen's conduct should depend entirely on circumstances.
This cold compliance, next to their case admitting of the
least debate, was excessively unpalatable to the three lords.
The Earl of Bedford, however, being sincerely disposed for a
reconciliation of all parties, came to Oxford, had his intro>-
duction, gave in an explanation of the motives of his past
conduct, and took out his pardon under the great seal. As
the siege of Gloucester still continued, he offered his services
in the war, which were accepted ; and at the battle of New
bury " charged with bravery in the king's own regiment of
horse, and well behaved himself throughout."1 He returned
to Oxford with the king, who nominated him in June one
of the commissioners to settle the government and liturgy,1

. z

Clarendon. 2 Rushworth, vol. ii. Part in. p. 337.

208 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
AD. 1645. and from whom he continued to receive occasionally similar
tokens of civility, but great disdain and disrespect from the
courtiers who prided themselves on a monopoly of loyalty.
It was not in the nature of Lord Bedford long to brook such
conduct. He saw that the queen and her faction were deter
mined to take revenge on all who had opposed them; and
considering that his dignity and safety would be best con
sulted by retiring from a court which seemed incapable of
discriminating between the real friends and enemies of the
constitution, he rejoined, on Christmas-day, the Earl of Essex
at St. Albans, leaving the very apologists of the monarch
to lament an error which caused him to be henceforth re
garded as implacable, and which led others who abhorred
the violence of parliament rather to yield allegiance to it
than expose themselves to the annoyance of a similar rebuff.
Of this number was the earl's son-in-law, Lord Hay,1 now,
by the death of his father in 1636,2 Earl of Carlisle, who
had hitherto taken a cordial part in the king's proceedings,
and had sat in the parliament of Oxford, where, with his
brothers-in-law, Francis Newport, Esq. and Colonel Russell,
he had subscribed, on the 27th of January in this year, the
well-known letter to the Earl of Essex.3
The parliament had visited the defection of the Earl of
Bedford by a sequestration of his estate, which continued
till the fight of Marston Moor, in 1644 ; when, being inspired
by success with a more genial humour, the sequestration was
ordered to be taken off. On the 17th of April, 1645, the
Earl of Bedford, with the Earl of Carlisle41 and four other
peers, who had come in from the king's quarters, appeared
once more in parliament, and took the covenant before the
1 Whitelock, p. 83. 2 Sidney Papers, vol. ii. p. 453.
3 Rushworth, vol. ii. Part in. pp. 566, 575. * Whitelock, p. 145.

K. Charles I. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 209
commissioners of the great seal — the onlv compliance which &-.!).
b J r 1645-7.
Lord Bedford made with the faction he had abandoned. He
sat no more in the House of Peers after this, nor took much
farther part in public affairs until the Restoration ; but re
tired into private life, consoled by the reflection that he had
endeavoured, under every change, to do his duty to his
country. His example was imitated by many of the wisest and
best subjects in the kingdom. Charles lived to be sensible of
the injustice of his former demeanour to the earl, and more
than once visited him in his retirement. In 1644 he passed
a night with him at Woburn Abbey, in his route from
Aylesbury, intending to proceed to Bedford ; but this course
not seeming prudent in the morning, he removed to Leigh ton
Buzzard. In August, 1645, the king again became his
guest, when on his way from Wales to Oxford ; and a third
time on the 24th of July, 1647.
A darker change had now passed over the fortunes of the
monarch. He had been delivered by the Scots to the parlia
mentary army, whose quarters at this moment were at Bedford.
But the jealousies between the army-officers and parliament
were the means of his being treated at this time with great
consideration. The external observances of royalty were every
where paid him : his friends had still access to his presence ;
his correspondence with the queen was not yet interrupted ;
and his chaplains were restored to him. Dr. Hammond,
one of them, came forward now to Woburn Abbey, with
the Earl of Cleveland and several other noblemen, in order
to receive him with befitting honour. He appears to have
remained nine days at Woburn ; it was an interesting crisis
of his fate ; for the proposals of the army were here sub
mitted to him, previously to their being offered to him in
public. They were much less rigorous than the conditions
VOL. II. p

210 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1649. of the parliament. The council of officers insisted neither on
the abolition of episcopacy, nor the punishment of his faithful
partisans, the two points to which he had ever objected the
most strongly. The earnest efforts of the Earl of Bedford were
not wanting, at this juncture, to close by accommodation the
gap of civil discord ; they were, however, ineffectual. In his
confidence that all parties would at length be obliged to have
recourse to him, as the only remedy for the public disorders,
Charles overlooked the possibility of a more violent solution
of the problem. On the 2d of August he rejected the pro
posals, and removed to Latimers, near Chenies. In the few
years of severe adversity that intervened between his depar
ture from Woburn Abbey and his execution, all the brighter
and better features of his character came out, to relieve the
shades by which his prosperity had been obscured : and
admiration and pity cannot but attend his memory, during
this, the sunset of his moral story. It was on the 30th of
January, 1649, that the national annals were stained with
his judicial murder.
During the commonwealth and protectorate, the Earl
of Bedford found an agreeable relief from the distractions
of the times in the bosom of his family, which consisted of
seven sons and three daughters. The two eldest of these,
Francis and William, first present themselves to our attention.
Francis, Lord Russell, was born in 1638 ; William, on
the 29th of September, 1639. After a preparatory course
of education, under the excellent John Thornton, the earl's
domestic chaplain, they were sent to the University of Cam
bridge, in 1653. Their tutor there was Mr. Nidd, who, in
an account of their studies to the earl the following year,
commends their progress in logic, the Latin historians, and
natural philosophy. When their education was completed,

Commonwealth. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 211
they were sent upon their travels, in company with Monsr. A.D. 1656.
de la Faisse, a Protestant gentleman of merit, who con
ducted them through France, Switzerland, and part of Ger
many to Augsburg, where they made some considerable
stay. Previously to their setting out, the earl addressed
to them a letter of unexampled beauty, containing, under
various heads, advice for their whole conduct, admirably
adapted for the formation of a finished character, studious
to fulfil every personal, relative, and social duty, — a letter
which reflects as a mirror the rare virtues of the writer,
and which may be referred to with pride by his posterity,
as an enduring legacy of greater lustre and more intrinsic
value than any gem in his transmitted coronet. In this
he endeavours to mould their minds " to glory, honour,
and immortality," now by exquisite strokes of wisdom and
sagacity appealing to their judgment, and now by the most
pathetic touches of parental feeling, addressed to their affec
tions.1 Lord Francis, from the prevalence of a melancholy
temperament, which, as he grew up, settled into an utter
disrelish of society, seems to have been little able to requite
his father's cares. He parted from his brother at Augsburg,
in the summer of 1657, and for ten years sought by change
of scene from the German to the Italian cities, and from
Italy to France, to divert the sluggish current of his humour:
ten more were spent without memorial in congenial privacy,
and in 1678 he died, unmarried, at the age of forty-one.
In William, however, who afterwards became so de
servedly dear to the nation, the father's fondest hopes were
gradually realised. Travel accomplished in him its proper
end ; his observation was quickened, his knowledge of men
and manners deepened and enlarged, and his aim at excel-
1 It is printed in the appendix to Lord J. Russell's Life of his Ancestor.

212 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1656. lence in every thing he undertook was kept in perpetual
play, till it settled into that generous ambition of distinc
tion which is the genuine parent of heroic actions. It is
to be regretted, that his numerous letters to Mr. Thornton,
with whom he kept up an active correspondence on his
travels, are lost ; that gentleman describes them as " fraught
with choice descriptions, and observations clothed in a style
so free, masculine, coherent, and exact, as would not (flattery
apart) have dishonoured the greatest masters of eloquence."
At Lyons he had the fortune to meet the celebrated loadstar
of the north, Christina of Sweden, who attracted to that
city, whilst she stayed, a galaxy of rank aud beauty that
dazzled his imagination. In a few decisive strokes, he
sketches to his friend the impression made upon him by
the Arctic heroine. " I wished you a sight truly of the
Queen of Sweden, who surely deserves admiration, if any
woman does ; I do not mean for the beauty of her face, but
for the majesty that appears in it, as likewise in all her
actions and comportments, which savour far more of a man
than of a woman, which sex she resembles in nothing more
than in her inconstancy. For in truth, I conceive her to
be as weary of her new religion as of her old one, as is
plainly seen by her postures, gestures, and actions at mass;
before which, I think she would at any time prefer a good
comedy, and a handsome witty courtier to the devoutest
father." It is impossible to say what influence this inter
view may not have had on the military fancy that possessed
him, after he had been a little time at Augsburg. For,
hearing that the King of Sweden had some commanders of
consideration at Ulm, alluring to their ranks the German
youth, he suddenly resolved on seizing the occasion, for
extending his range of travel and taking part in the exer-

Commonwealth. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 213
cises of the camp. But when he came to Ulm, he found that A.D. 1660.
the officers were not the King of Sweden's, but the emperor's.
He abandoned, therefore, his design, but not his inclination
for the Swedish wars. In the winter of 1658, which he
spent at Paris, when some preparations were making by
England to assist the Swedes, he meditated a fresh enter
prise ; and it appears from one of Mr. Thornton's letters,
that the earl countenanced it, by furnishing him with some
fine horses and a splendid suit of armour.1
His military passion, wherever it was exercised, was
happily of but short continuance ; for the Restoration being
meditated in the following year, he was hastily summoned
home by his father. The earl is stated to have liberally,
though secretly, supplied Charles the Second with pecu
niary aid during his exile ; and he now heartily concurred
in every prudent measure to forward his recall.2 Hence,
1 An interesting portrait of him at this time, in armour, painted by Claude
Lefevre, was recently presented to the Duke of Bedford by Mr. J. Palmer,
late of Goldington. A corresponding one of his brother Francis, by the same
artist, the gift of the Rev. S. Hillyard of Bedford, also occurs at Woburn
Abbey. They were both probably sent as presents to Mr. Thornton ; as
Mr. Russell, in one of his letters from Paris, speaks of having had his picture
taken for this purpose.
2 The following letter to the earl, from Dr. Hammond, written on the
27th of March, 1660, soon after General Monk's dissolution of the Long
Parliament, congratulates him on his release — from the recognizances, per
haps, into which he had been compelled to enter when his estates were
restored to him : —
" My Lord, — It was a most happy and welcome allay to all the ugly
votes that came out, in such haste, before the dissolution, that your lordship's
liberty was one ; and indeed one that nearly relates to me ; being (that) a
member of that assembly and the council of state, having, in all the many
years that he was thus dignified, never had any one act that he could mention
to me, as soon as this was passed, wrote very obligingly to me to signify it,
and to ask whether I would not now have a good opinion of them. My
Lord, though many things look inauspiciously enough, yet I am very willing
to interpret this as a good omen, that your lordship's release, sent you from
Heaven, may be a forerunner of halcyon days again to this poor church.

214

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVIII.

A.D. 1661-7. in resuming his place amongst the peers, upon an invitation
from the house through the Earl of Manchester, its speaker,
he took an active share in those conferences for the settlement
of the kingdom which preceded that event. At the solemnity
of the coronation, in 1661, he carried St. Edward's sceptre;
and a few years after, namely, on the 29th of May, 1672,
was elected a knight of the Order of the Garter.
Upon the restoration, Mr. Russell was returned to the
new parliament as member for Tavistock : and being in the
heyday of his youth, he mixed with ardour in the gaieties of
the reviving court, not without being entangled for awhile in
some of its prevailing dissipations. A passionate attachment,
however, to the lady who became his future wife, soon freed
him from the pursuit of these illusory pleasures. Rachel,
the youthful widow of Francis, Lord Vaughan,1 eldest son
of Richard, second Lord Carberry, was the second daughter
and coheiress of Thomas Wriothesley, the virtuous Earl of
Southampton. From her mother, Rachel de Rouvigny, a
French Protestant, who was known in youth by the title
of La belle et vertueuse Huguenolte,2 she inherited consider
able personal attractions ; and from her father a copious fund
of sound and sterling sense, — which, combined with a rare
assemblage of those sweet and winning virtues which unaf
fected piety had engrafted on her native disposition, gave a
tone of exaltation to her character that was early noted and
appreciated by her various friends.
Lord Russell saw, conversed with, and became quickly

I have now one request to your lordship, which my letters never presumed
before to tender, that you will bestow your fatherly benediction upon those
that desire it here, particularly on your most obedient and humble servant,
" H. Hammokd.''
1 Arms ; Or, a lion rampant gules.
2 Strafford Papers, vol. i. pp. 334, 337.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 215
enamoured with the object of their commendations ; the A.D. 1667.
period is not clearly ascertained, but it was some time pro
bably in 1667. His first advances to her were marked by
great timidity, which might possibly be heightened by the
consideration of their inequality of fortune, his elder brother
being yet living ; and Lady Vaughan was by no means hasty
in entertaining the idea of a second connexion. It is inte
resting to trace, by the few relics that remain, its gradual
progress. To the remarks of one of her friends, on his atten
tions to her in their early stage, she thus replies : — "I read
all your advice with great deliberation, which I think due to
it, and, when I find it agrees with my own sense, am pleased;
for if it did not, I should be just, and endeavour to convince
myself ; but I dissent not, unless as your wishes are particular,
my inclinations are not so yet : and let town interpret as
they will, I am sure Mr. Russell cannot say, and be just to
me, that I ever gave him, in words or actions, reason to
believe they are ; but so handsome a respect, as I do own he
has expressed to me, deserves all the civility I can give and
not deny. But my heart, I find, will not be easily engaged
to any, but keeps at farthest distance from those that are
extravagant in their professions and proceeding, which to
me myself appears ridiculous. Now, you may see, madam,
unless I can think it wisest to alter my condition once more,
I can please myself in that I am, which is yet very easy to
me, except when a little vexed with these humbles ; yet sure
there is desperate hazard in the other. If I love once, I shall
do so ever. If some that do pretend it now are sincere, they
who can so soon love may as soon do the contrary. I tremble
at a light inconstant heart; and do indeed at all times tremble,
when I consider seriously of the action which makes the
greatest persons miserable, and the meanest happy, if two
suitable dispositions meet; but this is a felicity I know not

216 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. why I should expect, when so few find it who deserve it
1667-8. better."1 The deep respect that continued to temper his hopes, after
her sentiments towards him had appeared no longer equivocal,
is obvious in the following letter : —
Mr. Russell to Lady Vaughan.
Had it not been for fear of troubling your ladyship with that
which I could not at all think worthy of your acceptance, I bad
before now, and without being quickened thereunto by so great a
favour and honour as a letter from your own hand, made bold to
send a few lines to present my most humble duty and service to
your ladyship, and render you most humble thanks for the great
demonstrations of kindness you have been pleased to shew me. I
have so deep a sense of them, and am so sensible -of the obligation
your ladyship has laid upon me by them, that I long to make in
exchange some acknowledgment of gratitude, which would better
answer, and be more suitable to the receipt of so great favours than
I am in a capacity of doing ; having no other way to make known
to your ladyship my thankfulness than by a few ill-penned lines,
which, were they never so well written, yet would they fall short of
representing to the life the acknowledging sense I have of your
ladyship's goodness towards me. Wherefore, madam, all that I
can is, that having not at all merited so great a happiness and
honour as to possess a place in your ladyship's memory and good
affection, but looking upon it merely as an effect of your kindness
to me, I think myself engaged, as much by duty as inclination, to
be, during life, &c. &c. W. Russell.2
Another unpublished letter, in which incidental mention
is made of her admirer, manifests the continuance of Lady
Vaughan's caution : it furnishes one of the best specimens
of her lighter style of writing.
Lady Vaughan to Lord Carberry.3
Yesterday I said as you do, and a great many others did, 'twas
a very dull time ; but I change my note with the new day, being
1 3 Devonshire Papers. ' Bedford Papers.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 217
waked with a letter from my Mr.  ; and I will tell you I can find A-D. 1668.
in one of them charms enough to make me good-humoured all the
day. One I read yesterday morning had not the same influence
upon me ; but I had so much eye upon all the company I saw
that day, that it would have been, of a dull one, the pleasantest
scene to an understanding party that could be imagined ; but there
was none but Noel1 could see into the millstone : but to the point.
You must know that a great many in the town say Syd.2 is
married to the countess; and you must know, too, that some days
past he did give a touch of some sentiments (I thought he would
never have done) to one of the ladies — you shall guess which —
but I will personate her at this time ; whom he led by the hand,
and, after some impertinent questions, whether she would be at
home, and when, he said he had a favour to ask, but with so much
disorder, that she, quickly suspecting, said, he had made an ill
choice to ask any from her, since she was never fortunate enough
to do any body a favour in all her life. He assured her it was, now,
and if she were not compassionate, he was more unfortunate than
ever any was. She desired not to hear of misfortunes she could
not remedy ; nor could endure a secret, if none but she must hear it,
for it was desired so. Some more short questions and answers
passed, though they (as these perhaps to you) appeared long to
her ; to whom the last sentence was, that he hoped it was not so
unreasonable to beg leave to tell her what he had to ask. She told
him, no : she believed he understood himself and her too well to
ask what was not fit to grant, and then he need not fear a denial.
He said, dying men had ever liberty to speak their minds. Nay,
said she, now I understand you less than I did, being very dull at
a mystery ; and so came to the coach. Since this, the coast was
clear — no more words; but on Monday, late at night, a porter left
a letter, which yesterday morning I read ; and met in the afternoon
a very melancholy gentleman, in very strict mourning, for his niece !
both in habit and humour doleful.
1 Lady Elizabeth Noel, her sister, afterwards Countess of Gainsborough.
a Robert, brother of Algernon Sydney, the beau Sydney of Grammont.
" And little Syd., for simile renowned,
Pleasure has always sought, but never found."
Vryden's Essay on Satire.

218 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XVIII.
A.D. 1668. Mr. R(ussell) was there at cards, who, I dare say, saw some
resentments not usual in two parties, and did the whole observing
part of the company ; but no opportunity could she get to speak
to the knight-errant, till upon the stairs, coming to the coach. The
dialogue would be too tedious, considering all I have said already ;
but he concluded himself miserable, and she resolved in the case.
So it rests, with — a quiet night on both sides, I believe. This
I intended you a notice of, though I had not received your letter,
which yet obliges me the more to do it ; and here, my lord, I could
exceed the rapture of these passionate pretenders, in the sense
I have of your obliging favours to me ; but as I am sensible, so I
am grateful, and so I beseech you let that suffice, and my default
in expressing it do me no wrong in your thoughts. You bid me be
positive if I like, or not, Mr. Ru(ssell) being with you where we are.
I will tell you what I meant to have done, if you had not sent to
me to know ; that is, to have asked the favour you would not
invite him; but if he comes of himself, let it fall out as fate designed
it. And I sometimes think this may be enough still ; for he says,
though it be worse than death, if it displeases me extremely, he will
never trouble me more. If so, it will not me, to see him ; so I would
not rob you of your friend, nor any of you of the divertisements of
an addition of good company. One week more I shall see how he
proceeds here, and give my account. I have not seen Lord  a
great while. Some of his engaged friends tell me, 'tis great respect
makes the distance, which I am very well pleased at, and care not
how many observe his method of proceeding ; by which you may
believe, upon what account soever he you give the title of friend to,
went into the country, it was not disapproved by me, who could
suffer his absence much oftener than he consents I should, say I
what I will. I am, &c. &c. „ TT
K. Vaughan.
This was apparently written in 1668 ; and, under a grateful
sense of some fresh indications of her favour, Mr. Russell
thus addresses her : —
Mr. Russell to Lady Vaughan.
The kindness you have been pleased to shew me at several
times, obliges me to seek out all ways of testifying to you some

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 219
acknowledgments of gratitude; and therefore I hope you will ex- A.D. 1669.
cuse me, if, having no other means to do it, I trouble you with
a little scribbling, to let you know how much I am your servant,
and how sensible I am of the obligations you have laid upon me.
I could heartily have wished for some good occasion, whereby I
might have better certified you of the truth of what I say, by real
effects than by my pen ; but not having been so happy as to find
out any, I am forced to make use of the only way I can in absence
have recourse to ; lest you should think me unmindful of the receipt
of so many favours and expressions of love, as you have had the
goodness to honour me withal. I confess that the small haste I
have made to acquaint you with this truth, may justly have caused
you to imagine something to the contrary, although I have not
been guilty of it ; for I assure you that it has not been for want
of inclination to render you my respects, that I have deferred thus
long the giving you most humble thanks for your manifold kind
nesses and testimonies of affection ; but only out of fear not to be
able to do it as it ought to be, and in regard I have thought that
all that I can write is not able to express to the full the deep sense
I have of your forementioned favours, nor make known unto you,
but in part, how much I am, &c. &c. W. Russell.1
The long hesitation that had occurred, — the natural
result of that innate consciousness of value, " which would
be wooed, and not unsought be won," — must, by this time,
have given to each party that intimate acquaintance with
the other's character which would render perseverance upon
his part but a pleasing duty, and an increasing sensibility
on hers, a tribute due to his merit and devotedness. At
the commencement of 1669, her ladyship's partiality was
obviously the subject of permitted raillery to her friends.
" I have not," says Lady Puckering to her, " the vanity
to expect often letters from your ladyship. Some force I
put upon myself, in not troubling you with mine. It is
1 Bedford Papers.

220

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVIII.

A.D. 1669.

"WRIOTHESLEY.

not perfect good nature in me, but my fear of the curses
of those that pretend to your ladyship, especially Mr. Russell,
by whose success, if your ladyship be but as merciful as fame
is kind to him, he will be the happiest man I know." '
Their marriage2 took place the latter end of May, in the
same year ; immediately after which, they set out on an
excursion into Scotland, visiting the Countess of Pembroke
on their way.3 Then followed a happiness that seems to
have reconciled with reality the ideal bliss that poets have
so often feigned, in the union of the pure beings of their
imagination, — a happiness that increased with the intimacy
of succeeding years ; and that is attested under almost every
variety of affectionate expression, in every page of her sub
sequent correspondence. Lady Vaughan's letters to her hus
band are indeed not very numerous, for they were seldom
separated during the fourteen years in which their union
subsisted. Yet each one of those that do remain, reveals
a mine of " passionate affection," rich with feeling, and
full of a fresh beauty ; whether employed in assuring him,
on the very day of his departure, " how she loves to be
busied still in either speaking of or to him," or in acknow
ledging " her infinite obligations to him" as " the delight of
her life;" whether in narrating the winning pranks and
fancies of their children, or sending him their artless mes
sages of infantile remembrance ; lamenting her long absence

1 Devonshire Papers.
s Arms of Wriothesley; Azure, across or, between 4 hawks close argent.
3" 1669. The 1st day of June in this year,'' says the countess, in her
' Memorials,' " whilst I lay in Pendragon Castle with my family, did Mr.
William Russell and his wife come from their house, called Woburne, thither
to Pendragon Castle, to me, where he lay that one night; and the next day
he continued his journey into Scotland, calling by the way at Naworth Castle,
in Cumberland, to see my cousin the Earl of Carlisle, and his lady, that is
his cousin."— MSS. Harl. 6177, p. 177.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 221
from " the earthly blessing of her soul," or anticipating with A.D. i6?2.
all the luxury of hope and prodigality of joy the moment
that will soon rejoin them. Their summers were generally
spent either at her estate of Stratton in Hampshire, or,
after the death of her sole sister, Lady Gainsborough,
whom she entitles " her delicious friend," at Tichfield, in
the same county ; or otherwise at Totteridge, in Hertford
shire, the springs of which are to this day hallowed with
her name : their winters at Southampton House in town,
" whence, if business or country sports called her com
panion, she sought society, and collected for him in her
letters, all the little anecdotes that could serve to amuse
his absence."1 In the midst of this unmingled bliss, a fear
would sometimes cross her fancy, when she mused either
on the loss of some endeared acquaintance, or the general
instability of fortune, that enjoyment such as theirs was too
ecstatic long to last; and she would then seek, by moral
touches of almost prophetic truth, to prepare her partner
for those possible events whose coming shadows were indis
tinctly mirrored on her mind.2
To the exquisite sentiments thus struck forth, in the
simple eloquence of nature, from affection, from gratitude,
from social pleasure, and from true devotion, Mr. Russell
responded with an equal feeling; and in this happy and
retired tenour ran the first four years of his wedded life.
The charmed influence which so inspired a monitress would
have over his life, to all high and holy issues, must have
been great indeed. One of its most obvious effects was to
impart additional vigour and clearness to his religious pre
dilections, and to his conviction of the paramount value of
1 Miss Berry : Life of Lady Russell, p. xxi.
s See, for instance, that remarkable passage in her Letters, written in 1672,
" You, my best life, that know so well how to love and to oblige," Sec.

222

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVIII.

WILLIAMS

A.D. 1672. that "faith which was once delivered to the saints;" which
now, after twelve years of unmixed misgovernment, was
manifestly endangered by the reigning powers. Without
intrigue, and devoid of all ambition, he had hitherto given
himself up principally to the congenial sweets of private
life. But at the evils that now overhung his country from
an arbitrary ministry and bigotted intriguant, his spirit took
alarm ; and he was sensible that to stand more prominently
forward in its service was his sacred duty. To the champion
ship of its cause he brought indeed no shining talents, — no
dazzling lightnings of electric eloquence ; but what was of
much greater force against a wicked and licentious court, a
reputation for integrity and virtue that amounted soon to
reverence — a soul inflexibly tenacious of its purpose, a love
of constitutional freedom not to be surpassed, and a glowing
zeal for the interests of the Protestant religion, systematically
attempted to be undermined. But before proceeding to his
parliamentary career, the other branches of the family require
a brief notice.
The Earl of Bedford's third son, John, died young. His
fourth son was Edward, born in 1 643, and his fifth Robert.
The two latter, after completing their university education,
made, in 1660-1, the tour of France, with their tutor Mr.
Rich; and in 1662 that of Italy, returning by Augsburg,
Frankfort, and other German cities, through the Nether
lands. Edward, in 1688, through the instrumentality of
John Howe, the celebrated nonconformist, who both pro
posed and negotiated the union, married Frances, daughter
of Sir Robert Williams,1 of Penrhyn, Carnarvon, widow of
Richard Lloyd, Esq.,2 of Ecliis, in Denbighshire,— and having
1 Arms ; Gules, a chevron argent, between 3 Saxons' heads in profile,
couped argent.
2 Arms ; Or, 3 men's heads proper, in armour argent, garnished of the field.

K. Charles II.

WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL.

served in nine parliaments for the county of Bedford, and A.D. 1672
filled the office of Lord Lieutenant for Middlesex during the
minority of his nephew, Wriothesley, Duke of Bedford, died
without offspring on the 30th of June, 1714. Robert, in the
autumn of 1690, was united to his cousin Letitia, eldest
daughter of Colonel Edward Russell, of Chiswick, and
relict of Thomas Cheeke, Esq. of Pirgo. 1 He was consti
tuted clerk of the pipe, on August 31, 1689, served in seven
parliaments for Tavistock, and died without offspring, his
lady deceasing January 8, 1722.
James, the sixth son, and George, the seventh, after a
learned education at Magdalen College, Oxford, made the
usual tour of Europe. The former married, first, Elizabeth
daughter and coheir to Sir Edmund Wright,2 Lord Mayor
of London, relict of Sir John Trot,3 Bart., of Laverstoke,
in Hampshire; and, secondly, on the 14th of August, 1697,
Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Tryphcena Grove,4 Dr.
Burgess performing the solemnity. He settled at Maidwell,
in Northamptonshire, was in parliament for Tavistock in the
first year of Queen Anne, and died June 22, 1712, leaving
by his second lady an only daughter, Tryphcena, who be
came the wife of Thomas Sea wen, Esq.,5 of Carshalton,
knight of the shire for Surrey. His second lady, whom
Dr. Doddridge, from the correspondence addressed to her,
obviously held in high estimation, married for her second

1 Arms ; Argent, 3 crescents gules.
2 Arms; Sable, on a chevron argent, 3 torteaux between 3 bulls' heads
attired or.
3 Arms ; Paly of six or and gules, a canton argent, on a cross fleury sable,
a bezant or.
4 Arms ; Ermine, on a chevron engrailed gules, an escallop or, between
two others argent.
5 Arms; 1st and 4th argent, a chevron between 3 griffins' heads erased
sable; 2d and 3d argent, a chevron azure, between 3 goldfinches proper.

*. . A . A . A . A
LJkJftUJ

,.u.

224

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XVIII.

A.D. 1672.

HOUGHTON.

PENDLETON.

u u w if w

husband Sir Henry Houghton, Bart.,1 of Houghton Tower,
in Lancashire, and died at Reading, on her return from
Bath, September 1st, 1736. George Russell married Mary,
daughter and heiress of Michael Pendleton, Esq.,2 a city
merchant, and died, during the life-time of his father, in
1692, leaving one son, William, a student of Lincoln's Inn,
who died unmarried, during his minority.
Besides this numerous progeny, the earl had four daugh
ters, Anne, Diana, Catharine, and Margaret. The two for
mer are represented as children in a pleasing painting by
Vandyck, at Woburn. Lady Anne is said to have died
soon after it was taken, in consequence of eating certain
noxious berries, that were partaken of also by her second
sister. The Lady Diana, however, happily recovered, and
was first married, in August, 1667, to Sir Greville Verney,3
K.B., of Compton Verney, in Warwickshire. Her second
husband was William Baron Allington,4 of Wymondley and
Killard, constable of the Tower, whose residence was at
Horseheath, Cambridgeshire, by whom she had a son and
two daughters. From the few letters of hers that remain,
she appears to have taken an intense interest in all the
public events that preceded and accompanied the happy
Revolution of 1688. She died December 13, 1701.
Catharine died young. Margaret was born August 31,
1656. On the 30th of October, 1688, she received over
tures of marriage from William, second Earl of Strafford ;
but his unsettled fortunes at that peculiar crisis of affairs
(Ireland being invaded, where his possessions principally
1 Arms; Sable, 3 bars argent, on a canton or, a rose of England and
thistle of Scotland, impaled, stalked, and leaved, vert.
2 Arms ; Gules, an escutcheon between 4 escallops in saltire, argent.
3 Arms ; Gules, 3 crosses recercelee or, a chief vane" ermine and sable.
' Arms; Sable, a bend engrailed between 6 billets argent.

K. Charles II.

WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL.

225

ALLINGTON.

RUSSELL, EARL OF
ORFOED.

lay), prevented the treaty, although managed by Lady A.D. 167S.
Russell's best discretion, from auspiciously proceeding; and
Lady Margaret soon after married her cousin, Edward,
Earl of Orford.1 Frequent mention is made of her, as
well as of her sister Allington, in Lady Russell's letters:
she had no offspring, and dying in January, 1701-2, was
interred at Chenies ; her funeral sermon being preached,
and subsequently printed, by Dr. Samuel Barker.
Margaret Russell, Countess of Carlisle, after the death of
her lord in October 1660, married, says Dugdale, Robert
Rich, Earl of Warwick and second Earl of Holland ; 2 and
lastly, Edward Montagu,3 the celebrated Lord Kimbolton of
an earlier period, and equally illustrious during the civil
wars as Earl of Manchester. With this nobleman, who was
universally beloved for his unbounded hospitality, obliging
temper, and great virtues, which have won from Clarendon
the highest eulogiums, she spent but a few happy years, as he
died in 1664. She survived him nearly twelve years, being
interred at Chenies in 1676, but left no offspring by either of
her husbands. The child, with whom she is represented in
the painting of Vandyck, is her niece, Diana, afterwards s^^k
Lady Verney. Her sister, Lady Newport, by letters patent to \>^q= n£p\j
her husband in 1675, was raised to the rank of a viscountess, ^^\^^^
and by a similar mark of royal favour, in 1694, she became
Countess of Bradford. She died on the 30th of January,
1696-7, and was interred at Chenies. The date of her third
sister, Lady Brooke's death, is entirely unknown.
1 Arms; argent, a lion rampant gules, on a chief sable, 3 escallops argent,
a crescent for difference.
2 Arms ; gules, a chevron between 3 cross crosslets or. In respect, how
ever, to this assumed marriage there is great obscurity. It is scarcely recon-
cileable with chronological data.
3 Arms ; argent, 3 lozenges in fesse gules, within a bordure sable, a cres
cent for difference.
VOL. II. Q

226 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.

CHAPTER XIX.

FROM THE FIRST MONEY TREATY WITH FRANCE TO THE PARLIAMENT
OF OXFORD.
A.D. 1670-1681.
Character of the court and state of parties . . . First and second money
treaties with France, 1670-1 . . . Mr. Russell moves an address against
the ministry, 1674 . . . Charges Danby with malpractices, 1675 . . . Earl
of Bedford's spirited' conduct on the Non-resisting Test . . . Third secret
money treaty, 1676 . . . Mr. Russell proposes an address for a dissolu
tion . . . Fourth secret money treaty, 1677 . . . Lord Russell moves for
a committee on the state of the kingdom, 1 678 ... His interview with
M. de Rouvigny ... is sworn a privy counsellor, 1679 . . .His sentiments
on a Catholic succession ... his resentment at the manoeuvre to get rid
of the Exclusion Bill, 1679 ... he retires from the council-board, 1680 . . .
His motion in the October session . . . Rejection of the Exclusion Bill . . .
His declaration to refuse supplies ... he introduces at the bar the Mid
dlesex grand jury . . . Earl of Bedford a petitioner against the summons
of parliament to Oxford . . . Lord Russell moves for an exclusion bill,
1681 . . . Dissolution of parliament . . . Outcry against the Whigs.
A.D. 1670. The chiefs of the Presbyterian party and a small body of the
peers, amongst whom were the Earls of Bedford1 and Man
chester, had alone had the wisdom to desire that the king
should enter into guarantees for the preservation of the public
liberties, before he was recalled. In the joy with which he
was welcomed into England, these considerations were over
borne ; and the nation became aware, when it was too late,
1 Clarendon's State Papers, vol. iii. p. 705. " Last night Lord Bedford
told Lady Bristol that the business was now agreed upon by the council,
and that they would take a course with those beyond sea." Their projects
were betrayed to Chancellor Hyde by one of the party ; and Lady Bristol
also condescended to abuse the confidence reposed in her.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 227
of the fatal oversight it had committed. It was soon found A.D. 1670.
that Charles could follow nothing but pleasure ; and that the
honourable counsels of Southampton and Clarendon were
abandoned for those of giddy and frivolous companions, who,
taking him when he was with his mistresses, and in a humour
of delight, insinuated the most dissolute and dangerous prin
ciples of government. Under their inauspicious sway, Charles
soon grew weary of restraint ; the veil of common decorum
was cast away, and Pleasure, the gross enchantress, paced
throughout his palace in zoneless, undisguised effrontery. He
had scarcely any sense of religion to moderate his levities ;
the little he possessed was Roman Catholic, which he had
adopted before he left France — a portentous secret, known as
yet to none about him. He usually, we are told, passed to
church, even upon Sacrament-days, from the apartments of
those syrens upon whose seductive graces the pencil of Lely
has conferred so unenviable a perpetuity. From the noble re
serve of Clarendon and Southampton, who, whilst every one
besides made assiduous court to these sultanas, would never
condescend even to pay a visit to any of them, the speedy dis
grace of these ministers might be easily predicted. Their
transit from the stage of action cleared the way for subtler
and bolder actors; whilst the giddy and indulgent flatterers of
the court, freed now from every check, began systematically
to cry up those foreign governments where the prince en
joyed an absolute command; and to insist upon the ease
with which a king of England might shake himself free
from the restraint of ignominious laws, that so much fet
tered his free will. The beguiling voice found a willing
auditor in the Duke of York, whose earlier project for the
formation of a standing army had been baffled only by the
vigilance and spirit of Southampton and Clarendon. It
insinuated itself more slowly into Charles's ear, because

228 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1670. his love of pleasure led him to dread the trouble inse
parable from the scheme. But the temptation took by
degrees : the danger was glossed over, the advantage was
enhanced ; the doubling of the rose-leaf under him, the
thorn itself which he might encounter, was made endur
able to the luxurious king; and the black mysterious plot
against the nation's liberties, was cautiously, was secretly
in every point matured. Besides a standing army, foreign
aid was necessary; and the two brothers looked for this to
France. The triple alliance — that one noble act of Charles's
reign, and Europe's security against the ambitious arms of
Lewis the Fourteenth — was, it is true, in their way ; but as
Lewis willingly overlooked this late offence, the sacrifice of
their allies was a matter of no consideration with them, to
the end they had in view. On the 22d of May, therefore,
1670, to his eternal shame, a secret treaty with France was
entered into by the English monarch, the infamous condi
tions of which can never cease to be regarded by English
men with horror and aversion.
By this it was agreed, not only that Charles should co
operate in the conquest of the Netherlands, and the destruc
tion of Holland, in which republic the fire of freedom most
intensely shone, but propagate to the utmost of his power
the Roman Catholic faith in his dominions, and, in his own
time, declare himself a convert to its doctrines. In con
sideration whereof, and to overpower the resistance which
"turbulent and restless spirits" might be disposed to raise,
he was to receive from Lewis 200,000Z. ; and if necessary, a
body of six thousand men, maintained at the expense of
France, besides a large annual subsidy, to enable him to
carry on the war without the assistance of .his parliament.1
1 Dalrymple, vol. ii. Appendix, pp. 44, 58.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 229
Such were the elements by which the public sentiment was A.D. 1670.
to be controlled by this conspiracy of kings, and English
liberty subverted ! The first act of the plot was to commence
with a Dutch war ; and a mock treaty, built on the intrigues
of Buckingham, was proclaimed, as a screen to the real
tragedy in meditation ; whilst, to hold the too capricious
Charles more surely to his bond, a new mistress was fur
nished him from France, in the person of La Querouaille,
created, on her landing, Duchess of Portsmouth. It was fit
that the venal league of tyranny and superstition should
be sealed by sensuality.
What had England to oppose to these perilous machina
tions? She had a parliament; but a parliament that had
hitherto concurred in almost every measure of the court,
almost in every demand. It was a parliament that had
given up, without a struggle, — nay, with something very like
a reprobation, — the Triennial Act, that great and noble mea
sure which had once been deemed the palladium of freedom,
and vital principle of our liberties ; a parliament that, be
sides fixing a revenue for the king treble in amount to that
of any former English monarch, had voted five millions for
the first war with Holland, had gratified the reinstated clergy
in every wish for compelling a perfect uniformity ; had gone
with them in their intolerance of all dissent, in their bitter
persecutions j1 and that still continued, with little exception,
to obey every requisition that was made for money by the
loose profusion of the throne. Still there were some hopeful
1 In 1661, within a year after the Restoration, 3068 of the Society of
Friends alone had been committed to the most loathsome prisons, at their
instigation, by a magistracy desirous of ingratiating itself by such rigour;
and a bill was passed to compel them to take oaths, which led to fresh con
victions and fresh incarcerations. Vide George Fox's Petition. Cobbett's
Pari. Hist. vol. iv. p. 233.

230 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1670. indications of returning virtue. The country began to groan
beneath the weight of taxes, and inquiry to be made into the
public accounts. Some peculators were disgraced. There
followed in 1667 symptoms of a rising Opposition, which,
after the fire of London, strengthened with the growing dis
contents, and served as a nucleus for the noble party of
patriots that rose when the dark designs of the Cabal came
first to be suspected. The indignation excited by the ruffi
anly outrage of the king's creatures on Sir John Coventry,
for his parliamentary repartee, which presents a startling
picture of the mad excesses of the court, quickened into
action the torpor of these individuals. From this period,
the little phalanx took somewhat like consistent form ; and
a useful line of demarcation began to be established, by the
revival of the old terms of the Court and Country Party,
which had been long disused and unremembered.
Charles had not ventured to trust more than his Catholic
ministers, Arlington and Clifford, with the whole truth of the
secret treaty ; but the rest knew sufficiently his passion for
despotic sway, to aid the general design. All received large
gifts from France. The first public event that gave a glimpse
of the sinister project, was the Duke of York's declaring him
self a Catholic. In the strong national jealousy excited by
this step, the king would not call a parliament ; but shutting
the exchequer, refused to pay the interest due upon the
public funds, and possessed himself of all the payments made
by the revenue collectors. He attempted, with equal perfidy,
whilst yet at peace with Holland, to seize on her rich Smyrna
fleet; but in this he was fortunately unsuccessful. Elated,
however, at being able to proceed without his parliament,
he flung off much of his habitual dissimulation. When
his necessities obliged him, in 1673, to call a parliament,

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 231
he published his Declaration of Indulgence in religious mat- A.D. 1673.
ters. But few were so blind as not to see that its sole scope
was to please the Duke of York, by placing the Catholics.
on an equal footing with Protestant dissenters. The Com
mons framed remonstrances accordingly; and as whispers
of the conditions of the real treaty reached the Opposition
from the Dutch minister, they brought in their celebrated
bill for incapacitating all Catholics from holding any public
place or office. The infinite pains which the court took
to thwart the measure, proved how exquisitely sharp it
cut. Seeing that the church and nonconformists were
firmly conjoined in its support, it strove to throw be
tween them the apple of discord, by the wily proposal
that some ease might at least be given to Protestant dis
senters. The Commons shewed every disposition to concur
with the suggestion; but the dissenters, deprecating the ani
mosities that might arise upon this score, preferred rather
to lie under the severity of the existing laws, than endanger
the success of what they considered a much more necessary
measure. There was great generosity of sacrifice in this
resolve ; although they could not then foresee that their de
scendants were, for two centuries, to suffer for the self-inflic
tion. Baffled in the Commons, the king, with complaints of
great ill usage, hastened to the Peers. Clifford there poured
forth the most extraordinary denunciations against the " mon
strous vote of the Commons;" from which Shaftesbury, his
colleague, took the liberty of expressing his unqualified dis
sent. Aware, also, that the court was willing, when the
Test Act was brought to the upper house, to make him
a sacrifice for peace with the nation, the latter gave it
covertly every countenance in his power. The king was in
the end obliged to pass it, and to cancel his declaration.

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1673. Whilst the Commons were preparing an address to stay
the projected marriage of the Duke of York, the session
was suddenly prorogued.
The ministry, by all that had passed, was in a state of
dislocation. Great was the rage of the court at Shaftsbury 's
contradiction of the treasurer; but he had the dexterity to
mitigate it, and sought to break the force of his fall, by a
negotiation with the country party. Clifford, incapacitated
by the act, threw up his white staff in vexation ; and if, as
is reported, the Duke wept on resigning his own commis
sions, we may be assured that they were tears of equal
passion and resentment.
In the session of October, the Commons refused supplies
for the war until other precautions were taken against
Popery, and voted a standing army a grievance. The Duke,
noticing their temper, moved the king for a prorogation;
immediately after which Shaftsbury was dismissed from his
office, and the treasurer's staff was conferred upon the Earl
of Danby. Such was the state of things and parties when Mr. Russell
came upon the scene ; the principal features of whose cha
racter at this period are, it may be presumed, correctly
depicted by Burnet, who designates him as " a man of great
candour, universally beloved and trusted ; of a generous and
obliging temper; favourable, from early education, to the non
conformists ; of little discourse ; a slow, but correct judgment ;
and with virtues so eminent, that they would have more than
balanced real defects, if any such had been." Under the free,
and sometimes vehement debates with which the patriots of
his party had recently caused the House of Commons to
resound, his retiring disposition took the boldness necessary
for influencing a popular assembly ; and his heart, under

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 233
the near dangers threatened to the country, gathered an A.D. 1674.
indignation suited for that noble strife on its behalf, of which
the previous events were but the prelude. At the opening
of the session in January, 1674, in the debate raised upon
the pressing of men of quality for soldiers, contrary to Magna
Charta, he, for the first time, openly arraigned the guilty
measures of the court. " Property, religion, all that was
valuable, being invaded," he urged " that the authors of
their misfortunes should be ascertained, — those bad ministers
about the king, who committed such excesses — proroguing
parliaments ; breaking articles of treaty ; shutting up the
exchequer ; taking pensions of France ; and falsely accusing
those who, like himself, denounced their inroads, of being
in the pay of Holland." The house acted on the opportune
suggestion, — voted first an address to remove the Duke of
Lauderdale, justly obnoxious from the tyranny of his admi
nistration in Scotland, and impeached Buckingham and
Arlington. Mr. Russell, in following up the grounds for
Buckingham's impeachment, strongly commented on the open
profligacy of his life. It was not every occasion that could
justify, in an assembly of that nature, the personality of his re
flections; but that "madness of vice" in Buckingham, which,
more than any other cause, is noted as having corrupted
the king's principles, — his atheism, and general impiety,
were too notoriously acknowledged not to merit the rebuke.
The Duke of Lauderdale was saved by the exceptions which
the Lords took to his being questioned by the Commons;
but his influence as a minister was now effectually broken.
The address with which Arlington defended himself, and
the personal canvass which the popular Earl of Ossory made
in his favour, saved that minister also from immediate dis
grace ; but he was compelled by rapid steps to give place

234 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1674. to the ascendency of Danby ; and in the following year
received, together with Buckingham, his dismissal from
the ministry. There were not wanting, however, more im
mediate fruits from the spirited proceedings of this session.
The court, abandoned as it was, was impressed with a salu
tary sense of the weight and dignity of parliament, and the
ministry was checked in its mid career of mischief. The
king, denied supplies, was compelled, abroad, to terminate
his war with Holland ; and at home, in process of being
disabled, from the use of a standing army ; whilst the passing
of the Habeas Corpus act placed the personal freedom of the
subject, so long at the mere mercy of the crown, within the
sacred shelter of the laws.
The court was thus checked, but it was not conquered ;
the snake was scotched, but it was by no means slain. Peace
with Holland, in the view of the country party, was not war
with absolute, ambitious, and encroaching France; but Lewis,
fearful that it would become so, if the English parliament
should meet again in October, pardoned the separate treaty
of his perfidious ally, and by a new subsidy of 100,000Z.
purchased of the venal king a farther prorogation until
April ; 1 which done, the court delivered itself up to its
ordinary course of luxury and sloth.2
In April the house met, after their fourteen months' re
cess. The king designed to cultivate with it a better under
standing, preparatory to one that was to be held towards
winter, in which money was to be solicited. The means of
doing this were ready — there was no novelty in them. The
Cabal had already scattered many a golden shower among
several members of this long parliament, now numbered with
the high court party ; Danby applied himself to gain the
1 Dairy m pie, Appendix, p. 9. 2 Burnet.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 235
meaner herd. Well aware of these intrigues, the Opposition A.D. 1675.
relaxed none of its efforts. Three several addresses were
made against Duke Lauderdale ; but as no superinducement
of supplies accompanied the clamour, Charles would not
comply with the demand. Mr. Russell attacked the dangerous
declaration of Danby, who had said, " that a new proclama
tion was as good as an old law," impeached him for his lavish
and arbitrary actings in the treasury, and moved his dismissal
from the councils of the king. The charges underwent a long
debate, and were drawn into articles for an arraignment ; but
the matter was not yet ripe for a substantiation : and, accord
ing to Sir John Reresby, whom, as their early friend, Mr.
Russell and Lord Cavendish at this time introduced to take
his seat, the two parties in parliament were so equal that
neither durst stand the risk of a division. In the Lords,
however, there were debates upon debates for fifteen days
successively, and protests and divisions quite enough to keep
alight the flame of. freedom. It was on the non-resisting
Test, — a declaration renouncing the lawfulness of resistance in
any case whatsoever, and an engagement to attempt no altera
tion in church or state, which was to be taken as the necessary
qualification for a seat in the Commons, — a doctrine that,
followed on to its conclusions, would have established the
church as unalterable, and the government as wholly abso
lute. The real scope of the proposal was, by shutting out for
ever all dissenters from parliament, to disjoin, and, by the aid
of a few temporary enactments against Catholicism, to attach
the whole church party inalienably to the court. The opposi
tion offered to it was most uncompromising, and comprised
not only the country party, properly so called, with which
Shaftsbury and Buckingham now acted as allies, but the
Duke of York, and all his fellow Catholics, who were appre-

236 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1675. hensive that a test of this kind would inevitably bring another
in its train for their exclusion also. Against the doctrine of
non-resistance in particular, Lord Shaftsbury expended a
torrent of indignant eloquence and happy sarcasm. He
spoke for an entire hour, and said many things that stung
the conscious duke and monarch to the quick ; for both
were present, as the king had long made it a practice to
attend the Peers' debates, thinking it might tend to re
strain any inconvenient freedom of opinion or expression.
Lords Bolingbroke and Halifax succeeded, each with acute
and unanswerable arguments against the mischief of the
scheme. " Nor must I forget," says Locke, " to mention
those great lords, Bedford, Devonshire, and Burlington, for
the countenance and support they gave to the English interest:
the first was so brave in it that he joined in three of the pro
tests entered against it on the journals."1 " It was the
greatest contest, perhaps," says the admirable Marvel, " that
had ever been in parliament. They stood up, those lords that
were against the oath, with the same genius, virtue, and cou
rage, with which their noble ancestors had formerly defended
the great charter of England, and fought it out under all the
disadvantages imaginable."2 Though the court had a majority
in this remarkable conflict, they had no triumph. To prevent
the subject being brought before the Commons, a dispute
between both houses was raised, to terminate which a proro
gation was pronounced. The sittings were not resumed till
the 13th of October.
When the house met, the king asked for supplies ; but as
it was believed that, if these were not granted, he would be
obliged to take other ministers and better counsels, they were re
fused; and a committee was appointed to inquire what members
1 Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. iv. App. p. lxiv. * lb. p. 720.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 237
had received douceurs for their votes. For it was notorious that A.D. 1677.
a very large number — Marvel says a third part or more of the
entire house — had been bought by practices over which scarcely
a muslin veil was sought to be cast ; insomuch that Danby once
laughingly remarked, that at the end of every session they
came about him like so many jackdaws for cheese. There
were, indeed, as in the case of Marvel, some splendid instances
of incorruptibility ; but these righteous patriots were too few
to save the house from the general stigma. To the objections
arising from this cause was added that of its duration. It
had sat for fourteen years. Great efforts were made in the
Lords to address the king for a dissolution, but it failed ; and,
whilst the minority were flocking to enter their protests against
the vote of the court party, the king came and prorogued
parliament, not for the usual period, but until the April
of the ensuing year ; and entered into a fresh secret treaty
with France1 at the moment when her reverses had enabled
him to set decisive bounds to her aggrandisement. Her
pension of two million livres supplied him with the ways and
means until the term of prorogation had expired, when he
again convoked his parliament. Mr. Russell's motion of an
address for a dissolution was unattended with success ; for the
dread of a new parliament made all the court dependants run
with greater eagerness than ever into the projects of the
crown. More reasonable hopes of good were indulged from
the universal alarm excited by the successful progress of the
French arms in Flanders. The Commons hereupon conjured
the king to fall into the interests of Europe, assuring him of
every support if he would declare war with Lewis. But
Charles, besides his invincible repugnance to every thing
Dutch, was entangled in the net of his own intrigues. It was
1 Dalrymple, Appendix, p. 112.

238 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1677. an article of the late secret treaty, that he should certainly
prorogue or dissolve his parliament if it should manifest a
disposition to compel him to declare war with France ; and
this treaty he had written out with his own hand, as not
caring, or daring to trust the disgraceful conditions to any
of his ministers. The path of safety and honour was displayed
to him ; but he had not the virtue to break from his inglorious
thraldom, and in his giddy chase of pleasure threw away
with scorn the balances of Europe. With his characteristic
insincerity, he demanded to be put in a condition to accom
plish the design of the address, before he took a single step
towards the desired alliance. The Commons saw the hollow-
ness of this ; yet they offered him 200,000Z. ; but he would
accept of nothmg less than 600,000Z. Whilst stickling thus
with his people on the terms of acquiescence with their hopes,
he was busily engaged in screwing up the fears of France, to
obtain an advance upon the price of his engaged neutrality.
The Commons pressed their point; the monarch lanced at
them his anger ; and in this ungenial temper the parliament
was prorogued.
The joy evinced at the marriage of the protestant Prince
of Orange with the Princess Mary diverted for awhile this
current. The king felt its good effects, in the million of
money that was voted, when the houses met in April, for the
specific purpose of maintaining a war with France. But,
auspicious as the measure was, it served to bring back to
Charles neither popularity nor confidence. Sir Gilbert Gerard
moved for an absolute declaration against France ; and Lord
Russell1 for a committee of the whole house to consider the
state of the kingdom, under the apprehensions generally
entertained from Popery and a standing army, in order that
' In this year Francis, Lord Russell, died, and the title devolved upon
his brother William. Lady Vaughan henceforth took the name of Lady Russell.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL.
some means might be found to save themselves from ruin. A.D. 1677.
Both motions were instantly adopted.
The marriage of the prince had been followed by negotia
tions for a general peace at Nimeguen. The address now
agreed to, pressed the king for a recall of the English envoys,
the dismissal of the French ambassador, and an open declara
tion of hostilities with Lewis. But Charles, by adjourning
the house, got rid of the address ; and meanwhile Lewis,
negotiating vigorously with his sword, achieved fresh con
quests, which enabled him to dictate peace on his own terms.
In the resentment which he had conceived from the recent
match, and the obstruction to his projects raised by the
Nimeguen negotiations, there had been some interruption of
their amicable understanding. Charles lost, therefore, the
stipulated bribe for his neutrality; but he was anxious to
repair his fault. A fresh agreement was accordingly drawn;
on the perfect secrecy of which, as a point of the last import
ance, he expressively insisted. It was to this effect ; that the
English king should stand neuter in the war, if the allies
should refuse the terms of peace prescribed by France — should
not assemble his parliament for six months, but disband his
army, — and receive for his compliances six million livres.1
The French ambassador, in acknowledging the acceptance of
these terms, significantly observed: " The king himself will
sign the treaty: none of his subjects are bold enough to do it!"
It was formally executed on the 1 7th of May.
The result of Lord Russell's motion was a resolution for a
conference with the Lords. This also was quashed by the
angry prorogation of the 13th of May. It took, however, a
fresh shape in the session of June : a bill for disabling the
Papists from sitting in parliament was formally committed,
1 Dalrymple, Appendix, p. 161.

240 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX'.
A.D. 1678. and in the ensuing year passed into a law. Meanwhile Lord
Danby came down with a message to increase the royal
revenue to 300,000Z. during life. A proposition so flagrant,
at a time when there was a large army raised, and yet no war
proclaimed, exasperated numbers. It was obvious to all, that
the grant was required solely for payment of the soldiery,
until a military government could be decidedly set up. In
finite, therefore, was the hatred that it drew on Danby, and
vigorous were the efforts that followed its refusal, to compel
the king to disband his forces, — useless wholly, as the Dutch,
on information of the secret bond between Charles and Lewis,
had hastily ratified the treaty. The disbanding of the army
was now a point no less insisted on by Lewis ; who sent over
the Marquis de Rouvigny for the express purpose of carrying
this part of the secret treaty into effect.
This partial identification of interests between the French
king and the popular party, brought them into contact with
each other. The terms in which Dalrymple announces the
interviews that passed between Lord Russell and his relative,
give an air of importance to the incident far beyond what
is actually due to it. Although, therefore, the gigantic
shadows thrown at first over the transaction have long since
shrunk to their appropriate dimensions, an account of their
interviews may not unsuitably be entered into.
It was in the middle of March, 1678, that Rouvigny,
Lady Russell's maternal uncle, came to England. In the
conversations, which naturally ensued between the two rela
tives, Rouvigny studied to remove from Russell's mind the
impression, that the French king had any design of rendering
Charles absolute in England. Rouvigny succeeded in con
vincing him not only of this, but that it was a part of the
French king's present policy to bring about that dissolution

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 241
of parliament, which was now the Opposition's chief ground A.D. 1678.
of hope. Lord Russell, satisfied with his explanations, stated,
that he would open the case to Lord Shaftsbury ; and then
proceeded to apprise his kinsman, in return, that it was the
intention of his party to throw hinderances in the way of any
augmentation of the offer for urging Charles to war, or, if
foiled there, to couple with the grant such conditions as
would rather induce the desire to reunite himself with France
than accept it so controlled. Both managements would thus,
as matters stood, strengthen the chances of a dissolution. He
frankly, however, intimated his suspicion, that Charles in
tended to declare a deceptious war, merely to get supplies for
carrying it on ; that he would then make peace ; and that
Lewis would so far stand his good friend, as to wink at the
whole proceeding till the money was secured. But Rouvigny
said No to this ; and, to disabuse his mind of that idea,
said, that Barillon was ready to distribute a considerable
sum in the parliament, to prevail with it to refuse all grants
whatsoever for the war ; and hereupon he would venture to
solicit the names of such persons as, in Lord Russell's estima
tion, might be persuaded to accept it.
Lord Russell was startled at this language. He was
ready to coalesce by all honourable political means with any
power that would aid in averting the dangers that overhung
his country. But he was not one of those whose efforts were
either to be bought by gold, or employed as an instrument
for corrupting others. " I should be very sorey," he
replied, in his simple integrity, " to have any commerce
WITH PERSONS CAPABLE OF BEING GAINED BY MONEY !" He
farther told Rouvigny, that he and his friends wanted
nothing but a dissolution, which they knew could only
come from the conjoint help of France ; and that being now
vol. ii. R

242 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1678. assured of Lewis's assistance in it, they would trust him, and
endeavour to oblige their own king once more to ask his
friendship, that thereby Lewis might be placed in a condition
to contribute to their satisfaction.
A few days after this, the debate on the supplies came on.
It was soon found by the country party that it would be per
fectly futile to resist the grant of money. The voted million
did not, however, pass until the two smaller sums of six and
of eight hundred thousand pounds had been proposed and
negatived. They succeeded in coupling the grant with such
conditions as led them to hope it would never be accepted ;
but in this expectation they were disappointed ; for such was
the rapacity for troops and money, that the whole was swal
lowed with avidity. This acceptance redoubled all their
former fears ; and they now expected, that when the levies
were completed, the leaders of their party would be arrested,
the rest silenced, and, England being thus subjected, the war
would be pursued, and the public treasure lavished, with the
tacit concurrence of the whole nation. It was to prevent
these evils that they pressed for an immediate declaration of
war, which they trusted would oblige Charles to discover his
intentions. And Lord Russell, in another interview with
Rouvigny, declared, that now was the time for Lewis to
acquire some merit with the nation, by requiring to know
whether he was to have peace or war. Such a step, he
urged, was far from being likely to induce a war, if war were
not resolved upon already, whilst it would tend effectually to
convince his party, that Lewis not only had no agreement
with their king to subjugate the nation, but was resolved that
no pretence of an imaginary war should be made subservient
to such an end. This is all that Barillon states to have
passed between the relatives. In both conversations the clear

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 243
honour and devoted aim at his country's interests, which A.D. 1678.
actuated Lord Russell, shine distinctly out. He could not
dissemble his satisfaction, when he was convinced that the
suspicions were groundless which would attribute to the
French king a consentaneous design with Charles to establish
despotic sway ; and it was equally obvious, that the patriotic
party were resolved to swerve in no particular from the
steady course which they had previously marked out, how
desirable soever the co-operation of Lewis might appear, or
whatever the steps might be which he should judge it his
interest to take.
One only point in the conduct of this party it seems at
first sight difficult to reconcile : that those who had lately
been clamorous for war should have now become the advo
cates for peace. But it must be remembered, that the pre
servation of English freedom and the Protestant religion,
predominated in their minds over all other considerations ;
and that the great crime of Lewis in their eyes was his striking
at their liberties through Holland, and forming treaties with
Charles in support of such a stroke. But France consenting
to negotiate for peace, and now revealed as eager as them
selves, though with different motives, for the prevention of
despotic sway in England, was no longer an antagonist on
which the nation should expend its treasures. Negotiations
were begun ; the cause for a commencing war had ceased ;
and supplies for waging what had every prospect of becoming
a merely nominal aggression, could only be so eagerly de
manded by the court for one of two purposes, either to lavish
on its pensioners and pleasures, or to levy forces with the view,
after they should have served their first ostensible purpose, of
subduing the spirit of the nation. In either case, peace and
parsimony were the twin duties of the guardians of the people.

244 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1678. In addition, however, to these interviews with Lord Russell,
both Rouvigny and Barillon were engaged in ascertaining
whether other more convenient agents might not be won.
They had conversations with Lords Hollis, Shaftsbury, Buck
ingham, and others ; but although Barillon found some who
manifested a desire to seek the French king's protection, in
case their persons were attacked, he acknowledged to his
master, that none besides the Duke of Buckingham, (and he
as believing that their real danger could alone be thus averted,)
was disposed to enter into any formal engagement with him.
Some months afterwards, Dalrymple informs us, a consider
able number of the party sent a messenger to connect their
interests with the court of France direct ; but as the mission
appears to have had no result, and as, at all events, Lord
Russell was no party to the measure, it is unnecessary to
pursue the subject farther.
Such, then, were the " dangerous projects of the heads of
the popular party acting in concert with France j"1 such " the
intrigues of Lord Russell with Versailles," which on their
discovery imparted to Dalrymple " very near the same shock
as if he had seen a son turn his back in battle."2 If a crime,
it has long been considered as a glorious crime for the leading
men in the subsequent reign to have " intrigued" with Hol
land for a far bolder security against the tyranny of James
the Second. Amongst those who " turned their backs" in
that victorious battle on the tyrant, was Dalrymple himself.
Does posterity, therefore, chide him for his frailty? No. It
merely smiles for a moment at his busy alarm for the Lord
Russell, and then turns to pray that his own offence may lie
equally light upon his memory.
It was considered a striking proof of Rouvigny's ill opinion
1 Dal. App. 138. 2 lb. Preface to vol. ii. p. ix.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 245
of the designs of the English court, that he fixed to a day the A.D. 1678.
period for the disbanding of the forces. He had orders to
offer six million livres if the period were observed. The
forfeiture of so large a sum by the retention of this army
beyond the time prescribed, proved that the sacrifice of it,
whenever it should come, would be accompanied with a pain
" like that of the nail torn from the finger." It was kept up
under the pretence of want of funds for the disbanding. The
Commons were resolved that the king should not have this
plea, and voted him 600,000Z. ; after which a prorogation
instantly took place.
Whilst the patriotic party, in the interval that now ensued,
were looking back dispiritedly upon the past session, and
forward despairingly on that which was to follow, a sudden
event electrified the nation, and by the combined mystery
and terror it inspired, magnified every former anticipated
danger. This was the Popish Plot, the ghastly marvel of
those apprehensive times. A new turn was instantly given
to the aspect of affairs by the tremendous revelations or in
ventions disclosed during its investigation. Horror in her
wildest forms was busy with men's imaginations, and a host
of fearful passions was aroused, as her phantoms passed before
them. Real or pretended, it was treason then to doubt its
truth. Some ascribed the whole to Shaftsbury's concoction ;
but the frame-work of so extraordinary a scheme was placed
beyond the wit of man, by accidents and coincidences which
it was impossible for any one to have either originated or
foreseen. It is less to be doubted that he made it, when it
was arisen, the minister of his designs ; so that if not the
being that summoned it to birth, he was the presiding genius
" that rode in the whirlwind," and " directed the storm."
It fell on an illustrious head.

246 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1679. When parliament again met, the bill for incapacitating
all Catholics but the Duke and a few peers from sitting,
passed both houses. Lord Russell, however, moved to ad
dress the king for the duke's withdrawal from his person and
councils, which was a prelude to the unlocking of the great
question of the succession. He also apprised the house of
those criminating papers disclosed to him by Montagu, the
late ambassador in France, which the king so much desired
to seize, and which led at length to the successful impeach
ment and the fall of Danby.
The history of Montagu's intrigue, whereby the overthrow
of his great enemy was accomplished, is curious, but foreign
to our purpose. The letters which he produced from his
casket, by order of the house, effectually unmasked, in the
money treaties with France, the treachery and venality both
of the minister and king. The sovereign's credit with the
nation, if any yet remained, was henceforth gone for ever.
To get rid of the embarrassment caused by this disclosure,
he first prorogued, and then dissolved his parliament, that
" Pensionary Parliament," which had sat for eighteen years!
The elections terminated greatly to the advantage of
the Opposition. Bedfordshire again returned her own Lord
Russell. On the 6th of March, the new parliament convened,
the Duke of York retiring to Brussels a few days before it
met, having obtained from his brother the promise that he
would never give his assent to any bill that would annul
his right of succession.
The attempt now made by Sir William Temple to reconcile
the king and nation, by combining in his councils several of
the most distinguished leaders of opposition with an equal
number of the old adherents of the court, bespoke his philo
sophic patriotism, but not his state- sagacity. There was

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 247
between the two but little attraction of cohesion; the elements A.D. 1679.
would not amalgamate; and Charles, who is said to have been
fond of chemistry, had not the political art to bind them into
union. There was some chance, however, that an extract
of gold might reward the alchemist, so the trial was made.
Lord Russell and others of the country party were sworn of
the Privy Council, of which Shaftsbury was made the pre
sident. The popular Earl of Essex, son of Lord Capel, who
had been beheaded shortly after the late king, was advanced
to the head of the treasury, and the Earl of Sunderland was
made secretary of state. The three latter digested all affairs.
The announcement of this change, whilst it took the Com
mons by surprise, received from them no cordial welcome :
they regarded it as some trick of state, and waited with mis
trust to see what sacrifice was to ensue, from the gift of such
a Greek. Within a week after the appointments, the question
of the succession was discussed in parliament. In a speech
which Lord Russell made on this occasion, he evinced that
the atmosphere of Whitehall was likely in no respect to relax
his firmness. " We see," he said, " by what is done under
a Protestant prince, what will be accomplished under a
Popish ; betwixt both religions, this is the deciding day. In
the last parliament, which was not a house to do great things,
I moved something of this nature ; but this house I hope will
neither be cajoled nor bribed, feasted nor corrupted into the
giving up the grand concerns of our religion and property.
I desire, therefore, that a committee may be appointed to
draw up a bill to secure both, in case of a Catholic succes
sion." His vote in the council was to the same temperate
effect, a proposal namely of limitations. Shaftsbury, when it
came to his turn to speak, boldly professed that he saw no
security except in the duke's absolute exclusion. The measure

248 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1679. which but formed the last escape of other minds, was the
first resort of his.
His opinions at this time, however, had but little influence.
A series of limitations was proposed to parliament, which,
as it promised to shut out all Catholics from the church, the
privy-council, parliament, the courts of justice, the navy and
magistracy, might possibly, in the case of a prince less glar
ingly convicted than James of ill designs upon liberty, and in
less excited times, have satisfied the national jealousy. But,
to say nothing of deeply conscientious principle, the ferment
and the fears afloat, cherished as they yet were by the terrors
of the recent plot, rendered the proposal distasteful to the
Commons, though well enforced by Secretary Coventry and
the good Lord Cavendish, who was not for trying desperate
means whilst there was any trust to be reposed in the validity
of less securities. Mr. Hampden, notwithstanding, shrewdly
observed, that for the nation to tie a Catholic successor with
laws for preservation of the Protestant religion, was merely
binding Sampson with withes, which he would inevitably snap,
the moment he awoke. A bill of exclusion was in the end
brought in; but after it had been twice read in the Commons,
Charles prevented the third reading, by a prorogation of parlia
ment. As he knew that the popular leaders in his councils
would vehemently oppose this step, and that the rest would
not support it, from their dread of parliament, he ventured
to take it entirely on himself, although he thereby falsified the
solemn declaration which he had publicly and spontaneously
made but a short time before, that he would pursue no
measure without the advice of his new counsellors.
An act so reckless did not pass without exciting a great
and general indignation. It was beyond the power of Shafts
bury to master his resentment ; in a gust of passion, he said

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 249
aloud in the house, that he would have the heads of those A.D. 1679.
who were its authors. The secret advisers of it were Temple
and the official triumvirate, Avho had quite broken with
Shaftsbury on the late question of limitations. Jealous of his
influence, and not indifferent to his menace, they agreed upon
a motion to convert the prorogation to a dissolution. The
new counsellors, however, urged, with truth, that the crown
had never gained any thing by dissolving a parliament in
anger; that the same men would doubtless be returned again,
and prove less flexible, in proportion to the trouble and ex
pense to which they should be subjected. Charles, notwith
standing, declared in favour of the minority ; and the council,
it is stated by Temple, broke up, with no less rage on the
part of Shaftsbury and Lord Russell, than strong dissatis
faction on that of the whole board. The opinion of Lord
Russell and his friends was justified by the event ; the elec
tions generally ran counter to the court, insomuch that
Charles, as an escape from the distractions of his parliament,
began again to cast a wishful eye towards Versailles. He
scarcely permitted the new parliament to meet; but by re
peated prorogations got rid of it for an entire twelvemonth ;
his wants being in the mean season likely to be supplied by
the fresh bargain which he was driving with France.
The king's intractable self-will produced its corresponding
fruits. Many of those who had lately been summoned to his
councils, as well as others, threw up their offices. In No
vember, Halifax left the presence-chamber, Shaftsbury his
presidency, and Essex the treasury. Russell and his friend
Lord Cavendish, Sir Henry Capel, and Mr. Powle, though
sensible of the mockery implied by the solicitation of advice
which the king was predetermined not to follow, continued
for a short time longer at the council-table, in the hope that

250 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1680. some favourable change might be wrought by the defection of
those ministers. But finding that, so far from this proving
the case, parliament was to meet only to be again prorogued,
and that the Duke of York was to he recalled ; they, upon
the 28th of Januaiy, 1680, demanded the king's permission
to leave the council-board ; to which he is reported to have
answered, with laconic emphasis, " Ay, gentlemen, with all
my heart."
These noble patriots must have seemed to breathe more
freely when they had left the palace into which they had
been beguiled, as if by the magic dust of some Spenserian
enchanter. They had hoped to do the king some service;
and had given their opinions on all occasions with equal
candour to him, as fidelity to the nation.1 But their position,
constituted as the council was, with an imperium in imperio,
and an unaltered bias in the king to his former maxims of
government, must have sometimes appeared an unnatural
one even to themselves. Their return into their former ranks,
was welcomed with renewed tokens of attachment ; amongst
which it would not be proper to avoid notice of the elegant
letter which Dr. Bates addressed at this time to Lord Russell,
with a copy of his " Lives of eminent Men."2 That celebrated
Nonconformist had received many proofs of esteem from the
1 In June, 1680, when the news of the defeat of Captain Graham, in the
rising of Bothwell Bridge, was first communicated to the council, Lord
Russell rose and said, with a generous vehemence, " that his only surprise
was, that this trouble did not happen long ago, since his majesty thought fit
to retain incendiaries near his person, and in his very councils." Duke
Lauderdale sat near him, who, seeing he was aimed at, and recollecting the
parliamentary addresses against him, asked leave to withdraw. But the king
replied with a motion of his hand, " No, no ; sit down, my lord ; this is no
place for addresses."
2 The Latin version of it appears as a dedication to the work. If possible,
the original letter shall be given in the Appendix.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 251
Earl of Bedford and his family ; and to his rare piety and A.D. 1680.
erudition, Tillotson, and the other eminent preachers of his
day, bear frequent and admiring testimony.
The new parliament met for the despatch of business on
the 21st of October. During the long interval that had pre
ceded it, the Protestant party had had full time to reconsider
the serious dangers that appeared to overhang the nation.
The exposure of the new conspiracy of Dangerfield — the
Meal-Tub plot, traced as it was to Catholic device or agency,
concurred with the busy genius of abler political alarmists to
keep the nation in a continual ague -fit, now of tremour,
now of fever. The fixed determination of the country party,
who had now obtained their honourable synonym of Whigs,.
to raise at all hazards the strongest bulwark that the consti
tution would admit against the perils of a Catholic succes
sion, would be necessarily increased, as they looked back on
the struggle of their fathers, and compared the past throes of
regenerate freedom with the present ordeal through which it
was to pass. In what had the Civil Wars originated, but in
similar grounds of apprehension to the present, that the royal
countenance was likely to be given as an heirloom for the
nation, to despotism and the Papal abomination? To the con
scientious and the pious, whose faith, and interests, and hopes,
were brought into daily converse with the denunciations of in
spired writ against the Romish apostacy, — to the mere moral
lover of congenial freedom, whose indignation was still kindled,
and his scorn inflamed by the venal intrigues with France, and
the criminating facts disclosed in Coleman's correspondence, —
the accession of a Papal sovereign, like the effusion of one
of the apocalyptic vials, — was a prospect vital with dismay
and woe. They pictured the accomplished action- — the
duke seated on the throne — France and the other Papal

252 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1680. powers of the continent crowding to his banner — persecu
tion loosed — tyranny triumphant — the evil then wholly
without remedy. With the sceptre once in his grasp, num
bers of the English people would, they knew, shrink from
incurring the penalties due to rebellion ; yet, without an
appeal to arms, how could their rights be reclaimed, or their
liberties vindicated, under the iron rule of his remorseless
will ? These and similar considerations drove multitudes
at length of the moderate, the discreet, and even the phleg
matic, to the conclusion that the happiest system of limita
tions that could be framed, would prove but a frail fence
against assault, and that there was no safety but in keeping
" the terrific lion out of the inner court of the constitution."
Doubt, difficulty, and despair, brought many to this pass of
thought; and these in the end became yet more stanch exclu-
sionists than those who had early reached the last alterna
tive. With this class, after much reflection on the subject,
it appears that Lord Russell was now numbered. He was
the first that spoke after the king's dissimulating speech.
Deprecating the expense of time on secondary points, whilst
the life of the king, the safety of the kingdom, and the wel
fare of religion, were at stake, he moved that the first step
of the house should be the suppression of Popery, and the
effectual prevention of a Catholic successor. The resolution,
coupled with a declaration of attachment to the king's person,
ushered in the debate on the exclusion bill itself. Colonel
Titus moved, Lord Russell seconded it. The question was
argued with very great ability. The king sent down a mes
sage, offering to the house any other than this sweeping
remedy. It would have been well, perhaps, had the Com
mons put his professions to the proof. The nation hung in
suspense on the debate, but the royal message did not stop

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 253
its course. The bill passed the Commons on the 11th of A.D. 1680.
November, and Lord Russell was appointed to carry it up
to the Lords, which he did on the 15th, accompanied by
more than two hundred members of the house. Several,
it is stated, wished it to be kept back for a short time, that
the Lords might be better prepared to entertain it ; but Lord
Russell, animated by exceeding zeal, and having the bill in
his hand, ran away with it, in spite of all opposition. The
members seeing that, thronged after him, and when it was
delivered, gave a mighty shout.
The House of Commons intermitted its proceedings to
listen to the Peers' debates ; the king also was present. Not
withstanding the ability with which the bill was pressed by
Shaftsbury and Essex, the genius and eloquence of Lord
Halifax obtained a majority of thirty-three against it; and
it was thrown out upon the first reading, without even the
ceremony of a conference.
In the first ebullition of his disappointment at this deci
sion, Lord Russell is reported to have said, with the spirit of
the Roman Brutus, " If my own father had been one of the
majority, I should have voted him an enemy to the king and
kingdom !" A message, meanwhile, came from the king on
a supply for Tangier. " Sir," said Lord Russell to the
speaker, " if ever there should happen in this nation any
such change as that I should not have liberty to live a
Protestant, I am resolved to die one ; and therefore would
not willingly have the hands of our enemies strengthened,
as they would be if we should give money, while we are
sure it must go to the hands of the duke's creatures. Does
not the duke's interest endanger the king's life? are not
our lives and fortunes in risk of being swallowed up by his
power? and shall we make them yet stronger by putting

254 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1680. money into their hands ? No, sir, they are too strong already;
but whenever his majesty shall be pleased to free us from the
danger of a Popish successor, and remove from his council
and places of trust, all those that are for his interest, (because
there can be no distinction made between the duke's interest
and Popish), then, sir, I will conclude, that what money we
shall give, will be disposed of according to his majesty's own
royal pleasure, and for the true Protestant interest. And I
shall be ready to give all I have in the world, if his majesty
should have occasion for it ; but in the meantime, let us not
destroy ourselves by our own hands. If we may not be so
happy as to better the condition of the nation, let us not make
it worse. And until the king shall encourage us to express
our duty to him, by giving him money, let us do it by an
address." An address, representing the dangerous condition
of the kingdom, was accordingly the only answer which the
Commons deigned to give.
But the weight of their resentment fell on other objects.
Of these, Lord Halifax, from the stand he had made against
their bill, was the most obnoxious ; and on the plea that it
was he who had advised the dissolution of the last parliament,
they besought the monarch to remove him for ever from his
councils. There was more reason and justice in their repro
bation of Chief Justice Scroggs, who had laboured by the
most arbitrary enactments to subvert the freedom of the press.
This tyrant of the bench Lord Russell now withstood. The
judge had recently discharged the Middlesex grand jury
without allowing them time to finish their presentments,
being aware of its intention to accuse the Duke of York
before him as a Popish recusant. This illegal act Lord
Russell brought before the house, and introducing the jury
to substantiate the charge, articles of impeachment were

K.Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 255
prepared. The subsequent prorogation of parliament cut the A.D. 1680.
arraignment short ; but the court shewed some respect to
public opinion by removing the chief justice from his office.
The dissatisfaction of the Commons, though for a moment
soothed, was not diminished by these assertions of its authority.
Charles, finding his message disregarded, came down in
person, and, by a promise of concurrence in any remedies
short of interrupting the succession, sought to expedite the
supply. But as the Commons trusted, that his necessities
would yet compel him to throw himself wholly on their
generosity, they cared not to abate a tittle of their claims.
To guard, however, against any ill construction of their
measures, Lord Russell moved the house to supply what
money might be needed for the Alliances and Tangier, on
Charles's granting the succession bill alone. The proposal
was incorporated in an address drawn up by way of answer
to the royal speech ; whilst a bill, on a suggestion from Lord
Cavendish, was brought in with great unanimity for an asso
ciation of the whole kingdom, to prevent a Catholic suc
cession. This singularly bold step might be designed simply
to shew their energy of purpose ; but the king, in acknow
ledging their address, assumed an attitude equally unbending,
declaring, that by the decision of the peers on their exclusion
bill, his first opinions against it were confirmed. Whereupon
Mr. Booth, afterwards Earl of Warrington, proposed, and
Lord Russell seconded, the motion, that they should give no
money until they had the bill ; that there should be no future
anticipation of the revenue ; and, as a dissolution of the
present parliament had been advised, that censures should
pass on those who might counsel it. After an animated
debate, the resolutions were all but unanimously carried.
Where thus, on the one hand, firmness appeared fast deep-

256 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1680. ening into obstinacy, and anger, on the other, settling into
violence, but little chance existed of an amicable adjustment.
Lord Halifax, indeed, seems to have feared that the difference
would only be terminated by a civil war. To account for
the unyielding tenacity with which the Commons continued
to dispute the point, in the face of so fearful an alternative, it
may suffice to state, that, besides their conscientious fears,
which rendered every idea of a Catholic reign insufferable,
the great leaders of the house were buoyed up by a reliance
upon two very different sources of support — the secret influence
of Lady Portsmouth, and the bold determination of the people.
Lady Portsmouth was absolute mistress of the king's spirit ;
she had openly declared herself for the Commons ; and, at
one time, as Burnet states, on the authority of Montagu, if
she could have had the assured certainty of 800,000Z. the
king's assent to the bill might have been undoubtedly secured.
On the other hand, the opposition thought themselves sure of
the nation without chance of change, and of all future elec
tions, whilst the perils of Popery were kept in view. It
unfortunately happened that their first reliance, from some
cause or other, proved fallacious ; and that the second was
the rock on which they subsequently split.
Whilst Charles was deliberating on the prorogation of
this impracticable parliament, the violence of some fresh
resolutions, to which a knowledge of this fact had prompted
the Commons, carried him still farther. He pronounced
its dissolution, and summoned the next to be held at Oxford,
foreseeing that in that city it would be exposed to influences
widely different from the popular applause of the metropolis.
In despite of a strong petition against this arrangement,
signed by the Duke of Monmouth, Earl of Bedford, and
fourteen other peers, who urged that the parliament could

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 257
not deliberate in safety whilst exposed to the swords of the A.D. 1681.
Catholics and their adherents, he persisted in his determina
tion. The parliament met in March. Up to this moment
the people had gone wholly with the Commons; popular
members were every where returned, with earnest instructions
from their constituents to insist on the Exclusion. No one
doubted that the strife was about to be decided. There was
on both sides great confidence and mutual mistrust; the
popular leaders came armed to the city, and attended by
numerous bands of partisans ; and the king entered in great
pomp, accompanied by his life-guards regularly mustered.
Extremely politic and plausible was the speech with which
parliament was opened. Its studied effect was to throw
opprobium on the last parliament, and by shew of a desire to
conciliate the public mind, to place the Commons in the
wrong if they should prove refractory. Charles professed
himself willing to put the administration of the government
into Protestant hands, which was explained to mean the
appointment of a regent during the life of the duke, who was
to pass the interval of his brother's reign in exile five hundred
miles from England. The Commons would not trust to this
expedient ; the bill for the exclusion was resumed. Lord
Russell stated, that, like other members, he had received an
address from the county that returned him, desiring him
to press for that security alone. For himself, he had long
been of opinion that nothing but the exclusion could preserve
the Protestant religion. Every day they saw the sad conse
quences of the duke's power; to what would it not amount, if
he succeeded to the crown ? Glad should he be, if any other
expedient might secure them against Popery; but he knew of
none that could. The house thought with him, and rejected
the proposed expedients.
vol. n. s

258 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XIX.
A.D. 1681. The king now thought he had the victory in his own
hands. He had waited patiently for the moment when, by
appearing to have exhausted all forbearance, a national
majority might be gathered to his banner. With a vigour
singularly at variance with his natural love of ease, he
resolved to strike a blow that should set his opponents at
defiance. The two houses were embroiled together on the
impeachment of Fitzharris ; he took advantage of the breach,
and precipitately dissolved his six days' parliament, the last
he ever chose to call.
Sir William Jones appears to have caught a glimpse of
the king's policy, during the sitting of the former parlia
ment, when he declared " that they had hitherto had so little
success in their endeavours, that they might justly suspect
they were permitted to sit there, rather to destroy themselves
than save the country." The whole deplorable reign of James
the Second forms the best comment on the foresight of his
party. Had their mighty measure passed, the evils of that
reign, the expensive wars in which the nation was engaged
after the revolution, and the succeeding rebellions, would, in
all probability, never have taken place ; because none but the
most frantic enthusiasts for hereditary succession would have
dreamed of taking arms for a right which had been abro
gated both by parliament and king. But the die was cast;
and the great men who laboured so strenuously for the esta
blishment of civil and religious liberty, were conscious that
they lay henceforth exposed to the vengeance of the king and
duke. The declaration which the king published of his rea
sons for the dissolution, operated as the signal of an open-
mouthed war upon the Whigs : the Catholic party and the
clergy crowded to " pursue the triumph and partake the
gale ;" and the church, from all its thousand pulpits, re-

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 259
sounded with the danger of their desperate projects — subver- A.D., 1681.
sion of the monarchy — abolition of episcopacy — civil war!
The courts of law responded to the clamour ; and no terms
were thought too strong for enforcing the doctrines of pas
sive obedience and divine hereditary right. The two univer
sities followed ; and by their respective declarations seemed
bent upon reducing to a scholastic system the odious maxims
of slavery. The nation in tame submission crouched beneath
the cry ; and it is not too much to say, in reference to the
cause of constitutional freedom, that "Hope for a season bade
the world farewell."
The king took advantage of this frenzy towards royalty,
to retaliate on the opposing party, and to settle, on a solid
basis, his digest of despotic rule. Previous, however, to com
mencing this aggressive warfare, he bound himself to France
by the stipulation to detach himself from Spain, and to render
himself wholly independent of his parliament ; and a large
subsidy from Lewis was his reward for this fresh treason to
his subjects.1 The history of the remaining years of his
reign presents one unvaried scene of vengeance, proscrip
tion, and liberticide, from the prosecution of Rouse to the
Quo Warranto scheme, which, as it was likely to affect
future elections and the independence of juries, inflicted an
almost mortal stab upon the constitution. It was impossible
that the high-minded men who had hitherto opposed the
conspiracy of the two brothers, should not endeavour to set
limits to their aggressions. There was yet some public virtue
left; and accordingly, being denied the power of parliamentary
resistance, they proceeded to consider what other means were
in their reach, for vindicating rights which they were pre
pared, if necessary, to reconquer with their blood.
1 For the proofs of all these money treaties, see Dalrymple's Appendix.

260 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.

CHAPTER XX.

FROM THE PARLIAMENT OF OXFORD TO THE DEATH OF WILLIAM,
DUKE OF BEDFORD.
A.D. 1681 — 1700.

The two sections of the opposition ... the Southamptons . . . Earl of Shafts-
bury's adherents . . . Rash projects of the latter, 1683 . . . Discountenanced
by the Southamptons . . . Council of Six . . . Design for an armed associa
tion . . . Underplot of Lord Shaftsbury 's partisans . . . Apprehension of the
conspirators . . .Trial of Walcot . . . Lord Russell charged with a participa
tion in their schemes ... his trial, July 13 . . .his sublime demeanour . . .
last days . . . and execution . . . Letters to Lady Russell . . . Death of the
Countess of Bedford, May 10, 1684 . . . Correspondence on the occasion,
May 24-7 . . . Visit of Dyckvelt, Feb. 1687 .. . Mr. Russell's mission to
thevPrince of Orange . . . Revolution of 1988 . . . Joy of the Russell family
. . . Reversal of Lord Russell's attainder . . . Earls of Bedford and Devon
shire created dukes . . . Decline of the former ... his death, Sept. 7, 1 700
. . . and character.
A.D. 1681. Lord Russell, after the dissolution of parliament, retired to
the bosom of his family, and sought for awhile to silence, in
that peaceful sphere, the melancholy forebodings of his mind.
He still, however, maintained a guarded correspondence with
such of his friends as were best able to supply him with intel
ligence of the designs of the court. " We have all the doleful
presages," says one of them to him in October, " of a mighty
and terrible tempest ; but our hope must be in that wise Pilot
who has led his church safely through all the storms she has
been in since the day she launched from paradise, and will
one day land all his tossed passengers in that above. Storms
are His triumphs."1 1 Devonshire Papers.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 261
In the course of the summer, when the Prince of Orange A.D. 168S.
visited England, he had many confidential conversations with
Lord Russell; and when the Duke of Monmouth, upon whom,
as an escape from the dreaded Catholic successor, the fancy
of the people had been long fixed, made his celebrated pro
gress through the north-west of England in 1 682, Lord Russell
was one of those who met him at the head of their rural
tenantry. The cloud that had been long collecting at length broke,
and some of the most illustrious heads in England received
the stroke. The deadly blow inflicted by the forcible election
of the London sheriffs, and the odious quo warranto process,
introduced this crisis, which only an extraordinary concur
rence of happy circumstances could have dissipated. But
England had no parliament, as in 1641, to give sanction to
the confederacy of her defenders, — a want for which, in the
contest she was now called upon to wage, no combination of
individual wisdom, genius, or courage, could at all compensate.
And hence the memorable year of 1683, instead of witnessing
the crest and talons of the Dragon shorn, could only furnish
martyrs to its fury.
To enter at any length either upon the subtle means
resorted to for criminating Lord Russell, upon his empty form
of trial, or lamented fate, would be justly deemed a work of
supererogation, inasmuch as the noble part which he took in
the tragic drama that ensues has become the inheritance of
history, and far abler writers have arisen to record his merits,
and vindicate his memory from aspersion. Yet the craft that
was employed to identify him with agents and designs which
he either studiously shunned or scrupulously disapproved,
calls for a short narrative of the circumstances that involved
him in the meshes of constructive treason. That his active

262 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. zeal in promoting the Exclusion bill had marked him out for
the especial vengeance of the Duke of York, of whom it was
well said that forgiveness was not in his nature, no doubt
can now be entertained. Lord Russell was himself so well
aware of this, as once to have observed to his chaplain, Mr.
Johnson, " that he was very sensible he should one day fall a
sacrifice, since arbitrary government could never be set up in
England without first wading through his blood." This con
viction of his danger was not, indeed, allowed to deter him
from deliberating with his friends upon some remedy for the
public evils; yet it cannot but have put him on his guard
against the wilder schemes of hotter and more wilful spirits
with whom he might occasionally mingle.
Foremost amongst these in impetuosity, genius, and in
trigue, was Ashley, Earl of Shaftsbury. Recent events had
only added fury to the vehemence with which he impugned
the measures of the court. Lord Russell was connected with
him by marriage ; and the intimacy had been strengthened
by the public measures which they had since pursued in
common, though with widely different motives. We find a
marked distinction drawn between them and their partisans,
by no less a personage than the King of France, in a secret
despatch to Barillon, which Dalrymple has omitted to publish,
but the great importance of which will be instantly admitted.
" It appears to me," says the monarch, " from all your
letters, that there are two kinds of factions opposed to the
King of England. The one consisting of persons zealous
for the preservation both of the Protestant religion and the
national liberty and privileges ; the other of state malcon
tents, who are influenced more by a pure spirit of cabal and
love of trouble and disorder, resentment, private interest, and
vengeance, than by any real desire to effect a reformation of

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 263
the government."1 Elsewhere, in announcing that the King A.D. u
of England seemed disposed to consent to the Exclusion bill,
if the money he might receive for his consent were uncoupled
with too rigorous restrictions on his authority, he throws
additional light on the diversities of each. " I know," he
says, " that Lord Shaftsbury has manifested discontent and
anger, that Lord Russell, Montagu, and others, called the
Southamptons,2 have designed to act without him. He con
siders himself the head of the opposition party, and assumes
the lead of all their movements ; but the others are not dis
posed to be wholly at his beck, and have judged themselves
able to manage their affairs without him."3 These discrimi
nating strokes lose none of their intelligence and force when
applied to the same parties, on the opening of the last me
morable action of Lord Russell's life.
The violence and injustice manifested by the court in
the election of sheriffs, whilst it filled " the Southamptons"
1 " II me paroit, par toutes vos depeches, qu'il y a deux sortes de factions
oppos&s au Roy d'Angleterre. L'une, composee de gens zeles pour la
manutention tant de la religion Protestante que des privileges et liberie de
la nation Anglaise ; l'autre, de gens mal-satisfaits du gouvernement, et qui
agissent plutot par un pur esprit de cabale, et par le seul plaisir qu'ils trouvent
dans le trouble et dans le desordre, que par un veritable dessein de reformer le
gouvernement."' — Fontainbleau, 1 7me de Mai, 1 680. — " L'autre, qui n'agit que
par ressentiment, par vengeance, ou par des interets particuliers, seroit plus
susceptible des avantages que vous leur pourriez proposer de ma part." — lb.
2 From their meeting at Southampton House, Lord Russell's residence.
3 " Je sais que Milord Shaftsbury a temoigne de l'aigreur et de la colere
que Milord Roussel, M. de Montaigu, et les autres appel^z les Southampton,
ayent pretendu faire quelque chose sans lui. II se croit le chef du parti
oppose a la cour, et pretend devoir en conduire toutes les demarches. Les
autres ne sont pas bien aises d'etre entiferement dans sa dependance, et ont
cru pouvoir faire leurs affaires sans lui." — 13me de Juin, 1681. Barillon, in
reply, acknowledges, in the fullest extent, the truth of Lewis's conclusions.
The author is indebted for these documents to a nobleman, who was
recently permitted by the French ministry to consult the original despatches
of Barillon.

264 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. with melancholy concern, was hailed by Shaftsbury with un
disguised delight. For having hitherto fruitlessly attempted
to hurry them into every measure suggested by his own
incensed spirit, he relied on this sharp foretaste of the temper
of the two brothers, to rouse them from supineness, and in
duce them to submit implicitly to his direction; whilst he
proceeded, by the aid of his numerous partisans amongst the
citizens, to organise an insurrection that should make him
master of the Tower, whence he hoped to dictate to the king
his own terms of compromise. He stated his design with
the sanguine spirit of a man assured of success, but refused
to mention to the Southamptons the agents upon whom he
relied for its execution. The Duke of Monmouth, Russell,
and Lord Essex, alarmed at his rashness, remonstrated with
him on the madness of the scheme. But he was deaf to
argument, and proceeded headlong in his own arrangements.
He had made free use of their names to his inferior agents ;
but, angry at their discountenance of his design, he now
threw out amidst these strong aspersions of their patriotism.
Monmouth and his friends were very sensible of the injury
thus done to their credit with a large and serviceable party
in the city ; he insisted upon seeing the earl at the house of
a wine-merchant named Shepherd, and went to Lord Russell,
whom the illness of a near relative had brought to town, to
request he would attend them thither. Russell willingly
consented ; and the rather, as he wished to taste some of the
merchant's wines. Accompanied, therefore, by Sir Thomas
Armstrong and Lord Grey, they called at Shepherd's; but
on finding no one there to meet them except Ferguson and
Rumsey, two of Shaftsbury's subordinate associates, they
were about returning, when Lord Russell asked to taste the
vintner's wines. Whilst these were being brought, Rumsey,-

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 265
who was an old republican, engaged Armstrong in a conver- A.D. 1683.
sation on some recent device of Shaftsbury's for seizing the
king's guards. The former fancied that it might easily have
been accomplished ; the other pointed out the error of his
notion. Lord Russell took no part whatever in the gossip,
and as soon as he had proved the wines, he and his party
went away. Shaftsbury's absence appears to have arisen
from fears for his own personal safety : for having carried oh
his intrigue even to the naming of a day for the rising, which
by the discountenance of the Southamptons he had been
reluctantly compelled to change, he was sensitively appre
hensive of discovery, and remained at this moment in a con
cealment known to very few. And thence, in a short time,
when delay had paralysed his plans, with much resentment
at the party which had refused him its co-operation, he fled
to Holland, where he died.
From all that has transpired of his hastily concocted
project, it is impossible to avoid regarding it as a reckless
hazarding of the cause of his country, for the gratification of
his own self-will. It was not upon such uncertain chances
that Lord Russell's party thought themselves justified in
risking the liberties of England. Yet, to deny that they had
engaged in frequent meetings, to deliberate on the possible
remedies for the national calamities that lay within their
reach, would be to defraud them of their greatest glory. In
looking for a remedy, the feasibility of an armed resistance
would doubtless be considered amongst others. They were
men who had ardently approved of the opposition made to the
Non-Resisting Test bill ; they had lent their aid to prevent its
progress, after it had passed the Upper House ; and now that
absolute tyranny was the obvious aim of the court, evinced
as it had been by the secret treaties with France, the securing

266 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. of obeisant juries, and disuse of parliaments, they did, no
doubt, espouse the doctrine, that resistance, if it had a fair
prospect of leading, with but little bloodshed, to a happy
issue, was become equally a duty and a virtue. So far as
their real views had yet acquired consistency, the object of
this purer class of patriots, divested of the excrescences that
were sought to be engrafted on it, seems to have been, — the
formation of an armed association, which should realise
the advantages that floated in Lord Cavendish's mind, when,
discussing in the session of 1680 the dangers then in prospect,
he proposed, that a " bill should be brought in for legalising
the association of his majesty's Protestant subjects;" an idea
that was cordially approved by several succeeding speakers,
and to the meaning of which Sir Richard Temple offered a
sufficient commentary, when he said, " the bill of association
will be necessary, that we may have a law to defend

ourselves

I'M

When, however, Lord Russell invited this, his dearest
friend, to join their consultations, Lord Cavendish is stated
to have declined doing so, and to have advised the other to
retreat, if he could without dishonour, but to proceed, if
he could not. This advice is said to have arisen from the
opinion that the steps which the Southamptons were taking
were rash and premature.^ He may possibly have thought
with Burnet,3 that although when the root of the constitu
tion was struck at, subjects might defend themselves ; yet,
that an ill-laid and ill-managed rising, before things were
ripe for it, would be as much the ruin of the nation as
Wyatt's insurrection in Queen Mary's time. However this
may be, Lord Russell and his friends kept steadfast to their
1 Pari. Debates, vol. iv. p. 1243. a Dalrymple, vol. i. p. 81.
3 Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. fol. p. 540.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 267
purpose, either because they were already too far pledged to A.D. 1683.
the adventure to abandon it without a trial, or that they
thought it was the duty of the friends of freedom to give the
tone to public feeling, rather than wait upon its fluctuations ;
and hence, that it behoved them to make such preparations
of arms and dignified abettors, as would give heart to the
nation, whenever it should be stung awake from its abasing
torpor. And this consideration seems the more probable,
inasmuch as when Burnet, apprehensive that Lord Russell
might be implicated in difficulties, stated the above opinion
to Lord Essex, this nobleman, whilst thinking that the obli
gation between prince and subject was so equally mutual,
that upon a breach on the one side, the other was free, and
that the late injustice in London, and its object, set his party
at liberty to look to themselves — yet acknowledged, that
matters were not ripe at that moment for a successful rising
in the state.1 The only influence which these counsels, there
fore, had, seems to have been to induce a closer secrecy in
their deliberations, — a measure which the late design of
Shaftsbury would render still more necessary.
Their number was now restricted to a council of six,
consisting of Lord Russell, the Duke of Monmouth, Earl
Essex, the Lord Hampden, Algernon Sidney, and Lord
Howard of Escrick. The latter was a cousin-germ an of
Lord Russell ; yet such was the ill opinion which he enter
tained of him, that it required all the influence of Essex
and Sidney to induce Lord Russell to admit him to their
councils. Howard was, in truth, nothing more than a witty
and caustic declaimer on the vices and encroachments of the
court : to their purposes he was something worse ; for he was
deep in the confidence, if not designs, of many of Shaftsbury's
1 Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 540.

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. inferior tools, without any portion of that high determination
which occasionally gives to an unprincipled villain, as it did
to some of them, a semblance of redeeming virtue.
Without coming to any other conclusion at the outset
than to arm themselves and their adherents, and to act on
the defensive till a parliament was again called, but with
the intent probably to stand prepared for more active steps
on any great emergency that might arise, they sought to
extend their connexions, particularly in Scotland. To pro
mote this communication, Baillie of Jerviswood came from
Scotland, and Fletcher of Saltoun from Holland, where the
great Duke of Argyll then was, who readily undertook to
purchase a stock of arms and ammunition, and, in the event
of their being required, a thousand horse that might be sent
to Scotland ; for which purpose 8,000Z. appears to have been
transmitted. They had scarcely made these arrangements,
when their efforts were arrested by the disclosure of what has
usually been termed the Rye-house plot. For, whilst the
Six were pursuing their deliberations, Rumsey, West, and
Walcot, with others of Lord Shaftsbury's former agents,
were considering whether the surest redress would not be
found in the assassination of the royal brothers. There yet,
however, exists considerable doubt whether this amounted
to more than that wild kind of talk in which men of their
character have frequently indulged, when heated with poli
tical exasperation. In one of their conferences on this subject
Lord Howard took a part. Keeling, a vintner, who was sink
ing in business, and who began to think that of an informer
presented the more promising prospect, imparting to Secre
tary Jenkins what he knew of their designs, was uro-ed to
substantiate his tale by witnesses ; and, not without strong
suspicions of having been tampered with for the purpose,
drew in his brother to attest to a treasonable conversation,

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 269
which he was purposely brought to overhear with another of A.D. 1683.
the party. On a proclamation being issued against some
of the presumed conspirators, Rumsey and West voluntarily
delivered themselves, having previously agreed upon the
story they should tell, which, however incredible in its
details, was implicitly received as fact.
When the news was brought Lord Russell that West had
given himself up, he happened to be in company with Lord
Howard. Observing the latter change colour, Russell asked
him if he apprehended any thing from West. He confessed
that he had been as free with him as with any man ; and
being afterwards observed in some perturbation of mind,
Lord Hampden advised him, if he imagined there would
be any matter against him, the consequence of which he
had not the fortitude to bear, to go out of the way. He
continued, however, still to frequent company, turning into
ridicule the whole affair, until, finding himself accused, he
secreted himself in his own house. As yet there was no attempt
made to compromise Lord Russell. Rumsey and West had
designed to charge the meaner herd alone, till they were com
pelled, by discrepancies in their statements, to compound for
life by constructing their story on a broader basis. Rumsey
then recollected the interview at Shepherd's, and implicated
Lord Russell in the talk for seizing the king's guards ; whilst
Howard and Monmouth were charged as parties in the Rye-
house plot. Search was made for the former: he was found in
his place of concealment. Upon being taken, he burst, like a
school-boy, into a flood of tears; and by consenting to become
that second accuser for the blood of his relative, which the
court was so anxious to obtain, disdained not to purchase,
for a few more ignominious years of existence, the scorn and
detestation of posterity.
It was now that the innate lustre and nobility of Lord

270 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. Russell's character most steadily shone out. If in his par
liamentary career he had shewn himself less bountifully
gifted than some others with that easy and persuasive elo
quence which captivates the imagination and subdues the
heart, the whole tenour of his temper and behaviour as an
attainted man, whose real crime was his integrity, popularity,
and patriot spirit, exhibited, from the first moment of his
falling into the court toils, a sublime picture of equanimity
and dignity, which may justly challenge a comparison with
that which irradiated the last hours of Seneca or Socrates.
The whole, too, of the fiery ordeal — the tainting accusation,
the distorted evidence, the aggravated plea, the furious de
clamation eager for his blood — the bitter pang of parting
from his children, henceforth to be orphans — from his wife,
the model of all that was most endearing, lovely, and excel
lent in woman, — were met, endured, and passed through, with
that unaffected serenity and fortitude, which imparts to virtue,
overborne by "evil tongues and times," its most impressive
influence, — and to misfortune its most touching pathos.
Watched in his house by a court messenger, who gave him
the power, and apparently the invitation to escape, — he
refused to countenance the criminations of his enemies by
flight; pressed, on the one side, by Monmouth with the
offer of a participation in his fate if the surrender would be
of any service, he calmly sent for answer, that it would be of
no advantage to have his friends die with him, — tempted,
upon the other, with the generous desire of Lord Cavendish,
to save him by exchanging dresses, he rejected the overture ;
and reading at once in his recent ardour for the Exclusion
bill, the jury's verdict and the judge's sentence, his only
study was to fall with honour — less, however, with a Caesar's
grace, than with a Christian's and a martyr's dignity.
The process that was to decide upon his fate was hurried

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 271
forward with the most intemperate haste. The crown law- A.D. 1683.
yers rapidly brought together, from the coinages, or varying
disclosures of those who had the wickedness to become his
public accusers, all the colourable incidents they could col
lect, in order to build up the constructive treason. The case
was managed with great art. Walcot and Rouse, two of the
Rye-house conspirators, were first brought to trial, in order
that their conviction for the meditated assassination of the
king might cast its own malignant shadow on the party
who was next arraigned. This desired conviction they pro
cured, and fixed the trial of Lord Russell to commence on.
the 13th of July, a few days after. He was charged with
conspiring with other traitors to bring the king to death, to
raise war and rebellion against him, and to massacre his
subjects ; and as a means to effect this, with determining to
seize the guards and the person of his majesty.
With a serenity that excited the highest admiration,
Lord Russell appeared at the bar of the Old Bailey.1
Every hardship that could be inflicted by angry and vin
dictive enemies, the steady patriot was doomed that day
to bear. Even before he opened his lips in his defence, he
was treated by Sawyer, the attorney-general, like a guilty
felon. His request for the delay of a few hours, till his wit
nesses might arrive in town, though twice pleaded for by the
chief justice, with a shew of compassion, was absolutely
negatived. His right to the challenge of such jurors as
possessed no freehold, was questioned — was impugned — was
overruled. The death of his friend, Lord Essex, whom he
1 The genius of Mr. Hayter, whose imaginative eye has been illuminated
as with a distinct vision of the pomp of that ill-starred tribunal and its male
volent assessors, has fixed the whole impressive scene on canvass, for the
admiration of other ages as well as of our own. His picture of the Trial is
at Woburn Abbey.

272 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. has described as the worthiest, the justest, the sincerest man,
and the most concerned for the welfare of the public that
existed, was tortured into an incontestable proof of guilt,
and made — like the whole laboured structure of testimony
founded upon the frantic scheme of Shaftsbury, which he and
Monmouth had actively denounced — to press upon him with
its extraneous and cumulative weight. He at length requested
pens and an amanuensis. To prevent his having the aid of
counsel, Sawyer said he might employ a servant. " Any of
your servants," said Pemberton, " shall assist in writing for
you." " Two," said the generous Jeffries, " he may have two!"
" My wife," said Lord Russell, the heart of the husband and
the father rising to his tongue, " my wife is here, my Lord,
to do it !" The by-standers turned, and saw the daughter
of the most virtuous minister whom Charles had ever pos
sessed or disregarded, take her station at the table ; and
pity, shame, and sorrow, and holy reverence, and thrilling
indignation, touched by turns the soul of every one who had
a heart to feel for his country or himself, for wounded virtue
or for violated freedom.
The charge went on ; the witnesses were dexterously
guided to their mark. They did their spiriting but lamely,
needing frequently the prompter's question. It is not, how
ever, our intention to lay bare the vague, the ill-sustained
asseverations, or untwist the implicated threads of a West's
or a Howard's evidence. Whoever will take the trouble to
read the minutes of the trial, will rise well satisfied from the
perusal. Amidst the mazy collocations of incoherent incidents,
allegations, and discourses, throughout which he wanders, he
will yet perhaps discern a few traces of the real course which
the patriot and his party were bent upon pursuing for the
salvation of their country ; as the hoary atmosphere which

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 273
presents to a spectator the apparition of mock suns and of un- A.D. 1683.
real shadows, may occasionally open and give glimpses of the
real luminary, as it struggles through the haze. The defence
which Lord Russell made was in harmony with his character,
— unambitious, manly, and in consistence with itself. In a
few lucid and pertinent remarks, he touched upon all the
material points of law that were involved in the evidence
against him. His own inclination would have led him to
avow the part he had actually taken, but he preferred the
safety of friends whom this disclosure might have compro
mised, to his own effectual vindication; and, leaving his
honour to the justice of Heaven and posterity, he contented
himself with an indignant disavowal of the treason in which
it was the object of his enemies, by every inference, to involve
him. By inference he fell. He was adjudged guilty of the
various counts of the indictment ; but it needs no long citation
— no anxious statement of the decisions of consentaneous
historians, to repudiate the verdict. The voice of truth still
speaks in the language of that parliament which, in cancelling
his attainder, has declared, " That by undue and illegal return
of jurors, having been refused his lawful challenge to them,
for the want of freehold, and by partial and unjust construc
tions of law, he was wrongfully attainted and convicted."
From the moment of his being cited for examination before
the privy council, Lord Russell prepared himself for death.
Upon entering the Tower, he said to his gentleman-usher,
Andrew Taunton, that he was sworn against, and that they
would have his life. When Taunton expressed a hope that
this would not be in the power of any of his enemies, — "Yes,"
said Lord Russell, as though fully sensible of the " mystery
of iniquity" which was now at work, and conscious that his
warfare had been waged, not only against " wickedness in
VOL. II. t

274 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. high places," but " against principalities, against powers, and
the rulers of the darkness of this world," — "Yes," he ex
claimed emphatically, " for the devil is broke loose !" To his
wife he stated his entire willingness to leave the world ; and
on receiving a letter from her, full of high-minded exhorta
tions, he declared, in a transport of admiration at the heroism
she evinced, " that he was at that moment above all earthly
things, — above lieutenant, constable, or king, or duke."
When not engaged in preparing for his trial, or seeing
his friends, he devoted his hours to the Scriptures. And,
during the week that elapsed between his conviction and
execution, his mind, by a constant succession of religious
offices, had settled into so happy a serenity, as to manifest to
Dr. Burnet, to whom he opened himself with perfect unre
serve, an absolute triumph over death. The whole narrative,
in fact, which that divine has left of his last days, is fraught
with the most affecting tokens of his magnanimity and mild
ness, his fortitude and resignation, forgiveness of injuries,
affection to his family, love of his country, and piety to God.
To that devoted counsellor he, amongst other things, con
fessed, that of all he had done, both in his public and private
character, for many years past, he had made great conscience,
and that this now rewarded him with so deep an inward
peace, and such a clear assurance of Divine acceptance, as
to render his approaching exit, except as it affected others,
scarcely worth a thought.
The many touching and sublime proofs which he thus
exhibited of innocence and virtue, rendered the anticipation
of his loss increasingly bitter to his family and friends. The
greatest interest was made by them for a reprieve and pardon.
The Earl of Bedford is said to have offered 50,000/., some
say 100,000/., to the Duchess of Portsmouth, for her inter-

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 275
vention, if it proved successful ; and in a letter which he A.D. 1683.
himself wrote to the king, he pathetically assures him, that
he would think himself happy to be left only with bread and
water, so that the life of so endeared a son were spared to
him. It is not improbable that Charles would have relented
to these and similar entreaties, had he not been steeled against
forgiveness by his inexorable brother: for he afterwards de
clared to Monmouth that he had been inclined to save him,
but was forced to consent to his execution, in order to keep
well with the Duke of York. Even with this consideration
to sustain him, he appears to have mistrusted his own firm
ness, when he forbade the admission of Lady Russell to his
presence, lest he should be moved by her distress. And it
was universally remarked, that whilst Charles shrank from
all conversation on the subject, the duke listened to all that
was said to him with a placid equanimity, which but too
evidently revealed his secret satisfaction.
But it was by Lady Russell that the most unwearied efforts
were exerted. As a woman, a mother, and a wife, although
by nature, by tender feeling, and unbounded conjugal affec
tion, pleading with the most forcible accents in one of the
gentlest bosoms that ever thrilled with the charities of life,
she was rendered doubly accessible, in that trying hour, to
softness, to weakness, to overwhelming sorrow, — yet, whether
inspired by the crisis with more than the wonted energy of
virtue, or strengthened by Heaven with peculiar fortitude, in
order to shew to other ages how perfect an example could be
furnished of the sufficiency of its high and holy influences,
to elevate and to sustain the mind which it permits to be
afflicted, — she yielded to the pangs neither of nature, feeling,
nor affection ; but maintaining a serene composure amidst all
that she endured, made her own triumph over the sympathies

276 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. of life equal to the conquest of her lord over the terrors of the
grave. She forgot her softness to encourage his endurance,
her tenderness to establish his composure, and her unutter
able sorrow to quicken his devotion. She had been before
his trial as usefully active as the merest lawyer could have
been in furnishing or procuring him information, counsel,
and legal knowledge, for conducting his defence; and she
now applied herself with an untiring industry in making
every intercession to friendship or power that she could
make without derogating from her self-respect. Apprised at
length that a formal petition was the only means of access
open for her, she earnestly besought her husband to send
petitions to the king and duke. He, although entertaining
no hope of success from such expedients, and frequently
expressing a strong desire that she would " give over thus
beating every bush," yielded to her importunity, in the
hope that it would hereafter be some consolation to her to
reflect that she had not omitted any means of averting from
herself and her children so heavy a calamity. The petitions
were accordingly sent, but they had small effect. The king
was then reminded by Lord Dartmouth, that whilst the
pardon of Lord Russell would lay an eternal obligation on
a great and numerous family, the taking of his life could
never be forgiven ; and that some regard at least was due
to the daughter and children of his faithful minister South
ampton. Charles is stated to have admitted the full force
of this plea, but refused to revoke the fatal sentence.
It was still, however, believed, by the more sanguine
of Lord Russell's friends, that the king might ultimately
yield, if his lordship would own an opinion, that forcible
resistance to the sovereign was in all cases unjustifiable;
and when, by some misunderstanding of his sentiments, the

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 277
king was told that he had assented to this view, he was A.D. 1683.
more moved than with any other thing that had been urged.
But although Lord Russell repeatedly expressed to Burnet
his willingness to be convinced, no argument which either
he or Tillotson adduced, could shake, or even stir the con
scientious firmness of his thoughts upon this topic ; and he
accordingly left behind him upon record, in temperate but
strong expressions, his dissent from that favourite doctrine
of ambitious courtiers and despotic princes.
The day before his death was spent by Lord Russell
principally in devotion. He received the sacrament from
Tillotson ; he heard two short sermons from Burnet with
great attention, and was engaged in intimate conversation
with him till towards evening ; in the course of which he
mentioned that he had a full calm in his mind, no palpi
tation at heart, nor trembling at the thoughts of death ;
but that he was much concerned at the cloud that seemed
to hang over his country, though he hoped his death would
do more service to the nation than his life ever could have
done. When this interview was over, he received the visits
of a few other of his friends, and with great constancy of
temper took his last leave of them, and of his innocent young
children. His lady stayed, at his desire, to partake with him
of his last earthly meal; during which he cheerfully con
versed on various subjects connected with the future welfare
of his family, and on the memorable words of dying men ;
not taking the impression of her's and others' sorrow, but
rather setting upon their grief the seal of his own sereneness.
His wife was at length left alone with him ; she too arose to
go, in an agony of spirit, but perfectly composed and calm,
controlling her own emotion that he might retain the mastery
of his. He tenderly kissed her ; he for the last time em-

278 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. braced her; and gazed after her as she departed, with a
feeling that condensed into that one moment the emotions,
the trials, and the griefs of years. Under the rebound that
succeeded this dreaded and desolate farewell, a less steady
and well-regulated heart had been convulsed or broken. But
he, when the doors of his earthly prison-house had closed on
her angelic presence, — upheld by the prospect of a re-union
in happier mansions, " where the wicked cease from trou
bling," turned only to Dr. Burnet, by whom he was now
rejoined ; and every regret being swallowed up in the fulness
of this hope, and in admiration of her incomparable excel
lencies, he exclaimed, " The bitterness of death is over!"
It is painful to dwell upon the memory of scenes like
these. Truth, patriotism, and freedom, have their martyrs,
as well as Christianity. The tears of all were commingled
for Lord Russell. On the following morning the metropolis
sent forth its multitudes, to gaze, to sorrow, or to glow over
the contemplation of a memorable and a mournful sight.
To the citizens that kept aloof it was a dreary interval.
But before the bells had tolled eleven, the populace was seen
returning : all that was mortal of the great and good Lord
Russell had paid its debt to vengeance ; and that which was
impassive and immortal, it is consoling to believe, had passed
into the skies, " admitted," in the closing language of his
address, delivered to the sheriffs on the scaffold, " into the
fellowship of angels and of saints, in that blessed inheritance
purchased for him by his most merciful Redeemer," into
whose hands he commended his departing spirit.
His demeanour on the day of execution was an exact
counterpart of that which had previously distinguished him.
Once only, on his way to the scaffold, when he looked
towards Southampton house, where he had spent so many

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 279
happy hours, a tear involuntarily started to his eye, which A.D. 1683.
he quickly wiped away. It is said that the Duke of York
had proposed that his execution should take place before
the very windows of that mansion ; and there is nothing in
the personal history of the man who could witness, un
moved, the frequent infliction of the torture, and the shame
less murder of the unfortunate Lady Lisle, to forbid our
belief of such an incident. But no feelings of resentment,
hardly as he had been used, mingled with Lord Russell's last
emotions. He declared that he died in charity with all the
world ; sent an earnest commission to one friend in parti
cular, against all revenge for what had been inflicted on
him ; and after winding up his watch, and bidding a fare
well to time — after professing his own innocence of any plot
against either the king's life or government, and praying
for the union of all Protestants and the continuance of the
Protestant religion, " so long as the sun and moon endured,"
he devoutly and peacefully welcomed that eternity into whose
radiant cycle his spirit was soon gathered.
There is a life in the principles of freedom which the axe
of the executioner does not, for it cannot, touch. The court
gained nothing by the murder of Lord Russell but a very
few years of unrestrained oppression. Even before that blow
was struck, the credit of the plot and its witnesses was
greatly shaken : the dying asseverations of Walcot gave force
to the public suspicions ; and the legacy which Lord Russell
bequeathed to his countrymen in the address explanatory of
his public conduct, deepened yet more the prevalent impres
sion of the iniquity that had been committed under form of
law. Within the brilliant circle of his flatterers, and in the
moment of his sated triumph, the Duke of York found him
self haunted by the reputation of his victim, and was both

280 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. disappointed and irritated by the intrusion of the visitant.
For when Burnet, upon the false suspicion of having written
that address, was cited before the privy council, and by the
king's command read the narrative which he had drawn up
of the last days of our illustrious patriot, the duke seemed to
regard it as a studied insult on himself, and gave the doctor
such public proofs of his resentment, that he soon after
thought it prudent to withdraw from England.
The cloud thus rested for the present on the tabernacle
of the nation's liberty. The march of her army, though by
no means terminated, was impeded by this great event, in
the political wilderness. In the hour of darkness that over
shadowed now the land, Tory principles flourished for awhile
unchecked, under their worst and most forbidding aspect;
their partisans alleging that the discovery of the late " exe
crable plot against the Lord's anointed," had decided the
argument between prerogative and subjection, and had shewn
the strict necessity of an obedience purely passive. The Uni
versity of Oxford was the first public body that cheered on
this new crusade of James. On the very day of Lord Rus
sell's execution, July 21, 1683, they passed in convocation,
and presented to the king, their formal judgment and decree
against twenty-seven propositions collected out of the works
of Buchanan, Julian Johnson, Owen, Baxter, Milton, and
others hostile to their dogma, " false propositions, damnable
doctrines," as they called them, " impious, seditious ; most
of them heretical and blasphemous; infamous to the Christian
religion, and destructive to all government, both in church
and state i"1 and they condemned, at the same time, the
books whence the sentiments were taken to be burnt in the
public court of the schools. Encouraged by the spiritual
1 They are given in Lord Somers' Tracts, vol. viii. p. 421.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 281
thunders of this portion of the English church, and doubtless A.D. 1683.
hailing in them its approximation to the principles and
temper of his own, James looked back for a moment with
complacency on that one champion of Freedom whose de
struction he had sealed ; and then fearlessly proceeded " to
wage war with the remnant of her seed."
Charles did not live to witness many of his brother's sub
sequent achievements, dying on the 2d of February, 1685.
But, short as was the intervening period, the annals of his
rule were stained by numerous other executions ; amongst
which, those of the high-spirited and noble Jarviswood, the
tortured Carstairs, and the unconquerable Sidney, have ever
been marked out for peculiar execration. A few of their
proscribed and doomed compatriots were, however, happy in
escaping the whole terrible array of tyranny — the inquisi
tion, the torture, and the axe; and of this little phalanx
were the Lords Hampden, Melville, and Loudon, and the
good Sir Patrick Hume — the last, Lord Russell's relative,
and endeared to our remembrance by the touching and ro
mantic narrative of his escape from the " authorised assas
sins;" by the devoted attendance on him in the vault by
his heroic daughter ; J and the consistent part which he con
tinued still to take, till the Revolution restored him with
honour to his country, under the title of Lord Marchmont.
" Thus," says Mr. Fox, " fell Russell and Sidney, two
names that will, it is hoped, be for ever dear to every
English heart. When their memory shall cease to be an
object of respect and veneration, it requires no spirit of pro
phecy to foretell that English liberty will be fast approaching
to its final consummation. Their deportment was such as
might be expected from men who knew themselves to be
1 See the Account in the Appendix to " Rose's Observations on Fox's
James the Second," given by Sir Patrick's grand-daughter, the Lady Murray.
Also, Edin. Rev. vol. xiv. p. 507.

282 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1683. suffering, not for their crimes, but for their virtues. In
courage they were equal ; but the fortitude of Russell, who
was connected with the world by private and domestic ties,
which Sidney had not, was put to the severer trial ; and the
story of the last days of this excellent man's life, fills the
mind with such a mixture of tenderness and admiration,
that I know not any scene in history that more powerfully
excites our sympathy, or goes more directly to the heart."1
The general character of Lord Russell may perhaps be
sufficiently gathered from these imperfect pages ; but we
can scarcely avoid referring the reader to that brief delinea
tion of it, which has been drawn with equal discrimination
and truth by his descendant, whose great ambition it has
been, from the first moment of his entering public life, by
measures long, laboriously, and at length successfully pur
sued, to place every class of the British nation in the actual
enjoyment of those civil and religious rights, for which his
illustrious ancestor so nobly, but ineffectually struggled.2
Over the sorrows of Lady Russell and the Earl of Bedford
it is the duty of decorous reverence to draw the veil. Early
in the month of August, the former left her dreary home
in London, and, with her three orphan children, too young
yet to know the greatness of their loss, took up her resi
dence at Woburn Abbey, with the earl and countess. Her
friends were all assiduous in their efforts to comfort and
console her ; and the following unpublished letters are not
without their interest at this joyless period of her story.
Mr. Coxe to Lady Russell.
London, Oct. 23, 1683.
Madam, — The honour of your ladyship's of the 18th instant,
I received the 20th, wherein every line speaks that faithful and
most deep and endeared impression which has been upon your
'Fox's James II. p. 50. 2Life of William, Lord Russell, v. ii. p. 108.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL.

soul, and will ever remain, of that saint whom God has taken from A.D. 1684.
this tumultuary world into his blessed mansions. It is not for any
man to prescribe to your ladyship the bounds and limits of your
sorrow. But it is not only lawful, but the duty of every worthy
man who knew that incomparable lord, to present to himself, and
as much as possible to others, the lively image of his true worth
and excellency. Had he been a man of common measures in his
lifetime, his last scene, with all the circumstances of it, had been
less conspicuous, and taken up less room in the hearts of all good
men. But God first enlightened and instructed him ; gave his
lordship and your honourable self a happy possession and enjoy
ment of each other, for the space of fourteen years, of the clearest
and most judicious part of your lives, and at last called you both
out to act that great part in which he, as to this world, concluded;
leaving to your ladyship the monumental part of this great and
heroic action upon earth, so long as God shall continue you here ;
whilst he is in the possession of that immortal glory which God
had long (especially during all the time of your mutual enjoyment)
been preparing him for — and why should I not say, been preparing
your ladyship no less ? Every good and serious discourse you had
together, every time you spoke or read, or prayed together, con
tributed toward the fitting of you both for what was, once for all,
to be performed in the running and accomplishing of that great
race, which he has happily concluded ; and which you remain to
perfect and complete in your person, by bringing up the rear in
this great solemnity. Rejoice now that you have been found
worthy to draw Christ's yoke with such a yoke-fellow ; and to
have that crown of thorns which he wore, and has now laid down,
to be set upon your head and worn by you, whilst he has received
his crown, glorious and immortal.
In all humility I remain, madam, your ladyship's most obedient
and most humble servant, Thomas Coxe.1
Dr. Bates to Lady Russell.
London, Feb. 2, 168|.
Madam, — I had some hopes that, after such an interval of
time, your spirit had recovered some strength to resist the violence
1 Devonshire MSS.

284 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1684. of your sorrow ; but I perceive you are still very disconsolate.
'Tis true your loss was so great, and your sorrow is so just, that
to attempt the assuaging it by mere human considerations would
be in vain ; but 'tis not above the remedy which the word of God
offers to you. Methinks God speaks to your afflicted spirit, with
a little variation, in the words of Elkanah to his distressed consort,
" Am not I better to thee than ten husbands ?" The extraordinary
circumstances that exasperate your sorrow, may, by Divine grace,
be a happy advantage to declare your more entire and resigned
submission to the wisdom and the will of God. Consider — was it not,
Madam, your most ardent desire for your dear lord and yourself,
that you might, at the end of this short life, obtain and enjoy
together the heavenly glory ? — you have this consolation, that half
of your desire is accomplished. Your dearest part has fought the
good fight, has overcome the last enemy, and is crowned ; and
can you be so afflicted for your absence from him as not to rejoice
more in his felicity ? I know that you, who so perfectly loved him,
cannot cherish such a low affection, to be more concerned for your
own temporal interest than to be pleased with the belief of his
everlasting happiness. I have in my thoughts often applied to
your ladyship the verses of our divine poet, —
" The most of me to heaven is fled ;
My joys are all packed up and gone,
And for their old acquaintance plead."
There, Madam, let your conversation be; let your most serious
thoughts, earnest affections, and the tendency of your life, be for
heaven, where you will be united to your most dear husband, by a
love infinitely more pure and noble than that which warmed your
breast here. I most heartily recommend you and your relatives
to the Divine mercy, and am, Madam, your most humble and
obedient servant, William Bates.1
The published letters of Lady Russell, in reply to these
or similar condolences of her friends, — which exhibit so bright
a picture of piety and resignation struggling with the im
pulses of unalterable sorrow, present us at every page with
1 Bedford Papers.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 285
some new feature of her character — some fresh insight into A.D. 1684.
the hidden treasures of her heart. In them she has run
through all the notes of wo ; and graced them in her course
with so many exquisite touches of inspired devotion, and
assenting faith, and fervent love, and anticipated rapture, as
to draw seraphic sweetness from them all. They are eloquent
with truth ; they are instinct with wisdom and instruction :
for every mood of her afflicted spirit, however fondly cherished,
or however long sustained, is made by her at length sub
servient to duty. It is under the exercise and influence of
this regulating principle, that we so often see in them her
anguish softening into a mild melancholy, her distraction
calmed into composure, her self-aggravating thoughts and
harrowing reflections melting into grateful acknowledgments
of past and present blessings, her heaviest complaints sub
siding into the deepest adoration, and her darkest doubts
becoming radiant with the lights of immortality. By degrees
our sympathy with the sufferer is lost in the kindling ani
mation of the saint ; but after breathing with her for a while
the sacred airs of heaven, we find ourselves tracing at her side
again the unforgotten wilds of earth, — -revisiting each haunt
of former joy and comfort, where she had seen, or smiled,
or talked with her endeared companion, — until some fresh
appeal of faith, or claim of duty from the living, calls her
hastily away from that charmed dreaming of the dead.
Next to the duty of an unmurmuring acquiescence in the
dispensations of unerring Wisdom, the most powerful incentive
to Lady Russell, in overcoming the stupor of vain sorrow,
was furnished by the responsibilities devolved on her by the
condition of her orphan children. Her son, Wriothesley,
was an infant scarcely three years old ; but her daughters,
now at the age of nine and seven, with minds not altogether

286 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1684. unconscious of their recent deprivation, inquisitive for know
ledge, and ready to obey every impulse that might be given
them, presented claims to her care to which her bosom
tremblingly responded. Her sense of what was due to the
memory of her lost husband heightened the sacredness of this
engagement; and she formed the resolution, not merely of
superintending, but of conducting their education. To this
new object she devoted herself with successful assiduity; and
in this occupation, relieved only by the occasional pleasure
which the pursuit awakened, her melancholy hours crept on.
To soothe, also, and support the Earl of Bedford in his trial,
her active tenderness was frequently exerted; and this, in
May 1684, was more than ever called for, by the additional
affliction occasioned by the death of Lady Bedford.
The health of this amiable lady had received a shock from
which it never recovered : from the moment of Lord Russell's
tragic death it visibly declined ; and in musings on his manly
virtues, and her own irreparable loss, she pined silently away,
like another Anticlea, whose moving complaints may so
forcibly illustrate her own.1 Yet her death is said to have
been accelerated by another incident of striking pathos— the
accidental sight, in a window of the earl's study, of a pamphlet
commenting on her mother's guilt, of which she is stated to
have been till then mercifully kept in ignorance. The pang
of this disclosure was too great for her enfeebled frame to
bear ; and, in the recoil of concentrated feeling, the chord of
1 For thee, my son, I wept my life away ;
Nor came my fate by lingering pains and slow,
Nor bent the silver-shafted queen her bow;
No dire disease bereaved me of my breath, —
Thou, thou, my son, wert my disease and death ;
Unkindly with my love my son conspired—
In thee I lived, for absent thee expired. — Odyssey, book xi.

K. Charles II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 287
life gave way. She was found senseless by her attendants, A.D. 1684.
with the open page before her ; and a passage in one of Lady
Russell's letters favours the supposition, that if her gentle
spirit had been strengthened to survive the shock, it would
have been only purchased by the wreck of reason. She was
interred in the family vault at Chenies; and Lady Russell
attended the funeral procession, having an irresistible desire
to visit the spot where her husband's relics were deposited.
Her sensations on the visit, the value of her affectionate atten
tions to the Earl of Bedford, and the Christian fortitude with
which the latter bore his trials, may be aptly gathered from
the following unpublished correspondence.
Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam.
Woburn Abbey, May 24, 1684.
Let this, good doctor, acknowledge the favour of your excellent
letter, writ the 7th of this month. I have not yet had the occasion
of profiting, as I hope to do, from your instructions in it, in the time
I expect to spend at Stratton ; that journey being delayed first by
the lawyers, and next, which would alone have done it, by the
death of Lady Bedford. I could not choose to leave a good man
that has been and is so very tender to me, under a new oppres
sion of sorrow. He is a stronger Christian, and therefore does his
duty in all trials better than I can do ; yet, sure I may maintain
there is no comparison in our losses. Though it is, I can easily
believe, difficult parting from a friend one has lived easily with
near fifty years ; yet, when it falls away, like ripe fruit that must be
gathered, or if it remain hanging some time longer must become
insignificant, surely it wants the aggravations of mine ever-to-be-
lamented calamity. But I must not, you tell me, give way, or
too much time, to muse, or rather be astonished at what has hap
pened to me. I say, and I truly think do say sincerely, God's will
be done on earth as it is done in heaven ; but the interruption I
find is, was this his determination 1 had we not a free choice ? — yes,
sure we had ; but 'tis as sure he permitted it — and there I must rest,
and meekly submit to this most heavy dispensation. I do confess

288 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1684. and fear I have not thankfulness enough for the blessings I have
yet remaining, as if I could relish nothing here without that sharer
of my joys and sorrows ; but I pray I may, and in God's own time
shall, be heard : he will not suffer the eye that waits on him to fail,
and " though he slay me, I will trust in him."
My Lady Gainsborough tells me they are all to be at Andover
this month ; and I hear my Lady Northampton and Dursley go ;
she must contrive mightily to lodge them all. We have it as news,
that my nephew and Miss Worsley will make a match ; I shall not
wonder if he likes her, for she is a fine girl truly. I have not fixed
my time yet, being once unfixed ; yet I have fed my fancy with seeing
that place (Stratton), and believe I should be the easier after it.
I took the opportunity of seeing another lately, with those who
performed the last solemnity to their dead mother, which I had as
much bent my thoughts upon, though I concealed them till just as I
went to do it, which was about a week before I did. I told Lord
Bedford my resolve, but as one I could not be diverted from ; that
I had ever intended it my first visit ; so, designing for Stratton the
week after, I went this a few days before it. I think in two days
after I had told, and afflicted him with the thought I would do it,
she (the countess) grew worse ; so, foreseeing what would happen,
I deferred it ; but I have accomplished it, and am not the worse,
having satisfied my longing mind, and that is a little ease — such
degrees as I must look for. I had some business there ; for that to
me precious and delicious friend desired I would make a little
monument for us ; and I had never seen the place,— had set a day
to see it with him not three months before he was carried thither,
but was prevented by the boy's illness. I must conclude abruptly,
or not at all, while I have paper to write on; but I will use no more
of this than to sign myself your sad but sincere friend, R. Russell.1
Richard Baxter to Rev. J. Thornton. May 27, 1684.
I received yours, with the expressions of my Lord of Bedford's
kindness, for which, I pray you, return him my humble thanks.
1 Devonshire Papers .

K. James II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 289
I understand that, since then, God has taken away his lady. If the A.D. 1684.
everlasting habitations were not better than this wicked, miserable
world, who could forbear wishing that he had never been born ?
But with this flesh, the faithful lay by their imperfections ; and,
bad as we are, there is so much pleasure in the entire love and
society of good men on earth, that a little tells us what it will be to
live with perfectly loving saints in the perfected heavenly church
for ever. If we had a world of men on earth as good as some of
my acquaintance are in sincere love, humility, and good works,
I doubt it would make us loath to die, and ready to say with Peter,
" It is good to be here." And if all the whole world were as bad
as the malicious serpent's seed, it would tempt us to think that man
was never made for any better. But (for all our weakness) the
conspicuous difference between the holy and the serpent's seed
doth greatly tend to confirm our faith that there is a heaven and a
hell, when we see them both begun on earth. And now the wolvish
part doth drive us from thinking of a rest on earth, while the sancti
fied part doth but tell us how much better company we shall have
above. O that we had more of a holy love to God and one another
on earth, that it might be a foretaste and notice to us (more than
hearsay) what we shall be and have in heaven. What the light
and warmth of the sun are to us on earth, that God, by communi
cated knowledge and love, will be to all that dwell with him. Light,
Love, and Joy, are not mere accidents of heaven, but its very essence.
O that we did more study heaven, as it isLoue.' Every saint there
will love us better than husband, or wife, or the dearest friend on
earth did ever love each other ; and the whole society is but one
love and joy, by the union of many. And Christ will love us more
than they ; and then we shall sweetlier understand that word (which
I value above any word in the Bible or world), " God is Love;
and he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in God, and God in him."
To dwell in heaven is to dwell in perfect love ; and they are the
best on earth who are the likest to that state.
I pray thank my lord for his great liberality. Pardon this
tediousness, and present my service to my lord, and to the Lady
Russell. I rest your unworthy brother, hasting homeward,
Richard Baxter.1
' Bedford Papers.
VOL. II. U

290 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1684. Tolerant in all his opinions, knowing no party in religion,
hut preserving a sincere esteem for the good and great of all
professions, the hardships to which the persecuted Non-con
formists were now more than ever subjected, attracted the
earl's sympathy ; and he nobly stood forth as the protector of
many of their ministers, whilst his private papers bear testi
mony to the great generosity with which he relieved their tem
poral distresses. Isaac Ambrose, in one of his epistles, states
of the earl, that he was accustomed to declare, that " he
considered the prayers of God's ministers as the best walls
around his mansion." Nor is it uninteresting to find, that
Lady Russell had the same liberal and enlightened views;
for, whilst expressing to one who had recommended her a
chaplain, her decided preference of the church of England,
as containing in it the best offices and services that could any
where, she thought, be found, she declares, with an honour
able jealousy for the rights of private judgment, that " she
should desire one so moderate as not to be impatient and
passionate against such as would not think so too; but of
such a temper as to be able to converse peaceably with such
as might have freedom in her family, though not themselves
of that belief, without giving them offence ;" and this she
considers " the best way of gaining the good and virtuous to
her own opinion on religious truth."
Into the farther particulars of their personal history for
the next few years, it is not necessary for us to enter. The
fluctuations of Lady Russell's lacerated feelings, with the
family incidents that most interested or affected her, are suffi
ciently depicted in her letters ; whilst the admirable qualities
which, like the sweetness drawn from the pressure of. the
myrtle, she displayed at this period of her adversity, in every
strait of her affairs, have met with an appropriate commen-

K. James II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 291
tator in Miss Berry. She had occasionally to mourn the loss A.D. 1687.
of other relatives and friends, whose memory she embalmed
with her " melodious tears;" and many of the public occur
rences — the fatal expedition of the Duke of Monmouth — the
trial of Lord Delamere — the enormous fines inflicted on the
patriotic Earl of Devonshire — and the general subversion
that seemed ready to overwhelm the remaining liberties and
the religion of her country, inflicted fresh wounds in her
bosom, or caused her former immedicable one to bleed
afresh. The progress of James's tyranny was watched by the
Earl of Bedford, if possible, with a yet more anxious interest.
After the trial of the bishops, and Rochester's dismissal from
the ministry, it was obvious that some momentous crisis was
approaching ; but in the midst of the Egyptian darkness
that prevailed, the earl and his party derived hope from the
almost universal dissatisfaction which his bigotry excited, and
looked steadfastly to Holland till they saw the morning break.
In February 1687, M. Dyckvelt was sent by that court
on a special embassy to England, with secret instructions to
unite the heads of parties there, and otherwise to prepare the
way for the regeneration of the national interests. On the
24th of March, he honoured the Earl of Bedford and Lady
Russell with a visit, being charged by the Prince and Princess
of Orange to express the feeling sense which they had ever
entertained of their terrible misfortunes, and the reverence
which they bore to the memory of Lord Russell ; and to assure
them, that, if they should ever have the power, there was
nothing they could ask which the prince and princess would
not find content in granting.
In May, after having diligently sounded the opinions
of men of all parties and complexions, the Dutch envoy
returned home. He was the bearer of letters from the prin-

292 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1687. cipal of the English nobility; and amongst them we find
one, in brief but significant language, from the Earl of
Bedford.1 The impulse given by Dyckvelt's mission, ripened quickly
into action, and the celebrated Association was soon organised,
which formed the nucleus of the revolution, consisting of the
Marquess of Halifax, the Earls of Devonshire, Shrewsbury,
Nottingham, and Danby, the Bishop of London, and Admirals
Herbert and Russell, by whom the temper of the fleet was
moulded into a concurrence with the great design, as it
gradually became matured.
The parentage of Edward, afterwards Admiral Russell,
has been already mentioned. Born in 1652, he early
embraced the naval profession ; and after passing through the
usual course of service, became the commander of several
successive ships. He had been one of the gentlemen of King
James's bedchamber, when Duke of York ; but the execution
of his cousin naturally drove him from the court ; and the
memory of this private wrong added intensity to the indig- ¦
nation which he conceived from the subsequent tyranny of
James. He therefore readily undertook the hazardous com
mission of managing such negotiations with the prince as
the nature of the case required ; and having a sister resident
in Holland, he, in the May of 1688, passed over to the
Hague without suspicion, and represented to William the
desire entertained by the great men of England to know
precisely what might be expected from him.
With the prince's answer he returned to England ; the
necessary overtures and preparations were arranged ; and
in September he once more went to Holland, with the Earl
of Shrewsbury, bearing letters of invitation to the prince
1 See it in Dalrymple, vol. ii. p. 199.

K. James II. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 293
from the most illustrious personages in the kingdom ; they A.D. 1688.
were succeeded by others, with a scheme for the whole
enterprise. The long-sustained secrecy, the hasty arming,
the final penetration into the object of the armament, and
the swift precautions of the tyrant, passed like so many tumul
tuous visions before the alarmed anticipants of freedom. Fear
predominated at this moment with them — hope the next ;
and all England trembled at the poising of the balances.
They hung most literally on the elements. The supersti
tious tyrant called the Host in to his succour, and smiled
with satisfaction at the success of his expedient, when he
heard of the storm that had scattered the vessels of his foes.
But their fleet was soon refitted ; the prince's declaration
was dispersed through England. On the 4th of October,
attended by some English pilots, Russell went on board
the prince's ship, which was committed to his guidance ;
but an invisible Providence, as if to vindicate its own supre
macy at this momentous crisis, counteracted the skill of
the pilots. The same strong east wind, indeed, which carried
this fleet through the channel prevented the English fleet
under Lord Dartmouth from coming out; but the pilot during
the night mistook his reckoning, and, when the morning
broke, it was found that he had not only overshot Torbay,
where it was proposed to land, but Dartmouth also. Plymouth
was before them ; but the prince was not satisfied of the
reception he might there meet with, and if he tacked to make
Torbay, there was ground for apprehension lest the English
fleot, now under sail by change of wind, might in the interval
come up to the attack. In this cruel strait of anxiety and
peril, whilst Russell bade Dr. Burnet go to his prayers, for
that all was lost, the wind changed in a moment to the south,
carried the Dutch fleet back triumphantly into Torbay, and

294 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A.D. 1688. forced Lord Dartmouth to his former station. The prayers
and thanksgivings that were offered up on landing, by the
whole fleet and army of the prince, were solemnly appropriate
to the magnitude of the deliverance. To the eye of faith it
had all the air of a Divine interposition ; for never since the
time of the Armada had such vast interests — to the present
weal of England, to posterity, to the destinies of Europe,
and the universal church, — been so much at the apparent
mercy of the winds and floods.
Two entire months, into which were crowded a host of
incidents that must have powerfully agitated and affected the
hearts of the beholders, elapsed between the landing of the
prince and the abdication of King James. In the final
developement of this great drama, many instances of retribu
tive providence or justice were universally remarked; but
few could be more striking, or more fraught with moral
meaning, than the Earl of Bedford's memorable reply, when,
in passing to an assembly of the peers to apologise for not
having called a parliament, and to require their counsel, the
king solicited his influence. " My lord," said the royal sup
pliant, " you are a good man; you have interest with the
peers, and can render me to-day essential service." " For
myself," said the earl, with a subdued reproach, in which,
however, there was more of sorrow than of anger, — " for
myself, sir, I am old and weak ; but I had once a son who
could indeed have served your majesty !"
There was character in the mode in which every member
of this long-tried family expressed the bosom's stirring feel
ings in an hour of grateful change like this. In the earl's
affecting answer, the dignity of the venerable nobleman,
the anguish of the injured father, and the subject's natural
respect, untinctured with the least alloy of haughty scorn,

K. William III. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 295
expressively shone out. The eldest daughter of Lord Russell, A.D. 1688.
with all the simple fancy, happy joy, and pardonable undis-
guise of youth, says of the proclamation that soon followed ;
" I was at the sight, my dear beloved Silvia, and very much
pleased, you may imagine, to see Ormanzor and Phenixana
proclaimed King and Queen of England, in the room of King
James, my father's murderer ! " Whilst Lady Russell, to
whom all the pageantries of life had become a sated charm,
and whose mind was principally occupied in extracting from
these singular vicissitudes nutriment for the celestial nature
that was forming rapidly within, poured forth the emotions
of her soul in language eloquent with spiritual praise. " I
have pleased myself," she writes, "and now I will retire to
such contemplations as the wondrous providence of every day
furnishes to all thinking creatures. May our hearts and
minds be directed to a due use of them, and ever full of
praise to God, and prayers for the visible Mover that causes
so mighty a revolution as we see. Those who have lived
longest, and therefore seen the most change, can scarce
believe that it is more than a dream ; yet it is indeed real,
and so amazing a reality of mercy, as ought to melt and
ravish our hearts into subjection and resignation to Him
who is the dispenser of all providences!"
King William, on mounting the throne to which he was
invited, amply redeemed the promises which he had made
to the Russell family when Prince of Orange. One of the
first acts of his government was to reverse the attainder of
Lord Russell. A vote of the House of Commons stigmatised
his execution as a murder ; and a formal examination, to
detect the advisers and promoters of it, as well as that of
all the others who had suffered from the Rye-house Plot, was,
with much minuteness, entered into. It was in the course

296

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XX.

A.D. 1688. of this inquiry, that Lord Hampden stated to the House of
Lords, that the association which introduced the Prince of
Orange into England, was nothing else, in his regard, but a
continuation of the council of six.1 The greatest possible
favour was at the same time shewn by the queen to Lady
Russell ; and every request which she chose to prefer for the
credit or advantage of her friends, which, however, bore pro
portion rather to her modesty than merit, was honoured with
a prompt compliance. And upon the venerable Earl of Bed
ford, in the April of 1694, the highest title which the king
could confer upon a subject was bestowed, with accompani
ments of delicate and graceful compliment that infinitely
enhanced the value of the gift.2
The earl's gratification was not limited to his own advance
in rank. A similar mark of distinction was at the same time
conferred upon the Earl of Devonshire, the bosom friend of his
incomparable son, yet endeared to him less, perhaps, by that
electric link, than by the untameable pride of independence,
which won for him the following tribute from the great
Lord Somers : That he was one who, in an age corrupted
and sinking into the basest flattery, had constantly retained
the manners of the ancients, — one who by his example and
advice drew over his fellow peers into the conflict against
tyranny, till, by a bloodless victory, the ancient rights and
religion of the people were splendidly restored.3
To the heir of this illustrious nobleman, William, after
wards second Duke of Devonshire,4 Lord Bedford lived
to see Rachel, his eldest grand-daughter, united, in June
1688 ; his second, Catharine, married into the noble family
' Lords' Journals, Dec. 20, 1689. 5 Preamble to his Patent of Creation.
3 Preamble to his Patent of Creation.
' Arms; Snble, 3 harts' heads caboshed argent, attired or.

CAVENDISH

K. William III.

WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL.

297

of Manners;1 his grandson little less advantageously con- A.D
sorted ; his own numerous offspring all settled in condi
tions suitable to their birth, beloved and honoured for their
merits and his own ; and the public principles, for which he
had paid a price so inestimable, triumphantly established.
He had little more to live for. It was his daily petition,
that, next to the pardon of his transgressions, the God in
whom he had so faithfully trusted would grant him an easy
passage to the tomb;2 and the prayer was graciously accepted.
" Never did any person leave the world with greater inward
peace, or a more resigned mind, with less struggle and dis
composure, or with more assured hopes of a joyful resur
rection. His lamp of life was not blown out; the oil wasted
by degrees, until the flame decayed . Nature was quite tired
and spent, and he fell asleep,"3 on the 7th of September,
1700, in his 87th year. He was interred at Chenies, where
a handsome monument of white marble is erected to the
memory of himself and countess, surrounded with medallions
of their numerous issue. The king directed Dr. Freeman,
one of his own chaplains, to preach his funeral sermon,
which was subsequently printed, and inscribed to his suc
cessor in the dukedom. The divine who preached it was
one who had intimately known him ; and he devotes a few
pages of his performance to portray his character, which
may not inappositely conclude the present memoir.
"The nobleness of his extraction and the greatness of his
descent are little things, not to be named with the admirable

1700.

MANNERS.

1 To John, Lord Roos, afterwards second Duke of Rutland.4 The mar
riage took place August 17, 1693 ; and an amusing account of the festivities
that followed, is to be found in a letter from Sir James Forbes to Lady Russell,
which may be seen in her published Letters. 2 3 Funeral Sermon.

4 Arms ; as in page 455, vol. i. of this work.

298 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XX.
A. D. 1700. endowments of his mind, and the manifold gifts of the Holy
Spirit wherewith his soul was adorned.
" Who can sufficiently admire or fully imitate the sweet
ness of his temper and the benignity of his nature ? The
greatness of his birth made him the more humble ; the height
of his condition did not exalt his mind ; there was nothing
of pride or fastidiousness in his conversation ; it was all
condescension, without being mean and cheap. His piety
towards God was sincere and unaffected ; his devotion in
the closet ' daily ; in public constant, uniform, and regular.
His was the family wherein not an oath nor a profane jest
could be heard ; where sobriety was habitual, virtue and
religion triumphant, and the worship of God daily and de
voutly performed. His beneficence and his alms were of
the same piece with his piety. He was never backward to
forgive ; always ready to distribute ; his charity, like that
of God's, was universal, not confined to sects and parties,
but flowing abundantly towards all men, yet discreetly placed
and proportioned. Nothing but sin had his frown ; the good
actions of men had his praise, their weaknesses his excuse,
their afflictions his pity, and his succour their distresses."
Three portraits of him exist at Woburn Abbey ; the first,
in his youth, attended by his dwarf domestic, painted by
Priwitzer, the Hungarian ; the second, in the bloom of man
hood, by Vandyck, accompanied by his brother-in-law, Lord
Digby ; and the third, in his maturer years, by Kneller, with
his robes of the garter. Of Anne, Countess of Bedford, there
are also two fine portraits in the same collection, both by
Vandyck ; one of which has been engraved, anciently by
Lombard, and of later years for the work of Mr. Lodge.
Of William, Lord Russell, three portraits exist at Woburn.
The first, by Claude Lefevre, has been already noticed; the

K. William III. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL. 299
second is by Kneller, in the maturity of middle age ; and A.D. 1700.
the third, by Sir Peter Lely, from which the portrait in the
" Illustrious Personages" is engraved, represents him in a
sitting attitude. Fortunately for the interests of liberty and
truth, the real conduct and principles of Lord Russell, in
stemming the corruption and profligacy of the court and
government of Charles the Second, are too correctly and
generally appreciated to render it at all necessary for his
biographers to notice the perverse animadversions of his
enemies. His memory and reputation will continue to find
a shrine in the heart of every lover of civil and religious
freedom, who is enfranchised from the slavish dogmas that
so long held the national will and energies in check. He
has  " sunk to rest,

By all his country's wishes blest !
There Honour comes, a pilgrim gray,
To bless the turf that wraps his clay;
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
To dwell, a weeping hermit, there !"

300 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.

CHAPTER XXI.
FROM THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN ANNE TO THE REIGN OF
GEORGE THE SECOND.
A.D. 1702-1732.
Early years of Wriothesley, second Duke of Bedford ... he is invited to stand
for Middlesex . . . enters the University of Oxford . . . makes the tour of
Italy . . . Canzone in his praise . . .Visit of a relative . . . Admiral Russell . . .
Discontent of the Whig leaders ... Intrigues of James II. ...he en
deavours to gain the Navy officers . . . Mission of Mr. Lloyd . . . Declara
tion of indulgence . . . Exposition of Russell's real conduct . . . Battle of
La Hogue . . . reward for his services . . . Lloyd's second mission to him
...he cajoles the court of St. Germains into a new declaration ... its
fatal result ... his fresh " faint assurances " of assistance . . . conclusion
of the Stuart annalist upon his conduct . . . Fenwick's plot . . . created
Earl of Orford ... his impeachment ... his acquittal . . . death . . . and
character . . . Pursuits — parliamentary conduct — and last illness of the
Duke of Bedford . . . Wriothesley, third duke ... his occupations — and
decline . . . Death of Lady Russell . . . Sketch of her character.
By the death of William, Duke of Bedford, his grandson
Wriothesley, the only son of the excellent Lord Russell, suc
ceeded to the title. Born November 1 , 1680, he had been
too young at his father's death to be sensible of his irreparable
loss. From the affection which Dr. Burnet bore to the me
mory of that admirable nobleman, he had generously offered
to superintend the education of his orphan, an honour of
which, he declared to Lady Russell, he should be more
ambitious than of the best bishopric in England. But the
merited preferments which that prelate received after the
Revolution removing him into a busier sphere of usefulness,
the studies of Lord Russell were directed by Mr. Hicks,
a gentleman of considerable attainments, and of the highest
private worth. In 1693, his mother received overtures from

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, LORD RUSSELL.

301

Sir Josiah Child, for uniting him in marriage with his grand- A.D. 1695.
child, Lady Henrietta Somerset, an honour which she respect
fully declined, probably from having already listened to pro
posals of a similar nature from Mrs. Howland, of Streatham,
a daughter of the same personage, with reference to her only
child Elizabeth.
Lord Russell was at that time scarce fifteen, and his
destined bride was probably still younger ; but this imma
turity of years was no barrier in those times to the marriage
of any of the young nobility, in whose persons were concen
trated the hopes of numerous connexions. From the first
whisper of the nuptial project to the irrevocable vow before
the altar, the whole affair was generally managed by the
parents : in the present instance, the consciousness of her
own advancing years, and the desirableness of seeing her son
appropriately settled in life before her pilgrimage was ended,
had its weight with Lady Russell in inducing her not to defer
the completion of the match. The king entered with interest
into her views and feelings ; and in compliment to the large
succession to which Miss Howland1 was entitled, created
Lord Russell Baron Howland, of Streatham, immediately
after the marriage, which was celebrated on the 23d of May,
1695, in a chapel of the family mansion at Streatham, the
ceremony being performed by Bishop Burnet.
The marriage of Lord Russell had not taken place many
months, - — he was still under a private tutor, preparing to be
sent to Oxford,- — when proposals were made by the Duke of
Shrewsbury and the great Lord Somers to bring him into par
liament for Middlesex, by dispensing for a day with his newly
acquired title (by courtesy) of Marquess of Tavistock, and
setting him up under the name of Lord Russell, the magic of
" Arms; Argent, 2 bars sable, in chief 3 lions rampant of the second.

HOWLAND.

302 RUSSELL-MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1698. which sound would without doubt have rallied to his banner
a vast majority of the electors. But a concurrence with their
project would have interfered with all Lady Russell's plans
for his improvement — to the flattering importunity with which
the solicitation was enforced, she in consequence wisely closed
her ears ; and a more suitable candidate was found in Admiral
Russell, distinguished as he was with the recent laurels of
his victory off La Hogue.
In January, 1696, Lord Tavistock entered the University
of Oxford, where he prosecuted his studies with success, and
acquired a decided taste for classical literature ; it being
under his auspices that West and Welstead brought out, at
this time, their splendid edition of Pindar, as we learn from
their elegant dedication to him of the result of their labours.
At the age of seventeen, accompanied by Mr. Hicks and Mr.
Sherard, he went upon his travels ; and being furnished by
the younger Rouvigny with letters to the principal diplomatic
and military characters in the different courts of Europe,
he was every where received with marked attentions. After
being presented at the Hague to King William, who had
just signed the treaty of the peace of Ryswick, and visiting
Berlin and some of the smaller German courts, he, in 1698,
arrived at Rome, where he passed the winter in a round of
festivities and entertainments, reciprocated with the foreign
ministers and chief resident nobility.1 Munificently furnished
1 Chance has thrown into our hands one of the Italian compositions with
which he was complimented at one of their musical festivities. The canzone,
though not without blemishes, is deserving of a version, from the family
references which it contains, and the favourable sentiments which the marquess's
disposition had obviously inspired in the leaders of Italian society.
Il Tamigi Giulivo.
The Scene was an extensive and picturesque landscape, with the imperial
hall of Romulus in the foreground ; the prelude — a conversation of the Muses
on the promise of the young nobleman who was visiting those classic shores.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, LORD HOWLAND. 303
by his mother with pecuniary supplies, and charmed with the A.D. 1698.
novelties of such a life, he launched out into expenses which
involved him in some difficulties ; and these were farther
increased by some losses which he had sustained at play, —
an amusement he had imbibed for the moment during his
This being terminated, the curtain rose, and discovered Fame upon the wing,
applying with one hand her trumpet to her lips, and sustaining with the
other the portrait of " his Excellency ;" whilst Thames, as a River God, in
act to speak, reclined upon the margin of a stream beneath. A symphony of
sweet and solemn instruments introduced the concert ; and the song, as
though delivered by the Genius of his native stream, proceeded : —
Canzone.
Amidst those plants sublime
Of an illustrious and heroic stem,
Which, with their flower-buds charming all the clime,
Form for my regal brows a diadem, —
This graceful scion, that so freshly towers
From the great Russell stock, whose worth is known
To the wide nations, has delightful flowers,
Sweet fruits, and boughs luxuriant of its own.
CHORUS.
It has lovely flowers ; her fashion,
Beauty's self to him bequeaths ;
And from out his heart of passion,
All the soul of Honour breathes. It has lovely flowers, &e.
It has sweet fruits ; for while
Young April's frolic winds the branches sway,
The sun has touched it with indulgent smile,
And to a summer ripeness turned the spray.
Hence studious thoughts ; hence, underneath the shine
Of sunny tresses, the mature desire
For graver cares, and sympathies that pine
For high distinction, set his soul on fire ;
To temper which, he bids Harmonia swell
Amphion's lute, and strike her chorded shell.
CHORUS.
It has boughs ; which, without measure,
The kind heavens with verdure crown;
And upon its head his treasure
Jove in golden clouds showers down.
It has boughs, Sec.

304 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1698. range through the Italian cities. It was fortunate for him
that he early felt the disgrace which would inevitably attach
to an indulgence in this, the subtlest and most pernicious
of the various passions that lie in wait to seduce the in
dolent, — involving so frequently within its vortex the peace
Nor marvel — to its pride
That thus its gifts each happy Influence brings, —
The tree a thousand winters has defied,
And bloomed unwithered through a thousand springs.
I saw its verdurous forehead mate the skies,
Ere the first William ploughed my azure breast,
And on my banks from Normandy arise
Fresh shoots, with other flowers, boughs, fruitage drest, —
Numerous as grain on Autumn's threshing-floor,
Stars in the heavens, or sands on the smooth shore.
CHORUS.
Midst these flowers what nectared sweetness,
Midst these boughs what fruit divine,
Charm, in William's sage discreetness,
In brave Edward's prowess shine !
Midst these flowers, &c.
That One, my Capital,
As with another mart, has amplified,
Where now, in ornamental pomp o'er all,
Spires, and gay domes, and villas, are descried :
This One, my antique trident when he swayed,
Late raised my name in glory to the stars,
And, borne to battle o'er the floods, displayed
Innate the valour of the Roman Mars.
Yet 'tis their generous aim, not less avowed,
To shield the weak, as to abase the proud.
CHORUS.
For beneath their spread pavilion,
If a whirlwind sweep the land,
Threatening wreck to many a million,
Safe the cherished people stand. For beneath, &c.
Nor meaner be the praise
Of that thrice reverenced name — that Matron shrined
In the world's sympathies, whose love could raise,
In the chill spite of each ungentle wind,

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 305
and prosperity of families, prostrating before the wretched A.D. 1700
lust of gain, the body, soul, and spirit of its unhappy victim,
and bringing him into hideous familiarity with the least erect
and basest spirits that can hang upon society. His letters to
his mother at this period breathe the most ingenuous grief
for his indiscretion, which, with her usual prudence, she was
careful not to extinguish by angry severity. Her friends
joined with her in the necessary means for obviating any pre
sent inconvenience; and when, at the close of 1699, Lady
Russell welcomed her son home to England, she had the
satisfaction of finding all his virtuous sentiments confirmed ;
her expectation of his personal improvement happily fulfilled ;
and of seeing, in his union with one whose domestic virtues
fully justified her choice, the pledge of happiness to himself,
and pride and comfort to her own declining years. The
storms of sorrow that had so long and frequently occurred
to nip her springing joys, appear now to have cleared off,
and to have allowed her, for upwards of twelve years, an
undisturbed interval of serenity and pleasure.
The first study of Wriothesley, Duke of Bedford, when he

A shoot so flourishing : in sure respect
That it has sprung from so renowned a root,
And by so sweet a guardian has been decked
With lavish boughs, fair flowers, and rosy fruit,
Still must its doom be, with fresh greens to spread,
Peace in its heart and sunshine on its head !

Never may injurious Malice,
Frowning Fate, self-cankering Grief,
Or the dews from Envy's chalice,
Chill its flower, or blight its leaf.
But with age fresh beauty blending,
Livelier greens its trunk display,
And aloft to Heaven ascending,
Blossom in perpetual May !
VOL. II.

306 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1708. came to his inheritance in 1700, was to repair the losses
which his indiscretion had incurred ; and this, by a system
of wise economy, he in a few years accomplished. The
following letter describes a visit which Admiral Russell, now
created Earl of Orford, paid to him in 1708.
To Lady Russell. Chippenham, Sept. 2, 1708.
Madam, — If I thought the account I am going to give your
ladyship, of Woburn and the master of it would be disagreeable
to you, I should ease you of the trouble of this letter. I am newly
come from thence, where I stayed a week ; and, upon my word, I
never was better pleased than to see the Duke and Duchess of
Bedford both so extremely easy in their house, and living with the
greatest order and decorum that it is possible to describe. Your
son busies himself with improving his park and grounds, and has
got the reputation of a great husbandman. I have told him, the
fear I am under is, his growing too careful ; which is, I think, a
fault, for a man of his quality and estate, only next to running into
a greater debt than one can pay. I endeavoured to persuade him
to be some years longer in paying off his debt, and to allow himself
more, that he may complete his house for his dwelling, to his own
mind ; but I find his thoughts and heart are fully set to put himself
beforehand in the world, which cannot be accounted an act of indis
cretion. I have not also for many years had a truer satisfaction
than observing, the time I was there, the Duchess of Bedford's
behaviour in all respects ; inasmuch as I have a concern for the
well-being of the family, and a zeal not common for the son of a
man I passionately loved, and a mother for whom I have, without
a compliment, the greatest honour and respect imaginable. And I
now have great pleasure in thinking I shall have good reason to
value this present Duke of Bedford, not only as I have the honour
to be related to him, but for his own virtues and honourable
principles. He has a very good understanding ; and his late pro
ceedings shew him to have a true sense of honour and integrity;
from all which it is very easy to believe he will act as a man of his
quality ought, and as that family has always done since they have
been termed noble. I write this with greater pleasure than I can

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 307
well express. God has blessed him with fine children; and he A.D. 1708,
shews himself a fond husband and a kind father.
And now, madam, I must not conclude without telling you my
complaints. Picquet was the evening's diversion, in which I, poor
man, was a terrible sufferer ; a pound a night hardly covered my
losses, and not one pool in all that time came to my share. You
may judge, madam, what trouble and concern I lay under at my
ill-fortune, or rather ill-play. I would fain have prevailed with
him to have come to Chippenham this Newmarket meeting; but he
will not stir this year. Yet he allows me to hope that I shall see
him here, if we live so long as the next summer ; and then I shall
have a proposal to make, which I hope will not be denied me,
because it will be the greatest pleasure and satisfaction I can ever
propose to myself for the few years that I have, in the course of
nature, to pass, insignificant as I am. It is, that I may have the
honour of your ladyship's company, with all your sons and daughters
at this poor place : I shall be very happy to see you all together
under my roof. I will undertake to contrive the journey to be
easy for you, without the trouble of a long day's travel, and without
having the uneasiness of lying at an inn by the way ; and the
greatest compliment and demonstration I can shew for such an
honour, is, instead of allowing one pound a-day for cards, I will
come up to one and a half. And now, madam, I have troubled
you with a very long letter, I have nothing more than to offer you
ten thousand pardons for taking up so much of your time ; and to
conclude, with what I shall for ever be, with the greatest truth and
respect, Madam, your ladyship's most faithful and obedient humble
servant, Orfoud.1
Of the political part which Russell had taken since our
last notice of him, a few particulars are called for, by the im
portance which some writers, following in the wake of Dal
rymple, but with even less candour of construction, have given
to the reports of his connection with the dethroned monarch.
On the accession of William, he was made a rear-admiral,
and sent to reinforce the fleet under Herbert, Earl of Tor-
1 Devonshire Papers.

308 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1690. rington. On the occasion of the king's absence in Ireland in
1690, he received the queen's commands frequently to attend
her, lest she should be too much biassed in marine affairs, by
one or other party in the council, where many private jea
lousies prevailed.1 The southern coasts being then immi
nently threatened by the French squadron under De Tourville,
he gave it as his opinion in council, that as the English fleet
had now been reinforced from Holland, Lord Torrington
should abandon his defensive operations, and hazard an en
gagement. The result ill corresponded with the hopes of the
nation, and Torrington fell into disgrace. When Russell was
desired to form one of the commissioners whom it was thought
proper to depute, to examine into the circumstances of his fail
ure, he replied, that it would be indelicate in him to be so for
ward in that particular, as he had long served under the earl ;2
and the Earls of Devonshire and Pembroke were accordingly
appointed to this service. The earl being deprived of his com
mand, the fleet was put under three commissioners, with Rus
sell at the head, who, however, received the charge with an ex
treme reluctance,3 which discredits the gratuitous assumptions
of those4 who charge the king's hard treatment of Torrington
upon Russell's influence, exercised from an eager desire to
succeed in the command. It was, notwithstanding, the king's
pleasure to promote Admiral Russell to the vacant honour;5
and accordingly, hoisting his flag on board the Britannia,
May 4, 1691, he set sail for the westward, met with and con
voyed the Smyrna fleet from Kinsale to the Scilly Isles, and
thence proceeded in search of the French fleet, which was
at that time stationed off Ushant. But De Tourville had
received orders to avoid all chances of a battle ; and keeping
1 Queen Mary to King William ; Dal. ii. App. Part n. p. 122.
2 Same to the same. lb. p. 127. 3 Same to the same. lb. p. 144-173;
and Lord Shrewsbury to the same, July 12, 1690. lb. p. 173.
* Locker: Greenwich Gallery of Portraits. 'Dec. 3, 1690.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 309
scouts at a considerable distance on all points of the compass, A.D. 1691.'
to pass the signal for flight as soon as they were chased,1 he
eluded the admiral's vigilance, and succeeded in slipping
safely into Brest. When parliament met in October, the
admiral's naval management was called in question, with
the apparent view of revenging upon him the harsh treat
ment which Torrington had met with from the government f
but producing all his instructions, and entering into a full
explanation of his various movements in pursuance of them, he
completely exonerated himself from every ground of censure.
The winter was spent by the court of St. Germains, in
active preparations for a descent upon England. Every
thing flattered the wishes, and gave encouragement to the
hopes of James, — the apparent instability of the new govern
ment, which the war in Ireland and successive internal con
spiracies had kept unsettled — the injury to public credit —
the subsiding popularity of William — the people's jealou
sies — the Commons' discontents — the new state of parties
arising from the king's dismissal of his Whig ministers — the
domestic discords, assiduously fomented between the queen
and Princess Anne,- — and, finally, the intrigues which James
had sought to carry on with his partisans in the three king
doms. But it was upon the last of these circumstances that
he principally relied. He had sounded by his emissaries the
sentiments of some of the great Whig ministers, as well as
others. Halifax and Danby, discontented with their situations,
early lent an ear to these advances, and insinuated to their
friends, that wise men should not venture too far; as, if James
would only quit his priests, his affairs might yet be well re
trieved.3 Godolphin, renewing his connexions with the old
court, requested leave to resign his employments, upon the
= Ralph's History, vol. ii. p. 312-3. 2 lb. p. 312-3. 3 Reresby.

310 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1691. plea now of receiving orders distasteful to his own opinions,
now of languor and ill health. Shrewsbury made, or is
thought to have made, offers of his services, which, how
ever vague, attested some diminution of attachment to the
reigning king ; and Marlborough, in a letter written on the
10th of January, 1691, had condescended to solicit of James
forgiveness for his defection, and to assure him of the duchess's
power and willingness to bring back the Princess Anne, in
whose train it was expected that the great body of the church
men would be found to tread. So far James might seem to
have some foundation for his hopes of assistance from the dis
affected Whigs : they had appeared to listen to his overtures ;
and Marlborough had sent him occasional advices of import
ance ; although it would not be right to charge him with all
that his opponents have adduced, as there is proof that forged
letters were intercepted to the court of St. Germains in his
name.1 But James did not sufficiently consider upon how
slight a basis the whole of this infirmity might rest; that
their assurances might spring less from their attachment to
him, than from a cautious calculation of future possibilities,
or temporary disgust at the treatment of his rival. Of the
Whig partisans on whose succour he relied, some had been
in degree alienated from William by neglect, and all had
been deeply offended by what appeared his versatile abandon
ment of the party which had called him to the throne, for those
who had always advocated the most slavish maxims of govern
ment. They thus grew for the moment fretful and peevish as
a nurse over her capricious infant ; like that same gossip in
the fable, they threatened to throw their darling to the wolf;
and, to complete the parallel, James credulously waited, like
the wolf without the door, in actual expectation of the fulfil-
1 Dalrymple, vol. ii. Appendix, Part n. p. 174.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 311
ment of the menace. Thus much may perhaps be admitted ; A.D. 1691.
but if we carry farther our speculations, from the ex parte
statements of the " Stuart Papers," drawn up from James's
own memorials, and conveying his partial impressions of
reports brought by emissaries interested in flattering all his
prepossessions, we shall be in danger of being abused, as
he frequently suspected was the case with himself, and he
beguiled, like others, in a maze of curious contradictions.
Amongst the papers found upon Lord Preston, on the dis
covery of his plot and the seizure of his person, in December,
1690-1, were some of his memorandums of the strength of
the English fleet, and the names of its commanders ; prefixed
to which was this observation, " that Carter, and others at
Portsmouth, were the likeliest men to come to King James;"1
a hint designed for future use, which evinces, that at that
time no attempt had been made on the fidelity of the navy.
Now, however, a Mr. Lloyd was deputed to this service — a
person who is stated to have been well known to Admiral
Russell; and one of his first essays was exercised on Rear-
admiral Carter. Carter resisted the seduction : he informed
the queen that he had been tampered with; and, that the
schemes of the Jacobites might be drawn fully out and dis
appointed, it is the general opinion of historians,2 that the
queen gave him permission to counterfeit an acquaintance
with their projects. " Perhaps some may think," says Dal
rymple, " and I have heard it said, that Lord Godolphin, Lord
Marlborough, and Russell, had the same permission." Nothing
is more probable, as concerns Admiral Russell, so vast was
the incongruity between the promises with which he long
amused the ear of James, and his slack performances, not
to say — his hostile opposition. James, meanwhile, as a pre-
1 Ralph, vol. ii. p. 257. s Dalrymple, vol. i. p. 501.

312 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1691. paratory step to the impending invasion, issued his Declara
tion of tolerance and indulgence. When Admiral Russell
was conferred with by Lloyd, he, whose passion for liberty
made James at times conclude that he was more of a repub
lican than a friend to monarchy, answered by the complaint,
that James had made a very insufficient provision for the
security of the freedom of the subject; and it was to satisfy
the admiral upon this point, that another, more ample and
explicit, was afterwards prepared. It is in the following terms
that the " Stuart Papers" speak of the transaction.
" The Declaration's not being published in time, made
several dissatisfied with it ; but no one seemed to be more so
than Admiral Pussell,1 who now having the command of the
English fleet, and still pretending to be in the king's interest,
there appeared a necessity of doing all that was possible to
content a person who held the crown of England so far in
his hands, as that it was in his power to set it again on his
majesty's head, if he really designed it.
" Mr. Lloyd was his particular friend, with whom he had
several conferences, before he came away. He expressed an
earnest desire to serve the king, — said, the people were in
clined enough to be of his side again, if his majesty took a
right way to make them so ; but that if he would reign a
Catholic king over a Protestant people, he must forget all
past misdemeanours, and grant a general pardon ; and that
then he would contribute what he could to his restoration,
without insisting upon any terms for himself; and when Mr.
Lloyd made some proposals of that kind, he would not hear
him, saying, < It was the public good, not private advantage,
he looked for in this affair.' He told him, therefore, ' If he
met the French fleet he would fight it, even though the king
1 " Inserted afterwards, and by a different hand." — Editor.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 313
himself were on board ; but that the method he proposed to A.D. 1691.
serve the king, was, by going out of the way with the English
fleet, to give the king an opportunity of landing, or else by
making choice of ships for a winter squadron, whose officers
he could influence, and by that means do what he pleased.
" This resolution," the narrative proceeds, " of fighting
even against the king himself, was an odd method of restoring
him!" " The king," it adds, " was forced to seem well con
tented ; he had good hopes of many officers, particularly
Carter, rear-admiral of the Blue, but endeavoured to have
matters so ordered as not to depend upon so dubious a foun
dation, especially the faint assurances of Admiral Russell
himself; for he knew that fear alone would make those mer
cenary souls his friends, and that nothing but the preparations
where he was could produce that effect."1
Thus we find the admiral depicted as treacherous enough
to betray the interests of King William, who had recently
raised him to the highest rank in his profession, and so
faithful to " King" James as to " be resolved to fire upon
him," if he should encounter him in battle ; so disinterested,
as to refuse even to listen to the proposal of any personal
advantage, in the event of a change ; yet so " mercenary," as
to be attached only by fear ; so much of a malcontent, as
strenuously to labour for an exile who had proved the tyrant
of his country, and the murderer of " a man whom he had
ever passionately loved;" and yet so good a patriot, as to
stipulate for the best possible guarantees to the people's liber
ties. Such are the inconsistencies involved in this representa
tion. As the only means of reconciling them with his cherished
wishes, James is driven to the surmise that the whole of
Russell's conduct " seemed rather a contrivance to raise his
T Stuart Papers, vol. ii. pp. 489-91.

314 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1691. fortune, which way soever the balance might incline," — a
deduction, however, as little -warranted by subsequent events,
as irreconcilable with his repudiation of the very mention of
reward for his pretended services.
" But," says Dalrymple, " in testimony of his sincerity in
the proposal" he had made to James of going out of the way
with the English fleet, " he applied in England for leave to
make a descent at St. Malo's."1 His " faint assurances," as
James justly terms them, undoubtedly required the aid of
such a proposal to give the admiral any credit with the man
upon whom he had resolved "to fire." The feint answered
its purpose ; and, with the well-contrived absence of Russell's
signature to the address of fidelity signed by all the other
officers of the fleet,2 furnished him with sufficient reputation
at the court of St. Germains to enable him to continue for
some years longer the delusion he had practised on it.
So much for " the leather and prunella." The real dis
positions of Admiral Russell are clearly evinced in the
emergency that immediately followed the subscription of this
address of the fleet. He had his own causes of complaint
against King William, for his neglect of some of his relatives
who had made considerable sacrifices to the new order of
things, and for whom he had been a fruitless suitor ; these
he stated, not to the king's enemies, but frankly to the king
himself, in a letter written to him on the 10th of May, a few
days before he left the channel, in anticipation that " the
accidents of war might possibly put it out of his power of
having the honour to see his majesty again."3 Having
" troubled him with his afflictions," he stated, " that he
should be at ease ; and assured him, that whatever might be
1 Dal. vol. i. p. 498. 2 May 15th, 1692.
3 Admiral Russell to the King. Dal. App. pp. 277-9.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 315
the monarch's pleasure, or the condition of, himself or family, A.D. 1692.
the king should ever find him, with all faith and duty, his
obedient subject."1
Nine days after came the battle of La Hogue. Admiral
Russell's bearing in it was in every respect conformable with
the heroism of a patriot, and the honour of a British officer.
The hostile navies and commanders met. In the fate of the
English fleet was involved that of the whole English nation.
Russell felt it, and flung out the bloody flag. The two
admirals singled out each other in the conflict ; and Fortune,
as though to disprove every after calumny against the fidelity
of Russell, destined that the fiercest fury of the fight should
be concentrated around his deck. Into the particulars of
this celebrated action it is unnecessary to enter. The struggle
for mastery between the two admirals' ships lasted an hour
and a half, when that of Tourville was towed off in tattered
disarray. As soon as the thick fog which succeeded had cleared
off, Russell made a signal to chase the enemy from all quar
ters. The pursuit was continued the next day, till he had
driven aground the relics of the hostile fleet. His. fireships
being unable to come within their reach, he sent out his
shallops, which, in spite of the batteries on the shore, suc
ceeded in burning all the men-of-war that had run upon
the shoals.
Seventeen of the French vessels destroyed, his country
saved, and the ancient honours of its navy amply vindicated,
were some of the fruits of this memorable victory. The
writer has stood beside the little Norman church of Querque-
ville,2 on the self-same spot which James selected to view the
issue of the battle ; and, as he looked over the green waters
1 Admiral Russell to the King. Dal. App. pp. 277-9.
2 See the Vignette at the end of the chapter.

316 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1692. that dashed around the isles of Marcou, near which the
destiny of the three kingdoms was determined, felt all the
exultation of an Englishman at the deathblow which was
then dealt to the conjoined energies of bigotry, tyranny, and
superstition. James himself, though so fatally interested in
that day's decision, could not suppress his admiration when
he saw how boldly the English seamen climbed from their
little shallops the high sides of the French vessels. " Voila!"
he exclaimed, with a tone which created at once offence and
respect in the minds of those whom he addressed, — " Voila
mes Anglois, comme Us se battent bien ! " But it was with
slow steps, and all that melancholy of mien for which his
family was distinguished, that he retired from that rustic
churchyard to bury in the convent of La Trappe the memory
of his vanished greatness. " All his attempts, and those of
his family afterwards, to recover the throne of their ancestors,
were either disappointed by the insincerity of French friend
ship, or were the mere efforts of despair."1
Notwithstanding, however, the merit and renown which
Russell thus acquired, he did not escape the rancour of the
times,2 it being fancied that if the blow had been followed up
with greater vigour, the advantages might have been carried
farther; but this idea, upon very reasonable grounds, is shewn
by Ralph3 to be erroneous; and the admiral is known to have
been greatly chagrined by the confused, and the controlling
orders which he received after the battle. King William was
so satisfied with his whole conduct in the affair, that he sent
him a present of 10,000Z. Gratitude for such a mark of
favour, even supposing, for the sake of argument, that his
attachment had been somewhat warped, must have effectually
reconciled a man so " mercenary" as James is pleased to
1 Dalrymple, vol. i. p. 509. a 3 Ralph, vol. ii. p. 358.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 317
represent him. He had succeeded to the height of his ambi- A.D. 1692.
tion in that " raising of his fortune" which was considered as
his impelling motive in listening to that prince's overtures ;
and he had proved that his former spirited threat was no
unmeaning menace. What, therefore, but the blindest cre
dulity could have induced the unhappy prince again to lay
his lures before him 1 Yet so it was. " Mr. Lloyd," say the
Stuart Papers, " by the king's directions, writ to Admiral
Russell,1 to see whether after this victory at sea (though but
a scurvy proof of his sincerity), he pretended (at least) to
continue in the same mind : he was ordered to tell him that
the king was contented to grant a general pardon ; that in
case it appeared by his answer he persevered in the same
professions of duty to the king, and desire of his return, he
should be commissioned to assure all his friends that the king
would in a new Declaration do it effectually. He put him in
mind of his having said, It would be no worse for the king
that the French should be beaten; and that being so, he
therefore had it now, he said, in his power to be another
General Monk, in restoring not only the prince to his throne,
but the people to plenty and a secure possession of their
own." Russell flattered his hopes whilst he evaded his re
quisition. " He replied," says the same authority, that " he
was still of the same mind ; and that if any way could be
shewn him to appear in the king's favour without reproach,
he would readily embrace it ; but upon condition, that such
a restriction were put upon the regal power as to prevent for
the future any undue practices, or the like steps as had been
formerly made."2 To this it was replied, that care should
be taken to give him and all the kingdom full satisfaction
and security ; and the admiral was invited " to send his
1 " Inserted afterwards."— Editor. ' Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 499.

318 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1693. thoughts of the whole, which he accordingly promised, when
a good occasion could be had of transmitting so long a letter
as that would require."1 Farther mysticism was rendered
unnecessary on the admiral's part, by his removal in the fol
lowing year from the fleet to the household, of which he was
made treasurer, the command of the navy being again, through
the intrigues of party, put into commission.2 The Commons,
however, did not permit him to retire without passing the
unanimous vote, that in his conduct of the fleet, throughout
the summer's service, he had behaved with conduct, courage,
and fidelity.3 James, trusting in the admiral's late answer,
assured him by message through a letter to the old Countess
of Shrewsbury, that, upon his own part, he was ready to
perform what he had promised ; and soon after transmitted
accordingly his new Declaration, the only fruit of which was
" blame from his friends, contempt from his enemies, and
repentance in himself."4 He wished Russell, notwithstand
ing, to endeavour again to obtain the conduct of the fleet ;
and fortune so far favoured his desires, that the admiral was
again placed in a condition, if he had been so much of an ill-
wisher to his country, to do the prince a service; for William,
on his return from Flanders, finding that his naval affairs
had prospered but indifferently in other hands, spontaneously
recalled him to his former station. The farther progress of
the prince's scheme, if progress that could be called wherein
the expected agent was resolved to remain stationary, is thus
resumed. " The king (James) saw that he had outshot him
self in more ways than one in this Declaration : however, he
thought it is his duty not to neglect the least glimmering of
1 Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 500. 2 Ralph, vol. ii. p. 414.
3 Ralph, vol. ii. p. 399. * Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 511.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 319
hopes, and, hearing that Admiral Russell was restored to the A.D. 1694.
command of the fleet, resolved to try him once more ; so
sent Mr. Lloyd privately from St. Germains, about the middle
of March, to see whether, now that he was in the same
power, he continued in the same mind, in relation to his ser
vice ; and whether he was willing to go out of the way with
the English fleet, and by that means give his majesty an
opportunity of landing, as he had formerly proposed. The
admiral gave him several meetings, pretended to have the
same good will for the king, but refused that method now,
and said, ' he was resolved to do the thing himself.' This
was so wide a promise, that Mr. Lloyd pressed him to know
what method he proposed of doing it; he answered, ' he
could not tell, but vowed, clapping his hand upon his breast,
he would do all he could.' Mr. Lloyd, still dissatisfied,
urged him to propose some scheme or means of bringing it
about; upon which he asked Mr. Lloyd, what he would do,
were he in his case, and had the command of the fleet ? He
answered, that the most reasonable project he could propose,
was to make as many captains as he could during the summer,
and towards the end of it get those ships sent out for convoy
which he perceived were least inclinable to serve his purpose,
reserving for the winter squadron such as were commanded
by his creatures; that the fleet's appearing on the French
coast during the summer, would naturally draw troops to the
sea-side, which might be designed for the expedition, though
under pretence of preventing a descent, and then, as soon as
the English fleet was laid up and the convoys gone, might
prepare to embark, the first rumour of which would certainly
occasion the winter's squadron being sent 'out, and that being
gained before by the admiral, he might declare for the king,
and so the project could not fail. Mr. Russell could make no

320 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1694. objection to this ; however he would not engage to do it. All
he promised was in general terms, to do all he could, which
he confirmed by an oath, and that was the utmost Mr. Lloyd
could bring him to."1
Any serious comment upon these repeated " faint assur
ances" would be a waste of words. But by engaging in this
intercourse, Admiral Russell had wrought as much service
to King William as the victory of La Hogue ; for, as he had
probably foreseen, the new Declaration into which he had
cajoled James, " instead of reconciling the Protestants at
home, alienated Catholic princes abroad ;"2 and Prince Vau-
demont, a great favourite of William, not only made a
dexterous use of it to deepen the ill impressions of the court
of Vienna, but in his subsequent embassy to Rome to con
vince the Pope " how little religion suffered in England by
the king's being out of it, or would gain by his restoration ;
he having by this Declaration foreclosed himself from endea
vouring the least thing in its favour."3 " Nay," says the
annalist of James, with great simplicity, " even some of those
very men who had solicited the king, were the first that
despised him for it. My Lord Danby said, ' he could not
see what he and others had done since the last declaration, to
merit so much favour, who were so ill treated before ;' and
in that truly he was in the right, as well as most of the rest ;
nor was this all the mischief that sprung from this root ; it
created misunderstandings in the king's family at home, as
well as lessened his credit abroad."
The absolute disinclination, indeed, of Russell to take one
actual step in James's favour, is yet less equivocally evinced
by the admission of the Duke of Marlborough. With Marl
borough, Russell had lived in so much intimacy, that when
1 Stuart Papers, vol. ii. pp. 517-8. 2 lb. p. 511. 3 lb. p. 511.

K. William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 321
the latter was removed from the fleet, it was long supposed A.D. 1691.
that it was caused by the king's anger, from the admiral's
pertinacious desire to know the grounds of the duke's disgrace,
and his great resentment of it. Now, however, in 1694,
when the expedition of General Talmash was planned against
the shipping and arsenal of Brest, we find Churchill secretly
writing to James : " Russell sails to-morrow with 40 ships,
the rest being not yet paid ; but it is said, that in ten days
the rest of the fleet will follow; and at the same time the
land forces. I have endeavoured to learn this some time ao-o o
from Admiral Russell ; but he always denied it to me, though
I am very sure that he knew the design for more than six
weeks. This gives me a bad sign of this man's intentions."1
James now seems to have been pretty well convinced of
Russell's real drift in having entered into correspondence
with him ; for his amanuensis or annalist, speaking of the
mistrust excited by this report of Churchill, very remarkably
declares, — and it may form an appropriate finale to this
explicit enumeration of all the passages in the Stuart papers
that form the grounds of unfavourable implication against
the admiral, — that "Admiral Russell, in all probability,
DID BUT DELUDE THE KlNG BY THE PRINCE OP OrANGe's
permission!"2 1 Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 523.
5 With this opinion staring Mr. Locker in the face, what are we to think of
his candour orsense of justice,in endeavouring to sully Lord Orford's reputation,
by treating such questionable statements as though they were undisputed facts,
making up by gratuitous construction and insinuation for the want of sufficient
evidence to prove his point ; and yet, with amusing inconsistency, proffering
the affectation of this extenuating sentiment, that, " as in the moral, so in the
political world, many excuses may be offered for one whose heart still clings
to the first object of his attachment V'3
It is difficult also to conceive why Mr. Hallam, who aspires to so much

3 Edward Hawke Locker : Gallery of Greenwich Hospital, Part II.
VOL. 11. Y

322 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1696. But it is further to be noted, that on the discovery of Sir
John Fenwick's plot, in 1696, for assassinating William, when
that individual, thinking either to save his life, or to do
mischief to those whom he thought treacherous to his king1
(James), accused, amongst others, Russell and Godolphin,
of having maintained a treasonable correspondence with
St. Germains,— King William, as a proof both of his con
fidence and favour, appointed Russell himself to lay before
parliament all the papers necessary for Sir John's impeach
ment. The open discredit which William thereby flung upon
the implication of his ministers, is pronounced by Locker, an
affectation — a mere stroke of policy. But what say the
Stuart Papers? " The naming of my Lord Godolphin, Ad
miral Russell, and several others, instead of appeasing, height
ened the Prince of Orange's rage against him; for their
reputation was too well established in the government to be
suspected of infidelity to it ; and the Prince of Orange looking
never the worse upon my Lord Godolphin and Admiral
Russell, was an argument he had been no stranger to
their practices!"2 But even, for the sake of argument,
impartiality, should have done Admiral Russell the injustice of entirely
overlooking these and similar important admissions. Amongst other dicta
equally unfounded and severe, he states, that " Russell, though compelled
to win the battle of La Hogue against his will, took care to render his
splendid victory as little advantageous as possible !" This is a mere reflected
sentiment from the faction of those times, which has been sufficiently refuted
by Ralph. » Stuart Papers, vol. ii. p. 557.
2 lb. p. 558. " Macpherson and Dalrymple's invidious scandals," says
Horace Walpole to Dr. Robertson, " serve but to heighten the amazing
greatness of the king's (William's) genius. Nothing is so silly as to suppose
that the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Godolphin ever meant seriously to
restore King James. Both had offended him too much to expect forgiveness,
especially from so remorseless a nature. The precise truth I take to have been
this. They both knew the meanness and credulity of James's character. They
knew that he must be ever dealing for partisans ; and they might be sure,
that if he could hope for support from the general and the lord treasurer, he
must be less solicitous for more impotent supporters. Is it impossible that

K.William III. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE.
allowing the disputant his point, that William did really but A.D. 1696,
affect the belief of Russell's fidelity, what shall be said of his
after-conduct? It must yet be urged, that, however dis
posed princes may sometimes be to wink at the treasonable
practices of their ministers, they are not in the habit of
rewarding them for such lapses. Shortly after Fenwick's
execution, Russell was raised to the peerage by the titles of
Baron Russell of Shengay, Viscount Barfleur, and Earl of
Orford. And what was the conduct of this " mercenary"
man on the occasion? He manifested a modest reluctance
to accept the honour. " I believe so far," says Lady Russell
to Mr. Thornton,1 " what the town says, that Admiral
Russell did not seek title, or to be one of our justices; but
I do not like to say, ' it was crammed down his throat.'
Marks of good princes' favours should be received with some
easiness, though our natures do not incline to them ; and
where there is merit so notorious, they cannot be rejected if
well thought on." The honour was, without doubt, intended as
a recompense for his services, both as a confidential tactician
and as a naval champion. The amount of censure that ought
to be affixed to him for the guile he practised towards James,
we must leave to be settled by diplomatists and statesmen.
It will not want an excuse whilst diplomacy continues what
it is, nor until statesmen shall acquire that erect virtue and
simplicity of faith in the power and immutability of truth
which would enable them to act uniformly in the spirit of
they might correspond with the king, even by Anne's own consent? Do
not be surprised, sir; such things have happened. My own father often
received letters from the Pretender, which he always carried to George IL,
and had them indorsed by his majesty. I myself have seen them, counter
signed by the king's own hand." — Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 652. The
same remarks may be applied with equal force to Admiral Russell as to
these statesmen.
1 Bedford Papers.

324 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1701. the excellent adage, that " honesty is the best policy," both
in politics and ethics.
Whilst Talmash was employed in the fruitless enterprise
on Brest, Russell was sent out with a fleet to the Mediter
ranean, in the summer of 1694, to support the court of Spain,
Catalonia being invaded by the French, and threatened by the
fleet of De Tourville ; but with the first news that his anta
gonist had passed the Straits, the French admiral retired to
Toulon ; and Russell, wintering his fleet at Cadiz, effectually
freed the Spanish trade from the injury it was daily sustaining
by the Corsairs of Algiers.1 From 1689 to 1693 he had held
the office of treasurer of the navy, as well as that of president
of the board of admiralty ; but he retired from these employ
ments in 1699, when the Earl of Shrewsbury resigned the
secretaryship. A prevalent belief that in his mode of doing
this, Russell had given great personal offence to William, may
have encouraged his enemies to bring forward that impeach
ment which he immediately afterwards sustained, for alleged
malpractices whilst in the Mediterranean. It continued sus
pended over him till 1701, when the Lords brought it to a trial.
The Earl of Orford, within four days, put in his spirited de
fence, justified himself in every particular, and, although his
accounts had been already passed, willingly submitted them to
a fresh examination. After this had been fully entered into,
" there was not," says Burnet, " so much as a colour to fix a
complaint upon him," and he was unanimously acquitted.
Such, however, had been the outcry raised against him
throughout the nation, in the rage of party heats that pre
vailed during the discussion of the charges, that he did not
1 He is stated to have invited the Dey to send some of his Corsairs to look
at his fleet; which being done, they went home again very well satisfied.
The admiral's coming was so acceptable to Spain, that the king is said to
have sent him a jewel valued at 80,000 crowns.— Ralph, vol. ii. p. 506.

Q.Anne. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 325,
resume any public employment until the eighth year of Queen A.D. 1709.
Anne, when he was invited to succeed the Earl of Pembroke
as lord high admiral. Being probably, however, unwilling
to become again a target for the shafts of faction, he declined
the station ; and the office being put into commission, he was
nominated first commissioner of the new board, November 8,
1709. On the memorable dismissal of his Whig friends from
office in 1710, the Earl of Orford threw up his employment ;
but, on Queen Anne's death, in 1714, he was named one of
the lords justices for the charge of public affairs; on the
arrival of King George I. in England was summoned to the
privy-council, and on the 13th of October following, resumed
his seat at the admiralty board, which he held until his final
retirement from all public affairs on the 16th of April, 1717.
He survived this wise retirement ten years, until the 26th of
November, 1727, when he expired, without issue, at his house
in Covent Garden, in the 75th year of his age.
The principal faults alleged against Edward, Earl of
Orford, and these, upon the authority of Burnet, who may
be supposed to have been thoroughly acquainted with him,
were, a too great share of passion, indolence, and love of
pleasure. Amongst the Birch papers in the British Museum,
we find the following comments on his public character, by
an anonymous contemporary.1
" His affection for the service of his country, and his zeal
to annoy its enemies, were remarkable. When he was in
employment, the merchants were easy and secure ; but when
his rivals succeeded, great was their terror and distress. This
was doing great and due honour to his merit, and such an
opinion was truly valuable. Faction and folly had not then
corrupted this valuable part of the nation, and caused it to
deviate into popular clamour and absurdities.
' Birch MSS. No. 4223, Art. 112.

326 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1709. " His employments had not allowed him leisure for study;
but he discovered a fund of good sense and judgment on all
proper occasions. He never treated his prince with the arts
of flattery — no, not by silence and submission, when wrong
measures were pursued. For when the king, by (party)
management had been prevailed on to dismiss his friends,
and to favour and trust his enemies, and softened the thing
to this lord by declaring he would turn out no more, the reply
was, ' Your majesty has none remaining in your service.'
" His impeachment was as great a dishonour to public
justice and truth, as any of the instances of popular madness
and iniquity in Athens or Rome. The only victory we ever
(in these times) gained over the French at sea, was under
his conduct. He immediately endured private censures and
reproaches in the one House for not making it so complete and
improving it as he might have done ; some years after, this
was made an article of accusation in the other House. From
the complexion of his accusers, we may conclude his real
fault with them was his having done too much. I enter not
into many imaginary circumstances, which have been sup
posed by those who were ignorant of the true and real.
" Such ingratitude to God and man has had its reward :
in above fifty-three years which have since passed, all our
sea- combats with France have been mean and inglorious.
We have wanted powder or ball, hearts or heads, or both.
All has ended in their escaping from us, or we from them.1
His prudence and care in victualling the ships in the Medi
terranean deserved returns very different from groundless
clamours and accusations. Great savings and advantages
were procured to the nation by his management. Bravery
and success, frugality and diligence, were transformed into
crimes by those who had infatuated the nation, and perverted
1 " Aug. 27, 1745. May better events happen before the publication !"

Q. Anne. WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE. 327
all the dictates of truth and reason. After age and infirmi- A.D. 1709.
ties had obliged him to decline public employments, great
regard was paid to his judgment. He attained to a good
old age, after a life spent with great honour and usefulness,
proving an ornament to that opulent and noble family which
since the Reformation had produced so many affectionate and
consistent friends of civil and religious liberty."
Of Wriothesley, Duke of Bedford, but few more particu
lars remain to be communicated. To floriculture, as well as
landscape-gardening and agriculture, he appears to have been
much devoted ; in one of his letters to Sir Hans Sloane, in
1709, he seeks to tempt that philosophic virtuoso and amiable
man to Woburn, by stating that he was about receiving " a
great number of rarities, and particularly a large collection
of ranunculi from Candia, such a one as he believes was
never before seen in England." In these pursuits, which
Lord Bacon terms " the purest of human pleasures," and in
collecting and perusing the rare and valuable books which
he was constantly adding to his library, his tranquil years
passed on. Yet, although passionately fond of his retire
ment in the country, he was not inattentive to his public
duties. Whilst naturally attached to the great principles
for which his father had laid down his life, he took a part
of much moderation in the high disputes that agitated the
reign and the parliaments of Queen Anne. He had been
so far disposed to support what were considered the interests
of the Church of England, as to vote in 1703 for the bill
against occasional conformity ; but in 1710, when he saw
the passion of the time for absolute intolerance and bigotry,
he was anxious to record his adherence to the great cause
of civil and religious liberty, and in the memorable trial of
Sacheverel, gave his vote against that fiery zealot. In 1711,

328 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI
A.D. 1711. when the conduct of Lord Tyrawley and the Earl of Galway
in the war with Spain, was, in the like heat of party, brought
under the cognizance of parliament, he signed four of the
protests that were designed to vindicate those deserving offi
cers from reproach. The resolutions adopted against them
were not justified by the facts adduced ; and Somerville
farther observes, that Lord Galway 's services, which had
often been signally meritorious, ought to have protected him
from the severe censures with which he was now loaded,
though his errors or misconduct had been established by
more impartial and satisfactory evidence than was produced
upon this occasion.1 The fact is, that the Whig ministry had
just been displaced; the earl was known to be wholly attached
to their interest; and the vote of censure was accordingly
pressed by the Tories with the keener energy, as the late
administration would necessarily share in the opprobrium.
The debates on which these several protests were founded,
occurred from the 9th to the 11th of January, 1711; on
the 26th of the ensuing May, the Duke of Bedford was no
more. In the full enjoyment of health and vigour, he was
seized with the small-pox, at this time " a plague, deserving
that appellation almost as much as the disease to which it
has been appropriated." Neither inoculation nor vaccination
was in that day known to the physicians. The duke caught
the infection naturally. As soon as the disorder had de
clared itself, his wife and children were obliged to fly from
him : it baffled all the attempts used to soften or subdue
it ; and in the arms of his weeping and devoted mother
he sank quietly to rest. In the following pathetic letter
to Lord Galway, she breathes out at once her grief and
resignation. 1 Somerville's Queen Anne, 4to, p. 422.

Q. Anne.

WRIOTHESLEY, SECOND DUKE.

Lady Russell to the Earl of Galway.
June, 1711.
Alas ! my dear Lord Galway, my thoughts are yet all disorder, A.D. 1711.
confusion, and amazement ; and I think I am very incapable of
saying or doing what I should. I did not know the greatness of
my love to his person, till I could see it no more. When nature,
who will be mistress, has in some measure, with time, relieved her
self, then, and not till then, I trust the Goodness which hath no
bounds, and whose power is irresistible, will assist me by his grace
to rest contented with what his unerring providence has appointed
and permitted. And I shall feel ease in this contemplation, that
there was nothing uncomfortable in his death, but the losing him.
His God was, I verily believe, ever in his thoughts. Towards his
last hours, he called upon him, and complained he could not pray
his prayers. To what I answered, he said he wished for more time
to make up his accounts with God. Then, with remembrance to
his sisters, and telling me how good and kind his wife had been to
him, and that he should have been glad to have expressed himself
to her, said something to me and my double kindness to his wife,
and so died away. There seemed no reluctancy to leave this world,
patient and easy the whole time, and I believe knew his danger,
but, loath to grieve those by him, delayed what he might have said.
But why all this ? The decree is past. I do not ask your prayers ;
I know you offer them with sincerity to our Almighty God, for
Your afflicted kinswoman, R. Russell.

Elizabeth, Duchess of Bedford, survived her husband
thirteen years, dying June the 29th, 1724, aged forty- two.
Both were interred in the family vault at Chenies. They
had two sons and three daughters, of whom William and
Jane died infants. Lady Rachel, the eldest, was married
first to Scroop Egerton,1 Duke of Bridgewater, and secondly
to Sir Richard Lyttleton,2 K.B. brother to George, Lord
1 Arms; argent, a lion rampant gules, between 3 pheons sable.
2 Arms ; argent, a chevron between 3 escallop shells sable.

330

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XXI.

A.D.

LYTTLETON

1725.' Lyttleton, and died May 22, 1777; and the Lady Elizabeth,
in 1726, married William Capel,1 Earl of Essex. The eldest
surviving son was named Wriothesley; he succeeded to the
title when little more than three years of age. The second
son was John, born September 30, 1710.
There are three portraits of Wriothesley, second Duke of
Bedford, at Woburn ; the first as a child in his sixth year,
which has been engraved in mezzotinto ; the second, in early
manhood, with his duchess; and the third at a maturer period,
as a portrait in a large picture by Jervis of his widow and
family : the first two are painted by Sir Godfrey Kneller.
Of Elizabeth, Duchess of Bedford, there are four portraits
in the Woburn gallery. The first by Claustermans, as a child
of ten years old, in company with her mother ; the second by
Kneller, with her husband; the third also by Kneller, in
womanhood ; and the fourth by Jervis, in her widow's dress,
accompanied by her four children.

WRIOTHESLEY, THIRD DUKE OF BEDFORD.

Wriothesley, third Duke of Bedford, was married at the
age of seventeen, April 22d, 1725, to the Lady Anne Egerton,2
only daughter of Scroop, Duke of Bridgewater, by Lady Eli
zabeth Churchill, his first wife, third daughter and coheir to
John, Duke of Marlborough. His minority terminated in
1729, in the January of which year his younger brother,
Lord John Russell, went upon his travels, in company with
his former tutor, Mr. Hetherington, and a Mr. Bernege.
The tastes, pursuits, and mental bias of the two brothers
were totally dissimilar. Whilst the younger, with a vigorous
1 Arms; gules, a lion rampant between 3 cross crosslets fitch^e or.
2 Arms ; argent, a lion rampant gules, between 3 pheons sable.

EGERTON.

V^

Q. Anne. WRIOTHESLEY, THIRD DUKE. 331
and active mind, sought perpetually to enlarge his circle of A.D. 1725.
acquirements, and by the study of his own and foreign govern
ments, to qualify himself for taking that station in society
which his rank, his fortune, and expanding talents, marked out
for his ambition, — the elder consigned himself to inglorious
indolence and ease, to the dolcefar niente of fashionable life,
or otherwise, to dissipate its gay monotony and furnish
a stimulus to its occasional satieties, flew to the dangerous
excitements of hazard — to the turf, and the billiard -table,
where happiness and wealth, as though they were but
worthless trifles, are made to depend upon the simple
chance or the magic of a moment. By degrees, that which
was perhaps at first closed in with as a mere escape from
ennui, was followed as a serious pursuit ; he grew interested
in the amusing occupation, and sent his mind afloat with a
more deep and earnest aim upon the giddy fluctuations of
ignoble play, until it was entirely absorbed by that pernicious
passion. He was fond of the fine arts, — the portrait-painter
Whood was domesticated in his mansion ; he could derive
pleasure and instruction from the pages of the poet and his
torian, which at one period formed the frequent resource and
solace of his leisure ; but, left somewhat too soon
" Lord of himself, that heritage of woe,"
with a heart too volatile, or with that careless flexibility of
disposition which takes a ready turn and tone from the
impulses of others, he learned, like an untrained falcon, to
stoop at meaner prey, and neglected those capacities for wise
and manly action with which he had been gifted. His weak
ness was soon noticed ; his foibles were flattered and com
mended ; and numbers crowded round him in the sunshine
of his fortune, to pay court and tribute to his fatal love of

332 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1731. hazard, and to profit, at the favourable moment, by his
credulity and folly. Many anecdotes have been related of
the deceptions practised upon his frank and unsuspicious
nature by the polished gamblers who thus found access to
his table ; and his name became a by-word in the walks of
fashion for his depth of play,1 and the graceful nonchalance
with which he gave new wings to his wealth. He was as
prodigal almost of his health as of his fortune ; and scarcely
ever going " beyond the walls of his own house, and denying
himself those rational pursuits and occupations out of doors,
which so essentially contribute to health of body and vigour
of mind, both became enervated"2 and shattered. The fol
lowing letter from his chaplain to his brother in Italy con
tains some notices, at this period, of his condition and pursuits.
Rev. C Tough to Lord John Russell.
Bedford House, March 6, 1730-1.
My Lord, — It is with a great deal of pleasure that I hear your
lordship designs to set out for England in a little time, where I
shall be extremely glad to see you well settled. His grace some
times talks of meeting you at Paris, but does not seem to be
resolved about it yet. He is somewhat better as to his health,
but, in my opinion, far from well. He has been very successful
this winter at play, and he pursues it with unwearied application.
I cannot but say I am always in expectation of some terrible blow ;
for he is now engaged where all the sharpers in town meet, and he
never suspects that he is cheated by any body. The duchess is
extremely well, and the duke as complaisant to her as possible, so
that she is mightily pleased with being at home ; and she behaves
herself in so agreeable a manner, that the whole country is pleased
with her to the last excess.
The Earl of Essex is appointed ambassador to the court of
Turin ; to which city he and all his family set out in about six
1 Walpole : Letters to Lord Hertford.
2 Catalogue of Enamel Portraits at Woburn Abbey, p. 54.

K. George II. WRIOTHESLEY, THIRD DUKE. 333
weeks. We are still quite in the dark as to war or peace, but A.D. 1732.
there have been very warm debates in both houses, and the Tories
have tried every stratagem to distress the ministry ; but the great
man still keeps his ground. I suppose you have heard that Lord
Hervey and Mr. Pulteney have fought a duel ; they were parted by
their seconds before any great mischief was done. Mr. Handel
has diverted the town exceedingly with his last opera, and Senesino
is in high reputation. Poor Whood has not been able to work this
month past, having hurt his hand by a sash-window that fell upon
it, which makes him a little melancholy. I am, with service to
Mr. Hetherington and Mr. Bernege, my lord, your lordship's most
obedient humble servant, Charles Tough.
During the summer of the same year more serious symp
toms of decline appeared; and he was urgently advised by
his physicians to try the milder air of Lisbon. He was visited
at this period by the Duchess of Marlborough, on her way
to Scarborough, who thus describes her reception, in one of
the numerous letters that exist from her to her favourite grand
daughter. Northampton, July 3, 1732.
My dear Lady Russell, — In my last letter I told you I would
write after I had been at Woburn, where I dined to-day. It is not
possible for any man to behave better than the Duke of Bedford
did in all respects. He spoke upon every subject that offered with
perfect good sense; was as civil as any body could be, without
being troublesome; and, in the most obliging manner, not pressing
any point too far, and yet shewing an inclination to have us stay
at Woburn : upon my word, his behaviour made him quite agree
able. If I had time and spirits, I could tell you1 a thousand pretty
things he said ; and there is nothing that is so amazing to me, as '
that a man who appears to have so much understanding, who
might have been so happy, and have made so great a figure,
should yet have made, in a few years, such a havoc of his con
stitution and of his estate. It is impossible to see him without
being touched with melancholy at the thought.
The family think he is worse than he was, and I think so

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1732. myself ; but his eyes were sprightly, and he would not own that
he was not well. Yet I observed, when we went into the gallery
to see the pictures, he sat down very often, which I conclude pro
ceeded from weakness. I made him as easy as I could in every
thing, for I find he cannot endure to be thought ill ; and therefore
I did not take any notice that I saw it, but contrived to sit down
often, as we talked over the pictures. Some think he will not be
able to go the voyage he designs ; but as he is young, and had
certainly a great constitution, no one can say how that will happen.
I went all over the rest of the house in a chair with short poles.
I am sure, if it were my house, I would never pull it down. I am
resolved to have no fret-work in my ceilings at Wimbledon, but
only very handsome cornices. The gallery has a great many pic
tures in it, which are valuable, as they belong to the family, and
are in antique dresses. There is one of a countess of Bedford, that
was quite charming — I mean her whom the father forbid his son
from marrying. I really fear, if I had been a man, I should have
disobeyed my father in such a case ; for she was both beautiful and
good. I am, dear Lady Russell, most tenderly yours,
S. Marlborough.1
The Duke of Bedford sailed for Portugal in September ;
but he did not live to reach Lisbon. Becoming worse upon
his passage, he was compelled to land at Corunna, where he
expired on the 23d of October. His remains were brought to
England, and deposited with those of his ancestors at Chenies.
Such was the brief career of the third Duke of Bedford. His
story furnishes a marked contrast to the acts of his prede
cessors. The deeds of gamesters are generally such as to
deserve no commemoration ; and it is well for them if pos
terity, sensible of all that might have been nobly accom
plished, under other auspices, by the great variety of ad
vantages and aids possessed, should be satisfied to visit
their "forfeiture of fair renown" with the doom of oblivion,
1 Bedford Papers.

K. George II. WRIOTHESLEY, THIRD DUKE. 335
rather than the bitter penalties of censure. The Duke of A.D. 1732.
Bedford left no offspring. His youthful widow married, for
her second husband, William, third Earl of Jersey,1 by whom
she had two sons, and died June 15th, 1762. villus.
Two portraits exist of Wriothesley, the third Duke of
Bedford; one representing him in a figured morning gown
whilst reading ; the other in the robes which he wore at the
coronation of George the First. Of Anne, his duchess, there
are two whole-lengths at Woburn Abbey — one in her corona
tion robes, as a companion of the preceding ; the other at a
later period of life, attended by a black domestic ; whilst
several of a smaller size, in different attitudes, attest the
industry of Isaac Whood, and the well-founded admiration
of her husband. Her portrait, after she became Countess of
Jersey, has also been engraved in mezzotinto.
It was during the lifetime of the third Duke of Bedford,
that Rachel, Lady Russell, refined and ripened for heaven
by the singular afflictions through which she had passed, but
which had never for a moment weakened her dependence
upon the all-wise Disposer of events, closed her chequered
life, dying at her house in Bloomsbury on the 29th of
September, 1723, at the advanced age of eighty-six. The
following sketch of her character, by the most eminent
female writer of her age in England, and the soundest judge
of what constitutes the real merit and perfection of human
character, is too valuable for a biographer to forego.
" What shall we say to Rachel, Lady Russell ? Many
daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all !
Such a combination of tenderness the most exquisite, mag
nanimity the most unaffected, and Christian piety the most
practical, have not often met in the same mind. Whether
1 Arms ; argent, on a cross gules five escallop shells or.

336 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXI.
A.D. 1732. we view her taking notes on the public trial of her noble
consort, concealing the tender anguish of the wife under the
assumed composure of the secretary; — whether we behold
her, after his condemnation, imploring a short reprieve for
her adored husband, while the iron-hearted king heard the
petition without emotion, and refused it without regret ; —
whether we behold her sublime composure at their final
separation, which drew from her dying lord the confession,.
'the bitterness of death is past;' — whether we behold her
heroic resolution, rather to see him die than to persuade him
by any dishonourable means to preserve his life;- — whether
we see her superiority to resentment afterwards towards the
promoters of his execution, — no expression of an unforgiving
spirit, no hard sentence escaping her, even against the
savage Jeffries, who pronounced his condemnation, adding
insult to cruelty ; no triumph when that infamous judge was
afterwards disgraced and imprisoned; — if we view her in
that more than temperate letter to the king a few days after
her dear lord's execution, declaring, that if she were capable
of consolation, it would only be that her lord's fame might
be preserved in the king's more favourable opinion, — had
long habits of voluptuousness left any sense of pity in this
corrupt king, it must have been touched at her humble
entreaty, that ' he would grant his pardon to a woman
amazed with grief — to the daughter of a man who had
served his father in his greatest extremities, and his majesty
in his greatest perils ;'— if we view this extraordinary suf
ferer under all these trials, while we admire the woman,
we must adore the divine grace which alone could sustain
her under them.
" After this imperfect sketch, may we not say, that for
an example of conjugal tenderness we need not go out of our

K. George II.

WRIOTHESLEY, THIRD DUKE.

337

own country for a perfect model? Portia swallowing fire A.D. 1732.
because she would not survive her Brutus ; the Pate, non
dolet! of the faithful Arria, as she stabbed herself, and then
presented the sword to her husband, to set him an example
of dying bravely; — these heroic instances of conjugal affection,
which have been the admiration of ages, are surpassed by
the conduct of Lady Russell. They died a voluntary death
rather than outlive their husbands : Christianity imposed
on her the severer duty of surviving her's — of living to suffer
calamities scarcely less trying, and to perform duties scarcely
less heroic."1
There are two portraits of Rachel, Lady Russell ; one a
miniature, by Cooper, representing her in her full bloom of
happiness and beauty, from which an enamel has been exe
cuted by Mr. Bone, and an engraving for the " Illustrious
Portraits:" the other a small full-length figure, dressed in
mourning, and leaning on her hand, with all the marks of
settled grief and melancholy on. her faded features.
1 Hannah More's Moral Sketches, pp. 75-80. London, Cadell, 1821.

Quei-queville Church, near La Hogve.

VOL. II.

338

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XXII.

CHAPTER XXII.

FROM THE DECLINE OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE'S MINISTRY TO THE
TREATY OF MADRID.
A.D. 1732 — 1750.

Opposition to Sir Robert Walpole's administration . . . Part taken by the
Duke of Bedford, 1 734-41 . . . Retirement of Walpole . . . Ascendency of
Lord Carteret, 1742... Duke of Bedford opposes the introduction of
Hanoverian troops, Feb. 1743... and the act upon attainders, April,
1744 . . . War declared with France . . . Broad-bottom administration . . .
Duke of Bedford sworn of the privy council, and placed at the head of
the Admiralty, Nov. 27, 1744 . . . Reduction of Cape Breton, April,
1 745 . . . Naval successes, and state of the marine under his presi
dency ... is made secretary of state for the northern department, Feb. 19,
1748 . . . His influence with Lord Sandwich . . . Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle,
Oct. 18, 1748 ... He directs the negotiations at Madrid . . .his remon
strances against the right of search, and commercial code of Spain . . .
Difficulties of the arrangement, 1750 . . .his contre-projet for concluding
the differences, August . . . Attempts to push his advantages . . . His
satisfaction at the conclusion of the treaty, Oct. 5 . . . Pacific temper of
the Spanish court.
By the decease of his brother Wriothesley, Lord John Russell
succeeded to the estates of his ancestors, and became fourth
Duke of Bedford, being then twenty-two years of age. He
had married, in October, 1731, Lady Diana Spencer,1 with
whom Frederick, Prince of Wales, wished to ally himself,
but was prevented by the management of Walpole.2 She was
the youngest daughter of Charles, Earl of Sunderland, by
Lady Anne Churchill, daughter to the great Duke of Marl-
> Arms; quarterly argent and gules, in the second and third a fret or;
over all a bend sable, charged with 3 escallops of the first.
2 Nichols's Recol. of the Reign of George III., p. 371.

K. George II.

JOHN, FOURTH DUKE.

339

borough. By this lady he had an infant son named Francis, A.D.
which died on the day it was born, Nov. 6th, 1732 — a mis
fortune bitterly enhanced in 1735 by the loss of its mother,
on the 27th of September. In April, 1737, he entered a
second time into marriage, with Gertrude, eldest daughter
of John, first Earl Gower,1 by his first wife, Lady Evelyn,
daughter of Evelyn Pierrepont, Duke of Kingston. These
nuptials were more auspicious ; for, on the 26th of September,
1739, their son Francis, Marquess of Tavistock, was born,
and this event was followed by the birth of a daughter named
Caroline, in January, 1742-3. A second son was also born
to them in 1745 ; but he perished in his early infancy.
At the time when the duke assumed his title, Sir Robert
Walpole had been long the potent head of a Whig ministry,
controlling abroad, with a vigorous hand, the conspiracies
devised by the partisans of the Pretender; and establish
ing at home a more perfect management of the machine
of government than had ever been accomplished by any
previous minister. But the grossness of the means to which
he had resorted for this purpose, and his monopoly of the
power to which he attained, already excited hatred, repre
hension, and alarm ; and an opposition, formidable from its
various commingling elements, and the ability with which
they were wielded in parliamentary warfare, was concen
trated against him. Three very distinct parties entered into
this confederacy; each commanded by leaders of consum
mate talent, who were followed with a greater or less share
of popular applause. These were, the real Jacobites, disaf
fected to the House of Hanover, hut not disposed to hazard
much for its subversion ; the Tories, faithful to the reigning

1732.

1 Arms; quarterly, 1 and 4, barry of eight, urgent and gules, over all a
cross flory sable, for Gower; 2 and 3 azure, 3 laurel leaves slipt or, for
Leveson.

340 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1734. family, but angry at their absolute exclusion from all office ;
and lastly, that segment of the Whig body, which either
shared in the dissatisfaction caused by the neglect of their
pretensions for employment, or, being animated with the
more genuine principles of their party, disapproved of the
minister's practices in sapping the private virtue that stood
in the way of any of his projects. These were ranged
beneath the brilliant banners of Pulteney and Carteret ;
those beneath the uncompromising sway of Shippen, in the
Commons, and the celebrated Lord Bolingbroke, in the
House of Lords. As the misunderstanding between the Prince
of Wales and his father ripened to an open rupture, a fourth
party sprang up, who attached themselves more pecu
liarly to the service of the prince, but gave their influence to
the other parties till the power of the great minister should be
broken up, and a space be cleared for the exercise of their
ambition. Of these, Lord Cobham came to be considered
chief; and under his guidance or direction, Pitt, Lyttleton,
and a multitude of other geniuses who afterwards shone or
thundered in the senate, spontaneously clustered. Pulteney
was the soul and spirit of the whole combined array ; by his
wit, by his eloquence, by his impassioned declamations for
the reformation of abuses, numbers of the young and the
aspiring were attracted to his phalanx ; and of this class of
maiden politicians, the Duke of Bedford was not long in
indicating the side which it was his intention to espouse.
In the session of 1734, on a debate relative to the election
of the Scottish peers, apprehending the greatest danger to
their liberties, if the sixteen members should be brought
into every new parliament at the mere nomination of the
minister,1 he moved, after an animated speech, that the
engaging any peer by threats or crown gratuities to vote for
1 Pari. Hist. vol. ix. p. 487.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 341
a representative of the Scottish peerage, should be pronounced A.D. 1741.
a high insult on the justice of the crown, an encroachment on
the freedom of elections, and an injury inflicted on the honour
of the peerage.1 In the following session, the first of a new
parliament, he followed up the motion, by presenting and
supporting that petition of the six Scotch peers which com
plained of the illegality of the late return, in consequence of
the venal influence that had been exercised, — a course which
led to several warm discussions, and being directly levelled
at the Earl of Hay, the chief director of Scotch affairs,
engaged, in a high degree, the interest of the day.2 In the
session of 1739, which opened after the ministry had settled
a convention with Spain, whose depredations had agitated
to a degree of frenzy the passions of the nation, he com
mented with great spirit, in a reply to the Duke of New
castle, on the address proposed to be returned in answer to
the royal message ;3 and seconded the attack by afterwards
presenting and enlarging on the petition of the London mer
chants against the convention, and the insults of the Spanish
nation.* The small majority for the address in the House of
Commons — the accession of the Duke of Argyll to the ranks
of opposition- — the declaration of war with Spain — and the
violent altercations in the cabinet by which it was preceded,
were so many formidable blows dealt at the power of the
minister, and significant marks of its decline. Resenting, in
the November session, some expressions introduced into the
royal speech, on "animosities industriously fomented through
out the kingdom," the Duke of Bedford declared that he knew
of no animosity amongst the people, but a very general one
1 Pari. Hist. vol. ix. p. 487. 2 The subject was disputed inch by
inch ; the duke and the rest of the minority recording their sentiments in
three distinct protests. — lb. p. 776, 793, 796.
' Pari. Hist. vol. x. p. 896. * lb. p. 1039.

342 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1742. against Spain, and against the tameness with which the
ministers had long borne the insults of that nation.1 In 1741
a grand attack was made in both houses, by motions, for the
removal of Walpole. That in the Lords was opened by Lord
Carteret, and sustained by the Duke of Argyll in strains of
fervid declamation. The Bishop of Salisbury urging that
no one should be condemned unheard, nor punished uncon-
demned, the Duke of Bedford rose and ably combated his
argument. Neither condemnation nor punishment was, he
said, involved in the motion : its only tenour was to remove
from power a minister who had no other, claim to it than
the will of his master, and who, as he would not have been
injured had he never obtained it, could not justly complain
if it were taken from him.2
On the 28th of January, 1742, the opposition at length
triumphed, and Walpole was left in a minority. On the 9th
of February he was created Earl of Orford; on the 11th he
resigned his power. But he managed in the meanwhile to
ravish Pulteney of half the fruits of his great victory ; and
whilst Lord Carteret was admitted secretary of state, Lord
Wilmington, his own adherent, was silently allowed to slide
into the vacated seat of the first commissioner of the treasury.
From the moment, indeed, when the downfal of this
great, though too unscrupulous minister, seemed certain, the
charm which knit together the heads of the confederacy
against him was virtually unbound ; and it needed but some
of those arts in which Walpole was so great an adept, to
effect its dissolution. Under his secret guidance the touch
stone was applied. In accepting a peerage from the court,
whilst he permitted his most eminent associates to pass
unrepaid or unconsulted, Pulteney was robbed of all his
1 Pari. History, vol. xi. p. 33. 2 See his speech, ib. p. 1213.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 343
brilliant reputation. Regarded with dissatisfaction for not A.D. 1742.
improving his victory to better purpose, he had to encounter
either the secret alienation or the open reproaches of his late
colleagues. At the celebrated meeting, held at the Fountain
Tavern, February 11th, their smouldering jealousies broke
out ; and Walpole saw, with undissembled exultation, the
magic orator disenchanted of his power, and the sceptre
wrested from him by his enemies, shivered in their grasp.
Pulteney had flattered himself, that in refusing to take
office he had given a perfect proof of his disinterestedness.
In reply to a hope expressed by the Duke of Bedford, that
" obnoxious men might now be removed, good men put into
their room, and a change of measures brought about as well
as men,"1 he writes, "I agree that measures must be changed
as well as men, and I believe they will be so : abroad, they
manifestly are in every respect ; at home, it must be our own
faults if they are not mended. But, whatever turn affairs
may chance to take, I am confident I can justify my own
conduct to the world in a very few words. I will only ask
this single question : what do I get for myself, after labour
ing with indefatigable pains for twenty years ? nothing but
what I was offered at that time ! And • now I persisted in
refusing it, till I saw most of my friends provided for in
the manner they desired. I wish I could have made the
change more general ; but I know where to lay the blame
of that likeAvise, if it becomes necessary to repeat the truth.
Upon the whole, however, I am very sure it is right to make
the best of what has been done ; and all unite in supporting
the honour of our country, this family on the throne, and the
present constitution freed from corruption."2
1 Bedford Papers; Duke of Bedford to the Earl of Bath, July 15, 1742.
« Earl of Bath to the Duke of Bedford.

344 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1712. Although the Duke of Bedford, on various occasions, had
warmly inveighed against the late minister, there is no reason
for believing that he was, like Pulteney, influenced by any
personal or vindictive feeling. On Walpole's disgrace, he
exerted himself successfully in saving Mr. Legge from parti
cipating in his earlier patron's change of fortunes ; and it was
by his influence that this gentleman, when compelled to give
way at the treasury to Mr. Furnese, was made surveyor of
the forests. But neither this transaction, nor the duke's
political hostility to his father, escaped the eye of,Horace
Walpole, who revenged himself on Mr. Legge, for this aban
donment of his first leader,1 in a portrait somewhat too
severely charged ; and, although he was once on terms both
of personal and political intimacy at Bedford House, the
duke was henceforth doomed to bear, in common with every
one who had a hand in producing the late change, his portion
of that lively writer's asperity and sarcasm. The resentment
is honourable, no doubt, to his filial affection, but somewhat
fatal to the justice and impartiality of his opinions.
A very short time sufficed to shew the unstable basis on
which the new ministry was built. That portion of the
cabinet which had acted with Lord Orford, could not cor
dially co-operate with those who were recently introduced;
and their disunion increased with the Duke of Newcastle's
rising jealousy, as Lord Carteret obtained an ascendency in
the closet, by implicitly espousing the king's views in the
conduct of the war upon the continent. There the success
of the Austrians and the treaty of Breslaw had relieved the
king's anxiety on account of his German dominions ; and as
a means of reducing his Hanoverian troops abroad, he re
solved to take sixteen thousand of them into English pay.
1 Memoires of the Reign of George II.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 345
When the measure was introduced into parliament, it was A.D. 1743.
opposed by the Duke of Bedford, Feb. 1, 1743, in an able
speech, in which, after discussing the foreign question, he
placed the motives of his opposition to the project, on his
zeal for the House of Hanover, and his affection for the
king. " The safety, as well as the honour and prosperity
of a British monarch depending upon the affections of his
subjects, it was neither splendid levies," he observed, " nor
large revenues, nor standing armies, that could secure his
happiness or power, any longer than the people were con
vinced of his tenderness and regard, of his attention to their
complaints, and his zeal for their interest. If, therefore, it
should ever be generally believed that the king considered
this nation only as an appendage to his electoral dominions ;
that he promoted the interest of his former subjects at the
expense of those by whom he had been exalted to the throne ;
and that the commerce, the treasures, and the lives of the
British people were sacrificed to the safety or enlargement
of distant territories; what," he asked, " was to be anticipated,
but murmurs, disaffection, and distrust, and their natural con
sequences, insurrection and rebellion? — rebellion, of which
no man could foresee the event, and by which that man
might perhaps be placed upon the throne, whom the nation
had so wisely excluded and so solemnly abjured."1
These observations derived peculiar force from the secret
preparations which the court of France was at that moment
making, to seat the Pretender on the British throne ; and we
find the duke, after the dispersion of the fleet that bore
Charles Edward towards the southern coasts, following out
the same enlightened line of argument, in the debates upon
extending the penalties of high treason to the posterity of
1 Pari. Hist. vol. xii. p. 1091.

346 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1744. persons who should be convicted of corresponding with the
sons of the Pretender. This measure he opposed with equal
talent, energy, and perseverance; and the varied speeches
which he delivered in the course of the discussion, were
listened to with the more stirring interest, from the allusions
which he made to the melancholy history of his own house.
In his first speech he examined the origin and the existing
state of the laws of treason, with the principles that would
be compromised by their extension ; he justified the part
which his great ancestor had taken under an arbitrary
government ; the bold confederacy which had called the
House of Orange to the throne ; and warned his fellow peers
against introducing greater facilities for compliant judges to
lay prostrate the lives and properties of their descendants, if
corrupt and tyrannical times, like those of Charles the First
or James the Second, should again, by any chance, return and
call for another renovating revolution.1 In his subsequent
discussions2 he came nearer to the case that had induced the
proposition. Though not less zealous than other lords for
the security of the reigning family and the existing constitu
tions, he must yet oppose the clauses. In respect to his own
personal objections, " Your lordships cannot be surprised,"
he said, " that I am alarmed at the proposal of a law like
this ; I, whose family has suffered so lately the deprivation
of its rank and fortune by the tyranny of a court ; I, whose
grandfather was cut off by an unjust prosecution, and whose
father was condemned, for many years, to see himself deprived
of the rights of his birth, which were at length restored to
him by more equitable judges. It is surely reasonable, my
lords, that I should oppose the extension of penalties to the
descendants of offenders, who have scarce myself escaped the
1 Pari. Hist. vol. xiii. pp. 712-23. a lb. pp. 780, 793.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 347
blast of an attainder," But his objections rested upon far A.D. 1744.
wider considerations, which he eloquently and energetically
set forth in a second speech, the constitutional tenour and
political wisdom of the sentiments of which require no eulogy.1
At a subsequent stage of the debate, he started fresh demurs
lest the proposed changes should form an innovation of the
articles of the Union ;2 and, after they were carried, joined
with seventeen other peers in stamping the measure with the
strong disapprobation of his protest.3 Yet, in the September
of the following year, he gave an unquestionable proof of the
sincerity of his attachment to the reigning house, by being the
first nobleman who raised at his own cost a regiment of foot,
consisting of 1000 men, for defending his country, agitated at
that time with general alarm from the progress which the
young Chevalier was making in Scotland, and the overthrow
sustained by the king's forces under Sir John Cope. His
patriotic example was followed with alacrity, and helped
greatly to stimulate the public feeling to that open demon
stration of loyalty and union which soon extinguished the
partial rebellion, and put an end for ever to the hopes of
its promoters.* Towards the close of the year 1744, the internal discords
of the ministry tended to an open rupture. War had been
declared with France during the spring ;5 but the disastrous
results of the campaign had greatly increased Lord Carteret's
unpopularity, whilst the discountenance he had given to
' Pari. Hist. vol. xiii. pp. 793-7. 2 lb. p. 852. 3 lb. p. 857.
4 The Duke of Bedford's regiment was very serviceable in Staffordshire,
on the advance of the Pretender's forces towards Lichfield and Derby ; he
was himself prevented from joining it by a very severe illness : on his re
covery he hastened to Edinburgh, whither it had then been ordered to march ;
but meanwhile the decisive battle of Culloden had occurred, which rendered
its farther service, except in garrison, unnecessary. 5 March 20.

348 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. the reforms for which he had once so strenuously contended,
1744-5. had destroyed the confidence of his former friends in opposi
tion. The Pelhams meanwhile had gone on consolidating
their party ; and a formal remonstrance now against his
foreign measures brought the struggle to a crisis. Lord Car
teret, created Earl of Granville, finding himself fast sinking,
looked round for support to an union with the opposition;
but in this design he was anticipated by his rivals. A nego
tiation, opened by them through Lord Chesterfield, brought
the leaders of the various parties to a parley. Many of them
were for stipulating for a repeal of the Septennial act, and
other points for which they had contended in parliament;
but finding unanimity unattainable, they appointed the Duke
of Bedford, Lords Chesterfield, Gower, and Cobham ; Pitt,
Lyttleton, and Waller, Dodington, and Sir John Hinde
Cotton, to decide upon the requisite arrangements ; and these
were finally obliged to put to the vote the question of con
ditional or unconditional coalition. A majority deciding for
the latter, their adhesion to the Pelhams was sent in. Lord
Cobham was gained by a promise that the interests of Hanover
should be made subordinate to those of England ; the Prince
of Wales was conciliated by the assurance that his friends
should be suitably considered in the distribution of power ;
minor points were speedily arranged; and on the 24th of
November, the secretary's seals were transferred from Lord
Granville to the Earl of Harrington.1
Thus was formed the ministry, which, following the fami
liar terms then in usage to designate the comprehensive basis
upon which it was established, came to be known by the
name of the Broad-bottom administration.
In the new cast of offices, the Duke of Bedford was con-
1 Coxe's Memoirs of the Pelham Administration, vol. i. p. 188.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 349
stituted First Lord of the Admiralty, a post for which he was A.D.
1744-5.
thought well adapted, from the knowledge he had displayed
in several admirable speeches formerly delivered on trade1
and navigation ; 2 and by his influence the Earl of Sandwich
and Mr. Legge obtained seats at the same board. On the
duke's acceptance of the Admiralty, he was sworn of the
privy council, and was moreover made warden of the New
Forest on the 12th of February, 1745.
From the period of Walpole's resignation to the time
when the Duke of Bedford took the direction of the marine,
the annals of the British navy had been marked by little but
misfortune and disaster. To the failure of the vast enterprise
against the Spanish settlements in America, terminated by
the lonely conquest of Porto Bello, succeeded the unsuccessful
adventure on the coast of Caraccas. But these were thought
light disgraces in comparison with the grave mismanagement
of Matthews or Lestock, who allowed the combined enemy to
break up the blockade of Toulon in the face of a magnificent
fleet, " which ought to have entirely annihilated the naval
power of France and Spain."3 The duke had, therefore, on
his first entrance into office, to calm the national indignation
excited by this lapse of reputation, as well as by the decision
of the court-martial that was held upon it, which could only
be accomplished by some signal and successful blow at the
power of the French, and this at a time when the stability of
the British throne was formidably menaced by the enterprise
of the Pretender.
His first care was to issue immediate orders for every
man-of-war in the several ports to be fitted out for service ; *
and, in stationing out the naval force, to obviate the mistakes
1 See Pari. Hist. vol. xiii. p. 951. J lb. vol. xii. pp. 763 and 783.
3 Campbell's Admirals, vol. iv. p. 49. 4 lb. p. 54.

350 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. of previous years, whereby the squadrons of the enemy had
eluded notice, or the too unprotected commerce of the country
had been crippled by destructive seizures. Directions were
transmitted with the utmost secrecy and despatch to Commo
dore Warren at the Leeward Isles to quit that station for
Canso, in Nova Scotia, that he might be ready to co-operate
with an American armament preparing under Captain Pep-
perel to surprise Louisberg, and drive the French entirely
from Cape Breton. To secure, in his absence, the British
sugar colonies from any sudden attempt, whether on the
Leeward Isles from Martinique, or on Jamaica from His-
paniola, Vice-Admiral Townshend was ordered to the West
Indies with a squadron of eight ships detached from the
Mediterranean, which were replaced by others sent out under
rear- Admiral Medley. In the chops of the channel, at the
Downs, Spithead, Plymouth, and elsewhere, other vessels
were distributed, which, by perpetually stretching in and
out, kept the enemy on their own coast in a continual panic ;
other squadrons off Ushant or Kinsale maintaining watch, in
the meanwhile, for convoy of the British trade-ships up the
channel, or interception of the homeward-bound French
fleets. In the dock-yards he found great mismanagement;
indolence, favouritism, and profuseness; the commissioners,
in many cases, old, obstinate, and haughty — surrounded by
flatterers ; and, to the great discouragement of ingenuity,
nothing turned out but — able shipwrights and bad ships.1
Some of these he pensioned off, superseded others, and supplied
the vacant yards with men capable of introducing into naval
architecture those improvements, for the want of which the
enemy's ships, when given chase to, so frequently outstripped
1 Bedford Papers. Lord Sandwich to the Duke of Bedford.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 351
the British.1 Amongst the officers a calculating spirit had A.D.
crept in, which led them to base their expectations of promo
tion more upon mere length of service than the active assi
duity of merit; whence it had happened that the honour,
when it came, was regarded rather as a right than a reward ;
and if any apparent neglect was thrown on the pretensions of
the expectant, his parliamentary acquaintance or relatives
were summoned, to avert or to resent the fancied wrong2 — a
method which had proved but too often successful, to the
injury of the nation, and the great scandal of the British flag.
To this class of applicants he signified, that, without impro
perly overlooking length of service, the pretensions of all
whom he recommended for promotion should be actual merit,
not favour, nor prescriptive usage, — a constant assiduity of
service either at home or abroad, and a readiness to undertake
any enterprise that might be thought proper for them, with
out respect to either time or place, during the continuance of
that, or any future war.3 Hitherto the younger officers had
been daunted by the numerous array of seniors along whom, in
far remote perspective, they glanced at naval honours. But
when these intentions were promulgated, it gave briskness to
their hopes, emulation to their actions, and a salutary blow
to the oblique interest upon which many had depended. On
the seas, accordingly, a spirit of undaunted resolution again
began to shew itself, and a more vigorous alertness and wise
economy to manifest itself in all the arsenals.
The good effects of these and other regulations were
1 Previously the surveyors of the navy had built men-of-war according to
their own judgment or caprice, by which means no two ships of the same
rate were alike, nor would the same masts or rigging do for the one which
served for the other; now, the proportions were established and fixed.
1 Bedford Papers. M. I. to the Duke of Bedford.
3 lb. Duke of Bedford to Captain M 

352 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1745. shortly evinced ; and there were not wanting fruits both of
triumph to the navy, and advantage to the nation, notwith
standing some occasional failures where the enterprises were
connected with services by land, to illuminate the period of
the duke's presidency at the Admiralty with a portion of the
lustre that beams around the memory of La Hogue. In
April 1745, the intrepid Warren was at Canso ; the troops
of Pepperel arrived. They reached Cape Breton before the
governor so much as suspected their design. The harbour
was blockaded, Louisberg bombarded, and, by the end of
June, France heard with astonishment, and England with
delight, that this western Gibraltar, hitherto deemed impreg
nable, the fortification of which had cost two million livres,
had capitulated ; and that the whole island, the source of an
unbounded fishery, which annually employed a thousand sail
and 20,000 men, had surrendered to the British monarch.
By this conquest the French fishery was ruined, their trade
up the St. Lawrence to Canada commanded, and the home
ward-bound East India fleet of France deprived of its sta
tionary resource for stores and for provisions : so that it was
soon felt by her as the severest blow, in the most vital part,
that could have been dealt against her, and more determina
tive of the future peace than twenty victories like Dettingen.
The news of Warren's success inspired Admiral Townshend
with hope and emulation. Discovering, in October, as he
turned the southern point of Martinique, the French fleet of
merchantmen and store-ships that had been sent for the relief
of the islands, under convoy of four men-of-war, — he took, or
burnt, or sunk, or drove on shore, nearly thirty of the vessels,
amongst which were two of the men-of-war, the remainder
saving themselves within shelter of the Port Royal guns.
The squadron meanwhile under Admiral Vernon that

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 353
guarded the southern coast against descent, keeping watch A.D. 1746.
on Dunkirk and Boulogne, took several of the ships, with
their soldiers, officers, and ammunition, that were destined
for the service of the Chevalier in Scotland, amongst whom
was the Count Fitz-James and his regiment.1 The Chevalier
himself designed to reach the Highlands by the western seas
round Ireland; but the Duke of Bedford had not left that
track unwatched ; the frigate that bore, and the vessel, the
Elizabeth, that guarded him, had their path crossed by the
Lion, which, after an obstinate and bloody action that left
her little but a floating wreck, disabled the Elizabeth, so that
it was with great difficulty she returned to Brest. The prince
escaped during the conflict; but he lost by the disabled ship
a hundred officers, and a quantity of arms, which would
otherwise easily have reduced Fort William — a conquest that
must have proved a tower of strength to his forlorn cause,
situated as it was in the heart of those clans that were best
affected to his family.
In the course of 1746, seven ships of war, ten register
vessels, more than a hundred privateers, and 360 merchant
vessels, were taken from the enemy ; but Admiral Anson,
after a long cruise with the western squadron, for the inter
ception of the homeward-bound fleet of France, was compelled
in the winter to return without success. " From what I
have felt this last fortnight," he writes to the Duke of Bed
ford, " I think whoever happens to have success at sea cannot
be too well rewarded ; for I would not suffer the same anguish
of mind that I have done upon this disappointment for all
the honours, riches, and pleasures, this world can afford. If
the fate of Britain had depended on my success, I could not
have done more, though it has happened to no purpose."2
1 Mr. Knowles to the Duke of Bedford, Feb. 21, 1746.
2 Yarmouth, at sea, Dec. 26, 1746, Ushant, N.E. by E. 70 leagues.
VOL. II. A A

354 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1747. But a happier fortune attended him in spring. Undis-
couraged by the failure of her late armament for the recovery
of Cape Breton, France had fitted out two squadrons against
the British colonies in both hemispheres, the one commanded
- by La Jonquiere, the other by M. de St. George. The
Admiralty, apprised of the time they were to sail, sent Anson
to encounter them, with Warren for his rear-admiral. He
fell in with them on the 3d of May, as they shaped their course
towards Cape Finisterre; and on the 11th, after the victory
which he achieved, he writes to the Duke of Bedford : —
" How cordially have I cursed the Dutch, who, I find (by
the French General Jonquiere), prevented his whole fleet from
falling into my hands the last winter when he came from
Chebuctoo, by, one of their vessels informing him he was
within twenty leagues of me, and must see me the next morn
ing, upon which he altered his course, and steered for Roch-
fort. However, I have caught him at the rebound, and
ought to be satisfied ; but I wish he had had a little more
strength : though this is the best stroke that has been made
upon the French since La Hogue; and I am pleased that
something has been done by the fleet whilst your grace has
presided over us; and that if you quit us, which I never think
of without uneasiness, Lord Sandwich will come to a board not
quite sunk in its credit. There were two hundred thousand
pounds in specie on board the French ships ; and they say
the equipping these expeditions cost a million and a half
sterling."1 " In my life," writes Mr. Warren, " I never served with
more pleasure, nor saw half such pains taken to discipline
the fleet. While I have the honour to continue in it, I will
endeavour to follow the admiral's example, however short I
may fall of it ; and could wish to be commanded by him, rather
1 Bedford Papers.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 355
than command myself. I must do Mr. Boscawen the justice A.D. 1747.
to say, and dare believe Mr. Anson will join in it, that he
took the advantage his situation in the line of battle gave
him against the enemy with great resolution and conduct.
Our country has lost a fine young officer in Captain Gren
ville, whose fate is greatly lamented by all who knew him :
what a pity it is that the brave can die but once to serve
their country ! "x
The bullion that was taken, being landed at Spithead,
was borne in twenty waggons to the bank of London. The
honours which the Duke of Bedford suggested for the
authors of this triumph, met the perfect concurrence of the
king : Admiral Anson was rewarded with the peerage, and
Mr. Warren decorated with the Order of the Bath.
Cruising with six ships of war in the latitude of Cape
Ortegal, Commodore Fox, in the June of the same year,
encountered and took above forty French ships, richly laden
from St. Domingo. And a farther triumph, with yet more
important results, was achieved in October by Rear-Admiral
Hawke, who intercepted and engaged a fleet of French mer
chantmen bound to the West Indies. Six men-of-war re
mained prizes in his hands. The merchant vessels fled with
all the sail that they could carry; but a swift sloop being
sent off to the Leeward Isles with this intelligence, a number
of the remnant were taken by Commodore Legge before they
could reach Martinique. In the West Indies, Rear-Admiral
Knowles, who commanded there the British fleet, set sail in
February from Jamaica against St. Jago de Cuba ; but being
prevented by contrary winds from approaching that island,
he steered towards Port Louis in Hispaniola ; and, after a
three hours' cannonade, possessed himself of the fort, which
he entirely destroyed.
1 Rear-Admiral Warren to the Duke of Bedford; Portsmouth, May 18.

356 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1748. This was the last great blow that was struck during the
duke's presidency; although the superiority of British dis
cipline and heroism was vindicated by many a minor conflict
and prize on the high seas. On the 19th of February, 1748,
he exchanged his situation at the Admiralty for the office of
secretary of state for the northern department, on the resig
nation of Lord Chesterfield ; at which period no fewer than
3400 vessels had been taken since the war began. But his
management had results far more beneficial and extensive, if
less obvious than these. When England first entered into
the contest, " France was full of useful manufactures, covered
the seas with her ships, had flourishing and growing colonies
in the West Indies, monopolised in a great degree the fur-
trade, rivalled us in the fisheries of North America, had the
largest share in the galleons, enjoyed almost the whole trade
of the Levant, and was daily worming us out of that in the
East Indies ; her merchants had universal credit, her ports
were full of seamen, and her docks contained near threescore
men-of-war of the line ; in most of which respects, since the
peace of Utrecht, her progress was as rapid as it was asto
nishing, insomuch that she became equally dangerous to us
as a maritime and commercial nation, and to the powers of
the continent, who were exposed to her armies and ambition.
" Now, the manufactures of France were either thrown up,
or at a stand, because they could not be exported with safety ;
her colonies were in the utmost distress, even for the neces
saries of life ; her fisheries at an end, the fur-trade under
great difficulties, her losses on board the galleons and re
gister-ships estimated at an immense value, the Levant trade
gone. By the last accounts, not a trading ship was in the
East Indies, little business transacted in the ports ; most of
the merchants undone, the rest without credit, unable, after
such repeated losses, to freight their ships, or to bear the

K. George II. JOHN; FOURTH DUKE. 357
weight of an enormous insurance and demurrage for months A.D. 1748.
together, while the convoys were making up. Near 13,000
seamen were prisoners in England, besides those in other
parts of the world ; the rest disheartened by the memory of
past, and reasonable dread of future captivity if they went to
sea, by which means the privateers yet untaken could not get
manned. Twenty-eight of the king's ships were taken or
destroyed, of which sixteen were of the line, and the flower
of his navy, besides several which had been lost or rendered
useless in unfortunate expeditions; while most of those which
remained were unfit for service, and obliged to continue so,
till there were stores to make them fit : add the immense loss
in shipping both of privateers and merchantmen ; a superior
navy continually on the French coast, with the probability of
taking their convoys if they sailed, and a certainty of ruin to
their merchants and colonies if they remained in port; and a
fair estimate may be formed of the great advantages secured
to England during the time the Duke of Bedford was at the
head of the Admiralty."1
Whilst he had the gratification to find that justice was
done to his services by the king and his allies abroad, who,
less to the chance of fortune than the spirit of his measures
justly ascribed the frequent defeats at sea which the enemy
received,2 the duke's retirement from the Admiralty was so
laced by the expressions of regret which he received from the
most eminent naval officers and governors on distant stations.
He approved himself, throughout his presidency at that Board,
a diligent inquirer into, and patron of, rising or unnoticed
merit ; and, amongst the many junior captains of this class,
whose early deserts he had the discrimination to perceive,
1 Lord Barrington to the Duke of Bedford, 1748; summary drawn up
from a mass of intercepted foreign letters, &c.
2 Mr. Legge to the Duke of Bedford ; Berlin, May, 1748.

358- RUSSELL MEMOIRS, Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1748. whose efforts and ambition he encouraged and rewarded, and
who, afterwards, at the head of their profession, bore the
British name " in thunders round the world," were Lord
Keppel, Lord Howe, and the celebrated Rodney.
The secret circumstances that attended the Duke of Bed
ford's new appointment may occupy our attention for a mo
ment. At the formation of the present ministry, the secre
tary's seals had been conferred upon Lord Harrington ; but
this nobleman's too great anxiety for peace lost him the favour
of the Duke of Newcastle, who could
" Bear, like the Turk, no brother near the throne,"
any longer than he might be content to play a secondary part :
the seals were then conferred upon Lord Chesterfield. As this
nobleman was known to be equally solicitous for peace, and
personally unpalatable to the king, every body was surprised
at the nomination -,1 but the fact was, that, having in a high
degree, during a recent embassy, conciliated the good opinion
of the Dutch, his services in the pending negotiation were
deemed indispensable for a season. He continued two years
in the office, when, having smoothed away the most pressing
difficulties, he was thought no longer necessary ; and the
same offensive interference with the business of his as for-
1 October 29th. — " Yesterday morning I went to inquire how our master
does, who has been confined some days by his old complaint, and was told,
as soon as I came into the room, that Lord Harrington had resigned, and
Lord Chesterfield accepted his seals. I came with the new secretary, who
told me he scarce knew whether he stood on his head or his heels ; that he
came to town but the night before, had seen the Duke of Newcastle in the
morning, who had asked him if he would accept the seals in case Lord Har
rington resigned them ; that he had told him he would, rather than an enemy
should have them, but that he hoped Lord Harrington would be made easy
by negotiation ; and was never more surprised than when he was told, at his
first coming to court, that Lord Harrington had resigned, and was gone home.
Harry Pelham told me that he was as much surprised as any body, for that
he was endeavouring to make things easy when he was informed of the resig
nation." — Lord Gower to the Duke of Bedford.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 359
merly with Lord Harrington's department, was renewed by A.D. i74f
the Duke of Newcastle.1 Lord Chesterfield did not choose
to wait to be formally dismissed ; but on the 6th of February
suddenly resigned the seals. The cabals at court were great
on the occasion of appointing his successor. The Duke of
Newcastle laboured for Lord Sandwich, who, to use his own
language, " had done like an angel" at the foreign con
ferences, and who, from the private correspondence with
him, which he fancied he had solely engrossed, might be
easily, he thought, detached from every other party interest.
But "all who either disliked Lord Sandwich, or had de
clared a contrary opinion from his upon the peace, virtually
obstructed his promotion, to which also the king was very
averse."2 In this dilemma, the interests of Lord Sandwich
were advocated by Lord Anson, who, knowing that the Duke
of Bedford was willing to concur in any suitable expedient
for furthering his promotion, suggested to him that the only
way to end the dissensions in the cabinet was by resigning
the Admiralty to Lord Sandwich, and taking the secretary's
seals himself. The principal difficulty in the way of this
arrangement, was Newcastle's probable jealousy of such a col
league. But this Lord Anson quieted by the assurance that
the Duke of Bedford's sole motive for acquiescence in such a
scheme would be to benefit Lord Sandwich. So " the Duke
of Newcastle," says Fox, somewhat piquantly,3 " who, I
think, never could mean to make the Duke of Bedford his
colleague, thought of making him a shoeing-horn to Lord
Sandwich. He talked of the Duke of Bedford for it ; and
' Cox.e's Pelham Adm., vol. i. p. 388. Yet he affected to deprecate his
resignation. On the 14th January, he writes to the Duke of Bedford: —
" The town is very full of Lord Chesterfield's intention to resign the seals. I
hope it is without any foundation, for it would be a most unfortunate circum
stance if it should happen."
2 ' Mr. Fox to Sir C. H. Williams; Coxe's Pelham Adm.,<vol. i. p. 390.

360 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1748. then said, he was sure his grace would expect it, and
would acquiesce in nobody but our friend Sandwich. He
was right in the first ; but as to the last, the Duke of Bedford
meant Sandwich only in the second place, and himself in the
first, which might, I think, have been easily foreseen ; and,
though his Grace of Bedford says he takes it only for six
months, nobody who knows him and the king, thinks Sand
wich has a better chance for his nomination six months hence
than he has now."1 It is certain that the Duke of Newcastle
soon found he had overbent his bow ; but the real motives of
friendship to Lord Sandwich which induced his new colleague
to assent to the change, together with Lord Sandwich's per
fect satisfaction in it, fully appear in the Duke of Bedford's
private correspondence.2
The selection of Lord Sandwich to conduct the confer
ences at Breda, and afterwards to act as plenipotentiary at
the Congress of Aix, had gratified both noblemen; — the
Duke of Newcastle, because a suitable equipoise to Mr. Day-
rolles, Lord Chesterfield's too pacific envoy, would be formed,
and because he hoped to find in Lord Sandwich a new ad
herent, who would be guided solely by his counsels during
the negotiations, — the Duke of Bedford, from disinterested
friendship to Lord Sandwich, and because he saw in him
an able representative of his own opinions, which were — a
willingness to accept of tolerable terms for a pacification, but
not, like some others, to run headlong into a peace, quovis
modo. Lord Sandwich, by his prudent management, main
tained himself much longer in the favour of both than could
have been thought possible. The Duke of Newcastle was
1 Mr. Fox to Sir C.H.Williams; Coxe's Pelham Adm., vol. i. p. 391.
2 Lord Anson and Lord Sandwich to the Duke of Bedford, Feb. 5 and
Feb. 13, 1747-8. By the Duke of Bedford's influence, also, Lord Halifax
was placed, in September, at the head of the Board of Trade, then vacant
by the death of Lord Monson.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 361
flattered by his assiduity ; but when the sentiments of the A.D. 1748.
two secretaries varied, the negotiator did not scruple to follow
the course suggested by the Duke of Bedford, to whom he
addressed his more secret and confidential thoughts, and
whose counsel and protection he solicited in all difficult
emergencies. Under his industry and skill, the negotiations
were brought at length to a successful termination ; and the
Definitive Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed by the pleni
potentiaries of England, France, and Holland, on the 18th of
October, and acceded to by Spain two days after. Concluded
on the principle of a general restitution of all conquests, it
was found impossible, notwithstanding all the efforts used,
to retain Cape Breton ; but as their last campaign had proved
so disastrous, the terms obtained were considered very advan
tageous to the allies, and the peace was welcomed by the
nation with rejoicings. Many important points, however,
remained yet to be settled ; and amongst these a farther
arrangement with the court of Spain.
The sanction which England had given to the cessions
of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, for the establishment of
Don Philip, a younger son of Philip the Fifth, which had
been long the favourite object of the cabinet of Madrid, had
so far restored harmony between the two courts, that Spain
had consented to a revival of the Asiento Treaty,1 in favour
of British subjects, for four years, for which period it had,
during the war, been suspended ; but there were so many other
contested points existing, of a very complicated nature, as to
render a separate and particular negotiation necessary ; and of
this the Duke of Bedford, after lending his anxious assist-
1 A treaty by which the South Sea Company enjoyed the privilege of
supplying the Spanish Colonies with negroes, for thirty years, four of which
were unexpired when the war commenced.

362

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.

A.D. 1748. ance to the general pacification,1 undertook the manage
ment. It was the great object of the British government to
obtain from Spain the renewal of their former commercial
privileges, and in particular a confirmation of the Treaty,
signed in 1715, which was intended to place British subjects
in the same situation as during the reign of Charles II. The
difficulty of effecting this design was felt to be peculiarly
great, for not only were the maxims that had swayed the
policy of Spain, since the accession of the house of Bourbon,
totally at variance with it, but she had become tremblingly
jealous of the least direct intercourse of foreigners with her
colonies. To check all foreign trade in Spain by heavy
duties, was a first principle with every Spanish minister ;
whilst the correspondent activity of her guarda-costas, sta
tioned every where to watch against the violations of her code
of commerce, had a strong tendency to subject the British
shipping to the same vexatious inroads which had hurried
the nation into war.
The Duke of Bedford fixed on Mr. Keene, the English
resident at Lisbon, for conducting the negotiation at Madrid.
To no one could the post have been more happily assigned.
From long residence in Spain he was intimately acquainted
with the language, manners, and national peculiarities of her
people. He could conform to all the gravity and circum
spection called for by its saturnine and ceremonious court ;
he had great sagacity and penetration, and his conciliating
conduct gained him access to those private channels of in
fluence and information which are often indispensable to the
1 By a correspondence with Lord Sandwich too voluminous to be parti
cularised : occasional notices of which, however, mingle with Archdeacon
Coxe's careful history of the Negotiations, in his " Pelham Administration."

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 363
success of diplomacy, but which mere finesse could never A.D. 1749.
have commanded.
To Philip the Fifth, upon the Spanish throne, had succeeded
Ferdinand the Sixth, a prince much less tinctured with hostility
to England. His consort, Barbara, a Portuguese princess,
who exercised over him the greatest influence, mingled an
aversion to France with her favourable sentiments towards
an English alliance. Their chief ministers were Carvajal
. and EnseRada. The first, a nobleman of great integrity and
independence, participating, from habit and principle, in his
mistress's dislike to France, but too true a Spaniard willingly
to sacrifice the interests of his country, either to gratify the
queen's partialities or to strengthen his own power. The
latter had been the favourite minister of Philip, in whose
service he acquired that strong predilection for France which
influenced all his tastes, and which, however studiously he
might seek to conceal it from the queen, rendered him the
willing supporter of the interests, and a ready focus for the
intrigues of the French court. Besides these and the Jesuit
Ravago, the king's confessor, there was another individual
whose power in affecting the negotiation could not be over
looked. This was Farinelli, the director of the opera, and
the minister, as he might be called, of the king's diversions.
He had risen during the late reign into consideration, from
the salutary effect which his music was found to have in
dispersing Philip's habitual melancholy ; and, without having
any selfish object, he had since ingratiated himself so far into
the queen's confidence, that the greatest possible court was
paid to him, even by Maria Theresa, the haughtiest of the
crowned heads of Europe. His modest merits, notwith
standing, rendered him as disinclined to the exercise of
political influence as the confessor was ambitious of it. In

364 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1749. other respects, also, their sentiments were different. The Jesuit
adopted the king's principle, which was, to keep an even
balance between France and England ; Farinelli, having
amassed a considerable fortune in England by his professional
talents, preserved a strong feeling of attachment to this
country, insomuch that he took an early opportunity of
waiting upon Mr. Keene, to assure him of his gratitude to
the British nation, and his intention to render him secretly
every service in his power.1 This disposition, so necessary
to the success of the treaty, the Duke of Bedford found the
means of still farther enhancing ;2 and it was equally his care
to impress General Wall, the Spanish envoy in England,
with his high sense of the reception which the court of
Madrid had given to Mr. Keene, whilst to the latter gentle
man he expressed his unaffected esteem for the general's
engaging qualities ; and instructed him, as a proof of the
perfect confidence which he wished to cultivate with the
Spanish ministry, to transact his business with them rather
by viva voce conferences than formal offices in writing.
It was under these auspices that the negotiation com
menced; but the first conferences wore a bickering and
unhopeful aspect. One of the topics to which the Duke of
Bedford drew Mr. Keene's earliest attention, were certain
innovations in the entry of English manufactures at the
Spanish custom-houses ;3 he required the Spanish ministers
to place the duties on a settled footing, as the arbitrary course
lately pursued, by an increase in the evaluation of British
goods, struck at the very root of English commerce ; since,
upon any gust of ill-humour, it might be made to extend to
1 Mr. Keene to the Duke of Bedford, February^, 1749.
2 Duke of Bedford's " most secret " letter to Mr. Keene, May 11.
3 Same to the same, January 12, 1748-9.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 365
a prohibition. To these succeeded remonstrances upon a A.D. 1749.
more important topic — a violation of the freedom of navi
gation, which had been amongst the chief exasperating causes
of the war just terminated. The assertion of some writers,
that the claim of Spain to a right of search was passed over
unnoticed in these negotiations, is a great injustice to the
British ministry, and to the Duke of Bedford in particular.
It was impossible that he could consent to overlook a question
in which the feelings of the nation were so deeply interested ;
and the account sent him by the governor of Jamaica, of an
English merchantman near St. Nevis having been recently
searched by a ship under Spanish colours, calling herself a
guarda-costa, gave him an early occasion to invoke, in the
strongest terms, the intervention of the Court of Madrid, to
punish the authorities who instigated such an outrage.1 To
reconcile effectually the jarring interests of the two courts,
Mr. Keene was instructed to direct the attention of the
Spanish ministers to what formed the groundwork of every
dispute between them — the exclusive and imperious spirit of
the original institutions framed by Spain for the government
of her West Indian possessions. They might be warranted
1 " You know," he writes to Mr. Keene, " how extremely jealous our
nation is of the least encroachment of this nature, and the Spaniards know it
too. The least spark of this sort may, if not timely prevented, kindle a flame
it will be impossible to extinguish, without great loss and danger to both
kingdoms. His majesty, sensible how much it is for the interest of both, to
encourage and cement the strongest harmony between them, neglects no
opportunity of concurring in so laudable an end, by readily coming into every
reasonable request made to him by the crown of Spain. The Conquistador
was immediately restored, notwithstanding the remonstrances to the contraiy
which those very people had made against whom the insult I am now
writing to you of has been since committed. The king does not doubt of
meeting with an equal return of attention and friendship on the part of his
Catholic majesty, and that he will give a particular proof of it in punishing
the insult complained of, and effectually preventing the like for the future." —
Duke of Bedford to Mr. Keene, July 6, 1749.

366 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. by her position at the time when, in virtue of her first dis*
coveries, she claimed to be the absolute and universal mistress
of the western seas ; but they were totally unsuited to her
state, in the present condition of America, where England
possessed so considerable an empire. Mr. Keene, accord
ingly, urged the necessity of a considerable. modification of
their nature ; and, to the justice of his opinions, he ultimately
brought both ministers to assent, — Carvajal at last declaring,
that when he voted on this subject in the council of the Indies,
he contradicted the judgment of his fellow- counsellors :
Ensefiada, in his warmer way, acknowledging that he had
often made the same reflections; and that he thought the
most beneficial thing that could be done, would be to burn
all the laws of the Indies.1
It was in the very nature of these austere regulations to
lead to perpetual contraband adventures, which no govern
ment could entirely prevent; and, accordingly, Ensefiada
met the remonstrances against the right of search with loud
complaints of the existence of this traffic. The Duke of
Bedford was convinced that these alternate disputes could be
extinguished only by such a treaty of mutual advantage and
concession, as might establish reciprocal confidence, and take
away the present temptations to illicit trade. In the following
private letter he exhibits his anxiety on these points, and
confides to the British envoy his most secret sentiments.
Duke of Bedford to Mr. Keene.
Whitehall, Feb. 11, 1750.
Sir, — I reserve for this letter (which for precaution I have
directed on the outside to be opened by yourself), those hints and
informations which I think may be useful to you in the great work
you have now before you, the extinguishing for times to come those
1 Mr. Keene to the Duke of Bedford, December 8, 1750.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 367
sparks which may be the most likely to kindle a war between this A.D. 1750.
country and Spain, viz. the depredations on their part, and the
contraband trade on ours. It may seem, perhaps, too difficult
a task to undertake, to root out the prejudices the Spanish nation
has for near three centuries past imbibed, of their exclusive right of
navigation in the seas of the West Indies, upon which principle
their present laws with regard to that part of the world are founded;
and it must likewise appear extremely difficult to obtain here, with
the consent and approbation of the merchants, such an act of par
liament as may effectually put a stop to all contraband trade car
ried on by his majesty's subjects to the Catholic king's dominions in
America. But without these two points being thoroughly effected,
it will be in vain to hope for a long continuance of that harmony
which it is so much the interest of both nations to cultivate. I
would therefore have you be turning in your thoughts the reci
procal concessions that must be made by each party for this good
purpose, and the steps necessary to be taken both here and in
Spain, for bringing it to a happy conclusion. The several com
plaints I transmit to you by this messenger are, I fear, too con
vincing proofs of what I have mentioned above, that unless things
can be regulated upon a surer foundation in America than they
have been heretofore, depredations on one side, and illicit trade on
the other, will soon put an end to that good will, and I think I may
call it, natural affection between the two nations, which is abso
lutely necessary to preserve the continuance of peace betwixt them.
I must likewise, in the utmost confidence, inform you, that it
is very lately come to my knowledge that orders have been sent
from Ensefiada to Wall, in which that minister makes great com
plaints of the illicit trade carried on by the English to the Spanish
West Indies, and declaring to him, that unless this trade is
effectually put an end to by this nation, no Spanish minister can
possibly advise his master to keep his guarda-costas and cruisers
from molesting the English navigation, which he alleges to be the
case at present. How far this is from the truth, the several com
plaints I have already sent you do but too clearly evince. And I
can with truth say, that neither I nor any of his majesty's servants
here are conscious of any illicit trade being carried on from hence,

368 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. which it is in our power to prevent. And all his majesty's governors
abroad have the strongest orders to comply strictly with the terms
prescribed in the several treaties now subsisting between the two
crowns. I cannot, therefore, help thinking, that this pretext 01
Ensefiada of the contraband trade now carried on by the English,
is only to stop our mouths, in the complaints we are almost daily
obliged to make against their guarda-costas.
I must add in this place, that the complaints I have already
sent you against these vessels begin to give uneasiness in this
country, which faction is daily endeavouring to increase ; you must
therefore seriously remonstrate to the Spanish ministers, that if
they intend the long continuance of a firm union and harmony
between the two nations, they do immediately put a stop to the
illegal proceedings of their governors and cruisers in the seas of
America, as far as it is at present in their power to do, as we on
our part have always done, and will still continue to do, in every
thing that relates to the most punctual execution of the treaties
now subsisting between the two crowns. I am, Sir,
Your very faithful Servant, Bedford.
Notwithstanding the more liberal principles that began to
gain an ascendency in the minds of the Spanish ministers,
there existed a lively jealousy of every change that appeared
likely to trench, though but remotely, on even the outskirts
of their empire in the west. The British Admiralty had fitted
out a couple of frigates for discovery in the South Seas, and
in particular to ascertain the situation and properties of the
Falkland isles. Although there was no design to form a settle
ment in either, their proximity to the straits of Magellan ren
dered the enterprise distasteful both to Carvajal and Ense
fiada. They stated their fears that, although no establishment
might be fixed there, some other isle might be sought to be
discovered, as a remedy for the inconvenience of so long a
voyage to China; and as a station for the naval force of

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 369
England on any disappointment which it might experience A.D. 1750.
in future attacks upon the coasts of Spanish America.1 Mr.
Keene was instructed to declare that the king, his master,
could not, in any respect, give in to the reasonings of the
Spanish ministers, as his right to send out ships for the dis
covery of unknown and unsettled parts of the world were
indubitable ; but that as a proof of his desire to cultivate the
strictest amity, he would consent to lay aside the expedition
for the present.2
This was but one of the innumerable difficulties which
Mr. Keene had to combat, ere he could form any arrange
ment with that jealous and punctilious court. But pride,
prejudice, and interest, were all mustered against the main
object of his mission, the restoration of the British merchants
to the commercial advantages which they enjoyed before the
wars of the Spanish succession, and an actual confirmation of
the treaty of 1715. Carvajal objected the little occasion there
would be of any new declaration of that treaty, if England
should be placed in the actual enjoyment of its benefits ; and,
-in order perhaps to avoid exciting the jealousies of France,
proposed to admit her to the advantage of it by connivance;
whilst to obviate the objections of the customs, Ensefiada
offered, either to send secret orders to the collectors to de
mand the ancient duties, or to keep an account of the exceed-
ings, in order to their being returned. All these expedients
the Duke of Bedford pronounced frivolous and futile, and
liable to every objection which the Spanish ministers them
selves had urged against the renewal of the treaty ; as it was
not to be supposed but that the French and other nations who
had a right to be treated as gentes amicissima would claim
' Mr. Keene to the Duke of Bedford, May 21, 1749.
2 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Keene, June 5, 1749.
VOL. II. B B

370 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. an equality in this privilege by connivance, as naturally as
in those secured by special treaty ; whilst British commerce
would still be subjected to the precarious humours, and
fluctuate with every change of the Spanish ministry. And
accordingly Mr. Keene was required to press, in the strongest
manner, for the renewal of the treaty, by a declaration that
it still subsisted in its full force and efficacy.1
It was then proposed by Carvajal to grant the privileges
sought for, but to limit their duration to a term of years ;
and to admit the debt to the South Sea Company to pass
sub silentio, if his Britannic majesty, by a secret article,
would only engage not to make use of his authority in sup
port of the company, when it should put in its pretensions
for a settlement. The one the duke declared would place
British subjects in a worse condition than if the ancient
treaty were not recognised ; and the other was altogether
out of the question, as he would never consent to deprive
the company of that protection which was their due, and
which the king had always exerted, to the utmost of his
power, in behalf of his subjects whose situation demanded
his assistance. Even supposing that circumstances were such
as to require the entire abandonment of the company's pre
tensions, it was, he alleged, the sentiment of the whole
cabinet, that it would be more for their sovereign's honour
to do it openly and without reserve, than in a manner that
would not bear the daylight.
He therefore, after much discussion, in August 1750, sent
in his contre-projet, containing three alternatives, in one or
other of which Mr. Keene was to induce the final concur
rence of the court of Madrid, but upon no account to consent
in either to any secret article that might preclude the crown
1 Duke of Bedford's letter in cipher to Mr. Keene, July 13, 1749.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 371
from supporting the private rights of any of its subjects what- A.D. 1750.
soever.1 By these instructions, Mr. Keene was empowered
to obtain the concession sought for, by sacrificing the re
maining term of the Asiento, and compromising the claims
of the South Sea Company for a sum inferior to their actual
amount. But Ferdinand was peculiarly averse to an arrange
ment that, would place him in the position of seeming to pur
chase the accession of his ally ; Carvajal was full of scruples,
and Ensefiada strenuous in enforcing every objection insi
nuated by the French party. The queen had all along sup
ported the British interest, but this alone was insufficient ;
the good offices of the court of Portugal were required and
cheerfully exerted ; but it was not until the personal credit
and influence of General Wall were superadded, who for
this purpose was recalled to Spain, that the efforts of the
British envoy proved successful.
The Duke of Bedford fancied that he might perhaps push
his advantage somewhat farther, and revive a private agree
ment that had subsisted between the magistrates of Santander
and their merchants, which had been confirmed by the treaty
of 1715 ; and accordingly, no means were omitted to induce
the mention of this treaty in the new agreement ; but nothing
could induce the king to countenance an act that would
permit his subjects to assume the character of sovereigns, or
prevail with his ministers to open such a channel for the
increase of contraband trade. After much fruitless entreaty,
Carvajal consented to lay before his sovereign the representa
tions of Mr. Keene, and his inability to conclude without this
article; but the moment he commenced upon the subject, the
king perceived his intention, and refusing even to listen to it,
abruptly left the table where he was at the despacho. Mr.
Keene accordingly yielded this point ; and on the 5th of
' Duke of Bedford's most secret letter to Mr. Keene, Aug. 30, 1750.

372 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. October he and Carvajal signed the treaty, by which the
British nation were restored to the same immunities and
privileges as in the time of Charles the Second, with the
same advantages in trade as native Spaniards, or the most
favoured nations. All innovations in commerce were to
be revoked on the part of Spain, and prevented, as far as
possible, on that of England, and mutual differences and
demands to be extinguished. In return, the King of Eng
land renounced the remaining term of the Asiento treaty,
and accepted the sum of 100,000Z., as a compensation for
the claims of the South Sea Company on the Spanish crown.1
The satisfaction with which the tidings of its conclusion was
welcomed by the Duke of Bedford will appear from the
subjoined letter : no public mention was made in the treaty
of the right of search ; as the question, after the previous
remonstrances, was by mutual consent tacitly passed over ;
it being hoped on both sides, that by the grant of these sub
stantial advantages, the contraband trade, — the great bone
of contention between the two nations, and the original cause
of most of the" wars that had risen between them, — might be
kept under, without the Spanish governors taking such vio
lent measures as searching British vessels by their guarda-
costas, or committing such depredations as had interrupted
their harmony.2 And, " as the same complaints have never
been revived, it soon appeared that Spain did virtually,
though silently, relinquish her claims in this particular."3
The Duke of Bedford to Mr. Keene.
Whitehall, Oct. 26th, 1750.
Dear Sir, — Though you will be fully apprised by my public
letter of this day's date, of the approbation of his majesty, and of
1 Coxe's Mem. of the Kings of Spain, vol. iii. p. 100. '
2 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Keene, May 11, 1749.
3 Belsham's Mem. of Kings George I., IL, and III., vol. ii. p. 171.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 373
their excellencies the lords justices, in regard to the treaty signed A.D. 1750.
by you at Madrid, yet I cannot avoid troubling you with this
private letter, to assure you how sincerely I join with the rest of
your friends, in congratulating you on the success of your endea
vours, which, indeed, have been exerted with so much sagacity and
good conduct, that I can, without flattering you, venture to affirm,
they have contributed greatly, if not entirely, to the bringing to
this state of perfection the very difficult and important transaction
with the conduct of which his majesty thought proper to honour you.
As all the real advantages of the treaty of 1715 are fully
secured to us by the present one, and as the small variations in
which this differs from the former are calculated for our advantage ;
particularly the inserting in the fourth article the words ni sobre
otras valuaciones, and the word pretenciones in the last, which in
the first place give a total exclusion to any future quibbles about
the valuation of British goods, with which you had so much trouble
at your first setting out with M° de Carvajal and M° Ensefiada ;
and, in the second place, takes from those ministers and their
successors any pretence for the future to mention expectations
that may formerly have been given, of the crown's parting with
any possessions which the circumstances of the times will not admit
of, — I flatter myself all impartial and disinterested persons will see
this treaty in the same advantageous light to the nation, as the
king and his servants have done. The 100,000L given to the
S. S. Co. as a compensation for your giving up the four years of
the annual ship, and the Asiento of negroes they were entitled to,
as well as for the total extinction of all demands from the crown
of Spain on the company, and from the company on the crown of
Spain, ought to be considered by all impartial people, not as a
sum adequate entirely to the sacrifice the company must make, on
the foot of this treaty, but as a sum (if I may so call it) snatched out
of the fire ; and of which, without the intervention of his majesty,
they could never, considering the impossibility of liquidating the
accounts between the King of Spain and them, have ever received
a farthing. Besides all this, the national advantages gained by
this treaty, for putting the commerce of Great Britain upon a better
footing than it has ever been in since the time of King Charles II.
of Spain, ought surely to be considered preferably to those of any

374 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. company, though ever so considerable, especially as it is in the
power of the public to make a reasonable satisfaction to the com
pany for the sacrifice they have been obliged to make for the
general advantage of the nation. This agreement alone seems to
me sufficient to satisfy all reasonable and well-disposed people ;
but when to this is added the absolute impossibility there was of
obtaining a more ample compensation than that now given, and
that which, in my opinion, seems the point of the most real national
advantage, — I mean, the detaching the court of Madrid from its
subjection to that of Versailles, and, if I may so call it, taking
it out of wardship, — surely, in considering the treaty in this great
light, all the nation must agree in the Tightness of the measure.
Upon the whole, I cannot sufficiently express to you the satis
faction I felt in receiving your despatch, with a copy of the treaty ;
and I trust you will believe, that its having come to this perfection
in your hands and through your management, was no small addition
to the content it gave me, being with the greatest truth, dear Sir,
Your very faithful servant, Bedford.
" Private and secret:" sent by General Wall's courier.
Mr. Keene, in his reply, gives an interesting account of
the audience to which he was admitted, and which exhibits
in a lively point of view the correspondent satisfaction of the
Spanish sovereigns.
Mr. Keene to the Duke of Bedford.
Madrid, December 8, 1750.
My Lord, — I have waited for this opportunity to return my
most humble thanks for the honour of the " private and secret
letter" your grace was pleased to write to me on the 26th of
October, by General Wall's messenger. And I likewise take the
advantage of it to profess my gratitude for the source of every
success I may have had here, — the clearness and precision of the
instructions I have from time to time received from you ; the manner
in which you have been so good as to signify them, as well as
for the attention you have been pleased to shew to every private

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 375
request that I have taken the liberty to make to your grace that A.D. 1750.
has had any relation to the national service.
I have real pride and happiness, my lord, in the approbation
with which you honour me. It makes the deeper impression upon
me, as your sincerity is as known and conspicuous as any of the
noble qualities you are possessed of. And I will draw this essential
comfort from it, that I do not appear to have forfeited any part of
the good opinion you had conceived of me when you were pleased
to acquaint me with your desires to charge myself with this work,
nor, consequently, any share of that goodness and protection which
you gave me leave to expect from you.
After presenting your letter, and accompanying it with the
usual expressions of the king's friendship and esteem, I thought
myself authorised to acquaint the Catholic king with the satisfaction
of his majesty at the conclusion of the late transaction, and his
resolution to cultivate and augment the harmony so happily esta
blished between the two crowns, for their mutual benefit.
I must confess, I only expected the customary short answers to
these general expressions. But he extended his discourse in a
manner I had never observed before, upon his particular friendship
and esteem for the king ; his satisfaction at the conclusion of the
treaty ; his resolution to maintain and augment the union between
the two crowns ; and added, that he did not doubt I had given a
faithful account of his desire to compose our differences, and his
readiness to grant all the facilities which could be reasonably ex
pected from him for that end. He was then pleased to express
his approbation of my conduct in general, as well as in this last
instance, in such a manner, that I do not know whether it would
be more vanity in me to mention it, or insensibility and ingratitude
to be entirely silent upon it.
I returned my most humble thanks in the best manner I was
able ; and seeing him without restraint, and in a humour to admit
me almost to a familiar conversation, I took the liberty to add, " As
it has been the great object and desire of my life to see the two
nations in the strictest friendship, I should think myself very happy
in having served as an instrument in so glorious a work, which I
now hoped would be completed under his just and auspicious reign.
The experience of many years had shewn me, that the instances and

376 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. prosperity of both nations were so naturally combined, that the
good or hurt they did to each other, retorted back on themselves
reciprocally ; insomuch, that nothing was more true than that, " to
be a good Spaniard, it was necessary to be a good Englishman."
But before I could reverse the sentence, he himself added, with a
smile, " That to be a good Englishman, likewise, it was necessary
to be a good Spaniard." I continued, " It is not only the parti
cular interest and honour of the two crowns which will follow from
their good intelligence and union, but likewise the security and
happiness of the rest of Europe both required and depended upon
it." And it was then I heard, what I never did expect to hear from
the mouth of a prince of the House of Bourbon, the Spanish pro
verb of " Paz con Inglaterra," though, perhaps from that religious
scrupulosity he observes in all his words and actions, he did not
finish it with its second part, " con todo el mundo guerra I "1
My audience with the queen was so much the same, that it was
easy to see that they had agreed upon the manner of receiving me.
She expressed great satisfaction at what had been done ; and when
I replied, how much it had been her own work, she said she was
glad to have contributed to the good of both nations, and parti
cularly to have had this opportunity of complying with the desires
of the crown of Portugal.
I have, perhaps, been a little too fond and particular upon the
language which has been held to me at the Buen Retiro. But the
unusualness of it in that place to a British minister, and the cordi
ality and pleasure with which it was accompanied, will, in some
measure, excuse my falling into this temptation.
I shall always think myself happy in having had an opportunity
of shewing you a disinterested zeal for the national service, and of
making known to you the gratitude and respect with which I have
the honour to be, my lord,
Your grace's most humble and most obliged obedient servant,
(Private and particular.) B. Keene.
As it was necessary for Mr. Keene to continue at Madrid,
to watch over the faithful execution of the Treaty, the Duke
1 " Peace with England, war with all the world."

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 377
of Bedford reiterated a request which he had never ceased to A.D. 1750.
urge, and obtained for him the character of ambassador ex
traordinary and plenipotentiary at the Spanish court. The
crooked genius of Ensefiada, exercised in secret, was still felt
in the struggles to evade the full conditions of the treaty,
both as to the form of the instructions transmitted to the
American governors, and the arrangement of the home duties,
by which the most essential articles would have been virtually
nullified. And it was found necessary, after many fruitless
requisitions, to alarm the pacific monarch by menaces of war,
before these obstructions could be satisfactorily removed.
Carvajal willingly undertook to read these strong representa
tions to the king, and supported them in a manner becoming
his integrity. But there was little inclination in the King of
Spain to endanger the tranquillity which he promised to him
self from the present alliance, simply to be bound by the old
yoke to a power that, in its separate conclusion of the peace,
had shewn itself so selfish and perfidious. "Paz con Ingla-
terra" was, therefore, still the conclusion of the Spanish
ministry; a resolution which the queen herself, in the gardens
of Aranjuez, was the first to communicate to the British am
bassador, which she did with many passages of compliment
that indicated her pleasure at the result.
The Duke of Bedford was very desirous to procure from
his sovereign some more flattering mark ^of favour for this
skilful and profound negotiator. But his application for the
Order of the Bath was rendered unsuccessful by the latent
opposition of the Duke of Newcastle ; and it was not till
the disgrace of Ensefiada in 1754, to which Mr. Keene
powerfully contributed, that he was honoured with a token
which he desired less from any personal vanity than to give
necessary dignity to his mission in the eyes of a court where

378 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXII.
A.D. 1750. scarcely any public minister appeared without some such
decoration. When the subject of the treaty of Madrid was laid before
parliament, it underwent an animated discussion. It was
attacked by Lord Egmont, Mr. Bathurst, and Sir John
Hinde Cotton, and defended with ability by Horatio Walpole
and Mr. Pitt. It was upon this occasion that the latter apo
logised for his concurrence in that opposition to Sir Bobert
Walpole which had led to the original rupture with Spain,
and handsomely excused his former resolution to admit of
no peace with this power, without a preliminary stipulation
against her claim of" right of search." The address which
sanctioned the treaty was carried by 203 to 74 ; and the cir
cumstance, that five and thirty years passed by before there
was any symptom of its being invalidated in time of peace,1
is, perhaps, the most emphatic comment that can be advanced
upon the sound principles by which the grave differences
between the two nations were happily adjusted.
1 Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. iii. p. 279.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 379

CHAPTER XXIII.
FROM THE TREATY OF MADRID TO THE FORMATION OF THE DUKE
OF DEVONSHIRE'S MINISTRY.
A.D. 1750-1756.
Duke of Newcastle's jealousy of his colleague . . . Intrigues for his removal . . .
Duke of Bedford one of the lords justices in the king's absence, 1750 . . .
slights received from the Duke, of Newcastle . . . renewal of the Newcastle
intrigue . . . direct application to the king . . . rebuff. . . threatened dislocation
of the ministry . . . Bavarian treaty . . . Nova Scotia . . . Duke of Bedford
supports the regency bill ... his increasing dissatisfaction with the
Duke of Newcastle . . . resigns the seals, 1 75 1 ... opposes the subsidiary
treaties, January 28, 1752; and the Scots forfeited estates bill, March
10... Memorial on the education of the Prince of Wales . . . Death of
Mr. Pelham, March, 1754 . . . Duke of Newcastle's administration . . .
Indications of hostility from France . . . New subsidiary treaties . . . Partial
change of ministry, 1755 . . . Duke of Bedford declines the privy seal . . .
moderates his objections to the treaties . . . Removal of Lord Temple, Mr.
Pitt, and Mr. Legge . . . War with France . . . Loss of Minorca . . . Resig
nation of the Duke of Newcastle . . . Duke of Devonshire's ministry . . .
Duke of Bedford accepts the lieutenancy of Ireland, December 15, 1756.
Whilst the Duke of Bedford was thus occupied, he was the a.d. 1750.
subject of a deep intrigue, engaged in by the Duke of
Newcastle, the aim of which was to free himself from such
an independent colleague. It is well observed by Lord
Orford, amidst some severer strokes of satire, that the latter
was always caressing his enemies to list them against his
friends, omitting no service to either, till either was above
being served by him ; and then, suspecting that they did not
enough love him, he took, at the moment they had every
reason to be attached, every method to obtain their hate, by
exerting all his power for their ruin;1 that he and his
1 Memoires, vol. i. p. 144.

380 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1750. brother entered successively into connexions with every chief
of a party, till they had taken out their stings, by dividing
them from their adherents, and this being done, they were
discarded.1 The attempt was now to be made upon the
Duke of Bedford, who, though a much younger politician,
had so much natural impetuosity and spirit, that he was not
likely to resign himself quietly to the infliction of injury, but
rather in the encounter to leave some scars upon the front
of his antagonist. The Duke of Newcastle had wished that
either Murray or Mr. Pitt should have had the seals on
Lord Chesterfield's resignation ; " but the Duke of Bedford
being in a condition to insist upon possessing them, he had
had them, together with their constant perquisites, the Duke
of Newcastle's suspicions and treachery."2
The first open symptom of this nobleman's jealousy was
on the king's departure for Hanover in the May of 1748.
In right of office it was the Duke of Bedford's privilege to
have accompanied the sovereign thither ; but dreading the
separate interest which he might thus acquire, the former
managed to trick him out of this distinction, and procured
it for himself. He had thus engrossed the more active part
in the direction of the negotiations for peace, and he_ now
laboured diligently to detach Lord Sandwich from his friend.
When he had some reason to suspect that this would be
but labour lost, he grew angry with Lord Sandwich, and
took offence at some deviations which he made from his own
instructions at the congress: but when on their return to
England (Nov. 23), he found that the attachment of the two
was undiminished, he could no longer rein in his resent
ment; — the man who had heretofore " done like an angel,"
became shorn at once of all his radiance, and his impatient
' Memoires, vol. i. p. 144. *Id. Memoires.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 381
spirit set itself busily to work to compass the disgrace of A.D. 1750.
both. The Duke of Cumberland, who was pleased with the
ability and industry which Lord Sandwich had shewn in
conducting the peace, wrote to propose an accommodation.
Newcastle, jealous of the duke's influence in the closet, did
not even notice the letter, and carried his coolness in other
respects to the point of absolute umbrage; whilst, at the same
time, he threw off his very particular respect to the Princess
Emily, in some unguarded expressions, which he afterwards
aggravated, and still farther offended her by paying exclusive
court to Lady Yarmouth, upon whom he leaned to effect
the dismissal of the Duke of Bedford. And this he had
great hopes of effecting : for making a direct effort for it in
the winter of 1 749, he fancied, upon hinting his wishes, that
the king shewed himself not entirely averse to them.
The Duke of Bedford was not wanting in sagacity. The
tortuous conduct of his colleague, though it might not yet
awake resentment, excited his vigilance; he drew towards
the Duke of Cumberland. The affronts which this prince
had received, led him to engraft the quarrels of the Duke of
Bedford and Lord Sandwich on his own : the princess shared
in all his sentiments, and her new aversion to the Duke of
Newcastle was not slow in producing its effects. Means were
found to render Lady Yarmouth gracious to them : she re
ceived Lord and Lady Sandwich into a sudden intimacy ; and
the king paid such marked attention to the Duke of Bedford,
that, stung at once with jealousy and anger, the aggressor
could not avoid complaining to his brother of the constant
presence of his'colleague in the closet, and declared the utter
impossibility of transacting any material business, either in
his presence or his absence. The favour which he enjoyed

382 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1750. with the king, his almost entire monopoly of power, and
dispensation of patronage and place, all availed him nothing,
so long as the Duke of Bedford sat also in the king's gate.
Mr. Pelham saw with great disquietude his brother's
differences, threatening ere long a breach that must embarrass
him in all his measures. When next the Duke of Newcastle
pressed the point with Lady Yarmouth, she advised him, as
a friend, not to persist in his design, as its effect would be to
render the king uneasy ; and the Duke of Bedford was not a
man a chasser du jour au lendemain. On expressing his
surprise at this apparent change in the royal sentiments, she
still farther disconcerted him by the reply, " Le roi ne savoit
pas alors que voire fre)re ne la permettroit pas."
This declaration drove him into bitter reproaches of his
brother ; but Mr. Pelham, who saw the danger and imprac
ticability of carrying the duke's removal, at this juncture,
refused to be either directly or indirectly concerned in his
scheme, and even exacted from him, on the occasion of his
again accompanying the king to Hanover, in April 1750, a
promise that he would make no new attempt of this nature
without his approbation ; an engagement to which he felt
compelled to submit, and which, when it was announced to
Lady Yarmouth, brought back to him all her good-humour,
and assurances of friendship.
Meanwhile the Duke of Bedford, being appointed one of
the lords justices during the king's absence, entered with
interest into all the more important business that came before
them, maintaining an active correspondence, on various cases
affecting the rights or privileges of British merchants, with
the ambassadors at the courts of Turin, Genoa, and Spain.
But his closest intercourse was with Lord Albemarle, our
ambassador at the court of France. For at this moment there

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 383
were several topics of dispute under discussion, arising from A.D. 1750.
the reluctant fulfilment of the definitive treaty on the part
of France, who manifested an intention of appropriating the
neutral isles of St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Dominica, and Mar
tinique, and took actual possession of Tobago, which was
considered to belong to England; she had, besides, interfered
with our exclusive trade to Annamabo and other stations on
the African coast, and had made some alarming encroach
ments on the British possessions in Nova Scotia, the tendency
of which was to impede the growth of the new colonies esta
blishing there. These possessions being confined to England
by the late treaty " according to their ancient limits," without
being clearly defined, had given this opening to the intrigues
of France ; and the proceedings of her officers being of so
equivocal a nature, it was found necessary to appoint com
missaries on both sides ; and the dispute assumed increasing
importance, from the high tone taken at Versailles. There,
M. de Puysieux affected to believe, that the acts attributed
to their agents must have been excited by some unwarrantable
step or other of the English governor, Cornwallis ; and when
solicited to assist in fixing on the charts the British limits in
the channel and north seas, he declined any concern in the
transaction, which was therefore referred to the commissaries.
The conduct of the French commissaries was still more extra
ordinary, as they threatened, at the very outset of the con
ferences, to break them off, unless the order which they had
marked out should be assented to, for the discussion of the
points at issue. Owing to the spirited appeals of the Duke
of Bedford, they indeed consented ultimately to wave this
requisition ; but the explanations of Puysieux on the main
subjects were so unsatisfactory, and it became so obvious that
efforts were insidiously making to stir up the Indians to

384 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1750. destroy the tribes on the Ohio in alliance with this country,
that the duke required Cornwallis to increase his forces to
the full complement, and if the emergency arose, to assert the
sovereign's rights against any enemy whatsoever, whether
Indian or European. But as the professions of friendship
made by France might chance to be sincere, notwithstanding
these suspicious appearances, the duke, in transmitting these
instructions, urged him to act with the wisest caution and
forbearance till the necessity arrived ; whilst he himself fol
lowed up his past memorials and letters with the strongest
expostulations to the court of France. l
In the meantime, the Duke of Newcastle grew impatient
of the restraint imposed upon him, and by all the indirect
means in his power laboured with his brother, with the king,
with Lady Yarmouth, to destroy the credit of his colleague.
To the Duke of Bedford personally his conduct was equally
offensive. For, whilst engaged in the treaty with the Elector
of Bavaria, he studiously concealed from him all knowledge
of the negotiation, till it was actually signed. He then
transmitted him a copy to lay before the lords justices, for
his and their opinions on it. The Duke of Bedford was not
slow in evincing his sense of this farce, — -he complained to
Mr. Pelham of their proceedings, which had reduced him to
a mere cipher in the government; declined attending deliber
ations when the points to be discussed were all irrevocably
settled ; and devoted himself more agreeably either to business
in which his services might really avail his sovereign, or to
those country recreations and agricultural pursuits to which
he had always a strong inclination. The Duke of Newcastle,
impertinently inquisitive into all his movements, exaggerated
his occasional absence from council into the grossest neglect
1 From the minutes of the lords justices' meetings, passim ; Bedford Papers.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 385
of business and duty, and malicious hints to this effect were A.D. 1750.
thrown out to his disadvantage with the king, now by him,
and now by his tutored secretary, Mr. Stone. To the fears
arising from the influence of his colleague, other yet more
extraordinary jealousies were shortly added. The Duke of
Bedford had continued to cultivate his intercourse with the
Duke of Cumberland and Princess Emily ; he was frequently
invited to join their pleasure-parties on the water, and was
sometimes honoured with visits from them at his Woburn
mansion. To the same scenes of entertainment Mr. Pelham
also was occasionally invited ; his acceptance of these courte
sies was construed by Newcastle into a defection from him
self. He accordingly held to his brother the most singular
language ; accused him of entering into the intrigue and
league against him, the object of which was to fix a brand
upon, and excommunicate him from society ; complained
bitterly of their royal highnesses ; stated the impossibility of
his going on any longer whilst subjected to their cruel treat
ment ; and threatened to resign his station in the ministry if
his friends would not join in the removal of his rival. Both
Mr. Pelham and the Lord Chancellor Hardwicke warned
him of the risks he ran by yielding to this infatuation, —
soothed him — remonstrated with him — but all to little pur
pose.1 From the moment he resumed these surreptitious arts,
Lady Yarmouth, well informed of all that passed, changed
her cheer to him ; shunned all opportunities of private con
versation ; and the king himself grew more reserved and
cooler to him than before, gave him short audiences, and
occasionally, whether in petulance or irony it is difficult to
say, threw out equivocal expressions of uneasiness or anger,
that both startled and troubled him, as he knew not exactly
1 Coxe's Pelham Adm., App.
VOL. II. C C

386 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1750. the real sentiment which they were meant to indicate ; and
his irritable temper fluctuated accordingly through all the
feverish accesses of hope, suspense, and fear. His corre
spondence from this time to the king's return in No
vember, exhibits him as the most miserable of men : his
passions had no rest ; he summoned all the friendship of his
brother and the Chancellor to aid him in his project, — was
always dissatisfied with their replies, yet always provoking
their opinions. The intended appointment of the Duke of
Dorset to the lieutenancy of Ireland was likely, however, to
create a vacancy in the presidency of the council : and it
would appear that the king had some thoughts of naming
the Duke of Bedford to this office ; but meanwhile the Duke
of Richmond died, and the mastership of the horse also
became vacant. Whilst the former seemed to present an
opening for the removing of his colleague, the Duke of New
castle was in high spirits ; urged his friends in England to
persuade the duke to take it, — and was even willing, so that
that could be accomplished, to try Lord Chesterfield again,
and even to embrace for a colleague his old enemy Lord
Granville. His friends sounded the Duke of Cumberland
and the princess, and reported that the Duke of Bedford
would not resign, unless Lord Sandwich should be nominated
his successor. Lady Yarmouth now suggested to him that
the Duke of Bedford might possibly be made easy with the
latter office. This suggestion was, if possible, yet more dis
tasteful than the prospect of having Lord Sandwich for his col
league, from the nearness of such an employment to the king's
person ; and he reminded her that there were two vacancies,
that and president ; to which she made him this provoking
answer, " Non! cela il ne veut pas prendre!" But she
stated that the duke might like that of master of the horse,

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 387
in which case the king was willing he should have it : she A.D. 1750.
was withal anxious to prevent the Duke of Newcastle from
speaking to the sovereign at all upon the subject.
But a few days after, a favourable opportunity presented
itself for learning the king's sentiments ; Lord Paulett applied
for the office. His letter was laid before the king, who, in
the conversation that ensued, observed, " I see very plainly
how lamely things go on, and do not think that I have not
seen it for some time ; but they went well in parliament, and
you and I, my lord, cannot do it alone, — we must have the
council with us." It was obvious that he would recognise no
step which was not countenanced by Mr. Pelham ; as both
himself and Lady Yarmouth took care to apprise the duke
that a formal application was expected from his brother before
any change in this respect would be determined on.
The Duke of Newcastle, notwithstanding, was delighted
with the prospect of success which thus gleamed upon his
fancy. He represented to Mr. Pelham that every thing now
depended upon him ; expatiated on the irksomeness of his
situation ; and urged him, with the greatest earnestness, to
write an ostensible letter that might be shewn the king,
sanctioning his enemy's removal. He even dictated the
strain in which it should be couched ; and laboured to con
vince his brother that no blame could now be laid to his
door, on the plea of interference, as the proposal of a change
originated so entirely with the king.
Mr. Pelham, however, was not to be led by this miserable
sophistry; he absolutely refused to write the letter. This
diversity of sentiment again produced mutual irritation and
estrangement; and again the administration was exposed to
the danger of a dissolution, because the Duke of Bedford
chose to have a will and an opinion of his own, and the Duke

388 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1750. of Newcastle, like a petted child, could not have the play
thing that he cried for.
Hitherto the Duke of Bedford seems to have sustained
with great forbearance the open neglects and secret attacks
to which he had been subjected ; but the pertinacity of these
manoeuvres at length excited his active indignation ; and,
though Mr. Fox sought to persuade him to acquiesce in Lady
Yarmouth's plan, as he would have more opportunities of
crossing his enemies whilst he stayed at court, than pro
bability of returning thither, if once totally removed,1 he
refused all assent to it unless he might name Lord Sandwich
his successor ; and in this resolution he was strongly sup
ported by the Duke of Cumberland arid the princess. This
determination disconcerted the whole design ; for as the king
would by no means accept Lord Sandwich, no alternative
remained but the absolute dismissal of the Duke of Bedford ;
a procedure which Mr. Pelham was by no means disposed to
risk, from a conviction that, whichever party should prevail,
neither would be able alone to carry on the kind's affairs
in parliament.2 He did, however, in December, when
the king was returned, consent to speak upon the subject,
after many weeks' incessant importunity; but the hopes of
Newcastle were again disappointed, by a mild but peremp
tory refusal. Mr. Pelham respectfully submitted to the deci
sion,^ — the duke rebelled against it ; and when he could not
prevail upon the former to press the affair further, he sus
pended all intercourse with him, and actually meditated the
settling a new administration, either by negotiating with Earl
Granville, or striving to conciliate the Duke of Cumberland
by offering Lord Sandwich the secretary's seals. Their dis
union did not pass unimproved by those who grudged that
1 Lord Orford's Memoires, p. 162. 2 Coxe's Pel. Adm. vol. ii. p. 132.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 389
monopoly of power which the Duke of Newcastle was endea- a.d. 1751.
vouring to acquire : the whole government gave symptoms of
splitting into separate clanships. The Duke of Bedford had
his adherents ; Fox attached himself to Mr. Pelham, Pitt
to Newcastle, and Lord Cobham and his party to the Prince
of Wales, whose residence at Leicester House became the
rallying point of opposition ; and in this state of things the
session of parliament was opened, January 17th, 1751.
The Duke of Bedford, on the king's return to England,
effectually succeeded in removing any unfavourable impres
sion which he might have conceived from the misrepresenta
tions of his colleague ; insomuch that when the latter made
a fourth attempt to remove him, the king declared that he
would have no present change, and that whoever should
importune him on the subject would incur his royal displea
sure, as the aggressor.1 In April, the Duke of Bedford applied
for the lord lieutenancy of Devonshire, and obtained it ; re
gained his former familiar footing in the closet ; and in con
ducting the necessary correspondence with the ambassadors
at the courts of France, Sardinia, and Spain, acquitted him
self greatly to the king's satisfaction.2
Against the treaty recently concluded for the Bavarian
subsidy, the Duke of Bedford had so strong an objection,
that he would undoubtedly have opposed it in parliament,
had he not been solemnly assured by Mr. Pelham that it
should be the last, and that the impending election of a king
of the Romans should be effected without further pecuniary
sacrifices : upon this distinct condition he assented to it.3 He
interested himself also in the affair of Nova Scotia, for which
1 Mr. Fox to Sir C. H. Williams, Feb. 7-18, 1751.
5 Bedford Papers : daily journal of business with the king.
3 Coxe's Pelham Adm. vol. ii. p. 151.

390 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1751. province two gun-ships had been written for by Lord Halifax,
upon the strength of a report that the French were sending
a fleet thither. With this application the Admiralty had
refused compliance, lest it should draw on a new war ; whilst
the Board of Trade presented a memorial in its favour. Every
question was now tinged with the divisions in the cabinet.
When the Duke of Bedford laid this memorial before the
king, he stated that he had summoned a council on it at
Bedford House, but believed they would not think it proper
to agree to the proposal. To this opinion the sovereign
assented ; the Duke of Newcastle was present, but said not
a word. Mr. Pelham, on receiving the summons, signi
fied that he would attend, but did not suppose that he
should think the proposal fit to be complied with : notwith
standing which, he at the meeting supported the Board of
Trade, and the measure was carried by six to four. The
Duke of Newcastle, as a matter of course, although he
had been so silent in the presence-chamber, opposed the
Duke of Bedford ; and took so little care to conceal his
real motive, that he would have carried to vote with him
the very heads of the two contending boards.1 The Duke
of Bedford refused to admit them ; he told the two brothers
to their face, that their opposition was intended as an act of
hostility to him ; and his friends, on the introduction of the
naturalization bill, which was promoted by the Pelhams,
shewed their resentment by quitting the house before the
division, and the bill was lost. Yet the Duke of Bedford
permitted no personal considerations to interfere with his
sense of public duty upon any important subject ; for when,
by the sudden death of the Prince of Wales, it was neces
sary to make provisions for a regency, he, " though con-
1 Lords Halifax and Anson.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 391
nected with and wishing well to the Duke of Cumberland, A.D. 1751.
and upon no terms with the Princess, had the honesty to
he the first man who declared for her being regent. The
Pelhams took care not to disagree with him on this article;"1
nor to consult him upon any other in the bill which they pre
pared,2 for the perpetuation of their power. Their plan was
to circumscribe the authority of the princess by a council,
over which the Duke of Cumberland was simply to preside ;
and to surround the heir- presumptive exclusively by their
own adherents. To the regency restrictions, notwithstanding
that the king insisted on them, the Duke of Bedford, from
a sense of the great impolicy of dividing the regal powers,
was so vehemently opposed, that, although laid up with an
acute illness at the time of the debate upon them, he would
have attended parliament, and opposed the whole tenour of
them, had he not been restrained by his friends, who shewed
him the absolute uselessness of his opposition, and the im
prudence of offering the king a gratuitous offence.3
When the bill had passed, and they had effected their
purpose with respect to the preceptors of Prince George, the
Pelhams resolved to enjoy the power which they had secured.
The Prince of Wales's death having scattered the powers of
the rising opposition, they judged that they had at length
" taken out the sting" of the Duke of Bedford, — that his
interest in the House of Commons could now turn no scale
into which it might be thrown; and they accordingly joined
in a fresh application for his dismissal. When Mr. Pelham
found that the king still positively refused to sanction the
proceeding, he had recourse to a deeper ruse de guerre. He
knew that there existed a personal disinclination to Lord
Sandwich, and that his dismissal would secure the duke's
1 Lord Orford : Memoires, p. 85. s lb. p. 140. 3 lb.

392 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1751. resignation: he suggested, therefore, that nobleman's removal,
which was easily obtained. To add poignancy to this stroke
of his revenge, the Duke of Newcastle sent the duke's former
adherent, Mr. Legge, to acquaint him with his friend's re
moval. It was an ungrateful act on the part of Mr. Legge,
who had received infinite kindnesses and services from the
duke.1 " The latter met him on the steps of Bedford House,
as he was going to Lord Gower, to know what part he would
take on this crisis, and would scarce give him audience ; but
even that short interview could not save Legge from the con
fusion he felt at his own policy ; and with the awkwardness
that conscience will give even to an ambassador, he said he
had happened, as he was just going out of town, to visit the
Duke of Newcastle, where he had not been for two months
before, and had been requested by him to be the bearer of
this notification."2
On the following day the Duke of Bedford went to Ken
sington, in order to resign the seals. He found none of the
opposite party there but Lord Lincoln, " whom he desired to
acquaint the Duke of Newcastle with what he was going to
say to the king. ' Tell him, my lord, because perhaps he
would not like to come in and hear it ; I shall neither say
more nor less for his presence or absence : if he comes into the
closet and begins to dispute, I will not altercate with him
there; I will afterwards, whenever he pleases.' When he
went in to the king, he spoke above an hour warmly and
sensibly on his own grievances, particularly on the Duke
of Dorset's being designed lord lieutenant for six months
before he was made acquainted with it ; on his relation, Lord
Hartington's being named, in the same manner, master of the
1 Bedford Papers : correspondence of Mr. Legge.
* Lord Orford: Memoires, p. 166.

K. Georbe II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 393
horse, and called up to the House of Peers, for which he had A.D. 1751.
that very morning kissed hands ; on the dismission of his
friend Lord Sandwich ; and on all the treacheries of the
Duke of Newcastle, which he recapitulated."1 He told the
king, that every measure relating to his majesty's service
was so concerted as to serve the interests of the Duke of
Newcastle and increase his power, as he could prove by a
hundred instances, but would mention only one. " Your
majesty," he continued, " will find that as soon as I am out
of the secretary's office, one considerable part of it will be
lopped off, and thrown into the hands of the first commis
sioner of trade, Lord Halifax.2 This is an affair settled
without the knowledge of your majesty. I mention it, not
from hostility to Lord Halifax, but to shew your majesty
that persons are to be ill-treated and removed, and the chief
offices of the state are to be mangled, altered, and lowered,
at the pleasure of the Duke of Newcastle and his party, in
order to promote their scheme of engrossing all power to
themselves and their creatures."3 " He concluded with de
claring, that their persecution of him and Lord Sandwich
arose solely from their attachment to his son the duke ;
and then desired leave to resign the seals. The king was
struck and pleased with this remonstrance ; agreed to all
he had said of the Duke of Newcastle, but doubted of the
facts charged on Mr. Pelham. He told the Duke of Bedford,
that if he was uneasy in his present post, he would give him
that of president; but the Duke said it was impossible for
him to act with the two brothers. He begged three rever
sions in the secretary's office, for his two secretaries, Mr.
Levison and Mr. Aldworth, and his steward ; to which the
' Lord Orford : Memoires, p. 167-8. 3 Coxe's Pelham Adm. p. 189.
2 Which was afterwards the case.

394 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1752. king deferred giving an answer till next day, but then granted
them, and parted with him with particular marks of favour
and approbation."1
The British ambassadors abroad, on receiving the news of
this event, expressed their regret in terms beyond the tenour
of mere compliment ; and as we are informed, by Lord Orford,
that the tide of popularity was setting strongly in during the
session in favour of the duke and Mr. Fox, the king was at
no pains to conceal his displeasure with the restless author of
the intrigue. In delivering the seals to Lord Holderness,
which was in the presence of the Duke of Newcastle, he
charged the new secretary to confine himself to the business
of his province, and not to render it what it had lately been —
a mere office of faction ; and to the Duke of Newcastle him
self he did not condescend even to speak for several weeks.2
Parliament was prorogued on the 25th of June ; the nego
tiations for electing a king of the Romans were resumed.
Into the wilderness of these continental politics it is impossible
for us to enter : the king and the ministry ran headlong into
them, and a fresh subsidiary treaty was struck with the
King of Poland, elector of Saxony, to purchase another vote
for the Archduke Joseph. Parliament reassembled in No
vember; and Mr. Pelham, notwithstanding his former de
claration that the Bavarian subsidy should be the last, in
laying the treaty before the Commons, adduced the sanction
given to that measure as an argument for their complying
with the present. It was opposed by persons of all parties ;
but the most animated discussion took place in the House of
Lords. It was to be expected that the Duke of Bedford, after
the violation of that promise which had alone reconciled him
to the former subsidy, would not let the present pass un-
' Lord Orford : Mem. pp. 167-8. ! lb. p. 172 : Coxe's Pel. Adm. ii. 190.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 395
censured ; nor would it have been surprising if his opposition A.D. 1752.
to it had been sharpened by the ill-treatment which he had
personally received from the two Pelhams. But having,
says Lord Orford, been driven into contention, not having
himself sought it, he did not feel resentment enough for the
loss of power, which he had never greatly coveted, to make
him eager in returning ill usage ; and, as he thought himself
distinguished by the king's esteem, he affected gratitude to
the master more than revenge to the ministers.1 The duchess
had exerted herself to fix him in this sentiment; but his
opinions on the treaty were well known : there were some
who wished to throw him into decided opposition ; their com
ments on the subsidy quickened his distaste to it ; and, under
the promise of allies in the attack, he, on the 28th of January,
1752, entered into the debate upon it with all that ardour
and impetuosity for which he was proverbial. After an
apology for questioning a measure instituted by a sovereign
whom he for seven years had served, to be misrepresented to
whom would be the most sensible misfortune that could befall
him, he avowed that he could neither in conscience acquiesce,
nor be content with silently opposing subsidiary treaties in a
time of peace, as they were alike dangerous, impolitic, and
unpopular. He then came to the particular treaty before
them ; and, after enlarging on the indignity of the preamble,
which represented them as suppliants to the inconsiderable
King of Poland, who, on various accounts, was incapable of
serving them, he criticised it, article by article, in so luminous
a method, with so copious a variety of matter, and such valid
arguments, ranged now against the terms and time, and now
against the object, its incompetence to gain the end designed
abroad, its pressure on the sources of prosperity at home,
1 Memoires, p. 210.

396 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1752. and mastered his own temper with such perfect coolness as
exhibited him altogether under a new light, and caused him
to be regarded as a very formidable speaker.1 Before con
cluding with the motion for an address which should embody
these and other sentiments, he darted a few bright and
piercing shafts of satire against the secret conduct of the two
brothers — the flattery which the one had paid to the king's
German passions, and the ease with which the other had
stifled his displeasure at a subsidy of which he must certainly
have disapproved. If the measure was yielded to by the
minister against his will, what extravagant imbecility ! but
whether this were the case or not, the tenour was the same,
and parsimony or profuseness took their turns in this misgo-
vernment, less for the national prosperity or interest, than to
gratify personal spleen or private partialities : now, to please
some individuals, the navy was to be reduced ; and, anon, to
sweeten others, Nova Scotia was to be suckled to a surfeit.
The glance at Nova Scotia — after the Duke of Newcastle
had vainly sought, in a confused and incoherent speech, to
exhibit the great wisdom of the measure — called up Lord
Halifax. After excusing the subsidies by reference to the
example of France, and, after defending the money granted
for Nova Scotia, he imprudently said, that of all men he least
expected opposition from one who had so lately approved
such treaties. This was the accusation for which the duke
had waited : he instantly embraced, and skilfully improved
it. So far from this being a preventive measure, it was, he
said, more likely to excite a war ; that he had indeed omitted
to explain his own consistency, though he had foreseen the
possibility of an attack. To detach Bavaria from France had
always been his wish ; but not with a view to engage an idle
1 Lord Orford : Memoires.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 397
vote for a king of the Romans, the election of whom he had A.D, 1752.
been assured was infallible before this time, and that it had
not proved so argued an extreme neglect. But that while he
had acted in the ministry, he had disapproved these lavish
subsidies, and with such earnest representations against that
to Bavaria, that he had received the strongest assurances
that it should be the last we would dispense, from one who
had both the inclination and the power to prevent it. His
proof, he said, was in his pocket — - the declaration a solemn
promise — the writer of the letter Mr. Pelham. Mr. Pelham
was present in the house during the debate ; from that hour
he never more attended it. But on the day following, when
the duke's motion was supported by a similar one in the
Commons, he seized, says Lord Orford, the opportunity of
venting the anguish he had felt the day before, and of abusing
the Duke of Bedford with much bitterness and ability.1 The
uneasiness was infectious : when next the duke appeared at
court, the king took no notice of him.
In the debate upon the bill for annexing the forfeited
estates in Scotland to the crown, which was introduced into
the Lords upon the 10th of March, the duke again shone in a
speech that made a yet more powerful impression. The pro
fessed object of this measure was to empower the crown to
purchase the domains forfeited by the Earl of Perth, Lochiel,
and other chieftains in the late rebellion, which were to be
then ceded, or rather leased to the public, in order to have
colonies, especially of foreign Protestants, settled on them, that
might carry into the bosom of the Highlands, civilisation,
industry, and attachment to the reigning family. These
were views which every statesman would have been glad to
accomplish ; for if the spirit of clanship could be broken, and,
1 Memoires.

398 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1752. by a new species of tenure, a dependency be created on the
crown, it would obviously correct many of the evils that had
arisen in the north of Scotland, from a divided allegiance and
long habits of lawless depredation. But the seeming imprac
ticability of carrying so great a measure into actual effect —
the improbability that men would be induced to settle upon
wild and barren tracts, in the midst of fierce, intractable, and
haughty clans, who had not forgotten the ancient feud between
the Gael and Saxon, and still less their recent foil by the
Hanoverian, prevented many from anticipating any advan
tage from its introduction. In the details of the bill, besides,
there were many grave objections raised, — the great power
which it would fling into the hands of a few great men, the
amount proposed for the purchase, which was merely 100,000Z.,
when the mortgage upon Lord Lovat's estate alone was
30,000Z., and various others. The Duke of Bedford, in his
speech, of which he has himself left the main outlines,1 stated,
with great prodigality and force of argument, the difficulties
that existed of carrying the bill into execution, and even the
dangers that would but too probably follow in its train. And
this brought him to the exposure of a very singular and
unsuspected series of practices in Scotland, the particulars of
which had been furnished him by the Duke of Cumberland, —
weapons, the keen edge of which struck mainly at the Duke
of Argyll, whose power there was uncontrolled, but which
necessarily glanced also on the ministry, inflicting wounds
that were very sharply felt. He brought forward, from
a long list of such, several instances — naming person, cir
cumstance, and place — in which the adherents of the reigning
dynasty had been persecuted for their loyalty ; and stanch
1 Bedford Papers. Lord Hardwicke's notes of it, as given in the " Par
liamentary Debates," are very imperfect.

K. George II. . JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 399
Jacobites had been protected, patronised, rewarded with A.D. 1752.
offices of emolument and trust, — facts which, he insisted,
called for the gravest inquiry before any bill should pass that
might invest individuals with more extensive facilities for
mischief, and confer on such as already exercised too great
an influence, a yet more numerous array of dependents —
converting a scheme that ought to be of national advantage
into one obvious enormous job. Should the commissioners
not act, it was a needless and a useless bill; if they did,
what was to encourage them? for their services were to be
gratuitous, — what but the power and interest which the enact
ment would confer? And into what hands, he exclaimed,
are you going to trust these formidable enemies ? Are you
not following the same method which you took with Lord
Lovat, to empower other Lord Lovats to raise up more rebel
lions ? He, however, was but a single instance, and the sub
sidy to him a trifle in the scale ; but this was a plan for the
most formidable power that had ever at any period been
attempted to be established in that country.
" It required," says Lord Orford, " more art than the
chancellor possessed, to efface the impressions made by this
speech. To dispute the facts would be admitting that they
ought to be examined. He thought the most prudent method
was to admit their authenticity; but to endeavour to shew
that a previous examination of them was not necessary,
either in that place, or before the conclusion of the bill. —
Then rose a man on whom all eyes had turned during the
debate — the Duke of Argyll : how was every expectation
disappointed! As his power was uncontrolled in Scotland,
as partialities could only be exercised under his influence, or
connived at by his intrigues, as the bill was known to be a
sacrifice made to his ascendant, as its practicability had been

400 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1753. questioned, who but himself was answerable — for favour to
the Jacobites, for tyranny to the loyal, for the necessity, for
the utility, or for the feasibility of the regulation in question ?
He looked down, seemed abashed, spoke low, and but a few
words, then contemptuously, and, at last, said nothing to
refute the charge of partialities, or in defence of the bill.
The Duke of Newcastle, flustered by the Duke of Bedford's
attack, and confounded by the Duke of Argyll's no defence,
seemed to speak only to mark his own confusion, and to
enforce what the Duke of Bedford had urged. He said he
had taken minutes of the names mentioned by his grace, and
hoped such recommendations would be made no more."1 The
bill passed ; but several of the obnoxious persons mentioned
were removed. Mr. Pelham was enraged beyond measure at
the Duke of Argyll; the king charmed with the Duke of
' Bedford ; and both these sensations were heightened by the
Duke of Cumberland's giving his father a list of sixty Jaco
bites, who had been preferred in Scotland since the rebellion.2
When an end was put to the session, the speaker, in his
speech to the sovereign, launched out into invectives against
the mismanagement in Scotland.
In the political effervescence which accompanied those
jealousies relative to the education of the heir to the crown,
that were naturally excited amongst all who valued the great
principle of a limited monarchy, by the tendency of the
books surreptitiously put into his hands, the discountenance
shewn to, and the consequent resignation of his excellent
preceptors, Lord Harcourt and the Bishop of Norwich, the
Duke of Bedford took a lively interest, — joining first in the
revision and circulation of that anonymous " Memorial,"
drawn up by Horace Walpole, purporting to be " signed by
1 Lord Orford : Memoires, pp. 237 — 9. 2 lb. p. 240.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 401
several noblemen and gentlemen of fortune," which, as it A.D. 1753.
skilfully embodied the suspicions that were then floating in
the public mind upon this subject, struck the ministry with
a great panic; and afterwards giving Lord Ravensworth,
when he brought before the privy council his charge of
Jacobitism against Mr. Stone and Mr. Murray, the oppor
tunity of a full vindication of his conduct, by a parliamentary
motion which, if better improved, might perhaps have broken
up the administration, and which, as it was, had the effect of
throwing some strong lights upon the secret means resorted
to for stifling the inquiry,1 and of incapacitating Mr. Murray
from taking that higher office to which it would otherwise
have been the Duke of Newcastle's first thought to raise him,
in the juncture that so soon ensued.
The debates on the clandestine marriage, and the repeal
of the Jews' naturalisation bills, both of which the Duke of
Bedford opposed, animated the concluding period of the
session of 1753. In March 1754, the king had to lament
the death of Mr. Pelham, whose directing influence the
Duke of Newcastle laboured to inherit, by gathering up and
uniting in his own hand those elements of power which were
now in danger of dissolving. But the materials were not
very plastic to his purpose. Fox, the secretary at war, had
always aspired to be Mr. Pelham's successor; Murray's
power of service was injured by the late inquiry ; Pitt was
unacceptable to the king; the first, therefore, seemed the
man most capable of managing the House of Commons.
Overtures were made to him through Lord Harrington ;
and every preliminary had been decided on, when the demon
1 The memorial in question, and ample particulars of the whole trans
action and debate, may be seen in Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. i.
pp. 262-290.
VOL. II. D D

402 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1754. of jealousy took possession of Newcastle ; he refused to be
bound by the new stipulations ; and Fox sent in his refusal of
the office, observing to the king, that he should never more
believe the man that could so unblushingly deceive him.
The duke accordingly looked round for instruments of greater
ductility. Taking himself the treasury, with the sole disposal
of the secret service-money, he made Mr. Legge his chancellor
of the exchequer, Sir Thomas Robinson secretary of state ;
and, bestowing the place of cofferer on Sir George Littleton,
divided him from the Pitt party. He soon reaped the just
reward of his selfishness. Fox, alienated by his treachery,
and Pitt by his neglect, shewed their resentment by joining in
a species of opposition to him during the November sessions
of the new parliament, — the one applying himself to control
the genius of Murray, the other to expose the incapacity of
Robinson. As the session went on, it became obvious that
matters could not long remain as they were. The Duke of
Newcastle's first thought was to dismiss Pitt from his situation
of paymaster ; but rash as he could be when his power was
at stake, he could not venture at once upon so bold a step ;
and he accordingly submitted to a courtship with Fox. The
king having, therefore, first somewhat softened the latter in a
private interview, sent Lord Waldegrave to him, by whose
persuasions he was induced to limit his demands to a cabinet
counsellor's place, and to agree to an armistice with the mi
nister, — for it could not be called a peace, — whereby the duke
was enabled to bring the business of the session to a close in
April 1755, when the king went abroad.
The hemisphere meanwhile was dark with other storms.
The protraction of the conferences on Nova Scotia, the en
croachments which the French had long been making on our
settlements in the New World, and their construction of a

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 403
vast chain of forts that now nearly environed them, were but A.D. 1755.
parts of one great scheme for the extinction of the British
power in America. Finding themselves at length suitably
prepared, they had instigated the Indians to take up the
hatchet, had surprised two English forts on the Ohio, and
massacred the garrisons. A rupture with Versailles was,
therefore, inevitable. Preparations for war were made on
both sides; but those of France with the greater vigour.
Her armament being ready to sail for America, Admiral
Boscawen was despatched to watch its motions. Its war
like object was unequivocal, and the admiral took two of
its vessels. Knowing well what must be the consequences of
this step, the British ministry sent out their fleet into the
channel with hostile orders, but without any declaration of
war: Hawke obeyed them to the letter, and before winter
set in, more than three hundred trading vessels were brought
into the British ports as prizes.
Such was the lowering aspect of affairs when the king
returned to England in September : the prospect of a conti
nental war alarmed him early for his favourite electorate ; he
sought in consequence to renew his continental alliances, and
again to take Hanoverian and Hessian troops into pay. Two
other subsidiary treaties concluded, the one with Hesse, and
the other with Russia, were the result of this policy.
Previous to the king's departure for Hanover, the Duke
of Newcastle had obtained his consent to the strengthening
of the ministry. He made various attempts at this by com
prising in his plan both Fox and Pitt, who made some efforts
to agree; but as neither could brook a superior, he commenced
separate overtures in July, through the elder Horace Walpole,
with the latter. Mr. Pitt was entering into intimate engage
ments with the princess dowager and with Mr. Legge, who,

404 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1755. having found himself treated absolutely as a cipher, waited
only for the moment when he might with most eclat abandon
his present, as he had done his former patron. Pitt's demand
of the seals was approved by Walpole, who had full powers
to treat with him ; but it proved so little to the liking of the
duke, that he refused to complete the arrangement, and Mr.
Pitt, with infinite disgust, put a peremptory end to all further
conference. The partisans of Leicester House were then
applied to ; but the princess dowager, in fear of losing the
government of her son, for whom the king was projecting an
unpalatable marriage, was more disposed to stir up an oppo
sition than to enter into any close connexion with his ministry.
The fruit of Pitt's courtesies to her and Legge was soon appa
rent. When the Duke of Newcastle brought the new treaties
to the Treasury for " our friend Legge" to sign, he flatly
refused compliance — they had not been communicated either
to him, or to parliament — how could he dare to sanction
what parliament might disapprove ? The duke was thunder
struck, and could scarcely believe his senses : entreaty and
remonstrance were alike found unavailing; the heart of
Legge was marble.
The minister was thus pushed to his last pass : so deeply
was he hated for his political treacheries (though well liked in
private life for his great good nature and easy forgetfulness of
injury), that every one overlooked Mr. Legge's ingratitude in
admiration of his spirit. The treaties thus insultingly opposed
at the threshold were fallen to a fearful discount. Much as
he disliked, and greatly as he feared Mr. Fox, there was now
no alternative but to have recourse to him. Fox was not at
this time sensible of the duke's exact situation : his demands,
therefore, were moderate, and he obtained them — the secre
tary's seals, with full " power to help or hurt in the House of

K. Georoe II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 405
Commons." He required promotion for but few of his own A.D. 1755.
friends, four, or at the utmost five ; though his great object
was to constitute such a balance in his favour as might either
secure him against all chicanery, or enable him to overthrow
the power of the aggressor; but this he proposed to accomplish
by securing the accession of the Bedford party, with the head
of which he had cultivated an assiduous friendship ever since
the latter had resigned the seals. This inclination was in
creased in a tenfold degree when he learnt, from Mr. Stone,
that the chiefs of the ministry must have necessarily sent in
their resignations if he had stood aloof.
He accordingly opened a correspondence with the duke
through Mr. Rigby.1 The duke's friends, some from interest,
1 Mr. Rigby had early attracted the attention, and conciliated the good
opinion of the Prince of Wales. Being invited to the levees at Leicester
House, he so far justified this estimation, that the prince gave him an unso
licited promise of appointment as gentleman of his bedchamber on the first
vacancy. But a vacancy soon after occurring, which was conferred upon
another, Mr. Rigby, who possessed as much personal independence as liveli
ness of feeling, resented with spirit the disappointment of his expectations.
The prince, feeling the justness of the rebuke, sought to correct the error by
the offer of a douceur as a temporary consideration. The gross nature of the .
compensation but increased the offence. " I shall never," he replied, " re
ceive pay for a service of which I am not deemed worthy ; but rather think
it my duty to retire from a court where honour has, I find, no tie." With
these words he left the prince's presence, and never after entered Leicester
House. It was shortly after this defection from the prince, that, being thrown
into the society of the Duke of Bedford, the latter was pleased with the
frankness of his manners, and the sparkling sallies of his conversation. He
admitted him to his society with the greater freedom when he found that his
accomplishments were accompanied with yet more sterling qualities ; and
hence the intercourse soon ripened into confidence and attachment. He
became one of the warmest and steadiest of the Duke of Bedford's political
partisans ; and by his lively and satiric wit in social intercourse, his piquant
correspondence when apart, and devoted attachment under every phase of
public favour or disfavour, enlivened by his friendship the whole of that
nobleman's remaining years. The busy part which he pursued in fashionable
society, where his festive talents made him always welcome, and the close

406 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1755. some from revenge, and others from real esteem of Mr. Fox,
were eager for the junction ; but the duke himself, notwith
standing his unaffected regard for that minister, was most
averse to it, especially as the very band of concord was to be
an approbation of the treaties, which, though framed under
very different circumstances from the former, with a war
actually commenced, were repugnant to his ideas of sound
attendance which he paid to some, who through every change were intimately
acquainted with the interior movements of the court, rendered his correspond
ence occasionally as serviceable as it was amusing ; but it was not until the
duke's resignation of the secretary's seals that this had regularly commenced.
There was probably some truth in the circumstance, though the fact came
to be grossly perverted and distorted, of his having interfered to protect the
Duke of Bedford from ^ brutal assault, attempted upon him and others at
the Lichfield races, by some Jacobites, to whom he was obnoxious from his
zealous duty to the House of Hanover. It was in 1748, during the national
ferment consequent upon the suppression of the rebellion, that the Stafford
shire sportsmen who were of the chevalier's party, made their ridiculous
display of favour towards his pretensions. " They appeared," says Smoilett,
" in the highland dress, and their zeal descending to a very extraordinary
exhibition of practical ridicule, they hunted with hounds clothed in plaid, a
fox dressed in red uniform. Even the females at their assembly, and the
gentlemen at the races, affected to wear the chequered stuff by which the
prince pretender and his followers had been distinguished ; and divers
noblemen on the course were insulted as apostates."1 The attorney-general
appears to have commenced a prosecution for the outrage against the parties
most actively concerned ; but these being of too low a character to excite any
other feeling than contempt, it was withdrawn on their pleading guilty to the
indictment. "On the 13th of August came on before Mr. Justice Burnet
the trial of the information against Tott (a dancing-master), and others, for
the insulting and striking the Duke of Bedford and other gentlemen, upon
Whittington Heath, at the last Lichfield horse-races, when it was likewise
proposed by the counsel for the defendants, that the several rioters in that
information, to the number of thirteen, should submit to be found guilty,
if the counsel for the crown would consent to withdraw the informations
against several other persons concerned in that riot; which was agreed to by
the counsel for the crown; and those defendants who were the principal per
sons concerned in that riot were also convicted by the jury."— Gentleman's
Magazine, vol. xviii. p. 378.

1 Jones's Smollett, vol. v. 187 a.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 407
policy. The overtures which he received, the medium through A.D. 1755.
which they were proposed, and the feelings that induced him
to decline them, appear from the following correspondence.
Mr. Fox to John, Earl Gower.
October 14, 1755.
My Lord, — His royal highness the Duke approves, and there
fore your lordship will allow of my taking this liberty. I make it
my humble request to your lordship, that if in your opinion it is
not improper, you would sound the Duke of Bedford, to know
whether, if his majesty should send to ask his grace's assistance, to
quell the spirit that is rising against the subsidiary treaties entered
into for the defence of his electoral dominions, and should express
that for this purpose he should think it for his service that his grace
should immediately take the privy seal, whether, I say, his grace
would receive the message in such manner as his majesty would
wish, and come and take the seal accordingly? I need not tell
your lordship that I would not propose this, without your knowing
that such a message might be procured ; and it is as little necessary
to say to one of your lordship's rank and understanding, that no
such message must be procured, till the reception it would meet
with is certainly known.
How much the king, the public, and (which is of little conse
quence) my future situation, is concerned in the event of this matter,
will no doubt occur to your lordship ; and even the last may, I
flatter myself, have some little weight. Should your lordship's
answer be such, as I most earnestly wish it may, who would be the
proper messenger directly from the king to the Duke of Bedford ?
I think your lordship, as it would be doing the Duke of Bedford
more honour, and perhaps would please the king better than send
ing it either by the Duke of Grafton, or Lord Waldegrave.
I am, &c. &c. H. Fox.
Earl Gower to the Duke op Bedford.
London, Oct. 14, 1755, Eleven o'clock.
My dear Lord, — The enclosed letter I have just received from
Mr. Fox, and think I cannot possibly give an answer to it without

408

RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.

A.D. 1755. communicating the entire contents to your grace. I take the reason
of this letter being sent to me to be, that if your grace does not
approve of the terms proposed, you may not be put to the disagree
able necessity of giving a refusal, nor his majesty of receiving it. I
must own, I am glad to find that his Grace of Newcastle seems
to be entirely out of the present transactions ; and that, though his
downfal is not immediate, every political step seems to portend it.
I intend setting out for Stratton on Thursday, unless your grace's
determination upon this measure should make my continuance in
London necessary. I am
Your Grace's most obliged and obedient servant,
Gower.
The Duke of Bedford to Earl Gower.
Woburn Abbey, Oct. 15, 1755.
My dear Lord, — Your servant has this moment brought me
your letter, with an account of what you had heard in relation to
my coming again into employment. It gives me great concern
that I cannot at present be of any utility to his majesty in this
critical situation of affairs, not only as I have ever determined,
since my resigning the seals, upon no account to enter into public
business whilst the Duke of Newcastle should continue at the head
of affairs ; but also as the affair of these late subsidiary treaties
(of which I know no more than what the Dutch gazettes inform
me), seems to me to be calculated more to bring on a war upon
the continent of Europe, than for the sole defence of his majesty's
electoral dominions, which doubtless can be in no imminent danger
from any aggressor, as being under the protection and part of the
Roman Empire : besides the necessity this country will be ever
under of causing ample satisfaction to be made to his majesty for
any losses he or his German subjects may have sustained en haine,
for what he may have done as king of Great Britain. I hope you
will be convinced that what I now do, does not proceed either
from want of duty to his majesty, or from any dislike to any
number of people now employed ; my duty to the king will carry
me as far as my duty to my country will allow me, to the support
of his dominions abroad ; but what I owe to myself will not permit

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 409
me again to enter into the king's service, whilst the person who A.D. 1755.
has once deceived me is so high, if not at the head of the adminis
tration. Let me add one word before I conclude, — that no one can
have a more dutiful regard than myself for the great person men
tioned in the beginning of the account you sent me, nor a greater
desire of obeying his commands, so far as I can consistently with
my former actions and my present opinion of the state of things;
and I must likewise desire the favour of your lordship to assure the
person who wrote to you, that no one can wish him better than
myself, and that I am heartily sorry it is not in my power to do
what I perceive would be agreeable to him.
I am, &c. &c. Bedford.
The duke's decision was not willingly acquiesced in by
his friends. They endeavoured to shake it by representations
of the necessity of strengthening the power of Mr. Fox, were
it only to effect a change in that system of rendering the
interests of England so subservient to the electorate, which
the Duke of Newcastle had all along so artfully pursued.
The Duke of Bedford was not insensible to the force of these
suggestions, but could not overcome his objection to the
treaties. His friends renewed their solicitations, but he still
refused compliance, till Mr. Fox hit upon the expedient of
sending the Duke of Marlborough to bespeak the influence
of Lord Fane, whom the Duke of Bedford " esteemed as the
honestest man in the world." As the duke had promised to
acquaint Lord Fane when any change occurred in either his
sentiments or intentions, this nobleman excused himself from
obtruding his counsel ; yet he consented to state in a letter to
the duke his own opinion of the evil consequences that would
now result, should parliament refuse its sanction to the
treaties ; as the French, with the bait of the electorate added
to their own subsidies, would, he believed, so certainly in
crease their power, as in a short time to have the whole

410 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1755. empire at their devotion, in which case all opposition to
them on the continent would be entirely nugatory.1 Those
who thought with Mr. Pitt and his party that England
should restrict her military efforts to the defence of America
and a naval war, would have seen no great weight in this
argument ; but neither the Duke of Bedford nor any others
had the wildness to imagine that the king could be repressed
in his passion for a continental war, and it had, accord
ingly its influence with him. He was, nevertheless, desirous
of seeing and conversing with Mr. Pitt upon the subject ;
but this his connexions studiously prevented, lest that in
flexible man and eloquent declaimer should confirm him in
a jealousy of his consistency, Lord Orford says his honour,
which might be thought compromised by any deviation from
his conduct in the former sessions, different as the state of
affairs then was. Lord Orford states that they wrung tears
from him before they could induce compliance. In indul
gence of his scruples, the ministry submitted the proposed
speech from the throne to his perusal, and softened some
expressions in it that seemed to promise too peremptory a
defence of Hanover ; and he at length consented to his friends'
acceptance of the offices proposed to them, but refused any
employment for himself. When parliament opened in No
vember, he supported the address ; and when the treaties
came under discussion, " decently and handsomely excused
his approbation of them."2
A somewhat formidable opposition was meanwhile ar
ranged by Mr. Pitt, who, during the debates, put forth all
that vigorous and consuming eloquence, lively ridicule, and
terrible invective, of which he was so great a master ; Legge,
Lord Temple, and the other partisans of himself and Leices-
1 Bedford Papers. 2 Lord Orford ; Memoires.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 411
ter-house, following closely in his wake. The king, resenting A.D. 1756.
their opposition, dismissed the triumvirate from office ; the
treaties passed by large majorities; and during the Christmas
recess, the changes in the administration were settled. Mr.
Rigby was promoted to the board of trade, Lord Gower
intrusted with the privy-seal, and Lord Sandwich, though
he received no present appointment, was destined to the
dignity of chief-justice in eyre. Mr. Fox would fain have
engaged the Duke of Bedford to promise to drop all asperity
to the Duke of Newcastle, but this he frankly and absolutely
refused. The year 1756 was a memorable one. The senate re
sounded with the thunders of an opposition burning at once
with resentment and ambition. France, incessantly engaged
upon armaments which were thought to be destined for an
invasion on our own territory, spread alarm over the nation.
The Hessian treaty was put into operation, and the people
saw their homes and coasts, instead of being guarded by a
native force, placed under the tutelage of foreigners, whom
they regarded with mistrust and jealousy. A militia-bill,
introduced by George Townshend to obviate this ignominy,
after passing the Commons, and being ably supported by the
Duke of Bedford, was thrown out by the Lords. A treaty
entered into with the King of Prussia separated England from
Austria, her long-cherished ally ; who, with Russia and Swe
den, joined the league with France, and mustering her Croats
and hussars on the frontiers of Silesia, gave secret tokens of
intended warfare, which Prussia so instantly interpreted, as
to forestall her trumpet ; the fields of Lowositz and defiles of
Lalienstein proclaimed his superiority, and the King of
Poland became a fugitive and exile.
The Duke of Newcastle, whose indecision in all grave

412 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1756. business had passed into a proverb, possessing neither the
confidence of the nation nor the good-will of many of his col
leagues, was wholly unequal to the crisis that ensued. He
continued to treat Mr. Fox rather like an enemy whom he
feared, than an assistant by whose counsels his own should be
supported ; and the expedition which the latter was earnest
to despatch in the beginning of March for the safety of
Minorca, was unaccountably delayed till the 7th of April.
The result was most deplorable ; the loss of that island set
all England in a flame. This unpopular event confirmed
Murray, the solicitor-general, and chief defender of the
minister in the Commons, in a resolution which he had
lately taken ; like a wary mariner, he provided for the
coming tempest : implored by Newcastle not to desert his
post in parliament, he yet insisted on a promise that had
formerly been made him, and accepted in October the office
of lord chief-justice and a peerage, leaving the conduct of
the House of Commons to be managed as it might.
Destitute of any real power, scarcely permitted to tender
an opinion, and involved in the ill success of measures on
which he had not been consulted, Mr. Fox found it was time
to regard his own security ; and on the 15th of October sent
by Lord Granville a dutiful letter to the king, in which, after
recapitulating some of his subjects of complaint against the
Duke of Newcastle, he stated the impossibility of his con
tinuing to act any longer with him, but professed his willing
ness to act in any post not of the cabinet. The king was very
angry ; talked of his insatiable ambition, the favours he had
granted, and the power with which he had invested him :
nor did the indifferent discretion with which Lord Granville
managed his share of the measure, in any respect improve
the matter. Their conversation ended by the king's sending

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 413
back to Mr. Fox, and putting it to his honour and conscience A.D. 1756.
if he could desert his service at that trying time ; but without
indicating any departure from his system of governing singly
by the Duke of Newcastle.1 On the 18th, Mr. Fox had an
audience. The king was calm, serious, full of anger, but
determined not to shew it ; for the chancellor being sent to,
did not come to town until the evening, and without him the
Duke of Newcastle knew not what either to do or say, but
desired the king to keep himself open to any conduct that
might be thought advisable.2 The next morning Mr. Pitt
came to town, whom the chancellor during that and the suc
ceeding day plied with considerable offers. Of all these
incidents the Duke of Bedford was instantly apprised, whose
letters increased Mr. Fox's desire to consult him, for which
purpose he went down to Woburn, where he spent two days.
Mr. Pitt meanwhile had refused in direct terms every
offer that was made to induce him to act the part of Ajax
with the minister, and to cover this endangered Teucer with
the shield of his popularity. He indicated indeed the terms
that would satisfy him, — they were made in the closest
concert with Mr. Legge and Leicester-house ; but they were
far too high, and glanced too clearly at the exclusion of the
Duke of Newcastle to be seriously listened to by the chan
cellor or him. Lord Halifax was next tempted with the
secretary's seals, and after him Lord Egmont ; their coolness
or impracticability gave a sufficient indication to the watchful
bystanders of the minister's desperate position. The Duke of
Marlborough already talked triumphantly of his removal or
disgrace, and wrote to the Duke of Bedford on the 26th his
opinion, that this might now be easily accomplished by a
1 Bedford Papers. Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, October 15.
3 lb. Mr. Fox to the same, October 19.

414 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1756. friendly conjunction between Fox and Pitt, which he imagined
no one could bring about so well, and with so much authority
as he. The Duke of Bedford willingly undertook the part
suggested, and strenuously laboured to bring the rival candi
dates to a happy understanding with each other. To the
same point tended now the king's own efforts, as the Duke
of Newcastle finding at length that no one would consent to
trust him, declared in form his resolution to resign. The
king, upon the 27th, imparted this to Mr. Fox, and bade
him try if Mr. Pitt would join with him. He went accord
ingly the next day to the prince's levee, where he spoke
with Mr. Pitt, but found him entirely averse to the proposal,
and inclined to use but little ceremony in the communication
of his personal repugnance. In this juncture the Duke of
Devonshire, upon the 28th, was commissioned by the king to
compose a ministry. He went in the first instance to Mr. Pitt,
but his demands were much too imperious and exclusive to
meet with his approval : on the 30th he was more moderate,
but, foreseeing probably that Mr. Fox was to have the offer
of the treasury, he still persisted in declaring that he could
not act with him as minister ; and the Duke of Bedford was
accordingly apprised by Mr. Fox that he might possibly soon
desire his company in town. The next day he wrote to
require it, at a dinner at the King's Head tavern, where he
would be met by the Dukes of Devonshire and Marlborough.
He obeyed the requisition, and on the 2d of November thus
writes to the duchess.
The Duke to the Duchess of Bedford.
Bedford House, November 2, 1756.
When I wrote to you from your sister's, I had no time to add
any thing more to that letter, as I was desirous it should come to
you this night as early as was possible. I am now just come in

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 415
from the play, from Lady Coventry's box, who desires a thousand A.D. 1756.
compliments to you and Caroline. The Duchess of Hamilton was
with her, in the height of beauty.
I will now give you as clear and as shoVt a narration as I can,
of all I can relate which has passed since I came to town. I found,
upon my coming to the King's Head, the Duke of Marlborough and
Mr. Fox ; and upon discoursing with the latter, before the Duke of
Devonshire came in, I found every thing confirmed which I had
before heard of the impracticability of Mr. Pitt, who would not
serve with Mr. Fox as a minister, and seemed determined to place
himself and family sole governors of every thing. However, as they
had not presumption enough to name the first lord of the treasury,
of which Mr. Legge was to be a commissioner and chancellor of the
exchequer, it was hoped by us then present, that the king, by nomi
nating the Duke of Devonshire first lord, such a control would be
laid on Pitt and his friends, by the treasury's continuing in the
king's power, that Mr. Fox, though not in a cabinet counsellor's
place, would still keep such a weight in the House of Commons as
would hinder Pitt and his party from getting the absolute ascend
ency over the king himself, and confine them to that proper degree
of power they had a right to expect, and in which they might have
been useful to the public. When the Duke of Devonshire came
in, and we had dined, and Mr. Rigby had retired to your sister's,
we began to talk of the business of our meeting ; and after the first
assurances of good wishes, each to the other, the Duke of Devon
shire gave us an account of all that had passed between him and
Mr. Pitt ; and though he condemned his impracticability, and
declared his predilection for Mr. Fox, yet he plainly leaned to
the coming into their terms, though he absolutely refused coming
into the treasury with Mr. Legge. In this unpleasant situation
things were last night, when I parted from Mr. Fox at half-past
one. He told me he had mentioned to the king my being in town,
who seemed very desirous of seeing me. Accordingly I went to
court this morning, and immediately after the levee, went into the
king's closet, who began in the most gracious manner thanking me
for the part I had acted, and lamenting the terrible state of public
affairs, and most bitterly exclaiming against Pitt's insolent treat
ment of him. He hardly gave me time to speak at all, being very

416 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1756. eager in discourse the whole time I stayed with him, which was
above half an hour. Lord Granville then went in, and carried
the king a paper drawn up by himself, which, though short, was
replete with good sense, and which tended to make, on the part
of his majesty, such offers to Pitt and his family as he cannot
reasonably refuse, but such as if he does (which I make no doubt
he will), must put him in the wrong in the opinion of every reason
able man, and enable us all to weather the storm of opposition,
should they be so rash as to undertake it. I have not time to
explain the whole of this now, but will when I see you. Upon the
Duke of Devonshire's coming out of the closet, he brought me
orders to stay in town, till a meeting could be had to consider of
the proposal, which at that instant Lord Granville was communi
cating to me and Mr. Fox, and which meeting is now fixed for
to-morrow night at Devonshire House. I then went to Lady Yar
mouth, and afterwards to the duke, who seems much pleased with
the state in which things now appear. I believe the Duke of
Newcastle and the Chancellor resign on Thursday.
I am quite tired with writing, so must defer the rest till we
meet, which I hope will be on Thursday.
Ever unalterably yours, Bedford.
P. S. If your brother comes to Woburn time enough to be at
Devonshire House to-morrow night, you are desired to send him
up. Adieu.
The intervening hours were not spent in inactivity. The
efforts of Fox were directed to keep up the spirits of the king,
by telling him, that he wanted neither expedients nor courage
to preserve him from the party that was most distasteful to
him. He endeavoured to engage the Duke of Devonshire to
accept the treasury, and the Duke of Bedford the lieutenancy
of Ireland, whilst he himself took the chancellorship of the
exchequer. Mr. Legge would thus be excluded from the
latter, Lord Temple from Ireland ; and it was hoped that at
the proposed meeting, which was to consist of the great lords
and commoners, these, upon the exorbitant demands of Mr.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 417
Pitt being made known, might be induced so far to stand A.D. 1756.
by the king, as not only to sanction this arrangement, but
to join in a general message that the king would not endure
the re-admission of Mr. Legge.1 The Duke of Bedford was,
however, by no means prepared to take Ireland : the fac
tions there had risen to a most alarming height, which would
necessarily interpose the most serious difficulties to his
administration of it, even though the ministry at home were
likely to be settled on a steadier basis than he could flatter
himself would be the case. The Duke of Devonshire him
self, though willing to take the treasury if the above scheme
took effect, would do it on no other, and had his own inter
nal fluctuations as to the preference for Fox or Pitt, which
prevented him from driving at the mark agreed upon, with
any thing like the decision of Mr. Fox and the Duke of
Bedford. Under this temperament the plan failed. For, the
secret transpiring before the time, either through the sovereign
or the Duke of Devonshire, Horace Walpole, who feared that
Mr. Fox was precipitating the king and the chief personages
upon a measure from which it would be as impossible for
them to recede as for Pitt to submit to, and that the most
serious evils might ensue from such a rupture, and at such
a crisis, sent Mr. Conway to alarm the Duke of Devon
shire with his own strong sense of the measure to which he
had given his concurrence.2 It succeeded : the duke was
struck with a panic, caused the intended meeting to be laid
aside, and acquainted Fox that he must be excused from the
treasury, but without mentioning farther particulars. This
announcement greatly disconcerted the latter, as he con
sidered the Duke of Devonshire the only man who could
make the late administration and that part of the court
1 Lord Orford ; Memoires, vol. ii. p. 102. " lb. p. 103.
VOL. II. E E

418 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A D. 1756 . which hated him, behave tolerably, and his idea practicable
of being chancellor of the exchequer in opposition to Mr.
Pitt and Leicester House.1
Yet he had still some hopes of luring back the Duke of
Devonshire, who had made an engagement to see Mr. Pitt
upon the morrow, the 4th instant. He wrote pressingly to
the Duke of Bedford to permit him to accept, on his behalf,
the lieutenancy of Ireland only so far as to carry through the
session, promising that it should be upon a plan both honour
able and satisfactory ; endeavouring to persuade him that in
this case he and the Duke of Devonshire would be the most
popular men in England, and through his acceptance, and
not Devonshire's, he would partake of public favour.2 The
duke was not to be warped from his opinions by this compli
ment ; yet he went with him to Kensington the next day to
countenance his pretensions, in the event of Pitt's having
remained inflexible. They waited in the outer room whilst
the Duke of Devonshire was with the king; but Pitt had
softened during the late prospect of his rival's success ; and
Devonshire, when he came out, informed them that Pitt had
acceded to his wishes, and that he himself had absolutely
and without conditions accepted the treasury. Both were
struck with surprise at his great versatility, and the Duke of
Bedford expostulated warmly with him for his disingenuous-
ness in not having at least acquainted them with his intention.
Yet, in the main point, Lord Waldegrave has vindicated him
from censure ; " for," says he, " he joined Pitt rather than
Fox, not from any change of friendship, or partiality in Pitt's
favour, but because it was more safe to be united with him
who had the nation on his side than with the man who was
' Bedford Papers. Mr. Fox to the Duke of Bedford, Nov. 3, 1756.
2 lb. Nov. 3, evening.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 419
the most unpopular, a reason which will have its proper A.D. 1756.
weight with most ministers."1
The point of pre-eminence between Pitt and Fox was thus
for the present set at rest. On the 19th of November the
Duke "of Newcastle and his Pylades, the chancellor^formally
resigned ; the great seal was put into commission, and the
ministry known under the title of the Duke of Devonshire's
administration, was constituted, in which Mr. Pitt and his
chief adherents occupied conspicuous situations. But several
of the friends of both the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox
still remained in office, — which was very shrewdly designed
by the latter ; for, however strong his private resentment to
the Duke of Newcastle might be, he was conscious that he
would have to bear a portion of the brunt of the battle, when
the measures of their joint administration came to be inquired
into, as was threatened, by the parliament ; and there could
be no mode so efficacious for disarming the tempest of its
thunder, as by making it in any degree the interest of Pitt
to lay the lightnings of his eloquence asleep.
Under this new arrangement Mr. Fox refused to take
any office ; and even gave some tokens of going into oppo
sition, from which the Duke of Bedford laboured to dissuade
him : for much as he regretted the cast of parts which thus
threw his friend out of employment, he was too sensible of
the critical position of public affairs, and personally so well
satisfied with the overthrow of the Duke of Newcastle's ascend
ency in the closet, as to resolve on giving no obstruction to
the ministry; and, accordingly, on being consulted by Lord
Gower, he recommended that nobleman to retain his office.
Gratifying as this deportment was to the king and to the
Duke of Devonshire, the latter could not think the new
ministry complete till the Duke of Bedford was engaged to
1 Earl Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 83.

420 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIII.
A.D. 1756, take some situation in it; he therefore sent Mr. Fox to
Woburn earnestly to solicit his acceptance of the lieutenancy
of Ireland. But if the duke was disinclined to this under the
prospect of Mr. Fox's being constituted prime minister, his
objections were much more increased now that Mr. Pitt was
in power, from whom he expected neither friendly feeling
nor cordial co-operation. And hence Mr. Fox returned with
out accomplishing the object of his wishes. The Duke of
Devonshire received the tidings with regret ; yet, thinking it
not impossible that his objections might be ultimately re
moved, he communicated to him every step which was taken
in regard to Ireland, from a desire that nothing might be
done there without his approbation and concurrence.1 This
mark of attention, and the assurance that if he would assent
to the proposal, every thing should be made easy to his
government, had its influence in preventing him from giv
ing a decided negative. Mr. Fox continued to strengthen
the impression by repeated hints of his own wishes ; yet it
was not till after the session was opened in December, that
he could make up his mind to relinquish his opinions, in
deference to their views and the desire of his sovereign.
Eventually, however, he gave way: in the requisitions which
he felt himself called upon to make, for the suitable execu
tion of so important a trust, the king went to the utmost of
his wishes ; and on the 15th of December he was proclaimed
in council lord lieutenant, and received the congratulations
of persons of all ranks and parties. The management of the
affairs of Ireland was immediately put into his hands ; but,
from various causes, some of a private, some of a public nature,
several months elapsed before he departed to that kingdom.
' Duke of Devonshire to the Duke of Bedford, Nov. 18, 1756.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 421

CHAPTER XXIV.
FROM THE DUKE OF BEDFORD'S LIEUTENANCY IN IRELAND TO THE
DEATH OF GEORGE II.
A.D. 1757 — 1761.
Final settlement of the ministry ... the Duke of Bedford opens the Irish
parliament, Oct. 11, 1757 . . . State of parties ... the Speaker . . . Earl of
Kildare . . . Primate . . . Resolutions on the pension-list, Nov. . . . Oppo
sition of the crown officers to the Castle . . . Distracted state of the govern
ment . . . Intrigues of Lord George Sackville . . . the primate coalesces
with the Ponsonbys . . . demonstrates his power . . .rebuff to his faction
in their attack on the secretary's fees . . .he makes overtures of reconcilia
tion . . . Tenacity of Lord Kildare . . . Conciliatory conduct of the lord
lieutenant ... Closing addresses of the parliament, April 29, 1758...
Change in the revenue board . . . the duke's spirited reply to Lord Kildare
. . . has his interview with the king . . . Courtly behaviour of the primate
to him, Aug. 25... he anticipates the French design of an invasion,
Aug. 29, 1759 . . . Provides for the security of Ireland . . . Re-opens the
Irish parliament, Oct. 1 6 ... his message on the projected invasion . . .
Public panic ... Catholic addresses .. .his enlightened policy towards
that body . . . Tumultuous intrigues of the French emissaries, Dec. . . .
Thurot lands at Carrickfergus, Feb. 1760 . . .is attacked . . . and slain . . .
Congratulatory addresses . . . Session closed, May 17 . . . Death of George
the Second, Oct. 25, 1760 . .Dissolution of the Irish parliament.
Although to outward appearance the ministry seemed settled A.D. 1757.
by the new arrangements, the inward passions that were yet
afloat operated like the heaving of the ocean after a tempest,
and permanent tranquillity was only to be attained through
a fresh convulsion. The state and policy of parties at this
moment was peculiar. There was the Duke of Newcastle,
defeated, fiercely menaced by a parliamentary inquiry into
the loss of Minorca, and burning, in return, to wreak every
possible mischief on the successor to his power. There was

422 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. Fox, averse both to Newcastle and Pitt, yet bound by common
danger to avert the blow aimed at the former, and to affect
towards the latter an easy unconcern ; whilst Pitt, anxious,
on the one hand, to prosecute the charges, was compelled, on
the other, by necessary deference to his new allies, to abandon
them, and to curb in the impetuosity of the two Townshends,
who flew off from him, like sparkling segments, indignant at
a coalition in which they were not comprised. There was a
British officer upon the dice for life, a nation inexorably cla
morous for vengeance, a court-martial plying to the temper
of the times, yet mingling with their condemnation indications
of relenting pity, if not of scrupulous remorse, and shuffling
off the responsibility of decision on a king, stern in his own
opinion of the case, and impatient of the appeal made to his
clemency, yet sensitive to the odium that might attend both
mercy to, and execution of, the offender. Underneath the
surface of the affair more mysterious springs were believed to
be at work, and subterranean fires were seen to smoulder.
During the whole of the session, Sir Thomas Robinson sig
nificantly remarked, that " the floor of the House of Com
mons was overspread with gunpowder ;" " and covered,
besides," said Charles Townshend, " with a roof of thatch!"1
When the verdict of the court-martial was first announced,
the Duke of Cumberland was earnest to know the Duke of
Bedford's opinion of it. He hesitated not strongly to condemn
it, and to array his influence on the side of mercy. After
the generous but ineffectual applications of Lord Temple and
Mr. Pitt to the sovereign for clemency, Mrs. Osborn, the
admiral's sister, in a tender and pathetic letter,3 solicited the
intervention of the Duke of Bedford. Already favourably
disposed to such a step, and touched 'to the quick by some
1 Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford. 2 Bedford Papers.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 423
moving allusions which she made to the attainder of his A.D. 1757.
ancestor, Lord Russell, he willingly undertook the task,
solicited an interview with the king, with a respectful bold
ness pressed his opinions and entreaties for the life of the
victim, was better heard, but unhappily with no better suc
cess. On the forlorn hope of a second application to the
duke by the same party to present a petition to the king,
sensible that the only serviceable channel of a fresh appeal
was through the Admiralty, he indicated his sentiments to
her in terms of the most compassionate kindness ; and in the
parliamentary discussions that attended the dilemma of the
members of the court-martial, took, with Lord Temple, the
part most in consonance with these feelings. With the close
of those discussions the last gleam of hope became extinct, —
the victim to the nation's fury fell on the 14th of March.
In the debates on the militia bill his course was equally
upright. He had strenuously supported it against the friends
with whom he usually acted when it was first brought forward
in 1756 51 and still regarding it as the only constitutional
array for the defence of a free country, he took the same in
dependent part in its defence when reproduced this session ;
and after it had passed exerted himself in his own county to
carry its provisions into effect, in the face of those popular
disturbances which the Tory party had excited by their in
sidious misrepresentations. In the same decisive spirit he
supported George Grenville's bill for introducing greater
punctuality into the navy payments to the seamen, — -a mea
sure which, notwithstanding its obvious justice, struck out
many passions at the time, and was opposed by his friend,
Mr. Fox, to a division in the Commons.
Yet when, in June. 1757, on the disruption of the new
1 See his speech in Cobbett's Pari. Hist. vol. xv. pp. 719-24.

424 RUSSELL MEMOIRS.' Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. ministry by the dismission of Pitt and Legge, Mr. Fox was
commissioned by the king in his distress, on the failure of
other efforts, to essay the formation of a ministry, the Duke
of Bedford readily lent him his encouraging support, and was
so sanguine in his hopes of rescuing the king from his di
lemma, that on the failure of them, he could not avoid, in the
impetuosity of his feelings, reproaching Mr. Fox with that
delay which had been, he thought, the cause of all his ill
success. In a letter expressive of his unaffected attachment
and esteem, Mr. Fox acquits himself of the censure, and
shews that the Duke of Newcastle's intrigues were the main
causes of his failure. The adherents of the latter were, in
fact, still so numerous, that no ministry could be consolidated
without him. The king was sensible of it, stifled his indig
nation at Newcastle's late refusals of assistance, and took him
back to his counsels, with the party whom he had so lately
dismissed ; but under this peculiar advantage, that by the
coalition which had taken place, an effectual check was placed
on his ambition, and a happy cast of offices effected, which,
by satisfying all prevailing parties, secured to the sovereign,
for the remainder of his life, the best services of each. In this,
which was termed Mr. Pitt's administration, the Duke of
Newcastle had the treasury, with Mr. Legge for his chan
cellor of the exchequer ; Mr. Fox accepted the paymaster-
ship of the forces; Lord Gower was made master of the horse;
the Duke of Bedford confirmed in the lieutenancy of Ireland;
and being reconciled to the Duke of Newcastle first by Lord
Granville's mediation, and afterwards by the cheerful assist
ance which the Duke of Newcastle uniformly lent to make
his government more easy, he prepared himself for his
departure to that sphere of action, with Mr. Rigby for his
secretary.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 425
The Irish parliament was to open on the 11th of October. A.D. 1757.
In the interval between this period and his first appointment,
he had been assiduously employed in acquainting himself
with the actual state of the kingdom; in providing equipments
and camp-equipage for the military force there ; in instituting
inquiries with the view of carrying reforms into the barrack-
board department, where the grossest embezzlement had
formerly prevailed ; and in softening the rigours of a scarcity
bordering on famine, by shipments of corn at his own personal
expense, to the amount of 5000L, until a larger grant from
the crown, the outlay of which succeeded in lowering the
markets and inducing plenty, could be officially obtained.
From the accession of the House of Hanover to the second
lieutenancy of the Duke of Dorset, in 1752, which comprised
the primacies of Archbishops Boulter and Hoadley> Ireland
had been tranquil and submissive in the midst of partial dis
contents, occasioned now by poverty and now by the scarcity
arising from a restrained commerce and depressed agriculture.
These discontents the Jacobites first, and after them the Tories,
neglected not to cherish, by instilling additional jealousies
against the English, as opposed to the Irish or native interest.
By degrees, a great part of the Catholic body, smarting as
they were under much penal persecution, made common
cause with the Protestant malcontents, till the coalition as
sumed a somewhat formidable aspect. The measures pursued
by the first primate to sustain the influence of the crown,
increased the demarcation, so that it was always, as he con
fessed in 1728, in the power of any one to become popular,
by setting up, in opposition, for the Irish interest.
The leader, at that period, of the Irish, or, as they termed
themselves, the patriot party, was Mr. Boyle, who for many
years enjoyed the dignity of Speaker of the Commons. By

426 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. courtesy to him, the house of commons had been governed
without difficulty by successive lords-lieutenant. The Duke
of Dorset and his secretary, Lord George Sackville, were the
first to deviate from the policy of their predecessors. They
had pushed up Dr. Stone to the primacy of Ireland, a man
little attentive to his pastoral duties, determined, arrogant;
in ambition inordinate, in his passions warm, in resentment
to his foes inexorable, but to his friends affable, most hos
pitable. Those qualities multiplied him enemies ; these
gathered him a party, which he was indefatigable in en
larging. The speaker, resenting the attempt to govern by
this restless ecclesiastic, and provoked yet more by the dis
dainful bearing of Lord George, threw himself into active
opposition. He had able orators for his adherents, Mr.
Carter, master of the rolls, Sir Richard Cox, the originator
of the linen manufactures, and Mr. Malone, a convert from
Catholicism. With them he mustered all his strength, and
in 1 752 left the government in a small minority. The Irish
people, taught to believe that there had been a studied plan
to depress, and divert the channel of power from the natives,
celebrated the triumph with the most tumultuous rejoicings,
— the ladies by balls, the populace by bonfires. The popular
position which the speaker occupied as a commoner, the
Earl of Kildare took as a peer. A memorial which he per
sonally presented to the king against the Dorset administra
tion and the primate's ascendency, embodying all the pre
valent topics of dissatisfaction, had mainly tended to raise
him to this pedestal. By the fresh successes of the patriot
faction in the contests with the crown, on their claims to a
right in the disposal of their surplus revenue, party rage had
risen to the highest pitch of rancour under the primate's
sway, who influenced the lord-lieutenant to remove the chief

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 427
patriots from their employments, and sought to tincture the A.D. 1 757.
English government itself with his own arbitrary spirit ; — the
whole nation was set on fire by the conflict, and opposition to
the Castle began to be reduced to a system.
The difficulty of managing these factions was heightened
by the periodical absences of the lords-lieutenants. The pri
mate always aspired to be one of the lords justices, and it
was now equally dangerous to admit as to reject him. The
trouble she had raised at length induced the Duke of Dorset
to desire his disgrace ; but it was not till 1 755, under the
lieutenancy of Lord Harrington, afterwards Duke of Devon
shire, that the ministry were prepared for so strong a step.
Lord Hartington's irresolution at the moment when, by such
an act, he might have conciliated both the speaker and Lord
Kildare, rendered additional powers necessary. When con
sented to, all parliamentary opposition was for a season lulled
asleep, by the elevation of the speaker to the peerage, under
the title of the Earl of Shannon, with a pension of 2000Z. a-
year, and the promotion of other patriots to various lucrative
employments. In the midst of this armistice, however, there
sprang up a third power, the party of the Earl of Besborough,
who had long been engaged in raising an interest independent
of both factions, with a view of fixing his son, Mr. John Pon
sonby, in the speaker's chair. This design the primate
abetted, in the hope of being able to govern the young man,
but found out his mistake when Ponsonby was elected. His
power and intrigues soon after received a more violent shock,
being, by the king's orders, struck from the list of privy-
counsellors, and being left out of the vice-regal commission
in 1756, when the Duke of Devonshire resigned his lieute
nancy; on the occasion of whose departure from Ireland,
Lord Chancellor Jocelyn, and the Earls of Besborough and
Kildare, were named lords justices.

428 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. Eager to retrieve his late disgrace, the primate now came
over to England, and threw himself into great court to the
Duke of Bedford ; but as the latter had fixedly resolved to
steer with perfect impartiality between the several factions,
and had, in fact, made it an absolute condition when he ac
cepted the lieutenancy, that he should be the slave of none
of them, he received these advances of intimacy with reserve ;
in consequence of which the archbishop flew off to a nego
tiation with Mr. Pitt and his old patron, Lord George Sack-
ville, the result of which was not slow in developing itself.
Such was the state of parties when the Duke of Bedford
kissed hands at Kensington, on the occasion of his leaving
court. On the 11th of August, accompanied by the duchess,
Lady Caroline Russell, and Mr. Rigby, he set forward on his
journey to Dublin, and on the 25th of September reached the
castle, where he received from the lords justices the sword
of state, the compliments of the Irish nobility, and affectionate
addresses from the Presbyterians and the Society of Friends.
On the 11th of October he opened parliament with the usual
solemnities. In his speech, he glanced at the necessity of
cultivating internal concord, and of being at all points pre
pared, should any foreign insult be attempted on the kingdom.
Of the Commons he requested the usual supplies, and urged
a due consideration to the state of the charter-schools, the
promotion of the linen manufactures, and the prevention of
that scarcity which had recently threatened Ireland with such
terrible calamities. The addresses upon this occasion in reply
were varied by a gratifying compliment, the lords expressing
their satisfaction at the lieutenancy's being delegated to " the
heir and descendant of that great person who paved the way
for the late glorious Revolution, laid the foundation of our
civil rights and liberties, and cemented it with his blood."1
1 Lords' Journals, — Ireland; vol. iv. p. 86.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 429
But these preliminaries past, the animosities of faction A.D. 1757.
broke out with all their former fierceness. The primate, ever
since the check which he received in England, had deeply
meditated on the best means for gathering up the fragments
of his power, and making his consequence felt by the new
lord lieutenant. He omitted no address to win back the
popularity he had lost, which was the less difficult, on
account of the greater reproach which was now pursuing
the apostate patriots. His great rival, Lord Kildare, had
still the more numerous partisans, though fewer than him
self and the speaker, if their adherents were united. To this
point, therefore, he directed all his efforts ; and at the same
time secretly inflamed against the Castle the discontented
patriots who warred against the government — a few from
real attachment to their country, but more because their late
demands or power of mischief had been either overlooked or
rejected by the former governor. He had shortly the malign
satisfaction of seeing one of these aims accomplished. The
session was no sooner opened, than the patriots directed their
shafts against the new chancellor of the exchequer, Malone,
who, as being the latest deserter, was the most obnoxious to
them ; and this skirmish the primate's dexterity soon converted
into a general aggression. In the first question upon which
Malone divided the house, he had merely a majority of five,
an advantage so small as to embolden the opposition to a
more violent proceeding. On the presentation of a report
from the committee on public accounts, they accordingly voted
a series of headstrong resolutions against pensions, absentees,
and other grievances requiring redress, which the lord lieu
tenant was desired to transmit to the throne, in the very words
in which they were moved. Now there were some very gross
errors in the committee's calculations of the increase of pen-

430 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. sions, which had formed the basis of the resolutions, and
which were known at the time to the members of the oppo
sition.1 To be required to transmit a wilful misrepresenta
tion of facts was sufficiently objectionable ; but the vote, that
grants to those who were non-residents was a prejudice and
grievance, appeared such an infringement on the rights of the
crown, and the censure couched in the rest was so obviously
meant to extend beyond the ministers of the king to the king
himself, that whilst aware that no subject should presume to
place himself between a house of parliament and his sovereign,2
his repugnance to the requisition was infinitely increased. He
therefore replied to the deputation, that the resolutions were
couched in such extraordinary terms, and appeared to aim so
high, that he must take time to consider whether he could
transmit them ; to which answer the house denied the usual
courtesy, refusing to enter it upon its journals. His own
inclination was to have recommended to the house a recon
sideration of their vote — a step that would have been fully
warranted by precedent ; but on proposing it in council,
Mr. Tisdale and Sir Thomas Prendergast, the solicitor and
postmaster-general, and other close adherents of the primate,
refused to sanction such a course, as derogatory to the dignity
of parliament. The Ponsonbys, also, when sounded on the
subject, whilst admitting the errors in the basis of the resolu
tions, were utterly averse to their being referred back ; and
the speaker refused to exercise the slightest influence with
them to soften their asperity. By the infusion of their conjoint
jealousies, the Commons affected to construe this hesitation
on the transmission of its votes as a determination to prevent
the national grievances from being laid before the throne.
1 Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Newcastle, Nov. 17, 1757.
2 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Pitt, Nov. 18, 1757.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 431
Both parties, accordingly, opposed themselves to the pro- A.D. 1757.
cedure of farther business, on the orders of the day for grant
ing supplies, till a more satisfactory answer was returned ;
and averted it by a motion for adjournment, which was
carried against the Castle by a majority of twenty-one ; and
in this majority, not only were Tisdale and Prendergast in
cluded, but various other servants of the crown. The answer
given by one of these, who had been preferred in rank the
day before, furnishes a striking picture of the dissolution of
the bonds of government which then prevailed. Continuing
to frequent the assemblies at the Castle, the duke took him
aside, alluded to the indecency of his late conduct, and re
minded him of the duty which, as a military man, he owed the
crown. To this the young man frankly answered, that he had
such obligations to the primate and Lord George Sackville,
that, whatever might befall him, he would act in all things
as they bade him. His honesty unmasked the dissimulation
of the primate, who had professed his aversion to disturb
the government, and had disavowed all connexions with the
speaker. Clearly seeing, from the prevalent treachery and
disaffection round him, his present inability to stem the tide
of faction, and being assured that farther delay would risk
the money-bill altogether, the duke thought it most prudent
to forego his own opinion, and on the 15th of November
intimated that the resolutions of the house should be forth
with transmitted to the sovereign. The concession satisfied
the members : they immediately proceeded to business, and
passed the money-bill unanimously the same day.
There was one advantage that resulted to the lord lieu
tenant from this early conflict of opinion. It disclosed the
real ground on which he stood, and the impossibility of
carrying on the king's business without such an unequivocal

432 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1757. support and countenance from the ministers in England, as
by causing all parties to look up to him as the actual vice
gerent of the monarch, should give him the means of recti
fying the disorders which faction had introduced into the
very essence and citadel of Irish government,1 and effectually
discourage the attempts of those in authority to foment the
feuds of party. Upon these points he lost no time in stating
his explicit sentiments to Mr. Pitt, who replied by vague
professions of support, and common-place recommendations
to prudence and conciliation. With all this official courtesy,
there were traces of a connexion with closer and subtler
incendiaries. On the tidings of these troubles reaching
England, Lord George Sackville is stated by Mr. Fox "to
have been pleased beyond measure, and triumphant beyond
discretion."2 He spurred on the party of the primate to
renewed activity, and heartened them by all the private
information he could aid them with, to the disadvantage of
the duke's authority. In a manly letter to the minister, the
latter sought to put a stop to these insidious practices.
The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to Mr. Secretary Pitt.
Sir, — I have as yet had barely time to acknowledge the receipt
of your secret despatch of the 26th of last month, by the last packet
that sailed from hence, which I did not think a safe conveyance for
the matter I now find myself under the necessity of writing to you.
I think myself under the deepest obligations of gratitude to his
majesty, for his gracious approbation of my conduct hitherto in
carrying on his business here, and for the assurance that his coun
tenance and support " will never be wanting to me in the admi
nistration of government in Ireland, in all such proper instances as
his majesty shall be first satisfied are best calculated for contributing
facility and strength to his affairs, and ease and credit to myself."
As it has ever been my constant wish, in every station of life in
1 Bedford to Pitt ; Nov. 17, 1757. = Fox to Bedford ; Nov. 14, 1757.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 433
which I have acted, to prefer the milder method of conciliation and A.D. 1757.
union, to the harsher one of punishment and separation, I shall, with
great willingness, undertake the task, however difficult it may be,
which his majesty has prescribed to me, of using my utmost endea
vours to conciliate and unite those two, at present very disunited
parties — I mean the Kildares and Ponsonbys. This is the only step
of conciliation that seems to me to be in any degree practicable ;
and though the difficulties appear to be very great, yet I do not
think them absolutely insurmountable. I have already taken every
step that I thought likely to conduce to this salutary end, but as
yet I have found very little reason to expect much success in my
endeavours, which I must chiefly ascribe to the belief of those
reports which have been industriously spread about this town, by
those of the primate's faction, — that the last despatches I received
from you did tie up my hands from taking such measures as I
might judge expedient, to bring back his majesty's servants to a
due sense of their duty.
You see by this, sir, what a gross misrepresentation has been
made, by designing mep, of those orders \vhich his majesty has
been most graciously pleased to give me ; which, although they are
penned with that spirit of moderation and coolness which his
majesty has at all times shewn to all his subjects, preferring, in
the first instance, lenity and admonition to rigour and chastise
ment, do not, however, prevent me from taking such measures
as the obstinacy of some might make absolutely necessary for the
carrying on the business of government ; and I flatter myself I am
well founded in this belief, by your again referring me to your
despatch of the 18th of November, in which I am directed to
transmit to you, for his majesty's information, " the names of such
persons, if any such shall occur to me, as shall be most capable
and best qualified, from their abilities, credit, and connexions, to
strengthen and promote his majesty's service."
As it is absolutely necessary, to enable me to be of any service
to the king in this country, that the secret despatches which are to
come from you to me be kept inviolably so, I must most earnestly
entreat that the contents of them may not be sent to individuals
here, as the present instance shews of what dangerous consequence
vol. n. * f

434 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
AD. 1757. even the most trivial communication may be productive ; for I can
assure you of a certainty, that the messenger who brought me your
despatches did bring at the same time a letter from a very consider
able person in England to the primate, besides another letter to one
in his family ; and it is from this correspondence, I fear, these
injurious reports have arisen. That I may not appear to have
taken any thing up upon vague reports, I can inform you that Sir
Thomas Prendergast has been the person who has propagated them
all over this town ; and I must leave it to you to judge, whether
even the bare suspicion of my not enjoying the king's entire coun
tenance and support in my administration, is not sufficient to
defeat my best endeavours for his majesty's service.
I beg, sir, that what I now write may not be imputed to the
least diffidence I have conceived of you ; but I have been long
enough about court to know that those of a prying and busy dis
position do worm themselves into secrets in a very unaccountable
manner ; and the more easily, the more open and ingenuous the
person they have to deal with is. I shall trouble you no longer in
this most secret and particular letter than to assure you, that what
ever orders from his majesty you shall transmit me during my stay
here, I shall endeavour to execute them with fidelity and punc
tuality ; and as for my return hither a second time, I must leave
that to the wisdom of his majesty, and the judgment of his servants
in England, who, I am convinced, can never advise him to entrust
the government of this kingdom, in its present factious and unsettled
state, to the hands of one who shall not be judged proper to be
trusted with that power which can alone enable him to make such
reformation, as well in men as things, as appears to be at the
present absolutely necessary. I am, &c. &c.
Bedford.
Dublin Castle, Dec. 5, 1757.
Whilst the English ministry were considering these repre
sentations, with the remedies which the duke proposed for
breaking the chief factions, the primate, who, in his retire
ment at Leixlip, affected strongly to disapprove of the vio
lences of the Commons, gave a few further indications of his

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 435
strength and power both of rendering aid and working mis- A.D. 1758.
chief. For the opposition calling in question the powers of
the Irish privy council, and Malone sitting silent, Tisdale,
with well-assumed loyalty, declared, that he, as an officer of
the crown, could not passively sit and see such an attack on
the prerogative without evincing his disapprobation; and,
being joined by the rest of the primate's friends, the motion
for abridging its powers was rejected by a majority of 1001.
And a precisely similar result attended a division on a pre
paratory question of repeal or alteration of the act called
Poyning's law.2 On the other hand, when Lord Kildare, to
harass his great enemy, set on foot an inquiry into the con
duct of the commissioners of the revenue for the last twenty
years, expecting that it would involve many of the Dorset
partisans, and was encouraged in it by the Castle, — on the
election of a secret committee to conduct it, twenty-eight out
of the thirty upon whom the ballot fell, were found to be
devoted adherents of the primate and the speaker.3 And
having thus wrested into their own hands the management
of this state-engine, these, with mingled triumph and resent
ment, applied for, and obtained enlarged powers, intending
to turn them against the Duke of Bedford's treasury. But
first, the Opposition resolved to try its ground against Mr.
Secretary Rigby, headed, as in the case of the late resolu
tions, by Mr. Edmond Pery, the same turbulent patriot who
had occasioned so much trouble to the Duke of Devonshire's
administration. The secretary's situation was one of profit, but profit
derived almost solely from the perquisites of office. He had
fees from every new commission in the army ; and all the
military business of the kingdom passed in a manner through
1 Commons' Journals, 1757, p. 49. 2 lb. p. 45. 3 lb. p. 49.

436 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1758. his hands. Mr. Rigby had had small time to derive any
advantage from these sources, when the house, in a gust of
wrath and rigid patriotism, passed a resolution, that the lord
lieutenant's secretary should have no fees for commissions,
but be indemnified some other way.1 It was thought by the
opposition a little singular that Malone offered no speech
against this proposition ; and the excellent temper with which
the duke received, and promised to transmit it to England,
was yet more of a mystery, as they did not calculate on any
thing like his concurrence. The lord lieutenant, however,
as appears from his secret correspondence, cordially ap
proved of, and most earnestly supported the proposal,2 as
promising to put an end to a system that had for many years
been looked on as a grievance, and that was fraught in every
point of view with just and serious objections.
The ministry assented to his arguments, and ordered the
secretary's salary to be 2500Z. a-year. It was a heavy and
instructive blow to the Armagh and patriot factions, who
saw by it that they could no longer count on an unqualified
support from the minister. They became, in consequence,
infinitely more submissive. Hitherto the duke's efforts at
conciliation had been abortive ; he could not bring the Earl
of Kildare to a coalition with the speaker, though aided
by the judicious arguments of Mr. Fox (to whom the earl
was allied by marriage), and he would not court the primate.
But now the primate himself, sagacious of the duke's ascen
dant influence at court, sent overtures for an accommodation.
The duke was in no hurry to accept them, hut dexterously
availed himself of the offer, to soften the haughtiness and
rigour of Kildare. " I found," says he, in a letter that shews
the honourable spirit in which he had made this intimation
1 Commons' Journ. 1758, p. 64. 2 Bedford to Newcastle, Jan. 21, 1758.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. t,^ 437
of the primate's offer, " his lordship — notwithstanding I made A.D. 1758.
use of every argument that occurred to me, founded upon
public and private advantage, and upon the great honour he
would acquire to himself, by putting an end to party and
faction, which had almost ruined all government in this
country — very firm, not to say obstinate, in adhering to his
former resolutions, of never coming into any terms with the
primate ; and this to such a degree, that I found all I could
say was lost upon him ; which forced me to be content with
insisting on his taking some time to consider of it, and to
consult those grave and serious friends, of whose judgment
and integrity, I believe, he has a good opinion. I endea
voured to shew him, that this firmness might prevent me
from being of that utility to him, and those of his connexion,
of which I might otherwise be capable ; and that I feared
this obstinacy would be the cause of putting him and his party
more into the power of his adversaries than a coalition with
them could possibly do (a thing he seemed very apprehensive
of), as I myself, whilst in the government, should be the
middle man betwixt both parties, and should have it in my
power to check any superiority either might attempt to gain
on the other, which, if authorised by his majesty, as I made
no doubt of being, I did most faithfully promise him to do."1
Notwithstanding these and similar friendly advices from
his more peculiar friends, the Earl of Kildare's strength of
party hatred was allowed by him to overpower every other
consideration. It had hitherto been a primary object of
ambition with both chieftains to have an appointment as one
of the lords justices, on the departure of the lord-lieutenant,
which, now that the business of parliament had nearly termi
nated, was fast approaching. Yet when, through the medium
1 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Pitt, Feb. 13, 1758.

438 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1758. of Lord Longford, the Duke of Bedford desired to know
whether the earl was willing " to be left in government with
the primate, the speaker, and Lord Shannon, on a view of
giving him a balance of power, and with an assurance that in
all matters of dispute referred to the Duke of Bedford, the
latter would, upon his honour, keep the balance with the
utmost strictness, — and moreover restore the power of the
revenue-board to the crown j"1 the earl stated the absolute
impossibility of his acting with the primate, whilst he pro
fessed a readiness to give the duke " all the assistance in his
power towards restoring the government of Ireland to all its
just rights and dignities ;"2 affecting to think that he would
be more capable of that service by being left out, than he
could be by being involved in government with the arch
bishop.5 The arrangement was in consequence concluded
without him ; but the sharpness of his hostility was blunted,
if he was not entirely disarmed ; and the duke's plan of a
conciliation of all parties by a system of strict impartiality,
was now so certainly commenced, that on closing the session,
he not only received, in an unanimous address from the Com
mons, encomiums on his prudent, just, and mild adminis
tration, but their thanks for his successful endeavours to
promote that harmony which was so essential to the sove
reign's service and the general welfare ; and assurances that
it should be their constant care to perfect, with his assistance,
the work which he had happily begun. The early relief
which he had administered to the distresses of the kingdom
was cited as an affecting proof of his generosity, and the
warmest hopes which they had conceived of the effects of his
administration, were confessed to be exceeded. The duke in
his reply unaffectedly assured the house, that he had nothing
1 2 3 Lord Longford's Minutes, March 6, 1758; Bedford Papers.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 439
more at heart than the real interest of Ireland, which could A.D. i?58.
never, he remarked, be so effectually advanced as by harmony
and union ; and, whilst promising the parliament in the usual
terms, to represent their dutiful attachment to the sovereign,
on his return into the royal presence, he did not fail to state,
that he should warmly recommend to his grace and favour
those who might distinguish themselves in preserving the
peace and happiness of the kingdom.1 His closing speech
was delivered on the 29th of April, after which the lord
chancellor declared the parliament prorogued to the 8th of
June, which term, by subsequent proclamations, was ex
tended to the 16th of October, 1759.
There was yet one measure which the duke was bent on
carrying, before he left the kingdom. For the restoration
of the just power of the crown, he judged it indispensable
to take the management of the revenue board out of the
hands of every faction, and to appoint his own commissioner.
His choice fell on Sir Richard Cox, whose personal conduct
during the late session had been agreeable to him, and whose
nomination at his instance, whilst it would be a fresh proof of
his own credit at court, was likely to be pleasing to the Irish
people.2 The preferment of an Irishman to such a post was
a departure from the policy which had been for many years
established : but such had been the duke's success in restoring
tranquillity to the distracted kingdom, that the king was
desirous he should depart with every manifestation of his
favour, and cheerfully complied with the proposal.3 To his
Sackville colleagues the new commissioner was naturally an
object of dislike and jealousy ; but the necessity of sharing
their monopoly with a good grace, was so obvious, that we
'Commons' Journ. 1758, pp. 111-12-15. 2 Mr. Rigby to D. of New
castle, April 8, 1758. 3 Newcastle to Bedford, April 20, 1758.

440 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1753. find the primate shortly acknowledging, that the business of
the board continued to be carried on with the most perfect
agreement, and that Sir Richard made himself useful and
acceptable to those who had at first been most averse to the
alteration.1 It was to be expected, however, that the lord lieutenant
should leave behind him in some bosoms the embers of dis
content. Having declined to take Lord Kildare's recom
mendation of one of his friends to a vacancy in the court of
appeals, that nobleman took instant fire, and wrote in a high
strain to know whether he was to construe this rejection as
a method of apprising him that all his future applications
were to meet with the same fate.2 To this ill-tempered chal
lenge the duke, whilst professing his sincere desire to culti
vate his friendship, as he had clearly evinced by some very
recent favours conferred, at the earl's desire, upon his friends,
spiritedly answered, " that of all men living he would he the
most unpleasantly circumstanced, if he should so subject him
self to the caprice of any one, as that his refusal to promote a
person whom he might not think so proper as another, should
be regarded as a renunciation of all further intercourse. Such
a conclusion would," he said, "be putting him indeed into such
leading-strings, as he had always declared would to him be quite
intolerable."3 Afterwards, when the earl began to manifest a
more reasonable spirit, he conferred on him the office of the
master of the ordnance. By these acts of alternate kindness
and rebuke, he studied to curb in the haughty and impetuous
temper of the malcontents ; and it was doubtless to such acts
of independence as this, that he is indebted for the character
A
1 Lord Primate to the Duke of Bedford, July 25, 1758.
2 Earl of Kildare to the Duke of Bedford, April 21, 1758.
3 Duke of Bedford to the Earl of Kildare, April 22, 1758.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 441
given of his bearing at this period by some, as being " shy, un- A.D. 1758.
gracious, intractable, ungenerous."1 But whenever instances
of this nature occurred, or were objected to of him, — and appa
rent rigour must have been frequently necessary, to correct
faction and mortify presumption, — the condescension of the
Duchess of Bedford came in to restore satisfaction and good
humour. " She," we are informed, " pleased universally ;
the Irish were charmed by a woman who seemed to depart
from her state in the full exercise of affability."2 Nor were
the better qualities of Mr. Rigby without their use in inspir
ing a more genial mood towards the government, when the
first intensity of party heat was cooled into composure. Of
the most insinuating good breeding when he wished to be
agreeable, and with a heart naturally as good as his gene
rosity was indisputable, he rarely failed to win with his
spirited gaiety, even upon those to whom his first impetu
osity and roughness had seemed most repulsive. He applied
himself to the task of conciliation with a heartiness that
savoured strongly of extravagance and whim. The popular
leaders saw themselves eclipsed in some of the qualities on
which they most prided themselves ; and the festivities of the
Castle, during the Duke of Bedford's administration, from
the anacreontic spirit which he frequently threw into them,
were lastingly remembered upon that side of the Channel.
1 Lord Orford's Memoires, vol. ii. p. 234. 2 lb. Yet so little could
Lord Orford restrain the itch of his satiric vein, that he immediately strives
to cancel our favourable impression by the sneer, that " She had all her life
been practising the part of a queen ;" and that " dignity and dissimulation
were natural to her." The impartiality upon which he piques himself so
much, consists, we fear, mainly in the shafts which he indiscriminately shoots
at all characters and parties. The Duchess of Bedford understood thoroughly
the value of court smiles. When she was presented at the court of Versailles
to the King and Queen of France, as English Ambassadress, the Duchesse de
Choiseul, with the view of putting her entirely at her ease, assured her that
their majesties were particularly gracious. She answered, " Je le crois par-
fait&rwnt, mudame ; carje viens dejouer ce rile moi-mime.''

442 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV;
A.D, 1758. Tjjg (Juk;e embarked with his family at Dunleary for
Park-gate, reached his house in Bloornsbury on the 23d,
and the next day had his audience of the king, by whom
he was most graciously received. He had now an oppor
tunity of freely explaining his sentiments upon the measures
which he had long deemed indispensable for the tranquil go
vernment of Ireland, which had already formed the substance
of more than one letter to Mr. Pitt, but which some adverse
influence in the cabinet had hitherto controlled. He described
the angry and discordant state in which he had found the
kingdom, and the contrast which it now presented, with all
parties settling into good humour, as Lord Kildare, the day
preceding his departure, had given him assurances which he
had already begun to perform ; and Lord Newtoun had come
in, with offers of the future support both of himself and the
restless patriot Mr. Pery. Thus circumstanced, he trusted
that the* business of the next session would be carried through
with perfect unanimity; but he found many claims of pro
mises given by his predecessors which it was necessary he
should have it in his power to fulfil, besides the impartial
distribution of such other favours on the well affected as miadit
confirm them in their attachment. Where these should con
sist of pensions, he proposed to provide for them by a restric
tion of the lavish expenditure into which the Commons had
of late years been beguiled, from the redundance of money in
the Irish treasury. He indicated, at the same time, a few
individuals to whom such marks of grace might be appro
priately given ; recommended for five persons the honour of
the peerage ; a rise in honour to three others ; an addition to
the privy council of some whose ambition that distinction
would infinitely gratify ; and the establishment of a new bar
rack-board, with the division of the board of revenue into
one of customs, and another of excise. As the king had pre-

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 443
viously promised his support of, and concurrence with, every A.D. 1758.
reasonable proposal which it might be found necessary to make
for the advantage of his service, he gave his willing assent to
each of these suggestions ; and the duke concluded, by repre
senting the loyalty and zeal to his family which influenced
the Protestant nobility and gentry ; and that, although the
bulk of the people were Catholics, he felt assured that upon
any great emergency numerous well-affected forces might be
raised for the marine even amongst them, as he had already
signified to Mr. Pitt.
Nothing during the remainder of the year occurred in
Ireland to discredit the truth of these conclusions, or to revive
the spirit of party and division which he had happily com
posed. The primate's reinstatement in the commission, and
some services scattered amongst his personal friends, had
effectually conciliated that prelate. In his letters he apprised
the duke, that, to the astonishment of every party, the natures
of the people throughout the whole kingdom seemed to have
undergone a total change; so that the admirable effect of his
good government — of his temper, justice, and impartiality,
were every day to be more clearly seen. Deprecating the
former relaxation of authority, he gave assurance of his faith
ful observance of the promises which he had made, and of
his willingness to forfeit every pretension to his grace's good
opinion when he deviated from them either in act or word.
Some bias towards those with whom he had for so many
years confined himself to act, might sometimes possibly still
operate, unknown to himself; but it was his real wish that
his grace's favours might flow without restraint from any
connexion whatsoever, and be directed into such channels as
his own pure judgment and inclination might suggest.1 It
1 Lord Primate to the Duke of Bedford, Leixlip, July 25, 1758.

444 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1758. was difficult to imagine that the courtly lips which now
breathed so much of deference, harmony, and peace, could
ever have given voice to the seditious trumpet, the thrilling
dissonance of which had so lately set the kingdom in a flame.
The Duke of Bedford took advantage of this interval of
peace, and of the diminution which recent deaths had effected
in the pension list, to carry into effect two favourite points
which the king had in view, and which had been, in fact,
referred to the duke before his journey into Ireland, but the
inexpediency of which at that time he had judiciously pointed
out — the settlement of a provision on Prince Ferdinand for
his heroic services in Germany, as well as on the Prince
of Hesse Cassel, who, having been expelled from his do
minions in the prosecution of the war, seemed justly entitled
to a compensation. These intentions he now confidentially
communicated to the lords justices, and desired their personal
concurrence: Prince Ferdinand was to have 2000Z. a-year,
the hereditary prince 5000Z. for the lives of himself and of
his sons. The answer of the primate would, to a rigid critic,
furnish a singular contrast to the clamours raised in the last
sessions. He frankly acknowledged " the merits and preten
sions of both personages ;" said " that the grants were pecu
liarly free from objection, and ought not, either in decency or
justice, to be made the subject of particular complaint." His
own course of duty was obvious ; he would both concur in
the settlements, and would do all in his power to prevent
their being made the subject of injurious comment.1
Such incidents as these, giving glimpses of the springs of
action whence grave events originate, supply serviceable illus
trations to the outward aspect which history generally presents
to us. Intestine difficulties to the scope of the duke's ad-
1 Lord Primate to the Duke of Bedford, Aug. 15, 1758.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 445
ministration seemed now in a great measure removed ; but A.D. 1758.
there was in another quarter one other source of inconvenience
to which he now addressed his notice.
The vigour with which Mr. Pitt had pushed the war was
in the highest degree gratifying to the nation. But the fre
quent reinforcements of the army that were necessary, had
Urged him to draw so deeply on the military establishment of
Ireland as could not but prove somewhat distasteful to the
lord lieutenant, who had seen his best regiments and officers1
perpetually draughted off for foreign service to an extent that
seemed incompatible with the safety of the kingdom. Still
farther requisitions of this nature being now demanded, he
judged it proper to point out the danger, which he accom
plished in a letter, the sagacity of which could not fail of
making an impression on the statesman to whom it was
addressed. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to Mr. Secretary Pitt.
Woburn Abbey, Aug. 29th, 1758.
Sir, — Upon my return to Kensington on Saturday last, Mr.
Rigby acquainted me with the conversation you had had with him
in relation to a body of troops, which you propose should be sent
to secure our late acquired possessions at Senegal, and to make
fresh conquests on the French in those parts. Mr. Rigby likewise
1 Amongst them was Lieut.-Colonel Wolfe, of whose services in carrying
into effect the reforms which he designed, he had been most anxious to avail
himself. In a farewell letter to the duke, returning his acknowledgments for
the particular obligations he had received, and apprising him that the regi
ment to which he was attached was ordered for foreign service, Wolfe says,
with his characteristic heroism and modesty, " I embark with it ; upon what
service none of us pretend to guess ; nor ought we to be very solicitous about
it, rather desiring to serve well than to know where. If this business did not
stand in the way, it would give me the highest satisfaction to endeavour to
acquit myself so as to merit your grace's approbation, being quite assured
that you would take in good part whatever was well intended, and accept of
industry to supply the want of skill."— July 22, 1757.

446 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1758. informed me, that you was pleased to add, you was sorry you
had missed the opportunity of seeing me when I was at court on
Thursday last, that you might then have communicated your
thoughts to me on that subject, of pushing with vigour our con
quests in Africa, which you believed was not disagreeable to my
manner of thinking. Mr. Rigby did, indeed, very prudently
answer, that he believed I should not disapprove of the measure,
but of the manner of doing it, which, if it was still farther to
weaken Ireland, by taking from thence more infantry, from that
small body we had there at present, he feared that measure would
be very disagreeable to me. As it is of very little consequence
what my opinion is about the general measure, I shall confine
myself to what relates solely to my own department, viz. whether
any body, and if any, what number of infantry, can, consistent
with the safety of the kingdom, be spared from it ?
In a former letter, which I wrote to you from Dublin, dated
January 3, 1758, I had the honour to inform you that I very much
feared the taking Colonel Anstruther's regiment from Ireland for
the American service would too much weaken that part of the
army in which I put my chief trust — I mean the infantry ; which,
indeed, rather wanted an additional reinforcement than a diminu
tion of its numbers. The same reasons which then induced me to
write as I did do still exist ; and with this important addition, that
the regiment I then contended to keep at home was nevertheless
taken away, and no succedaneum found out to remedy the evil.
Since that time I fear the state of the infantry is little mended ;
for though we have recruiting parties from all the regiments in
every part of Great Britain, yet we have had but very bad success
(except for one battalion of the Royals) either for the number,
goodness, or size of the men enlisted.
Though I do not think, in the present situation of affairs, whilst
there is so great a fleet at sea, and descents are daily making upon
different parts of the French coasts, that there is any fear of an
immediate invasion of Ireland ; yet, when the season of the year
shall render it imprudent to carry on these operations under the
protection of a great fleet any longer, it is very possible, under the
favour of long nights, for the French to throw over in small craft
such a number of troops as may surprise Cork, or other consider-

K.George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 447
able seaports on the neighbouring coasts to them; or, which is still A.D. 1758.
more dangerous, land such a body as may be sufficient, in those
popish and disaffected counties, to make a place of arms, and
transfer the seat of war from their own coasts into the south-west
of Ireland, in the wild parts of Munster and Connaught. They
may very possibly be provoked to a bold stroke of this nature, by
a spirit of retaliation, for the insults and losses they have sustained,
and out of a point of honour to be avenged of us, in a like manner
in which they have been treated by us. And I think it my duty to
represent to the king and his ministers, that I hold it very dangerous
by a weakening of our force in Ireland, to tempt them to any enter
prise of this nature. That I may not be thought to raise difficulties
against any measure his majesty may be pleased to take, upon
groundless apprehensions, I must beg your leave, sir, to take up
a little more of your time, to evince the reasonableness of what
I have asserted.
In the first place, the distance from the coasts of Brittany is so
little to the southern parts of Cork, Kerry, and Clare, that it is a
very easy matter, when our fleet shall be shut up in the Channel
by a long westerly or south-west wind, to throw over a consider
able body of infantry, either for a coup de main, or to make a
lodgement in the country. And in the second place, I will take it
upon me to affirm, though it is contrary to the received opinion,
that there is no country more capable of subsisting, even during
the winter season, a body of foreign infantry, than the pro
vince of Munster, which is full of fat cattle, during the best part
of the winter, and of potatoe-grounds appended to each cottage,
which will entirely answer to the troops instead of bread ; and being
at that season of the year in the ground, are not by any means to
be carried off or destroyed, as magazines of corn may be. I am
sorry to be forced to add, that that whole country is so full of dis
affected inhabitants, that the enemy would not be in want either
of supplies of provision or succours and intelligence of every kind.
There is, besides this danger of a foreign enemy, which cannot, I
think, be too much guarded against, another very strong considera
tion with me, which is, the preserving the internal peace of the
country, which I am sorry to be obliged to say cannot well be
secured without a strong military force ; and the number of troops

448 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1758. obliged to be constantly kept in Dublin, Cork, Waterford, Limerick,
and Galloway, for the security of the Protestant Inhabitants, takes
up necessarily such a number of our small pittance, that it is exces
sively difficult to find sufficient to put into the other garrisons, and
to support in the outports and different parts of the country the
officers of the revenue. I should inform you, sir, that the whole
number of effective men in the infantry amounts upon paper to
about seven thousand ; and I must submit it to better judgments,
whether it can be supposed that that number is more than sufficient
for the security of Ireland.
But lest the arguments I have made use of should not have the
weight with others which they seem to me to deserve ; and as his
majesty has directed me to settle with his ministers, whether any,
and if any, what force shall be sent from Ireland, I must beg leave
still to take up some more of your time, to chalk out what I think
may be done, with the least inconvenience, provided it shall be
decided to send some forces from Ireland to the coast of Africa.
Lord Forbes's regiment consists of two battalions, of six hundred men
each ; has been raised entirely in Ireland, under the strongest restric
tions that could possibly be given, that none but Protestants should
be enlisted, and is (as I am informed) a very fine body of men.
They are now, I think, pretty near complete, and I believe three or
four hundred men might be draughted from them, and the regiment
be recruited up before next summer, to its establishment of twelve
hundred men. But if (which I hope will not be the case) a body
of six hundred men should be required, I think it would be advis
able for his majesty to send away the youngest battalion, and to
order another regiment of one battalion, and consisting of seven
hundred privates, on the footing of other regiments on our establish
ment, to be raised in order to supply the deficiency occasioned
thereby. I should endeavour, in that case, to get as many men
as I could raised in Great Britain during the course of the winter,
and the residue to be raised in the Protestant counties of Ulster.
I have now fully laid before you my opinion relative to the message
you sent me by M. Rigby, and I shall endeavour, to the best of my
abilities, to carry such orders into execution as his majesty shall be
pleased to direct. I am, &c. &c.
Bedford.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 449
The minister, after digesting the substance of this commu- A.D. 1758.
nication, appointed a time with Mr. Rigby, and in a long
conversation discussed the subject of it. " I think," says the
latter to the duke, " I found, from Mr. Wood's conversation,
that some part of your letter had been thought a little tart by
Mr. Pitt ; but I saw nothing like it in my discourse to-day
with himself. On the contrary, he applauded your grace's
care and foresight for the welfare of Ireland to the greatest
degree, and seemed to have imbibed your notion of the pro
bability of the French making some desperate attempt upon
Great Britain or Ireland, by way of retaliation for our inva
sion. And, barring that expression in your letter which inti
mates a wish that so large a number as six hundred might
not be sent, every thing else is complied with, in the manner
you have chalked out.
" I then went to Newcastle House, and shewed his grace
the copy of your letter. I never saw any body more struck
with the abundance of its good sense ; and he bade me assure
you, that you shall have his most hearty concurrence in what
ever you think for the good of Ireland. He told me at part
ing, he did not know how it was, but that I had quite got him,
though I had a great many old sins to wipe off. I told him
I fancied they had been magnified and multiplied ; to which
he answered, he believed they had been bad enough, but since
we had known one another, we did very well together."1
Lord Orford states, that the Duke of Newcastle "had now
been long enough connected with Pitt, to grow once more
jealous of him;" and insinuates, that the renewed assiduities
which he paid to the lord lieutenant and his secretary were
attributable to this feeling.
The transit of a few months threw a striking comment
i Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, Sept. 5, 1758.
VOL. II. G G

450 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1759. on the lord-lieutenant's perspicacity. Towards the end of
the ensuing April, the ministry received intimations, obscure
at first, but gradually clearing into assurance, of an intended
invasion on the part of France. Numerous flat-bottomed
boats were known to be preparing at Havre; and sixteen
ships of the line, well rigged and manned, were mustered
in the road of Brest. Subsequent advices shewed that the
scheme was more considerable than was at first imagined.
A conjoint attempt upon Scotland and England was found
to be contemplated; and there was every reason to believe
that Ireland was to be comprised in the attack. Admiral
Rodney was immediately despatched to look after the former,
and Sir Edward Hawke, with his squadron, to keep watch
upon the latter. In the frequent deliberations of the privy
council that succeeded, the Duke of Bedford vividly set forth
the insecurity of Ireland. He declared that the military force
there was too small either to resist a descent, or to prevent
that island from becoming the seat of war, when the landing
was effected. Connaught was now in a disturbed state, from
resistance to the exportation of cattle which a recent act of
the English parliament had sanctioned ; and in part of Clare
a spirit of renewed opposition to the government had secretly
been infused. Obstructions also had been offered in distant
places at the same time to his scheme for the raising of
marines ; and as the minds of the Protestants were not free
from apprehensions of a massacre, whether reasonably or
unreasonably mattered little, it was a measure of necessary
prudence to have troops in all the districts where the Catholic
population predominated.1 He thought it therefore his duty
to suggest the propriety of calling out the population of Ulster,
1 Memorandum of things to be laid before the Lords at the Earl of
Holderness's, May 8, 1759. Bedford Papers.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 451
and of raising fresh regiments for its defence. In the midst A.D. 1759.
of the arrangements which he subsequently made, he was
surprised to receive from Mr. Pitt an intimation of the royal
pleasure, for a draught to be made from each company of
foot, to recruit the British corps in Germany. He instantly
obeyed the message, but not without strongly signifying his
opinion, " that it could not be done without prejudice to the
service, in weakening too much an army which he had over
and over again been obliged, in his conscience, to represent
as too weak to be, even in its present situation, adequate
for the preservation of Ireland, should it be invaded by a
foreign enemy."1 The duke's anxiety upon this subject can
not be too particularly illustrated, as great blame is most
unjustly insinuated against him by Lord Orford, for the
defenceless state and undisciplined array in which he repre
sents the kingdom to have been, when the descent was
actually made. The assiduity with which he provided for
its security, in the best mode which his insufficient means
allowed, is attested in every page of his numerous letters
to Mr. Pitt and the lords justices. At the commencement
of October he departed with his family for Dublin, where he
was met by the great officers of state, and with the usual
formalities conducted to the castle.
The Irish parliament met on the 16th of October. In
his opening speech, after expressing his confidence in the
loyalty and zeal of the two houses for the king's service, the
lord lieutenant acquainted them that the expenses incidental
to a war waged with so much acrimony by an incensed and
powerful enemy, had exceeded the usual amount; but the
placing of the kingdom in a proper state of defence, and the
inuring of the troops to an aptness for field service on any
1 Memorandum to Lord Barrington, August 26, 1759.

452 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1759. sudden emergency, would be deemed a satisfactory compen
sation. He had only the usual supplies to solicit, which he
had no doubt they would cheerfully furnish, gratifying as the
great successes which had attended his majesty's arms must
prove to them, who, with his other subjects, enjoyed the bless
ings of internal peace, whilst so great a part of Europe was
involved in the calamities of war ; and whilst there existed
for himself the most reasonable expectation of being able to
secure the prosperity and happiness of the kingdom, by the
daily improvement of its commerce and manufactures, and
by the union and harmony which now so happily prevailed.
The addresses of both houses to the king and the lord lieu
tenant passed with the utmost unanimity. The Commons
promised with all duty to raise the necessary supplies, which
they fulfilled by a money-bill on the 19th of November. A
weak attempt by Mr. Hely Hutchinson to revive the oppo
sition to this measure rallied only nine ; and a motion to re
commit the money-bill, but nineteen ; and every thing indi
cated the suppression of that turbulent spirit, which had
formerly set at defiance all reason and authority.
The humiliating defeat of the Toulon equipment, which
had been drawn into an engagement by Admiral Boscawen,
had served only to quicken the resolution of France to break,
by a diversion on the English shores, the triumphs which had
opened, in all parts of the world, so unfavourable a prospect
to her hopes of aggrandisement. Eighteen thousand men,
under the command of the Due d'Aguillon, were accordingly
assembled at Vannes, where transports were waiting to re
ceive them; whilst Dunkirk fitted out her little squadron,
under the command of Thurot, a dauntless adventurer, whose
previous piracies in the German and north seas, as far as the
stormy Orcades, had seemed to revive the memory of the old

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 453
Norwegian Vi-kings. The knowledge of these continued and A.D. 1759.
mighty preparations increased the alarm and vigilance of Mr.
Pitt ; and before it was possible for the duke to have reached
Ireland, he required to know what progress had been made in
increasing the efficiency of the army, as in the event of the
French armament's eluding the British squadrons, Ireland
would not fail to be one of its first objects.1 The duke replied,
that he could not doubt the zeal of the Irish people in quickly
completing the various regiments, if they could but be per
suaded that a descent was actually intended. Until that were
the case, he greatly feared the possibility of animating them
to a more strenuous effort ; and it was a question worthy of
consideration, how far it was desirable to raise an immediate
alarm, the consequences of which might be most injurious to
public credit.3 But receiving letters of fresh urgency, all
indicating a mistrust that too little attention was paid to the
minister's suggestions, the lord lieutenant no longer hesitated,
but in an impressive message to the Irish parliament, com
municated the substance of his late advices. The immediate
result was precisely such as he had anticipated. There was
so extraordinary a run upon the banks, that several stopped
payment, and public credit was threatened by the shock with
total ruin, till the duke engaged with the members of both
houses of parliament, the corporation and chief merchants
of Dublin, in an association still to receive their notes in
payment, which stayed the panic and averted the calamity.
This danger past, the message had its use. It served to
rouse the kingdom from its dream of safety ; the most zealous
and lively addresses to the throne, of attachment and devotion,
were unanimously and instantly agreed to by both houses ;
1 Mr. Pitt to the Duke of Bedford, October 10, 1759.
2 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Pitt, Oct. 19, 1759.

454 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1759. and the Catholics themselves, whose very name had hitherto
been associated in the eyes of the Irish government with dis
content and disaffection, hastened to submit to the lord lieu
tenant similar assurances of their dutiful obedience. As it
was the first time that such a tribute was paid by them to a
Protestant viceroy, it may be worth while to consider the
circumstances to which it is to be ascribed.
The character of the policy which England had constantly
pursued towards the Roman Catholics was too clearly to be
gathered from the frightful penal code which, by successive
enactments, her legislature had accumulated against that
portion of her subjects. In Ireland it had been enforced
with a severity and perseverance disgraceful to the very
name of British rule. The government system of proscrip
tion had been carried into effect by former lords-lieutenant
with greater or less lenity, as personal suavity or sternness
had predominated ; but so little had their general tendency
to oppression been mitigated, that we find an Irish earl, as
a candidate for a share in the Duke of Bedford's favours, plead
ing his concurrence with that arbitrary spirit, as his strongest
claim to the reward of former governments, and the surest
passport to their patronage.
Upon the first offers that had been made to the Duke of
Bedford of the vice-royalty of Ireland, he had not scrupled to
declare, that were he to accept it, he should not be satisfied
to be bounded in his discharge of the office by the narrow
maxims of exclusion and intolerance which had hitherto
prevailed. Being the first chief governor of that kingdom
since the Revolution who had dared openly to profess these
favourable sentiments to the Catholic body, it is not surprising
that they should early have found their way to the leading
members of it. So welcome to them was the avowal, that

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 455
within ten days after his acceptance of the lieutenancy, ex- A.D. 1759.
hortations to obedience and tranquillity were read from the
altar by the Catholic clergy of Dublin to their flocks, in
which they noticed the encouragement that some honour
able personages had given them to hope for a mitigation of
the penal laws, and invoked the Divine blessing on that
generous design.
It was not long before the duke's liberality was called
into active exercise. A registry bill, prepared by the Earl of
Clanbrassil, under the late lieutenancy, had been introduced
into the Irish parliament, which, from its apprehended tenour
of severity, had excited lively alarm amongst the Catholics.
It had been lost upon that occasion ; but designing to bring
it again forward, the earl submitted it to the Duke of Bedford,
who prevailed on him to alter those parts of it which were
most objectionable, before it should be re-produced ; and, in
this more tolerant form, it was submitted to the privy-council
at the castle.
Here it met with a strong opposition from several who
were unwilling that there should be even a legal recognition
of that proscribed and hated sect. The primate urged that it
would be repugnant to the British laws ; Sir Thomas Pren-
dergast, that the introduction of such a bill was peculiarly
objectionable at a time when almost a religious war was
kindled up in Europe. Chief Baron Willes, besides repeating
the argument used by the primate, broadly declared his
hostility to it, " because it would prove a toleration of that
religion which it had been the general policy of England and
Ireland to persecute and to depress." The chancellor and the
lord chief justice followed on the same 'side, although in
milder terms.1 The nobler line of argument which the Duke
] Bedford Papers ; " Memorandum of what was said by different lords of
the council against the Registry Bill, January 19, 1758."

456 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1759. of Bedford took was honourable to his judgment and his
heart. " Since he had been implored by those who saw danger
in the slightest change upon the side of lenity, to reflect upon
the number of the Catholics, he must," he said, " admit that
they greatly predominated over the Protestants ; but he would
at the same time fearlessly maintain, that if it could be at all
consistent with the peace of society, Christianity and good
policy alike required that they should be allowed the exercise
of their religious duties. It was his settled maxim, that per
secution for religious principles only added strength to the
sect it was intended to destroy. The truth of this must have
been felt by government, which, notwithstanding its rigorous
array of penal laws, tacitly connived at the rights of the
Catholics, and permitted their observance. But neither had
this connivance had the desired effect, in accomplishing the
converse of the maxim. For the impossibility of carrying
into execution those rigorous laws, framed in direct contra
vention of it, had naturally emboldened the Catholics to hold
them in contempt; and it was in consequence of this derogation
of the majesty of the law, that those swarms of regulars came
in, which, if danger were the question, were, for obvious
reasons, much more likely to prove dangerous to the govern
ment than a secular Popish clergy. He, therefore, was in
clined to say, let another mode be tried, in closer consonance
with the principle, that persecution is not the proper method
of putting a stop to religious prejudices.
" By registering the secular clergy of Ireland, you will
do away," he said, " with all the evils of connivance. The
priests to whom by license you grant the exercise of their
religion, on taking the oaths to government, must, in charity,
be believed true and loyal subjects ; at all events, they will
be then amenable to government, and having, during their

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 457
good behaviour, a kind of freehold in their parishes, they will A.D. 1759.
be bound in interest to keep foreign interlopers out, and will
be much more responsible than at present for the obedience
of their flocks. He was told that it would be establishing
Popery by law ; but was it not found de facto established
already ? what he desired was to regulate it to a favourable
result. Was this a measure so extraordinary? What was
the policy of other Protestant states ? Holland, Prussia, the
king himself in his German dominions, systematically fol
lowed the maxims which he inculcated. But, say the im-
pugners of the bill, there being a pretender to the crown, the
case of Britain is different from theirs. Undoubtedly it was ;
and for that very reason they ought to come into the measure ;
for whilst there was a religious party so strongly, possibly so
justly suspected of Jacobitism, it was most incumbent on those
who wished well to the present government, to strive by all
means to subdue that leaven, which owed its strongest chance
of prevalence to the stern severity of the existing laws, and
the swarm of foreign clergy that stole in whilst these were
in abeyance. " These evils would, he thought, be rectified by the pro
jected bill ; nor need it seem so startling, for a registry of
Catholic priests had been already, for a short time, admitted,
without harm : it had dropped at length, in consequence
of no provision having been made for the succession upon
deaths ; in the present instance this could be provided against.
There could be but little danger in giving it another trial,
when the experience of half a century had demonstrated the
inefficacy of the present system, and when every principle of
sound policy and Christian forbearance did, as he conceived,
recommend the exercise of tolerance and liberality."1
1 Bedford Papers ; " Memorandum of what I said at the council-board
on the Registry Bill, January 19, 1758."

458 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1759. Such were the sentiments which the Duke of Bedford
threw out before the privy council, and such the policy which
he desired to see adopted : but the proposed measure appears
to have been strangled in the birth by the intolerance of
others, as there are no traces on the journals of either house
of the bill's having been reproduced.
The tenders to government, in this hour of peril, of the
allegiance of the Irish Catholics, were the first fruits of this
enlightened policy. Their address, drawn up by Dr. O'Connor,
the celebrated Irish scholar, breathed the most dutiful senti
ments of attachment to the throne, of sympathy with the
national successes, abhorrence of the meditated attack ofFrance,
and desire of being rendered more useful to the community
and strengthening to the state than could possibly be the case
whilst under the restraint of penal laws ; and it concluded
with compliments to their present governor for his wisdom,
justice, and moderation. It was numerously signed by a public
meeting at Dublin, and presented to the speaker, for him to
forward to the lord-lieutenant. The favourable answer which
the duke returned in the Dublin Gazette, — conveying his
thanks for their professions of attachment to the government,
and assurances of its protection whilst they continued in that
disposition, were in the highest degree pleasing to them ; and
their satisfaction was infinitely enhanced when the speaker,
at the duke's desire, sent for the two representatives of the
Catholic body to the House of Commons, and having from
the chair requested the address to he read, formally assured
them of his sense of the favour done him, by being made the
medium of serving so respectable a body. The result proved
how easy a task it is for a government to attach the affections
of its subjects, by simply following those admirable principles
which Christianity — the rule of perfection in political

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 459
as in moral wisdom — so forcibly inculcates. The accept- A.D. 1759.
ance of their address was regarded by the Catholics as their
first re-admission into the porch of the constitution ; and,
accordingly, on circulation of the tidings, they poured in
addresses to the Castle, from every quarter of the kingdom,
in which they expressed the strongest resolution to muster all
their energies in defence of their king and country.
This conduct of the Catholics, at so critical a juncture,
effectually falsified the flattering hopes which had been held
out to the court of France by certain of the expatriated Irish
in its service, that an invading army would immediately be
joined by their discontented brethren of the proscribed re
ligion. Influenced, however, by their suggestions, France
had her secret emissaries busily at work in Dublin, endea
vouring to stir up tumult and sedition. Rumours of an in
tended union of the two kingdoms, of which not the slightest
trace is to be found in the Duke of Bedford's most secret
correspondence with the English ministry, were artfully and
most industriously circulated, for the purpose of inflaming
the populace to the desired insurrection ; under the exasper
ation of which notion, a prodigious multitude was assembled
in the streets of Dublin, on the day after intelligence was
received of the French fleet's having sailed from Brest, which
committed for a short time the most scandalous excesses.
The lord-lieutenant sent for the mayor to quell the riot ; but
finding that no assistance was to be expected from the civil
power, he summoned the privy council to a consultation ;
and a troop of horse was ordered to scour the streets, with
directions not to fire on the misguided people, but to dis
perse them by intimidation. The movement was successful:
and on the next day he received the thanks of both houses
of parliament for his prompt and seasonable interposition.

460 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV
A.D. 1759. A few of the active rioters were brought to justice; but the
secret fomenters of it escaped detection.1
Meanwhile, the lord-lieutenant was indefatigable in con
certing further measures for the security of the kingdom ; and
he had the gratification of finding his assiduity appreciated
by both houses of parliament, in the respective addresses
which they voted.2 Some of the Irish noblemen proffered
their assistance in the raising of fresh regiments ; but before
these could be organised or even formed, the anticipated
danger had come and passed away.
The Brest fleet which had been fitted out to cover the
armament at Vannes, after setting sail, had been pursued by
Hawke, who had given it battle amidst the horrors of a
stormy night, with the wind blowing hard on a lee shore ;
and in an action, whose success formed a brilliant parallel
with that of Wolfe at Quebec, defeated, in the person of M.
de Conflans, the French admiral, the whole design of the
general expedition.
The shame of this defeat was yet unknown to Thurot.
Under favour of a midnight haze, he eluded the blockade of
Dunkirk ; but being driven first to Gottenburgh and Bergen,
and beating afterwards backward and forward amongst the
wintry Hebrides, it was the middle of February before he
made the coast of Ireland. Having in vain attempted a
landing near Londonderry, he sailed to Carrickfergus, where
1 Smollett and others after him have ascribed this sudden outbreak to a
spirit of disaffection, occasioned by the fancied unpopularity of the duke's
administration; but this is a purely gratuitous assumption. So small, says
Lord Orford, was the actual dislike to his government, that when one of the
rioters, meeting Lord Tavistock, skimmed away his hat, his comrades ex
claimed, that Lord Tavistock had not offended them, and inflicted on the
aggressor a most severe castigation of five hundred stripes. He adds, that no
doubt now exists of the riot's having been the work of foreign agents. — Me
moires, vol. ii. p. 405. 2 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 178, &c.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 461
he disembarked his force. The viceroy's chief preparations A.D. 1760.
for defence had been made upon the southern coasts, against
which the chief invasion was actually designed. His plan,
as we learn from a letter to Mr. Pitt, (who had demanded
two more regiments of horse for the army of Prince Ferdi
nand), was to have fought the enemy before they could
possess themselves of Corke, and at the same time, by securing
the passages of the rivers with his cavalry, to cut them off
from the capital, the safety of which, therefore, he thought
that he could guarantee, at least during the winter.1 Not
having the smallest reason to expect a descent upon the
north, Carrickfergus was garrisoned only by a few companies,
mostly of new-raised men, under the command of Colonel
Jennings. Immediately, therefore, on the news of the event,
the lord -lieutenant gave orders for assembling the seven
nearest regiments of dragoons and infantry, and prepared to
place himself at the head of them, thinking it possible that
the disembarkation, insignificant as it was, might be only the
prelude of a greater.* He despatched also to Captain Elliott,
who with three frigates kept the harbour of Kinsale, instant
orders to proceed against the invading squadron : but, mean
while, Thurot had taken possession of Carrickfergus, after a
defence as resolute as the circumstances would admit, and
after re-victualling his ships by plunder of the town, had again
put out to sea, in terror of the advancing troops. He was
bearing down the channel near the Isle of Man, when Captain
Elliott, at four o'clock on the morning of the 28th, obtained
sight of his vessels, and gave chase. He came up with them
at nine o'clock, and in a few minutes began the engagement.
1 " Considerations offered to Mr. Pitt concerning the taking from Ireland
two more regiments of horse." Feb. 11, 1760.
2 Duke of Bedford to Mr. Pitt. Feb. 23, 1760.

462 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1760. The battle was fought out by Thurot with the most reckless
intrepidity, until the hold of his ship was nearly filled with
water, and her deck was covered with the slain. At the
end of an hour and a half he fell by a mortal wound ; his
frigates struck their colours. With the loss of this last
fragment of her mighty armament terminated the buoyant
hopes of France, and the lively alarms of England.
A last attempt to throw discredit on the vigour of the
Duke of Bedford's government by the remaining section of
the opposition, was made before the session closed. By the
promptness of his measures during the late descent, the town
of Belfast, where property to a very considerable amount in
money and linen goods invited the invader, had been saved
from pillage; but Carrickfergus had surrendered; the inde
pendent pride of the exclusive patriots had received a mortal
shock ; and upon the plea that the landing of the foe might
have been absolutely prevented, if the militia in the neigh
bourhood had had sufficient arms, they raised the question in
the House of Commons, and pressed it to a division. The fare
well opportunity was tempting to all who had long traded in
faction ; but the inconsiderable minority which they mustered,
proved that, for the present, their " occupation was quite
gone." At the conclusion of the session, the Commons
declared, in their address, that the many national benefits
which had resulted from his grace's just and prudent admi
nistration demanded their most grateful acknowledgments,
and rendered them unanimous in desiring his return to and
long continuance in the government of the kingdom :x and
the lords with equal zeal offered similar congratulations at
the termination of a session, which, they said, must ever be
distinguished in the Irish annals for the remarkable firmness
1 Commons' Journal, vol.vi. p. 230.

K. George II. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 463
which he had shewn in dispelling the threatening prospects A.D, 1760.
under which it had commenced ; and for his wise and prudent
care in putting them into a capacity of frustrating the daring
attack of their implacable and disappointed enemy.1 In
some excellent recommendations in his closing speech to
parliament, on the 17th of May, which may well deserve
republication here, the duke breathed out his parting wishes
for the welfare and prosperity of Ireland. " The greatest
happiness and prosperity which," he said, " a free nation
can enjoy, is only attainable by a thorough submission to the
laws and a veneration for them, which this nation, jointly
with Great Britain, ought most peculiarly to have, as the
laws by which they are governed have been framed by the
joint consent of the whole body of the kingdom. Let me
then, in the most earnest manner, recommend to you this
undoubted truth, that Ireland will ever flourish in proportion
to the due execution of the laws in every part of the kingdom.
By this, trade will flourish, manufactures increase and rise to
perfection ; agriculture, planting, and every kind of improve
ment, be carried on to its full extent ; and peace and plenty
be established over the whole island. By this, likewise,
violence and oppression will cease every where, and riot and
tumult be heard of no more."
In the satisfaction which was generally felt in Ireland at
the results of the duke's government, the ministry at home
cordially participated ; and even Mr. Pitt, upon transmitting
an official letter signifying the king's approval of those whom
he desired to leave lords justices, accompanied it by a private
one congratulating him " on his approaching return after so
successful a conclusion of affairs," and assuring him " that
he should ever esteem it a real honour to merit in any degree
1 Lords' Journals, vol. iv. p. 195.

464 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXIV.
A.D. 1760. his approbation."1 Embarking for England the latter end of
May, the duke was honoured at his audience of return with
peculiar marks of the king's grace and condescension. At his
instances, the Earl of Kildare was advanced to the dignity of
a marquess, Lord Mornington was made an earl, Lord Russ-
borough a viscount, three gentlemen were created barons,
and favours dispensed to various other individuals. He
continued to superintend the affairs of Ireland till the 31st
of March, 1761, when he signified to the lords justices the
appointment of Lord Halifax as his successor in the govern
ment of Ireland.
On the morning, meanwhile, of October 25th, 1760,
George the Second terminated his successful reign; and
the Irish parliament was dissolved by proclamation. The
general tranquillity that now prevailed in Ireland, and the
absence of all angry party heat, furnish the best eulogium
on the Duke of Bedford's administration of that kingdom.
" It was a most agreeable surprise to me," writes the Honble
Mr. Fortescue, " to find the country so little inflamed or dis
turbed by the ensuing general election. I really do not believe
there will be more than six controverted elections, and very
few for either great towns or boroughs ; which surprises every
body, and is looked on as the consequence of that union esta
blished here by your grace amongst our great men, and so
strongly recommended by you upon all occasions. I do not
find they disagree in any one place, nor is there likely to
be one party petition that can divide the government now
appointed here by your grace, which is more than the most
sanguine friend to this country could have even hoped for,
much less have anticipated."2
1 Mr. Pitt to the Duke of Bedford, April 19th, 1760.
2 Bedford Papers; Dublin, Dec. 2, 1760.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 465

CHAPTER XXV.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. TO THE SIGNATURE OF PEACE
AT FONTAINEBLEAU.
A.D. 1760-1763.

Accession of George III., 1760. . .Lord Bute's early discountenance of the
Whigs . . . Prospects of peace, 1 761 . . . Duke of Bedford called to the
cabinet ... his pacific sentiments . . . Dictatorial conduct of Mr. Pitt . . .
Negotiations broken off . . . Retirement of Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple . . .
Duke of Bedford made Privy Seal... moves for the withdrawal of the
troops from Germany . . * Prussian subsidy . . . Resignation of the Duke of
Newcastle . . . Successes of the British arms . . . French overtures for peace
. . . British terms . . . Duke of Bedford undertakes the negotiation . . . inter
view with Lord Bute . . . he departs for Paris, Sept. 6 . . . State of parties as
they affected the peace . . . the Court, and its system of policy . . . Check
upon Lord Bute — the Pitt — Newcastle — Cumberland — ¦ and Prussian
parties — their respective views and operations. . . Inflammatory state of
the public mind . . . Character of the foreign ministers — Marques de
Grimaldi — Due de Choiseul — Duke of Bedford's first interview with
them . . . Obstinacy of Grimaldi . . . Duke of Bedford remonstrates against
the curtailment of his full powers . . . Consequent conduct of Lord Bute —
the King — Lord Egremont .. Duke of Bedford's personal danger...
Conquest of the Havannah ... its effect on the respective cabinets . . . Dif
ferences on the equivalent . ..Duke of Bedford demands Florida and
Porto Rico . . . Correspondence of the French ministers . . . British ministry
strengthened . . . Ultimatum sent . . . the king's anxiety for peace . . . Lord
Bute's intrigues . . . their effect on the Duke of Bedford's influence ... he
signs Preliminaries .. . East India Company's desire of a change in the
epochs . . . Spirited conduct of the Duke of Bedford ... his firm support
of the Portuguese minister . . . He signs the Definitive Treaty ... its re
ception at court ... in parliament.
When George the Third came to the throne, he found the a.d. 1760.
affairs of government directed by an administration strong
from the union of the chief parties in the state, and popular
from the success of almost all its measures. But from the
VOL. II. h H

466 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1760. maxims which had been so strenuously inculcated by the
princess dowager upon her son, and the influence which Lord
Bute had acquired, both with the one and the other, curiosity
was busily at work in speculating on the form which it would
take under the auspices of a new master. Lord Bute was im
mediately named of the privy council, and many months were
not suffered to elapse without indications of his power, which
evince that he was not so inattentive to the means of raising a
party and procuring adherents in the new parliament as has
been sometimes represented.1 Immediately after the dissolu-
1 Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford.
St. James's Place, Dec. 19, 1760.
My dear Lord, — This morning, according to his grace's present custom,
I was sent for to Newcastle House. When the business which he had with
me was settled, the Duke of Newcastle opened himself very freely, and
enlarged very much upon his present situation at court : which, he told me in
terms, was such as he would endure but a very short time longer — com
plained of the very little weight he had in the closet, and of the daily means
used to let him have as little in the ensuing parliament,— that the Whigs were
given up in many parts of England, a thing impossible for him to submit to,
whilst at the head of the treasury. He named three instances to prove this
assertion. The first was, the order for the Dock at Plymouth to be permitted
to vote as they pleased, to which a private order is annexed, for them all to
vote for Steuart. The second was, the turning out Lord Powis from his lieu
tenancy of Shropshire, to make way for Lord Bath. And the third was, the
removing certain persons in South Wales, who have long had the manage
ment of elections in that part of the world. I conjecture his grace means
Mr. Gwynn, who is now member for Radnor, where Lord Caernarvon is
sent down, with pretty large powers ; and Sir John Phillips's support in Pem
brokeshire, against Sir William Owen. He added, that when he asked an
explanation of these and other matters, the constant answer was, the king
had ordered it so, which he allowed to be a very sufficient one ; but that he
hopes to be forgiven, if he first remonstrates and then submits, as long as he
thinks it consistent with his honour to do so, but that the time is drawing
very near, when he can no longer. That he was to know from Lord Bute
upon what terms he was to remain where he is, and a meeting was to be had
between them to settle it; but that that meeting had been put off from day to
day, and was now deferred sine die.
He ended with telling me, that his remaining at court depended upon
the behaviour of two persons only, the Dukes of Bedford and Devonshire;

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 467
tion, provision was made for the retirement of Lord Holder- A.D. 1760.
nesse, and the secretary's seals were conferred upon the earl ;
but his influence was for awhile repressed by the ascendant
genius of Mr. Pitt, until the overtures of the belligerents for
peace introduced differences of opinion in the cabinet, of
which he dexterously took advantage; and until the proud
impatience of restraint which, with more than his usual in
tractability, characterised the conduct of Mr. Pitt during the
progress of the negotiations, freed him from this impetuous
and powerful co-rival.
The immense losses and reverses which France had sus
tained during her five years of warfare, had abased her great
ness and deeply mortified her pride. The reduction of Belle-
isle, whilst the treaty was pending, had convinced her that
she was not impassive on her own coasts, and quickened pro
bably her fears, lest the expedition to Martinico, planned in
the same daring spirit, should be equally successful. In this
state of affairs, several members of the cabinet were clearly of
opinion that the time was come at which the sovereign had
glanced in his closing speech to parliament, when, after vigor
ously prosecuting the war, he might be in a condition to stay
in Europe the effusion of blood and lavish expenditure of
treasure, and secure to his people the blessings of peace, on
safe and honourable conditions for himself and his allies.
they had advised him to accept the treasury under the young king; if they
would support him with spirit, he would remain there; but not as a cipher
in the closet. Their graces could never intend that he should be so, when
they gave him their advice to accept ; and therefore he thinks he has a right
to expect their assistance against his becoming one, when, on his own part, he
desires to leave them two only for judges, if he aspires at taking too much
upon himself. I take it for granted his grace meant all this should be con
veyed to you ; I have done it as well as my memory would permit. Poor
Admiral Boscawen is relapsed, and thought to be in the greatest danger. I
am ever, my dear Lord, your Grace's most obliged and faithful humble
servant, Richard Rigby.

468 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1761. Amongst those who cherished such a sentiment was the
Duke of Bedford ; who, though he held no office in the
ministry since his resignation of the lieutenancy of Ireland,
had been summoned to its councils by the king's particular
commands. Impressed as a counsellor with the moral re
sponsibilities attached to the continuance of a bloody and
now aimless war, and altogether satisfied with the accom
plishment of every object for which the war was originally
undertaken, he was less dazzled by the glare of past and
hope of future conquests than some other statesmen of his
time, and deemed it the part of sound policy and wisdom
to consolidate these valuable acquisitions by a peace, which,
by a happy moderation in the terms of treaty, might be ren
dered permanently beneficial to the British empire. Having
received many recent courtesies from the Earl of Bute, whose
inclination to cultivate his friendship had been avowedly in
creased by the relationship which he claimed with the Duchess
of Bedford, his solicitude led him to enforce the opinions which
he had thrown out in council, by the fuller exposition of his
views on the great question that engaged it, in a letter to that
nobleman,1 which has so far a bearing on his negotiation in
1 Duke of Bedford to the Earl of Bute.
Woburn Abbey, July 9, 1761.
My dear Lord, — Your lordship's time was so much taken up yesterday,
that I had no opportunity of talking to you on the great question of war or
peace, which I hear is likely to be decided in the beginning of next week. As
upon the decision of this question the future happiness of his majesty's reign
and the well-being of this country, I think, absolutely depend, give me leave,
my dear lord, to take up a little of your time, in giving you my sentiments
on this important affair, in which the king's honour and ease are so essentially
concerned, — 'the first of which cannot be carried to a higher pitch, than by
granting a firm and permanent peace to Europe ; and the other, particularly
at this joyful time of his taking a consort to his bed, cannot be too much
consulted. Your lordship will give me leave to ask those who are willing to carry on

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 469
the following year, as to prove his honesty of purpose in A.D. 1761.
undertaking that difficult, not to say dangerous commission,
and his deep and sincere conviction of the advantages to be
the war another year, what advantages they can hope to gain to this country
by it ? Is there not the greatest probability (and if there could be any thing
sure in war, I might say certainty), that his majesty's whole electoral domi
nions will be swallowed up, by the vast superiority the French have in those
parts, long before the next campaign will be finished ? Is there any possi
bility, in the exhausted state of this country, to put the army in those parts
on a respectable footing ? If these two positions of mine should be uncon-
troverted, which I am convinced must be the case, what are the advantages
which Mr. Pitt thinks will be gained, that will do more than compensate for
these losses, for compensate we must ? Mr. Pitt tells you, that by the con
quest of Belleisle, you are enabled to spread the alarm so thoroughly over the
whole coast of France, which is on the ocean, that the people won't be able
to sleep quietly in their beds. But can we do more upon the continent of
France, after they have had so long a time to guard against us in the material
places; such as Bourdeaux, Rochefbrt, Brest, L'Orient, and St. Malo's? I
fear not ; especially as it will be impossible to spare any more troops from
hence or Ireland, without leaving your own coasts liable to be insulted, even
by a handful of men-. What then, in our situation, can be expected from our
efforts during this summer from Belleisle 1 Why, possibly the taking another
island, or burning a few more miserable villages upon the continent ! But
Mr. Pitt will say, In the course of this year, even before December, I will
take Martinico. To this I reply, it may be you may not ; and I rather incline
to think we should not succeed in that attempt : I am sure it must be, whether
successful or not, the cause of the loss of much blood and treasure. Give me
leave to expatiate a little upon the reasons which induce me to think our
success there very doubtful.
In the first place, the French have had very sufficient time to throw in
there succours of all kinds, and to make preparations to receive us : in the
second, the island is not only strong by art, but almost impregnable by
nature ; to which must be added, the climate makes it impossible for European
troops to keep the field, and endure the fatigues of a siege, without infinite
loss ; and I fear, by what we have seen at Belleisle, the number and expert-
ness of our engineers do not give much hopes of carrying strong places in a
short time ; and open trenches, in that climate, for a long time, are certain
destruction to the soldiers : thirdly, they have in that island a number of free
negroes, who, habituated to that climate, fighting pro aris etfocis, are a dan
gerous enemy behind entrenchments, especially as they are noted to be excel
lent marksmen.
These, and many other reasons, induce me to believe our success against
Martinico doubtful. But should it be otherwise— will this conquest, which

470 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1761. secured to his country, by opening at once " the gates of
mercy on mankind."
Conformably with these intentions, he attended the council

must necessarily cost so many lives of our brave countrymen, and such im
mense sums of money (and which I suppose the sugar-planters will no more
desire should be retained by us than they did in relation to Guadaloupe), be
the means of obtaining us a better peace than we can command at present?
or induce the French to relinquish a right of fishery, which if they do, must
put a final blow to their being any longer a naval power, though possessing
a coast in the Channel and in the ocean, extending from Dunkirk to the
frontiers of Spain ; and in the Mediterranean, from the frontiers of Spain to
those of Italy ? Indeed, my lord, the endeavouring to drive France entirely
out of any naval power, is fighting against nature, and can tend to no one
good to this country ; but, on the contrary, must excite all the naval powers
in Europe to enter into a confederacy against us, as adopting a system, — that,
namely, of a monopoly of all naval power, — which would be at least as
dangerous to the liberties of Europe as that of Louis XIV. was, which
drew almost all Europe upon his back.
This naturally brings me to consider the terms upon which France seems
now to be willing to agree with us ; which in my opinion are, and I will use
my lord president's words, more advantageous to England than any ever con
cluded with France since King Henry the Fifth's time. May his majesty, I
pray to God, avail himself of this opportunity of excelling in glory and mag
nanimity the most famous of his predecessors, by giving his people a glorious
and reasonable peace (which is the only one that can be lasting)^ and the rest
of Europe an instance of his moderation, and a proof to his German subjects
of his paternal care over them, in preferring their security and solid advan
tages to the laurels of farther conquests, which can be gained only by their
ruin, and by the blood and treasure of his British subjects.
In the first place, they are willing to relinquish all Canada, as they held
it, without any exception of Cape Breton, provided England will permit them
to dry their fish on a limited part of the coast of Newfoundland, such as we
shall agree to, and under our influence and command. This, for the reasons
I have above mentioned, I think ought to be granted them, and without any
danger to our trade ; as your lordship very justly observed the other day, that
as they' have ceded their northern colonies, their future trade will be confined
chiefly to old France.
I understand, by a letter I have received from the Duke of Newcastle,
that they consent to cede Senegal ; and Mr. Stanley thinks they will cede
Goree. Minorca they agree to yield up ; and the affairs in the East Indies
(where by the Uti possidetis every thing is, as much as can be wished, in our
favour) are left to the king's magnanimity.
I think what relates to Dunkirk is the point of the greatest difficulty ; for

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DIJKE. 471
on the 20th, and as no one besides himself chose to speak his A.D. 1761.
sentiments in contrariety of Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple, his
presence gave great satisfaction to those who thought, that
it is certainly for the interest of England, upon account of its vicinity, to
prevent the French from making that place such a harbour as may be
capable of giving umbrage in any future war, — from being able to fit out
from thence such an embarkation of troops as might alarm the capital or
southern coasts of this kingdom. I have never myself been much in appre
hension of invasions of England ; for, as they cannot bring cavalry over with
them in any number, I think our always having a body of cavalry in this
kingdom would soon enable us to put an end to any attempt of this nature.
But, however, for the satisfaction of the nation, too great security cannot be
taken to guaVd against any future alarms that may arise from this place ;
and therefore I think it should be tried whether France will not consent
to put Dunkirk upon the footing on which it was placed by the last treaty
of Aix-la-Chapelle. This, I think, would be sufficient to make reasonable
people easy ; as I do not find that since that time great improvements have
been made to that harbour. I very well remember a considerable time after
the signing of that peace, whilst I was secretary of state, I sent over there, by
his late majesty's command, upon rumours being spread in the city of great
works being carrying on at the harbour of Dunkirk, a sea-officer, now a captain
in the navy, who assured me there were no works of consequence there car
rying on, or that had been begun since the conclusion of the treaty of peace.
I have gone over all the material points which occur to me ; and having
considered them over and over again with the utmost attention, and having
talked this matter over with people of whose judgment I have the best opinion,
and having likewise found a general aversion, as well at court as in the town
and country, towards carrying op a bloody and expensive war, when the
object for which it was begun ceases, and when there can be no prospect of
bettering the conditions of peace than what we may now hav%e, — I should think
myself inexcusable to my king and country, did I refrain, out of consideration
to any one man, to speak my mind as fully as I have now set it down on
paper, at the next council at which the great affair may come to be debated ;
and to declare, that in case it shall be decided, coiite qui coute, to carry on
the war, when a peace may be obtained upon such honourable conditions as
I have above mentioned, that I wash my hands from all the guilt of the blood
that may be spilt, the treasure wasted,, and from the unprosperous situation
the affairs of this country will I fear be in, from the moment the decision is
made, of carrying on the war for another campaign ; and I hope his majesty
(to whom I will, with all humility, give my reasons for my conduct) will
dispense with my further attendance at these meetings, where I can be no
longer useful, and to which I have hitherto been called, not in right of office,
but through his majesty's gracious opinion of my zeal for his service, and my
integrity to the good of my country.

X

472 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1761. if France were sincere in her desire for peace, it was their
duty now to facilitate an accommodation.1 The Duke of
Bedford was not prepared to pronounce upon her absolute
sincerity ; but, from the language she had yet used, and the
propositions she had hitherto submitted, he saw no reason to
doubt her disposition ; and he accordingly made the same
frank exposition of his thoughts which he had entered into
with Lord Bute. On the other hand, Mr. Pitt, taking
umbrage at the attempt of France to intermix and to support,
along with her own, the demands of Spain, — entirely mis
trusting the professions of both courts, and ambitious of fresh
conquests, which might compel an unreserved compliance
with his terms of peace, insisted, in language breathing far
less of pacification than defiance, on requiring some sacrifices
which it was not possible for France, even with her impover
ished exchequer, to submit to, whilst she had any power left
her to ward off the disgrace. He at the same time took so
little pains to conciliate the opinions of his colleagues, as
at a subsequent council to produce his final answer to the
French memorial, not as a document to be deliberated on,
but as a decision to be absolutely adopted.2 To the surprise,
and perhaps the indignation with which the Duke of Bedford
I hope your lordship will excuse the frankness with which I write to you,
and impute it to the great regard and honour which I have for you; and that
I think it respectful to give notice of what I intend to say at the next meeting.
I am, with the truest regard, my dear lord, your most faithful humble
servant, Bedford.
1 " The Duke of Newcastle confessed the dread the whole council was
in, lest Mr. Pitt should frown, and that you were the single man who dared
to deliver an opinion contrary to his, though agreeable to every other person's
sentiments. Indeed, I believe he spoke truth, when he declared, he envied
you that spirit more than your great fortune or abilities. He as much ap
plauded the like conduct of yours, with regard to differing in opinion with
Lord Bute, which, he owned, for certain other causes, most members of the
cabinet were as shy. of doing, as with Mr. Pitt." — Mr. Rigby to the Duke
of Bedford. * Duke of Devonshire to the Duke of Bedford.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 473
received this species of dictation, was added the concern of A.D. 1761.
finding Lord Bute more decidedly inclined to co-operate with
Mr. Pitt in his proceedings, than he had hoped for. He
accordingly declared his resolution of taking no farther part
in deliberations upon which there was to be no exercise of
private judgment, requested the king to dispense with his
attendance, and solemnly disavowed all responsibility in the
consequences that would, he feared, result from hurrying on
so unceremoniously the rupture with Spain, and reviving the
havock and the waste of war. The negotiations after this
came to a speedy crisis : the British, minister, confident of
having the approval of the people, in their present tempera
ment,1 drew up his Ultimatum. As he had been persuaded
by the king, through the Duke of Devonshire, to make some
relaxation in the article of the fishery, the sovereign expressed
to this nobleman his most earnest desire that the Duke of
Bedford would attend the council at which it was to be
presented. To an intimation of this wish, the duke replied,
1 Mr. Rigby, in a letter to the Duke of Bedford, Aug. 27, points out very
forcibly the prevalent inclination : " I do not much wonder that your grace
did not give your attendance at the last council ; but I own I lament it, as
the surest symptom of the continuance of this war, and the approach of a
fresh one with Spain. Mr. Pitt, it is plain, does govern; and the worst of it
is, that he governs not only in the cabinet council, but in the opinions of the
people too. I have conversed with some of my neighbours here about peace ;
which they all wish for, and will tell you they shall be undone if the war
continues ; but the disorder of the council is epidemical ; for they will tell
you, in the same breath, that you must keep every thing which you have taken
from the French, and have every thing returned to you which you have lost
by the war. Depend upon it, my lord, this is the madness of the times, and
there is but one cure for it, and that is, a defeat of some one of our projects.
Whilst we succeed and make conquests, and bonfires, the value of the capture
is no part of the consideration ; fresh fuel is added to the delirium, and the
fire is kept constantly fanned. For my own part, I am so convinced of the
destruction which must follow the continuance of the war, that I should not
be sorry to Tiear that Martinico, or the next windmill which you attack,
should get the better of you."

474 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D, 1761. that nothing hut a special command could induce hini to
attend again, and even then it would he with extreme re
luctance and uneasiness. The king, however, manifested so
great an anxiety on the subject, as to direct the same noble
man to desire his attendance as a point essential and neces
sary to his service ; and to soften this intelligence the duke
was apprised, that after much discourse with Lord Bute, he
would not differ with them in the next discussion, but yield
the opinion he had formerly expressed. But there were
probably additional grounds for the invitation. A dinner at
Newcastle House, which the duke had attended after the last
council, was regarded as a symptom of opposition ; and
although the disunion of the administration appeared almost
certain, Lord Bute had no desire to precipitate it at so critical
a juncture. But little that was satisfactory to the respective
parties occurred at this meeting. The secret family compact
between France and Spain just signed, of the tenour of which
some obscure intelligence was communicated to Mr. Pitt,
increased all his previous mistrust; he rejected the French
ultimatum, terminated the negotiation, and required Lord
Bristol at Madrid to remonstrate, in the strongest terms, on
the late conduct and present apparent policy of Spain ; whilst
he prepared to resume the war with a vigour sharpened by
resentment. His resolution was to strike a grand blow against
the trade, the colonies, and wealth of Spain ; and to begin by
intercepting the immense treasure which was coming from
the Spanish Indies. He and Lord Temple accordingly de
livered in their plan, in writing, to the cabinet ; and proposed
the immediate recall of Lord Bristol from Madrid. Unpre
pared for a step so daring and decisive, which no ascertained
intention, much less any overt act, of that punctilious court
yet justified, the rest of the council were startled at the pro-

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 475
position, — first hesitated, next debated, lastly opposed the A.D. 1761.
project. Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple in consequence threw
up their offices, and their resignations were formally accepted
on the 5th of October.
Deprived thus of Mr. Pitt's co-operation, Lord Bute
looked anxiously around for substitutes. He took off the
edge of the late minister's dissatisfaction by a pension ; he
sweetened somewhat towards the Duke of Newcastle ; grew
more gracious towards the Duke of Devonshire ; and applied
to the Duke of Bedford for his countenance and support.
Lord Egremont was made secretary of state. Lord Melcombe,
eager to dispose of his services to every ministry that would
employ them, applied for the privy-seal. A more likely
competitor existed in Lord Hardwicke ; but, after a short
period of suspense and hesitation, it was conferred upon the
Duke of Bedford on the 25th of November, a few weeks after
the opening of parliament.
In thus accepting office, with the legacy of a war to be
unavoidably renewed, until, as the king in his opening speech
declared, it could be terminated by the equitable conditions
of an honourable peace, the Duke of Bedford was mainly
influenced by the hope of forwarding so great a result ; and
to this end, he reserved the right of acting with perfect in
dependence in any conjuncture which might appear to him
calculated to affect it. On the 5th of February, therefore,
1762, when the speech from the throne was to be taken into
consideration, he opened a debate in the house of lords, by
proposing a resolution against any longer carrying on the
war in Germany, upon the ground that if the British troops
were withdrawn, it would not only ease the nation of a vast
expense, but" tend the sooner to terminate hostilities, by con
centrating the whole power of the empire against France and

476 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. Spain. In an able speech, he contended that the German
war, unjustifiable at first, was become much more so since
the Spanish war ; that a continental one was never proper for
England, unless attended with a grand alliance ; but that
now we were in a war without allies, .for Prussia, not being
at war with France, could not virtually be deemed one :
success upon the continent could be of little service to us, —
peace was not to be obtained by bonfires and illuminations.
With a debt increased by seventy millions, it was time to
look around, and to withdraw the troops before the step was
irretrievable. The objections that might be raised to such
a course he combated with equal arguments, and solemnly
declared, that as he did, in his conscience, think that they
could not possibly carry on the war in Germany, since there
was a more fatal want than even that of money — a scarcity
of men — he could not sit silent whilst a measure was pro
posed which he thought destructive to his country, and for
which he might, if he refrained from denouncing it, be justly
reproached by posterity.1 The motion, opposed both by Lord
Bute and Earl Temple, was negatived without a division ; but
the duke thought proper to record his opinions by a protest,
to which six other peers affixed their signatures. Still, these
and similar animadversions in the Commons, together with
the exhausted Treasury, had some effect. Lord Bute, before
the Easter prorogation, decided on withdrawing the subsidy
from Prussia, and on relaxing his military efforts on the
continent. A resolution so much at variance with the Duke
of Newcastle's predilections, brought to a head all that noble
man's private discontents. He did not wait to consult the
Duke of Bedford, who had retired to Bath on the 29th of
1 Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xv. p. 1217.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 477
April ; 1 but finding his remonstrances disregarded, and A.D. 1762.
scorning the pension with which his past services were sought
to be requited, impatiently threw up his situation ; and Lord
Bute, in vaulting into the vacant treasury, grasped at length
the full power to which he had aspired. Mr. Grenville suc
ceeded him as secretary of state, and Sir Francis Dashwood
became chancellor of the exchequer.
A fresh tide of conquests distinguished the first days of
the Earl of Bute's administration. The attack upon Marti
nico, which Mr. Pitt had planned, notwithstanding the great
difficulties of the enterprise, was successful beyond antici
pation. It yielded on the 12th of February, and with it fell
the rest of the Caribbee Isles, Granada, the Grenadillas,
Tobago, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent. The news, received in
England on the 21st of March, gave spirit to the preparations
which the ministry were making for an armament against
the Havannah, the great western rendezvous for the rich
galleons of Spain. They were speedily completed. By the
27th of May the fleet designed for its assault was under sail,
and the recent capture of several valuable ships gave force to
those auguries of hope which attended its departure.
The loss to France of her Leeward Islands, was a blow
for which the invasion of Portugal, encouraged with a view
of shutting England out from the luxury of her rich vintages,
presented but a poor compensation. Spain, too, buoyed up
as she had been at the outset by the flattering assurances of
France, trembled lest^the stroke which had been dealt at the
colonies of her ally, should be but a prelude of disaster to
1 The Duke of Bedford received the tidings with regret : in afterwards
announcing his resignation, the Duke of Newcastle apologised for not pre
viously consulting him, but set forth the urgency of the step by a recapi
tulation of his grievances.— Bedford Papers.

478 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. her own. Under these regrets and apprehensions the two
courts opened negotiations for a peace with England through
the Comte de Viry and the Bailli de Solar, the Sardinian
ministers at London and Versailles.
A correspondence between these two courts in February
and March, on the liberation of the Comte d'Etaing, a French
prisoner of war, furnished the first opening for these overtures.
In April the correspondence was commenced ; the exchange
of the British and French projets, agreement on the basis of
the treaty, and specification of the Spanish terms, occupied
the two succeeding months.
The Duke of Bedford attended the council, held the latter
end of April, at which the general plan of peace was devised ;
and when the projet, drawn up on the principles then agreed
to, but with some modifications, had been sent to France,
Lord Bute communicated the tenour of it to the Duke of
Bedford. He, in his reply, the 4th of May, declared, that
although he thought the French ministry would not have
agreed to the terms first settled, he questioned much the policy
of going at first to the utmost extent of their intended cessions,
lest France should fancy them disposed to purchase peace on
any terms, from a total inability of carrying on the war, —
which he did not conceive to be the case, if they were strictly
to confine themselves to hostilities at sea, without involving
themselves in the maze of a continental warfare. Upon the
whole, however, he should be glad of the peace as it had
been chalked out,1 since he thought that a much longer con-
1 At a cabinet council, July 26, the projet of the Preliminary Articles
was thus hastily drawn up :
Art. I. Immediately after the signing the preliminaries, hostilities to cease.
II. Cession entire of Canada, &c. with liberty of religion to the Canadians,
and liberty to emigrate for the space of eighteen months. III. Liberty of
fishery according to the 13th article of the Treaty of Utrecht; the distance

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 479
tinuance of the war, however relieved by the lustre of farther A.D,. 176.2.
conquests, was likely to prove fatal to the nation. On the
5th of July the whole preliminary correspondence was sub
mitted to him, and, in the event of the treaty's going forward,
the embassy to France was earnestly pressed on his acceptance.
Fully sensible of the arts to which the partisans of Mr. Pitt
would have recourse, in stigmatising any peace that should
fall short of his late impracticable conditions, — a procedure
for which there would be every facility in the temper of the
nation, already murmuring at Mr. Pitt's retreat, and intoxi
cated with the long career of victory, — his duty to the crown
and sense of the permanent, if unassuming services which he
might be the means of rendering to his country, would not
permit him to decline the charge. And, although his recent
experience in Ireland, and perfect acquaintance with the dis
position of some of his present colleagues, led him to fear that
he might be thwarted in the great work of reconciliation, the
absolute assurances both from the king and the Earl of Bute
they are to keep off the coasts to be regulated in the Def. Treaty. IV. The
islets of St. Pierre and Miquelon, without fortifications, with fifty men for
the police. They have left out the inspection by a commissary : the words
omitted to be inserted. V. Dunkirk, according to the last treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle; the Cunette to remain. VI. The Mississippi the limit betwixt
the two nations, from the confluence of the Ibberville through the lakes
Maurepas and Pontchartrain ; the navigation to be free to both nations,
and a map to state the limits. VII. Guadaloupe, Mariegalante, La Desirade
(to France). VIII. St. Lucia to be ceded to France ; the other three neutral
Islands, the Grenade, &c. to England. IX. Senegal to England ; Goree to
France. X. Minorca to England. XI. Evacuation of Hanover, Brunswick,
Lippe Buckebourg, &c. XII. Wezel, Gueldres, &c. to be evacuated by the
French, and all the troops in their pay, as well as ours, to evacuate the empire,
in lieu of the three proposals of France, which cannot be agreed to by us.
XIII. The prizes before the war to be left to the king. XIV. Ostend and
Nieuport to be quitted by the French. XV. The East Indies. XVI. The
prisoners of war; each crown shall pay what has been advanced. XVII.
Treaties to be confirmed. XVIII. The Epochs. XIX. Conquests on each
part made since the negotiation, to be given up on each side,

480 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. that, whilst he kept within the tenour of his instructions, he
should have their suppo.rt in any measures he should find
himself obliged to take, reconciled him in some degree to
the task ; and he accordingly signified his acceptance of the
employment. In an interview with Lord Bute, on the 20th of July, he
was apprised that Comte Viry thought the peace was made
if they would cede St. Lucia, since they appeared willing to
yield up every other disputable point of material consequence;
but that without it they were determined to carry on the war.
He said, that Lord Mansfield was, notwithstanding, against
that cession, and was gone a long circuit to be out of the
way. The three disputed points with Spain might, he
thought, be thus disposed of ; the prizes taken before the war
be finally adjusted by the British court itself; her claims
for fishery on the coasts of Newfoundland be left on the
footing of the treaty of Utrecht, where each party reserved
its former rights ; and the English forts on the Spanish Main
be destroyed, on their giving sufficient security for our enjoy
ment of the logwood trade. And upon these and the other
terms that have been recapitulated, he seemed very desirous
to conclude the peace.1 As they had met the approval of the
king and council, the duke stated that he should make no
objection to them ; but he took the liberty of urging that the
last Spanish article required a much fuller explanation, as he
greatly doubted whether any sufficient security could be pro
vided for the logwood trade, unless the old establishments in
Yucatan were kept up ; and that the English never allowed
the Mosquitos, or Indios Iravos, to be under the Spanish
dominions.2 He indicated also, that any restitution without
equivalent, of conquests that might be made during the
1S Duke of Bedford's Minutes of the Interview, July 20.

K. George III.

JOHN, FOURTH DUKE.

481

negotiation, would he most distasteful to him ; and as this A.D. 1762.
was a point which had not yet occupied the consideration of
the cabinet, he required the most precise instructions how far
he was to avail himself of any good success that might attend
the expedition to the Havannah.1 A compensation was, in
consequence, agreed to be exacted in the event ; and, at his
requisition, he was permitted to declare this resolution of his
court at his first interview with the French ministers.2
The answers from Versailles being conformable to what
the British ministry desired, and the Spanish ambassador there
being declared to have full power to treat, the duke was in
formed that he would be declared minister plenipotentiary
on the 1st of September ; and was desired to hold himself in
readiness to sail from Dover on the 6th, in the yacht which
should afterwards bring over the Due de Nivernois from
Calais. He had the satisfaction, on the 2d of August, of
seeing his daughter, Lady Caroline Russell, married to
George, third Duke of Marlborough ;3 and on the day
appointed for his embarkation, set sail with his suite, and
had his audience at Versailles on the 17th of September,
when he delivered his credentials, and made the accustomed
compliments. Previous, however, to entering upon the nego
tiation, a brief sketch of the real position and the private
aims of parties in England as they affected the treaty, may
be necessary. The court party, properly so called, was small and weak :
the king and Lord Bute stood almost alone. The Cabinet
had entered into their desire for peace with different degrees
1 Duke of Bedford's Minutes of the Interview, Aug. 1. 2 lb. Aug. 23.
s Arms ; quarterly, 1 and 4, quarterly, argent and gules, in the 2 and 3, a
fret or; over all on a bend sable, 3 escallops of the first ; for Spekcer. Second
and third, sable, a lion rampant argent ; on a canton, of the last, a cross gules;
for Churchill.

SPENCER,
quartering
CHURCHILL.

VOL. II.

I I

482 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. of earnestness. The king and his minister had absolute
need of it; since peace alone could give the former time
and means to reduce the parties that controlled the inde
pendence of his closet, which he was so anxious to establish ;
whilst it was by peace alone that the latter could hope to
rally such strength in the approaching session as would sus
tain him against an opposition that threatened to neutralise
all his operations. A part of the system of policy which he
had laid down was, to preserve in future the least possible
connexion with Germany ; and feeling that the duration of
his ministry would be bound up with that of his system, he
desired not merely a decided, but a permanent peace, which
by inducing a reconciliation, and even union of principles
with France, might render unnecessary any farther waste
of men and treasure, which had so strikingly distinguished
the late reign. And it was of the last importance that the
peace should not only be permanent, but speedy, in order
that either peace or war might be decisively announced to
parliament in November, and the budget of the ministry be
prepared accordingly. These various reasons had a strong
tendency to render Lord Bute throughout easy in his terms
with France ; but a powerful check was constantly in action
against this, from the ferment industriously kept stirring in
the nation, and the less pacific views of other members of
the cabinet, particularly Lord Egremont, Mr. Grenville, and
Lord Mansfield. As regards Spain, he wished also to ter
minate the war, but not so ardently. The whole cabinet
was disgusted with the haughtiness, and annoyed by the
intrigues and malice of the Spanish ministers; nor were
they proof to the universal eagerness which the nation mani
fested for the immense profits that were derived from prizes
and conquests in the Spanish Indies. From these causes,

K. George III. JOHN*, FOURTH DUKE. 483
and a firm persuasion that their designs there would infallibly A.D. 1762.
succeed, even though the Havannah might not at present fall,
Lord Bute, as well as his colleagues, were inflexible upon the
Spanish articles, particularly as they were united in regard
ing them as the points that would justify all their conduct, do
honour to their work of peace, reconcile them with the nation,
and place them above the criticism and denunciation of their
enemies. And in this they were correct; for whilst the tenour
of the other articles, so far as they had yet escaped, was made
the favourite theme of declamation ; the sixth article, which
made the Mississippi the limits of the empire in America, and
gave them a communication with the Gulf of Mexico, was alone
passed over in silence by the formidable parties, who either by
impassioned declamations against the minister that had set
on foot the treaty, or by demanding higher conditions than
those which the ministry required, now mustered all their
powers, and strenuously worked against the peace.
The Opposition was ranged under four banners : it com
prised the parties of Mr. Pitt, the Duke of Newcastle, the
Duke of Cumberland, and the King of Prussia. The Due de
Nivernois, in his private letters to the French ministers, gives
a clear and animated picture of the motives that actuated
them, the aims they cherished, and the weapons they em
ployed. Divided as they were upon other principles and ends,
they were all agreed on the necessity, and combined in the
grand design of overthrowing the existing ministry.
" Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple," he says, " wish for war, as a
means of destroying the ministry which makes the peace, that
their talents, sacred in public opinion, may be had recourse
to ; and they desire a long war, that they may rule the longer.
They well know that the king's real disposition is against
them, and that they can only be placed and kept at the head

484 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. of affairs by the necessity and force of circumstances. Now, as
their determination is either to bear rule or to foment trouble,
they are attached to every extreme principle that can most
embroil affairs abroad, as well as to every factious manoeuvre
that can most inflame the minds of men at home. They lay
clown, as the basis of a system indispensable to England, the
necessity as well as ease of crushing France and Spain; and
the necessity as well as justice of vigorously supporting and
protecting the King of Prussia. We must expect to sus
tain, as it were, an interminable war, if Mr. Pitt returns
to power. " The Duke of Newcastle's party deals less in extremes,
but it is not less dangerous, nor less hostile to the ministry.
He has always counselled peace, and he knows not how with
honour to falsify his former conduct. He affects, therefore,
to wish only for a brilliant peace ; he throws difficulties upon
all the conditions, publicly discredits those who have accepted
them for a basis, professes an extreme attachment to the inte
rests of Prussia, and is one of the barriers which the ministry
dare not overpass in reducing the article of the evacuations
in Germany : his aim is, to cause the peace to fail, that the
administration may be overthrown. They, have endeavoured to
make him understand, that in manoeuvring thus, he works,
considering his great age and the credit of Mr. Pitt, for others
rather than himself; but he imagines that in case Lord Bute
is beaten, and even Mr. Pitt comes into office, they could not
avoid giving him some high place of confidence and seeming
credit, which is all he wishes, and cannot forego. He is sup
ported by Lord Mansfield, Lord Hardwicke, the Duke of
Devonshire, and, as some think, by Lord Halifax. His means
of mischief lie in his great riches ; the votes which he com
mands in parliament from the adherents made by his lavish

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 485
favours during his long administration, and the ease with which A.D. 1762.
he can apply them in favour of whatever flatters his vanity.
" The Duke of Cumberland, supported by Mr. Fox, who
guides him, has at his beck all the military, who desire a
continuance of the war ; he passes for a turbulent and vin
dictive character, is piqued with the insufficient consequence
which he enjoys, and has, it is said, a personal hatred to Lord
Bute. It is thought that his party has at least as much share
as any other in the scandalous and revolting publications
with which the town is every day deluged. The king has
spoken to him on the peace, and declared that he much
wished it. The prince has not dared not to subscribe to his
opinion; so it is not exactly against peace that his party
declaims, but this particular peace, and the prevarication of
those who conduct it. In permitting his nephew to make
peace, he reserves to himself the privilege of approving it
only in case every satisfaction is offered to the King of
Prussia, in whose favour his party is one of the most stre
nuous declaimers.
" The King of Prussia's party, which is nothing by itself,
is much at this moment, because it amalgamates with all who
are in either open or latent opposition. His ministers have
taken easy advantage of the feeling common to all these
parties, that Lord Bute, by engaging in a peace so far ad
vanced, must be ruined if it is not concluded, or if the con
clusion is not to the national taste. The Prussian ministers,
moreover, are indecently hostile to this ministry, and intrigue
scandalously against it. The king is much incensed at it,
and I know that, without any hesitation, he would drive
them from his court ; but he is restricted, both by fear and
by the essential clauses of the treaty. In concert with the
late Czar, the King of Prussia had prepared every thing to

486 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. overthrow Lord Bute, by presenting at the former session of
parliament a violent memorial against him, in which the
king would have been personally compromised, as well as the
princess dowager : they hold in their hands the written proofs
of these intrigues. This king's resentment is precisely such
as might be looked for; but he dares not shew it, as the
Prussian cause has become on this very account yet dearer to
the enemies of his ministry.
" These various parties combine also in the means they
take to accomplish their common end. The proceedings of
all is, to disseminate, by seditious writings and ferocious
prints, all that can inspire the nation with defiance, hatred,
and contempt of the ministry ; repugnance, alienation, and
aversion to the work of peace ; inclination, passion, and en
thusiasm for the continuance of the war. These writings are
greedily received by the citizens of London, who are naturally
inclined to opposition ; and besides, much of the population
of this mighty city is composed of those who have an interest
in the continuance of hostilities. Such are the merchants
and seamen who have enriched themselves by privateers and
prizes, army contractors, stock-brokers — all who lend their
money and credit to the state — army-officers, and the yet
more numerous class of sea-captains, to whom the war in
America has been the source of shining fortunes. They all
circulate and give their credit to the pamphlets that issue
from the opposition; and the populace, (considerable, and
even of some influence here), imbibe with transport these
philippics, which always comprise, and often make great
parade of the cherished ideas of liberty, patriotism, and
grandeur of the English people — as well as of the odious
images of the Favourite — of national interest and honour sacri
ficed, and of approaching triumph to the chicanery of France

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 487
and the pride of Spain. To these topics is generally joined A.D. 1762.
some striking picture of the absolute ease with which England
might be raised on the ruins of both by the continuance of war,
or at least by a peace befitting her consequence, that might
for ever fix that infinite superiority which a foreign and pre
varicating minister is on the point of giving up. In support
of these political declamations come the most injurious per
sonalities, not merely against Lord Bute, but against some
who ought to be considered sacred by all parties, and whose
honour is every day outraged by a mass of atrocious writings
and engravings.
" Such are the offensive arms which they use here against
the ministry, and against which the latter cannot, as in other
countries, interpose the shield of power or of the police, but
only the defence of patience, courage, resignation, and a hope
of concluding the peace before the opening of Parliament."1
Whilst these obstacles to the successful conclusion of the
peace were mustered upon one side of the channel, there
were equal difficulties on the other, though of a different
character and a more confined nature. The personages with
whom the Duke of Bedford had to conduct his negotiation
were the Due de Choiseul, prime minister of France, the
Comte de Choiseul, his cousin, and Geronimo, Marques Gri
maldi, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, a Genoese by birth,
and, earlier in life, known under the designation of " the
handsome Abbot." To the former, peace was almost as
necessary as to Lord Bute ; for though he enjoyed the entire
confidence of Louis XV., he had potent enemies, and the
rupture of a treaty so necessary as the present to the treasury
and the repose of France, would have been fatal to his credit
and existence as a minister. He had great generosity of
1 Due de Nivernois au Comte de Choiseul ; Londres, 24 Sept. 1762.

488 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. character, much penetration, and skill to profit by events as
they occurred. Exercising uniformly great address, he con
ducted all his conversations with the Duke of Bedford in that
spirit of unreserve and candour which he judged most in
unison with the natural frankness of his disposition : but as
he well knew how entirely Lord Bute was bent on having the
peace promptly finished, and as he anticipated a failure in the
Havannah expedition, he hoped, by proper management of
the English ministry, to obtain superior terms ; and instructed
the Due de Nivernois to lay out his demands accordingly, in
variation of the articles. But the greatest peril to the treaty
was to he anticipated from the hostility and obstinacy of
Grimaldi, who, to great disaffection towards England, joined
an infinite jealousy of the dignity of Spain, and an over
bearing and impracticable temper but little calculated to
facilitate the adjustment of disputes ; so that if the French
minister, who had been the chief agent in effecting the Family
Compact, had not possessed an influence at Madrid which
gave him ultimately a compulsion over this intractable
envoy, the whole negotiation would have been unquestion
ably marred.
The Duke of Bedford's first interview was with the Comte
de Choiseul, with whom, on the 15th of September, he went
over all but the 6th, 12th, and 18th articles, with a satis
faction which led him to hope that he might enter, that same
evening, upon business with the ministers of both courts ;
hut, although the French ministers had intimated their con
sent to the important article on the Mississippi and Mobile,
they had not yet ventured to mention it to Grimaldi, who,
upon the hare rumour of it, had immediately " monte sur ses
grands chevaux." l The difficulties that resulted from this
1 Duke of Bedford to Lord Egremont; Sept. 15, 1762.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 489
want of preparation are painted in the following able despatch, A.D. 1762.
which exhibits in a lively light Grimaldi's pertinacity.
The Duke of Bedford to Loud Egremont.
Paris, Sept. 19th, 1762.
My Lord, — After the long despatch of the 15th inst. which
your lordship will receive by the same messenger that brings you
this, you will doubtless be surprised at the receipt of another, of no
less a volume ; but as I am to give you a detail of above a nine
hours' conversation on the Thursday, and of all that passed in the
two following days, the fullest of business I ever passed in my life,
or I hope ever shall again, I will, without farther preface, enter
upon the matter, assuring you that I will shorten the work as much
as I can, consistent with the perspicuity I am obliged to observe, to
lay before his majesty a true state of the very important business
with which I am intrusted. I went on Thursday, according to
appointment, to the Due de Choiseul, whom I found alone, and
immediately entered upon the Spanish business, . the Count not
being to come. I began first on the affairs of Portugal, which,
the duke owned to me, he thought his majesty had a right to inter
meddle in ; and assured me that his most Christian majesty would
be able to remove all difficulties on that head, provided we were
ready to give satisfaction to Spain on the other points. This at
first had an agreeable aspect, as I knew but of three other points
about which Spain had ever made complaint ; and as I knew the
king was determined to give them satisfaction on the only material
one, I judged the two others could be adjusted without difficulty.
But this pleasing prospect soon vanished, when I found they had
not yet ventured to own to the Marques de Grimaldi all that had
passed betwixt our two courts in relation to the Mobile, the bound
ary betwixt Canada and Louisiana, and the navigation down the
Mississippi to the sea. He even begged of me not to mention a
word of this to M°. Grimaldi, till they had again talked to him
about it ; and he expressed the difficulties he foresaw, which M°
Grimaldi (who doubtless is very ill-intentioned) would raise on
the part of his court, which dreaded to see the English in the Gulf
of Mexico. This necessarily brought on the point of the naviga-

490 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. tion, which I insisted upon should be granted down the Mississippi
itself to the sea, which I see they will make no difficulty of ceding
to us, the navigation through the lakes being equally obnoxious as
the other to the court of Spain. I shall, before I finish this letter,
explain to your lordship, at its proper period, how they mean to
effect it. I told him I thought it needless to enter into farther
particulars about the Spanish affairs till this point was settled, and
till I could see M° Grimaldi, who alone could confirm to me the
necessary security about Portugal, as well in Europe as the West
Indies, which I was absolutely instructed to declare the sine qud
non of my farther proceeding in the negotiation. He desired that
I would postpone these two points till after dinner, when M°. Gri
maldi would give me the meeting at his house, and that, in the
mean time, we might proceed to the other particulars. This I con
sented to, with its being understood that nothing I agreed to should
be binding, unless I had full satisfaction in the former points. We
then began on the affair of the prizes alleged by Spain to be illegally
made in time of peace. This was adjusted according to the article
I here enclose, after my shewing him that the method observed in
England was conformable to the law of nations, and to treaties,
and he appeared perfectly satisfied with it. The evacuations of
the settlements on the Spanish territory came next in question,
and the security to be given by the court of Madrid in compen
sation for these cessions, for the entire liberty to the British subject
to cut, load, and transport logwood at and from the places where
it had been usually done. In this point, likewise, I think the Due
de Choiseul acted, after some little dispute had upon it, with great
frankness and a real desire of conciliation betwixt us and Spain.
He seemed to know very little of the intentions of Spain, about
their claim of a right to fish on the banks of Newfoundland, except
that they were much out of humour about it ; and that if they had
it, they would make little or no use of it. He seemed very uneasy
about that part of your lordship's letter of the 21st of August,
where compensations were talked of for conquites faites ou a faire.
He said Spain, he feared, notwithstanding all the influence they had
over her, would never admit of this, though we should have actually
taken the Havannah, and that it would necessarily blast all hopes
of their evacuating what they had gained in Portugal, and of their

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 491
giving up the advantages they hoped to reap by the conquest of A.D. 1762.
that whole kingdom, or at least, of a considerable part of it. Upon
my reproaching him with the injustice of the war they had begun
jointly with Spain against that unhappy kingdom, he replied, that
the King of Prussia, by his invasion of Saxony, had taught them
the way, and that England in some degree had followed that track
in beginning the war against France, by taking her ships before
any declaration of it. As I was unwilling to irritate, when my
business here was to reconcile, I pushed this matter no farther ;
but desired to know of him how far France could answer for Spain,
provided we gave her what could be reasonably expected from us,
in the three points which had been the cause of the rupture. He
told me that the King of Spain has assured his cousin the King
of France, that as he had entered into the war merely on his
account, he was ready to make his peace with England whenever
France should desire it, and that he had given carte blanche to
his most Christian majesty, to order Grimaldi to sign whenever he
should be pleased to give him directions in points that related
jointly to both crowns ; but, he added, that he believed the Spanish
ambassador was so ill-intentioned to the peace, that he feared it
might be frustrated through his means. Upon the whole, if I can
judge at all by the behaviour and language of the Due de Choiseul,
by the little I have as yet seen of the women he converses with,
particularly his sister the Duchesse de Grammont, by Madame
Pompadour, with whom I have more than once conversed, and by
the accounts of the Sardinian ambassador, who is perfectly well
acquainted with this court, I can venture to assure your lordship
that the Due de Choiseul most heartily wishes the conclusion of the
peace, which indeed is most material to him, in every point of view.
Having now informed your lordship of every thing material
which I can recollect during this long conversation tete-d-tete with
this minister, I must now relate the particulars of what passed, after
an interval of about two hours, between the two French ministers,
M° Grimaldi, and myself. Though I had already been apprised of
the character of the Spanish ambassador, and of his ill intentions
towards the great work now in hand, yet I did not expect to find
it so strongly marked at the very first meeting we ever had upon
business. For though that minister was very lavish in professions

492 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. of the desire of his court to a thorough reconciliation with England,
and of his zeal to contribute, to the utmost of his abilities, to carry
these pacific intentions of his court into execution; yet I found,
by the difficulties he started upon every article, even the most
trifling one — that of the prizes, which he disputed with me to the
utmost — that all his professions of good intentions towards a recon
ciliation betwixt our two courts could not be in any degree relied
on. And though I did not specifically enter at that time into the
affairs of Portugal, any farther than by assuring him that a thorough
satisfaction with regard to that kingdom Was a sine qui non of my
proceeding in the negotiation with him, the Due de Choiseul hav
ing undertaken that the king, his master, should bring him to my
terms on that head, — yet I found that, in the affair of the logwood,
and the evacuations of the establishments on the Spanish territory,
where undoubtedly his majesty has shewn, for the sake of peace,
the greatest attention to the court of Spain, he was, after an alter
cation of above an hour, in which I was supported against him by
the French ministers, with difficulty brought to acquiesce to the
article which I herein enclose ; but at the same time he insisted
that I should send to your lordship the paper, which, he said, had
been sent him from his court in the very shape it now appears
in, which, he protests, he believes will be rather accepted by you
in England than that I have drawn up.
With regard to the article of the claim of the Biscayners and
Guipuscoans, to fish on the banks of Newfoundland, he will by no
means hear of any proposal that does not absolutely ascertain this
right to them, and chooses to have no article at all about it. Either
he or his court have certainly lost their senses, if that can be judged
of by the strange language he holds, that Spain, if refused the
liberty of fishing or buying fish at Newfoundland, will prohibit the
importation of Bacallao, and that the Pope has already, on the
application of the King of Spain, permitted the general use of flesh
on fast-days. This is such stuff, that I am almost ashamed to put
it into a despatch; but your lordship should be informed when
passion and resentment make ministers and even nations act
simply. This foolish discourse, however, brought us to a very
material business ; that as, by the treaties of commerce and peace
which were to be renewed, we were to be considered as gens ami-

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 493
cissima, France must necessarily likewise be precluded from this A.D. 1762.
beneficial trade of vending their fish in the Spanish ports ; this he
allowed, as the prohibition would be general, but that his court
never intended to renew all the treaties which were in force and
vigour before the rupture, for a longer term than half, or, at the
most, a whole year ; by which time it would be insisted on, that a
new treaty of commerce should be made, the treaties of commerce
which did subsist before the war being so contradictory to each
other, and so burdensome to Spain, that M° Arriaga, their prin
cipal minister of the finances, had wrote to him, that the king
would no longer endure it. It is needless to trouble your lordship
with the puerilities and false reasoning made use of by M°. Grimaldi
on this occasion. It will suffice to inform you, that he concluded
with saying, that no force on earth should prevail with him to
exceed his instructions in this point, and that he would rather lose
his right arm than sign it. The Due de Choiseul upon this took
the pen and said, that he would endeavour to reconcile all differ
ences on this point betwixt us, which he hoped he should effect by
the article herein enclosed, which M.0. de Grimaldi assented to,
after long debate with the Due de Choiseul, but which I declared I
could not, it being directly contrary to my instructions, and a point
of too great moment for me to accept it in any other way than ad
referendum. However, I think myself obliged to inform your
lordship, that I fear Spain, without some change is agreed to be
made hereafter in her commercial treaties with us, will not by any
instances from France be induced to come into terms of accom
modation. And, indeed, if any alteration is to be made, the article
sketched out by the Due de Choiseul, seems fully calculated to
render such alteration as little disagreeable to England as is pos
sible. Though in the affair of Portugal I depended chiefly on the
French ministers, who assured me, that with regard to that, the
most Christian king would see satisfaction should be given to us
on that most material point, yet I think myself obliged, as this
naturally came sometimes in question during this meeting, to in
form your lordship of the reasonings made use of by M° Grimaldi.
He said, " his court desired to be judged on the same principles
on which we judged ourselves ; " these were the very words he
repeated several times ; and that as we had given their court

494 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. to understand, by making use of the words conquites faites ou d
faire, that we were determined to ask a compensation for the
Havannah, should it be taken, they had undoubtedly more than an
equal right with us of asking compensations for what they had actu
ally gained in Portugal. My answer to this was, that such small
advantages as they had gained in Portugal, by possessing a small
tract of a barren and mountainous country, and a few bad fortresses
on its frontiers, ought not ever (even though I should not dispute
the certainty of the advantages they had gained there) to be put in
competition against even the great probability of our success at the
Havannah ; and that therefore, unless he meant to play a very deep
stake, he had better sign with me at once before any sinister event
for them might alter the conditions which his majesty as yet was
willing to grant them. It growing late, and we being all engaged
to supper, the conversation ended here ; and I shall now begin with
informing you of all that passed between the ministers and me the
next day, having already given you, in my letter of that date, an
account of my audiences with the king, queen, and royal family.
On my first seeing in the morning the Comte de Choiseul, he
began with complaining, that I had not shewed any facilities, the
night before, with regard to the court of Spain, without whom they
could not make peace. He then told me, that as a reciprocity was
to be observed throughout the whole negotiation, France would not
oblige herself to make the evacuations in Germany immediately upon
the ratification of the preliminary articles, unless England would
consent to commence her epochs for the other restitutions from the
same time. As I foresaw this objection would be made when my
instructions were before the lords of the council, where I was present,
and as the argument is undoubtedly a just one, I had no other
reply to make to it than this, — that I thought the putting an imme
diate end to the expenses of the German war would be so agreeable
to both nations, that I flattered myself that they had passed this
over for mutual convenience ; but that if they insisted upon what
they now mentioned, upon the footing of a reciprocity, it was what
I could not deny they had a right to exact. After dinner the con
versation of the former night was resumed between the same par
ties, but without any more success than before, I refusing absolutely
to take the article relating to the new treaty of commerce with

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 495
Spain but ad referendum, though I was assured by the Due de A.D. 1762.
Choiseul and la Duchesse de Pompadour, whom I saw that morn
ing, that if I would agree absolutely to that article, the French
king would take it on himself to answer for M? de Grimaldi signing
immediately the preliminaries. On my refusal to do this, we parted,
with a resolution to send couriers to our respective courts the next
day ; and I told M° Grimaldi I would send him the next morning
the articles which I should draw up in relation to the security of
Portugal. Upon my return home from Versailles, I found the
Sardinian ambassador, who, upon the strength of a conversation he
had the night before with the Due de Choiseul and Mad. de
Pompadour, and of the relation I gave him of what had passed be
tween the ministers at Versailles, M°. Grimaldi, and myself, pressed
me in the strongest terms, as I valued the success of the negotiation
with which I was charged, and as I was convinced of the ill faith
and bad intentions of M°. Grimaldi, to put him into such a situation,
by my accepting the Due de Choiseul's article about renewing the
treaties with Spain, as would disable him from frustrating the con
clusion of the preliminaries, by the only point being given up to
him, in which his most Christian majesty could not interfere, it
being a measure relative solely to England and Spain. He endea
voured to persuade me that I could not in this be disavowed in
England, and that peace or no peace depended upon it. Upon my
firmness not to yield in this, he desired me to write a letter next
morning, before I sent off my courier, to the Due de Choiseul, to
inform him how far I could go, in order to enable them to bring
M°. de Grimaldi to sign, and to acquiesce in the satisfaction I
expected in relation to the boundary of Canada, and the navigation
of the Mississippi to the sea. This I consented to do ; and he
offered to carry my letter himself to Versailles, and to confer with
the Due de Choiseul upon it. The enclosed is a copy of my letter ;
and I likewise enclose the articles relating to Portugal, which, at
the same time, I sent to the Marques de Grimaldi, and the article
relating to the treaties, which I thought myself authorised to sign.
Upon the Sardinian ambassador's return from Versailles on Saturday
night, he called upon me, and brought me a letter from the Due
de Choiseul, of which I enclose the copy, together with a copy
of the Due de Choiseul's observations ; but as in that letter

496 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. I am referred to what the Bailli de Solar should tell me, I find
myself still obliged to take up a little more of your lordship's time.
This minister pressed me in the most earnest manner to comply,
as he thought the fate of the negotiation depended in great measure
upon it, though the French ministers declared they could go no
farther with regard to the article of the treaties of Spain than what
le Due de Choiseul had done in the article I have sent you. They
propose inserting in the preliminaries relating to the boundary of
Canada, either of the articles here enclosed, which is all, they say,
can be done in the preliminaries, as they dare not let M° Grimaldi
know how far they are willing to content us, as this would certainly
make him refuse signing the preliminaries. But they engage to
give, in a separate instrument, to be signed at the same time, the
most solemn assurances, in the King of France's name, for the
boundaries of Canada as already explained, and for the free navi
gation of the Mississippi to the sea. The words I had drawn up to
answer the intent of the reasonable inspection of the exactness of
their engagements relative to the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon
they beg may be omitted, and that the king, their master, hopes
this will be agreed to, in complaisance to him. They make no other
objection to the article about Dunkirk, as I have worded it, except
by the alteration of the word pourvu to the word aprls, and by
leaving out the word certifient at the end.
If your lordship has patience to go through this long detail, you
will be as much au fait as I can make you, of the intention of these
ministers. I am, &c. &c. Bedford.
As though to increase the difficulties of this situation, the
duke had scarcely landed in France ere he received a com
munication from Lord Egremont, repeated on the 19th, which
limited his full powers, requiring him, when the prelimi
naries with both crowns were arranged, to transmit them that
they might be submitted to the king for Ms approbation,
previous to their being signed. This reclamation, which was
at the same time mischievously communicated to the Due
de Nivernois, tended so obviously, by the personal discredit

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 497
which it threw upon him, to compromise in various ways the A.D. 1762.
success of his negotiation, that his surprise was only equalled
by his indignation. In a spirited appeal to Lord Bute, he
complained of the indignity, and demanded not only a recti
fication of the order, in unison with his first instructions, but
a security against the repetition of such fettering and contra
dictory restraints. " What occasion was there," he finally
inquired, " for sending a minister to this court, if the whole
was to be transacted from ministry to ministry ? and why was
I selected for this contemptible employment of transmitting
projets only to my court after so long a negotiation, which
must be finished soon, or not at all, putting me upon a worse
footing than Lord Egremont would have put one of his clerks ;
and so debasing me in the eyes of this nation with whom I
am to treat, that I confess I never felt so much uneasiness in
my whole life?"1
His fiery remonstrance struck the minister with due alarm.
He had, with too little reflection, given in to the suggestions
of the two secretaries, who, feeling the great responsibility of
their situation, in the inflammable state of the public mind,
were jealous of Lord Bute's eagerness for peace, and fearful,
perhaps, that the Duke of Bedford's desire for it might induce
him to make embarrassing concessions. In a long interview
with Mr. Rigby, Lord Bute sought, with seeming shame, to
excuse his consent to this abridgement of powers, by pro
testing that he had been led into it by a desire for the duke's
security, that his responsibility might be divided with the
whole cabinet. On stating his intention to summon a council,
in which he would propose the restitution of his original
powers, Mr. Rigby inquired if he was sure of its concur-
1 Duke of Bedford to the Earl of Bute, Paris, Sept. 20, 1762.
VOL. II. K K

498 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. rence ? To which he answered, " the king would be obeyed,
and would talk to his two secretaries on their scruples."1
The king did so, and dismissed them. " Judge," says
the monarch in a note afterwards to Lord Bute, " of Gren-
ville's countenance by that of his brother's at the installation.
Lord Egremont was wise enough to fly in a passion in the
closet, and to tell me, that he had but one sentiment to offer
upon the subject, which was, to send the Duke of Bedford
certain fixed articles for the preliminaries, upon no event to
be changed ; and if the French refused to comply with such,
immediately to recall him. I answered, that this sentiment
was totally different from mine ; that a boy of ten years old
might as well have been sent to Paris on this errand; but
that what had given me satisfaction in his grace's having
undertaken the negotiation, was, that I had the best opinion
of his head and heart, nor had I a subject on whom I could
more safely depend."2 Lord Egremont, however, seemed
still unwilling to recede ; and it was not until the Duke of
Bedford had reiterated all his objections, that this compromise
was come to in the council for his satisfaction, — that his late
despatches should be read in a meeting of the whole cabinet,
where those points in which no concession could be made,
were to be unalterably fixed, the rest to be left to his discre
tion, and the whole attended with full powers to sign with
both courts.3 The tenour of those despatches sufficiently
evinced that he was the best guardian of his own security, —
that whilst desiring that proper latitude which was due to
the nature of his mission, he was not insensible of the hollow
ground on which he stood — of the readiness which some were
shewing to compromise or disavow him. That there was
1 Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, Sept. 29, 1762.
2 lb. September 30. 3 lb. September 29.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 499
great occasion for the exercise of all his care, is clear from A.D. 1762.
what the French ambassador wrote at this moment to the
Comte de Choiseul. " I am crossed and impatient at all
that has passed at Paris, but neither daunted nor discouraged.
I will undoubtedly do my best to draw with me some part of
the ministry ; but be quite satisfied that they say true when
they dilate on the dangers which they run, in being too close
pushed in this affair. Remember what occurred at the peace
of Utrecht ; and be assured that there was then less invective
used, less fermentation, frenzy, and audacity put in play,
than at this moment by the Opposition. Besides, the duke
whom you have with you, is to be felt for in his fear of being
compromised : he is personally hated by a great number of
them ; he has but few partizans ; he is altogether cut out to
serve them for a victim ; and the spoil will be good, for he
has an immense income."1 The ominous hint is in perfect
unison with Mr. Rigby's cautions. " Keep," he says,
" keep upon sure ground, knowing, as you well do, what
heads and hearts you are to depend upon for support."2
The Due de Nivernois' disposition to recede from some of
the more important points previously agreed to, meanwhile
received a check ; and the Duke of Bedford at length brought
all things back in the French projet to their first state. He
secured the evacuation of Wezel, Cleves, and Gueldres, the
prevention of succours, either in men or money, to the allies
of France in the whole empire, and the navigation of the Mis
sissippi in its whole extent of course, which left no room for
any debate, in consequence of the doubts that then existed
whether the river Iberville passed actually through the lakes
of Maurepas and Pontchartrain, or not. And he still em
ployed every means that he thought likely to touch the
1 Lond. le 26 Sept. 1762. * Mr. Rigby to the D. of Bedford, Sept. 29.

500 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. haughty reluctance of Grimaldi, particularly through his
fears, for which purpose he made no secret of the instructions
which his court had now sent out for the capture of Manilla.
The French ministers joined their efforts, but more faintly ;
all being yet buoyed up with the hope that the Havannah
would be safe. The treaty was languishing in this uncertain
state, when a courier, despatched from London, brought the
important intelligence that the Havannah had fallen — the
conquest the completest ever known — fourteen sail of the
line, thirty merchantmen loaded for Europe, and three mil
lions of dollars of the King of Spain's, besides an immense
private treasure.
One of the first feelings that affected the French ministry,
on the news of this great blow, was anger at the late con
duct of Grimaldi, especially as the next courier from Madrid
brought the consent of that court to nearly all that the Duke
of Bedford had previously demanded. " I frankly confess,"
writes the Comte de Choiseul to the Due de Nivernois,
" that Spain, if the influence of her disaster should not ex
tend to us, has only what she merits."1 " The answer of
Spain is such, that we might have signed to-morrow if the
Duke of Bedford had received his moderated instructions,
and the Havannah had not been captured, — we must depart
from the position we have taken up."2 The French ambas
sador was accordingly desired to find out what the English
ministry would be likely to require, and to break off the
force of any new claim, by a well-managed assent to the
Spanish articles, so late objected to by the Marquis Grimaldi.
The Due de Nivernois consented to make the trial, but
candidly forewarned his friend that it would be fruitless.
" The scene is changed here," he says, " by the late capture;
1 Versailles, le 3 Octobre, 1762. 2 lb. Fontainebleau, le 7 Oct. 1762.

K.George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 501
but it is changed only for the ministry, since the Opposition A.D. 1762.
persists in the same views and principles, and uses only
more numerous weapons, and invigorated strength. The
ministry (Lord Bute excepted) no longer thinks that it has
need of peace : sign, therefore, if you desire it, before the
opening of parliament, quoque modo; assure yourself, that with
the rhetoric of Demosthenes, or Mr. Pitt's or your own elo
quence, you will not obtain the restitution of the Havannah
without a notable equivalent ; even then it will be difficult ;
and he will have much courage who dares to charge himself
with the affair on the footing upon which it is agitated."1
The amount of compensation which it would be proper to
require, led to several animated discussions in the British
cabinet. Lord Bute manifested still a disposition to con
clude the treaty on the original terms :2 he complained to the
Duke of Bedford that the news had turned the heads of the
wisest men ; and that those who had hitherto been the loudest
for almost any peace, now thought that even the French
terms ought to be screwed up higher.3 But his inclination
was controlled by the rest of the cabinet, who were more or
less affected by the prevalent temper of the nation, the cu
pidity of which was cherished by every possible expedient
that the wit of party could devise. Their loftier demands
drew him to a compromise ; and it was agreed that the cession
of Florida should be the least they could require. The Duke
of Bedford, who was perfectly well apprised of the differences
of opinion in the cabinet, took advantage of them to demand,
in addition to Florida, the grant of Porto-Rico, and an express
renunciation of Spain to her claim of right of fishery off the
1 Due de Nivernois to the Due de Choiseul, Londres, le 9 Oct. 1762.
2 Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, Sept. 30, 1762.
3Lord Bute to the Duke of Bedford, October 14, 1762.

502 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. Banks of Newfoundland. The Due de Choiseul was at Fon-
tainebleau, laid up by the gout, when Mr. Neville, secretary
to the embassy, appeared as the bearer of the duke's letter.
The minister proceeded to read the letter aloud ; when he
came to the new requisitions, he exclaimed, impatiently,
"Voila le diable!" — on finishing the letter, he sought to
abate the edge of this remark, by placing it to the delay that
must ensue, since the Marquis Grimaldi could assent to no
territorial cession whatever, without express orders from his
sovereign. He set himself then to calculate the time in
which a courier could go and come : " Et apres cela," said
he, with fire and some ill-humour, " il nous faudra necessaire-
ment des pour-parlers, car nos affaires ne sont pas tout-a-fait
arranges encore."1
But there was little real intention in the French ministers to
expend much time in menacing discussions. They had been
apprised by Nivernois, that the longer the delay, the severer
would the terms become ; that they must require immediately
from Spain carte-blanche without restriction, and with the
utmost diligence ; for that if the British parliament first
opened, the storm would overwhelm all, — the king, his mi
nistry, the peace, " and what then," he inquired, " will
become of Spain ? what of France ? and what of the ministry
of France? O, mon Dieu! que M. de Grimaldi avec sa
conduite passee me -pese sur l'estomac!"2 " Spain," says
the Comte de Choiseul, in reply, " will with difficulty be
brought to subscribe the terms ; she will come to at the last ;
but I fear it will be too late."3
It accordingly became an object of the first importance to
obtain an extension of time for their courier's return, and the
i Mr. Neville to the Duke of Bedford, Oct. 19. ' Due de Nivernois
au Comte de Choiseul, le 18 Oct. 3 Fontainebleau, le 21 Oct,, 1762.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 503
settlement of the preliminaries. The Due de Nivernois made A.D. 1762.
earnest application for the prorogation of the English parlia
ment to a more distant day : the English ministry made a
difficulty of the concession ; but it was at length accorded ;
and the parliament was fixed to meet upon the 25th of
November. No decisive instructions had yet been sent to the Duke of
Bedford on the Spanish points referred to his court. The
ministry had, in fact, been bending before the blast of public
opinion ; and the circulation of a strange rumour, that the
preliminaries were to be submitted to the approval of parlia
ment previous to signature, operated so greatly to its disad
vantage that some change was unavoidable. Lord Halifax
was accordingly made secretary of state in the room of Mr.
Grenville, who was removed to the Admiralty ; Lord Gower
was called to the cabinet council ; and Mr. Fox, after ac
quainting himself with the details of the negotiation, was
prevailed upon to take the lead in the House of Commons in
favour of the peace. This arrangement was justly regarded
by the public as a certain sign that the king was determined
to be firm in the exercise of his prerogative : so the Opposition
redoubled their efforts, and induced some of their adherents
to send in their resignations, not much, however, to the
embarrassment of the minister.1 In announcing to the Duke
of Bedford his acceptance of the king's offers, Mr. Fox
assured him, that, sustained by his grace's approbation, he
' " The secret practices of faction begin to transpire ; some resignations are
made ; others, I am told, about to be ; every method is tried to bring the
Rutland family to the same desperate step. What the success may be, I
don't pretend to say ; but this I can safely assure your grace, the king's rest
is not disturbed : on the contrary, he is pleased to have people fairly take off
the mask ; and looks with the utmost contempt on what he sees and knows
is going forward." — Lord Bute to the Duke of Bedford, Oct. 30, 1762.

504 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. should acquit himself with courage ; although nothing could
prevent his feeling, in the most affecting manner, that his
friendship with the Duke of Cumberland, which had been
the honour and happiness of his life, would be greatly im
paired, if not quite broken by it."1
This point being settled, a council was held on the 25th
of October, at which the ultimatum of the British court upon
the Spanish articles, &c. was definitively fixed, and a contre-
projet transmitted to the Duke of Bedford, with special in
structions to insist alone upon either Florida or Porto Rico
as a compensation for the Havannah ; and it was at the same
time — as though for the greater security of his obedience —
accompanied by the following autograph letter : —
The King to the Duke of Bedford.
St. James's, Oct. 26, 1762.
My Lord Duke, — This is so critical a minute, both for mine
own honour and the security of the nation, that I think it necessary
to send you these few lines, not to exhort you — for I know your
steady and affectionate adherence to my interest, — but to declare
to you, with my own pen, that, after weighing every consequence,
I am determined either to make the peace I now send you, or to
continue the war. I think if the French and Spaniards have not
very bad intelligence, they will see the danger run by suffering
this to hang till the meeting of my parliament. The best despatch,
therefore, I can receive from you, and the most essential to my
service, will be these preliminaries signed. May Providence, in
compassion to human misery, give you this means of executing
this great and noble work ; and be assured, I will never forget the
duty and attachment you shew to me on this important crisis.
George R.
Three days after the receipt of this letter, the Comte de
Choiseul writes to the French ambassador : " The Kins of
1 Mr. Fox, to the Duke of Bedford, Oct. 26, 1762.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 505
Spain consents to cede Florida, but I beg of you to confide A.D. 1762.
the fact to no one. I hope that this sacrifice will make the
peace ; it will be an unhappy one, but what is to be done ?
the continuance of the war will be a greater evil. The En
glish are furiously imperious; they are drunk with success;
and, unfortunately, we are not in a condition to abase their
pride. In three days, however, we shall know our doom,
and that will be some consolation ; for I have been harassed
to death by the suspense of the last six months." J
These three days were passed by the Duke of Bedford in
final discussions with the French ministers on the prelimi
naries. Having shewn so strongly his indignation at the late
restriction of his powers, a latitude was allowed him upon
certain points ; but this ostensible freedom was rendered
nugatory, to any useful result, by the secret treachery of Lord
Bute, who, with great dissimulation,
" Had kept the word of promise to the ear,
But broke it to the hope."
It appears, from the private correspondence of the Due
de Nivernois, that all the main points of the contre-projet
now agreed to by the British cabinet, had been both settled,
and communicated by Lord Bute to the French ambassador,
through the Comte de Viry, so early as the 11th of October.
"I adjoin, herewith," writes Nivernois to the Comte de
Choiseul, on that day, " an exact copy of what resolves all
our doubts — the document given to me by the Comte de
Viry. I have seen and read the original, between his hands,
in the hand-writing of my Lord Bute. The notes which you
will find in the margin of the two articles are written by
myself, under Viry's dictation, and contain only, as he says,
his opinion and particular prognostic. The articles without
' Le30 Octobre, 1762.

506 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. marginal notes are the sine qua non conditions, which can
admit of no modification. Besides this communication of
Lord Bute's sentiments, Viry has further apprised me of
several details containing the particular advice given by those
members of the cabinet council who are of most credit," which
he then proceeds to furnish.
The natural tendency of this secret intelligence was to
induce the French ministers at Paris to abandon the defence
of the fixed articles, and to concentrate all their weapons of
objection upon those points in which the Duke of Bedford
had a discretionary power, and for any relaxation in which
he would thus become personally responsible. And he would
be so much the more at their mercy, in these particulars, as
they knew that he could not venture to a sacrifice of the
treaty for the sake of any inferior advantages. Well aware
of the duke's impetuous temperament, it was not, therefore,
without good reason that the French ambassador wrote:
" the above details are confided to me under the strictest seal
of secrecy, which I have promised shall be kept religiously,
as well from Spain as from the Duke of Bedford."1 And
again, in a second letter on the same day : " Keep and re
commend the most solemn secrecy, both in regard to the
King of Spain, the Duke of Bedford, and whoever shall not
he necessarily admitted to it ; remember the fate of Lord
Oxford at the peace of Utrecht ; and be assured that poor
Lord Bute himself will be equally mindful of it."2
In the long discussions that ensued, the French ministers
availed themselves of the vantage-ground thus treacherously
conceded to them, and tried every tone of language that was
likely to lead any concession in its train. The firmness of
1 Due de Nivernois au Comte de Choiseul, le 1 1 d'Oct. au soir.
1 lb. a onze heures du soir.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 507
the duke disconcerted most of these attempts ; but as the A.D. 1762.
Marquis de Grimaldi still shewed himself inexorable on
several points, he found it necessary to obtain their authority
with him by shortening the epoch for the mutual cessions of
Cuba and Florida, from four to three months ; by reducing
the six leagues distance from the British-American coasts,
within which the French were not to fish, to three ; and by
abating them one-half of the fifteen leagues distance from
Cape Breton, to the same end : " The argument," he says,
" made use of by the French ministers on these points was
unanswerable, as they would otherwise have been virtually
precluded from making any use of the fishery to which this
article nominally entitled them. Had 1 not relaxed in these
few points, of no great importance to us, but of great moment
in the eyes of the French king and his ministers, I should
never have got them to speak so roundly to the Spanish
minister as they have done ; his most Christian Majesty
having taken upon himself actually to order the M° de Gri
maldi to sign, which he absolutely refused doing without
such an order.1 The Spanish articles appearing to me not
only of the greatest difficulty in the negotiating them, but as
of the greatest import in the eyes of his majesty and the
opinion of the public, 1 state the circumstance to evince the
necessity to which I was reduced in obtaining these inesti
mable advantages to the crown of Great Britain."2 Every
obstacle being thus at length happily removed, the prelimi
naries were signed on the 3d of November, and ratified upon
the 22d ; and the king desired Lord Bute to convey to the
duke the highest approbation of his conduct. " I saw,"
writes Mr. Fox to him, " his majesty to-day, who speaks of
you, and what you have done, as your best friends could wish.
1 2 Duke of Bedford to Lord Egremont, Nov. 3, 1762.

508 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1762. He says, ' he and his council should think themselves much
obliged to you for acting like a man of honour and courage,
in doing, at your own risk, without delay, what in your
judgment, and in his too, is so honourable and advantageous
to him and to your country.' Some wonder at you ; but in
this case, wonder is, what Dr. Young calls it, involuntary
praise. We are loudly threatened, but I see no reason why,
like other threatened folk, we may not live long."1
The negotiations connected with the settlement of the
Definitive Treaty, occupied three months more of close and
arduous exertion. Amongst the many subjects that still
required arrangement, were two of primary importance,
involving the interests of the English East India Company,
and the dignity of the King of Portugal. The Duke of
Bedford had secured insertion in the preliminaries of the
very clause which the former had transmitted to him, to
guarantee the restoration of all acquisitions made by the
French on the coasts of Coromandel, Malabar, and in Bengal.
Its secret committee subsequently thinking, that from the date
of restitution being fixed " to the commencement of hostilities
in 1749," the article was open to dispute, now pressed for a
new epoch — namely, the 1st of January in that year. The
Duke of Bedford, accordingly, enforced the request in re
peated conferences ; but the French ministers, jealous of all
innovation in the articles, refused with so much tenacity to
make any change, that the British cabinet, despairing of its
ability to gratify the Company, empowered him to sign the
treaty, though it should not be granted.2 Either the directors
were ignorant of the great importance, in other respects, of
keeping to the epoch of the 1st of January, or they thought it
1 Mr.- Fox to the Duke of Bedford, Nov. 12, 1762.
2 Lord Egremont to the Duke of Bedford, Jan. 22. 1763.

K.George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 509
more politic to conceal their knowledge, or they neglected, A.D. 1763.
from oversight, to inform the English ministers of it ; for the
proposed alteration was placed by them solely on the ambi
guity of the preliminary article. The duke, therefore, had
agreed to let this article remain, and was ready to sign the
treaty without the alteration. But, at this critical moment,
he consulted M. de Pinto, a Dutch gentleman, of Portuguese
extraction, then at Paris, who, having connexions in India, and
having lately read Dupleix's memoirs, was well acquainted
with the state of affairs there. From him the duke learned,
that hostilities between the companies did not commence till
the 15th of July, 1749. Had the original epoch, therefore,
been followed in the definitive treaty, all the acquisitions of
the French preceding that date must have been restored to
them. But the extracts which De Pinto now submitted to
his perusal from Dupleix, clearly shewed, that on the 1st of
July in the same year, Ali Rezakan, subah of the Carnatic,
had made very rich grants to the French company, to
the annual amount of three million and a half of .rupees,
or 76,500Z. ; all which, if the epoch were changed, would
become the property of the English company.1 Sensible
now of the great importance of the affair, he sought an
interview with the Due de Choiseul, and more strenuously
demanded the change of epoch. The French minister is
stated to have upbraided him, in strong terms, with his ver
satility, which the duke did not extenuate ; but he declared
that his past inadvertence was no reason why he should con,-
sent, with his eyes open, to betray his country's interests ; and
therefore, if the French cabinet would not agree to cede these
earlier acquisitions, agreeably to the spirit of the articles
which they had signed, he would return home within twelve
1 M. de Pinto a M. Neville, Jan. 20, 1763.

510 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1763. hours, and submit the fate of his head to the decision of an
English parliament. The minister, startled at the intrepidity
of this resolve, frowned, paused, hesitated, and complied;
and England is said now to enjoy half a million annually,
in consequence of that spirited retort.1
In the preliminary articles it was stipulated that all the
conquests of Spain in Portugal should be restored, and the
Kins: of Portugal be invited to accede to the articles as soon
as possible. M. de Mello, the minister from Lisbon, accord
ingly signed at London the acts of accession, which the French
and Spanish ministers duly concurred in, and formally signed
other acts accepting the accession. The acts of accession were
double, and formed according to the rule of alternating be
tween the three contracting powers. But though the Due
de Choiseul professed himself satisfied with the disposition of
Portugal to France, he declared positively that his king
would not alternate with Portugal. The Portuguese minister
insisted on the point, and supported his demand by extracts
from every treaty which France had ever signed with Por
tugal. The Due de Choiseul, sore upon the foil which he
had so recently received from the Duke of Bedford, was
equally tenacious, and said with warmth, " that his king
had declared in council that he would not yield, whatever
the consequence might be." The great work of peace, in all
other respects, was now brought to a completion : the duke
had carried his East India point, the specific guarantee of
the electorate of Hanover, and various other desirable clauses,
without departing from any one of his instructions ; and the
1 The service of M. de Pinto did not pass unrecompensed. For, pre
senting soon after a memorial to the English East India Company, to which
the Duke of Bedford lent his powerful support, a pension of 5001. a-year
was settled on him, which he enjoyed during the remainder of his life.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 5H
several ministers were seated at the table in the palace of A.D. 1763.
Fontainebleau, prepared to sign the Definitive Treaty. At this
juncture, M. de Mello so strongly reiterated his former argu
ments, and so earnestly insisted that the honour of his master
was concerned in being a contracting party, that the Duke of
Bedford declared, until the representative of his sovereign's
ally was satisfied, he should certainly not sign without farther
orders from his court.1 A stormy altercation ensued; and
the affair was for a long while debated with great eagerness :
hut the duke was ultimately successful ; the French ministers
gave in, with great ill-humour on the part of the Due de
Choiseul;2 and on the 10th of February the signed treaty
was despatched to England by Mr. Neville, who in the fol
lowing letter communicates the style of his reception : —
Mr. Neville to the Duke of Bedford.
London, Feb. 16th, 1763.
My Lord, — I arrived in town yesterday at five o'clock, and
found my Lord Egremont at dinner with Mr. Grenville, from
whence his lordship instantly accompanied me to the king. His
majesty received me most graciously, and kept me a full hour and
1 Duke of Bedford to Lord Egremont, Paris, Feb. 10, 1763.
2 The Due de Choiseul afterwards complained strongly of the duke's rigid
tenacity, both upon this and the East India article, and retaliated by thwarting
his efforts to carry into effect the king's desire of recompensing the King of
Sardinia for the assistance he had lent during the negotiations, by supporting
his pretensions relative to the Plaisintin. It was consequently not until May,
and after many discussions, that the King of Sardinia was satisfied. On the
27th of that month, the Duke of Bedford was informed by Lord Egremont,
that both to the king his master and to Mr. Pitt, that monarch had expressed
his entire satisfaction in the affair, and particularly in the zeal and firmness
with which the Duke of Bedford had enforced it. " The king commanded
me to communicate this to you immediately, that your grace might have the
satisfaction to receive, before you left Paris, this fresh testimony of your dis
tinguished abilities, which have so repeatedly merited the king's highest appro
bation during the course of your embassy, and which has produced so perfect
a reconciliation between the two crowns." — Lord Egremont to the Duke of
Bedford,.May 27, 1763.

512 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1763. a half in his closet. He read over your grace's despatch with great
eagerness, asked me questions upon many particulars of it, and,
expressing a satisfaction even greater than I could have conceived,
said to Lord Egremont, " Why, my lord, this is greater than we
could have hoped for ; England never signed such a peace before,
nor, I believe, any other power in Europe. Indeed, the Duke of
Bedford has done greatly!" Lord Egremont said, no prince had
ever begun his reign by so glorious a war and so glorious a peace.
As the king pressed me to mix in the conversation, I did it with
great freedom, and told him what every one must think of your
grace's condtfct who had the honour of seeing it so near as I did.
That I need not repeat. But the king most cordially joined in the
same sentiment with me, and I believe your grace will receive a
letter by Mr. Vernon from Lord Bute, which will prove how highly
his majesty thinks himself obliged to you. He inquired much after
your health, and said every thing that was civil, nay affectionate,
upon that occasion. Besides the approbation he expressed upon
all the national points, he was pleased with the guarantee of his
Electoral dominions, and particularly so with the care taken of the
honour of the crown of Portugal. When his majesty had gone
through the treaty and your grace's letter, he asked me several
questions relative to the interior state of France, which gave me an
opportunity of mentioning what the French king had said to your
grace upon the ratification of the preliminary articles, with which
he was extremely pleased. I told him the circumstance of signing
the treaty in his ambassador's house, and under his majesty's
picture, and made him laugh very much at the squabble among the
plenipotentiaries about the alternative with Portugal. He seemed
satisfied with the account I gave of the interior of France, and said
something very obliging to me upon the occasion, repeating part of
what your grace had so kindly written. From court I went to
Lord Bute ; but, not finding him, left your grace's letter, and re
turned to his lordship this morning. Your grace will easily believe
I was received well there. His lordship declared, with great ear
nestness, " No man had ever rendered so great a service to his king
and country ; and that there was not a man in the kingdom could
have done it but the Duke of Bedford." He said he knew very
well, and had been much concerned at it, that at times he had not
been well with your grace ; but he was persuaded, had you known

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 513
the situation he had himself been in, that would not have hap- A.D. 1763.
pened. And, indeed, I have been informed from different quarters,
and all good ones, that for a fortnight Lord Bute and Lord Egre
mont did not speak to each other. Indeed, my lord, I find it to
be the general opinion of your grace's friends (and I protest that
from Lord Bute's behaviour towards me this morning I totally agree
with them), that he is thoroughly sensible how much he is obliged
to your grace, and desirous of shewing it to all the world. From
thence I called on Mr. Rigby, where I staid till court time. At
the levee the king talked to me twice, and most obligingly. He
inquired very much after your grace, and said it would have been
a great misfortune had the gout postponed the signing of such a
peace. I could not help telling his majesty your grace had pro
tested, you would have signed with your teeth, sooner than have
delayed a work you knew would be so agreeable to his majesty.
Though the king took this with seeming approbation, I feared upon
recollection it would have been thought improper. But the very
contrary has happened. I was overheard, and your spirit as much
admired. At court I had the compliments of all the king's servants,
and all the world, except Lord Mansfield. His lordship honoured
me with a bow, and that was all. To judge of the peace by my
reception at the House of Commons, there will scarce be a nega
tive to it. Wilkes owned to me, " if what he heard of it was true,
it was the damnedst peace for the Opposition that ever was made."
Indeed, my lord, I hope your country, as well as your king, will
feel as it ought how much it owes you. I am conscious, on reading
over this letter, how trifling and unsatisfactory it is in comparison
of what it should be ; but Mr. Vernon's sudden departure, and my
own hurry of spirits, must plead my excuse ; and all private anec
dotes1 your grace will hear from Lady Ossory and Mr. Vernon.
Your grace will excuse, therefore, my adding nothing more at
present, than my most respectful acknowledgments to the Duchess
of Bedford, and the assurances of the perfect attachment and respect
with which I shall ever remain, my lord, &c. &c.
Richard Neville Neville.
1 In one of his letters Mr. Fox observes, " Selwyn is much obliged to the
duchess for the pen that signed the treaty, which will be looked on with
veneration ages hence; for George is already taking care for its preservation."
VOL. II. I< L

514 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1763. The violence of party heat, and the political exasperation
of the public raised against Lord Bute, prevented the complete
fulfilment of these anticipations. The parliamentary recep
tion which the treaty was likely to meet with from the Oppo
sition, might be gathered, at the first blush, from the language
of the city, where the influence of its leaders had been so long
and busily concentrated. With the first intelligence there
that preliminaries were signed, a rumour spread that Porto-
Rico was the equivalent obtained for the Havannah. A cry
was instantly raised that Porto-Rico was but a useless and
barren island, and that Florida ought to have been obtained
instead. Afterwards, when it was known that Florida was
actually conceded, although, in reference to this sacrifice, the
French ambassador had written to his court, " Je pleurs en
verite des larmes du sang quand je songe a tout ce qui a re-
tarde la signature des preliminaires,"1 the value of the acqui
sition was, by the same lips, equally depreciated ; and murmurs
resounded for the loss of Porto-Rico. The preliminaries hav
ing been submitted to parliament, Nov. 29th, the grand debate
took place on the 9th of December. The plan of attack had
been in all points arranged, in a conference of four hours,
which the Duke of Cumberland, although satisfied with the
stipulations in favour of Prussia, held with Mr. Pitt, and in
which he had the full powers of the Duke of Newcastle.2
The peace was assailed in the House of Peers by the latter
feebly and ramblingly, by Lord Temple less fervently than
was his wont, by the Duke of Grafton ably but abusively, by
Lord Hardwick most unmeasuredly, " criticising minutely,"
says the Due de Nivernois, " every one of our articles, and
valuing at zero the enormous sacrifices which we make to
1 Le Due de Nivernois au Comte de Choiseul, 11 Oct. au soir.
2 Due de Nivernois au Due de Praslin, Londres, 23 Nov. 1762.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 515
England."1 To the surprise of his worst enemies, Lord Bute A.D. 1763.
defended himself and it with wonderful ability and spirit ;
even the Duke of Cumberland admitted, that in his life he
never heard so fine a speech.2 What was almost equally
astonishing, Lord Mansfield, whose ill offices to the peace
whilst it was negotiating appear frequently in the Duke of
Bedford's correspondence, now that it was successful, and
found to be so well defended, took the liberty of differing,
with great regret, from those with whom he usually thought ;
and, after discussing the whole treaty pro and con, concluded
by expressing his entire approbation of it. In the Commons,
Mr. Stanley, the agent of Mr. Pitt in the former negotia
tion, spoke sensibly and neatly in favour of the peace now
made, Mr. Townsend eloquently, Mr. Fox convincingly. The
natural " iEolus of the storm" there, to use Lord Chesterfield's
metaphor, was Mr. Pitt ; who, in a speech of four hours'
length, traversed a vast field of debate. Agreeably to the
plan which had been arranged, he affected the absence of
all party feeling, declaring that he came not there as a party
man ; but wishing to stand entirely alone, he appeared solely
to render his individual opinion, as personal honour required
him, after the part which he had taken. The great object
of his speech was to depreciate the treaty by the artful con
trast which he drew between it and his own negotiation,
ostentatiously setting forth, in juxtaposition with the terms
that had been successfully obtained, the higher claims which
he had fruitlessly demanded. Notwithstanding the interest
which necessarily attached to the speaker personally, as he
was suffering severely from the gout the whole time of the
delivery, the house, missing the fire which usually animated
him, was wearied with the speech before it closed ; although,
1 a Due de Nivernois au Due de Praslin, Londres, 23 Nov. 1762.

516 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1763. without the walls of parliament, the excited nation was caught
by his devoted patriotism, and, in a transport of sympathy with
his sufferings, applauded all his arguments. The approbation
of the treaty passed by a majority of 319 to 65 ; and thus the
great question of the ministry, against which such discordant
elements had been combined, was settled; the howling tempest
dissipated ; and the vessel of the state, so long at the apparent
mercy of the winds and floods, again righted,1 to obey for a
little while longer the rudder of the steersman.
The real cause of the little strength mustered on the divi
sion by the Opposition, after all their gladiatorial efforts and
play upon the public mind, may be fairly ascribed to the actual
advantages of the peace, and the dishonesty of the opinions
which they publicly professed. With every engagement ful
filled to her allies, and the great object and original cause
of the war — the settlement of the British limits in America
amply and most richly realised, England reaped from the
peace of Fontainebleau benefits which took the sting from
the most pointed declamations, and transferred the venom,
the wormwood, and the gall, to the bosom of her former
enemies. " The sacrifices made by France," says a French
writer, " were as immense as they were distressing ; she re
nounced the point of honour she had most at heart, the resti
tution of the ships taken in full peace — her claims on Nova
Scotia; she ceded Canada, Cape Breton, and all the isles
of the St. Laurence ; she consented no longer to enjoy the
cod fishery, except precariously, at the pleasure of the King
of England, who granted her two islets to dry her fish upon ;
1 The Due de Nivernois had written, on the 22d and 24th of October:
" Je vais me mettre a travailler pour une petite prorogation, mais je doute
qu'on puisse s'en flatter. La tempite nefait qu'augmenter id chaque jour, et
le gouvernail est presque inutile: la signature avant le parlement, c'est en
verite la salus populi et suprema lex !"

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 517
but with the proviso that she should raise no fortifications, A.D. 1763.
nor keep for a guard there more than fifty men; — she
suffered herself to be pent up, even in those possessions which
had not yet been broken in upon ; and a line through the
middle of the whole extent of the Mississippi was to mark out
the boundaries of Louisiana. In the articles of the neutral
islands England made the division of the Lion; out of
four parts she kept three ; and only relinquished the fourth,
St. Lucia, that its climate should serve as a grave to the resi
dents that might be sent to it. In Africa she reserved Senegal,
the most lucrative portion ; and gave to France, in the island
of Goree, the most unwelcome and destructive. In the East
Indies England remained paramount: upon the coast of Coro-
mandel and Orixa, she indeed restored the factories that had
been seized upon, but in the state in which they were at the
time, — dismantled, wasted, and deserted. Dunkirk, port and
city, was to be reduced to the same state which the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle imposed; and English commissioners, to be
paid by France, were to remain for an unlimited time upon
the spot, to secure the execution of the article; whilst Spain —
Spain, for interfering one moment in the dispute, was com
pelled to give up Florida and Pensacola ; to desist from her
claims to the fishery of Newfoundland ; and to permit Eng
land to cut logwood in the bay of Honduras:"1 — a concession
which set at rest the disputes and heart-burnings of nearly
one hundred years, and which loosed another link of the
tenacity that bound her statesmen, as with a chain of iron,
to every leaf and fragment of her occidental institutions.
But not only was the peace of 1763 neither humiliating
nor inglorious to England ; it was not even thought so by the
greater number of those who then condemned it. Several
1 Vie privde de Louis XV.

518 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap XXV.
A.D. 1763. eminent statesmen of the time, who thus in public decried
it, were known to express high approbation of it in private i1
the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Hard wick are both stated
to have termed it an excellent peace;2 the uncouth decla
ration that escaped from Wilkes to Mr. Neville speaks
volumes upon this point. Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple were
perhaps the only eminent men who were consistent in their
private and public invectives of it ; they uniformly termed
it insidious and inglorious.
From the causes, however, which have been previously
detailed, a certain tone of disapprobation was given to the
public mind, which, like metal in a state of fusion, readily
took the form and image that was sought to be impressed
upon it, and became a sort of base coinage passing current
with succeeding generations; since it is not unusual yet to
find writers speaking of the dishonourable or the execrable
peace of 1763,3 who little suspect, that in giving utterance to
such sentiments they breathe far more of the party disap
pointment of these earlier times than of their own independ
ent judgment. There was something even amusing in the
resolved unhappiness of society in the English capital, in
consequence of the terms of peace.4 — For those who have
thought that higher terms might, and ought to have been
exacted, it would be worth while to inquire, how long a peace
so rigorous would have endured ; when both the French and
Spanish ministers found the actual conditions so humiliating,

1 Adolphus ; George III. vol. i. p. 100, " from indubitable authority."
2 Mason's Gray ; vol. ii. p. 181 . Mr. Gray to Dr. Wharton.
3 Russell's Modern Europe, vol. v. p. 457.
4 " I must tell you," writes the French ambassador to the Due de Praslin,
Dec. 10, 1762, "between ourselves, that this peace, which they perhaps
denounce at Paris, passes here for a chef-d'auvre of talent on our part. You
may depend on this, that at London you and your cousin pass for the two greatest

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 519
that they very early and perseveringly sought to escape from A.D. 1763.
them by kindling up a fresh war with England. The ex
pulsion of the logwood settlers on the Rio Honda in 1763,
the project of a new offensive alliance between all the Bourbon
branches and the houses of Austria and Sardinia in 1765, and
the subsequent occupation of Corsica and the Falkland Isles,
were so many proofs of their envy at the happy fortunes which
England had gained by the peace, and their desire of retali
ation for the restrictions imposed upon them. It was then
that the wisdom of having granted Louis a reasonable peace
was clearly to be seen : for the warlike intrigues of Choiseul
being discovered, " he was suddenly dismissed and exiled ;
the advocates of war enveloped in his disgrace, and the helm
of government intrusted to the Due d'Aiguillon, his most
inveterate enemy, whose continuance in office depended on
the preservation of peace with England ; whilst Louis XV.
announced the change in a letter written with his own hand
to the King of Spain, in which he briefly, but peremptorily
observed, "my minister would have war, but i will not."1
All the subjects of the Duke of Bedford's arduous negoti
ations being at length satisfactorily terminated — a negotiation
rendered doubly difficult in its course by the distractions of the
council at home, the timidity of Lord Bute, and the personal
ill feeling manifested to himself by Lord Egremont, from the
liaisons which this minister, as well as Lord Mansfield, kept up
ministers that have ever existed ; and there wants but little to class me with
you. The pleasant part of my story is, that I kill myself in disputations
against this fancy, that we have made an easy peace, and one that could
not fail to be made when the king our master was disposed to keep good
faith, without reclaiming sacrifices like those which England has obtained
from us. I persuade nobody ; but I hope I shall be more happy this year at
the Tuileries, when I go to read the newspaper with our opponents."
1 Lord Rochford to Lord Grantham ; Coxe's Memoirs of the Kings of
Spain, vol. iii. p. 354.

520 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXV.
A.D. 1763. with the Opposition, — a new ambassador was appointed, and
the Duke of Bedford had his audience of leave at Versailles,
about the 7th of June. After receiving from all quarters com
pliments on the occasion, he embarked for England, charged
with letters from Louis to his sovereign, expressive of his high
estimation of the zeal and talent which he had brought to the
accomplishment of his important task, and enjoying that satis
faction which he had in view when he thus wrote to Lord
Bute, on the vexatious delays interposed by Lord Egremont :
" As yet, my lord, the French ministers have great confidence
in me, as they know I am incapable of being the instrument
of chicanery and ill faith. For God's sake enable me to keep
this good opinion of my honour and probity, and also to bring
this great and good work with which I have been intrusted
to a happy conclusion, that I may return home into the pre
sence of the king, my master, to the enjoyment of my family,
friends, and country, with the consciousness of having acted a
part becoming a good subject, a good citizen, and an honest

1 Versailles, Jan. 11, 1763. The industry and avidity with which every
calumny on those who had any hand in making the peace was circulated and
received, encouraged the absurd charge that was afterwards brought against
the Duke of Bedford and Lord Bute, of having received from France large
sums of money. The slander is too base and void of foundation to require
a serious reply. " After having,'' Adolphus well observes, " for some years
amused the public, and served as a theme to those declaimers who are always
ready to repeat the grossest fables, if of a slanderous tendency, this allegation
met its death in the House of Commons. It was brought forward by Dr. Mus-
grave, who, in a long examination, betrayed so large a portion of credulity,
with so small a share of judgment, that the house, after a minute investiga
tion (in 1770), voted his information in the highest degree frivolous, and
unworthy of credit." The editor of the Due de Nivernois' works speaks, also
of the charge with great indignation, as a gross insult on the French ministers.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 521

CHAPTER XXVI.
FROM THE RESIGNATION OF THE EARL OF BUTE TO THE DEATH OF
THE DUKE OF BEDFORD.
A.D. 1763 — 1771-
Resignation of Lord Bute, April 1763 ... his overtures to the Duke of Bed
ford declined ... The duke requires his entire removal from all public
business, August . . . accepts the presidency of the council, November 2 . . .
Marquess of Tavistock ... his correspondence with Lord Ossory ... his
marriage, June 9, 1764 . . . Proceedings of the Grenville administration . . .
State of parties . . . Lord Bute's return to court, March 1764, and subse
quent intrigues . . .Animosity of the Bute and Bedford parties . . . Regency-
bill, May 1765 ...Tumult of silk-weavers, May 14-19 .. .Interview of
the ministry with the king . . . Failure of the Duke of Cumberland's nego
tiation . . . Assent to the ministry's requisitions . . . Continuance of the
cabals at court . . . Duke of Bedford's interview with the king, June 12 . . .
Formation of the Rockingham administration, July 10 . . . Duke of Bedford
in Paris, August ... is elected chancellor of the University of Dublin,
November . . . Deaths of the Marquess and Marchioness of Tavistock . . .
Overtures from the Pitt administration, November 1766 . . . repeated,
July 1767 . . . Unsuccessful attempt at a coalition of the Opposition
parties . . . Accession of the Bedford party, January 1768 . . . Return of
Wilkes . . . Intrigues of the popular party at Bedford, September 1769.
Declining health of the Duke of Bedford, September 1770 .. .his death,
January 15, 1771.
The declamations of the parliamentary Opposition against a.d. 1763.
the peace, and the murmurs of a people misled by the
darkest arts of faction, had been successfully combated and
silenced ; and the yet more diffusive clamour against the
cider-tax, the great financial measure of the session, had
been equally surmounted by the ministry ; when Lord Bute
resigned his power, like another Sylla, if we were to believe
liis enemies : for every stroke of satire and rancorous severity

522 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. that might have been employed to paint the Roman dictator,
had been lavished on the Scottish favourite, by the party
writers who had been so industriously taught to detest and
to assail him. The Duke of Bedford was still at Paris when
the tidings reached him, in a letter from the minister, full
as curious as the step itself was singular and sudden.1 By
1 Earl of Bute to the Duke of Bedford. London, April 2, 1763.
My dear Lord, — I am now going to trouble your grace for the last time,
in all probability, on politics, as I shall be out of office, and a private man,
before I can be honoured with any return. The subject I am going to take
forces me to write about myself much more than I wish to do ; and for this
reason I hope you will excuse it.
To enter, therefore, into matter, — I take the liberty of observing to your
grace, that when the Duke of Newcastle went out, and I found myself under
a necessity to accept my present situation, I did it with the utmost reluctance;
and nothing but the king's safety and independency could have made me
acquiesce in a way of life so opposite to every feeling ; nor did I kiss the
king's hand till I had received his solemn promise to be permitted to go out
when peace was once attained. Thanks to kind Providence and your grace's
abilities, that day is now come ; and well it is so 1 for, independent of all
other private considerations, the state of my health is such, and any constant
application to business is declared to be so fatal to me, that I find myself
under the uupleasant necessity of putting my much-loved sovereign in mind
of his promise. I have done so ; aud after scenes that I can never forget, his
tenderness to me has got the better of his partiality to my poor endeavours
to serve him, and he approves my determination.
Since this, I have often talked with his majesty on the subject of a new
administration ; and he is come to the final resolution of putting the treasury
into Mr. Grenville's hands, as the only person in the House of Commons in
whom he can confide so great a trust; Mr. Fox having taken the king's
word, when he first entered on the management of his affairs, that, the peace
made, he might be permitted to go to the House of Lords.
Three things the king is determined to abide by, and to make the basis
of his future administration, as they have been of his present. First, never,
upon any account, to suffer those ministers of the late reign, who have
attempted to fetter and enslave him, ever to come into his service while he
lives to hold the sceptre. Secondly, to collect every other force, and above
all, that of your grace and Mr. Fox, to his councils and support. Thirdly,
to shew all proper countenance to the country gentlemen acting on Whig
principles, and on these principles only supporting his government. . It is

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 523
this the duke was desired, in the king's name, to come to AD. 1763.
England, that he might take part in the arrangements for
proposed to offer Mr. Townshend the Admiralty, Lord Granby, Ireland. And
now, my lord, I am desired by his majesty, who has directed the contents of
this letter, earnestly to press your grace to preside at his councils; the king
intending to give (in that case) the privy seal to Lord Gower.
And now, my dear lord, need I make use of many arguments to prevail
on the Duke of Bedford to assist his young sovereign with his weight and
name, — that sovereign who has not a wish but what terminates in this country's
happiness ; and who, since he mounted the throne, has shewn ever the highest
regard and predilection for the Duke of Bedford, who, from the state of my
health, is now to form a new government, that will have to struggle, not, in
my opinion, with a very formidable opposition, but with titles and estates,
and names like a Pitt and a Legge, that impose on an ignorant populace,
who are every hour declaring this great peace, the salvation of an almost
ruined country, dishonourable, inadequate, unwise, hollow, &c, and have
endeavoured, with the utmost malice, to arraign all honest men who had any
hand in it. Shall such men give this prince the law ? and will the Duke of
Bedford look tamely on when loudly called on to defend his king, his country,
and the cause of truth and honour ? I hope not. I hope even your grace
will not be pleased to find me expatiate so long on such a point; but I hope
to be excused, both from the importance of it, and the anxiety with which I
have orders to mention it. I know Lord Egremont has orders to send your
grace permission to come over; and I am particularly directed to insinuate,
that the sooner your conveniency permits it, in the present case, the better.
Having thus obeyed my orders, I beg leave to add a few words more
concerning myself. Far be it from me to think that I am in any shape
necessary to the king's government, or that my place cannot be even much
better supplied by any other arrangement. But I do not stop here. I am
firmly of opinion that my retirement will remove the only unpopular part of
government, — cecidit in vivos livor; post fata quiescet: and, I oneejgone, it
will be very hard for me to believe that the Duke of Newcastle will, with
Lord Hardwicke, &c. &c. continue a violent or peevish opposition, in order to
make Lord Temple, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Legge, ministers of this country — the
sole purpose he now declares he has in view. I fondly hope, therefore, I
shall, in my retiring, do my royal master much more service than I could
have performed by continuing in office. But this letter exceeds all bounds :
I therefore end it, with desiring your grace to accept my hearty thanks for all
the instances I have received of your friendship ; and to believe that, on the
word of an honest man, I have never once ceased, since his majesty's acces
sion, to treat your grace's interest as my own, and to do every thing in my
power to convince you of the high regard with which I am, and ever shall be,
my dear lord, your grace's most obedient humble servant,
Bute.

524 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. a new ministry, over the councils of which he was solicited
to preside, — or, as perhaps it should rather be described,
the same ministry, with such slight changes only as might
be necessary in consequence of Lord Bute's secession, until
the ferment against him should subside, and he might again
ostensibly assume the power1 which, with great show of
truth, he was henceforth believed secretly to exercise. To
the Duke of Bedford such a proposal presented no temp
tation. As many of his letters indicate, he knew that he
had received numerous ill offices from Lord Egremont, and
justly suspected that he had been ill supported by the minister
himself, notwithstanding the apparent warmth of his profes
sions. By the various high employments he had filled, every
ambition of his heart had been gratified ; the love of ease
was stealing on him ; and now that he had seen that peace
secured to his country upon which his warmest wishes had
been set, he was not indifferent to the satisfaction which, by
a partial retirement, he might derive from home enjoyments
and his favourite agricultural pursuits. Independently of
these considerations, the sudden dereliction of power by one
for whom he had hazarded so much, must have had all
the air of an ungenerous desertion : nor could he have any
confidence in the stability of a ministry constituted on a
basis so restricted as that now proposed. His first impulse
therefore was to refuse compliance with the request for his
return ; but a desire probably to shew no disrespect to what
purported to be the wishes of his sovereign, suspended this
intention, and after despatching his reply to the letter of
1 The Due de Nivernois, so early as September 24, 1762, makes this
remarkable observation, which has all the force of prophecy — " Le roi qui
l'aime veritablement, ne le saenfiera jamais que dans l'esperance de le
reprendre un jour." — OZuvres de Nivernois, torn. ii. p. 42.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 525
Lord Bute,1 he made arrangements for his journey. On A.D. 1763.
the 11th he embarked from Boulogne, and on the 13th
had his interview with Lord Bute ; the particulars of which,
beyond his refusal to concur in the contemplated arrange
ment, do not transpire from his papers ; but it must have
been sufficiently embarrassing to the earl, if coloured with
any of that displeasure which the duke had thrown into some
of his letters. The latter had therefore returned to Paris
with no other alteration being effected than placing George
Grenville at the head of the treasury. In June, however, Lord
Sandwich, who had been destined for the embassy to Spain,
was made first lord of the Admiralty, a step which might
1 Duke of Bedford to the Earl of Bute.
(Private.) Paris, April 7, 1763.
My dear Lord, — Some hours after I had made up my letter to the Earl
of Egremont, explaining that I had written to his lordship the 30th of last
month, desiring leave to be absent from Paris for a short space, as intended
for a tour into the provinces, and not to England, where I had no thoughts
of returning before the end of my embassy, I found myself honoured with
your lordship's letter of the 2d inst., by Long, the messenger; and it gave me
real concern to find your lordship should think yourself under a necessity of
quitting the king's service for the reasons you mention in your letter, and
more particularly so at this time, when I see his majesty endeavouring to
form an administration composed almost entirely of the same persons as the
last, though placed in different employments, which must consequently be
inevitably weaker than the last, by the loss of your lordship out of it, and of
Mr. Fox in the House of Commons, and by the sole addition of the Earl of
Shelburne, whose weight (though he was not in place) was known to be
thrown into the scale of administration.
With regard to myself, I was determined, even had your lordship con
tinued minister (whose friendship to me I had not the least reason to doubt,
having been so repeatedly assured of it by you), to have quitted entirely the
king's service on my return to England from my mission, during which, in
the course of very difficult negotiations, I had received so many marks of ill-
will, as more than once endangered the success of them. Judge, then, my
lord, whether, after the loss of so good a friend as your lordship in the king's
council, and the consequent advancement of so many of those who wish me
ill, I should not deserve to be treated as a madman, should I take the place
of president of the council, in an administration which I know cannot last,

526 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. be designed to conciliate the duke before his final return to
England. But though disposed, at the instances of Mr. Fox
and Lord Gower, to forego his causes of dissatisfaction with
Lord Egremont, nothing could convince him that he had
been well supported by Lord Bute; and additional light
being afterwards thrown upon this nobleman's duplicity
towards him, his indignation and aversion were so strongly
excited, that when a second time applied to, to know upon
what terms he would join the ministry, he, on the 11th of
August, being then at Woodstock, forwarded to town by
Mr. Rigby these conditions : " Lord Bute's entire absence
from the king's counsels and presence ; Mr. Pitt's willing
ness to come into administration with me, with such a
and which, consequently, must throw the king our master, a few months hence,
into greater difficulties than he is in at present. For God's sake persuade his
majesty to widen the basis of administration; and if he has a mind to keep
those out of his cabinet who have behaved to him with the least respect, let
the Dukes of Newcastle, Devonshire, and Grafton, Earl Hardwicke, &c. be
called again into his majesty's service. I cannot be suspected of partiality
to all those lords; but I think the future happiness of his majesty's reign
depends so much on the measures he now takes, that I think myself obliged,
as an honest man, and as a faithful and (if I may say it) an affectionate ser
vant of his majesty, to write my mind thus freely to your lordship. Employ
ments to satisfy these great lords you have enough, — master of the horse,
president of the council, privy seal, embassy to France : and indeed, my
dear lord, what I now write of my resolution not to be in employment, is
not out of vanity; but I am determined to serve the king in parliament, and
as a private man, with the same zeal and affection as when in his service. As
I am very sure that my coming to England at present can be of no utility,
and as my presence here may possibly be of some, I hope his majesty will
excuse my going to England before the end of my embassy, which I trust
will be by the beginning of June; my own private affairs, very much deranged
in the Isle of Ely, requiring my presence during the whole summer season.
I am, &c. &c. Bedford.
P. S. Upon reconsidering that part of your lordship's letter which relates
to my immediate setting out for England, as insinuating his majesty's desire
of my doing so, I will endeavour, if possible, to set out the day after to
morrow; and am this instant going to Versailles, to inform the ministers
of it. B.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 527
number of his present friends as shall make it possible to A.D. 1763.
carry on the public business, upon the present system of a
coalition of parties ; and his concurrence to maintain the
present peace, and to come into such a plan for foreign
affairs as may tend to that result."1 Mr. Calcraft was the
messenger who carried them to Hayes ; his conference with
Mr. Pitt was on the 15th : it lasted for three hours ;z but
the particulars being communicated to the Duke of Bedford
at Woburn on the 17th, by Mr. Rigby, viva voce, do not
transpire. All that is known for certainty is this : that
Mr. Pitt " spoke of the duke with every mark of respect ;
hut found himself under such engagements with his asso
ciates of the other great Whig families, that he could not
stir without them ; and that the interview terminated with
solemn assurances on both sides that the whole visit should
be kept an inviolable secret."3 On the 21st, a few days
after, the death of Lord Egremont created a second vacancy
in the cabinet ; and the king, through Lord Bute, entered
into a negotiation with Mr. Pitt, which he suddenly termi
nated, because the extensive basis upon which the latter pro
posed to build a ministry, was at variance with his own
system, of never reviving the power of those great parties
which, in his view, had subjected his grandfather to so
much dictation. It was broken off; and, at their next
meeting, the Pitt, Newcastle, Devonshire, and Rockingham
parties agreed upon a systematic opposition to the Court ;*
which having by this last manoeuvre alienated also most of
the members of the existing cabinet, was now reduced to a
very critical position.
In this exigence, the Earl of Bute resorted to Mr. Fox,
'Bedford Papers. 23 Mr.Rigbyto theDukeof Bedford, Aug. 15,1763.
4 Letters to and from Lady Suffolk, vol. ii. p. 277.

528 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. now Lord Holland, for advice. His counsel was, to continue
the present ministers, and to fill up the two vacant offices
by the Duke of Bedford and Lord Sandwich ; but as it was
obvious that Lord Bute could not appear in a negotiation
with the first, Lord Holland undertook it for him. He
appears to have commenced by securing the appointment of
Lord Sandwich to the secretaryship, and of Lord Egmont to
the head of the admiralty in his room. He then tried, with
great address, to prevail upon the duke to abate his hostility to
Lord Bute, but finding this impracticable, and that he would
give ear to no proposal that did not contemplate that noble
man's entire removal from all influence with the king, it
became necessary to report this obstacle to the sovereign.
The king's consent to such a stipulation, it may well be sur
mised, was not obtained without difficulty ; but the manifest
impossibility of gathering sufficient strength to an adminis
tration that should exclude the other great leaders, without
conciliating to it some popularity by the marked exclusion
of his late minister, may have gone far in reconciling George
the Third to such a sacrifice. But, whatever may have been
the predisposing considerations, it is certain that the sovereign
authorised the offer to the duke of the presidency of the
council, with the " promise of excluding Lord Bute from his
presence, and from any participation in public affairs."1 Lord
Sandwich upon this went down to Woburn, with the hope of
overcoming any remaining scruple which the Duke of Bedford
might yet entertain. He found one of his greatest objections
removed by this promise ; but that he was still most sensible
of the grave difficulties which so restricted a ministry would
have to encounter from the rage of party, — the great question
of the legality of general warrants being already opened by the
' Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Marlborough ; May 19, 1765.

K. Georoe III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 529
committal to the tower of Mr. Wilkes, and Lord Temple having A.D. 1763.
received his dismissal from the lord-lieutenancy of Bucks, from
the open patronage which he had extended to that " char
tered libertine." Lord Sandwich, therefore, returned without
obtaining more than his promise to support a ministry that
should be formed upon such an understanding. When fresh
efforts were made to secure his accession, " the Duke of
Bedford insisted upon Lord Holland's promising, in the name
of Lord Bute (for which he had the earl's authority), that
his lordship would not in future interfere, intrigue, or disturb
the present ministers, in any department of their offices, in
any of their recommendations to the king, or in any of the
measures of government." r Being satisfied with the assur
ances which he received upon this score, and pressed by
farther letters from Mr. Grenville and Lord Sandwich, he at
length signified his dutiful assent to the king's wishes.2 Lord
Sandwich's appointment was accordingly publicly notified on
1 Almon's Biographical Anecdotes, vol. ii. p. 36.
2 The following are Mr. Grenville's letter and the duke's answer to Lord
Sandwich. Right Hon. George Gremville to the Duke of Bedford.
Downing Street, Sept. 5, 1763.
My Lord, — It was with infinite pleasure that I received from Lord
Sandwich the account of your grace's resolution to give every support in your
power to the system which the king has been pleased to form for carrying on
his government in the present difficult conjuncture, — a resolution worthy
your grace's character, and the attachment you have always shewn to his
majesty and the constitution of his kingdom. The situation in which this
country was left at the happy close of the late ruinous war, and the spirit of
license and disorder which has attended it, and which has since been so
industriously augmented, demand the strictest union in all who wish to put
a stop to an evil that threatens equally the king and his people. This con
sideration, enforced by your grace's example, and supported by your authority
and abilities, will, I doubt not, open the eyes of many, in an hour of so much
public danger, not only to the honour and lawful rights of the crown, but to
the peace and happiness of the kingdom. I am confident that the king feels
very sensibly this signal instance of your grace's zeal and affection, at a time
when the exertion of them is so necessary for the good of the whole. Allow
VOL. II. M M

530 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. the 9th of September, Lord Egmont's on the 10th, and his
own acceptance of the presidency of the council on the 2d
of November, a few days after the opening of parliament.
When these arrangements were all made, Lord Bute pre
pared to fulfil his part of the treaty, and retired — with what
feelings I will not presume to surmise — to his estate in
Bedfordshire. After dwelling so long, although so necessarily, on the
turbulent distractions of politics and party, it may form an
agreeable relief to pause for a moment on the expanding
character of one who from native gentleness of disposition,
seemed formed rather to shed lustre on the shades of private
life, than to tempt the stormy heights of state -ambition.
Francis, Marquess of Tavistock, the only son of the Duke of
Bedford, was at this period twenty-four years of age. The
habits of his life were so retired and so purely domestic, that
me, however, my lord, to express my earnest wishes that you would be pre
vailed upon to give your name, as well as your weight and influence, to the
support of the king's government, at the head of his councils. The great and
solid advantages that must be derived from it in every light are so evident,
that it is unnecessary to enforce them; they will, I hope, be sufficient to
excuse me for expressing my sentiments upon them to your grace in this
manner, as they weigh so strongly with me, that though I think it extremely
desirable'to fill up that great office, if possible, without a moment's delay, yet
I cannot advise any farther step to be taken in it, whilst I have any hopes of
its being filled up so honourably and so beneficially to the king's service ;
and I own I cannot help flattering myself that, upon mature consideration,
your grace may still comply with it. It is impossible for me to put an end
to this letter without begging leave to return my sincerest acknowledgments
and thanks for the favourable opinion which I had the pleasure of hearing
from Lord Sandwich that your grace entertained of me, and the obliging
terms in which you expressed it : I shall always be ambitious to deserve, and
happy to maintain it, and, consequently, extremely desirous to obey your
commands to the utmost of my power. What Lord Sandwich mentioned to
me about Mr. Vernon may, I hope, be brought to bear in some shape that
may be agreeable to him. I understood with the utmost satisfaction from
his lordship, that your grace would come to town as soon as ever these
arrangements have taken place ; I must hope it will be before they have taken

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 531
but few traces exist of him in his father's correspondence, A.D. 1763.
beyond scattered indications which evince how studiously he
avoided the bustle and strife of political parties, and how
devotedly he attached himself to that circle of chosen friends
by whom he was beloved to enthusiasm. Yet, he was by no
means desirous to lead an idle or inglorious life ; for, after
leaving the University of Cambridge, the militia-bill being
just passed, considering that array as the constitutional force
of the country, which it was the duty of every nobleman to
render as perfect as possible in his own sphere of influence,
he gave up his whole mind and time to the levies of his
native county, and succeeded to admiration in giving it full
efficiency, and in conciliating to its support the varied oppo
sition which it at first encountered. Accompanying his father
into Ireland in 1759, he took a part of some activity in the
Irish House of Commons. He afterwards went upon his
place ; but whenever it shall be, I beg your grace will allow me to have the
honour of waiting upon you as soon after as is convenient to you at Bedford
House, that I may receive your advice in person, and assure you that I am,
with the highest respect and most perfect regard, my lord,
Your grace's most obedient and most faithful humble servant,
George Grenville.
The Duke of Bedford to Lord Sandwich.
Woburn Abbey, September 6, 1763.
My dear Lord, — Though the same reasons still subsist which induced me,
when I saw you last at the Abbey, to decline entering again into public busi
ness, to which the indolence of my disposition likewise disinclines me, yet
my duty to the king, and my desire to support the administration he is now
forming, will oblige me to give up, not only my opinion, but my inclination,
to his will ; and therefore, if his majesty shall still continue to think that my
coming at present into his service may be of essential use to the strengthening
the administration, I shall most willingly acquiesce to it, in whatever employ
ment he shall judge proper. I am, my dear Lord,
Your most faithful humble servant, B.
P. S. Ten at night. I have waited till now in expectation of your second
messenger, but cannot defer closing this letter any longer, to let you know I
intend to be in town on Thursday evening, and that I will wait upon you
to dinner on Friday.

532 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.d. 1763. travels, not as most young men of rank and fashion, tra
versing rapidly the countries which he visited, in his chaise^
roulante, or stopping only for the luxuries of society and
amusement in the gayest coteries and cities, but, with the
best travelling-guides at his elbow, seeking out, for the culti
vation of his taste in the fine arts, the cities, monasteries,
palaces, and churches, where the best works of the great
masters in architecture, painting, and sculpture, were erected
or deposited. These he examined with critipal minuteness,
and recorded his remarks in numerous marginal notes of the
" Voyage d'ltalie" of Cochin, which evince the possession
of an accurate eye, a refined taste, and a most solid judgment,
very remarkable in one so young. At home, he was the
intimate friend and companion of our great artist, Sir Joshua
Reynolds ; and we may be certain, that the society of this
celebrated man must have greatly tended to improve his
taste. He was still in Italy when the Earl of Bristol was
recalled from Madrid : understanding at Florence that Spain
had begun hostilities, thinking it possible that she might
meditate a descent on England, and being pledged to the
regiment which he commanded, to be with them in the event
of any extraordinary emergency, he wrote instantly to his
" best of fathers," requesting him to consider how much
his honour would suffer by his loitering even in the regions
which he loved, whilst such a danger might be impending
over his country. His mind being set at ease on this subject,
he continued his pilgrimage of improvement till the autumn
of 1762. Having been elected to parliament for his native
county on coming of age, he now resumed his attendance at
the House of Commons : on the 26th of November in that
year, he moved an address of congratulation to the queen on
the birth of a prince, and waited upon her with it on the

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 533
following day. But though forcing his mind to an attendance A.D. 1763.
upon these political duties, his heart was still amidst the
dazzling enchantments created by the great Florentine and
Roman masters ; and being at this period applied to by his
friend and cousin, Lord Ossory (a young nobleman who, it
appears, greatly resembled him both in person and in mind1),
for some guiding hints to direct him in a journey which
he was about to take across the Alps, he addressed to him
in succession the following interesting letters, the effect of
which we will not prejudice by any unnecessary intervening
comments. Marquess of Tavistock to the Earl of Upper Ossory.
Paris, Sept. 12, 1763.
I cannot help communicating to you, my dear Ossory, some
few ideas of what is to be seen in Italy, as perhaps some of them
are upon things which neither your books mention, nor those you
meet with there will tell you of. There are some of the finest
things in all Italy, which, from being a little out of the routine that
travellers generally follow, are often overlooked; and you must
not depend upon your cicerone's advice of what is to be seen, any
further than what relates to his own town.
I suppose you arrived at Lyons, where there is not much to be
seen except a fine town, and a still finer situation. There is, how
ever, a picture by Rubens at a little church there, and at a convent
of Carmelites a very good Le Brun. The Chartreux is a little
higher up the hill, and must be seen for its fine view : if you have
a mind to see le Grand Chartreux, you must quit the great road at
Les Echelles, the first post in Savoy, and about two hours will carry
you there, — I would advise you by all means to see it. The
entrance into the Alps, upon quitting Pont Beauvoisin, is, perhaps,
one of the finest spots in it ; a little on this side of Chamberry is a
very fine cascade ; the Bois de Bramant, about two posts from
the foot of Mont Cenis, is the wildest of all the views in this whole
country ; at Susa is a triumphal arch, very entire, and which you
1 Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 644. Duke to the Duchess of Bedford,
July, 1765.

534 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. will like to see, as being the first monument of Roman grandeur
you meet with, — a man coming from Italy would hardly deign to
look at it. I believe Fenestrelles, which is some way from the road,
is very well worth seeing, but that must be done from Turin, as
you must have the king's order to visit it ; some of those fortresses
in the mountain should certainly be seen. At Turin, the king's
palace will amuse you very well ; it is, even for Italy, an exceeding
fine collection of pictures, and the palace beats Versailles for mag
nificence ; the Superga must be seen on a fine day ; the Duke of
Savoy's palace, the chapel of S'? Suario, and two or three more
churches, are worth seeing ; the two first (though not correct), are
in a great and ingenious style : the king's country-houses should
also be seen, especially the Venerie ; the garden of the Valentin
will please you. If you go from hence to Genoa you have nothing
worth your attention, till you pass the mountain of the Borchetta
and enter the valley of Genoa, and it will be very well worth
observing, particularly the astonishing difference of the climate,
and the products of the earth on the north and south sides. The
Genoese, (though esteemed rogues, even in Italy), I own appeared
to me better than their neighbours. The pictures here are fine ;
the Rubens' and Vandycks are here in great perfection. Observe
well the works of the three Procaccinis, it is only here you meet
with them in perfection, and indeed they have great merit. At the
Annonciata there is a Last Supper by J. Cesare, the best of the
three, which is worthy of all admiration ; in the palace Brignole,
observe a Judith and Holofernes by P. Veronese ; it is amongst
his first works. It is at Genoa also that you must get acquainted
with Capucino and Preti Genovese, two masters who have great
merit, especially for fire and colouring. Don't let your eyes be
too much dazzled with the beautiful tints which the masters you
see here excel in ; believe me, a knowledge of and taste for colouring
comes always soon enough ; it is character, attitude, and drawing,
that are the most difficult to teach one's self to admire ; it is for
the same reason that I would have you see Bologna and Rome
before Venice.
At Placentia, (for I shall observe the route I went, in speaking
of the different places ; if you don't do the same, it will make no
difference), — at Placentia, I say, you must see two equestrian

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 535
statues in the Piazza ; I did not much like them myself, but they A.D. 1763.
are much admired, and I believe with great reason. You must
absolutely see S4.0 Augustino, a church built by my favourite archi
tect Vignola. Pavia is not a great way off, and I believe is worth
seeing. From hence to Parma you see the richest parts of Lom
bardy, the most fruitful but the most disagreeable country in the
world. Here you have the only opportunity in all the world of
studying Corregio ; if you cannot taste all the beauties of his Holy
Family, you may despair of ever loving painting ; his cupola at
the dome or cathedral, though almost spoilt, is very well worth a
most, most exact examination. It is here only that Parmegiano's
works are seen in perfection ; you must also see the Palazzo
Giardino. At Reggio are some good pictures, but they may be seen in a
few hours ; at Modena you must absolutely see a favourite picture
of mine of a Holy Family by Guido, — it is at the cathedral. At
Bologna you cannot enough study the masters of that school ; be
assured there is no spot in Italy where they are seen in such per
fection : Paulino, the cicerone and valet de place, will shew
you every thing extremely intelligently ; three weeks or a month
should be given at least to Bologna. My favourite pictures there
are Domenichino's St. Agnese, Raphael's St. Cecilia, Guercino's
Circumcision, Guido's St. Peter, and his Crucifixion at the Capu
chins' convent, and the Caracci's in the Palazzo Zampieri. Cento
is not far off, and should be seen for Guercino's works ; our Saviour
appearing to the Virgin, at the church del Nome di Dio, is amongst
his first works. At Bologna, study well Tiarini and Cavedone, they
are fine masters ; and the large pictures of Albani.
At Florence you begin to admire statuary, and I wish the
famous Venus may strike you at first. Here you see John di
Bologna in all his glory, and the Tuscan architecture. See every
thing that is antique in the gallery ; you will find a very complete
collection of Roman instruments of sacrifice, urns, funeral lamps,
tripods, &c. and will begin to form an idea, from observing them,
of their manners and customs. Get acquainted with young Cocchi,
who has an employment in the gallery ; he has parts, and is very
much informed; Mr. Beauclerck I think will like him. Patch, an
English painter, knows best the pictures to be seen in the churches,

536 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. &c. ; make him shew you some old frescos in a church not far
from his house, from which Raphael has evidently borrowed many
of his ideas of heads and attitudes. Volterrano and Bronzino are
two masters who are particularly to be studied here ; Andrea del
_Sarto is only to be seen here, he is a very great master upon the
whole ; there is an old Florentine painter, called Gio Giovanni,
who has merits. The gardens and environs of Florence are the
most beautiful that can be imagined, — that of Boboli you must
see ; the Abbate Pillori is the best language-master in the world.
Do lodge at Charles Hatfield's. It is in the Palazzo Pitti here
that you will see the master-pieces of Pietro di Cortona and his
scholar, Ciro Ferri.
The road from hence to Leghorn, by Lucca and Pisa, will
amuse you, from the beauty of the country ; at Lucca are a few
pictures ; at Leghorn nothing that has any pretensions to virtil,
except the statue upon the quay. Pisa is worth examining for the
works it contains of the ancient Florentine masters, and the size
and riches of the Gothic buildings ; the whole town serves to bring
before one's eyes the extravagant superstition of the age of the
crusades. Sienna will amuse you from the same reasons; the Place
there must be seen, from its particularity. Between Sienna and
Rome, observe the wild savage prospect from Radicofani, and the
beautiful romantic appearance of Acqua Pendente ; it is perfectly
a landscape of Gaspar Poussin's. When you come to the lake of
Bolsena you first begin to tread classic ground ; and from hence to
Rome, every rivulet and every mountain has been immortalised by
the Roman authors. You must see Capraruolo, a castle belonging
to the Farnese family, not far from Ronciglione ; I did not see it
myself, and most heartily repent of it.
At Rome, virth is so much the occupation of every body, that
you are in no danger of missing any thing for want of information.
Here, and only here, every thing antique is to be met with in per
fection. What you are shewn in the other towns of Italy, is no
more to be compared with the antiquities of Rome, than a town-
house of a country town in England to the Banqueting-house at
London, or the statues in a country church to the monuments of
Westminster Abbey. You have at Rome also an opportunity of
studying the great masters of the different schools, for they all

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 537
painted in the capital of Italy ; while in the other towns, only the A.D. 1763.
works of their own masters are found in perfection. It is, conse
quently, a place to study the different hands, as you can compare
their different manners together, by having them all assembled
before your eyes. Let me beg you to see the great works over and
over again ; you will not think your time lost. Believe me, three
months is the least you can see every thing in, and if you had time
to read some of the classics, it were well. The environs of Rome
will amuse you beyond description ; at Tivoli you will see my
favourite little temple, called the Sibyl's, and cannot miss admiring
it : the view from your inn window, and that from the villa of
Quintilius Varus, of the Cascatelle, are beyond even imagination;
they should both Vie seen with a setting sun. Observe very narrowly
Adrian's villa, which is about two miles from hence ; it will give
you the most perfect idea of the Roman manners of any remains
I know of. The little lake Albula, with its floating islands, is not
far off. At Frascati (the ancient Tusculum) you see the ruins of
Lucullus' magnificence, and a beautiful mosaic pavement in what
is supposed to have been Tully's villa ; they also shew you the spot
where they say Hannibal encamped when he marched for Rome.
At Monte Dracone, a villa just by, is, I am told, a most exceeding
fine colossal bust, antique ; about a league off is a chapel painted
by Domenichino ; the Curing the possessed Boy is one of his first
works ; the groups are finely composed, though, perhaps, they are
too much separated : the head of the boy, I own, I prefer to the
famous one of Raphael's in his Transfiguration. You cannot
enough observe this fresco, especially as it is very little known
comparatively with its merits. The lake called Speculum Diana,
Castel-Gandolfo, Lerici, are all extremely worth seeing, and, indeed,
every view in this beautiful ridge of mountains forms a landscape.
Gaspar Poussin profited so much from them, that every one of his
pictures may fairly be taxed with being mere copies of this country.
I had forgot to tell you, Raphael at Rome, and every where else,
is so different, as hardly to be known for the same master. Get
acquainted with Mr. Crespin and Hamilton the painter ; they will
be very useful to you : remember to lodge, if possible, on the
Piazza di Spagna.
The road from Rome to Naples will amuse you very much, from

538 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. its fine views, especially that part of it which is between Velletri
and Capua ; you should have your Virgil and Horace constantly
in your hand, for this road was so much known to the Romans,
from its leading to Baiee, &c. that there is not a brook or hill that
remains unsung ; you will also have the pleasure of travelling on
the same bad road the ancients did, for the pavement of the Via
Appia is literally the same as laid by them. At Marino (a few
posts from Rome), you must see a most noble picture of Guercino's
at the great church, though it is almost spoilt : at a little church
in the same town, is a good Guido of the Trinity. At Garigliano
you pass the ancient Liris ; remember Horace's description of this
river, and see the exactness and precision of the epithets of the
Roman poets. From Mola you may cross a branch of the sea and
see Gaeta (a very extraordinary fortress, as I am told), and return
in a few hours. Capua is large, but, I believe, has nothing curious;
the ancient town stood at about a mile's distance.
Naples stands upon such classic ground, that what you have to
see is more in the environs than in the town itself. The bay of
Pozzuoli is surrounded with curiosities of natural and ancient
history ; make them shew you what they call the ruins of a temple
of Serapis ; it will give you the best idea of the disposition of their
temples of any ruin I know, for the floor remains entire. All the
other things here are too well known to be forgot to be shewn you.
Virgil's tomb, alas ! is but too well proved to be impossible to be
his. On the other side of the town lie Portici and Mount Vesuvius;
the first you will not want any temptation to examine, and I can
assure you the latter is worth ascending in a fine day, for the view
you have from the top. There are some curious things round Naples
which I did not see — the island of Caprea, if you are there in
summer. Psestum, about two days' journey to the south, has some
ancient Grecian ruins ; I believe it is the only one of their colonies
in Italy that remains. The Fauces Caudinm, where the Samnites
made the Roman army pass under the yoke, is not far off. Caserto
is an immense new-built palace of the King of Naples, in a very
bad taste. You may return to Rome by Monte Cassino, a road
I believe well worth seeing, though, for people that are not hurried,
I should think by sea must be the most agreeable, since it is
exactly following iEneas's route. Spagnuoletto, Caravaggio, and

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 539
Calabrese, are three masters to be studied at Naples ; they are A.D. 1763.
much in the same style, but have very great merits ; a picture by
the former at the Certosa, may fairly be called a capital one.
Solimene's best works will please you, in spite of the hardness of
his shades. Domenichino was too much persecuted at Naples to
be able to paint at his ease ; consequently, his works only shew
by great strokes, which sometimes break forth, from how great a
master they come. Here is a painter whose works are little known
from their scarcity, but who has infinite merit, — it is Schedone.
His manner is something of Corregio's ; his colouring not so rich,
but equally clear, and transparent in his shades ; his characters
far from noble, but natural and pleasing. His great works are not
his best ; it is at Capo del Monte, a palace of the king's, that he
is to be studied. There is also there a small cameo of Perseus's
head, a fragment that is one of the most beautiful I know — observe
it very well : indeed, all this collection, especially the pictures,
merit a most particular attention.
The road from Rome back to Bologna by Loretto, should be
gone in the fine time of the year, that the natural beauties of it
may be seen in perfection ; it is, in my opinion, the most roman
tically beautiful part of Italy. The ancient bridge at Narni, the
cascade at Terni, the aqueduct at Spoleto, and the small temple of
Clitumnus, on the banks of that river, at a little place called Le
Vene, must all be seen: the latter is little known, but is of the
most beautiful proportions and highest finishing for its size, which
is very small. It is made a modern chapel of, and consequently
patched. At Foligno is a most noble picture of Raphael's, though
painted before he gained that greatness and freedpm of pencil which
characterise him at Rome. From Foligno, to go to Perugia, and
see Hannibal's battle at the Lake Thrasymene, will perhaps, on
the whole, take you two or three days. I think it will answer, from
the fineness of the country you go through ; and some very good
pictures you will see at Perugia. At the lake, you must make
them carry you to the Pie dei Confini, where your Livy will be a
much better explainer than any peasant you will find there. Cortona
is two or three leagues off, but I believe has nothing very curious.
At Perugia you will see in the cathedral a Descent from the
Cross, by Baroccio; it is perhaps his master-piece, and that is suf-

540 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. ficient to declare its merits. At. the Augustines' convent are some
good things by P. Perugino ; and there are also some at San
Pietro ; and in the sacristy, a small Virgin and Child, called
Raphael's, which has merit. I am particular in speaking of
Perugia, as there is nobody there that knows the name of a single
master. Do admire the Baroccio, for it is one of my first favourites.
Upon your return to Foligno, observe a little village about four
miles from the town, on the Loretto road ; it is the most beautiful
natural landscape I ever saw in any country. At Loretto are some
good pictures, particularly an Annibal Caracci in the treasury. At
Ancona you must see Trajan's beautiful arch on the mole ; at
Sinigallia, Fano, and Pesaro, are some pictures which should be
seen, particularly those of Baroccio's ; for it is only in this country
that the great works of this master are found : excuse at first a
little unnatural colouring, wild ideas, and forced attitudes ; and
his softness of pencil, his originality, and the sweetness of his cha
racters, must please you. His manner is, perhaps, neither great
nor natural, and, however sensible one maybe of two such essential
defects, there is still an agreeableness in his execution that makes
one admire him, even in spite of one's reason. At Rimini you
must see the bridge and triumphal arch, though their antiquity is
their greatest merit.
Near the town you pass the Rubicon, in the same place as Caesar
did, according to the testimony of a pillar which is set up there;
but after travelling a few miles further, you find another river,
and another town that pretend to the same honour. The little re
public of Marino is not far from hence : I did not see it, but should
think it curious enough to see if there are really any remains of the
ancient Italian liberty and virtue. At Forli, Faenza, and Imola, are
some good pictures.
In going from Bologna to Ferrara you must pass by Cento,
where are some good pictures of Guercino's ; that at the church,
called Nome di Dio, is amongst his first. Ferrara is a curious old
town : a favourite old master of mine is here in all his perfection ;
it is Benvenuto Garofalo ; his pictures here deserve a particular
attention. At Francolino, a post off, you embark upon the Po,
and go in about fifteen hours to Venice. It is here you will satiate
your eyes with the most bewitching colouring in the world. Titian,

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 541
Tintoret, and P. Veronese, will astonish you. Be sure to take a A.D. 1763.
fine day for La Scuola di San Marco, as it is very dark. Tintoret's
picture of St. Mark succouring a Saint who is martyrising, when
seen in a good light, is one of the finest things in nature. Some of
the old masters, particularly Gian. Bellini, will strike you. Pal-
ladio's buildings must all be seen. There is a palace here in the
Canal Grande — the name I have forgot — where is the best collec
tion of casts from the antique statues I know of: you will be
pleased to see all your old friends assembled. Venice is the most
calculated for luxurious idleness of any place I know ; and there
fore very dangerous for you. The banks of the Brenta, in the way
to Padua, are much talked of; but except some villas of Palladio's,
there is nothing very remarkable. I had forgot to desire you to
study a little the constitution of the republic of Venice, in order to
inspire you with a proper dread of aristocracy ; I am sure it is very
useful for an Englishman. Except the church of Sl? Justina,
Padua is hardly worth seeing. Vicenza is much more so, from its
theatre, and the fine works of Palladio. Buy Scamozzi's book
of them, which will inform you where they are. The Paul Veronese,
on the Monte Berrico, is worth the trouble of the walk. Verona is
extremely worth your attention ; the amphitheatre, from its remain
ing so perfect, some other Roman buildings, from shewing the bad
taste which prevailed upon the decline of the arts : the beautiful
buildings of M. San Michele, and the paintings of Alessandro Turchi,
are, as I may say, particular to this town. La Capella dei Pelle
grini, and the gate delta Stupd,, are most beautiful ; and at the
church delta Misericordia, and Casa Gherardini, are Alessandro 's
best works. He has joined in part the merits of the Roman, Vene
tian, and Lombard schools ; and though perhaps he has not per
fected them enough to acquire a place amongst the first masters,
yet he certainly may be reckoned amongst the most seducing and
agreeable. At San Giorgio is a very fine P. Veronese. Remember
to see Cignaroli's works : he is a modern painter that lives here,
and who, except his tawdry colours, has merit ; I own I think I
prefer him to the two fashionable ones at Venice, Piazzetta and
Tiepolo. You will meet with two painters in the Venetian state,
who are worth notice ; they are P. Farinato and Brusasorci : the
latter, though hard, has something singular in his works, which is

542 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1763. not disagreeable. Before you arrive at Brescia, you skirt the Lago
di Garda, which forms a very fine prospect : by going this way, you
miss Mantua and Cremona; the first, I should think, must be worth
seeing, from J. Romano's frescoes being there : the latter I believe
is not so. At Brescia are some good pictures ; and at the church
of S4. Afra, one of P. Veronese's best works ; for drawing and
purity of composition it must absolutely be seen. The country you
pass through on each side of Brescia is pleasing, from its fertility
and cultivation, though it has no pretensions to the picturesque.
Bergamo must certainly be seen, were it only for the view from the
Casa Terzi, where there are some tolerable pictures. The great
church is worth a look. Milan has many things worthy your atten
tion ; the cathedral as a chef d'osuvre of Gothic architecture, some
Roman ruins, &c. Above all things, study the works of my favourite
Procaccini, and cast an eye on the buildings of Pellegrino Pellegrini,
an architect, who, though not the most correct, has chaste and great
ideas, and has only worked here.
I don't talk to you of so great a man as Leonardo da Vinci ; it
is impossible his famous Last Supper, and other works, can escape
your notice. The company here is more polished and civilised than
the rest of the Italian nobility, and consequently is worth being
acquainted with. I had almost forgot to mention to you the works
of one Cerano, a painter, who has merits, and who is only met with
here. From Milan you must go to Turin, where I took you up ;
and as I have now safely landed you there again, I shall take my
leave, heartily wishing that these notes may have procured you the
sight of any one object "worth the attention of a virtuoso, which
without them you would have missed. As their original attempt
had no other ambition, my vanity will not greatly suffer if I have
laboured for nothing ; and if I succeed, I shall be fully recom
pensed in seeing you have a proper sense of their merits.
F. T.
Marquess of Tavistock to the Earl of Upper Ossory.
London, January 27, 1764.
My dear Ossory, — I thank you very much for your letter from
Rome, of the 28th past, which I received two days ago, and the more
so, as you make excuses for the shortness of it, though it consists

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 543
of three sides of paper. Do pray continue in the same laudable A.D. 1764.
opinion, for your accounts make me very happy. If you keep your
resolutions, this letter will find you returned to Rome, though I
think it probable that the pleasures of a Naples carnival may make
you exceed your time ; indeed I hope it, for as all your friends wish
you to stay a good while longer abroad, I think there are such ad
vantages arising from visiting Italy leisurely, I don't mean from its
company, but from its curiosities being of a more rational kind than
most others, that I long to have you profit from them. Besides,
you shew such inclination and taste for the arts, that I think you
are laying in a remedy against ennui, that will last you the rest of
your life. Believe me, Ossory, what I am now saying is not dic
tated to me by any body, nor shall any one know that I have said
it; but it is merely the sentiment I have, and shall always profess,
that the young man may think himself lucky who has youth enough
not to be wanted at home, and pursuits to make his time pass
agreeably abroad.
You know how feelingly I regret the necessary duties which
tie me down to England, and which, after 21, one can never be
without. Believe me, I look upon your advantages here to be
greater than any one's : you have time enough to visit whatever
parts of the world you wish to see, you have curiosity and good
spirits to make you enjoy their amusements ; you have the good
sense and experience of a much older man,1 which will enable you
to profit from them ; and you love your own country well enough not
to have your head turned by the trifling advantages others have over
us ; whilst, at the same time, you allow that good is not absolutely
confined to England. But to talk over virtu a little.
You never mention the Apollo Belvidere, which my candour
will not let me impute to any thing but forgetfulness ; for to have
seen it, and not turn half Pagan, is, I think, impossible. I like
your idea of the Vatican, in comparing it to a fine poem ; it is a
way of studying painting that enables one to judge better by the
help of comparisons, and at the same time shews the alliance of
the arts. I do most totally differ from you, in preferring Domeni-
chino to Guido ; the former has force, pure composition, and
1 Mr. Topliam Beauclerck.

544 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
.A.D. 1761. pleasing colours, equal to most, and expression and design I think
before any : the latter is flimsy, indecisive, and doucereux. When
you go to Grotta Ferrata, you will see the former in all his glory.
Augustino Caracci's Galatea is one of my favourite frescos ;
indeed all that gallery is glorious. What say you to the Caracalla
in the room by it ? I hope Andrea Sacchi's San Romualdo strikes
you ; and Dan. da Volterra's Descent from the Cross. If you
will go to Perugia, you will see as good a one by Barrocci. I
hope you have seen the Annibal Caracci at Sa. Maria Trastevere.
I have bought my Claude Lorraine1 for 220Z. ; it is rather more
than it is worth, though I have since been offered 2QQI. for it : it
is a capital picture.
I will employ the rest of my paper in letting you know the
little that is now passing in London. Our new-married couple2
have left us near ten days, and as there was a violent storm after
they sailed, we are a good deal alarmed at having as yet received
no news of them. The prince was very much admired here, and,
indeed, with great reason. I have great hopes that Bunbury will
be made secretary in Ireland ; it is a troublesome post, but so
advantageous for him, that one cannot help wishing it ; the ministry
will recommend him to Lord Northumberland, who has nobody of
his own to give it to ; and Hamilton's ill conduct makes it impos
sible that he should continue. Our politics, I believe, go on as
usual, though the cider-tax is pretty near run. Our house is going
to repeal the Marriage-bill, but it is doubted if the Lords will do
the same. We had a mighty pretty ball the other day at Soho
for the Hereditary Prince ; yet London in general is but dull. Our
opera, upon the whole, is very bad ; but the ballets are good, and
tolerably shewy. The ladies accuse me of neglecting them, and
living out of the world ; and I don't know if it is not true. I hear
sometimes from France, where all our friends are well and happy.
The Prince of Conti, you may have heard, has made a great figure
1 A landscape with herdsmen and cattle, and a distant view of the sea ;
forming No. 53 of the Liber Veritatis. It is now in the Duke of Bedford's
collection in London.
2 The Hereditary Prince of Brunswick married on the 16th of January
the Princess Augusta of England. On the 27th they visited Mr. Rigby on
their way to Harwich, at his seat of Mistley-Hall.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 545
in their struggles for liberty; the Guerchys here are much liked. A.D. 1764.
M. de Pecquigny1 is mad and quarrelsome; he abused Virette the
other day for cheating him at cards, and they called me out to see
them cut one another's throats, which, consequently, I was obliged
to prevent : the first behaved like a madman, the latter . . . has
absconded. Pecquigny's bon-mot to Paolucci2 upon the occasion
was not bad: he stopped him in the passage at the Opera : " Mons.
Paolucci," dit-il, " si vous n'etes pas de moitie avec ce dr61e la,
n'allez pas jouer avec lui, car il vous trichera."
My rage for hunting increases daily, and I am now of the Red-
burn hunt; our hounds are tolerably good, and our society too, so
that I am grown a very eager foxhunter. Remember me to Beau-
clerck, and assure him I did all in my power to choose him of
White's ; but, unluckily, though I thought I had packed a jury,
one false brother had crept in.
Adieu ! I am going to the House of Commons, which, as you
may guess, is much more agreeable to me than walking over the
Vatican with you would be ! Write sometimes, and be as parti
cular as you can. F. T.
In April, 1764, Lord Tavistock made an excursion to
Paris, previous to his choice of a companion for life ; 3 and
after passing some time at ITsle-Adam, a country-seat of the
Prince de Conti, spent a few weeks very agreeably in that
circle of society which his father had formerly frequented,
and of which the celebrated Madame Geoffrin, the Comtesse
de Bbufflers, and La Marquise de Barbantane, were the dis
tinguished ornaments.* And though he was not quite so
much fete by these great ladies as Mr. Hume, who was then
at Paris as secretary to the embassy of Lord Hertford, his
virtues and accomplishments won from them an attachment
1 The Due de Pecquigny, son of the Due de Chaulnes.
2 The Modenese minister, who was not himself, according to Horace
Walpole, "in the odour of honesty.''
D '' It is said, that at Lord Tavistock's return, he is to decide whom he
will marry."— Hor. Walpole to the Earl of Hertford, April 20, 1764.
VOL. II. N N

546 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1764. repeatedly glanced at in the historian's private correspondence.
He returned to England the latter end of May ; and we learn
from the following lively letter the object of his choice, and
the result of his declaration.
Horace Walpole to the Earl of Hertford.
Strawberry Hill, June 8, 1764.
To be sure, you have heard the event of this last week ? Lord
Tavistock has flung his handkerchief; and, except a few jealous
sultanas, and some sultanas valides who had marketable daugh
ters, every body is pleased that the lot is fallen on Lady Elizabeth
Keppel. The House of Bedford came to town last Friday. I supped
with them that night at the Spanish ambassador's, who has made
Powis House magnificent. Lady Elizabeth was not there, nor
mentioned. On the contrary, by the duchess's conversation, which
turned on Lady Betty Montagu; there were suspicions in her favour.
The next morning, Lady Elizabeth received a note from the Duchess
of Marlborough, insisting on seeing her that evening. When she
arrived at Marlborough House, she found nobody but the Duchess
and Lord Tavistock. The duchess cried, " La ! they have left the
window open in the next room ! " went to shut it, and shut the lovers
in too, where they remained for three hours. The same night all the
town was at the Duchess of Richmond's. Lady Albemarle was at
tredille; the Duke of Bedford came up to the table, and told her
he must speak to her as soon as the pool was over. You may guess
whether she knew a card more that she played. When she had
finished, the duke told her he should waitton her the next morning,
to make the demand in form. She told it directly to me and my
niece Waldegrave, who was in such transport for her friend, that
she promised the Duke of Bedford to kiss him, and hurried home
directly to write to her sisters.1 The duke asked no questions about
fortune ; but has since slipped a bit of paper into Lady Elizabeth's
hand, telling her he hoped his son would live; but if he did not,
1 Lady Dysart and Mrs. Keppel; the latter was married to Lady Eliza
beth's brother, the Bishop of Exeter.

K. George III.

JOHN, FOURTH DUKE.

547

there was something for her : it was a jointure of 30007. a-year, A.D. 1764.
and 6001. pin-money. I dined with her the next day at Monsieur
de Guerchy's ; and as I hindered the company from wishing her
joy, and yet joked with her myself, Madame de Guerchy said, she
perceived I would let nobody else tease her, that I. might have all
the teasing to myself. She has behaved in the prettiest manner in
the world, and would not appear at a vast assembly at Northum
berland House on Tuesday, nor at a great haymaking at Mrs. Pitt's
on Wednesday. Yesterday they all went to Woburn ; and to
morrow the ceremony is to be performed.
Adieu, my dear lord, yours ever, H. W.1
By his union with this lady (the daughter of William
Anne, second Earl of Albemarle2), who, to a sweetness of
disposition peculiarly her own, joined all those mild and
unaffected virtues which tend to perpetuate the charm first
given by personal grace and innate dignity of character —
Lord Tavistock attained a happiness which, in his own
language, he scarcely dared to avow, and to " the sacred and
home-felt delight" of which, Time, whilst it gave but a very
limited duration, imparted each year additional lustre and
sereneness. Of the congratulations which he received from
his various friends upon this event, those of Lord Ossory were
not the least acceptable : in acknowledging them, he again
dilates on some of those Italian topics to which his fancy was
accustomed to turn with so much beautiful enthusiasm.
Marquess of Tavistock to the Earl of Upper Ossory.
Woburn Abbey, July 29, 1764.
I shall begin my letter, my dearest Ossory, with mine and my
wife's thanks for the warmth and sincerity of your good wishes ;
indeed, I believe they will meet with all the success we can desire.
I long to hasten to Italy (in idea only, I mean); for I amuse myself
extremely in thinking over all the fine things there, and doubly so
when I can communicate those thoughts to you who are on the spot.
1 Letters to Lord Hertford, p. 126. -' Arms; gules 3 escallops argent.

548 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1764. To commence with Venice : though I believe it is a proof of the
purity of your taste, I am surprised, I own, that the colour and
knowledge of light and shade you find there, have not made any
more impression on you. I own that, attached as I was to Roman
dignity and Bolognese force and truth, my eyes were dazzled with
them. The paintings at San Salvadore, the schools of San Rocco and
San Marco, are, I think, capital all over the world ; yet, of a truth,
the lowness of their ideas, and their unpoetic compositions, destroy
greatly the illusion which fine painting ought always to raise.
I hope the Lombard architecture will have pleased you more;
Palladio and San Michele must, I think, have struck you, by re
minding you of the Roman antiquities ; and I think their example
has been more successful in operating upon their countrymen than
all the " precious restes" (to use your own words) of old Rome
have with her degenerate sons. If you have taken Mantua in your
way, pray give me some account of it in your next letter ; for I have
an idea there are fine things there, without guessing what they are.
This letter will find you, I suppose, at Bologna, in the midst of
all those admirable masters, contemplating them at your ease, now
you have got rid of your riotous company. I envy you every thing
in Italy but your heats ; which I don't think you grumble about
so much as I expected. Why don't you retire, till the violence of
them is over, to Vall'ombrosa ? I am told it is always cool there ;
and though I am not a man to preach about health, I think fevers
are to be dreaded with your young blood. I hope you have suffi
ciently admired at Bologna L. Caracci's St. Antony the Hermit
preaching, in a little church of that name : Hamilton has certainly
mentioned it to you. How much longer shall you stay in Italy?
and shall you go out of it by the Tyrol and Germany, or through
the south of France ? You may trust me with your secrets (if you
have any) about travelling, or coming home, &c. and I assure you
I will never betray you. So much for Italy.
As to home news, I am too much a country gentleman to know
any out of Bedfordshire : my house at Houghton1 takes up most of
1 Houghton House, near Ampthill, a structure built by the Countess of
Pembroke, " Sidney's sister:" — it is now in ruins; but there is at Woburn
Abbey a fine painting of it by Wilson in its condition at this period.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 549
my attention ; and I flatter myself, at your return you will find it A.D. 1764.
more comfortable than you could have expected ; that is to say,
just habitable. The outside will be beautiful; and the farm (which
I am going to take into my own hands), will, I think, make my
principal amusement. I don't mean absolutely to bury myself in
the country, but I am not quite in good humour with London, and
what is called the world ; though I am extremely so with myself, and
all those whom I love and esteem. I own fairly that parliament and
politics help to make me dislike it ; but the former I only wait to
get rid of till you are of age, and can succeed me in the county.
I assure you I am serious, and have got my father's consent for it.
I am 'fitting up my house in London, but not expensively, any
more than my country one : the latter I believe I shall be able to
inhabit in September, though we shall be surrounded with workmen.
My Barberini pictures are arrived in the river, and will be unloaded
next week : you may guess at my impatience to see them, especially
the Caracci,1 which is the only picture I pride myself upon as a
capital one.
The Bunburys are expected here every day. The young men
have set up a new club this winter, which some think threatens
the dissolution of White's itself. I and all your friends are of it;
so I have got Beauclerck and you chosen. Adieu, my dear Ossory,
remember me to all my friends in that blessed country you are
now in. F. T.
Don't let what I have said incline you to come home sooner
than you intended ; you cannot yet know the pleasures you are
storing up for the rest of your life by travelling. —
Meanwhile the ministry, to whose duration so momentary
a date was generally assigned, had brought to a successful
close the business of its first parliamentary session, after
braving the tempestuous debate on the legality of general
warrants consequent upon the proceedings against Mr. Wilkes,
in which, as they were issued before the Duke of Bedford
joined the ministry, he had had no concern. Upon this
1 Christ in the Garden, by Annibale Caracci, now in the collection at
Woburn Abbey ; enthusiastically admired by the late Sir Thos. Lawrence.

550 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI
A.D. 1764. attack, the Opposition, like a spring-tide flood, had mustered
all its strength; and being joined by all who either thought
the administration insecure, or who placed greater importance
on the danger that might result to the subject from the use
of those weapons, than on the precedents in virtue of which
they had been hitherto used, even by ministers proverbially
jealous of the people's rights — they were very near accom
plishing the great object of their efforts, exhibiting, on the
division, a minority of 218 against 232. But, baffled in this
point, the irritated tide ebbed back within its former limits.
Both houses had previously joined in denouncing the seditious
and obscene publications of Mr. Wilkes ; who, expelled from
his seat, and bankrupt in character, though a Croesus in
popular applause, transferred the venom of his pen to France;
whilst the financial measures of Mr. Grenville, regulated by
a strict economy, in contemplation of the great scheme of
American taxation, passed without a cavil — scarcely with
a comment. The indubitable right of a ministry to dismiss from
employment such of its adherents as, on any vital question,
manifest a defection by their votes, has been generally allowed
in party tactics. If the hostile part taken in the late struggle
by several in connexion with the government had escaped
all penalty of this nature, its tendency would doubtless have
been to invite fresh desertions, by the impunity which it
would thereby have given to treachery and guile. Amongst
the few whom the ministry now dismissed was General
Conway, a groom of the bedchamber and colonel of a regi
ment — the intimate friend of Horace Walpole, and distin
guished equally by his amiable qualities in private life, and
by the talent which afterwards animated him in debate. He
had not chosen to consider himself in regular opposition ;
yet, in a division on the very first day of the session, which,

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 551
though nominally on the mere point of reading a bill, A.D. 1764.
" became the material question for trying forces,"1 he had
voted against government ; and this offence was enhanced
by his equally decided conduct on the more vital question
which had agitated all parties, — he was dismissed from
his office in the bedchamber. So far the administration
might be considered as acting strictly on principles of self-
defence ; but there was something much less justifiable in
depriving him of his military employment; and nothing
but the strongest sense of the necessity of interposing an
efficient bulwark against an irruption of seditious violence,
threatening the dissolution of all government, could extenuate
a proceeding that looked so much like vengeance. The act
was vindicated in a pamphlet of the day, and ably attacked
in a " counter-address to the public" by Horace Walpole.
In the case of either dismissal, the ministry would have
been assailed by its virulent opponents ; but it was most
unwise to furnish them with added arms of proof; and the
government itself appears to have been sensible of the in
justice of the proceeding, by sparing the other military
men who had acted a similar part.
The legal opinions which the Duke of Bedford, on enter
ing the ministry, had taken for his guidance on the great
constitutional points involved in the case of Mr. Wilkes,2
indicate his anxiety to steer clear of any infringement of
civil liberty or privilege of parliament ; at the same time,
he could not but be sensible that the nation was engaging
on far deeper springs of action than had for a long period
influenced it ; and that the dangerous impulse which had
been given by party rancour to the riotous display of
popular effervescence, might need some such restraining
1 Horace Walpole ; Letters to the Earl of Hertford, p. 6. 2 Bedford Papers.

552 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1764. check as the rider gives to the spirit of a generous courser
which has been chafed by the spur into too rapid speed.
The administration was still compassed with difficulties
upon either hand, which threatened alike its usefulness and
its existence. Two great contending parties directed their
artillery against it ; those who wished for the return of Lord
Bute, to take the lead in public business, and those who still
adhered to the system which directed every thing during the
latter part of the late reign. All three were at present almost
equally balanced ; but any close union of the two opposing
elements would clearly overwhelm the third in power; and
hence the duration of the latter absolutely rested on the
steady continuance of that countenance and protection which
the sovereign had hitherto extended to it.
The main principle upon which the Duke of Bedford
continued to rely for the maintenance of the ministry, and
which alone could have induced him to join it, in the absence
of that union with the other great leaders which he had pre
viously recommended— was that which the king had himself
proposed, in order to attract him to his service — namely,
" the exclusion of Lord Bute from his presence, and from
any participation in public affairs."1
We would not willingly consider the king as having been,
at the time he made this condition, insincere to one who, by
undertaking the late negotiations in a time of tempest which
would have daunted a less fearless statesman, had proved
himself so affectionate and dutiful a subject. But it is cer
tain that the scene which shortly opened at court was preg
nant with events that might well justify such a suspicion.
And whether the political influence which Lord Bute, after
his retirement, assuredly strove to regain, originated from
' Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Marlborough, May 19, 1765.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 553
the princess dowager or her son, it must be obvious, that A.D. 1764.
any countenance which the latter might lend to the earl,
in his project for the resumption of power, could not fail
to be regarded by the Duke of Bedford as an entire in
fraction of the bond, on the strength of which he had con
sented to take office.
The intrigues at court of a state leader are often only
to be traced by their effects; — the earth through which the
mole worms itself, betrays the miner, even when it leaves
behind no hillock to reveal its latent course. The Earl of
Bute, after a year spent in ornamenting his seat at Luton,
and ostensibly renewing his acquaintance with Columella and
the Georgics- — revisited the world of politics. " Lord Bute,"
writes Walpole in March 1764, " is come to town, has been
long with the king alone, and goes publicly to court and to
the House of Lords. Pitt certainly has been treating with
him ; I have no doubt but his return must produce confusion
at court. If what is said to be designed proves true, that
the king will go to Hanover, and take the queen with him,
I shall expect that that clamour (which you see depends on
very few men,1 for it has declined during these private nego
tiations) will rise higher than ever. The queen's absence
must be designed to leave the regency in the hands of another
lady (the princess dowager) ; connect that with Lord Bute's
return, and judge what will be the consequences!"2 But it
needed not the fulfilment of this speculation to produce the
animosities anticipated : there were speedy indications of the
ministry's decline in the king's confidence. " In May, Dr.
Terrick and Dr. Lambe were made bishops, without the
nomination or approbation of the ministers;"3 and the Duke
1 2 " This is an important observation ; it affords a clue to the causes of
the unpopularity of the early years of George III." — Ed. Letters to Lord
Hertford, p. 94-7. ¦1 lb. p. 124.

554 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1764. of Bedford " was still more surprised at the chancellor's
being made an earl without his knowledge, after he had
left town."1 The umbrage which he conceived at these
tokens of extraneous influence manifested itself in increased
hostility to the Earl of Bute;2 which was shared by Mr.
Grenville and his adherents3 to nearly a similar extent.
Parliament meanwhile assembled, and the celebrated
resolutions were produced relative to the stamp-act — a mea
sure which, however impolitic, might have been successful
if it had been carried in the former session, when first pro
posed, before those arts had been resorted to in America
which kindled up such discontent, to the intimidation of
the British legislature under the succeeding administration,
¦ — this measure, upon which so much indignant eloquence
was afterwards expended, passed the Commons, after one
inconsiderable division, almost without debate, and the House
of Lords without debate, division, or a protest. The motion
on the illegality of general warrants was even less suc
cessful in its result than before. In that on the dismissal
of officers, some sparkles of the ministers' hostility to Lord
Bute shone out : for Mr. Rigby and Mr. Grenville letting
fall some indignant expressions against " arbitrary Stuart
principles," they were construed into a shaft directed at the
Stuart favourite — who replied by unceasing efforts to seduce
Lord Holland from his adherence to the Duke of Bedford ;
and his unequivocal success, evinced partially during the
1 Letters to Lord Hertford, p. 124. 2 " I am just come from an im
promptu ball at Mrs. Anne Pitt's : it was entertaining to see the Duchess of
Bedford and Lady Bute, with their respective forces drawn up on different
sides of the room." lb. Jan. 22, 1765.
3 " Lord Bute and George Grenville are so ill together, that decency is scarce
observed between their adherents ; and the moment the former has an oppor
tunity, or resolution enough, he will remove the latter." lb. Jan. 22, p. 181.

K.George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 555
progress of the public business, but without disguise during a.d. 1765.
the settlement of the regency bill in May, put a period to
the political friendship which had so long subsisted betwixt
these noblemen.
The discussions upon this last important measure, which
were attended with extraordinary jealousies and heats, brought
to a crisis all the floating humours of the Bute and Bedford
parties. This had the strongest reasons for desiring to exclude
from the regency the Princess Dowager of Wales ; that, the
most pressing interest in the explicit introduction of her name
into the bill. The princess having been educated in the court
of her father the Duke of Saxe-Gotha, had brought with her
to England all the arbitrary notions of irresponsible monar
chical authority which prevailed within its precincts. The
genius of the English people, the habits of the court, the
freedom, frequently the asperity, with which the measures of
George the Second and his ministers were commented on,
both within and without the walls of parliament, — and,
above all, the control which the ministers exercised over the
monarch — the salutary restrictions which circumscribed his
power, — had early excited her astonishment and disgust : it
was difficult to say which feeling preponderated. And hence
" the great lesson which she early and perpetually laboured
to impress upon her son, in the event of his coming to the
throne" — a lesson which appears to have influenced his con
duct throughout the whole of his regal life, was, " George,
be king!"1 In the maxims of government which she had
thus sought to instil into his mind, she had found a diligent
abettor in the Earl of Bute, who to this source owed much
of his late unpopularity, and who had constantly hung upon
the influence and favour of the princess with a devotion so
1 Nichols's Recollections of the Reign of George III. p. 6.

556 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. peculiar, as to have awoke in the public mind, as appears by
the published correspondence of the times,1 the most injurious
surmises. The tendency, therefore, of her exclusion would
have been a decisive blow to the perpetuation of Lord Bute's
secret influence, in the event of the king's demise ; but by a
dexterous manoeuvre her name was expressly inserted as an
amendment, whilst the bill passed through the Commons :
in this state it was returned to the Lords, passed their house,
and on the 15th of May received the king's assent.
From the little disguise which the ministers had used in
concealing their repugnance to the nomination of the princess
in this bill, the king's distaste to them, encouraged in every
way by her and by Lord Bute, who affected no concealment
of their indignation, was greatly heightened. When the former
went to him on the 16th, to receive his commands for the
speech that was to close the session, he forbade the proroga
tion of the parliament, which, he said, he would only have
adjourned. He had, in fact, privately sent for the Duke of
Cumberland ; had already desired him to form a new adminis
tration, and to treat with Mr. Pitt. Some extraordinary inci
dents that now immediately occurred, as if conjured up by a
dexterous magician, became a farther engine for quickening
his repugnance : these we will now proceed briefly to narrate.
On January 10, the first day of the session, the journey
men silk-weavers of London, conceiving themselves greatly
injured by the too free use of French and other wrought silks,
went in a body to the House of Commons, and presented
a petition for a general prohibition of them.2 The distress
of which they complained was not peculiar to themselves;
as in the course of March, numerous petty insurrections,
1 Lord Waldegrave's and Lord Orford's Memoirs, passim. lb. Letters to
Lord Hertford, &c. &c. 2 Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxxv. p. 44.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 557
owing to the dearness of provisions, took place, particularly A.D. 1765.
in the western counties.1 To relieve, however, their distress,
so far as it might depend on legislative enactment, the duties
on raw silk were repealed,2 and additional duties laid on the
importation of foreign silks and velvets.3 Their petitions
being so far granted, no farther embarrassment was appre
hended. But, on the 14th of May, a large body of the
weavers, assembled by beat of drum, marched in procession,
with their wives and children, from Spital and Moorfields
to St. James's, and on the 1 5th to the House of Peers ;
having each day a black flag flying before them, and a
petition to present to the king on their distressed condition.
As though to divert the current of their intentions, reports
were disseminated amongst them that the Duke of Bedford
favoured the wear of French manufactures ; and as he had
contended in parliament against their favourite idea, that the
state of their trade had been produced by the peace, in its hav
ing thrown open the foreign market, they obtained ready cre
dence ; and he became immediately the object of their blind
and eager fury.* On his return from Westminster to Bed
ford House he was waylaid by the now insurgent mob, and
narrowly escaped destruction, being assailed, as his carriage
passed through Bloomsbury, by a tempest of stones, one of
which, of massive size, would undoubtedly have proved fatal,
had not the gentleman who accompanied him — a large and
powerful man — raised his arm, and thereby parried the blow.5
1 Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxxv. p. 142. * lb. p. 243.
3 lb. p. 244, Friday, May 10. * Increased, no doubt, by a
pamphlet that had been launched against him, entitled, " A letter from a
Spitalfields Weaver to a Nobleman ;" in which he was loaded with ironical
encomiums, and was calumniously stated to have said, that if he were a weaver,
he could live upon tenpence a-day. This pamphlet is strongly calculated
to increase the suspicion that the whole riot was concocted by political
incendiaries. 5 Robert Palmer, Esq. grandfather to the present
member for Berkshire : he was auditor to the duke.

558 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. On the following day their number was augmented to 8000,
and the Guards were ordered out. On the 17th they again
surrounded parliament, so well disciplined and well con
ducted, as to countenance the most serious suspicions of
direct encouragement from some secret quarter. Some of
Lord Bute's partisans were recognised amongst them; and an
eye-witness1 who met a body of them, declared that " they
resembled rather a body of recruits going to their regiments,
than a populace following the dictates of rage and passion."
The most alarming rumours of other multitudes about to join
them from Portsmouth, Manchester, and Norwich, were
busily circulated ; and the city was daunted with the spirit
of mutiny, which thus seemed every where rising. In the
evening of that day a prodigious multitude assaulted Bedford
House, and began the work of destruction by pulling down
the outer walls ; whilst another party surrounded its long
extent of garden, where there were but fifty men on guard.
In the midst of this great personal danger, the Duke of
Bedford remained perfectly collected and serene : being pos
sessed of remarkable intrepidity and spirit, he took the reso
lution of issuing into the square to harangue the infuriated
mob; and it was with difficulty that his friends restrained
him from an act so much in unison with his frank and
fearless nature, but which would obviously have been the
very height of rashness. The multitude had nearly forced
their way to the house — five minutes longer delay would
have proved its ruin — when another party of Guards that had
been sent for reached the spot, and the riot-act having been
read, the insurgents were dispersed without loss of life. The
mild and steady exercise of the civil power combined with
these military movements to compose the tumults : after two
1 Bedford Papers ; Letter from Sir H. Dalrymple to the Duke of Bedford.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 559
days more of suspense and agitation, tranquillity was restored, A.D. 1765.
and " every body went to Bedford House" to offer their
con gratulations -1
The ministry, being apprised almost at its commencement
of the secret negotiation, had meanwhile sought an explana
tion with the king. The particulars of this audience were
communicated to the Duke of Marlborough in the following
letter, which contains some important disclosures.
Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Marlborough.
Bedford House, May 19, 1765.
You must doubtless have heard, my dear lord, of the riots and
tumults we have had here ; I hope all that is now partly subsided,
though I am yet obliged to keep garrison here, with one hundred
infantry and sixty cavalry; and it being Sunday night, the con
course of people is still very great, though not at all dangerous, it
consisting chiefly of such as mere curiosity has brought here. I
should not have troubled you with this account by flying packet,
had not a much more material affair intervened.
We have long been apprehensive (I mean the king's ministers)
that Lord Bute had, for some time past, been operating mischief
with the king ; and Mr. Grenville and I, so long ago as the begin
ning of last week, took the liberty to mention to the king our sus
picions ; to which we could obtain no more satisfactory answer, but
that he would explain himself more fully hereafter. But it having
transpired on Thursday night that a negotiation was actually then
carrying on, through the channel of the Duke of Cumberland,
with Mr. Pitt, Lord Temple, Duke of Newcastle, most of the oppo
sition, and Lord Bute, we found it absolutely necessary, — in the
perilous circumstances of the times, when rebellion was actually in
the centre of the metropolis, and I, a peer of parliament, debarred
1 Amongst them Horace Walpole ; who, though manifesting in his private
letters the greatest hostility to the Bedford administration, and delight at every
symptom of its downfal, handsomely told the duke, "that, however he might
happen to differ with him in politics, this was a common cause, and that
every body must feel equal indignation at it with himself." — Letters to Lord
Hertford, p. 225.

560 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. from taking my seat there, and arraigned by a mob for having
given my vote according to my conscience and opinion,— to in
quire of his majesty his intentions with regard to our continuance
in his service. We could obtain no further explanation, than his
intentions to change his administration, but without alleging any
fault we had committed towards him, or informing us when, or by
whom we were to be replaced. I took the liberty to remind the
king upon what conditions, proposed by himself, namely, the ex
cluding Lord Bute from his presence and any participation in
public affairs, I was called by him into his service, and how very
unfaithfully those conditions had been kept with me. I shewed
him the immediate necessity of forming an administration of some
kind or other, when all rule and authority were trampled on, and
his government set at nought ; and how little proper we, who had
lost his confidence by the artifices of his favourite, were, to reinstate,
in the last act of our administration, order and tranquillity, in the
distempered state in which things now were. I therefore entreated
him, for his own sake, the public's, our own, and his future ministers',
to fix our successors immediately. I assured him that the same
harmony which had subsisted between us till the present time, did
and would continue. Thus I left him, as did all the rest, without
being able to get an explicit answer.
I leave it, my dear lord, to your consideration, whether your
presence in town is not necessary at the present crisis. I think
mine so much so, that I stay in town though almost a prisoner in
my own house, and not able, without the utmost hazard of my life,
to have attended the House of Lords the last two days of their
meeting. I am ever most faithfully and affectionately yours,
Bedford.
The Duke of Cumberland, meanwhile, entered with great
alacrity into the negotiation with which he was intrusted, by
frequent interviews and messages with Lord Temple, Mr.
Pitt, &c. ; but the open hoisting of the standard of inde
pendence against Lord Bute had reconciled the former with
Mr. Grenville, and to every overture that was made to him
the latter was disinclined ; so that the duke finding, at the

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 561
end of four days, his every effort void, advised the king to A.D. 1765.
continue his present servants.
The king, in consequence, desired the ministry to state
the conditions on which they would remain in office. After
a conference together, Mr. Grenville was directed, on the
22d, to wait on him with these proposals : that Lord Bute
should neither directly nor indirectly interfere in the affairs
of government ; that his brother, Mr. Stuart Mackenzie,
should be dismissed from the privy seal of Scotland ; Lord
Holland from the paymastership of the forces ; that Lord
Granby should be placed at the head of the army ; and that
they should have the appointment to the government of
Ireland. These conditions were reproached by their enemies
as insolent, insulting, most imperious ; but whilst they be
spoke great confidence and some resentment, if we except
perhaps the demand relative to Lord Granby, which was
aimed directly at the Duke of Cumberland, but the Duke
of Cumberland in decided opposition, there appears to be
nothing unreasonable. Lord Holland had made his own
election; the pledged neutrality of Lord Bute had once
already been eluded ; if the ministry were intended really
to endure upon their own footing, it was necessary that
there should be no second mistake, or cause of disagree
ment upon his score ; and what other unquestioned token
could they give the world of having carried their point
against Lord Bute, than the dismissal of his brother from
that power which would else unquestionably have been con
verted into weapons against themselves. The king is stated
to have received the proposals with surprise and indigna
tion : 1 he required time to deliberate upon them ; but before
evening sent the lord chancellor to express his acquiescence
1 It is not, however, said whether they were spontaneous or infused.
VOL. II. O O

562 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. with all except the appointment of Lord Granby. He would
not, he said, engage not to consult Lord Bute, but assented
to his absolute exclusion from all interference in business,
direct or indirect. This declaration, on the word of a king,
satisfied the ministers — Horace Walpole says, "the rebels."
Lord Frederick Campbell was made privy seal for Scotland,
Charles Townshend paymaster, Lord Weymouth viceroy of
Ireland. These arrangements being made, the Duke of
Bedford, after revisiting the court, left town for Streatham
on the 24th. On the following day the king prorogued
parliament in person.
It would be most ungenerous and uncharitable to believe
that if, after the settlement of these several stipulations, the
sovereign had been left to his own unbiassed judgment, he
would not punctually have fulfilled them ; for though there
doubtless clung to him much of the obstinacy, and somewhat
of the brooding sullenness under contradiction that charac
terised his early years,1 his native sense of honour must have
preserved him from the least infringement of his promise.
But every advantage was taken of his known impatience of
these trammels ; his domestic hours were beset by potent in
fluences — the mortified ambition of Lord Bute, the offended
pride of the princess -mother, and the irritated consequence
of the Duke of Cumberland. The language of the first upon
his brother's fall was, " What ! do they mean to destroy the
monarchy? to annihilate the first of the three estates?"2
The policy of the second was to feed these jealousies ; and
1 " He does not want resolution, but it is mixed with too much obstinacy.
Whenever he is displeased, his anger does not break out with heat and vio
lence ; but he becomes sullen and silent, and retires to his closet — not to
compose his mind by study or contemplation, but merely to indulge the
melancholy enjoyment of his own ill-humour." — Earl Waldegrave's Me
moirs, pp. 8-9. " Life of Lord Chatham.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 563
the last handed to court all the great persons who revolved A.D. 1765.
around his orbit, that the king might be encouraged by the
willing retinue which he could yet command.1 When they
came to the levee there were close whisperings, and other
sinister auguries of opposition and intrigue; and the ministers,
when admitted into the closet upon business, were still re
ceived coolly, ceremoniously, ungraciously. The ground on
which they stood was obviously as hollow as before : but as
the Duke of Bedford contemplated a journey that would call
him away for a considerable time, he resolved to come, if
possible, to a clearer understanding of the footing on which
they were to rest; and in an audience, the particulars of
which have been most grossly misrepresented, he pressed
respectfully but firmly home upon the monarch the injurious
tendency of those vacillations which had been apparent in
his conduct. It had been the favourite tenet of the more
polished writers who assailed the Duke of Bedford, that
his union with a Gower had lowered the tone of those
Whig principles which he had inherited, and fixed him too
devotedly on the side of royalty and the prerogative : his con
tinuance in the Bute administration, after the Pelhams and
Cavendishes had abandoned it, might seem to them to coun
tenance the fancy; but it had at least left unimpaired the
fearless expression of his sentiments ; and these he now
candidly and honestly avowed. The noblest proof perhaps
which he could give of his erect integrity, and of the regard
which, notwithstanding every opprobrious aspersion,2 he main-
1 Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford ; June 16, 1765.
2 " The ministry having endeavoured to exclude the dowager out of the
regency bill, the Earl of Bute determined to dismiss them. Upon this the
Duke of Bedford demanded an audience of the king, reproached him in plain
terms with his duplicity, baseness, falsehood, treachery, and hypocrisy, — ¦
repeatedly gave him the lie, and left him in convulsions." — Junius.

564 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI
A.D. 1765. tained for the monarch by whom he thought he had been
aggrieved, exists in the dignified silence with which he bore
the calumnies of rancorous malice, when he had it in his
power to refute the charge, by the unaffected statement of
the particulars of this interview, which he wrote immediately
afterwards. Having fortunately been preserved amidst his
private and official papers, it is given below, as the time
is unquestionably come that was glanced at by another in
dividual, to whom the perusal of it was confided, when he
wrote : " the conversation on Wednesday must for ever do
you honour and credit. If the behaviour of the other party
remains the same, there must, sooner or later, be an end
of this system, and then it will become necessary, for your
own justification, for all the world to know what you are
so good now as to intrust me with."
The Duke of Bedford to the Duke of Marlborough.
Streatham, June 13, 1765.
I promised you, my dear lord, to let you know if any thing
material should occur before I left this place to go to Woburn, and
I thought it very probable that something would ; as I was deter
mined to have an explanation with the K. before my absenting
myself from court for so long a term as a month, as I hope not to
be obliged to come to this part of the world before the 15th of
July. I accordingly went into the closet yesterday ; and after some
prefatory discourse, and receiving his orders about business now
depending in council, I took the liberty to desire leave to recapi
tulate to him what had passed between him and his ministers, from
the time he avowed the design of changing his administration, to
their being called back again by him, to resume their functions.
Whether his countenance and support had not been promised them ?
whether this promise had been kept ? but, on the contrary, whether
all those who are our most bitter enemies had not been counte
nanced by him in public ? and whether we and our friends had not

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 565
met with a treatment directly opposite to this ? Whether he is not A.D. 17C5.
in his retirement beset with our avowed enemies 1 whether the Earl
of Bute's representing the ministers in a bad light to him, either by
himself or his emissaries, is not an interfering (at least indirectly)
in public counsels ? Does not this Favourite, by interfering in this
manner, and not daring to take a responsible employment, risk the
utmost hazard to himself ? and, which is of more consequence, risk
the king's quiet and the safety of the public ? What must be the
opinion of the public here, and of Europe in general ?
Having received no satisfactory answer to any of these questions,
nor indeed any other, but that Lord Bute was not at all consulted,
and that he had never done me any ill offices with his majesty,
I proceeded to beseech him to permit his authority and his favour
and countenance to go together ; and if the last cannot be given to
his present ministers, to transfer to others that authority which
must be useless in their hands unless strengthened by the former.
I assured him that we thought ourselves unfortunate in having lost
his good opinion ; but that we were conscious of our own good
intentions, and that his majesty is misled by misrepresentations.
This is the whole that passed ; which is indeed by no means
satisfactory to me. Nothing new worth mentioning has happened
since your leaving town, but that the Duke of Devonshire and his
three uncles were at court yesterday, invited thither, as I am told,
by the king. Adieu, my dear lord. I desire my best love to Car.
I intend setting out immediately for Woburn. B.
The impatience of the domestic council to induce the king
to throw off this political constraint, by the dismissal of his
ministers at all hazards, might be increased by the plain
voice of truth which was thus addressed to him. They led
him to believe, that if he would condescend to see Mr. Pitt
himself, his cruelty in not consenting to take office would be
softened, and another ministry might be arranged ; but, after
three or four interviews both with him and Lord Temple,
the whole project was disconcerted by their absolute inflexi
bility. Apprised of what was passing by the Lord Chancellor

566 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. Northington, who omitted no opportunity of conjuring the
king to be satisfied with his present administration, and treat
them with good-humour, Lord Sandwich was earnest for the
Duke of Bedford and his other colleagues to return to town,
that they might take advantage of any such gracious openings
as might arise ; but whilst the favour and authority of the
crown seemed still in direct opposition to each other, the
duke did not think it became him to press any farther his
advice or services upon the king, by a step which would have
the appearance of a desire to embarrass the negotiations into
which he had entered ; and in this decision Mr. Grenville
and Lord Halifax entirely concurred. The Duke of Cum
berland next strove for a second time to construct a ministry;
but before he could succeed, he was driven to such a strait as
to be obliged to solicit the Duke of Marlborough to accept
the mastership of the horse ; and when he refused to be dis
united from his relation, " without rhyme or reason being
urged," the former condescended to send a messenger, Lord
Bateman, to implore him not to insist upon his brother's resig
nation with him. " Every thing else," writes Mr. Grenville,
on the 7th of July, " has varied so fast and so completely,
that the wonder of mankind has scarce been able to follow it.
Nor is the scene which is to disclose this new administration
even now quite ready to open ; for, though the child appears
at the birth, there scarcely seems sufficient strength to bring
it forth. I hope, however, and believe that it cannot be long
delayed : the attempts have been numerous, and many un
successful, but none more extraordinary than that (relative to
the Duke of Marlborough) which Lord Sandwich commu
nicated to me this morning." Into the farther particulars
which he narrates of the various overtures made, accepted,
or refused, it is unnecessary here to enter. On the 10th, the

K.George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 567
political paroxysm was over, — the Rockingham administra- A.D. 1765.
tion was produced ; and the Duke of Bedford and his chief
colleagues receiving official notice of their dismissal, their
other friends threw up their respective employments. " I
am glad, my dear lord," writes the Duke of Bedford to Lord
Sandwich, " that the farce is at last at an end : I have been
long impatient for the denouement, which I will venture to
say, though miserably brought to a conclusion by the authors
of it, ends honourably for us, and must, I think, hereafter
fatally for them.''
Being thus at liberty to follow his original design, the
duke set off, the latter end of July, on his excursion to Paris,
into the diversions and society of which he entered with all
the gaiety of a younger man. " My time," he writes to the
Duchess of Bedford, " is so much taken up here, that I dare
not trust till to-morrow to write to you. I am at the same
hotel with Lord Ossory ; I was very happy in seeing and
finding him in every thing as much improved as possible,
and as agreeable a young man as I ever met with in my life,
and — -what neither you nor I shall dislike — he has a great
resemblance to Tavistock. After breakfast (by the by, we
have a deep mourning for the infant of Parma, so that I have
brought my fine clothes in vain), I went to the Palais Royal
gardens, from thence, en chenille, to M. de Puysieux, who had
sent to me with the civillest message possible, and desired me
to fix a day to dine with him, and to bring Lord Ossory and
his brother. He kept me, I believe, near an hour on politics,
and he is, in Sandwich's phrase, very handsome. After
dinner, I went to Madame de la Valliere, who really seemed
glad to see me, and who enjoins me to say a thousand civil
things from her to you. From thence for a moment to the
Italiens, where there was not a soul but ourselves, it being

568 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
a.d. 1765. an absolute Italian piece ; there was relache au Theatre a la
Comedie Francaise, but to-morrow we have Phedre et Hip-
polite, Maduf Dumesnil and a new actor to take the principal
parts. From the Italiens I went to Mad. Geoffrin, from
whom I am just returned ; she being in her old way, I was
renvoye, having something to do, but she insisted on my,
dining with her to-morrow. She is just as we left her, and
most cordially expressed her friendship for you : she inquired
much about les belles nieces,1 and scolded me a little that I
had not yet got them husbands. I have had a melancholy
letter from the Bailli (de Solar), who declines seeing me;
I fear he is in a deplorable way. Upon my coming home,
I found a courier of M. de Choiseul, with a letter from
Madame de Choiseul, offering me ' un mauvais appartement,'
as she calls it, in their house ; ' mais qui vaudra un peu mieux
que tous ceux de Compiegne? ' which I have accepted. Voici
la difference des deux pays que nous habitons ! Pendant que
je me regale ici avec des p£ches, vous mangez des miserables
bilberries f la bas, ou vous etes, pour mes cerneaux, vous
n'avez que des miserables noisettes ; a. J'egard de moi-m£me,
on me donne des baisers, au lieu des coups de pierre dont on
me saluoit a. Londres. Thus much for badinerie."3 After
some stay at Paris, the duke spent a week with his friends in
Compiegne, visited the Prince de Conti at ITsle-Adam, and
returned to England by way of Pontoise and Rouen.*
1 The Miss Wrotteslys. 2 The Duchess was then at Woburn, in the
woods near which the whortle-berry grows in profusion.
J Duke of Bedford to the Duchess of Bedford, Paris, July 30, 1765.
4 Whilst he was at Paris, there was published in London a " Letter to
the Earl of Bute relative to the late Changes in the Administration;'' in
reference to which the duchess writes to him, July 28 : " The letter to Lord
Bute is too long to send by the post, which I am sorry for ; it is so well
wrote, and is such a true story, I wish I knew the author, to thank him for
having told the world the cause of your dislike to him." It is printed in the

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 569
On the 31st of October died the Duke of Cumberland, by a.d. 1765.
which event the Chancellorship of Dublin was vacant. In
the Irish parliament, the friends of the new ministry had
made an attack on Mr. Rigby in some discussion that had
taken place, but which the house had received very coolly,
as the equity of the Duke of Bedford's administration in
Ireland had left them many friends there. The defence,
rather than the attack of himself, excited Mr. Rigby 's atten
tion ; the thought struck him of making it subservient to the
credit of the duke ; and he immediately suggested to the
provost, Dr. Andrews, that he had now an admirable oppor
tunity of evincing his gratitude for some favours which he
had formerly received, during the duke's lieutenancy of
Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxxv. pp. 306-7 ; and the following passages are
those to which the duchess seems to refer : " Obliged to call in some powerful
assistance to complete this salutary work of peace, you pointed out to your
prince a proper person as a coadjutor ; a prudent, powerful, and (till your
sinister arts prevailed) a popular nobleman ; who, seeing the situation of his
sovereign and his country, readily obeyed the call, and gave to both that
respite they so much required. You will pardon me if I here remind your
lordship of that base and ungenerous treatment which you shewed towards
that nobleman ; how you embarrassed him in one of the most nice and
difficult enterprises that ever was undertaken ; how you perplexed him with
your absurd and contradictory instructions ; and, for fear he should conclude
too good a peace, and gain too much credit with his king and country, used
your utmost endeavours to make him for ever forfeit the esteem and appro
bation of both. I have often earnestly wished that your whole behaviour in
this important affair might be laid before the public. The most humane and
candid person would then confess, that there was sufficient reason for that
torrent of popular odium which overwhelmed you with confusion.
" After you had thus been hunted out of office by the public cry, what
vows and protestations did you make that you would never again interfere
in public business : but these declarations were scarce made before they were
broken ; you could not keep from meddling, and yet you durst not act out.
All your emissaries were set to work to obstruct the administration of those
very gentlemen you yourself had so lately recommended. Every engine
and every art was made use of to poison the minds of the people against
their measures ; but here your lordship's character and their merits were to
appear in opposite scales ; and it needs not any pen to tell which would
preponderate."

570 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1765. Ireland. This application he prepared to follow up by a
personal visit to the Irish capital ; hut had scarcely reached
Conway, on the 14th of November, ere a messenger arrived
from the provost, apprising him that the University had
elected the Duke of Bedford for their Chancellor. Of the
entire transaction the latter was wholly ignorant till informed
of the event by Mr. Rigby. Occurring at a time when he
was known to enjoy no court favour for the interest of the
college, it was highly gratifying to him, as a mark to the
whole world of the estimation in which his services were held
in Ireland. " It is, I believe, since the Revolution," says
Mr. Rigby, with a pardonable exultation, " I am sure since
the accession of the present family, the only instance of a
chancellor of that university not of the royal family, which
may, perhaps, render it the more acceptable at St. James's,
where, if it should make them a little angry, I own I shall
be the better pleased."1 The duke, after returning his acknow
ledgments for this distinction, appointed the then primate for
his vice-chancellor ; and his own installation was celebrated,
with the greatest pomp, on the 9th of September, 1 768 ; the
music on the occasion being composed by the Earl of Mor-
nington,2 father to the present Duke of Wellington.
The Cumberland or Rockingham administration existed
for about twelve months, and then fell asunder by its own
inefficiency. The change of ministry in 1765, at the par
ticular juncture when it occurred, proved singularly unfor
tunate : it encouraged the Americans in all their clamours
against the stamp act, deepening the incipient discontent
that had been infused by artful men into audacious tumults,
which were, it is greatly to be feared, considered rather as
' Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford ; Conway, Nov. 14, 1765.
s Gent. Mag. vol. xxxviii. p. 443. The Ode on the Installation is given
in the same volume, p. 535.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 571
weapons to be used against the late administration, than acts A.D. 1766.
of indignity to be resolutely suppressed. And hence the
fiscal resolutions which the one session had all but unani
mously agreed to, the next, with singular inconsistency, was
required to rescind. In the debates which attended this great
question, the Duke of Bedford took an able part, supporting
naturally the arguments and former policy of Mr. Grenville,
and declaring, " that he considered the submission of the
Americans as the palladium, which, if suffered to be removed,
would put a final period to the British empire in America."
To a modification of the duties he would not have been
unfavourable ; but he regarded a total repeal of them as an
act of versatility, fatal to the dignity and jurisdiction of par
liament, the evil consequences of which no Declaratory Act
could qualify or avert.1
To the Rockingham administration succeeded that of Mr.
Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham ; who feeling sensibly
the loss of his late popularity and the estrangement of Lord
Temple, found it necessary to strengthen its efficiency, and
for this purpose applied to the Duke of Bedford. The earl's
leading point in this appears to have been to detach the duke
from Mr. Grenville ; and his overtures took various shapes,
at intervals between June and November, 1766. In order to
secure his countenance and interest, Lord Chatham compli
mented him by declaring now in favour of those measures
which the duke had pointedly advocated, and which he had
declared he would certainly continue to support, whether his
friends were in, or whether they were out of office.2 But
1 Minutes of his speech; Bedford Papers.
' Dropping all notice of American measures, Lord Chatham declared his
policy should be : " 1 , To keep the peace inviolate, and to have a watchful eye
over the princes of the continent, to see that they did the same; 2, To have
no connexions with the continent, nor enter into any subsidiary treaty with

572 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1767. beyond the desire of seeing his friends in great employments,
the duke had now no personal ambition to gratify ; having
privately declared, that from the ill usage which he had
received both from the king and the public, he could no more
himself take any employment. And the proposals of the
minister being too confined, in respect to the number of those
friends who had been dismissed with the duke, and being him
self checked by Lord Bute from fulfilling those which he had
actually made iu favour of Lord Gower and Lord Weymouth,
which were not objected to, the conferences were precipitately
abandoned, and a different arrangement concluded, in which
Lord Bute saw two of his former adherents satisfactorily
comprised.1 In March 1767, the duke received a most severe shock
in the accident that happened to his admirable son, whose
passion for hunting had continued to increase. On the 9th
of that month, the Marquess of Tavistock had a fall from his
horse, by which his skull was fractured. Professional aid
was immediately sent for ; a difficult operation was success
fully performed ; his senses returned to him ; and though his
danger was still considered great, yet, after the first four
days, considerable hopes were entertained of his recovery.2
But the gleam, unhappily, was of short duration ; and on
the 23d of the same month, a life of very extraordinary
promise was prematurely closed : it was closed, " hut not
until such honour, generosity, and every amiable virtue, had
shone through the veil of natural modesty, that no young
any of the powers there ; 3, To observe such a strict and rigid economy as
even the most frugal minister must approve of." These were his words. The
duke pleasantly reminded him that these had always been his own measures;
that the minister had come into his policy, not he into the minister's.
' Lord Le Despencer and Mr. Jenkinson; the former his chancellor of
the exchequer, the latter his private secretary.
1 Hume's Private Correspondence, pp. 238, 240.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 573
man of quality since the Earl of Ossory, son of the Duke of A.D. 1767.
Ormond, had inspired fonder hopes, attracted higher esteem,
or died so universally lamented." 1
The full extent of this terrible accident was considerately
kept from Lady Tavistock, till further concealment was im
possible. Throughout the anguish that followed this sudden
wrench from happiness the most unclouded, she was sustained
by Nature, as though in pity for the posthumous infant to
which she gave birth on the 20th of August ; when, wearied
with her task, she gave the effort over to keen sensibility
and inconsolable sorrow. A deep decline succeeded, under
which the sufferer lingered for one mournful year ; when, as
the last resource of hope, a voyage to Lisbon was agreed to, in
which she was to be attended by her sister Caroline, and Lord
Albemarle her brother. Whilst preparations were making
for this object, an affecting incident occurred. At a consulta
tion of the faculty, held at Bedford House in August, one of
the physicians, whilst he felt her pulse, requested her to open
her hand. Her reluctance induced him to use a degree of
gentle violence, when he perceived that she had closed it to
conceal a miniature of her late husband. " Ah, madam,"
he exclaimed, " all our prescriptions must be useless whilst
you so fatally cherish the wasting sorrow that destroys you ! "
" I have kept it," she replied, " either in my bosom or my
hand, ever since my dear lord's death ; and thus I must
indeed continue to retain it, until I drop off after him into
the welcome grave." The physician sighed as he resigned
her hand — the frigate (commanded by her brother Captain
Keppel) departed to its destined climate — and early in
October, Lord Albemarle wrote to Mr. Rigby, " poor Eliza
beth died the 2d of this month."
1 Lord Orfjrd's Catalogue of Portraits at Woburn Abbey.

574 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1767. The Duke of Bedford received with equal keenness the
tidings of the fearful event. The letters of his children
evince that he was one of the fondest fathers ; and nobody
believed, when it happened, that he would survive his loss:1
but he had great fortitude and firmness ; and " it was very
happy for him," writes Mr. Hume to the Comtesse de
Boufners,2 " that at the time of poor Tavistock's death there
were public transactions of moment before parliament, in
which his friends urged him to take part. The natural fer
vour of his character insensibly engaged him in the scene.
He was diverted from his own melancholy reflections, and
business thus proved to him the best consolation. He has
not, however, recovered thoroughly that terrible shock ; and
the duchess, to whom the world did not ascribe so great a
degree of sensibility, is still more inconsolable."3
To the parliamentary business here referred to, succeeded
an active series of negotiations, the cabinet being in a state
of great disunion, and bending before the weight of a very
powerful opposition. The Chancellor Northington 's ill state
of health inducing him to resign, he advised the king to send
for the Duke of Bedford, Lord Temple, and Mr. Grenville.
Lord Chatham, when written to by the king upon this sub
ject, declined interfering ; yet proposals appear to have been
made to the first,4' but failed, from his refusal separately to
1 Hume's Private Correspondence, p. 237. 2 lb. p. 244, June 19.
3 On the 23d of Dec. 1768, he writes to the same lady, p. 264 : "The
Bedford family seem now to be comforted entirely, from the shock they re
ceived on poor Lord Tavistock's death. Some even reproached the duke
with being too easily comforted ; but it proceeded from the ardency of his
temper, which always takes itself to the present object without reserve."
4 "The first person to whom he addresses himself," says Mr. Hume, " is
the Duke of Bedford, whose consideration is very great, on account of his
quality, and riches, and friends — and above all, his personal character." —
Private Correspondence, p. 244.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 575
entertain them ; and as a total change in the cabinet was A.D. 1767.
now generally anticipated by the opposition, if they could
remain united, a coalition was set on foot by the Duke of
Newcastle between the Bedford and Rockingham parties,
in order to prevent the success of any separate overtures, if
they should chance to be repeated. The Duke of Bedford
was favourable to the project, as " a means of rescuing the
country out of the hands of Lord Bute ; of restoring strength
and energy to the government, upon a footing free from
favouritism, and the guidance of a minister not in a re
sponsible employment, and of rooting out that maxim of
favourites — ' divide et impera,' which enabled them almost
annually to change administrations, for the purpose of re
taining their unconstitutional power."1 Accordingly, when
the Duke of Grafton required the Marquess of Rockingham
to specify the plan on which he and his friends would propose
to come into the ministry, the whole succeeding correspond
ence was communicated to the several leaders of opposition,
amongst whom the strictest concert and union at first pre
vailed. Lord Rockingham was recommended to require
that a comprehensive basis should be assented to, the present
ministry be considered at an end, and that he should receive
his orders directly from the king.2 Various attempts were
made to elude these requisitions, and it seemed " that the
court, though reduced to the last extremity of distress, could
never grow sincere."3 At length the marquess was informed
that the king would see him, when he had prepared his plan
of comprehension, " being willing to entertain such an one
as should exclude no denomination of men who were attached

1 Duke of Bedford to Lord Rockingham, July 16, 1767.
2 Bedford Papers : Letters to and from Lord Rockingham.
3 Lord Temple to Mr. Rigby ; Stowe, July 17, 1767.

576 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1767. to his person and government." x Accordingly, on the even
ing of July 20th, a meeting took place at Newcastle House,
composed of various great persons of the four parties. But
it was easier to agree upon general principles than on a distri
bution of the offices of state. Lord Rockingham, after much
animated discussion, was willing to satisfy Mr. Grenville, by
stipulating that the dependence and obedience of the colonies
should be supported and established ; but he insisted that Mr.
Conway should be secretary of state and director of the House
of Commons, — a point to which the Duke of Bedford could
not assent, though perfectly satisfied to see Lord Rockingham
at the head of the treasury, with his friend Mr. Dowdeswell
chancellor of the exchequer. As neither nobleman felt jus
tified in receding from his opinion, in a point of so much
consequence, the conferences came to an end, after a second
unsuccessful meeting. In a letter of the 23d, to Mr. Rigby,
we find Lord Albemarle lamenting that he was not in London
at this period ; for although he did not expect immediate suc
cess from the negotiation into which all at Woburn had so
heartily entered, on the great principle of removing an irre
sponsible agent from the throne, he did not expect to hear of
a total separation of those parties, the union of which must,
sooner or later, have obtained the wished-for end.
The result, therefore, was, that the ministry retained their
situations. On the death of Charles Townshend, in September,
the chancellorship of the exchequer was offered to Lord North,
but was refused by him at this time, on the ground (which he
freely stated in the closet) of his inability to cope with Mr.
Grenville on the subject of finance.2 Lord Mansfield was in
consequence deputed to see the Duke of Bedford, and for this
1 Duke of Grafton to the Marquess of Rockingham ; July 17, 1767.
. ! Mr. Rigby to the Duke of Bedford ; September 12, 1767.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 577
purpose went to Woburn Abbey the latter end of the same A.D. 1768.
month ; but although the coalition meeting had separated,
with the explicit understanding that nothing which had
passed should be considered binding upon either party, he
returned without accomplishing the object of his mission.
The Duke of Bedford's political correspondence now suf
fered a great check by his decay of eyesight, which threatened
an utter extinction of that faculty, until the operation of
couching, performed by Baron Wenser, afforded him consi
derable relief. A desire, however, to know Mr. Grenville's
sentiments on the prospects and the state of parties, led to
some farther intercourse between them in November; when
we find that gentleman admitting, that though a system might
be agreed on for destroying the existing government, the
difficulties of constructing another in its room were nearly
insuperable, amidst the general listlessness and supineness
that affected all degrees of men. Until parliament should
open, he could suggest no particular plan to act upon ; and
the nature of his answer to some inquiries as to his intended
course of action at the approaching general election, even
indicated some coolness, arising, it may naturally be con
jectured, from Lord Temple's influence over him. When
next, towards the close of December, overtures were made
to the Bedford party, the duke left his friends free to accept
them, in consequence of which Earl Gower was made pre
sident of the council ; 1 Lord Weymouth, one of the secretaries
of state;2 Lord Sandwich, joint postmaster- general;3 and
Mr. Rigby vice-treasurer of Ireland/ which he exchanged
in June for the paymastership of the forces. It is to this
detachment from the Grenville, or rather the Temple party,
that the Duke of Bedford was indebted for the furious in-
1 Dec. 23, 1767. a3 Jan. 20, 1768. * Jan. 6.
VOL. II. P P

578 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1768. vective which Junius has stamped upon his pages, and to
which posterity might perhaps have allowed the merit of a
caricature, if the stormy or malignant passion which obviously
swayed the pencil had not distorted the whole figure beyond
all chance of recognition.
In the midst of the agitation arising from the general
election in March, Mr. Wilkes returned from his exile, to
add new strength to the tempest. Lord Temple was early
disposed to avow himself his champion and patron. He said
publicly that he loved faction, and had a great deal of spare
money ;x and he held meetings at his house, whence many of
those civic patriots drew their inspiration, who afterwards,
when the frenzy for Wilkes was at the highest, distinguished
themselves in what may not unsuitably be called the Satur
nalia of freedom. Mr. Grenville, justly alarmed at his bro
ther's conversation, sent Mr. Whately, his secretary, and
Lord Suffolk to him : they attacked him at the opera, and
got him to say that he would do nothing at present, but
would make no promise for the future.2 It was not long
before he entered into all the mazes of city politics, and
gambolled in the mischief which he so studiously sought.
The fever for " Wilkes and Liberty," which seized ou and
possessed the city for so long a period, needs no illustration
here. The impolitic measures of the court deepened the
contagion. The master-agitators of those distempered times
were strenuous propagandists : they sought to inoculate other
cities and counties with the same disease of enthusiasm, and
" let slip their dogs of war" on all who manifested any favour
to the existing ministry. In this more personal system of poli
tical warfare, the Duke of Bedford was not likely to be over
looked, having contributed so much to its consolidation. After
1 2 Miss Wrotlesley to the Duke of Bedford.

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 579
a successful attempt by the civic patriots, in July 1769, to stir A.D. 1769.
up insult and outrage against him, during a journey which he
made to Exeter to receive the freedom of that city, in which
he was furiously assailed by a misguided rabble, and nar
rowly escaped with his life, — a more elaborate plan was laid
to overpower the influence of his party in the town of Bed
ford, which was prosecuted with inconceivable vehemence
and industry. Some of the most active " supporters of the
bill of rights" in London, gained over to their views the
mayor of Bedford, at the close of his year of office, and pre
vailed on him to create one hundred, some accounts say three
hundred, of their party in the city honorary freemen, who,
headed by Sheriff Sawbridge, Mr. Home,1 and Sir Robert
Barnard, entered Bedford in the dusk of the evening pre
ceding the election of new officers ; and on the day of meet
ing, which the duke attended as recorder, after carrying a
resolution that the new freemen should be admitted, and
that those who were in opposition to the duke should poll
first, succeeded by a large majority in electing their own
candidate, though not without a strong protest from three
hundred of the resident burgesses and freemen, against an
" act which violently wrested from themselves, and trans
ferred into the hands of strangers, their ancient and un
doubted right of choosing the corporation officers, by such
an arbitrary exertion of power as was without precedent or
example."2 The election past, the winning party celebrated
the triumph of their " virtue and patriotism" over what they
were pleased to term an odious and insufferable tyranny.
It was in the same year that Dr. Musgrave came forward
with those rash and unsupported accusations to which allusion
has been already made. When the cry of faction was loudest
in 1763, the private letters of the Duke of Bedford shew how
1 The celebrated Home Tooke. 2 Bedford Papers.

580 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1769. infinitely he despised its clamour; and it was, therefore, not
in the nature of charges so ridiculous, notwithstanding the
boundless credulity which numbers manifested, to disturb
the serenity and firmness of his temper with any other feeling
than amusement or contempt. In the midst of the rancorous
attacks that were at the same time directed against both his
political and private character, he manifested the same innate
cheerfulness and dignity. Once only did he allow a feeling
of impatience at this treatment to escape him, whilst making,
under Lord North's administration, a seventh application to
Lord Barrington for a company in favour of a deserving
officer who had served with reputation the whole of the last
war, and in whose success one of his most estimable friends
had warmly interested herself. " If to refuse my applica
tion," said he, " should be your decision, I would know it
explicitly of your lordship,1 that I may inform the lady that
I have entirely lost all credit at my own court, and that the
king's ministers pay no regard to my solicitations, though
ever so just and reasonable, notwithstanding the services I
may venture to assert I did my country in negotiating and
1 As the duke had repeatedly offered to make good the loss which any mili
tary man might sustain by the grant of his request, and had formerly con
ferred obligations on Lord Barrington, much against his better judgment, the
evasive and ungenerous replies which the latter returned to these applica
tions, give us a. very unfavourable opinion of his disposition. " I have the
honour," wrote Mr. Legge to the Duke of Bedford, Oct. 25, 1746, " to
agree entirely with your grace as to the merits of Lord Barrington's pre
tensions, and yet I cannot help being glad you have consented, as I think it
will contribute to your own ease and satisfaction ; for I plainly saw he was
fortified with all the precedents that have ever happened of the like partiality,
so that you would not have been able to have held out above five or six
months against the repeated schemes, pleas, and solicitations of himself and
friends; aud 1 think that difference, as it would by no means have been
sufficient to sanctify the deed at last, and would in the meanwhile have
created much trouble to you, was hardly worth considering. On the
contrary, if he forgets the obliging manner in which you have done this
favour for him, he must be all, and more, and worse than has ever been
suspected of him."

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 581
signing the last peace, though, unfortunately and unjustly, A.D. 1770.
I have incurred an odium by it which I shall never shake
off, and for which I shall be persecuted by mine enemies to
my latest day."
That day was rapidly approaching. Throughout the
whole of 1770 we find repeated indications of his increasing
debility. He was seriously indisposed during the spring ; in
May he had so far recovered as to use as much exercise as
ever ; in July he was compelled by fresh attacks to discon
tinue it, and resolved to try the Tunbridge waters ; in October
he was at Bath ; in November he interested himself with his
usual ardour in his friend Mr. Brand's success, who stood a
formidable contest in Cambridgeshire against four compe
titors ; and with great munificence concerted means for the
support of the distressed sufferers at Thorney, who were in
danger of perishing by a famine arising from floods that had
swept away the Fen embankments so suddenly, that the poor
people with their children were obliged to escape out of their
cottages, almost naked, during that cold and dreary season.
But, in December he acknowledges to Lord North, that he
was unable to write a letter of any length himself, and fears
the decrepit state of his health would not permit him to
hope for any sudden amendment. It was then his intention
to try the baths of Aix in the ensuing summer ; but the
messenger of death was already on the wing. He retained
to the last his liveliness, equanimity, and active mental habits.
His touching appeal to Lord Barrington was written on the
4th of December ; up to the 4th of January, with that love
of order which in a remarkable degree characterised him
throughout life, he made his usual diurnal entries of agricul
tural and other business done or to be done : but nature was
fast sinking under the inroads she sustained ; and on the

582 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1771. evening of the 15th of that month, the frank, the generous,
the impetuous, the long powerful, the much calumniated
John, Duke of Bedford, had ceased to breathe, — leaving
the memory of his services and virtues for his posterity to
cherish ; and the vestiges of his errors, if other than invo
luntary errors, in his honesty of purpose, he can be found to
have committed, for his opponents and his country to forgive.
His remains, after lying in state until the 21st, were
deposited with those of his ancestors, in the family vault
at Chenies. Having been an elder brother of the Trinity
House, the guns on the river at Deptford were fired during
the whole of the morning of their removal. His relict sur
vived until the 1st of July 1794, and then expired at the
advanced age of seventy-nine.
The leading features of the character of John, fourth Duke
of Bedford, may, perhaps, be gathered from the previous
pages. Few personages, during their lives, were subjected
to more indiscriminate abuse from the organs of those parties
who were at variance with him than he ; and it requires an
intimate knowledge of the private aims and position of the
leading spirits of the times, at the particular periods when
those attacks were levelled at him, to appreciate them at
their right value. Lord Chesterfield, who never forgave
him for his success in preventing his friend Dayrolles from
conducting that negotiation to which Lord Sandwich was
appointed, in a contemptuous portraiture which he has left
of him, has depreciated every endowment and magnified
every failing which he had, allowing him " no amiable
qualities," and but " rather more than a common share of
common-sense." Horace Walpole, eagerly opposed to him
as he was in politics, the whole of the time he filled any im
portant station in the government, was a much more generous

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 583
enemy; yet, from that spirit of faction which he frankly A.D. 1771
confesses that he loved, and the untiring hostility with which
he pursued all who were instrumental in the downfal of his
father, his representations of their conduct are always to be
received cum grano salis, and with much caution. But of
all who sought to undervalue his great qualities, " the bril
liant calumniator," says Mr. Lodge, " whose name is hidden
under the appellation of Junius, was the foremost. The
temper of the duke was so much above disguise, that it easily
afforded an opportunity to so dexterous a partisan as Junius,
of magnifying small faults into enormous atrocities. The
charges were not believed even in the intoxication that ac
companied the excitement during which they were at first
preferred ; and it would be idle now to attempt to rescue the
name of the Duke of Bedford from imputations wholly with
out foundation or proof." If the limits of the present work
allowed, it would not be difficult to follow out the exposition
of that writer's gross misrepresentations in other instances
than those in which it has been here effected ; but these may
safely be left, until the lifting up of the covering from the
face of this " Veiled Prophet" shall disclose the precise worth
of the oracle, and the extent to which, in the wild inconsist
ency of poor human nature, the apparently noblest aims and
desires for the public good may be combined with the bitterest
exercise of party feeling, and the meanest gratification of
personal revenge.
To say that as an active political leader the Duke of
Bedford never betrayed too great an eagerness for power,
that in pursuit of this object his measures never bordered
upon faction, or that he did not at some periods too actively
concern himself in an unconstitutional interference with the
independence of the other house of parliament, would be

584 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1771. unjustly to exalt him above every other political chieftain of
the versatile and stormy party times in which he lived. Two
great errors he committed, in the estimation of the advocates
of popular rights, — his joining the Pelham administration
without stipulations, and the abandonment of the Grenville
party to support that of the Duke of Grafton ; but though he
might shew too great a facility in both these instances, he
was guilty of no such dereliction of principle as to deserve
the charge of apostacy, with which Glover sought to brand
him : from the latter, indeed, he derived no personal ad
vantage beyond the natural pleasure of seeing the friends in
whom he was interested, and in whose views and motives he
had entire confidence, in employments suited to their wishes
and ambition. For the rest, the failings glanced at were
shared by too many of the great men of his day to render
them characteristics at all peculiar to him, however justly
they may deserve reprobation.
The main incidents of his public life, and the tenour of
his voluminous private correspondence, exhibit him as a
statesman anxious for the best interests and prosperity of his
country, firmly and closely adhering to what in his conscience
he considered right ; of unblemished honour ; and a faithful
and unflattering adviser of his sovereign. Possessing rather
a strong and solid judgment than a fine imagination, his
talents in debate, though not matured by cultivation into
first-rate excellence, were always far removed from medior
crity, and sometimes, when under the electric influence of
scorn or indignation, kindled up into a flame of fervid and
impressive eloquence. His talents as a negotiator were too
timidly and industriously restricted in their play by others
to accomplish all the distinction which they were fitted to
acquire him ; and he, perhaps, wanted much of that finesse

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 585
on which diplomatists generally pride themselves ; but, not- A.D. 1771.
withstanding every disadvantage, he, by his truly British
spirit, bore away, in this character, from the courts both of
Madrid and Fontainebleau, some solid trophies of industry
and skill, alike creditable to himself and permanently bene
ficial to his country. In temper he was warm, impressible,
undaunted ; in domestic life as tenderly beloved as he was
devotedly affectionate ; in his friendships frank and zealous ;
in his enmities equally open and decisive, but by no means
implacable. Mr. Fox, who knew him well, once said, " that
he was the most ungovernable governed man in the world ;"
by which he doubtless meant to imply, that he might be
easily guided, by the management of those whom he most
confided in and loved, but never driven by any, nor led even
by them beyond the great landmarks of his own judgment.
And the same statesman acknowledges, whilst smarting
under the memory of their recent rupture, that he indulged
no other opinion of the duke " than what might be true of
the honestest and worthiest man God ever made." In this
sentiment Lord Orford so far concurs as to say that " he
was a man of inflexible honesty and goodwill to his country :
his great economy," he adds, " was called avarice; but if it
was so, it was blended with more generosity and goodness
than that passion will commonly unite with."1 Of his secret
generosity his private papers disclose several, and some
affecting instances, to judge by the depth of the acknowledg
ments returned. Nor in our attempts to estimate his cha
racter aright, must we overlook the terms in which another
individual characterised him when the grave had closed upon
his earthly merits or frailties, and when the incense of flattery
could be of no possible avail : " His name," says Andrew
1 Memoires, vol. i. p. 162.

586 RUSSELL MEMOIRS. Chap. XXVI.
A.D. 1771. Stuart, in his ' Letters to Lord Mansfield on the Douglas
cause,' " must ever be held in high veneration, whilst there
remains in this country any attachment to real goodness, and
to an honourable, manly, generous, and exalted character.
No man held in greater detestation than he did, every thing
unfair ; there was no disguise nor deceit in his character.
You must likewise have observed, that though distinguished
by his abilities and talents, he possessed the firmness and
integrity of his mind untainted by that duplicity and timidity
which so often attend and degrade eminent abilities; pur
suing candidly and ardently what appeared to him right and
honourable, he was equally careless of vain applause, and of
unjust or factious clamour. I must be excused for indulging
my admiration of a character so seldom to be met with ; and
for paying this just tribute to the ashes of one whose death
I shall ever sincerely lament as a national loss, as well as a
real misfortune to all who had the honour and happiness of
his particular acquaintance."
Of John, fourth duke of Bedford, three portraits exist
at Woburn Abbey, one by Jervis, on his coming to the
dukedom ; a second by Gainsborough, painted in 1764,
which Sir Joshua Reynolds paid the artist the compliment
of copying for the late Earl of Upper Ossory ; and a third
by Sir Joshua himself, in his ducal robes, which has been
engraved for the splendid work of Mr. Lodge. Of Diana,
his first wife, there is also an interesting half-length, by
Whood. Of Gertrude, his second duchess, four; — one by
Hudson, holding a mask ; a second by Gavin Hamilton,
introducing her daughter to Minerva; a third in her coro
nation robes, as a companion to her husband, by Sir Joshua;
and a fourth by the same pencil, in her later years.
Of Francis, marquess of Tavistock, there are also three

K. George III. JOHN, FOURTH DUKE. 587
portraits; — the first painted at Rome in 1762, by Pompeio A.D. 1771.
Batoni ; the others by Sir Joshua, who has devoted equal
care on several portraits of the marchioness. Of these, two
in undress bespeak the sweetness of her disposition, by "the
mind, the music breathing from her face ;" and a third, in
profile, is painted as a companion to her husband. But it
is upon the fourth, a magnificent whole-length figure of her
as one of the four virgin bridemaids to the queen, attended
by a black domestic, that he has expended all the enchant
ments of his pencil. The late Sir Thomas Lawrence has
been known to have contemplated it with unmixed delight,
and to have pronounced it the chef d'auvre of his talent, or
equalled only, in his estimation, by the celebrated picture of
Mrs. Siddons. Breathing the most exquisite sentiment, it
is as though the artist had foreseen the brief happiness that
was to be the doom of his amiable friend, and had taxed
all the treasures of his fancy to perpetuate the charm, in
the spirit of that touching tribute of the Roman poet : —
" Heu pietas, heu prisca fides ! — Manibus date lilia plenis :
Purpureos spargam flores, animamque nepotis
His saltern adcumulem donis, et fungar inani
Munere ! " Virg. Mn. vi. 879.
Cut off by her pining grief in the bloom of youth and
beauty, she left three orphans to the guardianship of the
Duke of Bedford — Francis, John, and William.

588

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XXVI.

A.D. 1786.

FRANCIS, FIFTH DUKE.
At the age of six years, Francis, the eldest, succeeded to
the dukedom. Born on the 23d of July, 1765, his minority
terminated in 1786, when he took his seat in parliament as a
peer of the realm ; and by the tenour of his public conduct,
and the purest devotion to his country's interests, rivetted
upon himself its liveliest regards. But his loss is too recent,
and the transactions in which he took a part are too inti
mately connected with our own days, to find a proper com
memoration in the present pages. A sudden and melancholy
illness terminated his career on the 2d of March, 1802, un
married, at the age of 36.

JOHN, SIXTH DUKE.

By his lamented death, his next brother, Lord John,
became sixth Duke of Bedford. He was born July 6, 1766;
and on the 21st of March, 1786, married Georgiana-Elizabeth
Byng,1 the second daughter of George, fourth Viscount Tor-
1 Arms; quarterly, sable and argent; in the first a lion rampant of the
second.

K. George III.

JOHN, SIXTH DUKE.

589

rington, minister plenipotentiary to the court of Brussels. On A.D. 1817
the death of Mr. Rigby, in 1788, he was elected member of
parliament for the borough of Tavistock. In 1790 he was
again elected for the same borough; and at the dissolution
in 1796 he wa3 re-elected, and continued to sit for Tavistock
till the decease of the late duke. In 1802 he took his seat
in the House of Lords; and in March, 1806, was sworn at
Dublin Castle lord lieutenant-general, and general governor
of Ireland. In the following year, on the breaking up of
Lord Grenville's administration, he was recalled from that
station by the succeeding government. By the above lady,
who deceased October 11, 1801, he has three sons — 1, Francis;
2, George- William ; and 3, John.
1. Francis, marquess of Tavistock, was born May 13,
1788. In 1812 he was chosen a knight of the shire for the
county of Bedford, which he represented also in the four
succeeding parliaments. On the 11th of December, 1832, he
was called to the House of Peers, by the title of Baron How
land, of Streatham. He married, August 8, 1808, Lady Anna-
Maria Stanhope,1 eldest daughter of Charles, third earl of
Harrington. He has one son, William, Lord Russell, born
June 30, 1809, now member for the borough of Tavistock.
2. Lord George-William, born May 8, 1790, a colonel
in the army and aide-de-camp to the king. He began his
military career at the siege of Copenhagen in 1 807, as aide-
de-camp to Earl Ludlow, and served during nearly the whole
of the Peninsular war, on the staffs of Field -marshal the
Duke of Wellington and General Lord Lynedoch. He
sat from 1812 to 1830, in four successive parliaments, for
the town and borough of Bedford. Marrying on the 21st
of June, 1817, Elizabeth-Anne, only child of the late Hon.
1 Arms ; quarterly, ermine and gules, a crescent for difference.

STANHOPE.

590

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XXVI.

A.D. 1832. John-Theophilus Rawdon,1 his offspring are Blanche, born
April 9, died June 26, 1818 ; Francis-Charles-Hastings, born
Oct. 16, 1819 ; Arthur-John-Edward, born June 13, 1825 ;
and Odo-Leopold-William, born Feb. 20, 1829.
3. Lord John Russell was born on the 19th of August,
I 1792. In 1813 he was elected member of parliament for the
\f/ J Dorougn of Tavistock; and in 1819 for the county of Hunts,
which he continued to represent until 1826. In the following
parliament he sat for Bandon-bridge, in the county of Cork.
In 1831 he was elected knight of the shire for the county of
Devon ; and in 1832 for the southern division of the same
county, under the provisions of the Reform act. On the 14th
of December, 1830, he was appointed paymaster of the forces.
On the 23d of June, 1803, the Duke of Bedford married
for his second wife, the Lady Georgiana Gordon,2 fifth
daughter of Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon. Nine sons
and three daughters have been the result of this marriage.
1. Wriothesley, M.A., born May 11, 1804; married,
June 23, 1829, his cousin, Eliza -Laura -Henrietta, second
daughter of Lord William Russell.3
2. Edward, born April 24, 1805, entered the royal navy
January 13th, 1819.
3. Charles-James-Fox, born Feb. 10, 1807, elected knight
of the shire for the county of Bedford, December 24th, 1832.
4. Francis -John, born Oct. 23, 1808, entered the royal
navy February 7th, 1822.
5. Georgiana-Elizabeth, born June 23, 1810.
1 Arms ; argent, a fesse between three pheons sable.
2 Arms ; quarterly; 1st azure, 3 boars' heads couped or, for Gordon;
2d, or, 3 lions' heads erased gules, langued azure, as Lord of Badekoch ; 3d,
or, 3 crescents within a tressure flory counter-flory gules, for Seton; 4th,
azure, 3 cinquefoils argent, for Fraser.
3 Arms ; the same as those described for Russell, with a mullet for difference.

K. William IV.

JOHN, SIXTH DUKE.

591

HAMILTON.

6. Louisa -Jane, born July 8, 1812; married, Oct. 1832, a.d. 1832.
James, second marquess of Abercorn.1
7. A son, born and died Oct. 5, 1813.
8. Henry, born Feb. 17, 1816 ; entered the royal navy
June 25th, 1829.
9. Cosmo-George, horn July 2, 1817. 10. Alfred, born
Feb. 20, died March 10, 1819. 11. Alexander-George, born
Dec. 16, 1821 ; and 12, Rachel-Evelyn, born June 19, 1826.

COLLATERAL BRANCHES.
III. Lord William, the third and posthumous son of the
late Marquess of Tavistock, was born on the 20th of August,
1767. In 1788 he was elected member of parliament for
Surrey, and continued to represent that county till 1807,
when, on the dissolution of parliament, he lost his election.
He subsequently represented the borough of Tavistock, till
ill health obliged him to retire from parliament. On the
11th of July, 1789, he married Lady Charlotte- Anne Villiers,2
eldest daughter of George Bussey, fourth Earl of Jersey : she
died August 31, 1808, leaving issue four sons and three
daughters. 1. Gertrude- Frances, born November 24, 1791 ; married,
May 15, 1816, the Hon. Henry Grey Bennet,3 brother to the
present Earl of Tankerville. Her progeny are : 1. Charlotte-
Emma -Georgiana, born Jan. 24, 1818. 2. Henry-Charles,
died June 10, 1824. 3. Caroline, died December 31, 1823.
4. Gertrude-Frances, born June 8, 1822.
1 Arms; quarterly, 1st and 4th gules, 3 cinquefoils, pierced, ermine, for
Hamilton ; 2d and 3d argent, a ship with her sails furled up, sable, for
Arran. 2Arms; argent, on a cross gules, 5 escallop shells or, a
mullet for difference.
3 Arms ; gules, a bezant between 3 demi-lions rampant, argent.

ft

592

RUSSELL MEMOIRS.

Chap. XXVI.

A.D. 1833,

COUSSMAKER.

CAMPBELL.

2. Francis, lieutenant-colonel of the Coldstream Guards,
M.P. for Tavistock, born March 7, 1793, died November 24th,
1832 ; interred in St. George's chapel, Hanover Square.
3. George, born April 7, 1795, died September 15, 1825.
4. John, born July 10, 1796; married, on the 21st of
August, 1822, Sophia, daughter of the late Colonel George-
Kein-Hayward Coussmaker,1 by the Hon. Catharine South
well, daughter of Lord De Clifford : and the barony of De
Clifford falling into abeyance by the death of Edward, twenty-
first and last baron of that ancient title, on the 30th of
September, 1832 — it was determined in favour of her, the
above Sophia, as the only surviving issue of his eldest sister.
Her children are : 1. Edward-Southwell, born April 30, 1824.
2. John, born July 30, 1825. 3. Katharine -Sarah -Geor
giana, born Dec. 19, 1826. 4. Mary, born May 3, 1830,
and 5. Caroline, born July 15, 1831.
5. Charlotte-Frances, born 1798 ; died Feb. 1.9, 1799.
6. William, born July 15, 1800, barrister-at-law; married,
May 17, 1828, Emma, daughter of the late Colonel John
Campbell,2 by Lady Charlotte Campbell, daughter of the
Duke of Argyll. Their offspring are, Emmeline, born May 6,
1829, and George, born September 21, 1830. A third infant,
named William- Charles -Ormelie, was also born to them,
October 8, 1832, but died on the 2d of April, 1833.
7. Eliza-Laura-Henrietta, born Jan. 22, 1803 ; married,
June 23, 1829, her cousin, Wriothesley Russell, rector of
Chenies, Bucks, and of Streatham, Surrey.

1 Arms ; azure, on a chevron between three mullets or, three trefoils
slipt vert.
2 Arms ; girony of eight, or and sable, within a bordure of the first,
charged with eight crescents of the second.

ADDENDA.
VOL. I.
Page 9. — The ancient arms of Normandy were, Gules, a bend
compony counter-compony, argent and azure.
Page 10.— Those of Turstain, a bend compony counter-com
pony, or and azure : Blois and Chartres, Azure, a bend argent
coticed potence contre-potence, or: Hugh Lupus, Azure, a wolf's
head erased, proper.
Page 12. — The arms of Barbe de Montfort were, Gules,
a saltire or.
Page 14. — The later arms of Normandy, Gules, two leopard's
or lion's heads passant gardant or.
Page 96. — Arms of Pomeroy, Or, a lion rampant gules, within
a bordure engrailed sable.
Page 368. — The name of the dauntless mayor who defended
Exeter in this servile siege, was John Tuckfield.
VOL. II.
Page 120. — Since this part of the work was printed, the Rev.
Leland Noel has done me the favour to examine the parish register
of Exton in Rutland, and has found an entry indicating the
interment there of Lucy, Countess of Bedford, in the year 1627 ;
but the date of the month was illegible.

CORRIGENDA.

VOLUME I.

Pages 27 and 34, /or " scarcely ... than," &c. read, "scarcely ...ere."
Page 32, for " Anslan," read, " Arslan."
Page 112, for the arms of Oglander, read, Azure, a stork argent, between 3
crosslets fitche6 or.
Page 120, for the arms of Miibdac, read, Gules, 3 bendlets argent.
Page 151, for the arms of Dennys, read, Gules, 3 leopards' heads or, jessant
fleurs-de-lys azure ; over all a bend engrailed of the third.
Page 159, for those of Muschamp, read, Barry of 8 or and gules, a crescent
for difference. Page 390. The engraved portrait of the first Earl of Bedford represents him
not at the time of the battle of Pavia, but in 1535. The mistake originated from
the Houbraken engraving of it, in the ornaments of which there is a miniature
sketch significant of that memorable conflict.
VOLUME II.
Page 93. The portrait of Elizabeth, baroness Thornhaugh, is not a whole
length, but a half-length picture.
Page 171. The " Memoirs of a Cavalier" are not, as they profess to be, tlie
authentic memoirs of Sir Andrew Newport; they were written by Defoe: the
account, however, which that work contains, of the undisciplined state, &c. of
Charles's forces on this expedition, is in perfect keeping with the point of fact.
Page 222, for the arms of Williams, read, Gales, a chevron argent between
3 Saxons' heads proper.
Page 223,/or the arms of Wright, read, "three bull's beads argent, attired or.
vol. ii. Q Q

INDEX TO THE SECOND VOLUME.

Abbot, Archbishop, 105.
Abercorn, Louisa-Jane, marchioness of,
591.
 James, second marquess of, 591.
Adolphus, Mr. 520 n.
Aiguillon, Due de, 519.
Albani, 535.
Albemarle, Earl of,- 382, 547, 573-6.
 Lady, 546.
Aldwortb, Mr. 393.
Alexander, Henry, 71.
Allington, William, Baron, 224.
Ambrose, Isaac, 290.
Andrews, Dr. 569.
Anson, Admiral, 353-4-5-9, 390.
Anstruther, Colonel, 446.
Anne, Princess, 309, 310, 323 n; Queen,
325-7.
Archer, Thomas, Lord, 161 n.
Argyll, Duke of, 268, 341-2, 398-9, 592.
Arlington, Earl of, 230-3.
Armagh, Archbishop of, Primate of Ire
land, 428-9, 434-6, 443-4, 455.
Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 264-5.
Arriaga, M. 493.
Arundel, Earl of, 118.
Ashburnham, 201.
Audley, 26.
Augusta, Princess, 544 n.
Ayres, Sir John, 85.
Bacon, Sir Anthony, 32-3-5, 55, 62.
 Sir Francis, 109, 119.
 Lord, 327.
Bagnal, Sir Henry, 20-2-8, 41 -7.
Balfour, Sir William, 203.
Barbantane, La Marquise de, 545.
Barbara, Queen of Spain, 363, 376-7-
Barillon, 241-2-4, 262.
Barker, Dr. Samuel, 225.
Barnard, Sir Robert, 579
Barrocio, 539, 540-4.
Barrington, Lord, 580-1.
Bateman, Lord, 566.
Batoni, Pompeio, 587-
Bartolozzi, 63.
Baskerville, Captain, 29.
Bates, Dr. 250, 283.
Bath, William, earl of, 73.
 ¦ Edward, earl of, 154-6-7-
 Elizabeth, countess of, 69, 71-2-5.
 Lord, 466 n.
Bathurst, Mr. 378.

Bavaria, Elector of, 384.
Baxter, 280-8.
Beauclerck, Topham, 535, 543, 545.
Beaumont, Madame, 74.
Bedford, Anne Carr, countess of, 286,
298, 334.
 Anne Egerton, duchess of, 334-5.
 Catharine, countess of, 158, 193-5.
 Edward, third earl, 1, 15, 65-9,
73-5, 89, 119 n, 120-2.
 Elizabeth, duchess of, 306, 329,
330.
 Francis, second earl, 71.
 Francis, fourth earl, 124-7,130-4-
5-7, 142-3-5-8, 150-2- 3, 154-5-9, 161-
2-9, 170-5-6-7, 178-9, 180-1-5-7-8,
190-2-3-4 m-5-6.
 Gertrude, duchess of, 395, 441,
468, 471, 513, 554 n, 567-8 n, 574,
586.
Bedford, John, fourth duke, 338, 340,
341-2-3-4-5-8-9, 353-4-5-6-7-8-9,
360-1-2-4-5-6-8-9, 370-1-2-4-7-9,
380-1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8-9, 390-1-2-3-
394-5-6-7-8-9, 400-l-5»-6 re-7-8-9,
410-1-2-3-4-6,417-8-9,420,422-3-4- 8, 430-1-2-4-6-8, 441-2, 444-5, 450-
1.2-3-4-5-6-8-9, 460-1-2-4-6 «-8,
472-3 n- 4-5-6-7 n, 478, 480-7-8-9,
496-7-8-9, 500, 501-3-4-5-6-8-9, 510-
1-2-5-9, 520-2-3», 524-5re. 546-9,
551-2-3-4, 557-8-9, 562-3-4-6-7-8-9,
570-1-2-4-5-6-7-8-9, 580 n ; death,
582 ; character, 582-3-4-5-6.
 Francis, fifth duke, 588.
 John, sixth Duke, 202 n, 213 n,
588-9, 590.
 Lucy, countess of, 66-7-9, 70-1-4-
5-6-7-9,83-5,101-2-3-5-6-7-8-9, 110-1-2-4-7, 120-1-2-3.
 William, fifth earl, 196-7-8-9,
200-1-2-3-4-5-7-8-9, 210, 226, 236,
251-6, 274, 282-6-7-8, 291-2-4-8.
First duke, 296 ; death, 297 ; cha
racter, 298 ; 304.
 Wriothesley, second duke, 223,
305-6, 327-8, 330.
 Wriothesley, third duke, 330-1-
2-3-4-5.
Bellino, Gian, 541.
Bennet, Hon. Henry Grey, 591.
Bentivoglio, Cardinal, 83.
Berkeley, Sir John, 201.

596

INDEX.

Bernege, Mr. 330-3.
Berry, Miss, 291.
Bessborough, Earl of, 427.
Bingham, Sir Richard, 20, 31-5, 41.
Blechington, Mr. 156.
Blount, Lady, 69; Sir Christopher, 15.
Bolingbroke, Lord, 236, 340.
Bologna, John de, 535.
Booth, Mr. 255.
Boscawen, Mr. 355 ; Admiral, 403, 467,
452.
Boufflers, Comtesse de, 545, 574.
Boulter, Primate, 425.
Bourchier, Lady Frances, 69, 72-3.
 Henry, earl of Bath, 154-5-6-8.
Bourkes, 35.
Bone, Henry, Esq. 337-
Borough, Lord, 50-2-3.
Boyle, Mr. 425-6.
Brand, Mr. 581.
Bridgewater, Scroop, duke of, 329, 330.
Bristol, Earl of, 128, 185, 474, 527-8-9,
531 »-2 ; Countess of, 226 n.
Bronzino, 536.
Brooke, Sir Robert, 139.
 Sir William, 160.
 Lord, 148, 169, 171-5, 183, 201,
203; Lady, 191, 225.
Bruce, Edward, 16.
Brusasorci, 541.
Brunswick, Hereditary Prince of, 544».
Brydges, Ladv Catharine, 14, 124.
 Lady Elizabeth, 68-9.
 Giles, third Lord Chandos, 124,
195.
 Miss, 57.
Buchanan, 280.
Buckingham, Duke of, 106, 118, 123-8,
134-6-8, 140, 229, 233-4-5, 244.
Bunbury, Mr. 544.
Burgess, Mr. 119; Dr. 192, 223.
Burleigh, Lord, 37, 55.
Burlington, Earl of, 236.
Burnet, Dr. 232, 256, 266-7, 274-7-8,
280, 293, 300-1, 324-5.
 Justice, 406ra.
Bute, Earl of, 466-8, 472-3-4-5-6-7 8-
9, 480-1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8, 497-8, 501-
5-6-7,512-3-4-5-9, 520, 521-2-3-4-
5-6-7-8-9, 530, 552-3, 554-5-6-8-9,
560-l-2-3n-4-5-8re, 572, 575.
Bute, Lady, 554 n.
Butlers, 44.
Byng, Admiral, 422-3.
 Lady Georgiana-Elizabeth, 588.
Byrnes, 21.
Cademan, Dr. 190-1.
Caernarvon, Lord, 466 n.
Caesar, Sir Julius, 143-4.
Calabrese, Marco, 539.
Calcraft, Mr. 527-
Camden, 17, 30.
Camillas, 198.

Campbell, Lord Frederick, 562.
 Emma, 592.
 Colonel John, 592.
 Lady Charlotte, 592.
Capel, Lord, 247-9.
Capucino, 534.
Caracci, 535 ; Annibale, 540-4-9 n.
 Augustino, 544.
 Ludovico, 548.
Caravaggio, 538.
Carbery, Richard, second lord, 214-6.
Carew, 26.
Carey, Miss, 58, 72 ; Mrs. Mary, 69.
 Sir Robert, 67.
Carlos, Don, 31.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, 106.
Carlisle, Earl of, 208, 220 n.
Carr, Lady Anne, 51-2-3-4.
 Sir Robert, 79, 85-6-7-8, 96, 115-6.
 Earl of Somerset, 104-5-6.
Carstairs, 281.
Carter, Rear-Admiral, 311-3.
 Mr. 426.
Carteret, Lord, 340-2-4-7 ; Earl Gran
ville, 348.
Carvajal, 363-6-8-9 ; 370-1-2-3-7-
Castelvetri, Sig. 119, 142-3-4.
Cavedone, 535.
Cavendish, Lord, 235, 248-9, 255, 266,
270.
Cecil, Lady, 67 ; Lady Elizabeth, 151.
 Sir Robert, 41 n, 56, 60-1-8, 70.
Cerano, 542.
Cesare, Giulio, 534.
Chaloner, Dr. 71.
Chamberlain, Mr. 106.
Chandos, Giles, Lord, 14, 124, 195.
Charles, Prince, 101, 1 12, 128.
 I. King, 133-6, 141-4, 146, 163-4-
7-9, 171-2-3, 174-6, 180-3-4-7, 198-
9,201-5-6-7-9,210,225-7-
 II. King, 213, 227-8-9, 230-5-7-
8-9, 241-2-3-7-8-9, 255-6-7, 272-5-
6, 281.
 II. King of Spain, 362, 372.
 Edward, 345-7, 353.
Charlotte, Queen, 532.
Chatham, Earl of, 571-4.
Cheeke, Thomas, Esq. 161 n, 223.
 Lady Anne, 161 re.
Chesterfield, Lord, 348, 356-8-9, 360,
380-6, 515, 582.
Chichester,Miss, 1 08; Frances, Lady,103.
Child, Sir Josiah, 301.
Choiseul, Comte de, 487-8, 494-9, 500-
2-4-5.
 Due de, 487-9, 490-1-2-3-5-6, 502-
9, 510-1-9, 568.
 Duchesse de, 441, 568.
Christina, Queen of Sweden, 212.
Churchill, Lady Anne, 338.
 Lady Elizabeth, 330.
Cignaroli, 541.
Clare, Earl of, 143-5, 205.

INDEX.

597

Clanbrassll, Earl of, 455.
Clan-Shies, 44.
Clarendon, 169, 170-1, 185.
Claustermans, 330.
Cleveland, Earl of, 209.
Clifford, Lady Anne, 8,68, 73, 95-7, 161 ;
Countess of Dorset, 98.
 Lord,230-l-2; Lord Francis, 7, 13.
 Lord Robert, 7-
 Sir Conyers, 41.
Clinton, Edward, earl of Lincoln, 125.
 Lady Frances, 124.
Cobham, Lord, 57-8, 340-8, 389.
Cocchi, 535.
Cochin, M. 532.
Coke, Sir Edward, 135-7-8, 140.
Coleman, 251.
Con, 35.
Conflans, M. de, 460.
Coningsby, Sir Richard, 153.
Constantine, Emperor, 165-6.
Conti, Prince de, 545, 568.
Conway, Mr. 417, 576 ; General, 550.
Cooper, 337 ; R- C. 123.
Cope, Sir John, 347.
Cormac, 20.
Cornwallis, Sir William, 75.
 Governor, 383-4.
Corregio, 535-9.
Cosby, Captain, 26-43.
Cortona, Pietro da, 536.
Cottington, Lord, 177, 184.
Cotton, Sir J. Hynde, 348, 378.
 Sir Robert, 119, 125, 135, 145-6-7-
 Sir Thomas, 147-
Coussmaker, Col. G. K. H. 592.
 Sophia, 592.
Coventry, Sir John, 230.
 Lord Keeper, 146; Secretary, 248.
 Countess of, 415.
Coxe, Mr. 282 ; Archdeacon, 362.
 Sir Richard, 426, 439, 440.
Cragg, Dr. 191.
Crespin, Mr. 537.
Cromwell, Lord, 65.
Cuffe, 56.
Cumberland, Francis, earl of, 95.
.  George, earl of, 5, 9, 10-2, 58, 65,
71-2, 93-4.
 Margaret, Countess of, 6-8-9, 54,
60-8, 72-5, 93-5-6-8-9, 100.
.  Duke of, 381-5-6-8, 391-8-9, 407,
422, 483-4, 504, 514-5, 556-9, 560-
1-2, 566-9.
Dalrymple, 240-4, 262, 311, 314, 322re.
D'Aguillon, Due, 452.
Danby, Earl of, 232-4-5-7, 240, 246,
292, 309, 320.
Dangerfield, 251.
Daniel, Samuel, 68, 75, 96-8, 109, 121.
Darcy, Miss, 58.
Darley, 175.
Dartmouth, Lord, 276, 293-4.

Dashwood, Sir Francis, 477-
Davison, 78.
D'Aufine, Prince, 2.
Dayrolles, Mr. 360, 582.
De Burghos, 21.
De Clifford, Lord, 592.
 Edward, twenty-first Baron, 592.
 Sophia, Baroness, 592.
Dekkar, 75.
Delamere, Lord, 291.
Denham, John, 97.
Denmark, Anne of, 67-8, 76, 83-4, 95,
102-6-8.
Derby, Countess of, 70, 115-6.
 Earl of, 15, 115.
Desmond, Earl of, 18.
Dethick, Sir William, 61.
De Tourville, 308, 315.
D'Etaing, Comte, 478.
Devonshire, earl of, 236, 291-2-6.
 William, Duke of, 296, 308.
 Duke of, 414-5-6, 417-8-9, 420-7,
466 n, 473-5, 484, 526 re, 565.
D'Ewes, Sir Simon, 147.
Dickinson, Mr. 144.
Digby, George, Lord, 128-9, 154-5-9,
200, 296.
Digges, Sir Dudley, 136.
Doddridge, Dr. 223.
Dodington, 348.
Domenichino, 535-7-9, 543.
Donne, Dr. 104-9, 110-1-2, 121.
Dorset, second Earl of, 97.
 Richard, third Earl of, 100, 147.
 Duke of, 386, 392, 426-7.
Dowdeswel), Mr. 576.
Downshire, Marquess of, 160.
Drake, Sir Francis, 5.
Drayton, Michael, 75, 120.
Drummond, Lady, 75.
Dudley, Sir Robert, 142.
Duke, Sir Henry, 31.
Dumfernline, 167-
Dumesnil, Madlle. 567-
Dungannon, Matthew, baron of, 18.
Dursley, 288.
Dyckvelt, M. 291-2.
Dysart, Lady, 546 re.
Earl, Sir Walter, 201.
Edmonds, Sir Thomas, 100.
Egerton, Lady Anne, 330.
Egmont, Lord, 378, 413, 528, 530.
Egremont, Lord, 475, 482 9, 496-7-8,
511-2-3-9, 520-3 re-4-5re-6-7-
Elizabeth, Princess, 67, 70-1-3-9, 80-1,
101 ; Queen of Bohemia, 112-5-6.
 Queen of England, 2, 3, 4, 13, 18,
21-2re, 33-8-9, 41-3-5, 52-3-4, 65-6-
7-8-9, 70-2-4, 84, 195.
Elliott, Sir John, 125, 135-6, 140-1-8.
 Captain, 461.
Elmers, Mr. 69.
Emilv, Princess, 381-5-6-8.

598

INDEX.

Ensefiada, M. 363-6-7-8-9, 371-3-7.
Essex, Robert, Earl of, 35-6-7, 44-6, 50-
6, 64-5-6 re, 78, 107-
 Earl of, 169, 175, 180-5, 187, 190,
201-2-3-4-5-6-8.
 Earl of, 247-9, 253, 264-7, 271 ;
William, Earl of, 330-2.
 Lieutenant, 201.
Fairfax, 64 re ,• Lady, 93 n.
Faisse, M. de la, 211.
Fane, Lord, 409.
Farinato Paolo, 541.
Farinelli, Sig. 363-4.
Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, 32-7, 48.
Fenwick, Sir John, 322-3.
Ferdinand, Prince, 444, 461.
 King of Spain, 363, 371-5-6-7.
Ferguson, 264.
Fermor, Sir Hatton, 70.
Ferri, Ciro, 536.
Fielding, Lady, 106.
Finch, Lady, 68.
 Lord Keeper, 173.
Fitton, Bliss, 58.
Fitzharris, 258.
Fitzjames, Count, 353.
Fitzwarren, Edward, Lord, 69.
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, 14, 21, 34.
 Dr. 287.
Fletcher of Saltoun, 268.
Forbes, Lord, 448 ; Sir James, 297.
Fortescue, Hon. Mr. 464.
Foulis, Sir David, 146.
Fox, Commodore, 355.
.  George, 229 re.
 Henry, 359, 388-9, 394, 401-3-4-
6-7-9, 411-4-5-6, 417-9, 420-2-3,
485, 503-7, 513re-5, 522re-5re, 526-
7 ; Lord Holland, 528, 585.
 C. James, 281.
France, King of, 168, 174.
Frederick, Palsgrave, 102-8.
Freeman, Dr. 297.
Fuller, 68, 103.
Furnese, Mr. 344.
Gainsborough, Lady, 221, 288.
 the painter, 586.
Galway, Earl of, 328-9.
Gardiner, Sir Robert, 49.
Garofali, Benvenuto, 540.
Geoffrin, Mad. 545, 568.
George, Prince, 391.
 I. King, 325, 335.
 II. King, 323 re, 385-7-9, 390-3-4-
7-9, 402, 411-2-3-5, 420-4, 442, 464,
555
 III. 465, 474, 481-2-3-5-6, 498,
504, 511 re-2-3, 522 re, 528, 552-3-6,
560-1-2-4.
Geraldines, 43.
Gerard, Sir Gilbert, 238.
Giovanni, Gio, 536.

Glover, Mr. 584.
Godolphin, Lord, 309, 311, 322.
Goodyer, Sir Henry, 15.
Gordon, Lady Georgiana, 590.
 Alexander, fourth duke of, 590.
Gower, Lady Gertrude Levison, 339.
 John, earl, 339, 348, 358 n. 392,
406-7-8, 411,419, 503, 523 re, 526,
572-7.
Grafton, Duke of, 407, 514, 526 re, 575,
584.
Graham, Captain, 250 n.
Grainger, 120-2.
Grammont, 160.
 Duchesse de, 491.
Granby, Lord, 523 re, 561-2.
Granville, Earl of, 348, 386-8, 412-6.
424.
Griffin, Sir Thomas, 68, 70.
Grimaldi, Marquis, 487-8-9, 490, 491-
3-5-6, 500-2-7.
Grenville, Captain, 355.
 Lord, 589.
 George, 423, 477, 482, 498, 503,
511, 522 re, 525-9,550-4-9,560-1-6-
571-4-6-7-8.
Greville, Sir Fulke, 81.
 Robert, Lord Brooke, 127.
Grey, Ford, Lord, 261-4.
 of Wark, William, Lord, 160.
 Catharine, Lady, 160.
Grove, Elizabeth, 223 ; Tryphcena, 223.
Guarini, HO.
Guerchy, 545 ; M. de, 547 ; Mad. 547.
Guercino, 535-8, 540.
Guido, 535-8, 543.
Gwynn, Mr. 466 re.
Haddington, Lord, 106.
Halifax, Lord, 236, 249 re, 253-4-6; Mar
quess, 292, 309 ; Earl of, 360, 390,
393-6, 413, 464, 484, 503, 566.
Hallam, Mr. 321.
Hamilton, La Belle, 160.
 Duchess of, 415.
 Marquess of, 108, 167, 186.
 Gavin, 537, 548, 586.
 544.
Hammond, Dr. 209, 213re-4re.
Hampden, 135, 141, 169, 185, 248.
 Lord, 267-9, 281, 296.
Handel, 333.
Harbord, Sir Charles, 161 n.
 Captain William, 161 re.
 Harcourt, Lord, 400.
Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, 385-6, 399,
419, 475, 484, 514-8, 523re-6re.
 Earl of, 416.
Harrington, Sir Henry, 27.
 William, 118.
 Sir John, of Bath, 63-4-7, 77, 80,
85.
 Sir John, ofExton, 63-8; Lord,
73-9, 102-3-4.

INDEX.

599

Harrington, Lady, 67, 70-3, 101-2-3-8.
 John, Lord, jun. 64, 82re, 103.
 Lucy, 63.
 Earl of, 348, 358-9, 416, 589.
Harsnet, Dr. Samuel, 144.
Hastings, Lady, 67.
Harrington, Lord, 392, 427.
Hatfield, Charles, 536.
Hatton, Lady, 67.
Hawke, Sir Edward, 450, 460 ; Rear-
Admiral, 355, 403.
Hay, James, 130; Lord, 106-7, 208;
 Viscount Doncaster, 107-
 Lady Anne, 75.
Hayter, George 271.
Heath, Attorney-General, 146.
Henry, Prince, 70-1, 82-9.
 V. King, 470 re.
 VI. King, 63.
 VIII. King, 63.
Herbert, Lord, of Caerdiff, 58.
— — of Cherbury, 84-5.
 Admiral, 292.
Hertford, Earl of, 177-8-9, 180-5-9,201-
2-7, 545-6.
Hefvey, Lord, 333.
Hesse-Cassel, Prince of, 444.
Hetherington, Mr. 330-3.
Hickley, Mr. 69.
Hicks, Mr. 300-2.
Hill, Sir Moses, 160 ; Penelope, 160.
Hilliard, Nicholas, 123.
Hillyard Samuel, 213 re.
Hoadley, Primate, 425.
Hocknell, Mr. 60.
Holbein, 62-3.
Holderness, Lord, 394, 467.
HoUis, 141; Mr. 201; Denzil, 185;
Lord, 244.
Holland, 104.
 Earl of, 169, 205.
 Lord, 528-9, 554, 561.
Honthorst, Gerard, 122.
Hopton, Sir Ralph, 201-2.
Home, Rev. Mr. 579.
Houbraken, 195.
Houghton, Sir Henry, 224.
Howard, Lord Henry, 55.
 Thomas, 2.
 of Escrick, 267-8-9, 272.
 Lady Frances, 78.
Howe, John, 222.
 Lord, 358.
Howth, Lord of, 15.
Howland, Mrs. 301 ; Elizabeth, 301 ;
Baron, 589.
Hudson, 586.
Hume, Sir Patrick, 281.
 David, 545, 574.
Hutchinson, Hely, 452.
Hyde, Mr. 175, 187-9, 190 ; Chancellor,
207, 226.
Hay, Earl of, 341.

James, Richard, 142-5.
James I. King, 60-8, 76-7, 95, 102-5,
114, 124-5, 130-1-2-4, 149.
 II. King, 291-2-4-5, 309, 310-1-2,
313-4-6-8, 320-2 re-3.
Jansen, Cornelius, 123, 195.
Jarvis, 330, 586.
Jeffries, Serjeant, 272, 336.
Jenkins, Secretary, 268.
Jenkinson, Mr. 572 n.
Jennings, Colonel, 461.
Jerviswood, Baillie of, 268, 281.
Jersey, William, third eari of, 335.
 George Bussey, fourth earl of, 591.
 Anne, countess of, 335.
Jocelyn, Chancellor, 427-
Johnson, Mr. 262, 280.
Jones, Sir William, 258.
Jonson, Ben, 64, 70-5-6-8, 83, 109, 110,
121.
Johnstone, Lord, 181.
Joseph, Archduke, 394.
Junius, 577, 583.
Juxon, Bishop, 184.
Keeling, 268.
Keene, Mr. 362-4-5-6-9, 370-1-2-4-6-7.
Kenford, 138.
Kent, Earl of, 69.
Keppel, Lord, 358 ; Mrs. 546 re.
 Lady Elizabeth, 546.
 Lady Caroline, 573.
Kevin, Saint, 251.
Kildare, Earl of, 21-7, 426-7-9 ; 435-6-
7-8, 440-2 ; Marquess of, 464.
 Lady, 70.
Kimbolton, Lord, 185, 199, 225.
Kingston, Evelyn, duke of, 339.
Kneller, 298-9, 330.
Knight, Dr. Samuel, 161 re.
Knightley, Sir Richard, 15, 70.
 Lady Elizabeth, 70.
Knowles, Rear-Admiral, 355.
Knox, 166.
La Jonquiere, Admiral, 354.
Lake, Sir Thomas, 105.
Lamb, Dr. 553.
Lambert, Sir Oliver, 53.
Laud, Archbishop, 166-9, 170, 183, 193.
Lauderdale, Duke of, 233-5, 250.
Lawrence, Sir Thomas, 549 re.
Lea, Captain, 43, 51.
Le Brun, 533.
Le Despencer, Lord, 572 re.
Lefevre, Claude, 213 re, 298.
Legge, Henry Bilson, 344-9, 392, 402-
3,404, 410-3-5-6, 417, 424, 523 re,
580 re.
 Commodore, 355.
Leicester, Robert, Earl of, 2, 3.
Leinigh, Turlogh, 18-9.
Lely, Sir Peter, 227, 299.
Lennox, Duke of, 71-5, 106, 153.

600

INDEX.

Lestock, Admiral, 349.
Levison, Mr. 393; John, Esq. 130.
 Rachel, 130.
Lewis XIV. 228, 234-7-9, 240-1-2, 243,
259, 262-371, 470 re.
Lincoln, Earl of, 132.
 Lord, 392.
Lisle, Lady, 279.
Littleton, 135.
Lloyd, Richard, Esq. 222.
 Mr. 311-2-7-9,320.
Lochiel, 397.
Locker, Mr. 321 n.
Lodge, Mr. 193-4 71, 121, 298, 583-6.
Lombard, 298.
London, Bishop of, 145, 292.
Longford, Lord, 438.
Lorraine, Claude, 544.
Loudon, Lord, 167, 174-5, 181, 281.
Louis XV. 487, 491, 507, 512-9, 520.
Lovat, Lord, 398-9.
Lovett, Sir Robert, 154-5-6-7.
 Anne, 154 ; Countess of Bath,
154-6-7-8 ; Ladv, 156-8.
Ludlow, Earl, 589. '
Lunsford, Colonel, 201.
Lynedoch, Lord, 589.
Lyttleton, Sir George, 329, 340-8, 402.
 Sir Richard, 329.
Macauley, Glasney, 36.
M'Coghlan, 39.
MacFeogh, Tirlogh, 31.
Macgennis, Sir Hugh, 36.
 Arthur, 36.
Macguaran, 20-8.
Macguires, 19, 20-2-8.
Mac Hugh, Pheagh, 20-3-4-6-7, 31-5,
43-5-8, 50-1-2 re.
 Rhyse, 27.
Mackenzie, Stuart, 561.
Mac Mahon, 28, 34-5.
Macpherson, 322 re.
Mac William, 21.
Malmsbury, William of, 148.
Malone, Mr. 426-9, 435-6.
Malte Ethelred, 63.
Manchester, Earl of, 203-4, 214, 225-6.
Mandeville, Lord, 175, 181-2.
Marvel, 236-7.
Mansfield, Earl of, 480-2-4, 513-5-9,
576-7, 586.
Marcellus, 122.
Maria Theresa, empress, 363.
Markham, Isabella, 63.
Marlborough, Duke of, 310-1, 320-1-2,
330-9, 409, 413-4-5.
 Sarah, duchess of, 333.
 George, third duke, 481, 559, 540,
564-6.
 Caroline, duchess of, 546.
Marr, Earl of, 71-5.
Mary, Princess, 238 ; Queen, 147-
Matthews, Admiral, 349.

Matthias, Mr. 1 15.
Maurice, Prince, 4.
May, 109.
Mayerne, Sir Theodore, 1 16-7.
Mead, Joseph, 131-8.
Medley, Rear-Admiral, 350.
Melcombe, Lord, 475.
Mello, M. de, 510-1.
Melville, Lord, 281.
Meverell, Mr. 72.
Michele, San, 548.
Milbourne, 51,
Milton, 280.
Molyneux, Sir Richard, 15.
Monk, General, 213 n, 317.
Monmouth, Duke of, 256, 261-4-7-9,
270-2-5, 291.
Monson, 360.
Montagu, 246, 256, 263.
 Lady Betty, 546.
Moore, 126.
Mornington, Earl of, 464, 570.
Moseley, Sir Edward, 160.
Mostyn, Sir Pierce, 15.
Mountjoy, Lord, 53.
Murray, George, 72; Mr. 380, 401-2,
412.
Musgrave, Dr. 520, 579.
Needham, Lady, 70.
Neville, Mr. 502, 511-8.
Newcastle, Duke of, 341-4, 358-9, 360,
377-9, 380-1-2-4-5-6-7-8-9, 390-2-3
4-6-9, 401-2-3-4.8-9, 411-2-3-6, 419,
421-4, 449, 466 re, 470re-2re, 475-6-
7», 483-4, 514-8, 522re-3?i-6re, 559,
575.
Newton, Lady, 68.
Newtoun, Lord, 442.
Newport, Sir Richard, 130.
 Francis, 130, 208.
 Diana, iady, 225.
Nidd, Mr. 210.
Nivernois, Due de, 481-3-8, 496-9, 500-
2-3-5, 514-6 re, 520-4 re.
Noel, Lady Elizabeth, 217.
Norris, Lord, 152.
Norris, Sir John, 30-1-2-3-5-7-8-9, 41-
27i-3ra-5-8-9, 53.
North, Lord, 576, 581.
 and Grey, Lord, 160.
Northampton, Lord, 101 ; Lady, 288.
Northington, Earl of, 554, 565, 574.
Northumberland, Countess of, 71, 106-7-
 Earl of, 544.
Norwich, Bishop of, 400.
Nottingham, Earl of, 292.
O'Connor, Dr. 458.
Octavia, 122.
O'Donnels, 19, 20-1-2, 31-4-5.
O'Hanlon, 31.
O'Maden, Cloghen, 39.
O'Moores, 43-4.

INDEX.

601

O'Neale, Shane, 18-9, 39; Con, 18.
Onslow, Miss, 58.
Orange, Prince of, 238, 261, 291-2.
 Princess of, 291.
O'Reily, Philip, 36.
O'Rourke, 19; Bryan, 36.
Orkney, Master of, 72.
Orford, Horace Walpole, earl of, 379,
394,395-7-9, 410, 441 n-9, 451, 460re,
585.
Ormond, Earl of, 23 ; Duke of 33-4,
573.
Osborn, Mrs. 422.
O'Tuathal, 21, 34.
Owen, 280 ; Sir William, 466 re.
Oxford, Earl of, 132, 506.
Ossory, Earl of, 233, 573.
Palladio, 541-8.
Palmer, Robert, 557 ; John, 213 re.
Paolucci, 545.
Parma, Prince of, 5 ; Infant of, 567-
Parmegiano, 535.
Pass, Simon, 123.
Patch, 535.
Paulett, Lord, 387 ; Sir Amyas, 77-
Paulino, 535.
Pecquigny, Due de, 545.
Pelham, Mr. 358?J, 382-4-5-7-8-9, 390-
1.3-4-7-9, 401.
Pellegrini, Pelegrino, 542.
Pemberton, Chief-Justice, 272.
Pembroke, Philip, earl of, 161-2.
 William, earl of, 107-
 Earl of, 71, 105, 308, 325.
 Countess of, 59, 162, 220, 548».
 Anne, countess of, 7, 8.
Pendleton, Mary, 224.
 Michael, 224.
Pennant, 100?i, 121-2-3.
Pepperel, Captain, 350-2.
Pennington, 204.
Perrot, Sir John, 34.
Perugino, Pietro, 540.
Pery, Edmond, 435, 442.
Percy, Lady Lucy, 106.
Perth, Earl of, 397-
Philip, Don, 361.
Philip V. of Spain, 361-3.
Phillips, 135; Sir John, 466 n.
Piazzella, 541.
Pierrepont, Lady Evelyn, 339.
Pillori, Abbate, 536.
Pinto, M. de, 509, 510 n.
Pitt, William, 340-8, 378, 380-9, 401-
2-3-4, 410-3-4-5, 417-8-9, 420-2-4-8,
432, 442-3-5-9, 451-3, 461-3-7-9 re,
471-2-3-4-5-7-9, 483-4, 501, 511 re,
514-5-8, 523re-6-7, 553-6-9, 560-5.
 Mrs. Anne, 547, 554 re.
Poland, King of, 394-5, 411.
Pompadour, Duchesse de, 491-5.
Pope, Mr. 14.
Ponsonby, Mr. John, 427 ; Speaker, 430.
VOL. II.

Portland, Duke of, 123.
Portsmouth, Duchess of, 229, 256, 274.
Portugal, King of, 508, 510.
Poussin, Gaspar, 536-7-
Powis, Lord, 446re.
Powle, Mr. 249.
Praslin, Due de, 518re.
Prendergast, Sir Thomas, 430-1-4, 455.
Preston, Lord, 311.
Preti Genovese, 534.
Privitzer, 298.
Procaccini, 542.
Prussia, King of, 411, 483-4-5, 41)1.
Puckering, Lady, 219.
Pulteney, Mr. 333, 340-2; Earl of
Bath, 343-4.
Puysieux, M. de, 383, 567.
Pym, 135, 169, 174, 183-5-6, 196.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 37-8, 54, 88.
Kalph, 316, 322.
Raphael, 535- 6-7-9, 540.
Ravago, Jesuit, 363-4.
Ravensworth, Lord, 401.
Rawdon, Elizabeth Anne, 589.
 Hon. John Theophilus, 590.
Reiesby, Sir John, 235.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 532, 586-7-
Rezakan Ali, 509.
Riagh, Walter, 20-7; James and Gerald,
21-7.
Rich, Ladv Isabella, 107 ; Lady, 65, 74.
 Robert, earl of Warwick, 107,225.
 Sir Nathaniel, 135 ; Mr. 222.
Richlieu, Cardinal, 182.
Richmond, Duke of, 386.
 Duchess of, 546.
Rigby, Mr. 405, 411-5, 424-8, 435-6,
441-5-6-8-9, 466re, 473re, 497-9, 513,
526-7, 544ti, 554, 569, 570, 573-4-
6-7, 589.
Robertson, Dr. 322.
Robinson, Sir Thomas, 402, 422.
Rochester, Lord, 291.
Rockingham, Marquess of, 575-0.
Rodney, 358 ; Admiral, 450.
Roe, Sir Thomas, 117-
Rogers, Samuel, 9, 99 re.
Rohan, Madlle. de, 116.
 Madame de, 116.
Romano, Julio, 542.
Roos, John, Lord, 297 ».
Rouse, 271.
Rouvigny, Rachel de, 214.
 Marquis de, 240-1, 242.4, 302.
Rubens, 533.
Rumsey, 264-8-9.
Rupert, Prince, 203.
Russborough, Viscount, 464.
Russell, Alexander-George, 591.
 Alfred, 591.
 Anne, 57-9 n; Lady Herbert, 62.
 Anne, 126-7 ; Lady Bristol, 129,
130,224-5. R It

602

INDEX.

Russell, Arthur-John, Edw. 590.
 Blanche, 590.
 Lady Caroline, 339, 415, 428, 481.
 Caroline, 591.
 Catharine, 126, 161 re, 224, 296.
 Charles-James-Fox, 590.
 Cosmo-George, 591.
 Charlotte-Frances, 592.
 Emma-Georgiana, 591.
 Diana, 126, 130, 224.
 Diana, Ladv, 586.
 Edward, Co'lonel, 223.
 Edward, 160, 222, 590-2.
 Edward, Mr. 160re, 225, 292-3;
Admiral, 302-4-6-7-8,311, 312-3-4-
5-6-7-8-9, 320-1-2-4 ; Earl of Or
ford, 323-4-5.
 Eliza-Laura-Henrietta, 590-2.
 Lady Elizabeth, 14, 330.
 Francis, 14, 160re, 339, 592.
 ¦ Francis-Charles-Hastings, 590.
 Francis-John, 590.
 Sir Francis, 73-5, 93.
 Francis, baron Thornhaugh, 108,
131, v. Bedford.
 Lord Francis, 155-6-8-9, 160, 190,
210-1, 213re.
 George, 223-4, 592.
 George- William, 589.
 Gertrude-Frances, 591.
 Georgiana-Elizabeth, 590.
 Henry, 591.
 Charles, 591.
 Lady Jane, 329.
 James, 161 re, 223.
 John, 1607J, 222, 592.
 Colonel John, 154-6-9, 160, 208.
 Lord John, 330-2-8, 590.
 Lady John, 333.
 John, Lord, 13.
 Letitia, 161 re, 223.
 Louisa-Jane, 591.
 Margaret, 126-9, 224-5.
 Margaret, Countess of Carlisle,
225.
 Odo-Leopold-William, 590.
 Rachel-Evelyn, 591.
 Rachel, 296, 329.
 Rachel, Lady, 275, 282-4-5, 287-
9, 290-1-5-6, 301-2-5, 323, 329;
death, 335 ; character, 336-7.
 Robert, 161 re, 222-3.
 William, 592.
 Sir William, 2, 3, 4, 5, 21, 22-3-
4-6-7-8-9,30-1-2-3,35-9, 46, 50-1-
2-4, 65-6re, 69, 71-2; Baron Thorn
haugh, 73-5; death, 89, 124.
 Lord William, 151-3, 174,590-1.
 Wiliiam, Mr. 160, 210, 2U-3re-
4-5-6-8-9, 220-1 -4, 232-3-5-7 ; Lord,
128, 154, 196, 238-9, 240-1, 242-3-
4-6-7-9, 250-2-3-4-5-7, 260-1-2-3-4-
5-6-7-9, 270-1-2-3-6-7, 278-9, 281-
2-6, 291-5, 298-9, 589.

Russell, Lord, 423; Lady, 238re.
 Wriothesley, 590-2.
 Wriothesley, Lord, 285, 300-1;
Baron Howland, 301.
 Lady (Long), 40, 92-3.
 Dowager Lady, 55-6-7, 61-2.
 Miss (Elizabeth), 57-8-9.
Rutland, Earl of, 58.
 Countess of, 121 re.
Sacchi, Andrea, 544.
Sacheverel, Dr. 327.
Sackville, Lord Richard, 97-
 Lord George, 426-8, 431-2.
 Lady Isabella, 161.
Saint-George, M. de, 354.
 John, Oliver, 143-5, 169, 175, 187.
Salisbury, Bishop of, 342.
Sandwich, Earl of, 349, 354-9, 360,
362re, 380-1-6-8, 391-3, 411, 525-
8-9, 530re-lre, 565-6-7, 577, 582.
Sandys, Samuel, Lord, 161 re.
Sardinia, King of, 511.
Sarto, Andrea del, 536.
Saville, Sir John, 194 ; Lord, 175, 181-
5, 207-
Sawbridge, Sheriff, 579.
Sawyer, 271-2.
Saxe-Gotha, Duke of, 555.
Sav and Sele, Lord, 148, 169, 171-5,
'185.
Scamozzi, 541.
Sea wen, Tryphaena, 223; Thomas, 223.
Schedone, 539.
Scroggs, Chief-Justice, 254.
Sedgrave, 32.
Selden, 125, 135, 140-1-3-4-5-8.
Selwyn, George, 513 re.
Senesino, 333.
Seymour, J35 ; Sir Francis, 180.
Shaftsbury, Earl of, 231-2-5-6, 241,
244-5-7-8-9, 253, 262-3-4-5-7-
Shannon, Earl of, 427, 438.
Shelburne, Earl of, 525 re.
Shepherd, 264.
Sherard, Mr. 302.
Shippen, 340.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 67, 292, 301, 310,
324.
 Countess of, 318.
Siddons, Mrs. 587.
Sidney, Lady, 82 ; Ladv Dorothy, 74,
151.
 Sir Philip, 2, 3, 127-
Sloane, Sir Hans, 327-
Smith, Sir Robert, 107.
Smollett, 406 re, 400 re.
Solar, Bailli de, 478, 496, 567.
Solimene, 539-
Somers, Lord, 296, 301.
Somerset, Lady Henrietta, 301 .
 Lady Blanche, 58.
 Lord Henry. 57-
 Earl of, 143-5, 152-3.

INDEX.

603

Somerset, Countess of, 107, 152.
Somerville, 328.
Southampton, Earl of, 71, 106-8, 276.
 Thomas, earl of, 214, 227.
 Countess of, 71-
Southwell, Miss, 58.
 Honourable Catharine, 592.
Spagnuoletto, 538.
Spain, Philip, King of, 31 re, 42-4.
 Ferdinand, King of, 491-2, 519.
Spelman, Sir Henry, 147-
Spencer, Earl, 70 ; Lady Diana, 338.
Spenser, 19, 52re.-4-5, 95.
Stafford, Captain, 47 ; Lady, 57.
Stanhope, Lady Anna-Maria, 589.
Stanley, Mr. 470, 515.
Stapleton, Sir Miles, 203.
Stone, Mr. 385, 401-5 ; Dr. 426 ; Ni
cholas, 104.
Stowe, 2.
Strafford, Earl of, 176, 183-4-5-6-7-8-9,
195, 200.
 William, second earl, 224.
Strange, James, Lord, 114-5.
Stuart, Lady Arabella, 74.
 Andrew, 586.
Suffolk, Lord, 578 ; Earl of, 85, 104.
 Countess of, 70.
Sunderland, Earl of, 247 ; Charles, earl
of, 338.
Surleboy, 30.
Sydney, Algernon, 267, 281-2.
 Sir Robert, 33, 56, 217-
 — Lady Dorothy, 58.
Sweden, King of, 212.
 Christina, Queen of, 212.
Talmash, General, 321-4.
Tankerville, Earl of, 591.
Tasso, 110.
Taunton, Andrew, 273.
Tavistock, Francis, marquess of, 339,
460 re, 530-1-2-3, 542-5-6-7, 567,
572-4; 586-9,591.
 Elizabeth, marchioness of, 573,
587.
 Wriothesley, marquess of, 302.
Temple, Sir Richard, 266.
 William, 118, 246-9.
 Earl, 410, 416, 422-3, 471-4-5-6,
483, 514-8, 523re-8, 559, 560-5, 571-
4-7-8.
Terrick, Dr. 553.
Thomson, 151.
Thornton, Rev. John, 210-2-3, 288, 323.
Thurot, 452, 460-1-2.
Tiarini, 535; Tiepolo, 541.
Tillotson, 251, 277-
Tintoret, 541.
Tipping, Sir Thomas, 161 re; Lady,
161m.
 Catharine, Letitia, 161 n.
Tisdale, Mr. 430-1-5.
Titian, 540.

Titus, Colonel, 252.
Tooke, Home, 579.
Torrington, Herbert, earl of, 307-8-9.
 George, fourth viscount, 588.
Tott, 406 re.
Tough, Rev. Charles, 332-3.
Townshend, Vice-Admiral, 350-2.
 Charles, 422, 515, 523re,562,576.
 George, 411.
Traquair, Earl, 167-8.
Tremouille, Charlotte de la, 114.
 Duchesse de la, 115-7.
Trot, Sir John, 223.
Tullibardine, Lord, 72.
Turchi, Alessandro, 541.
Tyrawley, Lord, 328.
Tyrone, Hugh, earl, 18, 20-1-2-7-8, 30-
1-2-3-4-6-7, 43-5-7, 53.
Udal, Sir  , 107.
Upper Ossory, earl of, 533, 542-3, 547-
9, 567, 586.
 Countess of, 573.
Valliere, Madame de la, 567.
Vandyck, 128, 195, 225, 298.
Vane, Sir Henry, 144.
Vaudemont, Prince, 320.
Vaughan, Francis, Lord, 214.
 Rachel, lady, 214-5-6-8, 220.
Vavisour, Anne, 69, 70.
Vere, Lady Susan, 74.
Verney, Sir Greville, 224.
 Diana, lady, 225.
Vernon, Mr. 512-3, 530re.
Vermuyden, Sir Cornelius, 149, 150.
Vernon, Admiral, 352.
Veronese, Paul, 534, 541-2.
Vignola, 535.
Villiers, George, 105-6.
 Lady Charlotte-Anne, 591.
Vinci, Leonardo da, 542.
Virette, 545.
Virgil, 122.
Viry, Comte de, 478, 480, 505-6.
Volterra, Daniel da, 544.
Volterrano, 536.
Walcot, 268, 271-9.
Waldegrave, Lord, 402-7, 418; Miss,
546.
Wales, Frederick, Prince of, 338, 340-8,
389, 390, 405re.
 Princess-dowager, 391 , 403-4, 466,
486, 553-5, 562.
Wall, General, 364-7, 371-4.
Walker, Rev. Mr. 89.
Waller, Sir William, 202-3, 348.
Walpole, Sir Robert, 338-9, 342-3-4, 378,
 Horace, 56 re, 122, 322 re, 344, 378,
400-3-4, 417, 546, 550-1-3, 559 re.
562, 582.
Walsingham, Lady, 76.
Warburton, Sir Richard, 72.

604

INDEX.

Warren, Captain William, 47 ; Com
modore, 350-2-4.
Warwick, Earl of, 175, 185.
 Anne, countess of, 1, 10, 14, 54-
6-9, 60-1-2-5-8-9, 70-1.
Watson, Sir Edward, 70-
WeUington, Duke of, 570, 589.
Welstead, 302.
Wenser, Baron, 577- ,
Wentworth, Sir Thomas, 143, 152.
West, 268-9, 272 ; Mr. 302.
Weymouth, Lord, 562, 572-7.
Wharton, Lord, 202.
Whateley, Mr. 578.
Whetstone, 119.
White, 109.
Whitaker, Dr. 100 re.
Whood, Isaac, 331-3-5, 586.
Whyte, Sir Rowland, 56.
Wilkes, Mr. 513-8, 528, 549, 550-1, 578.
Willes, Chief-Baron, 455.
William III. King, 295, 302-9, 310-3,
314-6-8, 320-1-2-3-4.
Williams, Sir Roger, 52.
 Frances, 222.
 Sir Robert, 222.

Willoughby, Lord, 21.
Wilmington, Lord, 342.
Wilson, Arthur, 131.
Wilson, 548 n.
Wilton, Lord Grey de, 52 re.
Winchester, Marchioness of, 58, 71.
 Bishop of, 145.
Windebank, Secretary, 172-7, 180.
Wingfield, Sir Richard, 32.
Wolfe, Lieut.-Col. James, 445 re, 460.
Wood, Mr. 449.
Wordsworth, William, 9.
Worcester, Earl of, 67-
 Henry, fourth earl of, 57.
Worsley, Miss, 288.
Wright, Elizabeth, 223.
 Sir Edmund, 223.
Wroth, Mr. 15.
Wyatt, 266.
Wynter, 81.
Yarmouth, Lady, 381-2-4-6-7-8, 416.
York, Sir Edward, 15.
York, James, duke of, 227, 230-1-2-5,
240-8, 250-4, 262, 275-9, 281.
Young, Dr. 508.

THE END.

LONDON:
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BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
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